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+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #60786 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/60786)
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-Project Gutenberg's History of Greece, Volume 12 (of 12), by George Grote
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll
-have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
-this ebook.
-
-
-
-Title: History of Greece, Volume 12 (of 12)
-
-Author: George Grote
-
-Release Date: November 26, 2019 [EBook #60786]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF GREECE, VOLUME 12 ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Henry Flower, Ramon Pajares Box and the Online
-Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
-file was produced from images generously made available
-by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
-
-  * Italics are denoted by underscores as in _italics_.
-  * Small caps are represented in upper case as in SMALL CAPS.
-  * Letter spaced Greek text is enclosed in tildes as in ~καὶ τὰ λοιπά~.
-  * Footnotes have been renumbered. Each footnote is placed at the end
-    of the paragraph that includes its anchor.
-  * Obvious printer errors have been silently corrected, after
-    comparison with a later edition of this work. Greek text has also
-    been corrected after checking with this later edition and with
-    Perseus, when the reference was found.
-  * Original spelling, have been kept, but variant spellings were made
-    consistent when a predominant usage was found.
-  * Nevetherless, no attempt has been made at normalizing proper names
-    (i.e. Agrianes and Agriânes, Onchestus and Onchêstus, Megalêpolis
-    and Megalê-Polis, Mantinea and Mantineia, Crête and Krête,
-    Phenicians and Phœnicians, etc.). The author established at the
-    beginning of the first volume of this work some rules of
-    transcription for proper names, but neither he nor his publisher
-    follow them consistently.
-  * In the Table of Contents, some page numbers have been emended so
-    that they refer to the actual pages where chapters begin and end.
-
-
-
-
-  HISTORY OF GREECE.
-
-  BY
-
-  GEORGE GROTE, ESQ.
-
-  VOL. XII.
-
-  REPRINTED FROM THE LONDON EDITION.
-
-  NEW YORK:
-  HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,
-  329 AND 331 PEARL STREET.
-  1875.
-
-[Illustration: AFRICAN TERRITORY OF CARTHAGE.]
-
-[Illustration: PLAN to illustrate the BATTLE OF ISSUS.]
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS.
-
-VOL. XII.
-
-
-  CHAPTER XCI.
-
-  FIRST PERIOD OF THE REIGN OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT — SIEGE AND
-  CAPTURE OF THEBES.
-
-  State of Greece at Alexander’s accession — dependence on the
-  Macedonian kings. — Unwilling subjection of the Greeks —
-  influence of Grecian intelligence on Macedonia. — Basis of
-  Alexander’s character — not Hellenic. — Boyhood and Education
-  of Alexander. — He receives instruction from Aristotle. — Early
-  political action and maturity of Alexander — his quarrels
-  with his father. Family discord. — Uncertainty of Alexander’s
-  position during the last year of Philip. — Impression produced
-  by the sudden death of Philip. — Accession of Alexander — his
-  energy and judgment. — Accomplices of Pausanias are slain by
-  Alexander — Amyntas and others are slain by him also. — Sentiment
-  at Athens on the death of Philip — language of Demosthenes
-  — inclination to resist Macedonia, yet without overt act. —
-  Discontent in Greece — but no positive movement. — March of
-  Alexander into Greece — submission of Athens. — Alexander is
-  chosen Imperator of the Greeks in the convention at Corinth —
-  continued refusal of concurrence by Sparta. — Conditions of the
-  vote thus passed — privileges granted to the cities. — Authority
-  claimed by Alexander under the convention — degradation of the
-  leading Grecian states. — Encroachments and tyranny of the
-  Macedonian officers in Greece — complaints of the orators at
-  Athens. — Violations of the convention at sea by Macedonian
-  officers. — Language of the complaining Athenians — they insist
-  only on strict observance of the convention. Boldness of their
-  language. — Encouragements held out by Persia to the Greeks.
-  — Correspondence of Demosthenes with Persia — justifiable and
-  politic. — March of Alexander into Thrace. He forces his way
-  over Mount Hæmus. — His victory over the Triballi. — He crosses
-  the Danube, defeats the Getæ, and returns back. — Embassy of
-  Gauls to Alexander. His self-conceit. — Victories of Alexander
-  over Kleitus and the Illyrians. — The Thebans declare their
-  independence against Macedonia. — They are encouraged by
-  Alexander’s long absence in Thrace, and by reports of his death.
-  — The Theban exiles from Athens get possession of Thebes. —
-  They besiege the Macedonians in the Kadmeia, and entreat aid
-  from other Greeks. Favorable sympathies shown towards them,
-  but no positive aid. — Chances of Thebes and liberation, not
-  unfavorable. — Rapid march and unexpected arrival of Alexander
-  with his army before Thebes. His good fortune as to the time of
-  hearing the news. — Siege of Thebes. Proclamation of Alexander.
-  Determination of the Thebans to resist. — Capture of Thebes by
-  assault. Massacre of the population. — Thebes is razed; the
-  Theban captives sold as slaves; the territory distributed among
-  the neighboring cities. — The Kadmeia is occupied as a Macedonian
-  Military post. Retribution upon the Thebans from Orchomenus and
-  Platæa. — Sentiments of Alexander, at the time and afterwards,
-  respecting the destruction of Thebes. — Extreme terror spread
-  throughout Greece. Sympathy of the Athenians towards the
-  Theban exiles. — Alexander demands the surrender of the chief
-  anti-Macedonian leaders at Athens. Memorable debate at Athens.
-  The demand refused. — Embassy of the Athenians to Alexander. He
-  is persuaded to acquiesce in the refusal, and to be satisfied
-  with the banishment of Charidemus and Ephialtes. — Influence
-  of Phokion in obtaining these milder terms — his increased
-  ascendency at Athens. — Alexander at Corinth — obedience of
-  the Grecian synod — interview with the philosopher Diogenes. —
-  Reconstitution of Orchomenus and Platæa. Return of Alexander to
-  Pella. — Military operations of Parmenio in Asia Minor against
-  Memnon.
-                                                                  1-49
-
-
-  CHAPTER XCII.
-
-  ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER.
-
-  During Alexander’s reign, the history of Greece is nearly a
-  blank. To what extent the Asiatic projects of Alexander belonged
-  to Grecian history. — Pan-hellenic pretences set up by Alexander.
-  The real feeling of the Greeks was adverse to his success. —
-  Analogy of Alexander’s relation to the Greeks — with those
-  of the Emperor Napoleon to the Confederation of the Rhine. —
-  Greece an appendage, but a valuable appendage, to Macedonia. —
-  Extraordinary military endowments and capacity of Alexander.
-  — Changes in Grecian warfare, antecedent and contributory to
-  the military organization of Macedonia. — Macedonian military
-  condition before Philip. Good and firm cavalry: poor infantry.
-  — Philip re-arms and reorganizes the infantry. Long Macedonian
-  pike or sarissa. — Macedonian phalanx — how armed and arrayed.
-  — It was originally destined to contend against the Grecian
-  hoplites as organized by Epaminondas. — Regiments and divisions
-  of the phalanx — heavy-armed infantry. — Light infantry of
-  the line — Hypaspistæ, or Guards. — Light troops generally —
-  mostly foreigners. — Macedonian cavalry — its excellence — how
-  regimented. — The select Macedonian Body-guards. The Royal Pages.
-  — Foreign auxiliaries — Grecian hoplites — Thessalian cavalry —
-  Pæonians — Illyrians — Thracians, etc. — Magazines, war-office,
-  and depôt, at Pella. — Macedonian aptitudes — purely military
-  — military pride stood to them in lieu of national sentiment.
-  — Measures of Alexander previous to his departure for Asia.
-  Antipater left as viceroy at Pella. — March of Alexander to
-  the Hellespont. Passage across to Asia. — Visit of Alexander
-  to Ilium. — Analogy of Alexander to the Greek heroes. — Review
-  and total of the Macedonian army in Asia. — Chief Macedonian
-  officers. — Greeks in Alexander’s service — Eumenes of Kardia.
-  — Persian forces — Mentor and Memnon the Rhodians. — Succession
-  of the Persian crown — Ochus — Darius Codomannus. — Preparations
-  of Darius for defence. — Operations of Memnon before Alexander’s
-  arrival. — Superiority of the Persians at sea: their imprudence
-  in letting Alexander cross the Hellespont unopposed. — Persian
-  force assembled in Phrygia, under Arsites and others. — Advice of
-  Memnon, to avoid fighting on land, and to employ the fleet for
-  aggressive warfare in Macedonia and Greece. — Arsites rejects
-  Memnon’s advice, and determines to fight. — The Persians take
-  post on the river Granikus. — Alexander reaches the Granikus, and
-  resolves to force the passage at once, in spite of the dissuasion
-  of Permenio. — Disposition of the two armies. — Battle of the
-  Granikus. — Cavalry battle. — Personal danger of Alexander. His
-  life saved by Kleitus. Complete victory of Alexander. Destruction
-  of the Grecian infantry on the side of the Persians. — Loss
-  of the Persians — numbers of their leading men slain. — Small
-  loss of the Macedonians. — Alexander’s kindness to his wounded
-  soldiers, and severe treatment of the Grecian prisoners. —
-  Unskilfulness of the Persian leaders. Immense impression produced
-  by Alexander’s victory. — Terror and submission of the Asiatics
-  to Alexander. Surrender of the strong fortress of Sardis. — He
-  marches from Sardis to the coast. Capture of Ephesus. — He finds
-  the first resistance at Miletus. — Near approach of the Persian
-  fleet. Memnon is made commander-in-chief of the Persians. — The
-  Macedonian fleet occupies the harbor of Miletus, and keeps out
-  the Persians. Alexander declines naval combat. His debate with
-  Parmenio. — Alexander besieges Miletus. Capture of the city. —
-  The Persian fleet retires to Halikarnassus. Alexander disbands
-  his own fleet. — March of Alexander to Halikarnassus. Ada
-  queen of Karia joins him. Strong garrison, and good defensive
-  preparation, at Halikarnassus. — Siege of Halikarnassus. Bravery
-  of the garrison, under Ephialtes the Athenian. — Desperate sally
-  of Ephialtes — at first successful, but repulsed — he himself is
-  slain. — Memnon is forced to abandon Halikarnassus, and withdraw
-  the garrison by sea, retaining only the citadel. Alexander enters
-  Halikarnassus. — Winter campaign of Alexander along the southern
-  coast of Asia Minor. — Alexander concludes his winter campaign at
-  Gordium. Capture of Kelænæ. — Appendix on the Macedonian Sarissa.
-                                                                49-104
-
-
-  CHAPTER XCIII.
-
-  SECOND AND THIRD ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER — BATTLE OF ISSUS
-  — SIEGE OF TYRE.
-
-  Alexander cuts the Gordian knot. — He refuses the liberation of
-  the Athenian prisoners. — Progress of Memnon and the Persian
-  fleet — they acquire Chios and a large part of Lesbos — they
-  besiege Mitylene. Death of Memnon. Capture of Mitylene. — Hopes
-  excited in Greece by the Persian fleet, but ruined by the death
-  of Memnon. — Memnon’s death an irreparable mischief to Darius. —
-  Change in Darius’s plan caused by this event. He resolves to take
-  the offensive on land. His immense land-force. — Free speech and
-  sound judgment of Charidemus. He is put to death by Darius. —
-  Darius abandoned Memnon’s plans, just at the time when he had the
-  best defensive position for executing them with effect. — Darius
-  recalls the Grecian mercenaries from the fleet. — Criticism
-  of Arrian on Darius’s plan. — March of Alexander from Gordium
-  through Paphlagonia and Kappadokia. — He arrives at the line of
-  Mount Taurus — difficulties of the pass. — Conduct of Arsames,
-  the Persian satrap. Alexander passes Mount Taurus without the
-  least resistance. He enters Tarsus. — Dangerous illness of
-  Alexander. His confidence in the physician Philippus, who cures
-  him. — Operations of Alexander in Kilikia. — March of Alexander
-  out of Kilikia, through Issus, to Myriandrus. — March of Darius
-  from the interior to the eastern side of Mount Amanus. Immense
-  numbers of his army: great wealth and ostentation in it: the
-  treasure and baggage sent to Damascus. — Position of Darius on
-  the plain eastward of Mount Amanus. He throws open the mountain
-  passes, to let Alexander come through and fight a pitched battle.
-  — Impatience of Darius at the delay of Alexander in Kilikia.
-  He crosses Mount Amanus to attack Alexander in the defiles of
-  Kilikia. — He arrives in Alexander’s rear, and captures Issus.
-  — Return of Alexander from Myriandrus: his address to his army.
-  — Position of the Macedonian army south of the river Pinarus.
-  — Position of the Persian army north of the Pinarus. — Battle
-  of Issus. — Alarm and immediate flight of Darius — defeat of
-  the Persians. — Vigorous and destructive pursuit by Alexander —
-  capture of the mother and wife of Darius. — Courteous treatment
-  of the regal female prisoners by Alexander. — Complete dispersion
-  of the Persian army — Darius recrosses the Euphrates — escape
-  of some Perso-Grecian mercenaries. — Prodigious effect produced
-  by the victory of Issus. — Effects produced in Greece by the
-  battle of Issus. Anti-Macedonian projects crushed. — Capture
-  of Damascus by the Macedonians, with the Persian treasure and
-  prisoners. Capture and treatment of the Athenian Iphikrates.
-  Altered relative position of Greeks and Macedonians. — Alexander
-  in Phenicia. Aradus, Byblus, and Sidon open their gates to him.
-  — Letter of Darius soliciting peace and the restitution of the
-  regal captives. Haughty reply of Alexander. — Importance of
-  the voluntary surrender of the Phenician towns to Alexander.
-  — Alexander appears before Tyre — readiness of the Tyrians to
-  surrender, yet not without a point reserved — he determines
-  to besiege the city. — Exorbitant dispositions and conduct
-  of Alexander. — He prepares to besiege Tyre — situation of
-  the place. — Chances of the Tyrians — their resolution not
-  unreasonable. — Alexander constructs a mole across the strait
-  between Tyre and the mainland. The project is defeated. —
-  Surrender of the princes of Cyprus to Alexander — He gets hold
-  of the main Phenician and Cyprian fleet. — He appears before
-  Tyre with a numerous fleet, and blocks up the place by sea. —
-  Capture of Tyre by storm — desperate resistance by the citizens.
-  — Surviving males, 2000 in number, hanged by order of Alexander
-  — The remaining captives sold. — Duration of the siege for seven
-  months. Sacrifice of Alexander to Herakles. — Second letter from
-  Darius to Alexander, who requires unconditional submission. — The
-  Macedonian fleet overpowers the Persian and becomes master of
-  the Ægean with the islands. — March of Alexander towards Egypt
-  — siege of Gaza. — His first assaults fail — he is wounded — he
-  erects an immense mound round the town. — Gaza is taken by storm,
-  after a siege of two months. — The garrison are all slain, except
-  the governor Batis, who becomes prisoner, severely wounded. —
-  Wrath of Alexander against Batis, whom he causes to be tied to a
-  chariot, and dragged round the town. — Alexander enters Egypt,
-  and occupies it without resistance — He determines on founding
-  Alexandria. — His visit to the temple and oracle of Ammon. The
-  oracle proclaims him to be the son of Zeus. — Arrangements made
-  by Alexander at Memphis. — Grecian prisoners brought from the
-  Ægean. — He proceeds to Phenicia — message from Athens. Splendid
-  festivals. Reinforcements sent to Antipater. — He marches to
-  the Euphrates — crosses it without opposition at Thapsakus. —
-  March across from the Euphrates to the Tigris. Alexander fords
-  the Tigris above Nineveh, without resistance. — Eclipse of the
-  moon. Alexander approaches near the army of Darius in position. —
-  Inaction of Darius since the defeat at Issus. — Paralyzing effect
-  upon him produced by the captivity of his mother and wife. — Good
-  treatment of the captive females by Alexander — necessary to keep
-  up their value as hostages. — Immense army collected by Darius,
-  in the plains eastward of the Tigris — near Arbela. — He fixes
-  the spot for encamping and awaiting the attack of Alexander — in
-  a level plain near Gaugamela. — His equipment and preparation —
-  better arms — numerous scythed chariots — elephants. — Position
-  and battle array of Darius. — Preliminary movements of Alexander
-  — discussions with Parmenio and other officers. His careful
-  reconnoitring in person. — Dispositions of Alexander for the
-  attack — array of the troops. — Battle of Arbela. — Cowardice of
-  Darius — he sets the example of flight — defeat of the Persians.
-  — Combat on the Persian right between Mazæus and Parmenio.
-  Flight of the Persian host — energetic pursuit by Alexander. —
-  Escape of Darius. Capture of the Persian camp, and of Arbela.
-  — Loss in the battle. Completeness of the victory. Entire and
-  irreparable dispersion of the Persian army. — Causes of the
-  defeat — cowardice of Darius. Uselessness of his immense numbers.
-  — Generalship of Alexander. — Surrender of Babylon and Susa, the
-  two great capitals of Persia. Alexander enters Babylon. Immense
-  treasures acquired in both places. — Alexander acts as king of
-  Persia, and nominates satraps. He marches to Susa. He remodels
-  the divisions of his army. — Alexander marches into Persis
-  proper — he conquers the refractory Uxii, in the intermediate
-  mountains. — Difficult pass called the Susian Gates, on the way
-  to Persepolis. Ariobarzanes the satrap repulses Alexander, who
-  finds means to turn the pass, and conquer it. — Alexander enters
-  Persepolis. Mutilated Grecian captives. — Immense wealth, and
-  national monuments of every sort, accumulated in Persepolis. —
-  Alexander appropriates and carries away the regal treasures,
-  and then gives up Persepolis to be plundered and burnt by the
-  soldiers. — Alexander rests his troops, and employs himself in
-  conquering the rest of Persis. — Darius a fugitive in Media.
-                                                               104-178
-
-
-  CHAPTER XCIV.
-
-  MILITARY OPERATIONS AND CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER, AFTER HIS WINTER
-  QUARTERS IN PERSIS, DOWN TO HIS DEATH AT BABYLON.
-
-  The first four Asiatic campaigns of Alexander — their direct
-  bearing and importance in reference to Grecian history. — His
-  last seven years, farther eastward, had no similar bearing upon
-  Greece. — Darius at Ekbatana — seeks escape towards Baktria,
-  when he hears of Alexander approaching. — Alexander enters
-  Ekbatana — establishes there his depôt and base of operations.
-  — Alexander sends home the Thessalian cavalry — necessity for
-  him now to pursue a more desultory warfare. — Alexander pursues
-  Darius to the Caspian Gates, but fails in overtaking him. —
-  Conspiracy formed against Darius by Bessus and others, who seize
-  his person. — Prodigious efforts of Alexander to overtake and get
-  possession of Darius. He surprises the Persian corps, but Bessus
-  puts Darius to death. — Disappointment of Alexander when he
-  missed taking Darius alive. Regal funeral bestowed upon Darius.
-  His fate and conduct. — Repose of Alexander and his army at
-  Hekatompylus in Parthia. Commencing alteration in his demeanor.
-  He becomes Asiatized and despotic. — Gradual aggravation of
-  these new habits, from the present moment. — Alexander conquers
-  the mountains immediately south of the Caspian. He requires the
-  Greek mercenaries to surrender at discretion. Envoys from Sparta
-  and other Greek cities brought to him — how treated. — March of
-  Alexander farther Eastward — his successes in Asia and Drangiana.
-  — Proceedings against Philotas, son of Parmenio, in Drangiana.
-  Military greatness and consideration of the family. — Revelation
-  of an intended conspiracy made by Kebalinus to Philotas, for
-  the purpose of being communicated to Alexander. Philotas does
-  not mention it to Alexander. It is communicated to the latter
-  through another channel. — Alexander is at first angry with
-  Philotas, but accepts his explanation, and professes to pass
-  over the fact. — Ancient grudge against Philotas — advantage
-  taken of the incident to ruin him. — Kraterus and others are
-  jealous of Parmenio and Philotas. Alexander is persuaded to put
-  them both to death. — Arrest of Philotas. Alexander accuses him
-  before the assembled soldiers. He is condemned. — Philotas is
-  put to the torture, and forced to confess, both against himself
-  and Parmenio. — Parmenio is slain at Ekbatana, by order and
-  contrivance of Alexander. Mutiny of the soldiers when they learn
-  the assassination of Parmenio — appeased by the production of
-  Alexander’s order. — Fear and disgust produced by the killing
-  of Parmenio and Philotas. — Conquest of the Paropamisadæ, etc.
-  Foundation of Alexandria _ad Caucasum_. — Alexander crosses the
-  Hindoo-Koosh, and conquers Baktria. Bessus is made prisoner.
-  — Massacre of the Branchidæ and their families, perpetrated
-  by Alexander in Sogdiana. — Alexander at Marakanda and on the
-  Jaxartes. — Foundation of Alexandria _ad Jaxartem_. Limit of
-  march northward. — Alexander at Zariaspa in Baktria — he causes
-  Bessus to be mutilated and slain. — Farther subjugation of
-  Baktria and Sogdiana. Halt at Marakanda. — Banquet at Marakanda.
-  — Character and position of Kleitus. — Boasts of Alexander and
-  his flatterers — repugnance of Macedonian officers felt but
-  not expressed. — Scene at the banquet — vehement remonstrance
-  of Kleitus. — Furious wrath of Alexander — he murders Kleitus.
-  — Intense remorse of Alexander, immediately after the deed. —
-  Active and successful operations of Alexander in Sogdiana. —
-  Capture of two inexpugnable positions — the Sogdian rock — the
-  rock of Choriênes. Passion of Alexander for Roxana. — Alexander
-  at Baktra — marriage with Roxana. His demand for prostration
-  or worship from all. — Public harangue of Anaxarchus during a
-  banquet, exhorting every one to render this worship. — Public
-  reply of Kallisthenes, opposing it. Character and history of
-  Kallisthenes. — The reply of Kallisthenes is favorably heard by
-  the guests — the proposition for worship is dropped. — Coldness
-  and disfavor of Alexander towards Kallisthenes. — Honorable
-  frankness and courage of Kallisthenes. — Kallisthenes becomes
-  odious to Alexander. — Conspiracy of the royal pages against
-  Alexander’s life — it is divulged — they are put to torture, but
-  implicate no one else; they are put to death. — Kallisthenes is
-  arrested as an accomplice — antipathy manifested by Alexander
-  against him and against Aristotle also. — Kallisthenes is
-  tortured and hanged. — Alexander reduces the country between the
-  Hindoo-Koosh and the Indus. — Conquest of tribes on the right
-  bank of the Indus — the rock of Aornos. — Alexander crosses the
-  Indus — forces the passage of the Hydaspes, defeating Porus —
-  generous treatment of Porus. — His farther conquests in the
-  Punjab. Sangala the last of them. — He reaches the Hyphasis
-  (Sutledge), the farthest of the rivers of the Punjab. His army
-  refuses to march farther. — Alexander returns to the Hydaspes.
-  — He constructs a fleet and sails down the Hydaspes and the
-  Indus. Dangerous wound of Alexander in attacking the Malli. —
-  New cities and posts to be established on the Indus — Alexander
-  reaches the ocean — effect of the first sight of tides. — March
-  of Alexander by land westward through the desert of Gedrosia —
-  sufferings and losses in the army. — Alexander and the army come
-  back to Persis. — Conduct of Alexander at Persepolis. Punishment
-  of the satrap Orsines. — He marches to Susa — junction with
-  the fleet under Nearchus, after it had sailed round from the
-  mouth of the Indus. — Alexander at Susa as Great King. Subjects
-  of uneasiness to him — the satraps — the Macedonian soldiers.
-  — Past conduct of the satraps — several of them are punished
-  by Alexander — alarm among them all — flight of Harpalus. —
-  Discontents of the Macedonian soldiers with the Asiatizing
-  intermarriages promoted by Alexander. — Their discontent with
-  the new Asiatic soldiers levied and disciplined by Alexander. —
-  Interest of Alexander in the fleet, which sails up the Tigris to
-  Opis. — Notice of partial discharge to the Macedonian soldiers
-  — they mutiny — wrath of Alexander — he disbands them all. —
-  Remorse and humiliation of the soldiers — Alexander is appeased
-  — reconciliation. — Partial disbanding — body of veterans
-  placed under command of Kraterus to return — New projects of
-  conquests contemplated by Alexander — measures for enlarging
-  his fleet. — Visit to Ekbatana — death of Hephæstion — violent
-  sorrow of Alexander. — Alexander exterminates the Kossæi. —
-  March of Alexander to Babylon. Numerous embassies which met him
-  on the way. — Alexander at Babylon — his great preparations
-  for the circumnavigation and conquest of Arabia. — Alexander
-  on shipboard, on the Euphrates and in the marshes adjoining.
-  His plans for improving the navigation and flow of the river.
-  — Large reinforcements arrive, Grecian and Asiatic. New array
-  ordered by Alexander, for Macedonians and Persians in the same
-  files and companies. — Splendid funeral obsequies of Hephæstion.
-  — General feasting and intemperance in the army. Alexander is
-  seized with a dangerous fever. Details of his illness. — No hope
-  of his life. Consternation and grief in the army. Last interview
-  with his soldiers. His death — Effect produced on the imagination
-  of contemporaries by the career and death of Alexander. — Had
-  Alexander lived, he must have achieved things greater still. —
-  Question raised by Livy, about the chances of Alexander if he
-  had attacked the Romans. — Unrivalled excellence as a military
-  man. — Alexander as a ruler, apart from military affairs — not
-  deserving of esteem. — Alexander would have continued the system
-  of the Persian empire, with no other improvement except that of
-  a strong organization. — Absence of nationality in Alexander —
-  purpose of fusing the different varieties of mankind into one
-  common type of subjection. — Mistake of supposing Alexander to
-  be the intentional diffuser of Greek civilization. His ideas
-  compared with those of Aristotle. — Number of new cities founded
-  in Asia by Alexander. — It was not Alexander, but the Diadochi
-  after him, who chiefly hellenized Asia. — How far Asia was ever
-  really hellenized — the great fact was, that the Greek language
-  became universally diffused. — Greco-Asiatic cities. — Increase
-  of the means of communication between various parts of the world.
-  — Interest of Alexander in science and literature — not great.
-                                                               178-274
-
-
-  CHAPTER XCV.
-
-  GRECIAN AFFAIRS FROM THE LANDING OF ALEXANDER IN ASIA TO THE
-  CLOSE OF THE LAMIAN WAR.
-
-  State of the Grecian world when Alexander crossed the Hellespont.
-  — Grecian spirit might have been called into action if the
-  Persians had played their game well. — Hopes raised in Greece,
-  first by the Persian fleet in the Ægean, next by the two great
-  Persian armies on land. — Public acts and policy at Athens —
-  decidedly pacific. — Phokion and Demades were leading ministers
-  at Athens — they were of macedonizing politics. — Demosthenes
-  and Lykurgus, though not in the ascendent politically, are
-  nevertheless still public men of importance. Financial activity
-  of Lykurgus. — Position of Demosthenes — his prudent conduct
-  — Anti-Macedonian movement from Sparta — King Agis visits the
-  Persian admirals in the Ægean. His attempts both in Krete and
-  in the Peloponnesus. — Agis levies an army in Peloponnesus,
-  and makes open declaration against Antipater. — Agis, at first
-  partially successful, is completely defeated by Antipater, and
-  slain. — Complete submission of all Greece to Antipater — Spartan
-  envoys sent up to Alexander in Asia. — Untoward result of the
-  defensive efforts of Greece — want of combination. — Position
-  of parties at Athens during the struggle of Agis — reaction of
-  the macedonizing party after his defeat. — Judicial contest
-  between Æschines and Demosthenes. Preliminary circumstances as
-  to the proposition of Ktesiphon, and the indictment by Æschines.
-  — Accusatory harangue of Æschines, nominally against the
-  proposition of Ktesiphon, really against the political life of
-  Demosthenes. — Appreciation of Æschines, on independent evidence,
-  as an accuser of Demosthenes. — Reply of Demosthenes — oration De
-  Coronâ. — Funeral oration of extinct Grecian freedom. — Verdict
-  of the Dikasts — triumph of Demosthenes — exile of Æschines. —
-  Causes of the exile of Æschines — he was the means of procuring
-  coronation for Demosthenes. — Subsequent accusation against
-  Demosthenes, in the affair of Harpalus. — Flight of Harpalus
-  to Athens — his previous conduct and relations with Athens. —
-  False reports conveyed to Alexander, that the Athenians had
-  identified themselves with Harpalus. — Circumstances attending
-  the arrival of Harpalus at Sunium — debate in the Athenian
-  assembly — promises held out by Harpalus — the Athenians
-  seem at first favorably disposed towards him. — Phokion and
-  Demosthenes both agree in dissuading the Athenians from taking
-  up Harpalus. — Demand by Antipater for the surrender of Harpalus
-  — the Athenians refuse to comply, but they arrest Harpalus and
-  sequestrate his treasure for Alexander. — Demosthenes moves the
-  decree for arrest of Harpalus, who is arrested, but escapes. —
-  Conduct of Demosthenes in regard to the treasure of Harpalus —
-  deficiency of the sum counted and realized, as compared with
-  the sum announced by Harpalus. — Suspicions about this money —
-  Demosthenes moves that the Areopagus shall investigate the matter
-  — the Areopagites bring in a report against Demosthenes himself,
-  with Demades and others, as guilty of corrupt appropriation.
-  Demosthenes is tried on this charge, condemned, and goes into
-  exile. — Was Demosthenes guilty of such corrupt appropriation?
-  Circumstances as known in the case. — Demosthenes could not have
-  received the money from Harpalus, since he opposed him from first
-  to last. — Had Demosthenes the means of embezzling, after the
-  money had passed out of the control of Harpalus? Answer in the
-  negative. Accusatory speech of Deinarchus — virulent invective
-  destitute of facts. — Change of mind respecting Demosthenes,
-  in the Athenean public, in a few months. — Probable reality of
-  the case, respecting the money of Harpalus, and the sentence of
-  the Areopagus. — Rescript of Alexander to the Grecian cities,
-  directing that the exiles should be recalled in each. — Purpose
-  of the rescript — to provide partisans for Alexander in each of
-  the cities. Discontents in Greece. — Effect produced in Greece,
-  by the death of Alexander. The Athenians declare themselves
-  champions of the liberation of Greece, in spite of Phokion’s
-  opposition. — The Ætolians and many other Greeks join the
-  confederacy for liberation — activity of the Athenian Leosthenes
-  as General. — Athenian envoys sent round to invite co-operation
-  from the various Greeks. — Assistance lent to the Athenian envoys
-  by Demosthenes, though in exile. — He is recalled to Athens, and
-  receives an enthusiastic welcome. — Large Grecian confederacy
-  against Antipater — nevertheless without Sparta. Bœotia strongly
-  in the Macedonian interest. Leosthenes with the confederate
-  army marches into Thessaly. — Battle in Thessaly — victory of
-  Leosthenes over Antipater, who is compelled to throw himself
-  into Lamia, and await succors from Asia — Leosthenes forms the
-  blockade of Lamia: he is slain. — Misfortune of the death of
-  Leosthenes. Antiphilus is named in his place. Relaxed efforts
-  of the Grecian army. — Leonnatus, with a Macedonian army from
-  Asia, arrives in Thessaly. His defeat and death. — Antipater
-  escapes from Lamia, and takes the command. — War carried on by
-  sea between the Macedonian and Athenian fleets. — Reluctance
-  of the Greek contingents to remain on long-continued service.
-  The army in Thessaly is thinned by many returning home. —
-  Expected arrival of Kraterus to reinforce Antipater. Relations
-  between the Macedonian officers. — State of the regal family,
-  and of the Macedonian generals and soldiery, after the death of
-  Alexander. — Philip Aridæus is proclaimed king: the satrapies
-  are distributed among the principal officers. — Perdikkas the
-  chief representative of central authority, assisted by Eumenes
-  of Kardia. — List of projects entertained by Alexander at the
-  time of his death. The generals dismiss them as too vast. —
-  Plans of Leonnatus and Kleopatra. — Kraterus joins Antipater in
-  Macedonia with a powerful army. Battle of Krannon in Thessaly.
-  Antipater gains a victory over the Greeks though not a complete
-  one. — Antiphilus tries to open negotiations with Antipater, who
-  refuses to treat except with each city singly. Discouragement
-  among the Greeks. Each city treats separately. Antipater grants
-  favorable terms to all, except Athenians and Ætolians. Antipater
-  and his army in Bœotia — Athens left alone and unable to resist.
-  Demosthenes and the other anti-Macedonian orators take flight.
-  Embassy of Phokion, Xenokrates, and others to Antipater. — Severe
-  terms imposed upon Athens by Antipater. — Disfranchisement and
-  deportation of the 12,000 poorest Athenian citizens. — Hardship
-  suffered by the deported poor of Athens — Macedonian garrison
-  placed in Munychia. — Demosthenes, Hyperides, and others, are
-  condemned to death in their absence. Antipater sends officers
-  to track and seize the Grecian exiles. He puts Hyperides to
-  death. — Demosthenes in sanctuary at Kalauria — Archias with
-  Thracian soldiers comes to seize him — he takes poison, and
-  dies. — Miserable condition of Greece — life and character of
-  Demosthenes. — Dishonorable position of Phokion at Athens under
-  the Macedonian occupation.
-                                                               275-331
-
-
-  CHAPTER XCVI.
-
-  FROM THE LAMIAN WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE HISTORY OF FREE HELLAS
-  AND HELLENISM.
-
-  Antipater purges and remodels the Peloponnesian cities. He
-  attacks the Ætolians, with a view of departing them across to
-  Asia. His presence becomes necessary in Asia: he concludes a
-  pacification with the Ætolians. — Plans of Perdikkas — intrigues
-  with the princesses at Pella. — Antigonus detects the intrigues,
-  and reveals them to Antipater and Kraterus. — Unpropitious turn
-  of fortune for the Greeks, in reference to the Lamian war. —
-  Antipater and Kraterus in Asia — Perdikkas marches to attack
-  Ptolemy in Egypt, but is killed by a mutiny of his own troops.
-  Union of Antipater, Ptolemy, Antigonus, etc. New distribution of
-  the satrapies, made at Triparadeisus. — War between Antigonus and
-  Eumenes in Asia. Energy and ability of Eumenes. He is worsted
-  and blocked up in Nora. — Sickness and death of Antipater. The
-  Athenian orator Demades is put to death in Macedonia — Antipater
-  sets aside his son Kassander, and names Polysperchon viceroy.
-  Discontent and opposition of Kassander. — Kassander sets up
-  for himself, gets possession of Munychia, and forms alliance
-  with Ptolemy and Antigonus against Polysperchon. Plans of
-  Polysperchon — alliance with Olympias in Europe, and with Eumenes
-  in Asia — enfranchisement of the Grecian cities. — Ineffectual
-  attempts of Eumenes to uphold the imperial dynasty in Asia: his
-  gallantry and ability: he is betrayed by his own soldiers, and
-  slain by Antigonus. — Edict issued by Polysperchon at Pella, in
-  the name of the imperial dynasty — subverting the Antipatrian
-  oligarchies in the Grecian cities, restoring political exiles,
-  and granting free constitutions to each. — Letters and measures
-  of Polysperchon to enforce the edict. State of Athens: exiles
-  returning: complicated political parties: danger of Phokion.
-  — Negotiations of the Athenians with Nikanor, governor of
-  Munychia for Kassander. — Nikanor seizes Peiræus by surprise.
-  Phokion, though forewarned, takes no precautions against it.
-  — Mischief to the Athenians, as well as to Polysperchon, from
-  Nikanor’s occupation of Peiræus; culpable negligence, and
-  probable collusion, of Phokion. — Arrival of Alexander (son of
-  Polysperchon): his treacherous policy to the Athenians; Kassander
-  reaches Peiræus. — Intrigues of Phokion with Alexander — he tries
-  to secure for himself the protection of Alexander against the
-  Athenians. — Return of the deported exiles to Athens — public
-  vote passed in the Athenian assembly against Phokion and his
-  colleagues. Phokion leaves the city, is protected by Alexander,
-  and goes to meet Polysperchon, in Phokis. — Agnonides and others
-  are sent as deputies to Polysperchon, to accuse Phokion and to
-  claim the benefit of the regal edict. — Agnonides and Phokion
-  are heard before Polysperchon — Phokion and his colleagues are
-  delivered up as prisoners to the Athenians. Phokion is conveyed
-  as prisoner to Athens, and brought for trial before the assembly.
-  Motion of his friends for exclusion of non-qualified persons.
-  — Intense exasperation of the returned exiles against Phokion
-  — grounds for that feeling. — Phokion is condemned to death —
-  vindictive manifestation against him in the assembly, furious
-  and unanimous. — Death of Phokion and his four colleagues. —
-  Alteration of the sentiment of the Athenians towards Phokion, not
-  long afterwards. Honors shown to his memory. — Explanation of
-  this alteration. Kassander gets possession of Athens and restores
-  the oligarchical or Phokionic party. — Life and character of
-  Phokion. — War between Polysperchon and Kassander, in Attica
-  and Peloponnesus. Polysperchon is repulsed in the siege of
-  Megalopolis, and also defeated at sea. — Increased strength of
-  Kassander in Greece — he gets possession of Athens. — Restoration
-  of the oligarchical government at Athens, though in a mitigated
-  form, under the Phalerean Demetrius. — Administration of the
-  Phalerean Demetrius at Athens, in a moderate spirit. Census taken
-  of the Athenian population — Kassander in Peloponnesus — many
-  cities join him — the Spartans surround their city with walls.
-  — Feud in the Macedonian imperial family — Olympias puts to
-  death Philip Aridæus and Eurydikê — she reigns in Macedonia: her
-  bloody revenge against the partisans of Antipater. — Kassander
-  passes into Macedonia — defeats Olympias, and becomes master
-  of the country — Olympias is besieged in Pydna, captured, and
-  put to death. — Great power of Antigonus in Asia. Confederacy
-  of Kassander, Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleukus against him. —
-  Kassander founds Kassandreia, and restores Thebes. — Measures of
-  Antigonus against Kassander — he promises freedom to the Grecian
-  cities — Ptolemy promises the like. Great power of Kassander in
-  Greece. — Forces of Antigonus in Greece. Considerable success
-  against Kassander. — Pacification between the belligerents.
-  Grecian autonomy guaranteed in name by all. Kassander puts
-  to death Roxana and her child. — Polysperchon espouses the
-  pretensions of Herakles, son of Alexander, against Kassander.
-  He enters into compact with Kassander, assassinates the young
-  prince, and is recognized as ruler of Southern Greece. —
-  Assassination of Kleopatra, last surviving relative of Alexander
-  the Great, by Antigonus. — Ptolemy of Egypt in Greece — after
-  some successes, he concludes a truce with Kassander. Passiveness
-  of the Grecian cities. — Sudden arrival of Demetrius Poliorketes
-  in Peiræus. The Athenians declare in his favor. Demetrius
-  Phalereus retires to Egypt. Capture of Munychia and Megara. —
-  Demetrius Poliorketes enters Athens in triumph. He promises
-  restoration of the democracy. Extravagant votes of flattery
-  passed by the Athenians towards him. Two new Athenian tribes
-  created. — Alteration of tone and sentiment in Athens, during
-  the last thirty years. — Contrast of Athens as proclaimed free
-  by Demetrius Poliorketes, with Athens after the expulsion of
-  Hippias. — Opposition made by Demochares, nephew of Demosthenes,
-  to these obsequious public flatteries. — Demetrius Phalereus
-  condemned in his absence. Honorable commemoration of the deceased
-  orator Lykurgus. Restrictive law passed against the philosophers
-  — they all leave Athens. The law is repealed next year, and
-  the philosophers return to Athens. — Exploits of Demetrius
-  Poliorketes. His long siege of Rhodes. Gallant and successful
-  resistance of the citizens. — His prolonged war, and ultimate
-  success in Greece, against Kassander. — Return of Demetrius
-  Poliorketes to Athens — his triumphant reception — memorable
-  Ithyphallic hymn addressed to him. — Helpless condition of
-  the Athenians — proclaimed by themselves. — Idolatry shown to
-  Demetrius at Athens. He is initiate in the Eleusinian mysteries,
-  out of the regular season. — March of Demetrius into Thessaly —
-  he passes into Asia and joins Antigonus — great battle of Ipsus,
-  in which the four confederates completely defeat Antigonus, who
-  is slain and his Asiatic power broken up and partitioned. —
-  Restoration of the Kassandrian dominion in Greece. Lachares makes
-  himself despot at Athens, under Kassander. Demetrius Poliorketes
-  returns, and expels Lachares. He garrisons Peiræus and Munychia.
-  — Death of Kassander. Bloody feuds among his family. — Demetrius
-  acquires the crown of Macedonia. — Antigonus Gonatas (son of
-  Demetrius) master of Macedonia and Greece. Permanent rule of
-  the Antigonid dynasty in Macedonia, until the conquest of that
-  country by the Romans. — Spirit of the Greeks broken — isolation
-  of the cities from each other by Antigonus. — The Greece of
-  Polybius cannot form a subject of history by itself, but only as
-  an appendage to foreign neighbors. — Evidence of the political
-  nullity of Athens — public decree in honor of Demochares — what
-  acts are recorded as his titles to public gratitude.
-                                                              331-393
-
-
-  CHAPTER XCVII.
-
-  SICILIAN AND ITALIAN GREEKS — AGATHOKLES.
-
-  Constitution established by Timoleon at Syracuse — afterwards
-  exchanged for an oligarchy. — Italian Greeks — pressed upon
-  by enemies from the interior — Archidamus king of Sparta
-  slain in Italy. — Growth of the Molossian kingdom of Epirus,
-  through Macedonian aid — Alexander the Molossian king brother
-  of Olympias. — The Molossian Alexander crosses into Italy to
-  assist the Tarentines. His exploits and death. — Assistance
-  sent by the Syracusans to Kroton — first rise of Agathokles. —
-  Agathokles distinguishes himself in the Syracusan expedition —
-  he is disappointed of honors — becomes discontented and leaves
-  Syracuse. — He levies a mercenary force — his exploits as
-  general in Italy and Sicily. — Change of government at Syracuse
-  — Agathokles is recalled — his exploits against the exiles —
-  his dangerous character at home. — Farther internal changes at
-  Syracuse — recall of the exiles — Agathokles readmitted — swears
-  amnesty and fidelity. — Agathokles, in collusion with Hamilkar,
-  arms his partisans at Syracuse, and perpetuates a sanguinary
-  massacre of the citizens. — Agathokles is constituted sole
-  despot of Syracuse. — His popular manners, military energy,
-  and conquests. Progress of Agathokles in conquering Sicily.
-  The Agrigentines take alarm and organize a defensive alliance
-  against him. — They invite the Spartan Akrotatus to command
-  — his bad conduct and failure. — Sicily the only place in
-  which a glorious Hellenic career was open. Peace concluded by
-  Agathokles with the Agrigentines — his great power in Sicily.
-  — He is repulsed from Agrigentum — the Carthaginians send an
-  armament to Sicily against him. — Position of the Carthaginians
-  between Gela and Agrigentum — their army reinforced from home.
-  — Operations of Agathokles against them — his massacre of
-  citizens at Gela. — Battle of the Himera, between Agathokles
-  and the Carthaginians. — Total defeat of Agathokles by the
-  Carthaginians. — The Carthaginians recover a large part of
-  Sicily from Agathokles. His depressed condition at Syracuse. —
-  He conceives the plan of attacking the Carthaginians in Africa.
-  — His energy and sagacity in organizing this expedition. His
-  renewed massacre and spoliation. — He gets out of the harbor, in
-  spite of the blockading fleet. Eclipse of the sun. He reaches
-  Africa safely. — He burns his vessels — impressive ceremony
-  for affecting this, under vow to Demeter. — Agathokles marches
-  into the Carthaginian territory — captures Tunês — richness and
-  cultivation of the country. — Consternation at Carthage — the
-  city force marches out against him — Hanno and Bomilkar named
-  generals. — Inferior numbers of Agathokles — his artifices to
-  encourage the soldiers. — Treachery of the Carthaginian general
-  Bomilkar — victory of Agathokles. — Conquests of Agathokles among
-  the Carthaginian dependencies on the eastern coast — Religious
-  terror and distress of the Carthaginians. Human sacrifice. —
-  Operations of Agathokles on the eastern coast of Carthage —
-  capture of Neapolis, Adrumetum, Thapsus, etc. — Agathokles
-  fortifies Aspis — undertakes operations against the interior
-  country — defeats the Carthaginians again. — Proceedings of
-  Hamilkar before Syracuse — the city is near surrendering — he
-  is disappointed, and marches away from it. — Renewed attack of
-  Hamilkar upon Syracuse — he tries to surprise Euryalus, but is
-  totally defeated, made prisoner, and slain. — The Agrigentines
-  stand forward as champions of Sicilian freedom against Agathokles
-  and the Carthaginians. — Mutiny in the army of Agathokles at
-  Tunês — his great danger, and address in extricating himself.
-  — Carthaginian army sent to act in the interior — attacked by
-  Agathokles with some success — his camp is pillaged by the
-  Numidians. — Agathokles invites the aid of Ophellas from Kyrênê.
-  — Antecedent circumstances of Kyrênê. Division of coast between
-  Kyrênê and Carthage. — Thimbron with the Harpalian mercenaries is
-  invited over to Kyrênê by exiles. His checkered career, on the
-  whole victorious, in Libya. — The Kyrenæans solicit aid from the
-  Egyptian Ptolemy, who sends Ophellas thither. Defeat and death of
-  Thimbron. Kyrenaica annexed to the dominions of Ptolemy, under
-  Ophellas as viceroy. — Position and hopes of Ophellas. He accepts
-  the invitation of Agathokles. He collects colonists from Athens
-  and other Grecian cities. — March of Ophellas, with his army,
-  and his colonists, from Kyrênê to the Carthaginian territory
-  — sufferings endured in the march. — Perfidy of Agathokles —
-  he kills Ophellas — gets possession of his army — ruin and
-  dispersion of the colonists. — Terrible sedition at Carthage —
-  Bomilkar tries to seize the supreme power — he is overthrown and
-  slain. — Farther successes of Agathokles in Africa — he captures
-  Utica, Hippo-Zarytus, and Hippagreta. — Agathokles goes to
-  Sicily, leaving Archagathus to command in Africa. Successes of
-  Archagathus in the interior country. — Redoubled efforts of the
-  Carthaginians — they gain two great victories over Archagathus.
-  — Danger of Archagathus — he is blocked up by the Carthaginians
-  at Tunis. — Agathokles in Sicily. His career at first prosperous.
-  Defeat of the Agrigentines. — Activity of Agathokles in Sicily
-  — Deinokrates in great force against him. — Agrigentine army
-  under Xenodokus — opposed to the mercenaries of Agathokles —
-  superiority of the latter. — Defeat of Xenodokus by Leptines
-  — Agathokles passes over into Africa — bad state of his army
-  there — he is defeated by the Carthaginians. — Nocturnal panic
-  and disorder in both camps. — Desperate condition of Agathokles
-  — he deserts his army and escapes to Sicily. — The deserted
-  army kill the two sons of Agathokles, and capitulate with the
-  Carthaginians. — African expedition of Agathokles — boldness of
-  the first conception — imprudently pushed and persisted in. —
-  Proceedings of Agathokles in Sicily — his barbarities at Egesta
-  and Syracuse. — Great mercenary force under Deinokrates in
-  Sicily — Agathokles solicits peace from him, and is refused —
-  he concludes peace with Carthage. — Battle of Torgium — victory
-  of Agathokles over Deinokrates. — Accommodation and compact
-  between Agathokles and Deinokrates. — Operations of Agathokles in
-  Liparæ, Italy, and Korkyra — Kleonymus of Sparta. — Last projects
-  of Agathokles — mutiny of his grandson Archagathus — sickness,
-  poisoning, and death of Agathokles. — Splendid genius of action
-  and resource — nefarious dispositions — of Agathokles. — Hellenic
-  agency in Sicily continues during the life of Agathokles, but
-  becomes then subordinate to preponderant foreigners.
-                                                               393-452
-
-
-  CHAPTER XCVIII.
-
-  OUTLYING HELLENIC CITIES. — 1. IN GAUL AND SPAIN. — 2. ON THE
-  COAST OF THE EUXINE.
-
-  Massalia—its situation and circumstances.—Colonies planted by
-  Massalia—Antipolis, Nikæa, Rhoda, Emporiæ—peculiar circumstances
-  of Emporiæ.—Oligarchical government of Massalia—prudent
-  political administration.—Hellenizing influence of Massalia
-  in the West—Pytheas, the navigator and geographer.—Pontic
-  Greeks—Pentapolis on the south-west coast.—Sinôpê—its envoys
-  present with Darius in his last days—maintains its independence
-  for some time against the Mithridatic princes—but become
-  subject to them ultimately—The Pontic Herakleia—oligarchical
-  government—the native Mariandyni reduced to serfs.—Political
-  discord at Herakleia—banishment of Klearchus—partial democracy
-  established.—Continued political troubles at Herakleia—assistance
-  invoked from without.—Character and circumstances of Klearchus—he
-  makes himself despot of Herakleia—his tyranny and cruelty.—He
-  continues despot for twelve years—he is assassinated at a
-  festival.—Satyrus becomes despot—his aggravated cruelty—his
-  military vigor.—Despotism of Timotheus, just and mild—his energy
-  and ability.—Despotism of Dionysius—his popular and vigorous
-  government—his prudent dealing with the Macedonians, during the
-  absence of Alexander in the East.—Return of Alexander to Susa—he
-  is solicited by the Herakleotic exiles—anger of Dionysius,
-  averted by the death of Alexander.—Prosperity and prudence of
-  Dionysius—he marries Amastris—his favor with Antigonus—his
-  death.—Amastris governs Herakleia—marries Lysimachus—is divorced
-  from him—Klearchus and Oxathres kill Amastris—are killed by
-  Lysimachus.—Arsinoê mistress of Herakleia. Defeat and death
-  of Lysimachus. Power of Seleukus.—Herakleia emancipated from
-  the despots, and a popular government established—recall of
-  the exiles—bold bearing of the citizens towards Seleukus—death
-  of Seleukus.—Situation and management of Herakleia as a free
-  government—considerable naval power.—Prudent administration of
-  Herakleia, as a free city, among the powerful princes of Asia
-  Minor—general condition and influence of the Greek cities on the
-  coast.—Grecian Pentapolis on the south-west of the Euxine—Ovid
-  at Tomi.—Olbia—in the days of Herodotus and Ephorus—increased
-  numbers, and multiplied inroads of the barbaric hordes.—Olbia in
-  later days—decline of security and production.—Olbia pillaged and
-  abandoned—afterwards renewed.—Visit of Dion the Rhetor—Hellenic
-  tastes and manners—ardent interest in Homer.—Bosporus or
-  Pantikapæum.—Princes of Bosporus—relations between Athens and
-  Bosporus.—Nymphæum among the tributary cities under the Athenian
-  empire—how it passed under the Bosporanic princes.—Alliance and
-  reciprocal good offices between the Bosporanic princes Satyrus,
-  Leukon, etc. and the Athenians. Immunities of trade granted to
-  the Athenians.—Political condition of the Greeks of Bosporus—the
-  princes called themselves archons—their empire over barbaric
-  tribes.—Family feuds among the Bosporanic princes—war between
-  Satyrus and Eumelus—death of Satyrus II.—Civil war between
-  Prytanis and Eumelus—victory of Eumelus—he kills the wives,
-  children, and friends, of his brother.—His victorious reign and
-  conquests—his speedy death.—Decline of the Bosporanic dynasty,
-  until it passed into the hands of Mithridates Eupator.—Monuments
-  left by the Spartokid princes of Bosporus—sepulchral tumuli near
-  Kertch (Pantikapæum).—Appendix on the Localities near Issus.
-                                                               453-495
-
-
-  INDEX                                                            497
-
-[Illustration: MAP SHEWING THE MARCHES OF ALEXANDER.]
-
-
-
-
-HISTORY OF GREECE.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XCI.
-
-FIRST PERIOD OF THE REIGN OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT — SIEGE AND CAPTURE
-OF THEBES.
-
-
-My last preceding volume ended with the assassination of Philip of
-Macedon, and the accession of his son Alexander the Great, then
-twenty years of age.
-
-It demonstrates the altered complexion of Grecian history, that we
-are now obliged to seek for marking events in the succession to
-the Macedonian crown, or in the ordinances of Macedonian kings. In
-fact, the Hellenic world has ceased to be autonomous. In Sicily,
-indeed, the free and constitutional march, revived by Timoleon,
-is still destined to continue for a few years longer; but all the
-Grecian cities south of Mount Olympus have descended into dependents
-of Macedonia. Such dependence, established as a fact by the battle
-of Chæroneia and by the subsequent victorious march of Philip over
-Peloponnesus, was acknowledged in form by the vote of the Grecian
-synod at Corinth. While even the Athenians had been compelled to
-concur in submission, Sparta alone, braving all consequences,
-continued inflexible in her refusal. The adherence of Thebes was not
-trusted to the word of the Thebans, but ensured by the Macedonian
-garrison established in her citadel, called the Kadmeia. Each
-Hellenic city, small and great,—maritime, inland, and insular—(with
-the single exception of Sparta), was thus enrolled as a separate unit
-in the list of subject-allies attached to the imperial headship of
-Philip.
-
-Under these circumstances, the history of conquered Greece loses its
-separate course, and becomes merged in that of conquering Macedonia.
-Nevertheless, there are particular reasons which constrain the
-historian of Greece to carry on the two together for a few years
-longer. First, conquered Greece exercised a powerful action on her
-conqueror—“Græcia capta ferum victorem cepit”. The Macedonians,
-though speaking a language of their own, had neither language for
-communicating with others, nor literature, nor philosophy, except
-Grecian and derived from Greeks. Philip, while causing himself to be
-chosen chief of Hellas, was himself not only partially hellenized,
-but an eager candidate for Hellenic admiration. He demanded the
-headship under the declared pretence of satisfying the old antipathy
-against Persia. Next, the conquests of Alexander, though essentially
-Macedonian, operated indirectly as the initiatory step of a series
-of events, diffusing Hellenic language (with some tinge of Hellenic
-literature) over a large breadth of Asia,—opening that territory to
-the better observation, in some degree even to the superintendence,
-of intelligent Greeks—and thus producing consequences important in
-many ways to the history of mankind. Lastly, the generation of free
-Greeks upon whom the battle of Chæroneia fell, were not disposed
-to lie quiet if any opportunity occurred for shaking off their
-Macedonian masters. The present volume will record the unavailing
-efforts made for this purpose, in which Demosthenes and most of the
-other leaders perished.
-
-Alexander (born in July 356 B. C.), like his father Philip,
-was not a Greek, but a Macedonian and Epirot, partially imbued with
-Grecian sentiment and intelligence. It is true that his ancestors,
-some centuries before, had been emigrants from Argos; but the kings
-of Macedonia had long lost all trace of any such peculiarity as might
-originally have distinguished them from their subjects. The basis of
-Philip’s character was Macedonian, not Greek: it was the self-will of
-a barbarian prince, not the _ingenium civile_, or sense of reciprocal
-obligation and right in society with others, which marked more or
-less even the most powerful members of a Grecian city, whether
-oligarchical or democratical. If this was true of Philip, it was
-still more true of Alexander, who inherited the violent temperament
-and headstrong will of his furious Epirotic mother Olympias.
-
-A kinsman of Olympias, named Leonidas, and an Akarnanian named
-Lysimachus, are mentioned as the chief tutors to whom Alexander’s
-childhood was entrusted.[1] Of course the Iliad of Homer was among
-the first things which he learnt as a boy. Throughout most of his
-life, he retained a passionate interest in this poem, a copy of
-which, said to have been corrected by Aristotle, he carried with him
-in his military campaigns. We are not told, nor is it probable, that
-he felt any similar attachment for the less warlike Odyssey. Even as
-a child, he learnt to identify himself in sympathy with Achilles,—his
-ancestor by the mother’s side, according to the Æakid pedigree. The
-tutor Lysimachus won his heart by calling himself Phœnix—Alexander,
-Achilles—and Philip, by the name of Peleus. Of Alexander’s boyish
-poetical recitations, one anecdote remains, both curious and of
-unquestionable authenticity. He was ten years old, when the Athenian
-legation, including both Æschines and Demosthenes, came to Pella to
-treat about peace. While Philip entertained them at table, in his
-usual agreeable and convivial manner, the boy Alexander recited for
-their amusement certain passages of poetry which he had learnt—and
-delivered, in response with another boy, a dialogue out of one of the
-Grecian dramas.[2]
-
-  [1] Plutarch, Alexand. c. 5, 6.
-
-  [2] Æschines cont. Timarch. p. 167.
-
-At the age of thirteen, Alexander was placed under the instruction of
-Aristotle, whom Philip expressly invited for the purpose, and whose
-father Nikomachus had been both friend and physician of Philip’s
-father Amyntas. What course of study Alexander was made to go
-through, we unfortunately cannot state. He enjoyed the teaching of
-Aristotle for at least three years, and we are told that he devoted
-himself to it with ardor, contracting a strong attachment to his
-preceptor. His powers of addressing an audience, though not so well
-attested as those of his father, were always found sufficient for his
-purpose: moreover, he retained, even in the midst of his fatiguing
-Asiatic campaigns, an interest in Greek literature and poetry.
-
-At what precise moment, during the lifetime of his father, Alexander
-first took part in active service, we do not know. It is said that
-once, when quite a youth, he received some Persian envoys during the
-absence of his father; and that he surprised them by the maturity of
-his demeanor, as well as by the political bearing and pertinence of
-his questions.[3] Though only sixteen years of age, in 340 B.
-C., he was left at home as regent while Philip was engaged in
-the sieges of Byzantium and Perinthus. He put down a revolt of the
-neighboring Thracian tribe called Mædi, took one of their towns, and
-founded it anew under the title of Alexandria; the earliest town
-which bore that name, afterwards applied to so many other towns
-planted by him. In the march of Philip into Greece (338 B.
-C.), Alexander took part, commanded one of the wings at the
-battle of Chæroneia, and is said to have first gained the advantage
-on his side over the Theban sacred band.[4]
-
-  [3] Plutarch, Alex. 5.
-
-  [4] Plutarch, Alex. 9. Justin says that Alexander was the
-  companion of his father during part of the war in Thrace (ix. 1).
-
-Yet notwithstanding such marks of confidence and coöperation, other
-incidents occurred producing bitter animosity between the father and
-the son. By his wife Olympias, Philip had as offspring Alexander
-and Kleopatra: by a Thessalian mistress named Philinna, he had a
-son named Aridæus (afterwards called Philip Aridæus:) he had also
-daughters named Kynna (or Kynanê) and Thessalonikê. Olympias, a
-woman of sanguinary and implacable disposition, had rendered herself
-so odious to him, that he repudiated her, and married a new wife
-named Kleopatra. I have recounted in the preceding volume[5] the
-indignation felt by Alexander at this proceeding, and the violent
-altercation which occurred during the conviviality of the marriage
-banquet; where Philip actually snatched his sword, threatened his
-son’s life, and was only prevented from executing the threat by
-falling down through intoxication. After this quarrel, Alexander
-retired from Macedonia, conducting his mother to her brother
-Alexander king of Epirus. A son was born to Philip by Kleopatra.
-Her brother or uncle Attalus acquired high favor. Her kinsmen and
-partisans generally were also promoted, while Ptolemy, Nearchus, and
-other persons attached to Alexander, were banished.[6]
-
-  [5] Vol. XI. Ch. xc. p. 513.
-
-  [6] Plutarch, Alex. 10. Arrian, iii. 6, 8.
-
-The prospects of Alexander were thus full of uncertainty and peril,
-up to the very day of Philip’s assassination. The succession to the
-Macedonian crown, though transmitted in the same family, was by no
-means assured as to individual members; moreover, in the regal house
-of Macedonia[7] (as among the kings called Diadochi, who acquired
-dominion after the death of Alexander the Great), violent feuds and
-standing mistrust between father, sons, and brethren, were ordinary
-phænomena, to which the family of the Antigonids formed an honorable
-exception. Between Alexander and Olympias on the one side, and
-Kleopatra with her son and Attalus on the other, a murderous contest
-was sure to arise. Kleopatra was at this time in the ascendent;
-Olympias was violent and mischievous; and Philip was only forty-seven
-years of age. Hence the future threatened nothing but aggravated
-dissension and difficulties for Alexander. Moreover his strong
-will and imperious temper, eminently suitable for supreme command,
-disqualified him from playing a subordinate part, even to his own
-father. The prudence of Philip, when about to depart on his Asiatic
-expedition, induced him to attempt to heal these family dissensions
-by giving his daughter Kleopatra in marriage to her uncle Alexander
-of Epirus, brother of Olympias. It was during the splendid marriage
-festival, then celebrated at Ægæ, that he was assassinated—Olympias,
-Kleopatra, and Alexander, being all present, while Attalus was in
-Asia, commanding the Macedonian division sent forward in advance,
-jointly with Parmenio. Had Philip escaped this catastrophe, he
-would doubtless have carried on the war in Asia Minor with quite as
-much energy and skill as it was afterwards prosecuted by Alexander:
-though we may doubt whether the father would have stretched out to
-those ulterior undertakings which, gigantic and far-reaching as
-they were, fell short of the insatiable ambition of the son. But
-successful as Philip might have been in Asia, he would hardly have
-escaped gloomy family feuds; with Alexander as a mutinous son, under
-the instigations of Olympias,—and with Kleopatra on the other side,
-feeling that her own safety depended upon the removal of regal or
-quasi-regal competitors.
-
-  [7] See the third chapter of Plutarch’s life of Demetrius
-  Poliorkêtês; which presents a vivid description of the feelings
-  prevalent between members of regal families in those ages.
-  Demetrius, coming home from the chase with his hunting javelins
-  in his hand, goes up to his father Antigonus, salutes him, and
-  sits down by his side without disarming. This is extolled as an
-  unparalleled proof of the confidence and affection subsisting
-  between the father and the son. In the families of all the other
-  Diadochi (says Plutarch) murders of sons, mothers, and wives,
-  were frequent—murders of brothers were even common, assumed to be
-  precautions necessary for security. Οὕτως ἄρα πάντη δυσκωνοίνητον
-  ἡ ἀρχὴ καὶ μεστὸν ἀπιστίας καὶ δυσνοίας, ὥστε ἀγάλλεσθαι τὸν
-  μέγιστον τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου διαδόχων καὶ πρεσβύτατον, ὅτι μὴ φοβεῖται
-  τὸν υἱὸν, ἀλλὰ προσίεται τὴν λόγχην ἔχοντα τοῦ σώματος πλήσιον.
-  Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ μόνος, ὡς εἰπεῖν, ~ὁ οἶκος οὗτος~ ἐπὶ πλείστας
-  διαδοχὰς τῶν τοιούτων κακῶν ἐκαθάρευσε, μᾶλλον δὲ ~εἷς μόνος~ τῶν
-  ἀπ᾽ Ἀντιγόνου Φίλιππος ἀνεῖλεν υἱόν. ~Αἱ δὲ ἄλλαι σχεδὸν ἁπᾶσαι~
-  διαδοχαὶ πολλῶν μὲν ἔχουσι παίδων, πολλῶν δὲ μητέρων φόνους καὶ
-  γυναικῶν· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀδελφοὺς ἀναιρεῖν, ὥσπερ οἱ γεωμέτραι τὰ
-  αἰτήματα λαμβάνουσιν, οὕτω ~συνεχωρεῖτο κοινόν τι νομιζόμενον
-  αἴτημα καὶ βασιλικὸν~ ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας.
-
-  Compare Tacitus, Histor. v. 8, about the family feuds of the
-  kings of Judæa; and Xenoph. Hieron. iii. 8.
-
-  In noticing the Antigonid family as a favorable exception, we
-  must confine our assertion to the first century of that family.
-  The bloody tragedy of Perseus and Demetrius shortly preceded the
-  ruin of the empire.
-
-From such formidable perils, visible in the distance, if not
-immediately impending, the sword of Pausanias guaranteed both
-Alexander and the Macedonian kingdom. But at the moment when the blow
-was struck, and when the Lynkestian Alexander, one of those privy
-to it, ran to forestall resistance and place the crown on the head
-of Alexander the Great[8]—no one knew what to expect from the young
-prince thus suddenly exalted at the age of twenty years. The sudden
-death of Philip in the fulness of glory and ambitious hopes, must
-have produced the strongest impression, first upon the festive crowd
-assembled,—next throughout Macedonia,—lastly, upon the foreigners
-whom he had reduced to dependence, from the Danube to the borders
-of Pæonia. All these dependencies were held only by the fear of
-Macedonian force. It remained to be proved whether the youthful son
-of Philip was capable of putting down opposition and upholding the
-powerful organization created by his father. Moreover Perdikkas,
-the elder brother and predecessor of Philip, had left a son named
-Amyntas, now at least twenty-four years of age, to whom many looked
-as the proper successor.[9]
-
-  [8] Arrian, i. 25, 2; Justin, xi. 2. See Vol. XI. p. 517.
-
-  [9] Arrian, De Rebus post Alexandrum, Fragm. ap. Photium, cod.
-  92. p. 220; Plutarch, De Fortunâ Alex. Magn. p. 327. πᾶσα δὲ
-  ὕπουλος ἦν ἡ Μακεδονία (after the death of Philip) πρὸς Ἀμύνταν
-  ἀποβλέπουσα καὶ τοὺς Ἀερόπου παῖδας.
-
-But Alexander, present and proclaimed at once by his friends, showed
-himself both in word and deed, perfectly competent to the emergency.
-He mustered, caressed, and conciliated, the divisions of the
-Macedonian army and the chief officers. His addresses were judicious
-and energetic, engaging that the dignity of the kingdom should be
-maintained unimpaired,[10] and that even the Asiatic projects already
-proclaimed should be prosecuted with as much vigor as if Philip still
-lived.
-
-  [10] Diod. xvii. 2.
-
-It was one of the first measures of Alexander to celebrate with
-magnificent solemnities the funeral of his deceased father. While
-the preparations for it were going on, he instituted researches
-to find out and punish the accomplices of Pausanias. Of these
-indeed, the most illustrious person mentioned to us—Olympias—was
-not only protected by her position from punishment, but retained
-great ascendency over her son to the end of his life. Three
-other persons are mentioned by name as accomplices—brothers and
-persons of good family from the district of Upper Macedonia called
-Lynkêstis—Alexander, Heromenes, and Arrhabæus, sons of Aëropus. The
-two latter were put to death, but the first of the three was spared,
-and even promoted to important charges, as a reward for his useful
-forwardness in instantly saluting Alexander king.[11] Others also,
-we know not how many, were executed; and Alexander seems to have
-imagined that there still remained some undetected.[12] The Persian
-king boasted in public letters,[13] with how much truth we cannot
-say, that he too had been among the instigators of Pausanias.
-
-  [11] Arrian, i. 25, 2; Curtius, vii. 1, 6. Alexander son
-  of Aëropus was son-in-law of Antipater. The case of this
-  Alexander—and of Olympias—afforded a certain basis to those who
-  said (Curtius, vi. 43) that Alexander had dealt favorably with
-  the accomplices of Pausanias.
-
-  [12] Plutarch, Alexand. 10-27; Diodor. xvii. 51; Justin, xi. 11.
-
-  [13] Arrian, ii. 14, 10.
-
-Among the persons slain about this time by Alexander, we may number
-his first-cousin and brother-in-law Amyntas—son of Perdikkas (the
-elder brother of the deceased Philip): Amyntas was a boy when his
-father Perdikkas died. Though having a preferable claim to the
-succession, according to usage, he had been put aside by his uncle
-Philip, on the ground of his age and of the strenuous efforts
-required on commencing a new reign. Philip had however given in
-marriage to this Amyntas his daughter (by an Illyrian mother) Kynna.
-Nevertheless, Alexander now put him to death,[14] on accusation of
-conspiracy: under what precise circumstances, does not appear—but
-probably Amyntas (who besides being the son of Philip’s elder
-brother, was at least twenty-four years of age, while Alexander
-was only twenty) conceived himself as having a better right to the
-succession, and was so conceived by many others. The infant son of
-Kleopatra by Philip is said to have been killed by Alexander, as a
-rival in the succession; Kleopatra herself was afterwards put to
-death by Olympias during his absence, and to his regret. Attalus,
-also, uncle of Kleopatra and joint commander of the Macedonian army
-in Asia, was assassinated under the private orders of Alexander, by
-Hekatæus and Philotas.[15] Another Amyntas, son of Antiochus (there
-seems to have been several Macedonians named Amyntas) fled for safety
-into Asia:[16] probably others, who felt themselves to be objects of
-suspicion, did the like—since by the Macedonian custom, not merely a
-person convicted of high treason, but all his kindred along with him,
-were put to death.[17]
-
-  [14] Curtius, vi. 9, 17. vi. 10, 24. Arrian mentioned this
-  Amyntas son of Perdikkas (as well as the fact of his having been
-  put to death by Alexander before the Asiatic expedition), in
-  the lost work τὰ μετὰ Ἀλέξανδρον—see Photius Cod. 92. p. 220.
-  But Arrian, in his account of Alexander’s expedition, _does not
-  mention_ the fact; which shows that his silence is not to be
-  assumed as a conclusive reason for discrediting allegations of
-  others.
-
-  Compare Polyænus, v. 60; and Plutarch, Fort. Alex. Magn. p. 327.
-
-  It was during this expedition into Thrace and Illyria, about
-  eight months after his accession, that Alexander promised to
-  give his sister Kynna in marriage to Langarus prince of the
-  Agrianes (Arrian, Exp. Al. M. i. 5, 7). Langarus died of sickness
-  soon after; so that this marriage never took place. But when
-  the promise was made, Kynna must have been a widow. Her husband
-  Amyntas must therefore have been put to death during the first
-  months of Alexander’s reign.
-
-  [15] See my last preceding volume, Chap. xc. p. 518; Diod. xvii.
-  2; Curtius, vii. 1, 6; Justin, ix. 7 xi. 2. xii. 6; Plutarch,
-  Alexand. 10; Pausanias, viii. 7, 5.
-
-  [16] Arrian, i. 17 10; Plutarch, Alex. 20, Curtius, iii. 28, 18.
-
-  [17] Curtius, vi. 42, 20. Compare with this custom, a passage in
-  the Ajax of Sophokles, v. 725.
-
-By unequivocal manifestations of energy and address, and by
-despatching rivals or dangerous malcontents, Alexander thus speedily
-fortified his position on the throne at home. But from the foreign
-dependents of Macedonia—Greeks, Thracians, and Illyrians—the like
-acknowledgment was not so easily obtained. Most of them were disposed
-to throw off the yoke; yet none dared to take the initiative of
-moving, and the suddenness of Philip’s death found them altogether
-unprepared for combination. By that event the Greeks were discharged
-from all engagement, since the vote of the confederacy had elected
-him personally as Imperator. They were now at liberty, in so far
-as there was any liberty at all in the proceeding, to elect any
-one else, or to abstain from reëlecting at all, and even to let
-the confederacy expire. Now it was only under constraint and
-intimidation, as was well known both in Greece and Macedonia, that
-they had conferred this dignity even on Philip—who had earned it by
-splendid exploits, and had proved himself the ablest captain and
-politician of the age. They were by no means inclined to transfer
-it to a youth like Alexander, until he had shown himself capable
-of bringing the like coercion to bear, and extorting the same
-submission. The wish to break loose from Macedonia, widely spread
-throughout the Grecian cities, found open expression from Demosthenes
-and others in the assembly at Athens. That orator (if we are to
-believe his rival Æschines), having received private intelligence of
-the assassination of Philip, through certain spies of Charidemus,
-before it was publicly known to others—pretended to have had it
-revealed to him in a dream by the gods. Appearing in the assembly
-with his gayest attire, he congratulated his countrymen on the death
-of their greatest enemy, and pronounced high encomiums on the brave
-tyrannicide of Pausanias, which he would probably compare to that
-of Harmodius and Aristogeiton.[18] He depreciated the abilities of
-Alexander, calling him Margites (the name of a silly character in
-one of the Homeric poems), and intimating that he would be too much
-distracted with embarrassments and ceremonial duties at home, to have
-leisure for a foreign march.[19] Such, according to Æschines, was
-the language of Demosthenes on the first news of Philip’s death. We
-cannot doubt that the public of Athens, as well as Demosthenes, felt
-great joy at an event which seemed to open to them fresh chances of
-freedom, and that the motion for a sacrifice of thanksgiving,[20]
-in spite of Phokion’s opposition, was readily adopted. But though
-the manifestation of sentiment at Athens was thus anti-Macedonian,
-exhibiting aversion to the renewal of that obedience which had been
-recently promised to Philip, Demosthenes did not go so far as to
-declare any positive hostility.[21] He tried to open communication
-with the Persians in Asia Minor, and also, if we may believe
-Diodorus, with the Macedonian commander in Asia Minor, Attalus. But
-neither of the two missions was successful. Attalus sent his letter
-to Alexander; while the Persian king,[22] probably relieved by the
-death of Philip from immediate fear of Macedonian power, despatched
-a peremptory refusal to Athens, intimating that he would furnish no
-more money.[23]
-
-  [18] Æschines adv. Ktesiphont. c. 29. p. 469. c. 78 p. 608;
-  Plutarch, Demosth. 22.
-
-  [19] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 547. c. 50.
-
-  [20] Plutarch, Phokion, 16.
-
-  [21] We gather this from Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 551. c. 52.
-
-  [22] Diodorus (xvii. 5) mentions this communication of
-  Demosthenes to Attalus; which, however, I cannot but think
-  improbable. Probably Charidemus was the organ of the
-  communications.
-
-  [23] This letter from Darius is distinctly alluded to, and even
-  a sentence cited from it, by Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 633, 634.
-  c. 88. We know that Darius wrote in very different language
-  not long afterwards, near the time when Alexander crossed into
-  Asia (Arrian, ii. 14, 11). The first letter must have been sent
-  shortly after Philip’s death, when Darius was publicly boasting
-  of having procured the deed, and before he had yet learnt to fear
-  Alexander. Compare Diodor. xvii. 7.
-
-Not merely in Athens, but in other Grecian States also, the death
-of Philip excited aspirations for freedom. The Lacedæmonians, who,
-though unsupported, had stood out inflexibly against any obedience
-to him, were now on the watch for new allies; while the Arcadians,
-Argeians, and Eleians, manifested sentiments adverse to Macedonia.
-The Ambrakiots expelled the garrison placed by Philip in their city;
-the Ætolians passed a vote to assist in restoring those Akarnanian
-exiles whom he had banished.[24] On the other hand, the Thessalians
-manifested unshaken adherence to Macedonia. But the Macedonian
-garrison at Thebes, and the macedonizing Thebans who now governed
-that city,[25] were probably the main obstacles to any combined
-manifestation in favor of Hellenic autonomy.
-
-  [24] Diodor. xvii. 3.
-
-  [25] Diodorus (xvii. 3) says that the Thebans passed a vote to
-  expel the Macedonian garrison in the Kadmeia. But I have little
-  hesitation in rejecting this statement. We may be sure that
-  the presence of the Macedonian garrison was connected with the
-  predominance in the city of a party favorable to Macedonia. In
-  the ensuing year, when the resistance really occurred, this was
-  done by the anti-Macedonian party, who then got back from exile.
-
-Apprised of these impulses prevalent throughout the Grecian world,
-Alexander felt the necessity of checking them by a demonstration
-immediate, as well as intimidating. The energy and rapidity of his
-proceedings speedily overawed all those who had speculated on his
-youth, or had adopted the epithets applied to him by Demosthenes.
-Having surmounted, in a shorter time than was supposed possible,
-the difficulties of his newly-acquired position at home, he marched
-into Greece at the head of a formidable army, seemingly about two
-months after the death of Philip. He was favorably received by the
-Thessalians, who passed a vote constituting Alexander head of Greece
-in place of his father Philip; which vote was speedily confirmed by
-the Amphiktyonic assembly, convoked at Thermopylæ. Alexander next
-advanced to Thebes, and from thence over the isthmus of Corinth
-into Peloponnesus. The details of his march we do not know; but
-his great force, probably not inferior to that which had conquered
-at Chæroneia, spread terror everywhere, silencing all except his
-partisans. Nowhere was the alarm greater than at Athens. The
-Athenians recollecting both the speeches of their orators and the
-votes of their assembly,—offensive at least, if not hostile, to the
-Macedonians—trembled lest the march of Alexander should be directed
-against their city, and accordingly made preparation for standing
-a siege. All citizens were enjoined to bring in their families and
-properties from the country, insomuch that the space within the walls
-was full both of fugitives and of cattle.[26] At the same time, the
-assembly adopted, on the motion of Demades, a resolution of apology
-and full submission to Alexander: they not only recognized him as
-chief of Greece, but conferred upon him divine honors, in terms
-even more emphatic than those bestowed on Philip.[27] The mover,
-with other legates, carried the resolution to Alexander, whom they
-found at Thebes, and who accepted their submission. A young speaker
-named Pytheas is said to have opposed the vote in the Athenian
-assembly.[28] Whether Demosthenes did the like—or whether, under the
-feeling of disappointed anticipations and overwhelming Macedonian
-force, he condemned himself to silence,—we cannot say. That he did
-not go with Demades on the mission to Alexander, seems a matter of
-course, though he is said to have been appointed by public vote to
-do so, and to have declined the duty. He accompanied the legation
-as far as Mount Kithæron, on the frontier, and then returned to
-Athens.[29] We read with astonishment that Æschines and his other
-enemies denounced this step as a cowardly desertion. No envoy could
-be so odious to Alexander, or so likely to provoke refusal for the
-proposition which he carried, as Demosthenes. To employ him in such
-a mission would have been absurd; except for the purpose probably
-intended by his enemies, that he might be either detained by the
-conqueror as an expiatory victim,[30] or sent back as a pardoned and
-humiliated prisoner.
-
-  [26] Demadis Fragment. ὑπὲρ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, p. 180.
-
-  [27] Arrian, i. 1, 4.
-
-  [28] Plutarch, Reipub. Ger. Præcept. p. 804.
-
-  [29] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 564. c. 50; Deinarchus cont.
-  Demosth. p. 57; Diodor. xvii. 4; Plutarch, Demosth. c. 23
-  (Plutarch confounds the proceedings of this year with those of
-  the succeeding year). Demades, in the fragment of his oration
-  remaining to us, makes no allusion to this proceeding of
-  Demosthenes.
-
-  The decree, naming Demosthenes among the envoys, is likely enough
-  to have been passed chiefly by the votes of his enemies. It was
-  always open to an Athenian citizen to accept or decline such an
-  appointment.
-
-  [30] Several years afterwards, Demades himself was put to death
-  by Antipater, to whom he had been sent as envoy from Athens
-  (Diodor. xviii. 48).
-
-After displaying his force in various portions of Peloponnesus,
-Alexander returned to Corinth, where he convened deputies from the
-Grecian cities generally. The list of those cities which obeyed
-the summons is not before us, but probably it included nearly all
-the cities of Central Greece. We know only that the Lacedæmonians
-continued to stand aloof, refusing all concurrence. Alexander asked
-from the assembled deputies the same appointment which the victorious
-Philip had required and obtained two years before—the hegemony or
-headship of the Greeks collectively for the purpose of prosecuting
-war against Persia.[31] To the request of a prince at the head of an
-irresistible army, one answer only was admissible. He was nominated
-Imperator with full powers, by land and sea. Overawed by the presence
-and sentiment of Macedonian force, all acquiesced in this vote except
-the Lacedæmonians.
-
-  [31] Arrian, i. 1, 2. αἰτεῖν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς ἐπὶ
-  τοὺς Πέρσας στρατείας, ἥντινα Φιλίππῳ ἤδη ἔδοσαν· καὶ αἰτήσαντα
-  λαβεῖν παρὰ πάντων, πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων, etc.
-
-  Arrian speaks as if this request had been addressed only to the
-  Greeks _within_ Peloponnesus; moreover he mentions no assembly
-  at Corinth, which is noticed (though with some confusion) by
-  Diodorus, Justin, and Plutarch. Cities out of Peloponnesus,
-  as well as within it, must have been included; unless we
-  suppose that the resolution of the Amphiktyonic assembly, which
-  had been previously passed, was held to comprehend all the
-  extra-Peloponnesian cities, which seems not probable.
-
-The convention sanctioned by Alexander was probably the same as that
-settled by and with his father Philip. Its grand and significant
-feature was, that it recognized Hellas as a confederacy under the
-Macedonian prince as imperator, president, or executive head and
-arm. It crowned him with a legal sanction as keeper of the peace
-within Greece, and conqueror abroad in the name of Greece. Of its
-other conditions, some are made known to us by subsequent complaints;
-such conditions as, being equitable and tutelary towards the members
-generally, the Macedonian chief found it inconvenient to observe,
-and speedily began to violate. Each Hellenic city was pronounced,
-by the first article of the convention, to be free and autonomous.
-In each, the existing political constitution was recognized as it
-stood; all other cities were forbidden to interfere with it, or to
-second any attack by its hostile exiles.[32] No new despot was to
-be established; no dispossessed despot was to be restored.[33] Each
-city became bound to discourage in every other, as far as possible,
-all illegal violence—such as political executions, confiscation,
-spoliation, redivision of land or abolition of debts, factious
-manumission of slaves, etc.[34] To each was guaranteed freedom of
-navigation; maritime capture was prohibited, on pain of enmity from
-all.[35] Each was forbidden to send armed vessels into the harbor of
-any other, or to build vessels or engage seamen there.[36] By each,
-an oath was taken to observe these conditions, to declare war against
-all who violated them, and to keep them inscribed on a commemorative
-column. Provision seems to have been made for admitting any
-additional city[37] on its subsequent application, though it might
-not have been a party to the original contract. Moreover, it appears
-that a standing military force, under Macedonian orders, was provided
-to enforce observance of the convention; and that the synod of
-deputies was contemplated as likely to meet periodically.[38]
-
-  [32] Demosthenes (or Pseudo-Demosthenes), Orat. xvii. De
-  Fœdere Alexandrino, p. 213, 214. ἐπιτάττει ἡ συνθήκη εὐθὺς ἐν
-  ἀρχῇ, ἐλευθέρους εἶναι καὶ αὐτονόμους τοὺς Ἕλληνας.—Ἐστὶ γὰρ
-  γεγραμμένον, ἐάν τινες τὰς πολιτείας τὰς παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις οὔσας, ὅτε
-  τοὺς ὅρκους τοὺς περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ὤμνυσαν, καταλύσωσι, πολεμίους
-  εἶναι πᾶσι τοῖς τῆς εἰρήνης μετέχουσιν....
-
-  [33] Demosthen. Orat. de Fœdere Alex. p. 213.
-
-  [34] Demosth. ib. p 215.
-
-  [35] Demosth. ib. p. 217. ἔστι γὰρ δήπου ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις, τὴν
-  θάλατταν πλεῖν τοὺς μετέχοντας τῆς εἰρήνης, καὶ μηδένα κωλύειν
-  αὐτοὺς μηδὲ κατάγειν πλοῖον μηδενὸς τούτων· ἐὰν δέ τις παρὰ ταῦτα
-  ποιῇ, πολέμιον εἶναι πᾶσι τοῖς τῆς εἰρήνης μετέχουσιν....
-
-  [36] Demosth. ib. p. 218, 219. Böhnecke, in his instructive
-  comments on this convention (Forschungen auf dem Gebiete der
-  Attischen Redner, p. 623), has treated the prohibition here
-  mentioned as if it were one specially binding the Macedonians
-  not to sail with armed ships into the Peiræus. This undoubtedly
-  is the particular case on which the orator insists; but I
-  conceive it to have been only a particular case under a general
-  prohibitory rule.
-
-  [37] Arrian, ii. 1, 7; ii. 2, 4. Demosth. de Fœd. Alex, p. 213.
-  Tenedos, Mitylênê, Antissa, and Eresus, can hardly have been
-  members of the convention when first sworn.
-
-  [38] Demosth. Orat. de Fœd. Alex. p. 215. ἐστὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς
-  συνθήκαις ἐπιμελεῖσθαι ~τοὺς συνεδρεύοντας καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ
-  κοινῇ φυλακῇ τεταγμένους~, ὅπως ἐν ταῖς κοινωνούσαις πόλεσι μὴ
-  γίγνωνται θάνατοι μηδὲ φυγαὶ παρὰ τοὺς κειμένους ταῖς πόλεσι
-  νόμους.... Οἱ δὲ τοσοῦτον δέουσι τούτων τι κωλύειν, ὥστε καὶ
-  συγκατασκευάζουσιν, etc. (p. 216).
-
-  The persons designated by οἱ δὲ, and denounced throughout this
-  oration generally, are, Alexander or the Macedonian officers and
-  soldiers.
-
-  A passage in Deinarchus cont. Demosth. p. 14, leads to the
-  supposition, that a standing Macedonian force was kept at
-  Corinth, occupying the Isthmus. The Thebans, however, declared
-  against Macedonia (in August or September 335 B. C.),
-  and proceeding to besiege the Macedonian garrison in the Kadmeia,
-  sent envoys to entreat aid from the Arcadians. “These envoys
-  (says Deinarchus) got with difficulty by sea to the Arcadians”—οἳ
-  κατὰ θάλασσαν ~μόλις~ ἀφίκοντο πρὸς ἐκείνους. Whence should this
-  difficulty arise, except from a Macedonian occupation of Corinth?
-
-Such was the convention, in so far as we know its terms, agreed
-to by the Grecian deputies at Corinth with Alexander; but with
-Alexander at the head of an irresistible army. He proclaimed it as
-the “public statute of the Greeks”,[39] constituting a paramount
-obligation, of which he was the enforcer, binding on all, and
-authorizing him to treat all transgressors as rebels. It was set
-forth as counterpart of, and substitute for, the convention of
-Antalkidas, which we shall presently see the officers of Darius
-trying to revive against him—the headship of Persia against that of
-Macedonia. Such is the melancholy degradation of the Grecian World,
-that its cities have no alternative except to choose between these
-two foreign potentates—or to invite the help of Darius, the most
-distant and least dangerous, whose headship could hardly be more than
-nominal, against a neighbor sure to be domineering and compressive,
-and likely enough to be tyrannical. Of the once powerful Hellenic
-chiefs and competitors—Sparta, Athens, Thebes—under each of whom the
-Grecian world had been upheld as an independent and self-determining
-aggregate, admitting the free play of native sentiment and character,
-under circumstances more or less advantageous—the two last are now
-confounded as common units (one even held under garrison) among the
-subject allies of Alexander; while Sparta preserves only the dignity
-of an isolated independence.
-
-  [39] Arrian, i. 16, 10. παρὰ τὰ κοινῇ δόξαντα τοῖς Ἕλλησιν.
-  After the death of Darius, Alexander pronounced that the Grecian
-  mercenaries who had been serving with that prince, were highly
-  criminal for having contravened the general vote of the Greeks
-  (παρὰ τὰ δόγματα τὰ Ἑλλήνων), except such as had taken service
-  before that vote was passed, and except the Sinopeans, whom
-  Alexander considered as subjects of Persia and not partakers τοῦ
-  κοινοῦ τῶν Ἑλλήνων (Arrian, iii. 23, 15; iii. 24, 8, 9).
-
-It appears that during the nine months which succeeded the swearing
-of the convention, Alexander and his officers (after his return to
-Macedonia) were active, both by armed force and by mission of envoys,
-in procuring new adhesions and in re-modelling the governments of
-various cities suitably to their own views. Complaints of such
-aggressions were raised in the public assembly of Athens, the only
-place in Greece where any liberty of discussion still survived.
-An oration, pronounced by Demosthenes, Hyperides, or one of the
-contemporary, anti-Macedonian politicians (about the spring or early
-summer of 335 B. C.),[40] imparts to us some idea both of
-the Macedonian interventions steadily going on, and of the unavailing
-remonstrances raised against them by individual Athenian citizens. At
-the time of this oration, such remonstrances had already been often
-repeated. They were always met by the macedonizing Athenians with
-peremptory declarations that the convention must be observed. But
-in reply, the remonstrants urged, that it was unfair to call upon
-Athens for strict observance of the convention, while the Macedonians
-and their partisans in the various cities were perpetually violating
-it for their own profit. Alexander and his officers (affirms this
-orator) had never once laid down their arms since the convention was
-settled. They had been perpetually tampering with the governments
-of the various cities, to promote their own partisans to power.[41]
-In Messênê, Sikyon, and Pellênê, they had subverted the popular
-constitutions, banished many citizens, and established friends of
-their own as despots. The Macedonian force, destined as a public
-guarantee to enforce the observance of the convention, had been
-employed only to overrule its best conditions, and to arm the
-hands of factious partisans.[42] Thus Alexander in his capacity of
-Imperator, disregarding all the restraints of the convention, acted
-as chief despot for the maintenance of subordinate despots in the
-separate cities.[43] Even at Athens, this imperial authority had
-rescinded sentences of the dikastery, and compelled the adoption of
-measures contrary to the laws and constitution.[44]
-
-  [40] This is the oration περὶ τῶν πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον συνθηκῶν
-  already more than once alluded to above. Though standing among
-  the Demosthenic works, it is supposed by Libanius as well as by
-  most modern critics not to be the production of Demosthenes—upon
-  internal grounds of style, which are certainly forcible. Libanius
-  says that it bears much resemblance to the style of Hyperides.
-  At any rate, there seems no reason to doubt that it is a genuine
-  oration of one of the contemporary orators. I agree with
-  Böhnecke (Forschungen, p. 629) in thinking that it must have
-  been delivered a few months after the convention with Alexander,
-  before the taking of Thebes.
-
-  [41] Demosthenes (or Pseudo-Demosth.), Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p.
-  216. Οὕτω μὲν τοίνυν ῥᾳδίως τὰ ὅπλα ἐπήνεγκε ὁ Μακεδὼν, ὥστε οὐδὲ
-  κατέθετο πώποτε, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι καὶ νῦν περιέρχεται καθ᾽ ὅσον δύναται,
-  etc.
-
-  [42] Demosth. ib. p. 214, 215.
-
-  [43] Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.) Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p.
-  212, 214, 215, 220, where the orator speaks of Alexander as the
-  τύραννος of Greece.
-
-  The orator argues (p. 213) that the Macedonians had recognized
-  despotism as contrary to the convention, in so far as to expel
-  the despots from the towns of Antissa and Eresus in Lesbos. But
-  probably these despots were in correspondence with the Persians
-  on the opposite mainland, or with Memnon.
-
-  [44] Demosth. ib. p. 215. τοὺς δ᾽ ἰδίους ὑμᾶς νόμους ἀναγκάζουσι
-  λύειν, τοὺς μὲν κεκριμένους ἐν τοῖς δικαστηρίοις ἀφιέντες, ἕτερα
-  δὲ παμπλήθη τοιαῦτα βιαζόμενοι παρανομεῖν....
-
-At sea, the wrongful aggressions of Alexander or his officers had
-been not less manifest than on land. The convention, guaranteeing
-to all cities the right of free navigation, distinctly forbade each
-to take or detain vessels belonging to any other. Nevertheless the
-Macedonians had seized, in the Hellespont, all the merchantmen coming
-out with cargoes from the Euxine, and carried them into Tenedos,
-where they were detained, under various fraudulent pretences, in
-spite of remonstrances from the proprietors and cities whose supply
-of corn was thus intercepted. Among these sufferers, Athens stood
-conspicuous; since consumers of imported corn, ship-owners, and
-merchants, were more numerous there than elsewhere. The Athenians,
-addressing complaints and remonstrances without effect, became at
-length so incensed, and perhaps uneasy about their provisions,
-that they passed a decree to equip and despatch 100 triremes,
-appointing Menestheus (son of Iphikrates) admiral. By this strenuous
-manifestation, the Macedonians were induced to release the detained
-vessels. Had the detention been prolonged, the Athenian fleet would
-have sailed to extort redress by force; so that, as Athens was more
-than a match for Macedon on sea, the maritime empire of the latter
-would have been overthrown, while even on land much encouragement
-would have been given to malcontents against it.[45] Another incident
-had occurred, less grave than this, yet still dwelt upon by the
-orator as an infringement of the convention, and as an insult to
-Athenians. Though an express article of the convention prohibited
-armed ships of one city from entering the harbor of another, still
-a Macedonian trireme had been sent into Pieræus to ask permission
-that smaller vessels might be built there for Macedonian account.
-This was offensive to a large proportion of Athenians, not only as
-violating the convention, but as a manifest step towards employing
-the nautical equipments and seamen of Athens for the augmentation of
-the Macedonian navy.[46]
-
-  [45] Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.) Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p. 217.
-  εἰς τοῦτο γὰρ ὑπεροψίας ἦλθον, ὥστε εἰς Τένεδον ἅπαντα τὰ ἐκ τοῦ
-  Πόντου πλοῖα κατήγαγον, καὶ σκευωρούμενοι περὶ αὐτὰ οὐ πρότερον
-  ἀφεῖσαν, πρὶν ὑμεῖς ἐψηφίσασθε τριήρεις ἕκατον πληροῦν καὶ
-  καθέλκειν εὐθὺς τότε—ὃ παρ᾽ ἐλάχιστον ἐποίησεν αὐτοὺς ἀφαιρεθῆναι
-  δικαίως τὴν κατὰ θάλασσαν ἡγεμονίαν.... p. 218. Ἕως γὰρ ἂν ἐξῇ
-  τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν καὶ μόνοις ἀναμφισβητήτως εἶναι κυρίοις (the
-  Athenians), τοῖς γε κατὰ γῆν πρὸς τῇ ὑπαρχούσῃ δυνάμει ἐστὶ
-  προβολὰς ἑτέρας ἰσχυροτέρας εὑρέσθαι, etc.
-
-  We know that Alexander caused a squadron of ships to sail round
-  to and up the Danube from Byzantium (Arrian, i. 3, 3), to meet
-  him after his march by land from the southern coast of Thrace.
-  It is not improbable that the Athenian vessels detained may have
-  come loaded with a supply of corn, and that the detention of the
-  corn-ships may have been intended to facilitate this operation.
-
-  [46] Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.) Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p. 219.
-
-“Let those speakers who are perpetually admonishing us to observe
-the convention (the orator contends), prevail on the imperial chief
-to set the example of observing it on his part. I too impress upon
-you the like observance. To a democracy nothing is more essential
-than scrupulous regard to equity and justice.[47] But the convention
-itself enjoins all its members to make war against transgressors; and
-pursuant to this article, you ought to make war against Macedon.[48]
-Be assured that all Greeks will see that the war is neither directed
-against them nor brought on by your fault.[49] At this juncture, such
-a step for the maintenance of your own freedom as well as Hellenic
-freedom generally, will be not less opportune and advantageous than
-it is just.[50] The time is come for shaking off your disgraceful
-submission to others, and your oblivion of our own past dignity.[51]
-If you encourage me, I am prepared to make a formal motion—To declare
-war against the violators of the convention, as the convention itself
-directs.”[52]
-
-  [47] Demosth. ib. p. 211. οἶμαι γὰρ οὐδὲν οὕτω τοῖς
-  δημοκρατουμένοις πρέπειν, ὡς περὶ τὸ ἴσον καὶ τὸ δίκαιον
-  σπουδάζειν.
-
-  I give here the main sense, without binding myself to the exact
-  phrases.
-
-  [48] Demosth. ib. p. 213. καὶ γὰρ ἔτι προσγέγραπται ἐν ταῖς
-  συνθήκαις, πολέμιον εἶναι, τὸν ἐκεῖνα ἅπερ Ἀλέξανδρος ποιοῦντα,
-  ἁπᾶσι τοῖς τῆς εἰρήνης κοινωνοῦσι, καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτοῦ, καὶ
-  στρατεύεσθαι ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἅπαντας. Compare p. 214 init.
-
-  [49] Demosth. ib. p. 217. οὐδεὶς ὑμῖν ἐγκαλέσει ποτε τῶν Ἑλλήνων
-  ὡς ἄρα παρέβητέ τι τῶν κοινῇ ὁμολογηθέντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ χάριν
-  ἕξουσιν ὅτι μόνοι ἐξηλέγξατε τοὺς ταῦτα ποιοῦντας, etc.
-
-  [50] Demosth. ib. p. 214. νυνὶ δ᾽, ὅτ᾽ εἰς ταὐτὸ δίκαιον ἅμα καὶ
-  ὁ καιρὸς καὶ τὸ σύμφερον συνδεδράμηκεν, ἄλλον ἄρα τινὰ χρόνον
-  ἀναμενεῖτε τῆς ἰδίας ἐλευθερίας ἅμα καὶ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων
-  ἀντιλαβέσθαι;
-
-  [51] Demosth. ib. p. 220. εἰ ἄρα ποτὲ δεῖ παύσασθαι αἰσχρῶς
-  ἑτέροις ἀκολουθοῦντας, ἀλλὰ μηδ᾽ ἀναμνησθῆναι μηδεμιᾶς φιλοτιμίας
-  τῶν ἐξ ἀρχαιοτάτου καὶ πλείστου καὶ μάλιστα πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἡμῖν
-  ὑπαρχουσῶν.
-
-  [52] Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.) Orat. De Fœdere Alex. ἐὰν οὖν
-  κελεύητε, γράψω, καθάπερ αἱ συνθῆκαι κελεύουσι, πολεμεῖν τοῖς
-  παραβεβηκόσιν.
-
-A formal motion for declaring war would have brought upon the
-mover a prosecution under the Graphê Paranomôn. Accordingly, though
-intimating clearly that he thought the actual juncture (what it was,
-we do not know) suitable, he declined to incur such responsibility
-without seeing beforehand a manifestation of public sentiment
-sufficient to give him hopes of a favorable verdict from the
-Dikastery. The motion was probably not made. But a speech so bold,
-even though not followed up by a motion, is in itself significant
-of the state of feeling in Greece during the months immediately
-following the Alexandrine convention. This harangue is only one among
-many delivered in the Athenian assembly, complaining of Macedonian
-supremacy as exercised under the convention. It is plain that the
-acts of Macedonian officers were such as to furnish ample ground for
-complaint; and the detention of all the trading ships coming out of
-the Euxine, shows us that even the subsistence of Athens and the
-islands had become more or less endangered. Though the Athenians
-resorted to no armed interference, their assembly at least afforded
-a theatre where public protest could be raised and public sympathy
-manifested.
-
-It is probable too that at this time Demosthenes and the other
-anti-Macedonian speakers were encouraged by assurances and subsidies
-from Persia. Though the death of Philip, and the accession of an
-untried youth of twenty, had led Darius to believe for the moment
-that all danger of Asiatic invasion was past, yet his apprehensions
-were now revived by Alexander’s manifested energy, and by the renewal
-of the Grecian league under his supremacy.[53] It was apparently
-during the spring of 335 B. C., that Darius sent money to sustain
-the anti-Macedonian party at Athens and elsewhere. Æschines affirms,
-and Deinarchus afterwards repeats (both of them orators hostile
-to Demosthenes)—That about this time, Darius sent to Athens 300
-talents, which the Athenian people refused, but which Demosthenes
-took, reserving however 70 talents out of the sum for his own
-private purse: That public inquiry was afterwards instituted on the
-subject. Yet nothing is alleged as having been made out;[54] at
-least Demosthenes was neither condemned, nor even brought (as far
-as appears) to any formal trial. Out of such data we can elicit no
-specific fact. But they warrant the general conclusion, that Darius,
-or the satraps in Asia Minor, sent money to Athens in the spring of
-335 B. C., and letters or emissaries to excite hostilities against
-Alexander.
-
-  [53] Diodorus, xvii. 7.
-
-  [54] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 634; Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s.
-  11-19, p. 9-14. It is Æschines who states that the 300 talents
-  were sent to the Athenian people, and refused by them.
-
-  Three years later, after the battle of Issus, Alexander in his
-  letter to Darius accuses that prince of having sent both letters
-  and money into Greece, for the purpose of exciting war against
-  him. Alexander states that the Lacedæmonians accepted the money,
-  but that all the other Grecian cities refused it (Arrian, ii. 14,
-  9). There is no reason to doubt these facts; but I find nothing
-  identifying the precise point of time to which Alexander alludes.
-
-That Demosthenes, and probably other leading orators, received such
-remittances from Persia, is no evidence of that personal corruption
-which is imputed to them by their enemies. It is no way proved
-that Demosthenes applied the money to his own private purposes. To
-receive and expend it in trying to organize combinations for the
-enfranchisement of Greece, was a proceeding which he would avow as
-not only legitimate but patriotic. It was aid obtained from one
-foreign prince to enable Hellas to throw off the worse dominion of
-another. At this moment, the political interests of Persia coincided
-with that of all Greeks who aspired to freedom. Darius had no chance
-of becoming master of Greece; but his own security prescribed to
-him to protect her from being made an appendage of the Macedonian
-kingdom, and his means of doing so were at this moment ample, had
-they been efficaciously put forth. Now the purpose of a Greek patriot
-would be to preserve the integrity and autonomy of the Hellenic world
-against all foreign interference. To invoke the aid of Persia against
-Hellenic enemies,—as Sparta had done both in the Peloponnesian war
-and at the peace of Antalkidas, and as Thebes and Athens had followed
-her example in doing afterwards—was an unwarrantable proceeding: but
-to invoke the same aid against the dominion of another foreigner, at
-once nearer and more formidable, was open to no blame on the score
-either of patriotism or policy. Demosthenes had vainly urged his
-countrymen to act with energy against Philip, at a time when they
-might by their own efforts have upheld the existing autonomy both for
-Athens and for Greece generally. He now seconded or invited Darius,
-at a time when Greece single-handed had become incompetent to the
-struggle against Alexander, the common enemy both of Grecian liberty
-and of the Persian empire. Unfortunately for Athens as well as for
-himself, Darius, with full means of resistance in his hands, played
-his game against Alexander even with more stupidity and improvidence
-than Athens had played hers against Philip.
-
-While such were the aggressions of Macedonian officers in the
-exercise of their new imperial authority, throughout Greece and the
-islands—and such the growing manifestations of repugnance to it at
-Athens—Alexander had returned home to push the preparations for his
-Persian campaign. He did not however think it prudent to transport
-his main force into Asia, until he had made his power and personal
-ascendency felt by the Macedonian dependencies, westward, northward,
-and north-eastward of Pella—Illyrians, Pæonians, and Thracians.
-Under these general names were comprised a number[55] of distinct
-tribes, or nations, warlike and for the most part predatory. Having
-remained unconquered until the victories of Philip, they were not
-kept in subjection even by him without difficulty: nor were they at
-all likely to obey his youthful successor, until they had seen some
-sensible evidence of his personal energy.
-
-  [55] Strabo speaks of the Thracian ἔθνη as twenty-two in number,
-  capable of sending out 200,000 foot, and 15,000 horses (Strabo,
-  vii. Fragm. Vatic. 48).
-
-Accordingly, in the spring, Alexander put himself at the head of a
-large force, and marched in an easterly direction from Amphipolis,
-through the narrow Sapæan pass between Philippi and the sea.[56] In
-ten days’ march he reached the difficult mountain path over which
-alone he could cross Mount Hæmus (Balkan.) Here he found a body of
-the free Thracians and of armed merchants of the country, assembled
-to oppose his progress; posted on the high ground with waggons
-in their front, which it was their purpose to roll down the steep
-declivity against the advancing ranks of the Macedonians. Alexander
-eluded this danger by ordering his soldiers either to open their
-ranks, so as to let the waggons go through freely—or where there was
-no room for such loose array, to throw themselves on the ground with
-their shields closely packed together and slanting over their bodies;
-so that the waggons, dashing down the steep and coming against the
-shields, were carried off the ground, and made to bound over the
-bodies of the men to the space below. All the waggons rolled down
-without killing a single man. The Thracians, badly armed, were then
-easily dispersed by the Macedonian attack, with the loss of 1500 men
-killed, and all their women and children made prisoners.[57] The
-captives and plunder were sent back under an escort to be sold at the
-seaports.
-
-  [56] Strabo, vii. p. 331 (Fragm.); Arrian, i. 1, 6; Appian, Bell.
-  Civil. iv. 87, 105, 106. Appian gives (iv. 103) a good general
-  description of the almost impassable and trackless country to the
-  north and north-east of Philippi.
-
-  [57] Arrian, i. 1, 12, 17. The precise locality of that steep
-  road whereby Alexander crossed the Balkan, cannot be determined.
-  Baron von Moltke, in his account of the Russian campaign in
-  Bulgaria (1828-1829), gives an enumeration of four roads,
-  passable by an army, crossing this chain from north to south (see
-  chap. i. of that work). But whether Alexander passed by any one
-  of these four, or by some other road still more to the west, we
-  cannot tell.
-
-Having thus forced the mountain road, Alexander led his army over the
-chain of Mount Hæmus, and marched against the Triballi: a powerful
-Thracian tribe,—extending (as far as can be determined) from the
-plain of Kossovo in modern Servia northward towards the Danube,—whom
-Philip had conquered, yet not without considerable resistance and
-even occasional defeat. Their prince Syrmus had already retired with
-the women and children of the tribe into an island of the Danube
-called Peukê, where many other Thracians had also sought shelter. The
-main force of the Triballi took post in woody ground on the banks of
-the rivet Zyginus, about three days’ march from the Danube. Being
-tempted however, by an annoyance from the Macedonian light-armed, to
-emerge from their covered position into the open plain, they were
-here attacked by Alexander with his cavalry and infantry, in close
-combat, and completely defeated. Three thousand of them were slain,
-but the rest mostly eluded pursuit by means of the wood, so that
-they lost few prisoners. The loss of the Macedonians was only eleven
-horsemen and forty foot slain; according to the statement of Ptolemy,
-son of Lagus, then one of Alexander’s confidential officers, and
-afterwards founder of the dynasty of Greco-Egyptian kings.[58]
-
-  [58] Arrian, i. 2.
-
-Three days’ march, from the scene of action, brought Alexander to the
-Danube, where he found some armed ships which had been previously
-ordered to sail (probably with stores of provision) from Byzantium
-round by the Euxine and up the river. He first employed these ships
-in trying to land a body of troops on the island of Peukê; but his
-attempt was frustrated by the steep banks, the rapid stream, and
-the resolute front of the defenders on shore. To compensate for
-this disappointment, Alexander resolved to make a display of his
-strength by crossing the Danube and attacking the Getæ; tribes,
-chiefly horsemen armed with bows,[59] analogous to the Thracians
-in habits and language. They occupied the left bank of the river,
-from which their town was about four miles distant. The terror of
-the Macedonian successes had brought together a body of 4000 Getæ,
-visible from the opposite shore, to resist any crossing. Accordingly
-Alexander got together a quantity of the rude boats (hollowed out of
-a single trunk) employed for transport on the river, and caused the
-tent-skins of the army to be stuffed with hay in order to support
-rafts. He then put himself on shipboard during the night, and
-contrived to carry across the river a body of 4000 infantry, and 1500
-cavalry; landing on a part of the bank where there was high standing
-wheat and no enemy’s post. The Getæ, intimidated not less by this
-successful passage than by the excellent array of Alexander’s army,
-hardly stayed to sustain a charge of cavalry, but hastened to abandon
-their poorly fortified town and retire father away from the river.
-Entering the town without resistance, he destroyed it, carried away
-such movables as he found, and then returned to the river without
-delay. Before he quitted the northern bank, he offered sacrifice to
-Zeus the Preserver—to Hêraklês—and to the god Ister (Danube) himself,
-whom he thanked for having shown himself not impassable.[60] On the
-very same day, he recrossed the river to his camp; after an empty
-demonstration of force, intended to prove that he could do what
-neither his father nor any Grecian army had ever yet done, and what
-every one deemed impossible—crossing the greatest of all known rivers
-without a bridge and in the face of an enemy.[61]
-
-  [59] Strabo, vii. p. 303.
-
-  [60] Arrian, i. 4, 2-7.
-
-  [61] Neither the point where Alexander crossed the Danube,—nor
-  the situation of the island called Peukê,—nor the identity of the
-  river Lyginus—nor the part of Mount Hæmus which Alexander forced
-  his way over—can be determined. The data given by Arrian are too
-  brief and too meagre to make out with assurance any part of his
-  march after he crossed the Nestus. The facts reported by the
-  historian represent only a small portion of what Alexander really
-  did in this expedition.
-
-  It seems clear, however, that the main purpose of Alexander
-  was to attack and humble the Triballi. Their locality is known
-  generally as the region where the modern Servia joins Bulgaria.
-  They reached eastward (in the times of Thucydides, ii. 96) as
-  far as the river Oskius or Isker, which crosses the chain of
-  Hæmus from south to north, passes by the modern city of Sophia,
-  and falls into the Danube. Now Alexander, in order to conduct
-  his army from the eastern bank of the river Nestus, near its
-  mouth, to the country of the Triballi, would naturally pass
-  through Philippopolis, which city appears to have been founded
-  by his father Philip, and therefore probably had a regular road
-  of communication to the maritime regions. (See Stephanus Byz.
-  v. Φιλιππόπολις.) Alexander would cross Mount Hæmus, then,
-  somewhere north-west of Philippopolis. We read in the year 376
-  B. C. (Diodor. xv. 36) of an invasion of Abdêra by the
-  Triballi; which shows that there was a road, not unfit for an
-  army, from their territory to the eastern side of the mouth of
-  the river Nestus, where Abdêra was situated. This was the road
-  which Alexander is likely to have followed. But he must probably
-  have made a considerable circuit to the eastward; for the route
-  which Paul Lucas describes himself as having taken direct from
-  Philippopolis to Drama, can hardly have been fit for an army.
-
-  The river Lyginus may perhaps be the modern Isker, but this is
-  not certain. The Island called Peukê is still more perplexing.
-  Strabo speaks of it as if it were near the mouth of the Danube
-  (vii. p. 301-305). But it seems impossible that either the range
-  of the Triballi, or the march of Alexander, can have extended so
-  far eastward. Since Strabo (as well as Arrian) copied Alexander’s
-  march from Ptolemy, whose authority is very good, we are
-  compelled to suppose that there was a second island called Peukê
-  higher up the river.
-
-  The Geography of Thrace is so little known, that we cannot wonder
-  at our inability to identify these places. We are acquainted, and
-  that but imperfectly, with the two high roads, both starting from
-  Byzantium or Constantinople. 1. The one (called the King’s Road,
-  from having been in part the march of Xerxes in his invasion
-  of Greece, Livy, xxxix. 27; Herodot. vii. 115) crossing the
-  Hebrus and the Nestus, touching the northern coast of the Ægean
-  Sea at Neapolis, a little south of Philippi, then crossing the
-  Strymon at Amphipolis, and stretching through Pella across Inner
-  Macedonia and Illyria to Dyrrachium (the Via Egnatia). 2. The
-  other, taking a more northerly course, passing along the upper
-  valley of the Hebrus from Adrianople to Philippopolis, then
-  through Sardicia (Sophia) and Naissus (Nisch), to the Danube near
-  Belgrade; being the high road now followed from Constantinople to
-  Belgrade.
-
-  But apart from these two roads, scarcely anything whatever is
-  known of the country. Especially the mountainous region of
-  Rhodopê, bounded on the west by the Strymon, on the north and
-  east by the Hebrus, and on the south by the Ægean, is a Terra
-  Incognita, except the few Grecian colonies on the coast. Very few
-  travellers have passed along, or described the southern or King’s
-  Road, while the region in the interior, apart from the high
-  road, was absolutely unexplored until the visit of M. Viquesnel
-  in 1847, under scientific mission from the French government.
-  The brief, but interesting account, composed by M. Viquesnel,
-  of this rugged and impracticable district, is contained in the
-  “Archives des Missions Scientifiques et Litteraires”, for 1850,
-  published at Paris. Unfortunately, the map intended to accompany
-  that account has not yet been prepared; but the published data,
-  as far as they go, have been employed by Kiepert in constructing
-  his recent map of Turkey in Europe; the best map of these regions
-  now existing, though still very imperfect. The Illustrations
-  (Erläuterungen) annexed by Kiepert to his map of Turkey, show
-  the defective data on which the chartography of this country is
-  founded. Until the survey of M. Viquesnel, the higher part of the
-  course of the Strymon, and nearly all the course of the Nestus,
-  may be said to have been wholly unknown.
-
-The terror spread by Alexander’s military operations was so great,
-that not only the Triballi, but the other autonomous Thracians
-around, sent envoys tendering presents or tribute, and soliciting
-peace. Alexander granted their request. His mind being bent upon war
-with Asia, he was satisfied with having intimidated these tribes so
-as to deter them from rising during his absence. What conditions he
-imposed, we do not know, but he accepted the presents.[62]
-
-  [62] Arrian, i. 4, 5; Strabo, vii. p. 301.
-
-While these applications from the Thracians were under debate, envoys
-arrived from a tribe of Gauls occupying a distant mountainous region
-westward towards the Ionic Gulf. Though strangers to Alexander,
-they had heard so much of the recent exploits, that they came with
-demands to be admitted to his friendship. They were distinguished
-both for tall stature and for boastful language. Alexander readily
-exchanged with them assurances of alliance. Entertaining them at a
-feast, he asked, in the course of conversation, what it was that they
-were most afraid of, among human contingencies? They replied, that
-they feared no man, nor any danger, except only, lest the heaven
-should fall upon them. Their answer disappointed Alexander, who had
-expected that they would name him, as the person of whom they were
-most afraid; so prodigious was his conceit of his own exploits. He
-observed to his friends that these Gauls were swaggerers. Yet if we
-attend to the sentiment rather than the language, we shall see that
-such an epithet applies with equal or greater propriety to Alexander
-himself. The anecdote is chiefly interesting as it proves at how
-early an age the exorbitant self-esteem, which we shall hereafter
-find him manifesting, began. That after the battle of Issus he should
-fancy himself superhuman, we can hardly be astonished; but he was as
-yet only in the first year of his reign, and had accomplished nothing
-beyond his march into Thrace and his victory over the Triballi.
-
-After arranging these matters, he marched in a south-westerly
-direction into the territory of the Agriânes and the other Pæonians,
-between the rivers Strymon and Axius in the highest portion of their
-course. Here he was met by a body of Agriânes under their prince
-Langarus, who had already contracted a personal friendship for him
-at Pella before Philip’s death. News came that the Illyrian Kleitus,
-son of Bardylis, who had been subdued by Philip, had revolted at
-Pelion (a strong post south of lake Lychnidus, on the west side of
-the chain of Skardus and Pindus, near the place where that chain is
-broken by the cleft called the Klissura of Tzangon or Devol[63])—and
-that the western Illyrians, called Taulantii, under their prince
-Glaukias, were on the march to assist him. Accordingly Alexander
-proceeded thither forthwith, leaving Langarus to deal with the
-Illyrian tribe Autariatæ, who had threatened to oppose his progress.
-He marched along the bank and up the course of the Erigon, from a
-point near where it joins the Axius.[64] On approaching Pelion, he
-found the Illyrians posted in front of the town and on the heights
-around, awaiting the arrival of Glaukias their promised ally. While
-Alexander was making his dispositions for attack, they offered their
-sacrifices to the gods: the victims being three boys, three girls,
-and three black rams. At first they stepped boldly forward to meet
-him, but before coming to close quarters, they turned and fled into
-the town with such haste that the slain victims were left lying
-on the spot.[65] Having thus driven in the defenders, Alexander
-was preparing to draw a wall of circumvallation round the Pelion,
-when he was interrupted by the arrival of Glaukias with so large a
-force as to compel him to abandon the project. A body of cavalry,
-sent out from the Macedonian camp under Philotas to forage, were in
-danger of being cut off by Glaukias, and were only rescued by the
-arrival of Alexander himself with a reinforcement. In the face of
-this superior force, it was necessary to bring off the Macedonian
-army, through a narrow line of road along the river Eordaikus, where
-in some places there was only room for four abreast, with hill or
-marsh everywhere around. By a series of bold and skilful manœuvres,
-and by effective employment of his battering-train or projectile
-machines to protect the rear-guard, Alexander completely baffled
-the enemy, and brought off his army without loss.[66] Moreover these
-Illyrians, who had not known how to make use of such advantages of
-position, abandoned themselves to disorder as soon as their enemy had
-retreated, neglecting all precautions for the safety of their camp.
-Apprised of this carelessness, Alexander made a forced night-march
-back, at the head of his Agrianian division and light troops
-supported by the remaining army. He surprised the Illyrians in their
-camp before daylight. The success of this attack against a sleeping
-and unguarded army was so complete, that the Illyrians fled at once
-without resistance. Many were slain or taken prisoners; the rest,
-throwing away their arms, hurried away homeward, pursued by Alexander
-for a considerable distance. The Illyrian prince Kleitus was forced
-to evacuate Pelion, which place he burned, and then retired into the
-territory of Glaukias.[67]
-
-  [63] For the situation of Pelion, compare Livy, xxxi. 33, 34, and
-  the remarks of Colonel Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, vol.
-  iii. ch. 28. p. 310-324.
-
-  [64] Assuming Alexander to have been in the Territory of the
-  Triballi, the modern Servia, he would in this march follow mainly
-  the road which is now frequented between Belgrade and Bitolia;
-  through the plain of Kossovo, Pristina, Katschanik (rounding
-  on the north-eastern side the Ljubatrin, the north-eastern
-  promontory terminating the chain of Skardus), Uschkub, Kuprili,
-  along the higher course of the Axius or Vardar, until the point
-  where the Erigon or Tscherna joins that river below Kuprili. Here
-  he would be among the Pæonians and Agrianes, on the east—and the
-  Dardani and Autariatæ, seemingly on the north and west. If he
-  then followed the course of the Erigon, he would pass through
-  the portions of Macedonia then called Deuripia and Pelagonia:
-  he would go between the ridges of the mountains, through which
-  the Erigon breaks, called Nidje on the south, and Babuna on the
-  north. He would pass afterwards to Florina, and not to Bitolia.
-
-  See Kiepert’s map of these regions—a portion of his recent map of
-  Turkey in Europe—and Griesbach’s description of the general track.
-
-  [65] Arrian, i. 5, 12.
-
-  [66] Arrian, i. 6, 3-18.
-
-  [67] Arrian, i. 6, 19-22.
-
-Just as Alexander had completed this victory over Kleitus and the
-Taulantian auxiliaries, and before he had returned home, news reached
-him of a menacing character. The Thebans had declared themselves
-independent of him, and were besieging his garrison in the Kadmeia.
-
-Of this event, alike important and disastrous to those who stood
-forward, the immediate antecedents are very imperfectly known to
-us. It has already been remarked that the vote of submission on the
-part of the Greeks to Alexander as Imperator, during the preceding
-autumn, had been passed only under the intimidation of a present
-Macedonian force. Though the Spartans alone had courage to proclaim
-their dissent, the Athenians, Arcadians, Ætolians, and others, were
-well known even to Alexander himself, as ready to do the like on
-any serious reverse to the Macedonian arms.[68] Moreover the energy
-and ability displayed by Alexander had taught the Persian king that
-all danger to himself was not removed by the death of Philip, and
-induced him either to send, or to promise, pecuniary aid to the
-anti-Macedonian Greeks. We have already noticed the manifestation
-of anti-Macedonian sentiment at Athens—proclaimed by several of
-the most eminent orators—Demosthenes, Lykurgus, Hyperides, and
-others; as well as by active military men like Charidemus and
-Ephialtes,[69] who probably spoke out more boldly when Alexander was
-absent on the Danube. In other cities, the same sentiment doubtless
-found advocates, though less distinguished; but at Thebes, where
-it could not be openly proclaimed, it prevailed with the greatest
-force.[70] The Thebans suffered an oppression from which most of
-the other cities were free—the presence of a Macedonian garrison
-in their citadel; just as they had endured, fifty years before,
-the curb of a Spartan garrison after the fraud of Phœbidas and
-Leontiades. In this case, as in the former, the effect was to arm the
-macedonizing leaders with absolute power over their fellow-citizens,
-and to inflict upon the latter not merely the public mischief of
-extinguishing all free speech, but also multiplied individual insults
-and injuries, prompted by the lust and rapacity of rulers, foreign
-as well as domestic.[71] A number of Theban citizens, among them
-the freest and boldest spirits, were in exile at Athens, receiving
-from the public indeed nothing beyond a safe home, but secretly
-encouraged to hope for better things by Demosthenes and the other
-anti-Macedonian leaders.[72] In like manner, fifty years before,
-it was at Athens, and from private Athenian citizens, that the
-Thebans Pelopidas and Mellon had found that sympathy which enabled
-them to organize their daring conspiracy for rescuing Thebes from
-the Spartans. That enterprise, admired throughout Greece as alike
-adventurous, skilful, and heroic, was the model present to the
-imagination of the Theban exiles, to be copied if any tolerable
-opportunity occurred.
-
-  [68] Arrian, i. 7, 5.
-
-  [69] Ælian, V. H. xii. 57.
-
-  [70] Demades, ὑπὲρ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, s. 14. Θηβαῖοι δὲ μέγιστον
-  εἶχον δεσμὸν τὴν τῶν Μακεδόνων φρουρὰν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς οὐ μόνον τὰς
-  χεῖρας συνεδέθησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν παῤῥησίαν ἀφῄρηντο....
-
-  [71] The Thebans, in setting forth their complaints to the
-  Arcadians, stated—ὅτι οὐ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας φιλίαν Θηβαῖοι
-  διαλῦσαι βουλόμενοι, τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπανέστησαν, οὐδ᾽ ἐναντίον
-  τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὐδὲν πράξοντες, ~ἀλλὰ τὰ παρ’ αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν
-  Μακεδόνων ἐν τῇ πόλει γινόμενα φέρειν οὐκέτι δυνάμενοι, οὐδὲ τὴν
-  δούλειαν ὑπομένειν, οὐδὲ τὰς ὕβρεις ὁρᾷν τὰς εἰς τὰ ἐλεύθερα
-  σώματα γινομένας~.
-
-  See Demades περὶ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, s. 13, the speech of Cleadas,
-  Justin, xi. 4; and (Deinarchus cont. Demosth. s. 20) compare
-  Livy, xxxix. 27—about the working of the Macedonian garrison at
-  Maroncia, in the time of Philip son of Demetrius.
-
-  [72] Demades περὶ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, Fragm. ad fin.
-
-Such was the feeling in Greece, during the long absence of Alexander
-on his march into Thrace and Illyria; a period of four or five
-months, ending at August 335 B. C. Not only was Alexander
-thus long absent, but he sent home no reports of his proceedings.
-Couriers were likely enough to be intercepted among the mountains and
-robbers of Thrace; and even if they reached Pella, their despatches
-were not publicly read, as such communications would have been read
-to the Athenian assembly. Accordingly we are not surprised to hear
-that rumors arose of his having been defeated and slain. Among these
-reports, both multiplied and confident, one was even certified by a
-liar who pretended to have just arrived from Thrace, to have been
-an eye-witness of the fact, and to have been himself wounded in
-the action against the Triballi, where Alexander had perished.[73]
-This welcome news, not fabricated, but too hastily credited, by
-Demosthenes and Lykurgus,[74] was announced to the Athenian assembly.
-In spite of doubts expressed by Demades and Phokion, it was believed
-not only by the Athenians and the Theban exiles there present, but
-also by the Arcadians, Eleians, Ætolians and other Greeks. For a
-considerable time, through the absence of Alexander, it remained
-uncontradicted, which increased the confidence in its truth.
-
-  [73] Arrian, i. 7, 3. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ πολὺς ὁ λόγος (of the death of
-  Alexander) καὶ παρὰ πολλῶν ἐφοίτα, ὅτι τε χρόνον ἀπῆν οὐκ ὀλίγον
-  καὶ ὅτι οὐδεμία ἀγγελία παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀφῖκτο, etc.
-
-  [74] Demades περὶ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, ad fin. ἡνίκα Δημοσθένης
-  καὶ Λυκοῦργος τῷ μὲν λόγῳ παραταττόμενοι τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐνίκων
-  ἐν Τριβάλλοις, μόνον δ᾽ οὐχ ὁρατὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος νεκρὸν τὸν
-  Ἀλέξανδρον προέθηκαν ... ἐμὲ δὲ στυγνὸν καὶ περίλυπον ἔφασκον
-  εἶναι μὴ συνευδοκοῦντα, etc.
-
-  Justin, xi. 2. “Demosthenem oratorem, qui Macedonum deletas omnes
-  cum rege copias à Triballis affirmaverit, producto in concionem
-  auctore, qui in eo praelio, in quo rex ceciderit, se quoque
-  vulneratum diceret.”
-
-  Compare Tacitus, Histor. i. 34. “Vix dum egresso Pisone, occisum
-  in castris Othonem, vagus primum et incertus rumor, mox, ut _in
-  magnis mendaciis, interfuisse se quidam, et vidisse affirmabant_,
-  credulà famâ inter gaudentes et incuriosos.... Obvius in
-  palatio Julius Atticus, speculator, cruentum gladium ostentans,
-  occisum _à se_ Othonem exclamavit.”
-
-  It is stated that Alexander was really wounded in the head by a
-  stone, in the action with the Illyrians (Plutarch, Fortun. Alex.
-  p. 327).
-
-It was upon the full belief in this rumor, of Alexander’s defeat and
-death, that the Grecian cities proceeded. The event severed by itself
-their connection with Macedonia. There was neither son nor adult
-brother to succeed to the throne: so that not merely the foreign
-ascendency, but even the intestine unity, of Macedonia, was likely
-to be broken up. In regard to Athens, Arcadia, Elis, Ætolia, etc.,
-the anti-Macedonian sentiment was doubtless vehemently manifested,
-but no special action was called for. It was otherwise in regard
-to Thebes. Phœnix, Prochytes, and other Theban exiles at Athens,
-immediately laid their plan for liberating their city and expelling
-the Macedonian garrison from the Kadmeia. Assisted with arms and
-money by Demosthenes and other Athenian citizens, and invited by
-their partisans at Thebes, they suddenly entered that city in arms.
-Though unable to carry the Kadmeia by surprise, they seized in the
-city, and put to death, Amyntas, a principal Macedonian officer, with
-Timolaus, one of the leading macedonizing Thebans.[75] They then
-immediately convoked a general assembly of the Thebans, to whom they
-earnestly appealed for a vigorous effort to expel the Macedonians,
-and reconquer the ancient freedom of the city. Expatiating upon the
-misdeeds of the garrison and upon the oppressions of those Thebans
-who governed by means of the garrison, they proclaimed that the happy
-moment of liberation had now arrived, through the recent death of
-Alexander. They doubtless recalled the memory of Pelopidas, and the
-glorious enterprise, cherished by all Theban patriots, whereby he had
-rescued the city from Spartan occupation, forty-six years before. To
-this appeal the Thebans cordially responded. The assembly passed a
-vote, declaring severance from Macedonia, and autonomy of Thebes—and
-naming as Bœotarchs some of the returned exiles, with others of
-the same party, for the purpose of energetic measures against the
-garrison in the Kadmeia.[76]
-
-  [75] Arrian, i. 7, 1: compare Deinarchus cont. Demosthenes, s.
-  75. p. 53.
-
-  [76] Arrian, i. 7, 3-17.
-
-Unfortunately for Thebes, none of these new Bœotarchs were men of
-the stamp of Epaminondas, probably not even of Pelopidas. Yet
-their scheme, though from its melancholy result it is generally
-denounced as insane, really promised better at first than that of
-the anti-Spartan conspirators in 380 B. C. The Kadmeia was instantly
-summoned; hopes being perhaps indulged, that the Macedonian commander
-would surrender it with as little resistance as the Spartan harmost
-had done. But such hopes were not realized. Philip had probably
-caused the citadel to be both strengthened and provisioned. The
-garrison defied the Theban leaders, who did not feel themselves
-strong enough to give orders for an assault, as Pelopidas in his
-time was prepared to do, if surrender had been denied.[77] They
-contented themselves with drawing and guarding a double line of
-circumvallation round the Kadmeia, so as to prevent both sallies
-from within and supplies from without.[78] They then sent envoys in
-the melancholy equipment of suppliants, to the Arcadians and others,
-representing that their recent movement was directed, not against
-Hellenic union, but against Macedonian oppression and outrage,
-which pressed upon them with intolerable bitterness. As Greeks and
-freemen, they entreated aid to rescue them from such a calamity.
-They obtained much favorable sympathy, with some promise and even
-half-performance. Many of the leading orators at Athens—Demosthenes,
-Lykurgus, Hyperides, and others—together with the military men
-Charidemus and Ephialtes—strongly urged their countrymen to declare
-in favor of Thebes and send aid against the Kadmeia. But the citizens
-generally, following Demades and Phokion, waited to be better assured
-both of Alexander’s death and of its consequences, before they
-would incur the hazard of open hostility against Macedonia, though
-they seem to have declared sympathy with the Theban revolution.[79]
-Demosthenes farther went as envoy into Peloponnesus, while the
-Macedonian Antipater also sent round urgent applications to the
-Peloponnesian cities, requiring their contingents, as members of the
-confederacy under Alexander, to act against Thebes. The eloquence of
-Demosthenes, backed by his money, or by Persian money administered
-through him, prevailed on the Peloponnesians to refuse compliance
-with Antipater and to send no contingents against Thebes.[80] The
-Eleians and Ætolians held out general assurances favorable to the
-revolution at Thebes, while the Arcadians even went so far as to send
-out some troops to second it, though they did not advance beyond the
-isthmus.[81]
-
-  [77] Xenoph. Hellen. v. 4, 11. See Volume X. Ch. lxxvii. p. 81 of
-  this History.
-
-  [78] Arrian, i. 7, 14.
-
-  [79] Diodor. xvii. 8.
-
-  [80] Deinarchus cont. Demosth. p. 14. s. 19. καὶ Ἀρκάδων ἡκόντων
-  εἰς εσθμὸν, καὶ τὴν μὲν παρὰ Ἀντιπάτρου πρεσβείαν ἄπρακτον
-  ἀποστειλάντων, etc.
-
-  In the vote passed by the people of Athens some years afterwards,
-  awarding a statue and other honors to Demosthenes, these
-  proceedings in Peloponnesus are enumerated among his titles
-  to public gratitude—καὶ ὡς ἐκώλυσε Πελοποννησίους ἐπὶ Θήβας
-  Ἀλεξάνδρῳ βοηθῆσαι, χρήματα δοὺς καὶ αὐτὸς πρεσβεύσας, etc.
-  (Plutarch, Vit. X. Orator. p. 850).
-
-  [81] Arrian, i. 10, 2; Æschines adv. Ktesiphont. p. 634.
-
-Here was a crisis in Grecian affairs, opening new possibilities
-for the recovery of freedom. Had the Arcadians and other Greeks
-lent decisive aid to Thebes—had Athens acted even with as much
-energy as she did twelve years afterwards during the Lamian war,
-occupying Thermopylæ with an army and a fleet—the gates of Greece
-might well have been barred against a new Macedonian force, even
-with Alexander alive and at its head. That the struggle of Thebes
-was not regarded at the time, even by macedonizing Greeks, as
-hopeless, is shown by the subsequent observations both of Æschines
-and Deinarchus at Athens. Æschines (delivering five years afterwards
-his oration against Ktesiphon) accuses Demosthenes of having by his
-perverse backwardness brought about the ruin of Thebes. The foreign
-mercenaries forming part of the garrison of the Kadmeia were ready
-(Æschines affirms) to deliver up that fortress, on receiving five
-talents: the Arcadian generals would have brought up their troops
-to the aid of Thebes, if nine or ten talents had been paid to
-them—having repudiated the solicitations of Antipater. Demosthenes
-(say these two orators) having in his possession 300 talents from the
-Persian king, to instigate anti-Macedonian movements in Greece, was
-supplicated by the Theban envoys to furnish money for these purposes,
-but refused the request, kept the money for himself, and thus
-prevented both the surrender of the Kadmeia and the onward march
-of the Arcadians.[82] The charge here advanced against Demosthenes
-appears utterly incredible. To suppose that anti-Macedonian movements
-counted for so little in his eyes, is an hypothesis belied by his
-whole history. But the fact that such allegations were made by
-Æschines only five years afterwards, proves the reports and the
-feelings of the time—that the chances of successful resistance to
-Macedonia on the part of the Thebans were not deemed unfavorable. And
-when the Athenians, following the counsels of Demades and Phokion,
-refused to aid Thebes or occupy Thermopylæ—they perhaps consulted the
-safety of Athens separately, but they receded from the generous and
-Pan-hellenic patriotism which had animated their ancestors against
-Xerxes and Mardonius.[83]
-
-  [82] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 634; Deinarch. adv. Demosth. p.
-  15, 16. s. 19-22.
-
-  [83] See Herod. viii. 143. Demosthenes in his orations frequently
-  insists on the different rank and position of Athens, as compared
-  with those of the smaller Grecian states—and of the higher and
-  more arduous obligations consequent thereupon. This is one grand
-  point of distinction between his policy and that of Phokion. See
-  a striking passage in the speech De Coronâ, p. 245. s. 77; and
-  Orat. De Republ. Ordinand. p. 176. s. 37.
-
-  Isokrates holds the same language touching the obligations of
-  Sparta,—in the speech which he puts into the mouth of Archidamus.
-  “No one will quarrel with Epidaurians and Phliasians, for looking
-  only how they can get through and keep themselves in being. But
-  for Lacedæmonians, it is impossible to aim simply at preservation
-  and nothing beyond—by any means, whatever they may be. If we
-  cannot preserve ourselves with honor, we ought to prefer a
-  glorious death.” (Isokrates, Orat. vi. Archid. s. 106.)
-
-  The backward and narrow policy, which Isokrates here proclaims
-  as fit for Epidaurus and Phlius, but not for Sparta—is precisely
-  what Phokion always recommended for Athens, even while Philip’s
-  power was yet nascent and unsettled.
-
-The Thebans, though left in this ungenerous isolation, pressed
-the blockade of the Kadmeia, and would presently have reduced the
-Macedonian garrison, had they not been surprised by the awe-striking
-event—Alexander arriving in person at Onchêstus in Bœotia, at the
-head of his victorious army. The first news of his being alive was
-furnished by his arrival at Onchêstus. No one could at first believe
-the fact. The Theban leaders contended that it was another Alexander,
-the son of Aëropus, at the head of a Macedonian army of relief.[84]
-
-  [84] Arrian, i. 7, 9.
-
-In this incident we may note two features, which characterized
-Alexander to the end of his life; matchless celerity of movement,
-and no less remarkable favor of fortune. Had news of the Theban
-rising first reached him while on the Danube or among the distant
-Triballi,—or even when embarrassed in the difficult region round
-Pelion,—he could hardly by any effort have arrived in time to save
-the Kadmeia. But he learnt it just when he had vanquished Kleitus and
-Glaukias, so that his hands were perfectly free—and also when he was
-in a position peculiarly near and convenient for a straight march
-into Greece without going back to Pella. From the pass of Tschangon
-(or of the river Devol), near which Alexander’s last victories were
-gained, his road lay southward, following downwards in part the
-higher course of the river Haliakmon, through Upper Macedonia or the
-regions called Eordæa and Elymeia which lay on his left, while the
-heights of Pindus and the upper course of the river Aous, occupied
-by the Epirots called Tymphæi and Parauæi, were on the right. On the
-seventh day of march, crossing the lower ridges of the Cambunian
-mountains (which separate Olympus from Pindus and Upper Macedonia
-from Thessaly), Alexander reached the Thessalian town of Pelinna. Six
-days more brought him to the Bœotian Onchestus.[85] He was already
-within Thermopylæ, before any Greeks were aware that he was in march,
-or even that he was alive. The question about occupying Thermopylæ by
-a Grecian force was thus set aside. The difficulty of forcing that
-pass, and the necessity of forestalling Athens in it by stratagem or
-celerity, was present to the mind of Alexander, as it had been to
-that of Philip in his expedition of 346 B. C., against the
-Phokians.
-
-  [85] Arrian, i. 7. 6. See, respecting this region, Colonel
-  Leake’s Travels in Northern Greece, ch. vi. p. 300-304; ch.
-  xxviii. p. 303-305, etc.; and for Alexander’s line of march, the
-  map at the end of the volume.
-
-His arrival, in itself a most formidable event, told with double
-force on the Greeks from its extreme suddenness. We can hardly doubt
-that both Athenians and Thebans had communications at Pella—that
-they looked upon any Macedonian invasion as likely to come from
-thence—and that they expected Alexander himself (assuming him to
-be still living, contrary to their belief) back in his capital
-before he began any new enterprise. Upon this hypothesis—in itself
-probable, and such as would have been realized if Alexander had not
-already advanced so far southward at the moment when he received the
-news[86]—they would at least have known beforehand of his approach,
-and would have had the option of a defensive combination open. As it
-happened, his unexpected appearance in the heart of Greece precluded
-all combinations, and checked all idea of resistance.
-
-  [86] Diodorus (xvii. 9) incorrectly says that Alexander came back
-  unexpectedly from _Thrace_. Had this been the fact, he would have
-  come by Pella.
-
-Two days after his arrival in Bœotia, he marched his army round
-Thebes, so as to encamp on the south side of the city; whereby he
-both intercepted the communication of the Thebans with Athens, and
-exhibited his force more visibly to the garrison in the Kadmeia.
-The Thebans, though alone and without hope of succor, maintained
-their courage unshaken. Alexander deferred the attack for a day or
-two, in hopes that they would submit; he wished to avoid an assault
-which might cost the lives of many of his soldiers, whom he required
-for his Asiatic schemes. He even made public proclamation,[87]
-demanding the surrender of the anti-Macedonian leaders Phœnix and
-Prochytes, but offering to any other Theban who chose to quit the
-city, permission to come and join him on the terms of the convention
-sworn in the preceding autumn. A general assembly being convened,
-the macedonizing Thebans enforced the prudence of submission to
-an irresistible force. But the leaders recently returned from
-exile, who had headed the rising, warmly opposed this proposition,
-contending for resistance to the death. In them, such resolution
-may not be wonderful, since (as Arrian[88] remarks) they had gone
-too far to hope for lenity. As it appears however that the mass of
-citizens deliberately adopted the same resolution, in spite of
-strong persuasion to the contrary,[89] we see plainly that they had
-already felt the bitterness of Macedonian dominion, and that sooner
-than endure a renewal of it, sure to be yet worse, coupled with
-the dishonor of surrendering their leaders—they had made up their
-minds to perish with the freedom of their city. At a time when the
-sentiment of Hellas as an autonomous system was passing away, and
-when Grecian courage was degenerating into a mere instrument for the
-aggrandizement of Macedonian chiefs, these countrymen of Epaminondas
-and Pelopidas set an example of devoted self-sacrifice in the cause
-of Grecian liberty, not less honorable than that of Leonidas at
-Thermopylæ, and only less esteemed because it proved infructuous.
-
-  [87] Diodor. xvii. 9; Plutarch. Alexand. 11.
-
-  [88] Arrian, i. 7, 16.
-
-  [89] Diodor. xvii. 9.
-
-In reply to the proclamation of Alexander, the Thebans made from
-their walls a counter-proclamation, demanding the surrender of his
-officers Antipater and Philotas, and inviting every one to join
-them, who desired, in concert with the Persian king and the Thebans,
-to liberate the Greeks and put down the despot of Hellas.[90] Such
-a haughty defiance and retort incensed Alexander to the quick.
-He brought up his battering engines and prepared everything for
-storming the town. Of the murderous assault which followed, we find
-different accounts, not agreeing with each other, yet not wholly
-irreconcilable. It appears that the Thebans had erected, probably
-in connection with their operations against the Kadmeia, an outwork
-defended by a double palisade. Their walls were guarded by the least
-effective soldiers, metics and liberated slaves; while their best
-troops were bold enough to go forth in front of the gates and give
-battle. Alexander divided his army into three divisions; one under
-Perdikkas and Amyntas, against the outwork—a second, destined to
-combat the Thebans who sallied out—and a third, held in reserve.
-Between the second of these three divisions, and the Thebans in front
-of the gates, the battle was so obstinately contested, that success
-at one time seemed doubtful, and Alexander was forced to order up his
-reserve. The first Macedonian success was gained by Perdikkas,[91]
-who, aided by the division of Amyntas and also by the Agrianian
-regiment and the bowmen carried the first of the two outworks, as
-well as a postern gate which had been left unguarded. His troops
-also stormed the second outwork, though he himself was severely
-wounded and borne away to the camp. Here the Theban defenders fled
-back into the city, along the hollow way which led to the temple of
-Herakles, pursued by the light troops, in advance of the rest. Upon
-these men, however, the Thebans presently turned, repelling them
-with the loss of Eurybotas their commanding officer and seventy men
-slain. In pursuing these bowmen, the ranks of the Thebans became
-somewhat disordered, so that they were unable to resist the steady
-charge of the Macedonian guards and heavy infantry coming up in
-support. They were broken, and pushed back into the city; their rout
-being rendered still more complete by a sally of the Macedonian
-garrison out of the Kadmeia. The assailants being victorious on this
-side, the Thebans who were maintaining the combat without the gates
-were compelled to retreat, and the advancing Macedonians forced
-their way into the town along with them. Within the town, however,
-the fighting still continued; the Thebans resisting in organized
-bodies as long as they could; and when broken, still resisting even
-single-handed. None of the military population sued for mercy; most
-of them were slain in the streets; but a few cavalry and infantry cut
-their way out into the plain and escaped. The fight now degenerated
-into a carnage. The Macedonians with their Pæonian contingents were
-incensed with the obstinate resistance; while various Greeks serving
-as auxiliaries—Phokians, Orchomenians, Thespians, Platæans,—had
-to avenge ancient and grievous injuries endured from Thebes. Such
-furious feelings were satiated by an indiscriminate massacre of
-all who came in their way, without distinction of age or sex—old
-men, women, and children, in houses and even in temples. This
-wholesale slaughter was accompanied of course by all the plunder and
-manifold outrage with which victorious assailants usually reward
-themselves.[92]
-
-  [90] Diodor. xvii. 9.
-
-  [91] The attack of Perdikkas was represented by Ptolemy, from
-  whom Arrian copies (i. 8, 1), not only as being the first
-  and only attack made by the Macedonian army on Thebes, but
-  also as made by Perdikkas _without orders from Alexander_,
-  who was forced to support it in order to preserve Perdikkas
-  from being overwhelmed by the Thebans. According to Ptolemy
-  and Arrian, therefore, the storming of Thebes took place both
-  without the orders, and against the wishes, of Alexander; the
-  capture moreover was effected rapidly with little trouble to
-  the besieging army (ἡ ἅλωσις δι᾽ ὀλίγου τε καὶ ~οὐ ξὺν πόνῳ τῶν
-  ἑλόντων~ ξυνενεχθεῖσα, Arr. i. 9, 9): the bloodshed and pillage
-  was committed by the vindictive sentiment of the Bœotian allies.
-
-  Diodorus had before him a very different account. He affirms that
-  Alexander both combined and ordered the assault—that the Thebans
-  behaved like bold and desperate men, resisting obstinately and
-  for a long time—that the slaughter afterwards was committed by
-  the general body of the assailants; the Bœotian allies being
-  doubtless conspicuous among them. Diodorus gives this account at
-  some length, and with his customary rhetorical amplifications.
-  Plutarch and Justin are more brief; but coincide in the same
-  general view, and not in that of Arrian. Polyænus again (iv. 3
-  12) gives something different from all.
-
-  To me it appears that the narrative of Diodorus is (in its
-  basis, and striking off rhetorical amplifications) more credible
-  than that of Arrian. Admitting the attack made by Perdikkas,
-  I conceive it to have been a portion of the general plan of
-  Alexander. I cannot think it probable that Perdikkas attacked
-  without orders, or that Thebes was captured with little
-  resistance. It was captured by _one_ assault (Æschines adv.
-  Ktesiph. p. 524), but by an assault well-combined and stoutly
-  contested—not by one begun without preparation or order, and
-  successful after hardly any resistance. Alexander, after having
-  offered what he thought liberal terms, was not the man to shrink
-  from carrying his point by force; nor would the Thebans have
-  refused those terms, unless their minds had been made up for
-  strenuous and desperate defence, without hope of ultimate success.
-
-  What authority Diodorus followed, we do not know. He may have
-  followed Kleitarchus, a contemporary and an Æolian, who must have
-  had good means of information respecting such an event as the
-  capture of Thebes (see Geier, Alexandri M. Historiarum Scriptores
-  ætate suppares, Leips. 1844, p. 6-152; and Vossius, De Historicis
-  Græcis. i. x. p. 90, ed. Westermann). I have due respect for the
-  authority of Ptolemy, but I cannot go along with Geier and other
-  critics who set aside all other witnesses, even contemporary,
-  respecting Alexander, as worthy of little credit, unless where
-  such witnesses are confirmed by Ptolemy or Aristobulus. We must
-  remember that Ptolemy did not compose his book until after he
-  became king of Egypt, in 306 B. C.; nor indeed until
-  after the battle of Ipsus in 301, according to Geier (p. 1);
-  at least twenty-nine years after the sack of Thebes. Moreover,
-  Ptolemy was not ashamed of what Geier calls (p. 11) the “pious
-  fraud” of announcing, that two speaking serpents conducted the
-  army of Alexander to the holy precinct of Zeus Ammon (Arrian,
-  iii. 3). Lastly, it will be found that the depositions which are
-  found in other historians, but not in Ptolemy and Aristobulus,
-  relate principally to matters discreditable to Alexander. That
-  Ptolemy and Aristobulus _omitted_, is in my judgment far more
-  probable, than that other historians _invented_. Admiring
-  biographers would easily excuse themselves for refusing to
-  proclaim to the world such acts as the massacre of the Branchidæ,
-  or the dragging of the wounded Batiz at Gaza.
-
-  [92] Arrian, i. 8; Diodor. xvii. 12, 13.
-
-More than five hundred Macedonians are asserted to have been
-slain, and six thousand Thebans. Thirty thousand captives were
-collected.[93] The final destiny of these captives, and of Thebes
-itself, was submitted by Alexander to the Orchomenians, Platæans,
-Phokians, and other Grecian auxiliaries in the assault. He must
-have known well beforehand what the sentence of such judges would
-be. They pronounced, that the city of Thebes should be razed to the
-ground: that the Kadmeia alone should be maintained, as a military
-post with Macedonian garrison: that the Theban territory should be
-distributed among the allies themselves: that Orchomenus and Platæa
-should be rebuilt and fortified: that all the captive Thebans,
-men, women, and children, should be sold as slaves—excepting only
-priests and priestesses, and such as were connected by recognized
-ties of hospitality with Philip or Alexander, or such as had been
-_proxeni_ of the Macedonians; that the Thebans who had escaped should
-be proclaimed outlaws, liable to arrest and death, wherever they
-were found; and that every Grecian city should be interdicted from
-harboring them.[94]
-
-  [93] Diodorus (xvii. 14) and Plutarch (Alexand. 11) agree in
-  giving the totals of 6000 and 30,000.
-
-  [94] Arrian, i. 9; Diodor. xvii. 14.
-
-This overwhelming sentence, in spite of an appeal for lenity by a
-Theban[95] named Kleadas, was passed by the Grecian auxiliaries
-of Alexander, and executed by Alexander himself, who made but one
-addition to the excepting clauses. He left the house of Pindar
-standing, and spared the descendants of the poet. With these
-reserves, Thebes was effaced from the earth. The Theban territory was
-partitioned among the reconstituted cities of Orchomenus and Platæa.
-Nothing, except the Macedonian military post at the Kadmeia, remained
-to mark the place where the chief of the Bœotian confederacy had
-once stood. The captives were all sold, and are said to have yielded
-440 talents; large prices being offered by bidders from feelings of
-hostility towards the city.[96] Diodorus tells us that this sentence
-was passed by the general synod of Greeks. But we are not called upon
-to believe that this synod, subservient though it was sure to be when
-called upon to deliberate under the armed force of Alexander, could
-be brought to sanction such a ruin upon one of the first and most
-ancient Hellenic cities. For we learn from Arrian that the question
-was discussed and settled only by the Grecian auxiliaries who had
-taken part with Alexander;[97] and that the sentence therefore
-represents the bitter antipathies of the Orchomenians, Platæans, etc.
-Without doubt, these cities had sustained harsh and cruel treatment
-from Thebes. In so far as they were concerned, the retribution upon
-the Thebans was merited. Those persons, however, who (as Arrian tells
-us) pronounced the catastrophe to be a divine judgment upon Thebes
-for having joined Xerxes against Greece[98] a century and a half
-before,—must have forgotten that not only the Orchomenians, but even
-Alexander of Macedon, the namesake and predecessor of the destroying
-conqueror, had served in the army of Xerxes along with the Thebans.
-
-  [95] Justin, xi. 4.
-
-  [96] Diodor. xvii. 14; Justin, xi. 4: “pretium non ex ementium
-  commodo, sed ex inimicorum odio extenditur.”
-
-  [97] Arrian, i. 9, 13. Τοῖς δὲ μετασχοῦσι τοῦ ἔργου ξυμμάχοις,
-  οἷς δὴ καὶ ἐπέτρεψεν Ἀλέξανδρος τὰ κατὰ τὰς Θήβας διαθεῖναι,
-  ἔδοξε, etc.
-
-  [98] Arrian, i. 9, 10. He informs us (i. 9, 12) that there were
-  many previous portents which foreshadowed this ruin: Diodorus
-  (xvii. 10) on the contrary, enumerates many previous signs, all
-  tending to encourage the Thebans.
-
-Arrian vainly endeavors to transfer from Alexander to the minor
-Bœotian towns the odium of this cruel destruction—unparalleled in
-Grecian history (as he himself says), when we look to the magnitude
-of the city; yet surpassed in the aggregate by the subversion, under
-the arms of Philip, of no less than thirty-two free Chalkidic cities,
-thirteen years before. The known antipathy of these Bœotians was
-invoked by Alexander to color an infliction which satisfied at once
-his sentiment, by destroying an enemy who defied him—and his policy,
-by serving as a terrific example to keep down other Greeks.[99] But
-though such were the views which governed him at the moment, he came
-afterwards to look back upon the proceeding with shame and sorrow.
-The shock to Hellenic feeling, when a city was subverted, arose not
-merely from the violent extinction of life, property, liberty, and
-social or political institutions—but also from the obliteration of
-legends and the suppression of religious observances, thus wronging
-and provoking the local gods and heroes. We shall presently find
-Alexander himself sacrificing at Ilium,[100] in order to appease the
-wrath of Priam, still subsisting and efficacious, against himself and
-his race, as being descended from Neoptolemus the slayer of Priam.
-By his harsh treatment of Thebes, he incurred the displeasure of
-Dionysus, the god of wine, said to have been born in that city, and
-one of the principal figures in Theban legend. It was to inspirations
-of the offended Dionysus that Alexander believed himself to owe
-that ungovernable drunken passion under which he afterwards killed
-Kleitus, as well as the refusal of his Macedonian soldiers to follow
-him farther into India.[101] If Alexander in after days thus
-repented of his own act, we may be sure that the like repugnance
-was felt still more strongly by others; and we can understand the
-sentiment under which, a few years after his decease, the Macedonian
-Kassander, son of Antipater, restored the destroyed city.
-
-  [99] Plutarch, Alex. 11. ἡ μὲν πόλις ἥλω καὶ διαρπασθεῖσα
-  κατεσκάφη, τὸ μὲν ὅλον προσδοκήσαντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς Ἕλληνας πάθει
-  τηλικούτῳ ἐκπλαγέντας καὶ πτήξαντας ἀτρεμήσειν, ἄλλως δὲ καὶ
-  καλλωπισαμένου χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς τῶν συμμάχων ἐγκλήμασιν.
-
-  [100] Arrian, i. 11, 13. To illustrate farther the feeling of
-  the Greeks, respecting the wrath of the gods arising from the
-  discontinuance of worship where it had been long continued—I
-  transcribe a passage from Colonel Sleeman’s work respecting the
-  Hindoos, whose religious feelings are on so many points analogous
-  to those of the Hellênes:—
-
-  “Human sacrifices were certainly offered in the city of Saugor
-  during the whole Mahratta government, up to the year 1800—when
-  they were put a stop to by the local governor, Assa Sahib, a very
-  humane man. I once heard a learned Brahmin priest say, that he
-  thought the decline of his (Assa Sahib’s) family and government
-  arose from this innovation. ‘There is (said he) no sin in not
-  offering human sacrifices to the gods, where none have been
-  offered; _but where the gods have been accustomed to them, they
-  are very naturally annoyed when the rite is abolished, and visit
-  the place and the people with all kinds of calamity_.’ The priest
-  did not seem to think that there was anything singular in this
-  mode of reasoning: perhaps three Brahmin priests out of four
-  would have reasoned in the same manner.” (Sleeman, Rambles and
-  Recollections of an Indian Official, vol. i. ch. xv. p. 130).
-
-  [101] Plutarch, Alex. 13: compare Justin, xi. 4; and Isokrates ad
-  Philipp. (Or. v. s. 35), where he recommends Thebes to Philip on
-  the ground of pre-eminent worship towards Herakles.
-
-  It deserves notice, that while Alexander himself repented of
-  the destruction of Thebes, the macedonizing orator at Athens
-  describes it as a just, though deplorable penalty, brought by the
-  Thebans upon themselves by reckless insanity of conduct (Æschines
-  adv. Ktesiph. p. 524).
-
-At the time, however, the effect produced by the destruction of
-Thebes was one of unmitigated terror throughout the Grecian cities.
-All of them sought to make their peace with the conqueror. The
-Arcadian contingent not only returned home from the Isthmus, but even
-condemned their leaders to death. The Eleians recalled their chief
-macedonizing citizens out of exile into ascendency at home. Each
-tribe of Ætolians sent envoys to Alexander, entreating forgiveness
-for the manifestations against him. At Athens, we read with surprise
-that on the very day when Thebes was assaulted and taken, the great
-festival of Eleusinian Dêmêtêr, with its multitudinous procession
-of votaries from Athens to Eleusis, was actually taking place,
-at a distance of two days’ march from the besieged city. Most
-Theban fugitives who contrived to escape, fled to Attica as the
-nearest place of refuge, communicating to the Athenians their own
-distress and terror. The festival was forthwith suspended. Every
-one hurried within the walls of Athens,[102] carrying with him his
-movable property into a state of security. Under the general alarm
-prevalent, that the conqueror would march directly into Attica,
-and under the hurry of preparation for defence,—the persons both
-most alarmed and most in real danger were, of course, Demosthenes,
-Lykurgus, Charidemus, and those others who had been loudest in speech
-against Macedonia, and had tried to prevail on the Athenians to
-espouse openly the cause of Thebes. Yet notwithstanding such terror
-of consequences to themselves, the Athenians afforded shelter and
-sympathy to the miserable Theban fugitives. They continued to do this
-even when they must have known that they were contravening the edict
-of proscription just sanctioned by Alexander.
-
-  [102] Arrian, i. 10, 4.
-
-Shortly afterwards, envoys arrived from that monarch with a menacing
-letter, formally demanding the surrender of eight or ten leading
-citizens of Athens—Demosthenes, Lykurgus, Hyperides, Polyeuktus,
-Mœroklês, Diotimus,[103] Ephialtes, and Charidemus. Of these the
-first four were eminent orators, the last two military men; all
-strenuous advocates of an anti-Macedonian policy. Alexander in his
-letter denounced the ten as the causes of the battle of Chæroneia,
-of the offensive resolutions which had been adopted at Athens after
-the death of Philip, and even of the recent hostile proceedings
-of the Thebans.[104] This momentous summons, involving the right
-of free speech and public debate at Athens, was submitted to the
-assembly. A similar demand had just been made upon the Thebans, and
-the consequences of refusal were to be read no less plainly in the
-destruction of their city than in the threats of the conqueror. That
-even under such trying circumstances, neither orators nor people
-failed in courage—we know as a general fact; though we have not the
-advantage (as Livy had in his time) of reading the speeches made in
-the debate.[105] Demosthenes, insisting that the fate of the citizens
-generally could not be severed from that of the specific victims, is
-said to have recounted in the course of his speech, the old fable—of
-the wolf requiring the sheep to make over to him their protecting
-dogs, as a condition of peace—and then, devouring the unprotected
-sheep forthwith. He, and those demanded along with him, claimed the
-protection of the people, in whose cause alone they had incurred
-the wrath of the conqueror. Phokion on the other hand—silent at
-first, and rising only under constraint by special calls from the
-popular voice—contended that there was not force enough to resist
-Alexander, and that the persons in question must be given up. He
-even made appeal to themselves individually, reminding them of the
-self-devotion of the daughters of Erechtheus, memorable in Attic
-legend—and calling on them to surrender themselves voluntarily for
-the purpose of perverting public calamity He added, that he (Phokion)
-would rejoice to offer up either himself, or his best friend, if
-by such sacrifice he could save the city.[106] Lykurgus, one of
-the orators whose extradition was required, answered this speech
-of Phokion with vehemence and bitterness; and the public sentiment
-went along with him, indignantly repudiating Phokion’s advice. By a
-resolute patriotism highly honorable at this trying juncture, it was
-decreed that the persons demanded should not be surrendered.[107]
-
-  [103] The name of Diotimus is mentioned by Arrian (i. 10, 6),
-  but not by Plutarch; who names Demon instead of him (Plutarch,
-  Demosth. c. 23) and Kallisthenes instead of Hyperides. We know
-  nothing about Diotimus, except that Demosthenes (De Coronâ, p.
-  264) alludes to him along with Charidemus, as having received
-  an expression of gratitude from the people, in requital for a
-  present of shields which he had made. He is mentioned also, along
-  with Charidemus and others, in the third of the Demosthenic
-  epistles, p. 1482.
-
-  [104] Arrian, i. 10, 6; Plutarch, Vit. X. Orat. p. 847. ἐξῄτει
-  αὐτὸν (Demosthenes) ἀπειλὼν εἰ μὴ δοίησαν. Diodor. xvii. 15;
-  Plutarch, Demosth. 23.
-
-  [105] Livy; ix. 18. “(Alexander), adversus quem Athenis, in
-  civitate fractâ Macedonum armis, cernente tum maxime prope
-  fumantes Thebarum ruinas, concionari libere ausi sint homines,—id
-  quod ex monumentis orationum patet”, etc.
-
-  [106] Plutarch, Phokion, 9-17; Diodor. xvii. 15.
-
-  [107] Diodor. xvii. 15. Ὁ δὲ δῆμος τοῦτον μὲν (Phokion) τοῖς
-  θορύβοις ἐξέβαλε, προσάντως ἀκούων τοὺς λόγους.
-
-On the motion of Demades, an embassy was sent to Alexander,
-deprecating his wrath against the ten, and engaging to punish them
-by judicial sentence, if any crime could be proved against them.
-Demades, who is said to have received from Demosthenes a bribe of
-five talents, undertook this mission. But Alexander was at first
-inexorable; refusing even to hear the envoys, and persisting in his
-requisition. It was only by the intervention of a second embassy,
-headed by Phokion, that a remission of terms was obtained. Alexander
-was persuaded to withdraw his requisition, and to be satisfied with
-the banishment of Charidemus and Ephialtes, the two anti-Macedonian
-military leaders. Both of them accordingly, and seemingly other
-Athenians with them, passed into Asia, where they took service under
-Darius.[108]
-
-  [108] Arrian, i. 10, 8; Diodor. xvii. 15; Plutarch, Phokion, 17;
-  Justin, xi. 4; Deinarchus cont. Demosth. p. 26.
-
-  Arrian states that the visit of Demades with nine other Athenian
-  envoys to Alexander, occurred _prior_ to the demand of Alexander
-  for the extradition of the ten citizens. He (Arrian) affirms
-  that immediately on hearing the capture of Thebes, the Athenians
-  passed a vote, on the motion of Demades, to send ten envoys,
-  for the purpose of expressing satisfaction that Alexander had
-  come home safely from the Illyrians, and that he had punished
-  the Thebans for their revolt. Alexander (according to Arrian)
-  received this mission courteously, but replied by sending a
-  letter to the Athenian people, insisting on the surrender of the
-  ten citizens.
-
-  Now both Diodorus and Plutarch represent the mission of Demades
-  as _posterior_ to the demand made by Alexander for the ten
-  citizens; and that it was intended to meet and deprecate that
-  demand.
-
-  In my judgment, Arrian’s tale is the less credible of the two.
-  I think it highly improbable that the Athenians would by public
-  vote express satisfaction that Alexander had punished the Thebans
-  for their revolt. If the macedonizing party at Athens was strong
-  enough to carry so ignominious a vote, they would also have been
-  strong enough to carry the subsequent proposition of Phokion—that
-  the ten citizens demanded should be surrendered. The fact, that
-  the Athenians afforded willing shelter to the Theban fugitives,
-  is a farther reason for disbelieving this alleged vote.
-
-It was indeed no part of Alexander’s plan to undertake a siege of
-Athens, which might prove long and difficult, since the Athenians had
-a superior naval force, with the sea open to them, and the chance
-of effective support from Persia. When therefore he saw, that his
-demand for the ten orators would be firmly resisted, considerations
-of policy gradually overcame his wrath, and induced him to relax.
-
-Phokion returned to Athens as the bearer of Alexander’s concessions,
-thus relieving the Athenians from extreme anxiety and peril. His
-influence—already great and of long standing, since for years past
-he had been perpetually re-elected general—became greater than ever,
-while that of Demosthenes and the other anti-Macedonian orators must
-have been lowered. It was no mean advantage to Alexander, victorious
-as he was, to secure the incorruptible Phokion as leader of the
-macedonizing party at Athens. His projects against Persia were mainly
-exposed to failure from the possibility of opposition being raised
-against him in Greece by the agency of Persian money and ships.
-To keep Athens out of such combinations, he had to rely upon the
-personal influence and party of Phokion, whom he knew to have always
-dissuaded her from resistance to the ever-growing aggrandizement
-of his father Philip. In his conversation with Phokion on the
-intended Asiatic expedition, Alexander took some pains to flatter
-the pride of Athens by describing her as second only to himself,
-and as entitled to the headship of Greece, in case any thing should
-happen to him.[109] Such compliments were suitable to be repeated in
-the Athenian assembly: indeed the Macedonian prince might naturally
-prefer the idea of Athenian headship to that of Spartan, seeing that
-Sparta stood aloof from him, an open recusant.
-
-  [109] Plutarch, Phokion, 17; Plutarch, Alexand. 13.
-
-The animosity of Alexander being appeased, Athens resumed her
-position as a member of the confederacy under his imperial authority.
-Without visiting Attica, he now marched to the Isthmus of Corinth,
-where he probably received from various Grecian cities deputations
-deprecating his displeasure, and proclaiming their submission to
-his imperial authority. He also probably presided at a meeting of
-the Grecian synod, where he would dictate the contingents required
-for his intended Asiatic expedition in the ensuing spring. To the
-universal deference and submission which greeted him, one exception
-was found—the Cynic philosopher Diogenes, who resided at Corinth,
-satisfied with a tub for shelter, and with the coarsest and most
-self-denying existence. Alexander approached him with a numerous
-suite, and asked him if he wished for anything; upon which Diogenes
-is said to have replied,—“Nothing, except that you would stand a
-little out of my sunshine.” Both the philosopher and his reply
-provoked laughter from the bystanders, but Alexander himself was
-so impressed with the independent and self-sufficing character
-manifested, that he exclaimed,—“If I were not Alexander, I would be
-Diogenes.”[110]
-
-  [110] Plutarch, Alex. 14.
-
-Having visited the oracle of Delphi, and received or extorted
-from the priestess[111] an answer bearing favorable promise for
-his Asiatic schemes, he returned to Macedonia before the winter.
-The most important permanent effect of his stay in Greece was the
-reconstitution of Bœotia; that is, the destruction of Thebes, and
-the reconstitution of Orchomenus, Thespiæ, and Platæa, dividing
-between them the Theban territory; all guarded and controlled by a
-Macedonian garrison in the Kadmeia. It would have been interesting
-to learn some details about this process of destruction and
-restitution of the Bœotian towns; a process not only calling forth
-strong manifestations of sentiment, but also involving important and
-difficult questions to settle. But unfortunately we are not permitted
-to know anything beyond the general fact.
-
-  [111] Plutarch, Alex. 14.
-
-Alexander left Greece for Pella in the autumn of 335 B. C.,
-and never saw it again.
-
-It appears, that during this summer, while he was occupied in
-his Illyrian and Theban operations, the Macedonian force under
-Parmenio in Asia had had to contend against a Persian army, or Greek
-mercenaries, commanded by Memnon the Rhodian. Parmenio, marching into
-Æolis, besieged and took Grynium; after which he attacked Pitanê,
-but was compelled by Memnon to raise the siege. Memnon even gained
-a victory over the Macedonian force under Kallas in the Troad,
-compelling them to retire to Rhœteum. But he failed in an attempt to
-surprise Kyzikus, and was obliged to content himself with plundering
-the adjoining territory.[112] It is affirmed that Darius was engaged
-this summer in making large preparations, naval as well as military,
-to resist the intended expedition of Alexander. Yet all that we hear
-of what was actually done implies nothing beyond a moderate force.
-
-  [112] Diodor. xvi. 7.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XCII.
-
-ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER.
-
-
-A year and some months had sufficed for Alexander to make a first
-display of his energy and military skill, destined for achievements
-yet greater; and to crush the growing aspirations for freedom
-among Greeks on the south, as well as among Thracians on the north,
-of Macedonia. The ensuing winter was employed in completing his
-preparations; so that early in the spring of 334 B. C., his army
-destined for the conquest of Asia was mustered between Pella and
-Amphipolis, while his fleet was at hand to lend support.
-
-The whole of Alexander’s remaining life—from his crossing the
-Hellespont in March or April 334 B. C., to his death at Babylon in
-June 323 B. C., eleven years and two or three months—was passed in
-Asia, amidst unceasing military operations, and ever-multiplied
-conquests. He never lived to revisit Macedonia; but his achievements
-were on so transcendent a scale, his acquisitions of territory so
-unmeasured, and his thirst for farther aggrandizement still so
-insatiate, that Macedonia sinks into insignificance in the list
-of his possessions. Much more do the Grecian cities dwindle into
-outlying appendages of a newly-grown Oriental empire. During all
-these eleven years, the history of Greece is almost a blank, except
-here and there a few scattered events. It is only at the death of
-Alexander that the Grecian cities again awaken into active movement.
-
-The Asiatic conquests of Alexander do not belong directly and
-literally to the province of an historian of Greece. They were
-achieved by armies of which the general, the principal officers,
-and most part of the soldiers, were Macedonian. The Greeks who
-served with him were only auxiliaries, along with the Thracians
-and Pæonians. Though more numerous than all the other auxiliaries,
-they did not constitute, like the Ten Thousand Greeks in the army
-of the younger Cyrus, the force on which he mainly relied for
-victory. His chief-secretary, Eumenes of Kardia, was a Greek, and
-probably most of the civil and intellectual functions connected
-with the service were also performed by Greeks. Many Greeks also
-served in the army of Persia against him, and composed indeed a
-larger proportion of the real force (disregarding mere numbers) in
-the army of Darius than in that of Alexander. Hence the expedition
-becomes indirectly incorporated with the stream of Grecian history
-by the powerful auxiliary agency of Greeks on both sides—and still
-more, by its connection with previous projects, dreams, and legends,
-long antecedent to the aggrandizement of Macedon—as well as by the
-character which Alexander thought fit to assume. To take revenge on
-Persia for the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, and to liberate the
-Asiatic Greeks, had been the scheme of the Spartan Agesilaus, and of
-the Pheræan Jason; with hopes grounded on the memorable expedition
-and safe return of the Ten Thousand. It had been recommended by the
-rhetor Isokrates, first to the combined force of Greece, while yet
-Grecian cities were free, under the joint headship of Athens and
-Sparta—next, to Philip of Macedon as the chief of united Greece, when
-his victorious arms had extorted a recognition of headship, setting
-aside both Athens and Sparta. The enterprising ambition of Philip was
-well pleased to be nominated chief of Greece for the execution of
-this project. From him it passed to his yet more ambitious son.
-
-Though really a scheme of Macedonian appetite and for Macedonian
-aggrandizement, the expedition against Asia thus becomes thrust
-into the series of Grecian events, under the Pan-hellenic pretence
-of retaliation for the long past insults of Xerxes. I call it a
-_pretence_, because it had ceased to be a real Hellenic feeling, and
-served now two different purposes; first, to ennoble the undertaking
-in the eyes of Alexander himself, whose mind was very accessible
-to religious and legendary sentiment, and who willingly identified
-himself with Agamemnon or Achilles, immortalized as executors of the
-collective vengeance of Greece for Asiatic insult—next, to assist in
-keeping the Greeks quiet during his absence. He was himself aware
-that the real sympathies of the Greeks were rather adverse than
-favorable to his success.
-
-Apart from this body of extinct sentiment, ostentatiously rekindled
-for Alexander’s purposes, the position of the Greeks in reference to
-his Asiatic conquests was very much the same as that of the German
-contingents, especially those of the Confederation of the Rhine, who
-served in the grand army with which the Emperor Napoleon invaded
-Russia in 1812. They had no public interest in the victory of the
-invader, which could end only by reducing them to still greater
-prostration. They were likely to adhere to their leader as long as
-his power continued unimpaired, but no longer. Yet Napoleon thought
-himself entitled to reckon upon them as if they had been Frenchmen,
-and to denounce the Germans in the service of Russia as traitors
-who had forfeited the allegiance which they owed to him. We find him
-drawing the same pointed distinction between the Russian and the
-German prisoners taken, as Alexander made between Asiatic and Grecian
-prisoners. These Grecian prisoners the Macedonian prince reproached
-as guilty of treason against the proclaimed statute of collective
-Hellas, whereby he had been declared general, and the Persian king a
-public enemy.[113]
-
-  [113] Arrian, i. 16, 10; i. 29, 9, about the Grecian prisoners
-  taken at the victory of the Granikus—ὅσους δὲ αὐτῶν αἰχμαλώτους
-  ἔλαβε, τούτους δὲ δήσας ἐν πέδαις, εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀπέπεμψεν
-  ἐργάζεσθαι, ὅτι παρὰ τὰ κοινῇ δόξαντα τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, Ἕλληνες
-  ὄντες, ἐναντία τῇ Ἑλλάδι ὑπὲρ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐμάχοντο. Also iii.
-  23, 15, about the Grecian soldiers serving with the Persians, and
-  made prisoners in Hyrkania—Ἀδικεῖν γὰρ μεγάλα (said Alexander)
-  τοὺς στρατευομένους ἐναντία τῇ Ἑλλάδι παρὰ τοῖς βαρβάροις παρὰ τὰ
-  δόγματα τῶν Ἑλλήνων.
-
-  Toward the end of October 1812, near Moscow, General
-  Winzingerode, a German officer in the Russian service,—with his
-  aide-de-camp a native Russian, Narishkin,—became prisoner of the
-  French. He was brought to Napoleon—“At the sight of that German
-  general, all the secret resentments of Napoleon took fire. ‘Who
-  are you (he exclaimed)? a man without a country! When I was at
-  war with the Austrians, I found you in their ranks. Austria has
-  become my ally, and you have entered into the Russian service.
-  You have been one of the warmest instigators of the present
-  war. Nevertheless, you are a native of the Confederation of the
-  Rhine: _you are my subject_. You are not an ordinary enemy:
-  you are a rebel: I have a right to bring you to trial. _Gens
-  d’armes_, seize this man!’ Then addressing the aide-de-camp of
-  Winzingerode, Napoleon said, ‘As for you, Count Narishkin, I have
-  nothing to reproach you with: you are a Russian, you are doing
-  your duty.’” (Ségur’s account of the Campaign in Russia, book ix.
-  ch. vi. p. 132.)
-
-  Napoleon did not realize these threats against Winzingerode;
-  but his language expresses just the same sentiment as that of
-  Alexander towards the captive Greeks.
-
-Hellas, as a political aggregate, has now ceased to exist, except
-in so far as Alexander employs the name for his own purposes.
-Its component members are annexed as appendages, doubtless of
-considerable value, to the Macedonian kingdom. Fourteen years
-before Alexander’s accession, Demosthenes, while instigating the
-Athenians to uphold Olynthus against Philip, had told them[114]—“The
-Macedonian power, considered as an appendage, is of no mean value;
-but by itself, it is weak and full of embarrassments.” Inverting the
-position of the parties, these words represent exactly what Greece
-herself had become, in reference to Macedonia and Persia, at the time
-of Alexander’s accession. Had the Persians played their game with
-tolerable prudence and vigor, his success would have been measured by
-the degree to which he could appropriate Grecian force to himself,
-and withhold it from his enemy.
-
-  [114] Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 14 Ὅλως μὲν γὰρ ἡ Μακεδονικὴ
-  δύναμις καὶ ἀρχὴ ~ἐν μὲν προσθήκῃ μερίς~ ἐστὶ τις οὐ σμικρὰ, οἷον
-  ὑπῆρξέ ποθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἐπὶ Τιμοθέου πρὸς Ὀλυνθίους ... αὐτὴ δὲ καθ᾽
-  αὑτὴν ἀσθενὴς καὶ πολλῶν κακῶν ἐστὶ μεστὴ.
-
-Alexander’s memorable and illustrious manifestations, on which we
-are now entering, are those, not of the ruler or politician, but
-of the general and the soldier. In this character his appearance
-forms a sort of historical epoch. It is not merely in soldier-like
-qualities—in the most forward and even adventurous bravery—in
-indefatigable personal activity, and in endurance as to hardship
-and fatigue,—that he stands pre-eminent; though these qualities
-alone, when found in a king, act so powerfully on those under his
-command, that they suffice to produce great achievements, even
-when combined with generalship not surpassing the average of his
-age. But in generalship, Alexander was yet more above the level of
-his contemporaries. His strategic combinations, his employment of
-different descriptions of force conspiring towards one end, his
-long-sighted plans for the prosecution of campaigns, his constant
-foresight and resource against new difficulties, together with
-rapidity of movement even in the worst country—all on a scale of
-prodigious magnitude—are without parallel in ancient history. They
-carry the art of systematic and scientific welfare to a degree of
-efficiency, such as even successors trained in his school were unable
-to keep up unimpaired.
-
-We must recollect however that Alexander found the Macedonian
-military system built up by Philip, and had only to apply and enlarge
-it. As transmitted to him, it embodied the accumulated result and
-matured fruit of a series of successive improvements, applied by
-Grecian tacticians to the primitive Hellenic arrangements. During
-the sixty years before the accession of Alexander, the art of war
-had been conspicuously progressive—to the sad detriment of Grecian
-political freedom. “Everything around us (says Demosthenes addressing
-the people of Athens in 342 B. C.), has been in advance for
-some years past—nothing is like what it was formerly—but nowhere is
-the alteration and enlargement more conspicuous than in the affairs
-of war. Formerly, the Lacedæmonians as well as other Greeks did
-nothing more than invade each other’s territory, during the four or
-five summer months, with their native force of citizen hoplites: in
-winter they stayed at home. But now we see Philip in constant action,
-winter as well as summer, attacking all around him, not merely with
-Macedonian hoplites, but with cavalry, light infantry, bowmen,
-foreigners of all descriptions, and siege-batteries.”[115]
-
-  [115] Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 123, 124: compare Olynth. ii. p.
-  22. I give here the substance of what is said by the orator, not
-  strictly adhering to his words.
-
-I have in my last two volumes dwelt upon this progressive change in
-the character of Grecian soldiership. At Athens, and in most other
-parts of Greece, the burghers had become averse to hard and active
-military service. The use of arms had passed mainly to professional
-soldiers, who, without any feeling of citizenship, served wherever
-good pay was offered, and became immensely multiplied, to the
-detriment and danger of Grecian society.[116] Many of these
-mercenaries were lightly armed—peltasts served in combination
-with the hoplites.[117] Iphikrates greatly improved and partly
-re-armed the peltasts; whom he employed conjointly with hoplites so
-effectively as to astonish his contemporaries.[118] His innovation
-was farther developed by the great military genius of Epaminondas;
-who not only made infantry and cavalry, light-armed and heavy-armed,
-conspire to one scheme of operations, but also completely altered
-the received principles of battle-manœuvring, by concentrating an
-irresistible force of attack on one point of the enemy’s line, and
-keeping the rest of his own line more on the defensive. Besides these
-important improvements, realized by generals in actual practice,
-intelligent officers like Xenophon embodied the results of their
-military experience in valuable published criticisms.[119] Such were
-the lessons which the Macedonian Philip learnt and applied to the
-enslavement of those Greeks, especially of the Thebans, from whom
-they were derived. In his youth, as a hostage at Thebes, he had
-probably conversed with Epaminondas, and must certainly have become
-familiar with the Theban military arrangements. He had every motive,
-not merely from ambition, of conquest, but even from the necessities
-of defence, to turn them to account: and he brought to the task
-military genius and aptitude of the highest order. In arms, in
-evolutions, in engines, in regimenting, in war-office arrangements,
-he introduced important novelties; bequeathing to his successors the
-Macedonian military system, which, with improvements by his son,
-lasted until the conquest of the country by Rome, near two centuries
-afterwards.
-
-  [116] Isokrates, in several of his discourses, notes the gradual
-  increase of these mercenaries—men without regular means of
-  subsistence, or fixed residence, or civic obligations. Or. iv.
-  (Panegyr.) s. 195; Or. v. (Philippus), s. 112-142; Or. viii. (De
-  Pace), s. 31-56.
-
-  [117] Xenoph. Magist. Equit. ix. 4. Οἶδα δ᾽ ἐγὼ καὶ
-  Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸ ἱππικὸν ἀρξάμενον εὐδοκιμεῖν, ἐπεὶ ξένους
-  ἱππέας προσέλαβον· καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσι πανταχοῦ τὰ ξενικὰ
-  ὁρῶ εὐδοκιμοῦντα.
-
-  Compare Demosth. Philippic. i. p. 46; Xenoph. Hellenic. iv. 4,
-  14; Isokrates, Orat. vii. (Areopagit.), s. 93.
-
-  [118] For an explanation of the improved arming of peltasts
-  introduced by Iphikrates, see Vol. IX. Ch. lxxv. p. 335 of this
-  History. Respecting these improvements, the statements both
-  of Diodorus (xv. 44) and of Nepos are obscure. MM. Rüstow and
-  Köchly (in their valuable work, Geschichte des Griechischen
-  Kriegswesens, Aarau, 1852, B. ii. p. 164) have interpreted the
-  statements in a sense to which I cannot subscribe. They think
-  that Iphikrates altered not only the arming of peltasts, but also
-  that of hoplites; a supposition, which I see nothing to justify.
-
-  [119] Besides the many scattered remarks in the Anabasis, the
-  Cyropædia is full of discussion and criticism on military
-  phænomena. It is remarkable to what an extent Xenophon had
-  present to his mind all the exigencies of war, and the different
-  ways of meeting them. See as an example, Cyropæd. vi. 2; ii. 1.
-
-  The work on sieges, by Æneas (Poliorketica), is certainly
-  anterior to the military improvements of Philip of Macedon:
-  probably about the beginning of his reign. See the preface
-  to it by Rüstow and Köchly, p. 8, in their edition of Die
-  Griechischen Kriegs-schriftsteller, Leips. 1853. In this work,
-  allusion is made to several others, now lost, by the same
-  author—Παρασκευαστικὴ βίβλος, Ποριστικὴ Βίβλος, Στρατοπεδευτικὴ,
-  etc.
-
-The military force of Macedonia, in the times anterior to Philip,
-appears to have consisted, like that of Thessaly, in a well-armed
-and well-mounted cavalry, formed from the substantial proprietors
-of the country—and in a numerous assemblage of peltasts or light
-infantry (somewhat analogous to the Thessalian Penestæ): these latter
-were the rural population, shepherds or cultivators, who tended
-sheep and cattle, or tilled the earth, among the spacious mountains
-and valleys of Upper Macedonia. The Grecian towns near the coast,
-and the few Macedonian towns in the interior, had citizen-hoplites
-better armed; but foot-service was not in honor among the natives,
-and the Macedonian infantry in their general character were hardly
-more than a rabble. At the period of Philip’s accession, they were
-armed with nothing better than rusty swords and wicker shields, noway
-sufficient to make head against the inroads of their Thracian and
-Illyrian neighbors; before whom they were constantly compelled to
-flee for refuge up into the mountains.[120] Their condition was that
-of a poor herdsman, half-naked or covered only with hides, and eating
-from wooden platters: not much different from that of the population
-of Upper Macedonia three centuries before, when first visited by
-Perdikkas the ancestor of the Macedonian kings, and when the wife
-of the native prince baked bread with her own hands.[121] On the
-other hand, though the Macedonian infantry was thus indifferent, the
-cavalry of the country was excellent, both in the Peloponnesian war,
-and in the war carried on by Sparta against Olynthus more than twenty
-years afterwards.[122] These horsemen, like the Thessalians, charged
-in compact order, carrying as their principal weapon of offence, not
-javelins to be hurled, but the short thrusting-pike for close combat.
-
-  [120] See the striking speech addressed by Alexander to the
-  discontented Macedonian soldiers, a few months before his death,
-  at Opis or Susa (Arrian, vii).
-
-  ... Φίλιππος γὰρ παραλαβὼν ὑμᾶς πλανήτας καὶ ἀπόρους, ἐν
-  διφθέραις τοὺς πολλοὺς νέμοντας ἀνὰ τὰ ὄρη πρόβατα κατὰ ὄλιγα,
-  καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων κακῶς μαχομένους Ἰλλυριοῖς τε καὶ Τριβαλλοῖς καὶ
-  τοῖς ὁμόροις Θρᾳξὶ, χλαμύδας μὲν ὑμῖν ἀντὶ τῶν διφθερῶν φορεῖν
-  ἔδωκε, κατήγαγε δὲ ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν ἐς τὰ πεδία, ἀξιομάχους καταστήσας
-  τοῖς προσχώροις τῶν βαρβάρων, ὡς μὴ χωρίων ἔτι ὀχυρότητι
-  πιστεύοντας μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ οἰκείᾳ ἀρετῇ σώζεσθαι....
-
-  In the version of the same speech given by Curtius (x. 10,
-  23), we find, “Modo sub Philippo seminudis, amicula ex purpurâ
-  sordent, aurum et argentum oculi ferre non possunt: lignea enim
-  vasa desiderant, et ex cratibus scuta rubiginemque gladiorum”,
-  etc.
-
-  Compare the description given by Thucydides, iv. 124, of the
-  army of Brasidas and Perdikkas, where the Macedonian foot are
-  described as ἄλλος ὅμιλος τῶν βαρβάρων πολύς.
-
-  [121] Herodot. viii. 137.
-
-  [122] Thucyd. ii. 100; Xenoph. Hellen. v. 2, 40-42.
-
-Thus defective was the military organization which Philip found.
-Under his auspices it was cast altogether anew. The poor and hardy
-Landwehr of Macedonia, constantly on the defensive against predatory
-neighbors, formed an excellent material for soldiers, and proved
-not intractable to the innovations of a warlike prince. They were
-placed under constant training in the regular rank and file of heavy
-infantry: they were moreover brought to adopt a new description
-of arm, not only in itself very difficult to manage, but also
-comparatively useless to the soldier when fighting single-handed,
-and only available by a body of men in close order, trained to
-move or stand together. The new weapon, of which we first hear the
-name in the army of Philip, was the sarissa—the Macedonian pike or
-lance. The sarissa was used both by the infantry of his phalanx,
-and by particular regiments of his cavalry; in both cases it was
-long, though that of the phalanx was much the longer of the two.
-The regiments of cavalry called Sarissophori or Lancers were a sort
-of light-horse, carrying a long lance, and distinguished from the
-heavier cavalry intended for the shock of hand combat, who carried
-the xyston or short pike. The sarissa of this cavalry may have been
-fourteen feet in length, as long as the Cossack pike now is; that of
-the infantry in phalanx was not less than twenty-one feet long. This
-dimension is so prodigious and so unwieldy, that we should hardly
-believe it, if it did not come attested by the distinct assertion of
-an historian like Polybius.
-
-The extraordinary reach of the sarissa or pike constituted the
-prominent attribute and force of the Macedonian phalanx. The
-phalangites were drawn up in files generally sixteen deep, each
-called a Lochus; with an interval of three feet between each two
-soldiers from front to rear. In front stood the lochage, a man of
-superior strength, and of tried military experience. The second and
-third men in the file, as well as the rearmost man who brought up the
-whole, were also picked soldiers, receiving larger pay than the rest.
-Now the sarissa, when in horizontal position, was held with both
-hands (distinguished in this respect from the pike of the Grecian
-hoplite, which occupied only one hand, the other being required
-for the shield), and so held that it projected fifteen feet before
-the body of the pikeman; while the hinder portion of six feet so
-weighted as to make the pressure convenient in such division. Hence,
-the sarissa of the man standing second in the file, projected twelve
-feet beyond the front rank; that of the third man, nine feet; these
-of the fourth and fifth ranks, respectively six feet and three feet.
-There was thus presented a quintuple series of pikes by each file,
-to meet an advancing enemy. Of these five, the three first would be
-decidedly of greater projection, and even the fourth of not less
-projection, than the pikes of Grecian hoplites coming up as enemies
-to the charge. The ranks behind the fifth, while serving to sustain
-and press onward the front, did not carry the sarissa in a horizontal
-position, but slanted it over the shoulders of those before them, so
-as to break the force of any darts or arrows which might be shot over
-head from the rear ranks of the enemy.[123]
-
-  [123] Respecting the length of the pike of the Macedonian
-  phalanx, see Appendix to this Chapter.
-
-The phalangite (soldier of the phalanx) was farther provided
-with a short sword, a circular shield of rather more than two
-feet in diameter, a breast-piece, leggings, and a kausia or
-broad-brimmed-hat—the head-covering common in the Macedonian army.
-But the long pikes were in truth the main weapons of defence as well
-as of offence. They were destined to contend against the charge
-of Grecian hoplites with the one-handed pike and heavy shield;
-especially against the most formidable manifestation of that force,
-the deep Theban column organized by Epaminondas. This was what Philip
-had to deal with, at his accession, as the irresistible infantry
-of Greece, bearing down everything before it by thrust of pike and
-propulsion of shield. He provided the means of vanquishing it, by
-training his poor Macedonian infantry to the systematic use of the
-long two-handed pike. The Theban column, charging a phalanx so
-armed, found themselves unable to break into the array of protended
-pikes, or to come to push of shield. We are told that at the battle
-of Chæroneia, the front rank Theban soldiers, the chosen men of the
-city, all perished on the ground; and this is not wonderful, when
-we conceive them as rushing, by their own courage as well as by the
-pressure upon them from behind, upon a wall of Pikes double the
-length of their own. We must look at Philip’s phalanx with reference
-to the enemies before him, not with reference to the later Roman
-organization, which Polybius brings into comparison. It answered
-perfectly the purposes of Philip, who wanted mainly to stand the
-shock in front, thus overpowering Grecian hoplites in their own mode
-of attack. Now Polybius informs us, that the phalanx was never once
-beaten, in front and on ground suitable for it; and wherever the
-ground was fit for hoplites, it was also fit for the phalanx. The
-inconveniences of Philip’s array, and of the long pikes, arose from
-the incapacity of the phalanx to change its front or keep its order
-on unequal ground; but such inconveniences were hardly less felt by
-Grecian hoplites.[124]
-
-  [124] The impression of admiration, and even terror, with which
-  the Roman general Paulus Emilius was seized, on first seeing the
-  Macedonian phalanx in battle array at Pydna—has been recorded by
-  Polybius (Polybius, Fragm. xxix. 6, 11; Livy, xliv. 40).
-
-The Macedonian phalanx, denominated the Pezetæri[125] or Foot
-Companions of the King, comprised the general body of native
-infantry, as distinguished from special _corps d’armée_. The largest
-division of it which we find mentioned under Alexander, and which
-appears under the command of a general of division, is called a
-Taxis. How many of these Taxeis there were in all, we do not know;
-the original Asiatic army of Alexander (apart from what he left at
-home) included six of them, coinciding apparently with the provincial
-allotments of the country: Orestæ, Lynkestæ, Elimiotæ, Tymphæi,
-etc.[126] The writers on tactics give us a systematic scale of
-distribution (ascending from the lowest unit, the Lochus of sixteen
-men, by successive multiples of two, up to the quadruple phalanx of
-16,384 men) as pervading the Macedonian army. Among these divisions,
-that which stands out as most fundamental and constant, is the
-Syntagma, which contained sixteen Lochi. Forming thus a square of
-sixteen men in front and depth, or 256 men, it was at the same time
-a distinct aggregate or permanent battalion, having attached to it
-five supernumeraries, an ensign, a rear-man, a trumpeter, a herald,
-and an attendant or orderly.[127] Two of these Syntagmas composed
-a body of 512 men, called a Pentakosiarchy, which in Philip’s time
-is said to have been the ordinary regiment, acting together under a
-separate command; but several of these were doubled by Alexander when
-he reorganized his army at Susa,[128] so as to form regiments of 1024
-men, each under its Chiliarch, and each comprising four Syntagmas.
-All this systematic distribution of the Macedonian military force
-when at home, appears to have been arranged by the genius of Philip.
-On actual foreign service, no numerical precision could be observed;
-a regiment or a division could not always contain the same fixed
-number of men. But as to the array, a depth of sixteen, for the
-files of the phalangites, appears to have been regarded as important
-and characteristic,[129] perhaps essential to impart a feeling of
-confidence to the troops. It was a depth much greater than was common
-with Grecian hoplites, and never surpassed by any Greeks except the
-Thebans.
-
-  [125] Harpokration and Photius, v. Πεζέταιροι, Demosth. Olynth.
-  ii. p. 23; Arrian, iv. 23, 1. τῶν πεζεταίρων καλουμένων τὰς
-  Τάξεις, and ii. 23, 2, etc.
-
-  Since we know from Demosthenes that the pezetæri date from the
-  time of Philip, it is probable that the passage of Anaximenes
-  (as cited by Harpokration and Photius) which refers them to
-  Alexander, has ascribed to the son what really belongs to the
-  father. The term ἑταῖροι, in reference to the kings of Macedonia,
-  first appears in Plutarch, Pelopidas, 27, in reference to
-  Ptolemy, before the time of Philip; see Otto Abel, Makedonien
-  vor König Philip, p. 129 (the passage of Ælian referred to by
-  him seems of little moment). The term Companions or Comrades had
-  under Philip a meaning purely military, designating foreigners as
-  well as Macedonians serving in his army: see Theopompus, Frag.
-  249. The term, originally applied only to a select few, was by
-  degrees extended to the corps generally.
-
-  [126] Arrian, i. 14, 3; iii. 16, 19; Diodor. xvii. 57. Compare
-  the note of Schmieder on the above passage of Arrian; also
-  Droysen, Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen, p. 95, 96, and the
-  elaborate note of Mützel on Curtius, v. 2, 3. p. 400.
-
-  The passage of Arrian (his description of Alexander’s army
-  arrayed at the Granikus) is confused, and seems erroneous in some
-  words of the text; yet it may be held to justify the supposition
-  of six Taxeis of pezetæri in Alexander’s phalanx on that day.
-  There seem also to be six Taxeis at Arbêla (iii. 11, 16).
-
-  [127] Arrian. Tactic. c. 10; Ælian. Tactic. c. 9.
-
-  [128] Curtius, v. 2, 3.
-
-  [129] This is to be seen in the arrangement made by Alexander
-  a short time before his death, when he incorporated Macedonian
-  and Persian soldiers in the same lochus; the normal depth of
-  sixteen was retained; all the front ranks or privileged men being
-  Macedonians. The Macedonians were much hurt at seeing their
-  native regimental array shared with Asiatics (Arrian, vii. 11, 5;
-  vii. 23, 4-8).
-
-But the phalanx, though an essential item, was yet only one among
-many, in the varied military organization introduced by Philip.
-It was neither intended, nor fit, to act alone; being clumsy in
-changing front to protect itself either in flank or rear, and unable
-to adapt itself to uneven ground. There was another description of
-infantry organized by Philip called the Hypaspists—shield-bearers
-or Guards;[130] originally few in number, and employed for personal
-defence of the prince—but afterwards enlarged into several distinct
-_corps d’armée_. These Hypaspists or Guards were light infantry
-of the line;[131] they were hoplites, keeping regular array and
-intended for close combat, but more lightly armed, and more fit for
-diversities of circumstance and position, than the phalanx. They seem
-to have fought with the one-handed pike and shield, like the Greeks;
-and not to have carried the two-handed phalangite pike or sarissa.
-They occupied a sort of intermediate place between the heavy infantry
-of the phalanx properly so called—and the peltasts and light troops
-generally. Alexander in his later campaigns had them distributed into
-Chiliarchies (how the distribution stood earlier, we have no distinct
-information), at least three in number, and probably more.[132] We
-find them employed by him in forward and aggressive movements; first
-his light troops and cavalry begin the attack; next, the hypaspists
-come to follow it up; lastly, the phalanx is brought up to support
-them. The hypaspists are used also for assault of walled places, and
-for rapid night marches.[133] What was the total number of them, we
-do not know.[134]
-
-  [130] The proper meaning of ὑπασπισταὶ, as guards or personal
-  attendants on the prince, appears in Arrian, i. 5, 3; vii. 8, 6.
-
-  Neoptolemus, as ἀρχιυπασπιστὴς to Alexander, carried the shield
-  and lance of the latter, on formal occasions (Plutarch, Eumenes,
-  1).
-
-  [131] Arrian, ii. 4, 3, 4; ii. 20, 5.
-
-  [132] Arrian, iv. 30, 11; v. 23, 11.
-
-  [133] Arrian, ii. 20, 5; ii. 23, 6; iii. 18, 8.
-
-  [134] Droysen and Schmieder give the number of hypaspists in
-  Alexander’s army at Issus, as 6000. That this opinion rests on no
-  sufficient evidence, has been shown by Mützel (ad Curtium, v. 2,
-  3. p. 399). But that the number of hypaspists left by Philip at
-  his death was 6000 seems not improbable.
-
-Besides the phalanx, and the hypaspists or Guards, the Macedonian
-army as employed by Philip and Alexander included a numerous
-assemblage of desultory or irregular troops, partly native
-Macedonians, partly foreigners, Thracians, Pæonians, etc. They were
-of different descriptions; peltasts, darters, and bowmen. The best
-of them appear to have been the Agriânes, a Pæonian tribe expert in
-the use of the javelin. All of them were kept in vigorous movement
-by Alexander, on the flanks and in front of his heavy infantry, or
-intermingled with his cavalry,—as well as for pursuit after the enemy
-was defeated.
-
-Lastly, the cavalry in Alexander’s army was also admirable—at
-least equal, and seemingly even superior in efficiency, to his
-best infantry.[135] I have already mentioned that cavalry was the
-choice native force of Macedonia, long before the reign of Philip;
-by whom it had been extended and improved.[136] The heavy cavalry,
-wholly or chiefly composed of native Macedonians, was known by the
-denomination of the Companions. There was besides a new and lighter
-variety of cavalry, apparently introduced by Philip, and called the
-Sarissophori, or Lancers, used like Cossacks for advanced posts or
-scouring the country. The sarissa which they carried was probably
-much shorter than that of the phalanx; but it was long, if compared
-with the xyston or thrusting pike used by the heavy cavalry for the
-shock of close combat. Arrian, in describing the army of Alexander at
-Arbêla, enumerates eight distinct squadrons of this heavy cavalry—or
-cavalry of the Companions; but the total number included in the
-Macedonian army at Alexander’s accession, is not known. Among the
-squadrons, several at least (if not all) were named after particular
-towns or districts of the country—Bottiæa, Amphipolis, Apollonia,
-Anthemus, etc.;[137] there was one or more, distinguished as the
-Royal Squadron—the Agêma or leading body of cavalry—at the head of
-which Alexander generally charged, himself among the foremost of the
-actual combatants.[138]
-
-  [135] See Arrian, v. 14, 1; v. 16, 4; Curtius, vi. 9, 22.
-  “Equitatui, optimæ exercitûs parti”, etc.
-
-  [136] We are told that Philip, after his expedition against the
-  Scythians about three years before his death, exacted and sent
-  into Macedonia 20,000 chosen mares, in order to improve the breed
-  of Macedonian horses. The regal haras were in the neighborhood of
-  Pella (Justin, ix. 2; Strabo, xvi. p. 752, in which passage of
-  Strabo, _the details_ apply to the _haras_ of Seleukus Nikator at
-  Apameia, not to that of Philip at Pella).
-
-  [137] Arrian, i. 2, 8, 9 (where we also find mentioned τοὺς ἐκ
-  τῆς ἄνωθεν Μακεδονίας ἱππέας), i. 12, 12; ii. 9, 6; iii. 11, 12.
-
-  About the ἱππεῖς σαρισσόφοροι, see i. 13, 1.
-
-  It is possible that there may have been sixteen squadrons of
-  heavy cavalry, and eight squadrons of the Sarissophori,—each
-  squadron from 180 to 250 men—as Rüstow and Köchly conceive (p.
-  243). But there is no sufficient evidence to prove it; nor can I
-  think it safe to assume, as they do, that Alexander carried over
-  with him to Asia _just half_ of the Macedonian entire force.
-
-  [138] Arrian, iii. 11, 11; iii. 13, 1; iii. 18, 8. In the first
-  of these passages, we have ἴλαι βασιλικαὶ in the plural (iii. 11,
-  12). It seems too that the different ἴλαι alternated with each
-  other in the foremost position, or ἡγεμονία for particular days
-  (Arrian, i. 14, 9).
-
-The distribution of the cavalry into squadrons was that which
-Alexander found at his accession; but he altered it, when he
-remodelled the arrangements of his army (in 330 B. C.), at Susa, so
-as to subdivide the squadron into two Lochi, and to establish the
-Lochus for the elementary division of cavalry, as it had always been
-of infantry.[139] His reforms went thus to cut down the primary body
-of cavalry from the squadron to the half-squadron or Lochus, while
-they tended to bring the infantry together into larger bodies—from
-cohorts of 500 each to cohorts of 1000 men each.
-
-  [139] Arrian, iii. 16, 19.
-
-Among the Hypaspists or Guards, also, we find an Agêma or chosen
-cohort, which was called upon oftener than the rest to begin the
-fight. A still more select corps were, the Body-Guards; a small
-company of tried and confidential men, individually known to
-Alexander, always attached to his person, and acting as adjutants
-or as commanders for special service. These Body-Guards appear
-to have been chosen persons promoted out of the Royal Youths or
-Pages; an institution first established by Philip, and evincing the
-pains taken by him to bring the leading Macedonians into military
-organization as well as into dependence on his own person. The Royal
-Youths, sons of the chief persons throughout Macedonia, were taken by
-Philip into service, and kept in permanent residence around him for
-purposes of domestic attendance and companionship. They maintained
-perpetual guard of his palace, alternating among themselves the
-hours of daily and nightly watch; they received his horse from the
-grooms, assisted him to mount, and accompanied him if he went to
-the chase: they introduced persons who came to solicit interviews,
-and admitted his mistresses by night through a special door. They
-enjoyed the privilege of sitting down to dinner with him, as well
-as that of never being flogged except by his special order.[140]
-The precise number of the company we do not know; but it must have
-been not small, since fifty of these youths were brought out from
-Macedonia at once by Amyntas to join Alexander and to be added to the
-company at Babylon.[141] At the same time the mortality among them
-was probably considerable; since, in accompanying Alexander, they
-endured even more than the prodigious fatigues which he imposed upon
-himself.[142] The training in this corps was a preparation first for
-becoming Body-guards of Alexander,—next, for appointment to the great
-and important military commands. Accordingly, it had been the first
-stage of advancement to most of the Diadochi, or great officers of
-Alexander, who after his death carved kingdoms for themselves out of
-his conquests.
-
-  [140] Arrian, iv. 13, 1. Ἐκ Φιλίππου ἦν ἤδη καθεστηκὸς, τῶν ἐν
-  τέλει Μακεδόνων τοὺς παῖδας, ὅσοι ἐς ἡλικίαν ἐμειρακίσαντο,
-  καταλέγεσθαι ἐς θεραπείαν τοῦ βασιλέως. Τὰ δὲ περὶ τὴν ἄλλην
-  δίαιταν τοῦ σώματος διακονεῖσθαι βασιλεῖ, καὶ κοιμώμενον
-  φυλάσσειν, τούτοις ἐπετέτραπτο· καὶ ὁπότε ἐξελαύνοι βασιλεὺς,
-  τοὺς ἵππους παρὰ τῶν ἱπποκόμων δεχόμενοι ἐκεῖνοι προσῆγον, καὶ
-  ἀνέβαλον οὗτοι βασιλέα τὸν Περσικὸν τρόπον, καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ θήρᾳ
-  φιλοτιμίας βασιλεῖ κοινωνοὶ ἦσαν, etc.
-
-  Curtius, viii. 6. 1. “Mos erat principibus Macedonum adultos
-  liberos regibus tradere, ad munia haud multum servilibus
-  ministeriis abhorrentia. Excubabant servatis noctium vicibus
-  proximi foribus ejus ædis, in quâ rex aquiescebat. Per hos
-  pellices introducebantur, alio aditu quam quem armati obsidebant.
-  Iidem acceptos ab agasonibus equos, quum rex ascensurus esset,
-  admovebant; comitabanturque et venantem, et in præliis,
-  omnibus artibus studiorum liberalium exculti. Præcipuus honor
-  habebatur, quod licebat sedentibus vesci cum rege. Castigandi eos
-  verberibus nullius potestas præter ipsum erat. Hæc cohors velut
-  seminarium ducum præfectorumque apud Macedonas fuit: hinc habuere
-  posteri reges, quorum stirpibus post multas ætates Romani opes
-  ademerunt.” Compare Curtius, v. 6, 42; and Ælian, V. H. xiv. 49.
-
-  This information is interesting, as an illustration of Macedonian
-  manners and customs, which are very little known to us. In the
-  last hours of the Macedonian monarchy, after the defeat at Pydna
-  (168 B. C.), the _pueri regii_ followed the defeated
-  king Perseus to the sanctuary at Samothrace, and never quitted
-  him until the moment when he surrendered himself to the Romans
-  (Livy, xlv. 5).
-
-  As an illustration of the scourging, applied as a punishment to
-  these young Macedonians of rank, see the case of Dekamnichus,
-  handed over by king Archelaus to Euripides, to be flogged
-  (Aristotle, Polit. v. 8, 13).
-
-  [141] Curtius, v. 6, 42; Diodor. xvii. 65.
-
-  [142] We read this about the youthful Philippus, brother of
-  Lysimachus (Curtius, viii. 2, 36).
-
-It was thus that the native Macedonian force was enlarged and
-diversified by Philip, including at his death—1. The phalanx,
-Foot-companions, or general mass of heavy infantry, drilled to
-the use of the long two-handed pike or sarissa—2. The Hypaspists,
-or lighter-armed corps of foot-guards—3. The Companions, or heavy
-cavalry, the ancient indigenous force consisting of the more opulent
-or substantial Macedonians—4. The lighter cavalry, lancers, or
-Sarissophori.—With these were joined foreign auxiliaries of great
-value. The Thessalians, whom Philip had partly subjugated and partly
-gained over, furnished him with a body of heavy cavalry not inferior
-to the native Macedonian. From various parts of Greece he derived
-hoplites, volunteers taken into his pay, armed with the full-sized
-shield and one-handed pike. From the warlike tribes of Thracians,
-Pæonians, Illyrians, etc., whom he had subdued around him, he levied
-contingents of light troops of various descriptions, peltasts,
-bowmen, darters, etc., all excellent in their way, and eminently
-serviceable to his combinations, in conjunction with the heavier
-masses. Lastly, Philip had completed his military arrangements by
-organizing what may be called an effective siege-train for sieges as
-well as for battles; a stock of projectile and battering machines,
-superior to anything at that time extant. We find this artillery used
-by Alexander in the very first year of his reign, in his campaign
-against the Illyrians.[143] Even in his most distant Indian marches,
-he either carried it with him, or had the means of constructing new
-engines for the occasion. There was no part of his military equipment
-more essential to his conquests. The victorious sieges of Alexander
-are among his most memorable exploits.
-
-  [143] Arrian, i. 6, 17.
-
-To all this large, multifarious, and systematized array of actual
-force, are to be added the civil establishments, the depôts,
-magazines of arms, provision for remounts, drill officers and
-adjutants, etc., indispensable for maintaining it in constant
-training and efficiency. At the time of Philip’s accession, Pella
-was an unimportant place;[144] at his death, it was not only strong
-as a fortification and place of deposit for regal treasure, but
-also the permanent centre, war-office, and training quarters, of
-the greatest military force then known. The military registers as
-well as the traditions of Macedonian discipline were preserved there
-until the fall of the monarchy.[145] Philip had employed his life in
-organizing this powerful instrument of dominion. His revenues, large
-as they were, both from mines and from tributary conquests, had been
-exhausted in the work, so that he had left at his decease a debt of
-500 talents. But his son Alexander found the instrument ready made,
-with excellent officers, and trained veterans for the front ranks of
-his phalanx.[146]
-
-  [144] Demosthenes, De Coronâ, p. 247.
-
-  [145] Livy. xlii. 51; xliv. 46, also the comparison in Strabo,
-  xvi. p. 752, between the military establishments of Seleukus
-  Nikator at Apameia in Syria, and those of Philip at Pella in
-  Macedonia.
-
-  [146] Justin, xi. 6. About the debt of 500 talents left by
-  Philip, see the words of Alexander, Arrian, vii. 9, 10. Diodorus
-  affirms (xvi. 8) that Philip’s annual return from the gold mines
-  was 1000 talents; a total not much to be trusted.
-
-This scientific organization of military force, on a large scale and
-with all the varieties of arming and equipment made to co-operate
-for one end, is the great fact of Macedonian history. Nothing of the
-same kind and magnitude had ever before been seen. The Macedonians,
-like Epirots and Ætolians, had no other aptitude or marking quality
-except those of soldiership. Their rude and scattered tribes manifest
-no definite political institutions and little sentiment of national
-brotherhood; their union was mainly that of occasional fellowship
-in arms under the king as chief. Philip the son of Amyntas was the
-first to organize this military union into a system permanently and
-efficaciously operative, achieving by means of it conquests such as
-to create in the Macedonians a common pride of superiority in arms,
-which served as substitute for political institutions or nationality.
-Such pride was still farther exalted by the really superhuman career
-of Alexander. The Macedonian kingdom was nothing but a well-combined
-military machine, illustrating the irresistible superiority of the
-rudest men, trained in arms and conducted by an able general, not
-merely over undisciplined multitudes, but also over free, courageous,
-and disciplined, citizenship with highly gifted intelligence.
-
-During the winter of 335-334 B. C., after the destruction of
-Thebes and the return of Alexander from Greece to Pella, his final
-preparations were made for the Asiatic expedition. The Macedonian
-army with the auxiliary contingents destined for this enterprise were
-brought together early in the spring. Antipater, one of the oldest
-and ablest officers of Philip, was appointed to act as viceroy of
-Macedonia during the king’s absence. A military force, stated at
-12,000 infantry and 1500 cavalry,[147] was left with him to keep
-down the cities of Greece, to resist aggressions from the Persian
-fleet, and to repress discontents at home. Such discontents were
-likely to be instigated by leading Macedonians or pretenders to the
-throne, especially as Alexander had no direct heir: and we are told
-that Antipater and Parmenio advised postponement of the expedition
-until the young king could leave behind him an heir of his own
-lineage.[148] Alexander overruled these representations; yet he did
-not disdain to lessen the perils at home by putting to death such men
-as he principally feared or mistrusted, especially the kinsmen of
-Philip’s last wife Kleopatra.[149] Of the dependent tribes around,
-the most energetic chiefs accompanied his army into Asia, either by
-their own preference or at his requisition. After these precautions,
-the tranquillity of Macedonia was entrusted to the prudence and
-fidelity of Antipater, which were still farther ensured by the fact
-that three of his sons accompanied the king’s army and person.[150]
-Though unpopular in his deportment,[151] Antipater discharged the
-duties of his very responsible position with zeal and ability;
-notwithstanding the dangerous enmity of Olympias, against whom he
-sent many complaints to Alexander when in Asia, whilst she on her
-side wrote frequent but unavailing letters with a view to ruin him in
-the esteem of her son. After a long period of unabated confidence,
-Alexander began during the last years of his life to dislike and
-mistrust Antipater. He always treated Olympias with the greatest
-respect; trying however to restrain her from meddling with political
-affairs, and complaining sometimes of her imperious exigencies and
-violence.[152]
-
-  [147] Diodor. xvii. 17.
-
-  [148] Diodor. xvii. 16.
-
-  [149] Justin, xi. 5. “Proficiscens ad Persicum bellum, omnes
-  novercæ suæ cognatos, quos Philippus in excelsiorem dignitatis
-  locum provehens imperiis præfecerat, interfecit. Sed nec suis,
-  qui apti regno videbantur, pepercit; ne qua materia seditionis
-  procul se agente in Macedoniâ remaneret.” Compare also xii. 6,
-  where the Pausanias mentioned as having been put to death by
-  Alexander is not the assassin of Philip. Pausanias was a common
-  Macedonian name (see Diodor. xvi. 93).
-
-  I see no reason for distrusting the general fact here asserted by
-  Justin. We know from Arrian (who mentioned the fact incidentally
-  in his work τὰ μετὰ Ἀλέξανδρον, though he says nothing about it
-  in his account of the expedition of Alexander—see Photius, Cod.
-  92. p. 220) that Alexander put to death, in the early period of
-  his reign, his first cousin and brother-in-law Amyntas. Much less
-  would he scruple to kill the friends or relatives of Kleopatra.
-  Neither Alexander nor Antipater would account such proceeding
-  anything else than a reasonable measure of prudential policy.
-  By the Macedonian common law, when a man was found guilty of
-  treason, all his relatives were condemned to die along with him
-  (Curtius, vi. 11, 20).
-
-  Plutarch (De Fortunâ Alex. Magn. p. 342) has a general allusion
-  to these precautionary executions ordered by Alexander. Fortune
-  (he says) imposed upon Alexander δεινὴν πρὸς ἄνδρας ὁμοφύλους
-  καὶ συγγενεῖς διὰ φόνου καὶ σιδήρου καὶ πυρὸς ἀνάγκην ἀμύνης,
-  ἀτερπέστατον τέλος ἔχουσαν.
-
-  [150] Kassander commanded a corps of Thracians and Pæonians:
-  Iollas and Philippus were attached to the king’s person (Arrian,
-  vii. 27, 2; Justin, xii. 14; Diodor. xvii. 17).
-
-  [151] Justin, xvi. 1, 14. “Antipatrum—amariorem semper ministrum
-  regni, quam ipsos reges, fuisse”, etc.
-
-  [152] Plutarch, Alexand. 25-39; Arrian, vii. 12, 12. He was wont
-  to say, that his mother exacted from him a heavy house-rent for
-  his domicile of ten months.
-
-  Kleopatra also (sister of Alexander and daughter of Olympias)
-  exercised considerable influence in the government. Dionysius,
-  despot of the Pontic Herakleia, maintained himself against
-  opposition in his government, during Alexander’s life, mainly by
-  paying assiduous court to her (Memnon. Heracl. c. 4. ap. Photium,
-  Cod. 224).
-
-The army intended for Asia, having been assembled at Pella, was
-conducted by Alexander himself first to Amphipolis, where it crossed
-the Strymon; next along the road near the coast to the river Nestus
-and to the towns of Abdêra and Maroneia; then through Thrace
-across the rivers Hebrus and Melas; lastly, through the Thracian
-Chersonese to Sestos. Here it was met by his fleet, consisting of 160
-triremes, with a number of trading vessels besides;[153] made up in
-large proportions from contingents furnished by Athens and Grecian
-cities.[154] The passage of the whole army, infantry, cavalry, and
-machines, on ships, across the strait from Sestos in Europe to Abydos
-in Asia,—was superintended by Parmenio, and accomplished without
-either difficulty or resistance. But Alexander himself, separating
-from the army at Sestos, went down to Elæus at the southern extremity
-of the Chersonese. Here stood the chapel and sacred precinct of the
-hero Protesilaus, who was slain by Hektor; having been the first
-Greek (according to the legend of the Trojan war) who touched the
-shore of Troy. Alexander, whose imagination was then full of Homeric
-reminiscences, offered sacrifice to the hero, praying that his own
-disembarkation might terminate more auspiciously.
-
-  [153] Arrian, i. 11, 9.
-
-  [154] The Athenians furnished twenty ships of war. Diodor. xvii.
-  22.
-
-He then sailed across in the admiral’s trireme, steering with his
-own hand, to the landing place near Ilium called the Harbor of the
-Achæans. At mid-channel of the strait, he sacrificed a bull, with
-libations out of a golden goblet, to Poseidon and the Nereids.
-Himself too in full armor, he was the first (like Protesilaus)
-to tread the Asiatic shore; but he found no enemy like Hektor to
-meet him. From hence, mounting the hill on which Ilium was placed,
-he sacrificed to the patron-goddess Athênê; and deposited in her
-temple his own panoply, taking in exchange some of the arms said
-to have been worn by the heroes in the Trojan war, which he caused
-to be carried by guards along with him in his subsequent battles.
-Among other real or supposed monuments of this interesting legend,
-the Ilians showed to him the residence of Priam with its altar of
-Zeus Herkeios, where that unhappy old king was alleged to have been
-slain by Neoptolemus. Numbering Neoptolemus among his ancestors,
-Alexander felt himself to be the object of Priam’s yet unappeased
-wrath; and accordingly offered sacrifice to him at the same altar,
-for the purpose of expiation and reconciliation. On the tomb and
-monumental column of Achilles, father of Neoptolemus, he not only
-placed a decorative garland, but also went through the customary
-ceremony of anointing himself with oil and running naked round it:
-exclaiming how much he envied the lot of Achilles, who had been blest
-during life with a faithful friend, and after death, with a great
-poet to celebrate his exploits. Lastly, to commemorate his crossing,
-Alexander erected permanent altars, in honor of Zeus, Athênê, and
-Hêraklês; both on the point of Europe which his army had quitted, and
-on that of Asia where it had landed.[155]
-
-  [155] Arrian, i. 11; Plutarch, Alexand. 15; Justin, xi. 5. The
-  ceremony of running round the column of Achilles still subsisted
-  in the time of Plutarch—ἀλειψάμενος λίπα καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων
-  συναναδραμὼν γυμνὸς, ~ὥσπερ ἔθος ἔστιν~, etc. Philostratus,
-  five centuries after Alexander, conveys a vivid picture of the
-  numerous legendary and religious associations connected with the
-  plain of Troy and with the tomb of Protesilaus at Elæus, and of
-  the many rites and ceremonies performed there even in his time
-  (Philostrat. Heroica, xix. 14, 15. p. 742, ed. Olearius—δρόμοις
-  δ᾽ ἐῤῥυθμισμένοις συνηλάλαζον, ἀνακαλοῦντες τὸν Ἀχιλλέα, etc.,
-  and the pages preceding and following).
-
-  Dikæarchus (Fragm. 19, ed. Didot. ap. Athenæum, xiii. p. 603)
-  had treated in a special work about the sacrifices offered to
-  Athênê at Ilium (Περὶ τῆς ἐν Ἰλίῳ θυσίας) by Alexander, and
-  by many others before him; by Xerxes (Herodot. vii. 43), who
-  offered up 1000 oxen—by Mindarus (Xenoph. Hellen. i. 1, 4), etc.
-  In describing the proceedings of Alexander at Ilium, Dikæarchus
-  appears he have dwelt much on the warm sympathy which that prince
-  exhibited for the affection between Achilles and Patroklus: which
-  sympathy Dikæarchus illustrated by characterizing Alexander as
-  φιλόπαις ἐκμανῶς, and by recounting his public admiration for the
-  eunuch Bagôas: compare Curtius, x. i. 25—about Bagôas.
-
-The proceedings of Alexander, on the ever-memorable site of Ilium,
-are interesting as they reveal one side of his imposing character—the
-vein of legendary sympathy and religious sentiment wherein alone
-consisted his analogy with the Greeks. The young Macedonian prince
-had nothing of that sense of correlative right and obligation,
-which characterized the free Greeks of the city-community. But he
-was in many points a reproduction of the heroic Greeks,[156] his
-warlike ancestors in legend, Achilles and Neoptolemus, and others
-of that Æakid race, unparalleled in the attributes of force—a man
-of violent impulse in all directions, sometimes generous, often
-vindictive—ardent in his individual affections both of love and
-hatred, but devoured especially by an inextinguishable pugnacity,
-appetite for conquest, and thirst for establishing at all cost his
-superiority of force over others—“Jura negat sibi nata, nihil non
-arrogat armis”—taking pride, not simply in victorious generalship
-and direction of the arms of soldiers, but also in the personal
-forwardness of an Homeric chief, the foremost to encounter both
-danger and hardship. To dispositions resembling those of Achilles,
-Alexander indeed added one attribute of a far higher order. As a
-general, he surpassed his age in provident and even long-sighted
-combinations. With all his exuberant courage and sanguine temper,
-nothing was ever omitted in the way of systematic military
-precaution. Thus much be borrowed, though with many improvements of
-his own, from Grecian intelligence as applied to soldiership. But the
-character and dispositions, which he took with him to Asia, had the
-features, both striking and repulsive, of Achilles, rather than those
-of Agesilaus or Epaminondas.
-
-  [156] Plutarch, Fort. Al. M. ii. p. 334. Βριθὺς ὁπλιτοπάλας,
-  δαΐος ἀντιπάλοις—ταύτην ἔχων τέχνην προγονικὴν ἀπ᾽ Αἰακιδῶν, etc.
-
-    Ἄλκην μὲν γὰρ ἔδωκεν Ὀλύμπιος Αἰακίδησι,
-    Νοῦν δ᾽ Ἀμυθαονίδαις, πλοῦτον δ᾽ ἔπορ᾽ Ἀτρεΐδῃσιν.
-
-  (Hesiod. Fragment. 223, ed. Marktscheffel.)
-
-  Like Achilles, Alexander was distinguished for swiftness of foot
-  (Plutarch, Fort. Al. M. i. p. 331).
-
-The army, when reviewed on the Asiatic shore after its crossing,
-presented a total of 30,000 infantry, and 4500 cavalry, thus
-distributed:—
-
-                    INFANTRY.
-
-  Macedonian phalanx and hypaspists                          12,000
-      Allies                                                  7,000
-      Mercenaries                                             5,000
-                                                             ------
-  Under the command of Parmenio                              24,000
-  Odryssians, Triballi (both Thracians), and Illyrians        5,000
-  Agriânes and archers                                        1,000
-                                                             ------
-                Total Infantry                               30,000
-
-                    CAVALRY.
-
-  Macedonian heavy—under Philotas son of Parmenio             1,500
-  Thessalian (also heavy)—under Kallas                        1,500
-  Miscellaneous Grecian—under Erigyius                          600
-  Thracian and Pæonian (light)—under Kassander                  900
-                                                             ------
-                Total Cavalry                                 4,500
-
-Such seems the most trustworthy enumeration of Alexander’s first
-invading army. There were however other accounts, the highest of
-which stated as much as 43,000 infantry with 4000 cavalry.[157]
-Besides these troops, also, there must have been an effective train
-of projectile machines and engines, for battles and sieges, which
-we shall soon find in operation. As to money, the military chest of
-Alexander, exhausted in part by profuse donatives to his Macedonian
-officers,[158] was as poorly furnished as that of Napoleon Buonaparte
-on first entering Italy for his brilliant campaign of 1796. According
-to Aristobulus, he had with him only seventy talents; according to
-another authority, no more than the means of maintaining his army
-for thirty days. Nor had he even been able to bring together his
-auxiliaries, or complete the outfit of his army, without incurring a
-debt of 800 talents, in addition to that of 500 talents contracted by
-his father Philip.[159] Though Plutarch[160] wonders at the smallness
-of the force with which Alexander contemplated the execution of such
-great projects, yet the fact is, that in infantry he was far above
-any force which the Persians had to oppose him;[161] not to speak
-of comparative discipline and organization, surpassing even that of
-the Grecian mercenaries, who formed the only good infantry in the
-Persian service; while his cavalry, though inferior as to number, was
-superior in quality and in the shock of close combat.
-
-  [157] Diodor. xvii. 17. Plutarch (Alexand. 15) says that the
-  highest numbers which he had read of, were,—43,000 infantry with
-  5000 cavalry: the lowest numbers, 30,000 infantry with 4000
-  cavalry (assuming the correction of Sintenis, τετρακισχιλίους
-  in place of πεντακισχιλίους, to be well founded, as it probably
-  is—compare Plutarch, Fort. Alex. M. i. p. 327).
-
-  According to Plutarch (Fort. Al. M. p. 327), both Ptolemy and
-  Aristobulus stated the number of infantry to be 30,000; but
-  Ptolemy gave the cavalry as 5000, Aristobulus, as only 4000.
-  Nevertheless, Arrian—who professes to follow mainly Ptolemy and
-  Aristobulus, whenever they agree—states the number of infantry
-  as “not much more than 30,000; the cavalry as more than 5000”
-  (Exp. Al. i. 11, 4). Anaximenes alleged 43,000 infantry, with
-  5500 cavalry. Kallisthenes (ap. Polybium. xii. 19) stated
-  40,000 infantry, with 4500 cavalry. Justin (xi. 6) gives 32,000
-  infantry, with 4500 cavalry.
-
-  My statement in the text follows Diodorus, who stands
-  distinguished, by recounting not merely the total, but the
-  component items besides. In regard to the total of infantry, he
-  agrees with Ptolemy and Aristobulus: as to cavalry, his statement
-  is a mean between the two.
-
-  [158] Plutarch, Alexand. 15.
-
-  [159] Arrian, vii. 9, 10—the speech which he puts in the mouth of
-  Alexander himself—and Curtius, x. 2, 24.
-
-  Onesikritus stated that Alexander owed at this time a debt of 200
-  talents (Plutarch, Alex. 15).
-
-  [160] Plutarch, Fort. Alex. M. i. p. 327; Justin, xi. 6.
-
-  [161] Arrian, i. 13, 4.
-
-Most of the officers exercising important command in Alexander’s army
-were native Macedonians. His intimate personal friend Hephæstion,
-as well as his body-guards Leonnatus and Lysimachus, were natives
-of Pella: Ptolemy the son of Lagus, and Pithon, were Eordians from
-Upper Macedonia; Kraterus and Perdikkas, from the district of Upper
-Macedonia called Orestis;[162] Antipater with his son Kassander,
-Kleitus son of Drôpides, Parmenio with his two sons Philôtas and
-Nikanor, Seleukus, Kœnus, Amyntas, Philippus (these two last names
-were borne by more than one person), Antigonus, Neoptolemus,[163]
-Meleager, Peukestes, etc., all these seem to have been native
-Macedonians. All or most of them had been trained to war under
-Philip, in whose service Parmenio and Antipater, especially, had
-occupied a high rank.
-
-  [162] Arrian, vi. 28, 6; Arrian, Indica, 18; Justin, xv. 3-4.
-  Porphyry (Fragm. ap. Syncellum, Frag. Histor. Græc. vol. iii. p.
-  695-698) speaks of Lysimachus as a Thessalian from Kranon; but
-  this must be a mistake: compare Justin, xv. 3.
-
-  [163] Neoptolemus belonged, like Alexander himself, to the Æakid
-  gens (Arrian, ii. 27, 9).
-
-Of the many Greeks in Alexander’s service, we hear of few in
-important station. Medius, a Thessalian from Larissa, was among his
-familiar companions; but the ablest and most distinguished of all
-was Eumenes, a native of Kardia in the Thracian Chersonese. Eumenes,
-combining an excellent Grecian education with bodily activity and
-enterprise, had attracted when a young man the notice of Philip
-and had been appointed as his secretary. After discharging these
-duties for seven years until the death of Philip, he was continued
-by Alexander in the post of chief secretary during the whole of that
-king’s life.[164] He conducted most of Alexander’s correspondence,
-and the daily record of his proceedings, which was kept under the
-name of the Royal Ephemerides. But though his special duties were
-thus of a civil character, he was not less eminent as an officer in
-the field. Occasionally entrusted with high military command, he
-received from Alexander signal recompenses and tokens of esteem. In
-spite of these great qualities—or perhaps in consequence of them—he
-was the object of marked jealousy and dislike[165] on the part of the
-Macedonians,—from Hephæstion the friend, and Neoptolemus the chief
-armor-bearer, of Alexander, down to the principal soldiers of the
-phalanx. Neoptolemus despised Eumenes as an unwarlike penman. The
-contemptuous pride with which Macedonians had now come to look down
-on Greeks, is a notable characteristic of the victorious army of
-Alexander, as well as a new feature in history; retorting the ancient
-Hellenic sentiment in which Demosthenes, a few years before, had
-indulged towards the Macedonians.[166]
-
-  [164] Plutarch, Eumenes, c. 1; Cornelius Nepos, Eumen. c. 1.
-
-  [165] Arrian, vii. 13, 1; Plutarch, Eum. 2, 3, 8, 10.
-
-  [166] Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 19, respecting Philip—οὐ μόνον
-  οὐχ Ἕλληνος ὄντος, οὐδὲ προσήκοντος οὐδὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ
-  βαρβάρου ἐντεῦθεν ὅθεν καλὸν εἰπεῖν, ~ἀλλ᾽ ὀλέθρου Μακεδόνος~,
-  ὅθεν οὐδ᾽ ἀνδράποδον σπουδαῖον οὐδὲν ἦν πρότερον πρίασθαι.
-
-  Compare this with the exclamations of the Macedonian soldiers
-  (called Argyraspides) against their distinguished chief Eumenes,
-  calling him Χεῤῥονησίτης ὄλεθρος (Plutarch, Eumenes, 18).
-
-Though Alexander has been allowed to land in Asia unopposed, an army
-was already assembled under the Persian satraps within a few days’
-march of Abydos. Since the reconquest of Egypt and Phenicia, about
-eight or nine years before, by the Persian king Ochus, the power of
-that empire had been restored to a point equal to any anterior epoch
-since the repulse of Xerxes from Greece. The Persian successes in
-Egypt had been achieved mainly by the arms of Greek mercenaries,
-under the conduct and through the craft of the Rhodian general
-Mentor; who, being seconded by the preponderant influence of the
-eunuch Bagôas, confidential minister of Ochus, obtained not only
-ample presents, but also the appointment of military commander on the
-Hellespont and the Asiatic seaboard.[167] He procured the recall of
-his brother Memnon, who with his brother-in-law Artabazus had been
-obliged to leave Asia from unsuccessful revolt against the Persians,
-and had found shelter with Philip.[168] He farther subdued, by force
-or by fraud, various Greek and Asiatic chieftains on the Asiatic
-coast; among them, the distinguished Hermeias, friend of Aristotle,
-and master of the strong post of Atarneus.[169] These successes of
-Mentor seem to have occurred about 343 B. C. He, and his brother
-Memnon after him, upheld vigorously the authority of the Persian king
-in the regions near the Hellespont. It was probably by them that
-troops were sent across the strait both to rescue the besieged town
-of Perinthus from Philip, and to act against that prince in other
-parts of Thrace;[170] that an Asiatic chief, who was intriguing
-to facilitate Philip’s intended invasion of Asia, was seized and
-sent prisoner to the Persian court; and that envoys from Athens,
-soliciting aid against Philip, were forwarded to the same place.[171]
-
-  [167] See, in reference to these incidents, my last preceding
-  volume, Vol. XI. Ch. xc. p. 441 _seq._
-
-  [168] Diodor. xvi. 52; Curtius, vi. 4, 25; vi. 5, 2. Curtius
-  mentions also Manapis, another Persian exile, who had fled from
-  Ochus to Philip.
-
-  [169] Diodor. xvi. 52. About the strength of the fortress of
-  Athens, see Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 2, 11; Diodor. xiii. 64. It had
-  been held in defiance of the Persians, even before the time of
-  Hermeias—Isokrates. Compare also Isokrates, Or. iv. (Panegyr.) s.
-  167.
-
-  [170] Letter of Alexander, addressed to Darius after the battle
-  of Issus, apud Arrian, ii. 14, 7. Other troops sent by the
-  Persians into Thrace (besides those despatched to the relief of
-  Perinthus), are here alluded to.
-
-  [171] Demosthenes, Philippic. iv. p. 139, 140; Epistola Philippi
-  apud Demosthen. p. 160.
-
-Ochus, though successful in regaining the full extent of Persian
-dominion, was a sanguinary tyrant, who shed by wholesale the blood
-of his family and courtiers. About the year 338 B. C., he
-died, poisoned by the eunuch Bagôas, who placed upon the throne
-Arses, one of the king’s sons, killing all the rest. After two
-years, however, Bagôas conceived mistrust of Arses, and put him to
-death also, together with all his children; thus leaving no direct
-descendant of the regal family alive. He then exalted to the throne
-one of his friends named Darius Codomannus (descended from one of the
-brothers of Artaxerxes Memnon), who had acquired glory, in a recent
-war against the Kadusians, by killing in single combat a formidable
-champion of the enemy’s army. Presently, however, Bagôas attempted to
-poison Darius also; but the latter, detecting the snare, forced him
-to drink the deadly draught himself.[172] In spite of such murders
-and change in the line of succession, which Alexander afterwards
-reproached to Darius[173]—the authority of Darius seems to have been
-recognized, without any material opposition, throughout all the
-Persian empire.
-
-  [172] Diodor. xvii. 5; Justin, x. 3; Curtius, x. 5, 22.
-
-  [173] Arrian, ii. 14, 10.
-
-Succeeding to the throne in the early part of B. C. 336,
-when Philip was organizing the projected invasion of Persia, and when
-the first Macedonian division under Parmenio and Attalus was already
-making war in Asia—Darius prepared measures of defence at home,
-and tried to encourage anti-Macedonian movements in Greece.[174]
-On the assassination of Philip by Pausanias, the Persian king
-publicly proclaimed himself (probably untruly) as having instigated
-the deed, and alluded in contemptuous terms to the youthful
-Alexander.[175] Conceiving the danger from Macedonia to be past, he
-imprudently slackened his efforts and withheld his supplies during
-the first months of Alexander’s reign, when the latter might have
-been seriously embarrassed in Greece and in Europe by the effective
-employment of Persian ships and money. But the recent successes of
-Alexander in Thrace, Illyria, and Bœotia, satisfied Darius that
-the danger was not past, so that he resumed his preparations for
-defence. The Phenician fleet was ordered to be equipped: the satraps
-in Phrygia and Lydia got together a considerable force, consisting
-in part of Grecian mercenaries; while Memnon, on the seaboard, was
-furnished with the means of taking 5000 of these mercenaries under
-his separate command.[176]
-
-  [174] Diodor. xvii. 7.
-
-  [175] Arrian, ii. 14, 11.
-
-  [176] Diodor. xvii. 7.
-
-We cannot trace with any exactness the course of these events,
-during the nineteen months between Alexander’s accession and his
-landing in Asia (August 336 B. C., to March or April 334 B. C.) We
-learn generally that Memnon was active and even aggressive on the
-north-eastern coast of the Ægean. Marching northward from his own
-territory (the region of Assus or Atarneus skirting the Gulf of
-Adramyttium[177]) across the range of Mount Ida, he came suddenly
-upon the town of Kyzikus on the Propontis. He failed, however, though
-only by a little, in his attempt to surprise it, and was forced to
-content himself with a rich booty from the district around.[178]
-The Macedonian generals Parmenio and Kallas had crossed into Asia
-with bodies of troops. Parmenio, acting in Æolis, took Grynium, but
-was compelled by Memnon to raise the siege of Pitanê; while Kallas,
-in the Troad, was attacked, defeated, and compelled to retire to
-Rhœteium.[179]
-
-  [177] Diodor. xvii. 7: compare Arrian, i. 17, 9. ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν
-  τὴν Μέμνονος ἔπεμψεν—which doubtless means this region, conquered
-  by Mentor from Hermeias of Atarneus.
-
-  [178] Diodor. xvii. 7; Polyænus, v. 34, 5.
-
-  [179] Diodor. xvii. 7. We read also of military operations near
-  Magnesia between Parmenio and Memnon (Polyænus, v. 34, 4).
-
-We thus see that during the season preceding the landing of
-Alexander, the Persians were in considerable force, and Memnon both
-active and successful even against the Macedonian generals, on the
-region north-east of the Ægean. This may help to explain that fatal
-imprudence, whereby the Persians permitted Alexander to carry over
-without opposition his grand army into Asia, in the spring of 334
-B. C. They possessed ample means of guarding the Hellespont,
-had they chosen to bring up their fleet, which, comprising as it
-did the force of the Phenician towns, was decidedly superior to
-any naval armament at the disposal of Alexander. The Persian fleet
-actually came into the Ægean a few weeks afterwards. Now Alexander’s
-designs, preparations, and even intended time of march, must have
-been well known not merely to Memnon, but to the Persian satraps in
-Asia Minor, who had got together troops to oppose him. These satraps
-unfortunately supposed themselves to be a match for him in the field,
-disregarding the pronounced opinion of Memnon to the contrary, and
-even overruling his prudent advice by mistrustful and calumnious
-imputations.
-
-At the time of Alexander’s landing, a powerful Persian force was
-already assembled near Zeleia in the Hellespontine Phrygia, under
-command of Arsites the Phrygian satrap, supported by several
-other leading Persians—Spithridates (satrap of Lydia and Ionia),
-Pharnakes, Atizyes, Mithridates, Rhomithres, Niphates, Petines,
-etc. Forty of these men were of high rank (denominated kinsmen of
-Darius), and distinguished for personal valor. The greater number
-of the army consisted of cavalry, including Medes, Baktrians,
-Hyrkanians, Kappadokians, Paphlagonians, etc.[180] In cavalry they
-greatly outnumbered Alexander; but their infantry was much inferior
-in number,[181] composed however, in large proportion, of Grecian
-mercenaries. The Persian total is given by Arrian as 20,000 cavalry,
-and nearly 20,000 mercenary foot; by Diodorus as 10,000 cavalry, and
-100,000 infantry; by Justin even at 600,000. The numbers of Arrian
-are the more credible; in those of Diodorus, the total of infantry is
-certainly much above the truth—that of cavalry probably below it.
-
-  [180] Diodor. xvii. 18, 19; Arrian, i. 12, 14; i. 16, 5.
-
-  [181] Arrian, i. 12, 16; i. 13, 4.
-
-Memnon, who was present with his sons and with his own division,
-earnestly dissuaded the Persian leaders from hazarding a battle.
-Reminding them that the Macedonians were not only much superior in
-infantry, but also encouraged by the leadership of Alexander—he
-enforced the necessity of employing their numerous cavalry to destroy
-the forage and provisions, and if necessary, even towns themselves—in
-order to render any considerable advance of the invading force
-impracticable. While keeping strictly on the defensive in Asia, he
-recommended that aggressive war should be carried into Macedonia;
-that the fleet should be brought up, a powerful land-force put
-aboard, and strenuous efforts made, not only to attack the vulnerable
-points of Alexander at home, but also to encourage active hostility
-against him from the Greeks and other neighbors.[182]
-
-  [182] Compare the policy recommended by Memnon, as set forth in
-  Arrian (i. 12, 16), and in Diodorus (xvii. 18). The superiority
-  of Diodorus is here incontestable. He proclaims distinctly
-  both the defensive and the offensive side of Memnon’s policy;
-  which, when taken together, form a scheme of operations no less
-  effective than prudent. But Arrian omits all notice of the
-  offensive policy, and mentions only the defensive—the retreat and
-  destruction of the country; which, if adopted alone, could hardly
-  have been reckoned upon for success, in starving out Alexander,
-  and might reasonably be called in question by the Persian
-  generals. Moreover, we should form but a poor idea of Memnon’s
-  ability, if in this emergency he neglected to avail himself of
-  the irresistible Persian fleet.
-
-  I notice the rather this point of superiority of Diodorus,
-  because recent critics have manifested a tendency to place too
-  exclusive a confidence in Arrian, and to discredit almost all
-  allegations respecting Alexander except such as Arrian either
-  certifies or countenances. Arrian is a very valuable historian;
-  he has the merit of giving us plain narrative without rhetoric,
-  which contrasts favorably both with Diodorus and with Curtius;
-  but he must not be set up as the only trustworthy witness.
-
-Had this plan been energetically executed by Persian arms and money,
-we can hardly doubt that Antipater in Macedonia would speedily have
-found himself pressed by serious dangers and embarrassments, and that
-Alexander would have been forced to come back and protect his own
-dominions; perhaps prevented by the Persian fleet from bringing back
-his whole army. At any rate, his schemes of Asiatic invasion must for
-the time have been suspended. But he was rescued from this dilemma
-by the ignorance, pride, and pecuniary interests of the Persian
-leaders. Unable to appreciate Alexander’s military superiority,
-and conscious at the same time of their own personal bravery, they
-repudiated the proposition of retreat as dishonorable, insinuating
-that Memnon desired to prolong the war in order to exalt his own
-importance in the eyes of Darius. This sentiment of military dignity
-was farther strengthened by the fact, that the Persian military
-leaders, deriving all their revenues from the land, would have been
-impoverished by destroying the landed produce. Arsites, in whose
-territory the army stood, and upon whom the scheme would first take
-effect, haughtily announced that he would not permit a single house
-in it to be burnt.[183] Occupying the same satrapy as Pharnabazus had
-possessed sixty years before, he felt that he would be reduced to
-the same straits as Pharnabazus under the pressure of Agesilaus—“of
-not being able to procure a dinner in his own country”.[184] The
-proposition of Memnon was rejected, and it was resolved to await the
-arrival of Alexander on the banks of the river Granikus.
-
-  [183] Arrian, i. 12, 18.
-
-  [184] Xenophon, Hellenic. iv. 1, 33.
-
-This unimportant stream, commemorated in the Iliad, and immortalized
-by its association with the name of Alexander, takes its rise
-from one of the heights of Mount Ida near Skêpsis,[185] and flows
-northward into the Propontis, which it reaches at a point somewhat
-east of the Greek town of Parium. It is of no great depth: near the
-point where the Persians encamped, it seems to have been fordable in
-many places; but its right bank was somewhat high and steep, thus
-offering obstruction to an enemy’s attack. The Persians, marching
-forward from Zeleia, took up a position near the eastern side of
-the Granikus, where the last declivities of Mount Ida descend into
-the plain of Adrasteia, a Greek city situated between Priapus and
-Parium.[186]
-
-  [185] Strabo, xiii. p. 602. The rivers Skamander, Æsepus, and
-  Granikus, all rise from the same height, called Kotylus. This
-  comes from Demetrius, a native of Skepsis.
-
-  [186] Diodor. xvii. 18, 19. Οἱ βάρβαροι, τὴν ὑπώρειαν
-  κατειλημμένοι, etc. “prima congressio in campis Adrastiis fuit.”
-  Justin, xi. 6: compare Strabo, xiii. p. 587, 588.
-
-Meanwhile Alexander marched onward towards this position, from Arisbê
-(where he had reviewed his army)—on the first day to Perkôtê, on the
-second to the river Praktius, on the third to Hermôtus; receiving
-on his way the spontaneous surrender of the town of Priapus. Aware
-that the enemy was not far distant, he threw out in advance a body of
-scouts under Amyntas, consisting of four squadrons of light cavalry
-and one of the heavy Macedonian (Companion) cavalry. From Hermôtus
-(the fourth day from Arisbê) he marched direct towards the Granikus,
-in careful order, with his main phalanx in double files, his cavalry
-on each wing, and the baggage in the rear. On approaching the river,
-he made his dispositions for immediate attack, though Parmenio
-advised waiting until the next morning. Knowing well, like Memnon on
-the other side, that the chances of a pitched battle were all against
-the Persians, he resolved to leave them no opportunity of decamping
-during the night.
-
-In Alexander’s array, the phalanx or heavy infantry formed the
-central body. The six Taxeis or divisions, of which it consisted,
-were commanded (reckoning from right to left) by Perdikkas, Kœnus,
-Amyntas son of Andromenes, Philippus, Meleager, and Kraterus.[187]
-Immediately on the right of the phalanx, were the hypaspistæ,
-or light infantry, under Nikanor son of Parmenio—then the light
-horse or lancers, the Pæonians, and the Apolloniate squadron of
-Companion-cavalry commanded by the Ilarch Sokrates, all under
-Amyntas son of Arrhibæus—lastly the full body of Companion-cavalry,
-the bowmen, and the Agrianian darters, all under Philôtas (son of
-Parmenio), whose division formed the extreme right.[188] The left
-flank of the phalanx was in like manner protected by three distinct
-divisions of cavalry or lighter troops—first, by the Thracians,
-under Agathon—next, by the cavalry of the allies, under Philippus,
-son of Menelaus—lastly, by the Thessalian cavalry, under Kallas,
-whose division formed the extreme left. Alexander himself took the
-command of the right, giving that of the left to Parmenio; by right
-and left are meant the two halves of the army, each of them including
-three Taxeis or divisions of the phalanx with the cavalry on its
-flank—for there was no recognized centre under a distinct command. On
-the other side of the Granikus, the Persian cavalry lined the bank.
-The Medes and Baktrians were on their right, under Rheomithres—the
-Paphlagonians and Hyrkanians in the centre, under Arsites and
-Spithridates—on the left were Memnon and Arsamenes, with their
-divisions.[189] The Persian infantry, both Asiatic and Grecian, were
-kept back in reserve; the cavalry alone being relied upon to dispute
-the passage of the river.
-
-  [187] Arrian, i. 14, 3. The text of Arrian is not clear. The name
-  of Kraterus occurs twice. Various explanations are proposed.
-  The words ἔστε ἐπὶ τὸ μέσον τῆς ξυμπάσης τάξεως seem to prove
-  that there were three τάξεις of the phalanx (Kraterus, Meleager,
-  and Philippus) included in the left half of the army—and three
-  others (Perdikkas, Kœnus, and Amyntas) in the right half; while
-  the words ἐπὶ δὲ, ἡ Κρατέρου τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδρου appear wrongly
-  inserted. There is no good reason for admitting two distinguished
-  officers, each named Kraterus. The name of Philippus and his
-  τάξις is repeated twice; once in counting from the right of the
-  τάξεις,—once again in counting from the left.
-
-  [188] Plutarch states that Alexander struck into the river with
-  thirteen squadrons (ἴλαι) of cavalry. Whether this total includes
-  all then present in the field, or only the Companion-cavalry—we
-  cannot determine (Plutarch, Alex. 16).
-
-  [189] Diodor. xvii. 19.
-
-In this array, both parties remained for some time, watching each
-other in anxious silence.[190] There being no firing or smoke, as
-with modern armies, all the details on each side were clearly visible
-to the other; so that the Persians easily recognized Alexander
-himself on the Macedonian right from the splendor of his armor and
-military costume, as well as from the respectful demeanor of those
-around him. Their principal leaders accordingly thronged to their
-own left, which they reinforced with the main strength of their
-cavalry, in order to oppose him personally. Presently he addressed
-a few words of encouragement to the troops, and gave the order for
-advance. He directed the first attack to be made by the squadron of
-Companion-cavalry whose turn it was on that day to take the lead—(the
-squadron of Apollonia, of which Sokrates was captain—commanded on
-this day by Ptolemæus son of Philippus) supported by the light horse
-or Lancers, the Pæonian darters (infantry), and one division of
-regularly armed infantry, seemingly hypaspistæ.[191] He then himself
-entered the river, at the head of the right half of the army, cavalry
-and infantry, which advanced under sound of trumpets and with the
-usual war-shouts. As the occasional depths of water prevented a
-straightforward march with one uniform line, the Macedonians slanted
-their course suitably to the fordable spaces; keeping their front
-extended so as to approach the opposite bank as much as possible in
-line, and not in separate columns with flanks exposed to the Persian
-cavalry.[192] Not merely the right under Alexander, but also the left
-under Parmenio, advanced and crossed in the same movement and under
-the like precautions.
-
-  [190] Arrian, i. 14, 8. Χρόνον μὲν δὴ ἀμφότερα τὰ στρατεύματα,
-  ἐπ᾽ ἀκροῦ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐφεστῶτες, ὑπὸ τοῦ τὸ μέλλον ὀκνεῖν ἡσυχίαν
-  ἦγον· καὶ σιγὴ ἦν πολλὴ ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρων.
-
-  [191] Arrian, i. 14, 9. τοὺς προδρόμους ἱππέας mean the same
-  cavalry as those who are called (in 14, 2) σαρισσοφόρους ἱππέας,
-  under Amyntas son of Arrhibæus.
-
-  [192] Arrian, i. 14, 10. Αὐτὸς δὲ (Alexander) ἄγων τὸ δέξιον
-  κέρας ... ἐμβαίνει ἐς τὸν πόρον, λοξὴν ἀεὶ παρατείνων τὴν τάξιν,
-  ᾗ παρεῖλκε τὸ ῥεῦμα, ἵνα δὴ μὴ ἐκβαίνοντι αὐτῷ οἱ Πέρσαι κατὰ
-  κέρας προσπίπτοιεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς, ὡς ἀνυστὸν, τῇ φάλαγγι
-  προσμίξῃ αὐτοῖς.
-
-  Apparently, this passage λοξὴν ἀεὶ παρατείνων τὴν τάξιν, ᾗ
-  παρεῖλκε τὸ ῥεῦμα is to be interpreted by the phrase which
-  follows describing the purpose to be accomplished.
-
-  I cannot think that the words imply a movement _in échelon_,
-  as Rüstow and Köchly contend (Geschichte des Griechischen
-  Kriegswesens, p. 271)—nor a crossing of the river against the
-  stream, to break the force of the current, as is the opinion of
-  others.
-
-The foremost detachment under Ptolemy and Amyntas, on reaching the
-opposite bank, encountered a strenuous resistance, concentrated as it
-was here upon one point. They found Memnon and his sons with the best
-of the Persian cavalry immediately in their front; some on the summit
-of the bank, from whence they hurled down their javelins—others
-down at the water’s-edge, so as to come to closer quarters. The
-Macedonians tried every effort to make good their landing, and push
-their way by main force through the Persian horse, but in vain.
-Having both lower ground and insecure footing, they could make no
-impression, but were thrust back with some loss, and retired upon the
-main body which Alexander was now bringing across. On his approaching
-the shore, the same struggle was renewed around his person with
-increased fervor on both sides. He was himself among the foremost,
-and all near him were animated by his example. The horsemen on both
-sides became jammed together, and the contest was one of physical
-force and pressure by man and horse; but the Macedonians had a great
-advantage in being accustomed to the use of the strong close-fighting
-pike, while the Persian weapon was the missile javelin. At length
-the resistance was surmounted, and Alexander with those around him,
-gradually thrusting back the defenders, made good their way up the
-high bank to the level ground. At other points the resistance was not
-equally vigorous. The left and centre of the Macedonians, crossing
-at the same time on all practicable spaces along the whole line,
-overpowered the Persians stationed on the slope, and got up to the
-level ground with comparative facility.[193] Indeed no cavalry could
-possibly stand on the bank to offer opposition to the phalanx with
-its array of long pikes, wherever this could reach the ascent in
-any continuous front. The easy crossing of the Macedonians at other
-points helped to constrain those Persians, who were contending with
-Alexander himself on the slope, to recede to the level ground above.
-
-  [193] Arrian, i. 15, 5. Καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν (Alexander himself)
-  ξυνειστήκει μάχη καρτερὰ, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ ἄλλαι ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαις τῶν
-  τάξεων τοῖς Μακεδόσι διέβαινον οὐ χαλεπῶς ἤδη.
-
-  These words deserve attention, because they show how incomplete
-  Arrian’s description of the battle had before been. Dwelling
-  almost exclusively upon the personal presence and achievements
-  of Alexander, he had said little even about the right half of
-  the army, and nothing at all about the left half of it under
-  Parmenio. We discover from these words that _all_ the τάξεις of
-  the phalanx (not only the three in Alexander’s half, but also the
-  three in Parmenio’s half) passed the river nearly at the same
-  time, and for the most part, with little or no resistance.
-
-Here again, as at the water’s edge, Alexander was foremost in
-personal conflict. His pike having been broken, he turned to a
-soldier near him—Aretis, one of the horseguards who generally aided
-him in mounting his horse—and asked for another. But this man, having
-broken his pike also, showed the fragment to Alexander, requesting
-him to ask some one else; upon which the Corinthian Demaratus,
-one of the Companion-cavalry close at hand, gave him his weapon
-instead. Thus armed anew, Alexander spurred his horse forward against
-Mithridates (son-in-law of Darius), who was bringing up a column
-of cavalry to attack him, but was himself considerably in advance
-of it. Alexander thrust his pike into the face of Mithridates, and
-laid him prostrate on the ground: he then turned to another of the
-Persian leaders, Rhœsakes, who struck him a blow on the head with
-his scymetar, knocked off a portion of his helmet, but did not
-penetrate beyond. Alexander avenged this blow by thrusting Rhœsakes
-through the body with his pike.[194] Meanwhile a third Persian
-leader, Spithridates, was actually close behind Alexander, with hand
-and scymetar uplifted to cut him down. At this critical moment,
-Kleitus son of Dropides—one of the ancient officers of Philip, high
-in the Macedonian service—struck with full force at the uplifted
-arm of Spithridates and severed it from the body, thus preserving
-Alexander’s life. Other leading Persians, kinsmen of Spithridates,
-rushed desperately on Alexander, who received many blows on his
-armor, and was in much danger. But the efforts of his companions
-near were redoubled, both to defend his person and to second his
-adventurous daring. It was on that point that the Persian cavalry
-was first broken. On the left of the Macedonian line, the Thessalian
-cavalry also fought with vigor and success;[195] and the light-armed
-foot, intermingled with Alexander’s cavalry generally, did great
-damage to the enemy. The rout of the Persian cavalry, once begun,
-speedily became general. They fled in all directions, pursued by the
-Macedonians.
-
-  [194] Arrian, i. 15, 6-12; Diodor. xvi. 20; Plutarch, Alex. 16.
-  These authors differ in the details. I follow Arrian.
-
-  [195] Diodor. xvii. 21.
-
-But Alexander and his officers soon checked this ardor of pursuit,
-calling back their cavalry to complete his victory. The Persian
-infantry, Asiatics as well as Greeks, had remained without movement
-or orders, looking on the cavalry battle which had just disastrously
-terminated. To them Alexander immediately turned his attention.[196]
-He brought up his phalanx and hypaspistæ to attack them in front,
-while his cavalry assailed on all sides their unprotected flanks and
-rear; he himself charged with the cavalry, and had a horse killed
-under him. His infantry alone was more numerous than they, so that
-against such odds the result could hardly be doubtful. The greater
-part of these mercenaries, after a valiant resistance, were cut to
-pieces on the field. We are told that none escaped, except 2000 made
-prisoners, and some who remained concealed in the field among the
-dead bodies.[197]
-
-  [196] Arrian, i. 16, 1. Plutarch says that the infantry, on
-  seeing the cavalry routed, demanded to capitulate on terms with
-  Alexander; but this seems hardly probable.
-
-  [197] Arrian, i. 16, 4; Diodor. xvii. 21. Diodorus says that on
-  the part of the Persians more than 10,000 foot were killed, with
-  2000 cavalry; and that more than 20,000 men were made prisoners.
-
-In this complete and signal defeat, the loss of the Persian cavalry
-was not very serious in mere number—for only 1000 of them were slain.
-But the slaughter of the leading Persians, who had exposed themselves
-with extreme bravery in the personal conflict against Alexander,
-was terrible. There were slain not only Mithridates, Rhœsakes,
-and Spithridates, whose names have been already mentioned,—but
-also Pharnakes, brother-in-law of Darius, Mithrobarzanes satrap of
-Kappadokia, Atizyes, Niphates, Petines, and others; all Persians
-of rank and consequence. Arsites, the satrap of Phrygia, whose
-rashness had mainly caused the rejection of Memnon’s advice, escaped
-from the field, but died shortly afterwards by his own hand, from
-anguish and humiliation.[198] The Persian or Perso-Grecian infantry,
-though probably more of them individually escaped than is implied in
-Arrian’s account, was as a body irretrievably ruined. No force was
-either left in the field, or could be afterwards reassembled in Asia
-Minor.
-
-  [198] Arrian, i. 16, 5, 6.
-
-The loss on the side of Alexander is said to have been very small.
-Twenty-five of the Companion-cavalry, belonging to the division under
-Ptolemy and Amyntas, were slain in the first unsuccessful attempt
-to pass the river. Of the other cavalry, sixty in all were slain;
-of the infantry, thirty. This is given to us as the entire loss on
-the side of Alexander.[199] It is only the number of killed; that
-of the wounded is not stated; but assuming it to be ten times the
-number of killed, the total of both together will be 1265.[200] If
-this be correct, the resistance of the Persian cavalry, except near
-that point where Alexander himself and the Persian chiefs came into
-conflict, cannot have been either serious or long protracted. But
-when we add farther the contest with the infantry, the smallness of
-the total assigned for Macedonian killed and wounded will appear
-still more surprising. The total of the Persian infantry is stated
-at nearly 20,000, most part of them Greek mercenaries. Of these only
-2000 were made prisoners; nearly all the rest (according to Arrian)
-were slain. Now the Greek mercenaries were well armed, and not likely
-to let themselves be slain with impunity; moreover Plutarch expressly
-affirms that they resisted with desperate valor, and that most of the
-Macedonian loss was incurred in the conflict against them. It is not
-easy therefore to comprehend how the total number of slain can be
-brought within the statement of Arrian.[201]
-
-  [199] Arrian, i. 16, 7, 8.
-
-  [200] Arrian, in describing another battle, considers that the
-  proportion of twelve to one, between wounded and killed, is above
-  what could have been expected (v. 24, 8). Rüstow and Köchly (p.
-  273) state that in modern battles, the ordinary proportion of
-  wounded to killed is from 8:1 to 10:1.
-
-  [201] Arrian, i. 16, 8; Plutarch, Alexand. 16. Aristobulus
-  (apud Plutarch. _l. c._) said that there were slain, among the
-  companions of Alexander (τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον) thirty-four
-  persons, of whom nine were infantry. This coincides with Arrian’s
-  statement about the twenty-five companions of the cavalry, slain.
-
-After the victory, Alexander manifested the greatest solicitude for
-his wounded soldiers, whom he visited and consoled in person. Of the
-twenty-five Companions slain, he caused brazen statues, by Lysippus,
-to be erected at Dium in Macedonia, where they were still standing
-in the time of Arrian. To the surviving relatives of all the slain
-he also granted immunity from taxation and from personal service.
-The dead bodies were honorably buried, those of the enemy as well as
-of his own soldiers. The two thousand Greeks in the Persian service
-who had become his prisoners, were put in chains, and transported
-to Macedonia, there to work as slaves; to which treatment Alexander
-condemned them on the ground that they had taken arms on behalf
-of the foreigner against Greece, in contravention of the general
-vote passed by the synod at Corinth. At the same time, he sent
-to Athens three hundred panoplies selected from the spoil, to be
-dedicated to Athênê in the acropolis with this inscription—“Alexander
-son of Philip, and the Greeks, except the Lacedæmonians (_present
-these offerings_), out of the spoils of the foreigners inhabiting
-Asia.”[202] Though the vote to which Alexander appealed represented
-no existing Grecian aspiration, and granted only a sanction which
-could not be safely refused, yet he found satisfaction in clothing
-his own self-aggrandizing impulse under the name of a supposed
-Pan-hellenic purpose: which was at the same time useful, as
-strengthening his hold upon the Greeks, who were the only persons
-competent, either as officers or soldiers, to uphold the Persian
-empire against him. His conquests were the extinction of genuine
-Hellenism, though they diffused an exterior varnish of it, and
-especially the Greek language, over much of the Oriental world. True
-Grecian interests lay more on the side of Darius than of Alexander.
-
-  [202] Arrian, i. 16, 10, 11.
-
-The battle of the Granikus, brought on by Arsites and the other
-satraps contrary to the advice of Memnon, was moreover so unskilfully
-fought by them, that the gallantry of their infantry, the most
-formidable corps of Greeks that had ever been in the Persian service,
-was rendered of little use. The battle, properly speaking, was
-fought only by the Persian cavalry;[203] the infantry was left to be
-surrounded and destroyed afterwards.
-
-  [203] Arrian usually calls the battle of the Granikus an
-  ἱππομαχία (i. 17, 10 and elsewhere).
-
-  The battle was fought in the Attic month Thargelion: probably the
-  beginning of May (Plutarch, Camillus, 19).
-
-No victory could be more decisive or terror-striking than that of
-Alexander. There remained no force in the field to oppose him. The
-impression made by so great a public catastrophe was enhanced by two
-accompanying circumstances; first, by the number of Persian grandees
-who perished, realizing almost the wailings of Atossa, Xerxes, and
-the Chorus, in the Persæ of Æschylus,[204] after the battle of
-Salamis—next, by the chivalrous and successful prowess of Alexander
-himself, who, emulating the Homeric Achilles, not only rushed
-foremost into the _mélée_, but killed two of these grandees with his
-own hand. Such exploits, impressive even when we read of them now,
-must at the moment when they occurred have acted most powerfully upon
-the imagination of contemporaries.
-
-  [204] Æschylus, Pers. 950 _seqq._
-
-Several of the neighboring Mysian mountaineers, though mutinous
-subjects towards Persia, came down to make submission to him, and
-were permitted to occupy their lands under the same tribute as they
-had paid before. The inhabitants of the neighboring Grecian city
-of Zeleia, whose troops had served with the Persians, surrendered
-and obtained their pardon; Alexander admitting the plea that
-they had served only under constraint. He then sent Parmenio
-to attack Daskylium, the stronghold and chief residence of the
-satrap of Phrygia. Even this place was evacuated by the garrison
-and surrendered, doubtless with a considerable treasure therein.
-The whole satrapy of Phrygia thus fell into Alexander’s power,
-and was appointed to be administered by Kallas for his behalf,
-levying the same amount of tribute as had been paid before.[205] He
-himself then marched, with his main force, in a southerly direction
-towards Sardis—the chief town of Lydia, and the main station of the
-Persians in Asia Minor. The citadel of Sardis—situated on a lofty
-and steep rock projecting from Mount Tmolus, fortified by a triple
-wall with an adequate garrison—was accounted impregnable, and at
-any rate could hardly have been taken by anything less than a long
-blockade,[206] which would have allowed time for the arrival of the
-fleet and the operations of Memnon. Yet such was the terror which now
-accompanied the Macedonian conqueror, that when he arrived within
-eight miles of Sardis, he met not only a deputation of the chief
-citizens, but also the Persian governor of the citadel, Mithrines.
-The town, citadel, garrison, and treasure Were delivered up to him
-without a blow. Fortunately for Alexander, there were not in Asia
-any Persian governors of courage and fidelity such as had been
-displayed by Maskames and Boges after the repulse of Xerxes from
-Greece.[207] Alexander treated Mithrines with courtesy and honor,
-granted freedom to the Sardians and to the other Lydians generally,
-with the use of their own Lydian laws. The betrayal of Sardis by
-Mithrines was a signal good fortune to Alexander. On going up to
-the citadel, he contemplated with astonishment its prodigious
-strength; congratulating himself on so easy an acquisition, and
-giving directions to build there a temple of Olympian Zeus, on the
-spot where the old palace of the kings of Lydia had been situated.
-He named Pausanias governor of the citadel, with a garrison of
-Peloponnesians from Argos; Asander, satrap of the country; and
-Nikias, collector of tribute.[208] The freedom granted to the
-Lydians, whatever it may have amounted to, did not exonerate them
-from paying the usual tribute.
-
-  [205] Arrian, i. 17, 1, 2.
-
-  [206] About the almost impregnable fortifications and position
-  of Sardis, see Polybius, vii. 15-18; Herod. i. 84. It held out
-  for nearly two years against Antiochus III. (B. C. 216),
-  and was taken at last only by the extreme carelessness of the
-  defenders; even then, the citadel was still held.
-
-  [207] Herodot. vii. 106, 107.
-
-  [208] Arrian, i. 17, 5-9; Diodor. xvii. 21.
-
-From Sardis, he ordered Kallas, the new satrap of Hellespontine
-Phrygia—and Alexander son of Aëropus, who had been promoted in place
-of Kallas to the command of the Thessalian cavalry—to attack Atarneus
-and the district belonging to Memnon, on the Asiatic coast opposite
-Lesbos. Meanwhile he himself directed his march to Ephesus, which he
-reached on the fourth day. Both at Ephesus and at Miletus—the two
-principal strongholds of the Persians on the coast, as Sardis was
-in the interior—the sudden catastrophe at the Granikus had struck
-unspeakable terror. Hegesistratus, governor of the Persian garrison
-(Greek mercenaries) at Miletus, sent letters to Alexander offering to
-surrender the town on his approach; while the garrison at Ephesus,
-with the Macedonian exile Amyntas, got on board two triremes in the
-harbor, and fled. It appears that there had been recently a political
-revolution in the town, conducted by Syrphax and other leaders, who
-had established an oligarchical government. These men, banishing
-their political opponents, had committed depredations on the temple
-of Artemis, overthrown the statue of Philip of Macedon dedicated
-therein, and destroyed the sepulchre of Heropythus the liberator
-in the agora.[209] Some of the party, though abandoned by their
-garrison, were still trying to invoke aid from Memnon, who however
-was yet at a distance. Alexander entered the town without resistance,
-restored the exiles, established a democratical constitution, and
-directed that the tribute heretofore paid to the Persians should now
-be paid to the Ephesian Artemis. Syrphax and his family sought refuge
-in the temple, from whence they were dragged by the people and stoned
-to death. More of the same party would have been despatched, had not
-the popular vengeance been restrained by Alexander; who displayed an
-honorable and prudent moderation.[210]
-
-  [209] Arrian, i. 17, 12. Respecting these commotions at Ephesus,
-  which had preceded the expedition of Alexander, we have no
-  information: nor are we told who Heropythus was or under what
-  circumstances he had liberated Ephesus. It would have been
-  interesting to know these facts, as illustrating the condition of
-  the Asiatic Greeks previous to Alexander’s invasion.
-
-  [210] Arrian, i. 17, 10-13.
-
-Thus master of Ephesus, Alexander found himself in communication with
-his fleet, under the command of Nikanor; and received propositions
-of surrender from the two neighboring inland cities, Magnesia and
-Tralleis. To occupy these cities, he despatched Parmenio with 5000
-foot (half of them Macedonians) and 200 of the Companion-cavalry;
-while he at the same time sent Antimachus with an equal force in a
-northerly direction, to liberate the various cities of Æolic and
-Ionic Greeks. This officer was instructed to put down in each of
-them the ruling oligarchy, which acted with a mercenary garrison
-as an instrument of Persian supremacy—to place the government in
-the hands of the citizens—and to abolish all payment of tribute.
-He himself—after taking part in a solemn festival and procession
-to the temple of Ephesian Artemis, with his whole army in battle
-array—marched southward towards Miletus; his fleet under Nikanor
-proceeding thither by sea.[211] He expected probably to enter
-Miletus with as little resistance as Ephesus. But his hopes were
-disappointed: Hegesistratus, commander of the garrison in that town,
-though under the immediate terror of the defeat at the Granikus
-he had written to offer submission, had now altered his tone, and
-determined to hold out. The formidable Persian fleet,[212] four
-hundred sail of Phenician and Cyprian ships of war with well-trained
-seamen, was approaching.
-
-  [211] Arrian, i. 18, 5, 6.
-
-  [212] Arrian, i. 18, 10-13.
-
-This naval force, which a few weeks earlier would have prevented
-Alexander from crossing into Asia, now afforded the only hope of
-arresting the rapidity and ease of his conquests. What steps had been
-taken by the Persian officers since the defeat at the Granikus, we do
-not hear. Many of them had fled, along with Memnon, to Miletus;[213]
-and they were probably disposed, under the present desperate
-circumstances, to accept the command of Memnon as their only hope
-of safety, though they had despised his counsel on the day of the
-battle. Whether the towns in Memnon’s principality of Atarneus had
-attempted any resistance against the Macedonians, we do not know. His
-interests however were so closely identified with those of Persia,
-that he had sent up his wife and children as hostages, to induce
-Darius to entrust him with the supreme conduct of the war. Orders
-to this effect were presently sent down by that prince;[214] but at
-the first arrival of the fleet, it seems not to have been under the
-command of Memnon, who was however probably on board.
-
-  [213] Diodor. xvii. 22.
-
-  [214] Diodor. xvii. 23.
-
-It came too late to aid in the defence of Miletus. Three days before
-its arrival, Nikanor the Macedonian admiral, with his fleet of one
-hundred and sixty ships, had occupied the island of Ladê, which
-commanded the harbor of that city. Alexander found the outer portion
-of Miletus evacuated, and took it without resistance. He was making
-preparations to besiege the inner city, and had already transported
-4000 troops across to the island of Ladê, when the powerful Persian
-fleet came in sight, but found itself excluded from Miletus, and
-obliged to take moorings under the neighboring promontory of Mykalê.
-Unwilling to abandon without a battle the command of the sea,
-Parmenio advised Alexander to fight this fleet, offering himself to
-share the hazard aboard. But Alexander disapproved the proposition,
-affirming that his fleet was inferior not less in skill than in
-numbers; that the high training of the Macedonians would tell for
-nothing on shipboard; and that a naval defeat would be the signal for
-insurrection in Greece. Besides debating such prudential reasons,
-Alexander and Parmenio also differed about the religious promise of
-the case. On the sea-shore, near the stern of the Macedonian ships,
-Parmenio had seen an eagle, which filled him with confidence that
-the ships would prove victorious. But Alexander contended that this
-interpretation was incorrect. Though the eagle doubtless promised to
-him victory, yet it had been seen on land—and therefore his victories
-would be on land: hence the result signified was, that he would
-overcome the Persian fleet, by means of land-operations.[215] This
-part of the debate, between two practical military men of ability,
-is not the least interesting of the whole; illustrating as it does,
-not only the religious susceptibilities of the age, but also the
-pliancy of the interpretative process, lending itself equally well
-to inferences totally opposite. The difference between a sagacious
-and a dull-witted prophet, accommodating ambiguous omens to useful or
-mischievous conclusions, was one of very material importance in the
-ancient world.
-
-  [215] Arrian, i. 18, 9-15; i. 20, 2.
-
-Alexander now prepared vigorously to assault Miletus, repudiating
-with disdain an offer brought to him by a Milesian citizen named
-Glaukippus—that the city should be neutral and open to him as well as
-to the Persians. His fleet under Nikanor occupied the harbor, blocked
-up its narrow mouth against the Persians, and made threatening
-demonstrations from the water’s edge; while he himself brought up
-his battering-engines against the walls, shook or overthrew them
-in several places, and then stormed the city. The Milesians, with
-the Grecian mercenary garrison, made a brave defence, but were
-overpowered by the impetuosity of the assault. A large number of
-them were slain, and there was no way of escape except by jumping
-into little boats, or swimming off upon the hollow of the shield.
-Even of these fugitives, most part were killed by the seamen of the
-Macedonian triremes; but a division of 300 Grecian mercenaries got on
-to an isolated rock near the mouth of the harbor, and there prepared
-to sell their lives dearly. Alexander, as soon as his soldiers were
-thoroughly masters of the city, went himself on shipboard to attack
-the mercenaries on the rock, taking with him ladders in order to
-effect a landing upon it. But when he saw that they were resolved
-on a desperate defence, he preferred admitting them to terms of
-capitulation, and received them into his own service.[216] To the
-surviving Milesian citizens he granted the condition of a free city,
-while he caused all the remaining prisoners to be sold as slaves.
-
-  [216] Arrian, i. 19; Diodor. xvii. 22.
-
-The powerful Persian fleet, from the neighboring promontory of
-Mykalê, was compelled to witness, without being able to prevent, the
-capture of Miletus, and was presently withdrawn to Halikarnassus.
-At the same time Alexander came to the resolution of disbanding his
-own fleet; which, while costing more than he could then afford, was
-nevertheless unfit to cope with the enemy in open sea. He calculated
-that by concentrating all his efforts on land-operations, especially
-against the cities on the coast, he should exclude the Persian fleet
-from all effective hold on Asia Minor, and ensure that country to
-himself. He therefore paid off all the ships, retaining only a
-moderate squadron for the purposes of transport.[217]
-
-  [217] Arrian, i. 20, 1-4; Diodor. xvii. 22. At the same time,
-  the statement of Diodorus can hardly be correct (xvii. 24),
-  that Alexander sent his battering engines from Miletus to
-  Halikarnassus by sea. This would only have exposed them to be
-  captured by the Persian fleet. We shall see that Alexander
-  reorganized his entire fleet during the ensuing year.
-
-Before this time, probably, the whole Asiatic coast northward of
-Miletus—including the Ionic and Æolic cities and the principality of
-Memnon—had either accepted willingly the dominion of Alexander, or
-had been reduced by his detachments. Accordingly he now directed his
-march southward from Miletus, towards Karia, and especially towards
-Halikarnassus, the principal city of that territory. On entering
-Karia, he was met by Ada, a member of the Karian princely family,
-who tendered to him her town of Alinda and her other possessions,
-adopting him as her son, and entreating his protection. Not many
-years earlier, under Mausôlus and Artemisia, the powerful princes
-of this family had been formidable to all the Grecian islands. It
-was the custom of Karia that brothers and sisters of the reigning
-family intermarried with each other: Mausôlus and his wife Artemisia
-were succeeded by Idrieus and his wife Ada, all four being brothers
-and sisters, sons and daughters of Hekatomnus. On the death of
-Idrieus, his widow Ada, was expelled from Halikarnassus and other
-parts of Karia by her surviving brother Pixodarus; though she still
-preserved some strong towns, which proved a welcome addition to the
-conquests of Alexander. Pixodarus, on the contrary, who had given his
-daughter in marriage to a leading Persian named Orontobates, warmly
-espoused the Persian cause, and made Halikarnassus a capital point of
-resistance against the invader.[218]
-
-  [218] Arrian, i. 23, 11, 12; Diodor. xvii. 24; Strabo, xiv. p.
-  657.
-
-But it was not by him alone that this city was defended. The Persian
-fleet had repaired thither from Miletus; Memnon, now invested by
-Darius with supreme command on the Asiatic coast and the Ægean, was
-there in person. There was not only Orontobates with many other
-Asiatics, but also a large garrison of mercenary Greeks, commanded by
-Ephialtes, a brave Athenian exile. The city, strong both by nature
-and by art, with a surrounding ditch forty-five feet broad and
-twenty-two feet deep,[219] had been still farther strengthened under
-the prolonged superintendence of Memnon;[220] lastly, there were two
-citadels, a fortified harbor, with its entrance fronting the south,
-abundant magazines of arms, and good provision of defensive engines.
-The siege of Halikarnassus was the most arduous enterprise which
-Alexander had yet undertaken. Instead of attacking it by land and sea
-at once, as at Miletus, he could make his approaches only from the
-land, while the defenders were powerfully aided from seaward by the
-Persian ships with their numerous crews.
-
-  [219] Arrian, i. 20, 13.
-
-  [220] Arrian, i. 20, 5. ξύμπαντα ταῦτα Μέμνων τε αὐτὸς παρὼν ἐκ
-  πολλοῦ παρεσκευάκει, etc.
-
-His first efforts, directed against the gate on the north or
-north-east of the city, which led towards Mylasa, were interrupted
-by frequent sallies and discharges from the engines on the walls.
-After a few days thus spent without much avail, he passed with a
-large section of his army to the western side of the town, towards
-the outlying portion of the projecting tongue of land, on which
-Halikarnassus and Myndus (the latter farther westward) were situated.
-While making demonstrations on this side of Halikarnassus, he at
-the same time attempted a night-attack on Myndus, but was obliged
-to retire after some hours of fruitless effort. He then confined
-himself to the siege of Halikarnassus. His soldiers, protected from
-missiles by movable penthouses (called Tortoises), gradually filled
-up the wide and deep ditch round the town, so as to open a level road
-for his engines (rolling towers of wood) to come up close to the
-walls. The engines being brought up close, the work of demolition
-was successfully prosecuted; notwithstanding vigorous sallies from
-the garrison, repulsed; though not without loss and difficulty,
-by the Macedonians. Presently the shock of the battering-engines
-had overthrown two towers of the city-wall, together with two
-intermediate breadths of wall; and a third tower was beginning to
-totter. The besieged were employed in erecting an inner wall of
-brick to cover the open space, and a wooden tower of the great
-height of 150 feet for the purpose of casting projectiles.[221] It
-appears that Alexander waited for the full demolition of the third
-tower, before he thought the breach wide enough to be stormed; but
-an assault was prematurely brought on by two adventurous soldiers
-from the division of Perdikkas.[222] These men, elate with wine,
-rushed up single-handed to attack the Mylasean gate, and slew
-the foremost of the defenders who came out to oppose them, until
-at length, reinforcements arriving successively on both sides, a
-general combat took place at a short distance from the wall. In the
-end, the Macedonians were victorious, and drove the besieged back
-into the city. Such was the confusion, that the city might then
-have been assaulted and taken, had measures been prepared for it
-beforehand. The third tower was speedily overthrown; nevertheless,
-before this could be accomplished, the besieged had already completed
-their half-moon within, against which accordingly, on the next day,
-Alexander pushed forward his engines. In this advanced position,
-however, being as it were within the circle of the city-wall, the
-Macedonians were exposed to discharges not only from engines in their
-front, but also from the towers yet standing on each side of them.
-Moreover, at night, a fresh sally was made with so much impetuosity,
-that some of the covering wicker-work of the engines, and even
-the main wood-work of one of them, was burnt. It was not without
-difficulty that Philôtas and Hellanikus, the officers on guard,
-preserved the remainder; nor were the besieged finally driven in,
-until Alexander himself appeared with reinforcements.[223] Though his
-troops had been victors in these successive combats, yet he could not
-carry off his dead, who lay close to the walls, without soliciting
-a truce for burial. Such request usually counted as a confession of
-defeat: nevertheless Alexander solicited the truce, which was granted
-by Memnon, in spite of the contrary opinion of Ephialtes.[224]
-
-  [221] Compare Arrian, i. 21, 7, 8; Diodor. xvii. 25, 26.
-
-  [222] Both Arrian, (i. 21, 5) and Diodorus (xvii. 25) mention
-  this proceeding of the two soldiers of Perdikkas, though Diodorus
-  says that it occurred at night, which cannot well be true.
-
-  [223] Arrian, i. 21, 7-12.
-
-  [224] Diodor. xvii. 25.
-
-After a few days of interval, for burying his dead and repairing the
-engines, Alexander recommenced attack upon the half-moon, under his
-own personal superintendence. Among the leaders within, a conviction
-gained ground that the place could not long hold out. Ephialtes
-especially, resolved not to survive the capture, and seeing that the
-only chance of preservation consisted in destroying the besieging
-engines, obtained permission from Memnon to put himself at the head
-of a last desperate sally.[225] He took immediately near him 2000
-chosen troops, half to encounter the enemy, half with torches to
-burn the engines. At daybreak, all the gates being suddenly and
-simultaneously thrown open, sallying parties rushed out from each
-against the besiegers; the engines from within supporting them by
-multiplied discharges of missiles. Ephialtes with his division,
-marching straight against the Macedonians on guard at the main
-point of attack, assailed them impetuously, while his torch-bearers
-tried to set the engines on fire. Himself distinguished no less for
-personal strength than for valor, he occupied the front rank, and
-was so well seconded by the courage and good array of his soldiers
-charging in deep column, that for a time he gained advantage. Some of
-the engines were successfully fired, and the advanced guard of the
-Macedonian troops, consisting of young troops, gave way and fled.
-They were rallied partly by the efforts of Alexander, but still
-more by the older Macedonian soldiers, companions in all Philip’s
-campaigns; who, standing exempt from night-watches, were encamped
-more in the rear. These veterans, among whom one Atharrias was the
-most conspicuous, upbraiding the cowardice of their comrades,[226]
-cast themselves into their accustomed phalanx-array, and thus both
-withstood and repulsed the charge of the victorious enemy. Ephialtes,
-foremost among the combatants, was slain, the rest were driven back
-to the city, and the burning engines were saved with some damage.
-During this same time, an obstinate conflict had also taken place at
-the gate called Tripylon, where the besieged had made another sally,
-over a narrow bridge thrown across the ditch. Here the Macedonians
-were under the command of Ptolemy (not the son of Lagus), one of the
-king’s body-guards. He, with two or three other conspicuous officers,
-perished in the severe struggle which ensued, but the sallying party
-were at length repulsed and driven into the city.[227] The loss of
-the besieged was severe, in trying to get again within the walls,
-under vigorous pursuit from the Macedonians.
-
-  [225] The last desperate struggle of the besieged, is what stands
-  described in i. 22 of Arrian, and in xvii. 26, 27 of Diodorus;
-  though the two descriptions are very different. Arrian does
-  not name Ephialtes at Halikarnassus. He follows the Macedonian
-  authors, Ptolemy and Aristobulus; who probably dwelt only on
-  Memnon and the Persians as their real enemies, treating the
-  Greeks in general as a portion of the hostile force. On the other
-  hand, Diodorus and Curtius appear to have followed, in great
-  part, Grecian authors; in whose view eminent Athenian exiles,
-  like Ephialtes and Charidemus, counted for much more.
-
-  The fact here mentioned by Diodorus, that Ephialtes drove back
-  the young Macedonian guard, and that the battle was restored only
-  by the extraordinary efforts of the old guard—is one of much
-  interest, which I see no reason for mistrusting, though Arrian
-  says nothing about it. Curtius (v. 2; viii. 1) makes allusion to
-  it on a subsequent occasion, naming Atharrias: the part of his
-  work in which it ought to have been narrated, is lost. On this,
-  as on other occasions, Arrian slurs over the partial reverses,
-  obstructions, and losses, of Alexander’s career. His authorities
-  probably did so before him.
-
-  [226] Diodor. xvi. 27; Curtius, v. 1. viii. 2. ... οἱ γὰρ
-  πρεσβύτατοι τῶν Μακεδόνων, διὰ μὲν τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀπολελυμένοι
-  τῶν κινδύνων, συνεστρατευμένοι δὲ Φιλίππῳ ... τοῖς μὲν
-  φυγομαχοῦσι νεωτέροις πικρῶς ὠνείδισαν τὴν ἀνανδρίαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ
-  συναθροισθέντες καὶ συνασπίσαντες, ὑπέστησαν τοὺς δοκοῦντας ἤδη
-  νενικηκέναι....
-
-  [227] Arrian, i. 22, 5.
-
-By this last unsuccessful effort, the defensive force of
-Halikarnassus was broken. Memnon and Orontobates, satisfied that
-no longer defence of the town was practicable, took advantage
-of the night to set fire to their wooden projectile engines and
-towers, as well as to their magazines of arms, with the houses near
-the exterior wall, while they carried away the troops, stores,
-and inhabitants, partly to the citadel called Salmakis—partly to
-the neighboring islet called Arkonnesus—partly to the island of
-Kos.[228] Though thus evacuating the town, however, they still kept
-good garrisons well-provisioned in the two citadels belonging to it.
-The conflagration, stimulated by a strong wind, spread widely. It
-was only extinguished by the orders of Alexander, when he entered
-the town, and put to death all those whom he found with firebrands.
-He directed that the Halikarnassians found in the houses should be
-spared, but that the city itself should be demolished. He assigned
-the whole of Karia to Ada, as a principality, doubtless under
-condition of tribute. As the citadels still occupied by the enemy
-were strong enough to require a long siege, he did not think it
-necessary to remain in person for the purpose of reducing them; but
-surrounding them with a wall of blockade, he left Ptolemy and 3000
-men to guard it.[229]
-
-  [228] Arrian, i. 23, 3, 4; Diodor. xvii. 27.
-
-  [229] Arrian, i. 23, 11; Diodor. xvii. 7; Strabo, xiv. p. 657.
-
-Having concluded the siege of Halikarnassus, Alexander sent back his
-artillery to Tralles, ordering Parmenio, with a large portion of the
-cavalry, the allied infantry, and the baggage waggons, to Sardis.
-
-The ensuing winter months he employed in the conquest of Lykia,
-Pamphylia, and Pisidia. All this southern coast of Asia Minor is
-mountainous; the range of Mount Taurus descending nearly to the sea,
-so as to leave little or no intervening breadth of plain. In spite
-of great strength of situation, such was the terror of Alexander’s
-arms, that all the Lykian towns—Hyparna, Telmissus, Pinara, Xanthus,
-Patara, and thirty others—submitted to him without a blow.[230] One
-alone among them, called Marmareis, resisted to desperation.[231]
-On reaching the territory called Milyas, the Phrygian frontier of
-Lykia, Alexander received the surrender of the Greek maritime city,
-Phasêlis. He assisted the Phaselites in destroying a mountain fort
-erected and garrisoned against them by the neighboring Pisidian
-mountaineers, and paid a public compliment to the sepulchre of their
-deceased townsman, the rhetorician Theodektes.[232]
-
-  [230] Arrian, i. 24, 6-9.
-
-  [231] Diodor. xvii. 28.
-
-  [232] Arrian, i. 24, 11; Plutarch, Alexand. 17.
-
-After this brief halt at Phasêlis, Alexander directed his course to
-Pergê in Pamphylia. The ordinary mountain road, by which he sent
-most of his army, was so difficult as to require some leveling by
-Thracian light troops sent in advance for the purpose. But the king
-himself, with a select detachment, took a road more difficult still,
-under the mountains by the brink of the sea, called Klimax. When the
-wind blew from the south, this road was covered by such a depth of
-water as to be impracticable; for some time before he reached the
-spot, the wind had blown strong from the south—but as he came near,
-the special providence of the gods (so he and his friends conceived
-it) brought on a change to the north, so that the sea receded and
-left an available passage, though his soldiers had the water up to
-their waists.[233] From Pergê he marched on to Sidê, receiving on his
-way envoys from Aspendus, who offered to surrender their city, but
-deprecated the entrance of a garrison; which they were allowed to
-buy off promising fifty talents in money, together with the horses
-which they were bringing up as tribute for the Persian king. Having
-left a garrison at Sidê, he advanced onward to a strong place called
-Syllium, defended by brave natives with a body of mercenaries to
-aid them. These men held out, and even repulsed a first assault;
-which Alexander could not stay to repeat, being apprised that the
-Aspendians had refused to execute the conditions imposed, and had put
-their city in a state of defence. Returning rapidly, he constrained
-them to submission, and then marched back to Pergê; from whence he
-directed his course towards the greater Phrygia,[234] through the
-difficult mountains, and almost indomitable population, of Pisidia.
-
-  [233] Arrian, i. 26, 4. οὐκ ἄνευ τοῦ θείου, ὡς αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ
-  ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξηγοῦντο, etc. Strabo, xiv. p. 666; Curtius, v. 3, 22.
-
-  Plutarch’s words (Alexand. 17) must be taken to mean that
-  Alexander did not boast so much of this special favor from the
-  gods, as some of his panegyrists boasted for him.
-
-  [234] Arrian, i. 27, 1-8
-
-  After remaining in the Pisidian mountains long enough to reduce
-  several towns or strong posts, Alexander proceeded northward
-  into Phrygia, passing by the salt lake called Askanius to the
-  steep and impregnable fortress of Kelænæ, garrisoned by 1000
-  Karians, and 100 mercenary Greeks. These men, having no hope of
-  relief from the Persians, offered to deliver up the fortress,
-  unless such relief should arrive before the sixtieth day.[235]
-  Alexander accepted the propositions, remained ten days at Kelænæ,
-  and left there Antigonus (afterwards the most powerful among his
-  successors) as satrap of Phrygia, with 1500 men. He then marched
-  northward to Gordium on the river Sangarius, where Parmenio
-  was directed to meet him, and where his winter-campaign was
-  concluded.[236]
-
-  [235] Curtius. iii. 1, 8.
-
-  [236] Arrian, i. 29, 1-5.
-
-
-APPENDIX.
-
-ON THE LENGTH OF THE MACEDONIAN SARISSA OR PIKE.
-
-The statements here given about the length of the sarissa carried
-by the phalangite, are taken from Polybius, whose description is on
-all points both clear and consistent with itself. “The sarissa (he
-says) is sixteen cubits long, according to the original theory; and
-fourteen cubits as adapted to actual practice”—τὸ δὲ τῶν σαρισσῶν
-μέγεθός ἐστι, κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπόθεσιν, ἑκκαίδεκα πηχῶν, κατὰ
-δὲ τὴν ἁρμογὴν τὴν πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν, δεκατεσσάρων. Τούτων δὲ τοὺς
-τέσσαρας ἀφαιρεῖ τὸ μεταξὺ ταῖν χεροῖν διάστημα, καὶ τὸ κατόπιν
-σήκωμα τῆς προβολῆς (xviii. 12).
-
-The difference here indicated by Polybius between the length in
-theory, and that in practice, may probably be understood to mean,
-that the phalangites, when in exercise, used pikes of the greater
-length; when on service, of the smaller: just as the Roman soldiers
-were trained in their exercises to use arms heavier than they
-employed against an enemy.
-
-Of the later tactic writers, Leo (Tact. vi. 39) and Constantine
-Porphyrogenitus, repeat the double measurement of the sarissa as
-given by Polybius. Arrian (Tact. c. 12) and Polyænus (ii. 29, 2)
-state its length at sixteen cubits—Ælian (Tact. c. 14) gives fourteen
-cubits. All these authors follow either Polybius, or some other
-authority concurrent with him. None of them contradict him, though
-none state the case so clearly as he does.
-
-Messrs. Rüstow and Köchly (Gesch. des Griech. Kriegswesens, p. 238),
-authors of the best work that I know respecting ancient military
-matters, reject the authority of Polybius as it here stands. They
-maintain that the passage must be corrupt, and that Polybius must
-have meant to say that the sarissa was sixteen _feet_ in length—not
-sixteen _cubits_. I cannot subscribe to their opinion, nor do I think
-that their criticism on Polybius is a just one.
-
-First, they reason as if Polybius had said that the sarissa of actual
-service was _sixteen_ cubits long. Computing the weight of such a
-weapon from the thickness required in the shaft, they pronounce that
-it would be unmanageable. But Polybius gives the actual length as
-only _fourteen_ cubits: a very material difference. If we accept the
-hypothesis of these authors—that corruption of the text has made us
-read _cubits_ where we ought to have read _feet_,—it will follow that
-the length of the sarissa, as given by Polybius, would be _fourteen
-feet_, not _sixteen feet_. Now this length is not sufficient to
-justify various passages in which its prodigious length is set forth.
-
-Next, they impute to Polybius a contradiction in saying that the
-Roman soldier occupied a space of three feet, equal to that occupied
-by a Macedonian soldier—and yet that in the fight, he had two
-Macedonian soldiers and ten pikes opposed to him (xviii. 13). But
-there is here no contradiction at all: for Polybius expressly says
-that the Roman, though occupying three feet when the legion was drawn
-up in order, required, when fighting, an expansion of the ranks and
-an increased interval to the extent of three feet behind him and
-on each side of him (χάλασμα καὶ διάστασιν ἀλλήλων ἔχειν δεήσει
-τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐλάχιστον τρεῖς πόδας κατ᾽ ἐπιστάτην καὶ παραστάτην) in
-order to allow full play for his sword and shield. It is therefore
-perfectly true that each Roman soldier, when actually marching up to
-attack the phalanx, occupied as much ground as two phalangites, and
-had ten pikes to deal with.
-
-Farther, it is impossible to suppose that Polybius, in speaking of
-_cubits_, really meant _feet_; because (cap. 12) he speaks of _three
-feet_ as the interval between each rank in the file, and these _three
-feet_ are clearly made equal to _two cubits_. His computation will
-not come right, if in place of _cubits_ you substitute _feet_.
-
-We must therefore take the assertion of Polybius as we find it: that
-the pike of the phalangite was fourteen cubits or twenty-one feet in
-length. Now Polybius had every means of being well informed on such
-a point. He was above thirty years of age at the time of the last war
-of the Romans against the Macedonian king Perseus, in which war he
-himself served. He was intimately acquainted with Scipio, the son of
-Paulus Emilius, who gained the battle of Pydna. Lastly, he had paid
-great attention to tactics, and had even written an express work on
-the subject.
-
-It might indeed be imagined, that the statement of Polybius, though
-true as to his own time, was not true as to the time of Philip and
-Alexander. But there is nothing to countenance such a suspicion—which
-moreover is expressly disclaimed by Rüstow and Köchly.
-
-Doubtless twenty-one feet is a prodigious length, unmanageable,
-except by men properly trained, and inconvenient for all evolutions.
-But these are just the terms under which the pike of the phalangite
-is always spoken of. So Livy, xxxi. 39, “Erant pleraque silvestria
-circa, incommoda phalangi maximè Macedonum: quæ, nisi ubi _prælongis
-hastis_ velut vallum ante clypeos objecit (quod ut fiat, libero campo
-opus est) nullius admodum usus est.” Compare also Livy, xliv. 40, 41,
-where, among other intimations of the immense length of the pike, we
-find, “Si carptim aggrediendo, circumagere _immobilem longitudine et
-gravitate hastam_ cogas, confusâ strue implicatur:” also xxxiii. 8, 9.
-
-Xenophon tells us that the Ten Thousand Greeks in their retreat had
-to fight their way across the territory of the Chalybes, who carried
-a pike _fifteen cubits_ long, together with a short sword; he does
-not mention a shield, but they wore greaves and helmets (Anab. iv.
-7, 15). This is a length greater than what Polybius ascribes to
-the pike of the Macedonian phalangite. The Mosynœki defended their
-citadel “with pikes so long and thick that a man could hardly carry
-them” (Anabas. v. 4, 25). In the Iliad, when the Trojans are pressing
-hard upon the Greek ships, and seeking to set them on fire, Ajax is
-described as planting himself upon the poop, and keeping off the
-assailants with a thrusting-pike of twenty-two cubits or thirty-three
-feet in length (ξυστὸν ναύμαχον ἐν παλάμῃσιν—δυωκαιεικοσίπηχυ, Iliad,
-xv. 678). The spear of Hektor is ten cubits, or eleven cubits, in
-length—intended to be hurled (Iliad vi. 319; viii. 494)—the reading
-is not settled whether ἔγχος ἔχ᾽ ἑνδεκάπηχυ, or ἔγχος ἔχεν δεκάπηχυ.
-
-The Swiss infantry, and the German Landsknechte, in the sixteenth
-century, were in many respects a reproduction of the Macedonian
-phalanx: close ranks, deep files, long pikes, and the three or
-four first ranks, composed of the strongest and bravest men in the
-regiment—either officers, or picked soldiers receiving double pay.
-The length and impenetrable array of their pikes enabled them to
-resist the charge of the heavy cavalry or men at arms: they were
-irresistible in front, unless an enemy could find means to break in
-among the pikes, which was sometimes, though rarely, done. Their
-great confidence was in the length of the pike—Macciavelli says of
-them (Ritratti dell’ Alamagna, Opere t. iv. p. 159; and Dell’ Arte
-della Guerra, p. 232-236), “Dicono tenere tale ordine, che non é
-possibile entrare tra loro, né accostarseli, quanto é la picca lunga.
-Sono ottime genti in campagna, à far giornata: ma per espugnare terra
-non vagliono, e poco nel difenderlo: ed universalmente, dove non
-possano tenere l’ ordine loro della milizia, non vagliono.”
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XCIII.
-
-SECOND AND THIRD ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER — BATTLE OF ISSUS —
-SIEGE OF TYRE.
-
-It was about February or March 333 B. C., when Alexander
-reached Gordium; where he appears to have halted for some time,
-giving to the troops who had been with him in Pisidia a repose
-doubtless needful. While at Gordium, he performed the memorable
-exploit familiarly known as the cutting of the Gordian knot. There
-was preserved in the citadel an ancient waggon of rude structure,
-said by the legend to have once belonged to the peasant Gordius and
-his son Midas—the primitive rustic kings of Phrygia, designated as
-such by the gods, and chosen by the people. The cord (composed of
-fibres from the bark of the cornel tree), attaching the yoke of
-this waggon to the pole, was so twisted and entangled as to form
-a knot of singular complexity, which no one had ever been able to
-untie. An oracle had pronounced, that to the person who should untie
-it the empire of Asia was destined. When Alexander went up to see
-this ancient relic, the surrounding multitude, Phrygian as well
-as Macedonian, were full of expectation that the conqueror of the
-Granikus and of Halikarnassus would overcome the difficulties of the
-knot, and acquire the promised empire. But Alexander, on inspecting
-the knot, was as much perplexed as others had been before him, until
-at length, in a fit of impatience, he drew his sword and severed the
-cord in two. By every one this was accepted as a solution of the
-problem, thus making good his title to the empire of Asia; a belief
-which the gods ratified by a storm of thunder and lightning during
-the ensuing night.[237]
-
-  [237] Arrian, ii. 3; Curtius, iii. 2, 17; Plutarch, Alex. 18;
-  Justin, xi. 7.
-
-At Gordium, Alexander was visited by envoys from Athens, entreating
-the liberation of the Athenian prisoners taken at the Granikus, who
-were now at work chained in the Macedonian mines. But he refused this
-prayer until a more convenient season. Aware that the Greeks were
-held attached to him only by their fears, and that, if opportunity
-occurred, a large fraction of them would take part with the Persians,
-he did not think it prudent to relax his hold upon their conduct.[238]
-
-  [238] Arrian, i. 29, 8.
-
-Such opportunity seemed now not unlikely to occur. Memnon, excluded
-from efficacious action on the continent since the loss of
-Halikarnassus, was employed among the islands of the Ægean (during
-the first half of 333 B. C.), with the purpose of carrying war into
-Greece and Macedonia. Invested with the most ample command, he had a
-large Phenician fleet and a considerable body of Grecian mercenaries,
-together with his nephew Pharnabazus and the Persian Autophradates.
-Having acquired the important island of Chios, through the
-co-operation of a part of its inhabitants, he next landed on Lesbos,
-where four out of the five cities, either from fear or preference,
-declared in his favor; while Mitylênê, the greatest of the five,
-already occupied by a Macedonian garrison, stood out against him.
-Memnon accordingly disembarked his troops and commenced the blockade
-of the city both by sea and land, surrounding it with a double
-palisade wall from sea to sea. In the midst of this operation he died
-of sickness; but his nephew Pharnabazus, to whom he had consigned
-the command provisionally, until the pleasure of Darius could be
-known, prosecuted his measures vigorously, and brought the city to
-a capitulation. It was stipulated that the garrison introduced by
-Alexander should be dismissed; that the column, recording alliance
-with him, should be demolished; that the Mityleneans should become
-allies of Darius, upon the terms of the old convention called by the
-name of Antalkidas; and that the citizens in banishment should be
-recalled, with restitution of half their property. But Pharnabazus,
-as soon as admitted, violated the capitulation at once. He not only
-extorted contributions, but introduced a garrison under Lykomêdes,
-and established a returned exile named Diogenes as despot.[239] Such
-breach of faith was ill calculated to assist the farther extension of
-Persian influence in Greece.
-
-  [239] Arrian, ii. 1, 4-9.
-
-Had the Persian fleet been equally active a year earlier, Alexander’s
-army could never have landed in Asia. Nevertheless, the acquisitions
-of Chios and Lesbos, late as they were in coming, were highly
-important as promising future progress. Several of the Cyclades
-islands sent to tender their adhesion to the Persian cause; the fleet
-was expected in Eubœa, and the Spartans began to count upon aid for
-an anti-Macedonian movement.[240] But all these hopes were destroyed
-by the unexpected decease of Memnon.
-
-  [240] Diodor. xvii. 29.
-
-It was not merely the superior ability of Memnon, but also his
-established reputation both with Greeks and Persians, which rendered
-his death a fatal blow to the interests of Darius. The Persians had
-with them other Greek officers—brave and able—probably some not
-unfit to execute the full Memnonian schemes. But none of them had
-gone through the same experience in the art of exercising command
-among Orientals—none of them had acquired the confidence of Darius
-to the same extent, so as to be invested with the real guidance of
-operations, and upheld against court-calumnies. Though Alexander had
-now become master of Asia Minor, yet the Persians had ample means,
-if effectively used, of defending all that yet remained, and even of
-seriously disturbing him at home. But with Memnon vanished the last
-chance of employing these means with wisdom or energy. The full value
-of his loss was better appreciated by the intelligent enemy whom
-he opposed, than by the feeble master whom he served. The death of
-Memnon lessening the efficiency of the Persians at sea, allowed full
-leisure to reorganize the Macedonian fleet,[241] and to employ the
-undivided land-force for farther inland conquest.[242]
-
-  [241] Arrian, ii. 2, 6; Curtius, iii. 3, 19; iii. 4, 8. “Nondum
-  enim Memnonem vitâ excessisse cognoverat (Alexander)—satis
-  gnarus, cuncta in expedito fore, si nihil ab eo moveretur.”
-
-  [242] Diodor. xvi. 31.
-
-If Alexander was a gainer in respect to his own operations by the
-death of this eminent Rhodian, he was yet more a gainer by the change
-of policy which that event induced Darius to adopt. The Persian
-king resolved to renounce the defensive schemes of Memnon, and to
-take the offensive against the Macedonians on land. His troops,
-already summoned from the various parts of the empire, had partially
-arrived, and were still coming in.[243] Their numbers became greater
-and greater, amounting at length to a vast and multitudinous host,
-the total of which is given by some as 600,000 men; by others, as
-400,000 infantry and 100,000 cavalry. The spectacle of this showy
-and imposing mass, in every variety of arms, costume, and language,
-filled the mind of Darius with confidence; especially as there were
-among them between 20,000 and 30,000 Grecian mercenaries. The Persian
-courtiers, themselves elate and sanguine, stimulated and exaggerated
-the same feeling in the king himself, who became confirmed in his
-persuasion that his enemies could never resist him. From Sogdiana,
-Baktria, and India, the contingents had not yet had time to arrive;
-but most of those between the Persian Gulf and the Caspian sea had
-come in—Persians, Medes, Armenians, Derbikes, Barkanians, Hyrkanians,
-Katdakes, etc.; all of whom, mustered in the plains of Mesopotamia,
-are said to have been counted, like the troops of Xerxes in the
-plain of Doriskus, by paling off a space capable of containing
-exactly 10,000 men, and passing all the soldiers through it in
-succession.[244] Neither Darius himself, nor any of those around him,
-had ever before seen so overwhelming a manifestation of the Persian
-imperial force. To an Oriental eye, incapable of appreciating the
-real conditions of military preponderance,—accustomed only to the
-gross and visible computation of numbers and physical strength,—the
-king who marched forth at the head of such an army appeared like a
-god on earth, certain to trample down all before him—just as most
-Greeks had conceived respecting Xerxes,[245] and by stronger reason
-Xerxes respecting himself, a century and a half before. Because all
-this turned out a ruinous mistake, the description of the feeling,
-given in Curtius and Diodorus, is often mistrusted as baseless
-rhetoric. Yet it is in reality the self-suggested illusion of
-untaught men, as opposed to trained and scientific judgment.
-
-  [243] Diodor. xvii. 30, 31. Diodorus represents the Persian king
-  as having begun to issue letters of convocation for the troops,
-  _after_ he heard the death of Memnon; which cannot be true. The
-  letters must have been sent out before.
-
-  [244] Curtius, iii. 2.
-
-  [245] Herodot. vii. 56—and the colloquy between Xerxes and
-  Demaratus, vii. 103, 104—where the language put by Herodotus into
-  the mouth of Xerxes is natural and instructive. On the other
-  hand, the superior penetration of Cyrus the younger expresses
-  supreme contempt for the military inefficiency of an Asiatic
-  multitude—Xenophon, Anabas. i. 7, 4. Compare the blunt language
-  of the Arcadian Antiochus—Xen. Hellen. vii. i. 38; and Cyropæd.
-  viii. 8, 20.
-
-But though such was the persuasion of Orientals, it found no response
-in the bosom of an intelligent Athenian. Among the Greeks now near
-Darius, was the Athenian exile Charidemus, who having incurred the
-implacable enmity of Alexander, had been forced to quit Athens
-after the Macedonian capture of Thebes, and had fled together
-with Ephialtes to the Persians. Darius, elate with the apparent
-omnipotence of his army under review, and hearing but one voice of
-devoted concurrence from the courtiers around him, asked the opinion
-of Charidemus, in full expectation of receiving an affirmative
-reply. So completely were the hopes of Charidemus bound up with
-the success of Darius, that he would not suppress his convictions,
-however unpalatable, at a moment when there was yet a possibility
-that they might prove useful. He replied (with the same frankness as
-Demaratus had once employed towards Xerxes), that the vast multitude
-now before him were unfit to cope with the comparatively small number
-of the invaders. He advised Darius to place no reliance on Asiatics,
-but to employ his immense treasures in subsidizing an increased
-army of Grecian mercenaries. He tendered his own hearty services
-either to assist or to command. To Darius, what he said was alike
-surprising and offensive; in the Persian courtiers, it provoked
-intolerable wrath. Intoxicated as they all were with the spectacle
-of their present muster, it seemed to them a combination of insult
-with absurdity, to pronounce Asiatics worthless as compared with
-Macedonians, and to teach the king that his empire could be defended
-by none but Greeks. They denounced Charidemus as a traitor who
-wished to acquire the king’s confidence in order to betray him to
-Alexander. Darius, himself stung with the reply, and still farther
-exasperated by the clamors of his courtiers, seized with his own
-hands the girdle of Charidemus, and consigned him to the guards for
-execution. “You will discover too late (exclaimed the Athenian), the
-truth of what I have said. My avenger will soon be upon you.”[246]
-
-  [246] Curtius, iii. 2, 10-20; Diodor. xvii. 30.
-
-Filled as he now was with certain anticipations of success and glory,
-Darius resolved to assume in person the command of his army, and
-march down to overwhelm Alexander. From this moment, his land-army
-became the really important and aggressive force, with which he
-himself was to act. Herein we note his distinct abandonment of the
-plans of Memnon—the turning-point of his future fortune. He abandoned
-them, too, at the precise moment when they might have been most
-safely and completely executed. For at the time of the battle of the
-Granikus, when Memnon’s counsel was originally given, the defensive
-part of it was not easy to act upon; since the Persians had no very
-strong or commanding position. But now, in the spring of 333 B.
-C., they had a line of defence as good as they could possibly
-desire; advantages, indeed, scarcely to be paralleled elsewhere.
-In the first place, there was the line of Mount Taurus, barring
-the entrance of Alexander into Kilikia; a line of defence (as will
-presently appear) nearly inexpugnable. Next, even if Alexander had
-succeeded in forcing this line and mastering Kilikia, there would yet
-remain the narrow road between Mount Amanus and the sea, called the
-Amanian Gates, and the Gates of Kilikia and Assyria—and after that,
-the passes over Mount Amanus itself— all indispensable for Alexander
-to pass through, and capable of being held, with proper precautions,
-against the strongest force of attack. A better opportunity, for
-executing the defensive part of Memnon’s scheme, could not present
-itself; and he himself must doubtless have reckoned that such
-advantages would not be thrown away.
-
-The momentous change of policy, on the part of the Persian king, was
-manifested by the order which he sent to the fleet after receiving
-intelligence of the death of Memnon. Confirming the appointment of
-Pharnabazus (made provisionally by the dying Memnon) as admiral, he
-at the same time despatched Thymôdes (son of Mentor and nephew of
-Memnon) to bring away from the fleet the Grecian mercenaries who
-served aboard, to be incorporated with the main Persian army.[247]
-Here was a clear proof that the main stress of offensive operations
-was henceforward to be transferred from the sea to the land.
-
-  [247] Arrian, ii. 2, 1; ii. 13, 3. Curtius, iii. 3, 1.
-
-It is the more important to note such desertion of policy, on the
-part of Darius, as the critical turning-point in the Greco-Persian
-drama—because Arrian and the other historians leave it out of sight,
-and set before us little except the secondary points in the case.
-Thus, for example, they condemn the imprudence of Darius, for coming
-to fight Alexander within the narrow space near Issus, instead of
-waiting for him on the spacious plains beyond Mount Amanus. Now,
-unquestionably, granting that a general battle was inevitable, this
-step augmented the chances in favor of the Macedonians. But it was a
-step upon which no material consequences turned; for the Persian army
-under Darius was hardly less unfit for a pitched battle in the open
-plain; as was afterwards proved at Arbela. The real imprudence—the
-neglect of the Memnonian warning—consisted in fighting the battle at
-all. Mountains and defiles were the real strength of the Persians,
-to be held as posts of defence against the invader. If Darius erred,
-it was not so much in relinquishing the open plain of Sochi, as in
-originally preferring that plain with a pitched battle, to the strong
-lines of defence offered by Taurus and Amanus.
-
-The narrative of Arrian, exact perhaps in what it affirms, is not
-only brief and incomplete, but even omits on various occasions to put
-in relief the really important and determining points.
-
-While halting at Gordium, Alexander was joined by those newly-married
-Macedonians whom he had sent home to winter, and who now came back
-with reinforcements to the number of 3000 infantry and 300 cavalry,
-together with 200 Thessalian cavalry, and 150 Eleians.[248] As soon
-as his troops had been sufficiently rested, he marched (probably
-about the latter half of May) towards Paphlagonia and Kappadokia.
-At Ankyra he was met by a deputation from the Paphlagonians, who
-submitted themselves to his discretion, only entreating that he
-would not conduct his army into their country. Accepting these
-terms, he placed them under the government of Kallas, his satrap of
-Hellespontine Phrygia. Advancing farther, he subdued the whole of
-Kappadokia, even to a considerable extent beyond the Halys, leaving
-therein Sabiktas as satrap.[249]
-
-  [248] Arrian, i. 29. 6.
-
-  [249] Arrian, ii. 4, 2; Curtius, iii. 1, 22; Plutarch, Alex. 18.
-
-Having established security in his rear, Alexander marched southward
-towards Mount Taurus. He reached a post called the Camp of Cyrus,
-at the northern foot of that mountain, near the pass Tauri-pylæ,
-or Kilikian Gates, which forms the regular communication, between
-Kappadokia on the north side, and Kilikia on the south, of this great
-chain. The long road ascending and descending was generally narrow,
-winding, and rugged, sometimes between two steep and high banks; and
-it included, near its southern termination, one spot particularly
-obstructed and difficult. From ancient times, down to the present,
-the main road from Asia Minor into Kilikia and Syria has run through
-this pass. During the Roman empire, it must doubtless have received
-many improvements, so as to render the traffic comparatively easier.
-Yet the description given of it by modern travellers represents
-it to be as difficult as any road ever traversed by an army.[250]
-Seventy years before Alexander, it had been traversed by the younger
-Cyrus with the 10,000 Greeks, in his march up to attack his brother
-Artaxerxes; and Xenophon,[251] who then went through it, pronounces
-it absolutely impracticable for an army, if opposed by any occupying
-force. So thoroughly persuaded was Cyrus himself of this fact,
-that he had prepared a fleet, in case he found the pass occupied,
-to land troops by sea in Kilikia in the rear of the defenders; and
-great indeed was his astonishment, to discover that the habitual
-recklessness of Persian management had left the defile unguarded. The
-narrowest part, while hardly sufficient to contain four armed men
-abreast, was shut in by precipitous rock on each side.[252] Here, if
-anywhere, was the spot in which the defensive policy of Memnon might
-have been made sure. To Alexander, inferior as he was by sea, the
-resource employed by the younger Cyrus was not open.
-
-  [250] Respecting this pass, see Vol. IX. Ch. lxix. p. 20 of the
-  present History. There are now two passes over Taurus, from
-  Erekli on the north side of the mountain—one, the easternmost
-  descending upon Adana in Kilikia—the other, the westernmost, upon
-  Tarsus. In the war (1832) between the Turks and Ibrahim Pacha,
-  the Turkish commander left the westernmost pass undefended,
-  so that Ibrahim Pacha passed from Tarsus along it without
-  opposition. The Turkish troops occupied the easternmost pass, but
-  defended themselves badly, so that the passage was forced by the
-  Egyptians (Histoire de la Guerre de Mehemed Ali, par Cadalvène et
-  Barrault, p. 243).
-
-  Alexander crossed Taurus by the easternmost of the two passes.
-
-  [251] Xenoph. Anabas. i. 2. 21; Diodor. xiv. 20.
-
-  [252] Curtius, iii. 4, 11.
-
-Yet Arsames, the Persian satrap commanding at Tarsus in Kilikia,
-having received seemingly from his master no instructions, or worse
-than none, acted as if ignorant of the existence of his enterprising
-enemy north of Mount Taurus. On the first approach of Alexander,
-the few Persian soldiers occupying the pass fled without striking
-a blow, being seemingly unprepared for any enemy more formidable
-than mountain-robbers. Alexander thus became master of this almost
-insuperable barrier, without the loss of a man.[253] On the ensuing
-day, he marched his whole army over it into Kilikia, and arriving
-in a few hours at Tarsus, found the town already evacuated by
-Arsames.[254]
-
-  [253] Curtius, iii. 4, 11. “Contemplatus locorum situm
-  (Alexander), non alias dicitur magis admiratus esse felicitatem
-  suam”, etc.
-
-  See Plutarch, Demetrius, 47, where Agathokles (son of Lysimachus)
-  holds the line of Taurus against Demetrius Poliorkêtes.
-
-  [254] Arrian, ii. 4, 3-8; Curtius, iii. 4. Curtius ascribes to
-  Arsames the intention of executing what had been recommended by
-  Memnon before the battle of Granikus—to desolate the country in
-  order to check Alexander’s advance. But this can hardly be the
-  right interpretation of the proceeding. Arrian’s account seems
-  more reasonable.
-
-At Tarsus Alexander made a long halt; much longer than he intended.
-Either from excessive fatigue—or from bathing while hot in the
-chilly water of the river Kydnus—he was seized with a violent fever,
-which presently increased to so dangerous a pitch that his life was
-despaired of. Amidst the grief and alarm with which this misfortune
-filled the army, none of the physicians would venture to administer
-remedies, for fear of being held responsible for what threatened
-to be a fatal result.[255] One alone among them, an Akarnanian
-named Philippus, long known and trusted by Alexander, engaged to
-cure him by a violent purgative draught. Alexander directed him to
-prepare it; but before the time for taking it arrived, he received
-a confidential letter from Parmenio, entreating him to beware of
-Philippus, who had been bribed by Darius to poison him. After reading
-the letter, he put it under his pillow. Presently came Philippus with
-the medicine, which Alexander accepted and swallowed without remark,
-at the same time giving Philippus the letter to read, and watching
-the expression of his countenance. The look, words, and gestures of
-the physician were such as completely to reassure him. Philippus,
-indignantly repudiating the calumny, repeated his full confidence
-in the medicine, and pledged himself to abide the result. At first
-it operated so violently as to make Alexander seemingly worse, and
-even to bring him to death’s door; but after a certain interval, its
-healing effects became manifest. The fever was subdued, and Alexander
-was pronounced out of danger, to the delight of the whole army.[256]
-A reasonable time sufficed, to restore him to his former health and
-vigor.
-
-  [255] When Hephæstion died of fever at Ekbatana, nine years
-  afterwards, Alexander caused the physician who had attended him
-  to be crucified (Plutarch, Alexand. 72; Arrian, vii. 14).
-
-  [256] This interesting anecdote is recounted, with more or less
-  of rhetoric and amplification, in all the historians—Arrian, ii.
-  4; Diodor. xvii. 31; Plutarch, Alexand. 19; Curtius, iii. 5;
-  Justin, xi. 8.
-
-  It is one mark of the difference produced in the character of
-  Alexander, by superhuman successes continued for four years—to
-  contrast the generous confidence which he displayed towards
-  Philippus, with his cruel prejudgment and torture of Philôtas
-  four years afterwards.
-
-It was his first operation, after recovery, to send forward Parmenio,
-at the head of the Greeks, Thessalians, and Thracians, in his army,
-for the purpose of clearing the forward route and of securing the
-pass called the Gates of Kilikia and Syria.[257] This narrow road,
-bounded by the range of Mount Amanus on the east and by the sea on
-the west, had been once barred by a double cross-wall with gates for
-passage, marking the original boundaries of Kilikia and Syria. The
-Gates, about six days’ march beyond Tarsus,[258] were found guarded,
-but the guard fled with little resistance. At the same time Alexander
-himself, conducting the Macedonian troops in a south-westerly
-direction from Tarsus, employed some time in mastering and
-regulating the towns of Anchialus and Soli, as well as the Kilikian
-mountaineers. Then, returning to Tarsus, and recommencing his forward
-march, he advanced with the infantry and with his chosen squadron of
-cavalry, first to Magarsus near the mouth of the river Pyramus, next
-to Mallus; the general body of cavalry, under Philôtus, being sent by
-a more direct route across the Alëian plain. Mallus, sacred to the
-prophet Amphilocus as a patron-hero, was said to be a colony from
-Argos; on both these grounds Alexander was disposed to treat it with
-peculiar respect. He offered solemn sacrifice to Amphilocus, exempted
-Mallus from tribute, and appeased some troublesome discord among the
-citizens.[259]
-
-  [257] Arrian, ii. 5, 1; Diodor. xvii. 32; Curtius, iii. 7, 6.
-
-  [258] Cyrus the younger was five days in marching from Tarsus to
-  Issus, and one day more from Issus to the gates of Kilikia and
-  Syria.—Xenoph. Anab. i. 4, 1; Vol. IX. Chap. lxix. p. 27 of this
-  history.
-
-  [259] Arrian, ii, 5, 11.
-
-It was at Mallus that he received his first distinct communication
-respecting Darius and the main Persian army; which was said to be
-encamped at Sochi in Syria, on the eastern side of Mount Amanus,
-about two days’ march from the mountain pass now called Beylan.
-That pass, traversing the Amanian range, forms the continuance of
-the main road from Asia Minor into Syria, after having passed first
-over Taurus, and next through the difficult point of ground above
-specified (called the Gates of Kilikia and Syria), between Mount
-Amanus and the sea. Assembling his principal officers, Alexander
-communicated to them the position of Darius, now encamped in a
-spacious plain with prodigious superiority of numbers, especially
-of cavalry. Though the locality was thus rather favorable to the
-enemy, yet the Macedonians, full of hopes and courage, called upon
-Alexander to lead them forthwith against him. Accordingly Alexander,
-well pleased with their alacrity, began his forward march on the
-following morning. He passed through Issus, where he left some sick
-and wounded under a moderate guard—then through the Gates of Kilikia
-and Syria. At the second day’s march from those Gates, he reached the
-seaport of Myriandrus, the first town of Syria or Phenicia.[260]
-
-  [260] Arrian, ii. 6.
-
-Here, having been detained in his camp one day by a dreadful storm,
-he received intelligence which altogether changed his plans. The
-Persian army had been marched away from Sochi, and was now in
-Kilikia, following in his rear. It had already got possession of
-Issus.
-
-Darius had marched out of the interior his vast and miscellaneous
-host, stated at 600,000 men. His mother, his wife, his harem, his
-children, his personal attendants of every description, accompanied
-him, to witness what was anticipated as a certain triumph. All the
-apparatus of ostentation and luxury was provided in abundance, for
-the king and for his Persian grandees. The baggage was enormous: of
-gold and silver alone, we are told, that there was enough to furnish
-load for 600 mules and 300 camels.[261] A temporary bridge being
-thrown over the Euphrates, five days were required to enable the
-whole army to cross.[262] Much of the treasure and baggage, however,
-was not allowed to follow the army to the vicinity of Mount Amanus,
-but was sent under a guard to Damascus in Syria.
-
-  [261] Curtius, iii. 3, 24.
-
-  [262] Curtius, iii. 7, 1.
-
-At the head of such an overwhelming host, Darius was eager to bring
-on at once a general battle. It was not sufficient for him simply
-to keep back an enemy, whom, when once in presence, he calculated
-on crushing altogether. Accordingly, he had given no orders (as we
-have just seen) to defend the line of the Taurus; he had admitted
-Alexander unopposed into Kilikia, and he intended to let him enter in
-like manner through the remaining strong passes—first, the Gates of
-Kilikia and Syria, between Mount Amanus and the sea—next, the pass,
-now called Beylan, across Amanus itself. He both expected and wished
-that his enemy should come into the plain to fight, there to be
-trodden down by the countless horsemen of Persia.
-
-But such anticipation was not at once realized. The movements of
-Alexander, hitherto so rapid and unremitting, seemed suspended.
-We have already noticed the dangerous fever which threatened his
-life, occasioning not only a long halt, but much uneasiness among
-the Macedonian army. All was doubtless reported to the Persians,
-with abundant exaggerations: and when Alexander, immediately after
-recovery, instead of marching forward towards them, turned away
-from them to subdue the western portion of Kilikia, this again was
-construed by Darius as an evidence of hesitation and fear. It is even
-asserted that Parmenio wished to await the attack of the Persians in
-Kilikia, and that Alexander at first consented to do so.[263] At any
-rate, Darius, after a certain interval, contracted the persuasion,
-and was assured by his Asiatic councillors and courtiers, that
-the Macedonians, though audacious and triumphant against frontier
-satraps, now hung back intimidated by the approaching majesty
-and full muster of the empire, and that they would not stand to
-resist his attack. Under this impression Darius resolved upon an
-advance into Kilikia with all his army. Thymôdes indeed, and other
-intelligent Grecian advisers—together with the Macedonian exile
-Amyntas—deprecated his new resolution, entreating him to persevere in
-his original purpose. They pledged themselves that Alexander would
-come forth to attack him wherever he was, and that too, speedily.
-They dwelt on the imprudence of fighting in the narrow defiles of
-Kilikia, where his numbers, and especially his vast cavalry, would be
-useless. Their advice, however, was not only disregarded by Darius,
-but denounced by the Persian councillors as traitorous.[264] Even
-some of the Greeks in the camp shared, and transmitted in their
-letters to Athens, the blind confidence of the monarch. The order
-was forthwith given for the whole army to quit the plains of Syria
-and march across Mount Amanus into Kilikia.[265] To cross, by any
-pass, over such a range as that of Mount Amanus, with a numerous
-army, heavy baggage, and ostentatious train (including all the
-suite necessary for the regal family), must have been a work of no
-inconsiderable time; and the only two passes over this mountain were,
-both of them, narrow and easily defensible.[266] Darius followed the
-northernmost of the two, which brought him into the rear of his enemy.
-
-  [263] Curtius, iii. 7, 8.
-
-  [264] From Æschines (cont. Ktesiphont. p. 552) it seems that
-  Demosthenes, and the anti-Macedonian statesmen at Athens,
-  received letters at this moment written in high spirits,
-  intimating that Alexander was “caught and pinned up” in Kilikia.
-  Demosthenes (if we may believe Æschines) went about showing
-  these letters, and boasting of the good news which was at
-  hand. Josephus (Ant. Jud. xi. 8, 3) also reports the confident
-  anticipations of Persian success, entertained by Sanballat at
-  Samaria, as well as by all the Asiatics around.
-
-  [265] Arrian, ii. 6; Curtius, iii. 8, 2; Diodor. xvii. 32.
-
-  [266] Cicero, Epist. ad Famil. xv. 4. See the instructive
-  commentary of Mützel ad Curtium, iii. 8, p. 103, 104. I have
-  given in an Appendix to this Volume, some explanatory comments on
-  the ground near Issus.
-
-Thus at the same time that the Macedonians were marching southward
-to cross Mount Amanus by the southern pass, and attack Darius in
-the plain—Darius was coming over into Kilikia by the northern pass
-to drive them before him back into Macedonia.[267] Reaching Issus,
-seemingly about two days after they had left it, he became master of
-their sick and wounded left in the town. With odious brutality, his
-grandees impelled him to inflict upon these poor men either death or
-amputation of hands and arms.[268] He then marched forward—along the
-same road by the shore of the Gulf which had already been followed by
-Alexander—and encamped on the banks of the river Pinarus.
-
-  [267] Plutarch (Alexand. 20) states this general fact correctly;
-  but he is mistaken in saying that the two armies missed one
-  another in the night, etc.
-
-  [268] Arrian, ii. 7, 2; Curtius, iii. 8, 14. I have mentioned,
-  a few pages back, that about a fortnight before, Alexander
-  had sent Parmenio forward from Tarsus to secure the Gates of
-  Kilikia and Syria, while he himself marched backward to Soli
-  and Anchilaus. He and Parmenio must have been separated at this
-  time by a distance, not less than eight days of ordinary march.
-  If during this interval, Darius had arrived at Issus, he would
-  have been just between them, and would have cut them off one
-  from the other. It was Alexander’s good luck that so grave an
-  embarrassment did not occur.
-
-The fugitives from Issus hastened to inform Alexander, whom they
-overtook at Myriandrus. So astonished was he, that he refused to
-believe the news, until it had been confirmed by some officers whom
-he sent northward along the coast of the Gulf in a small galley,
-and to whom the vast Persian multitude on the shore was distinctly
-visible. Then, assembling the chief officers, he communicated to
-them the near approach of the enemy, expatiating on the favorable
-auspices under which a battle would now take place.[269] His address
-was hailed with acclamation by his hearers, who demanded only to be
-led against the enemy.[270]
-
-  [269] Arrian, ii. 7, 8.
-
-  [270] Arrian, ii. 7; Curtius, iii. 10; Diodor. xvii. 33.
-
-His distance from the Persian position may have been about eighteen
-miles.[271] By an evening march, after supper, he reached at midnight
-the narrow defile (between Mount Amanus and the sea) called the Gates
-of Kilikia and Syria, through which he had marched two days before.
-Again master of that important position, he rested there the last
-portion of the night, and advanced forward at daybreak northward
-towards Darius. At first the breadth of practicable road was so
-confined, as to admit only a narrow column of march, with the cavalry
-following the infantry; presently it widened, enabling Alexander
-to enlarge his front by bringing up successively the divisions of
-the phalanx. On approaching near to the river Pinarus (which flowed
-across the pass), he adopted his order of battle. on the extreme
-right he placed the hypaspists, or light division of hoplites; next
-(reckoning from right to left), five Taxeis or divisions of the
-phalanx, under Kœnus, Perdikkas, Meleager, Ptolemy, and Amyntas. Of
-these three last or left divisions, Kraterus had the general command;
-himself subject to the orders of Parmenio, who commanded the entire
-left half of the army. The breadth of plain between the mountains on
-the right, and the sea on the left, is said to have been not more
-than fourteen stadia, or about one English mile and a half.[272] From
-fear of being outflanked by the superior numbers of the Persians,
-he gave strict orders to Parmenio to keep close to the sea. His
-Macedonian cavalry, the Companions, together with the Thessalians,
-were placed on his right flank; as were also the Agrianes, and the
-principal portion of the light infantry. The Peloponnesian and allied
-cavalry, with the Thracian and Kretan light infantry, were sent on
-the left flank to Parmenio.[273]
-
-  [271] Kallisthenes called the distance 100 stadia (ap. Polyb.
-  xii. 19). This seems likely to be under the truth.
-
-  Polybius criticises severely the description given by
-  Kallisthenes of the march of Alexander. Not having before us the
-  words of Kallisthenes himself, we are hardly in a condition to
-  appreciate the goodness of the criticism; which in some points is
-  certainly overstrained.
-
-  [272] Kallisthenes ap. Polybium, xii. 17.
-
-  [273] Arrian, ii. 8, 4-13.
-
-Darius, informed that Alexander was approaching, resolved to fight
-where he was encamped, behind the river Pinarus. He, however, threw
-across the river a force of 30,000 cavalry, and 20,000 infantry,
-to ensure the undisturbed formation of his main force behind the
-river.[274] He composed his phalanx or main line of battle, of 90,000
-hoplites; 30,000 Greek hoplites in the centre, and 30,000 Asiatics
-armed as hoplites (called Kardakes), on each side of these Greeks.
-These men—not distributed into separate divisions, but grouped in one
-body or multitude[275]—filled the breadth between the mountains and
-the sea. On the mountains to his left, he placed a body of 20,000
-men, intended to act against the right flank and rear of Alexander.
-But for the great numerical mass of his vast host, he could find no
-room to act; accordingly they remained useless in the rear of his
-Greek and Asiatic hoplites, yet not formed into any body of reserve,
-or kept disposable for assisting in case of need. When his line was
-thoroughly formed, he recalled to the left bank of the Pinarus the
-30,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry which he had sent across as a
-protecting force. A part of this cavalry were sent to his extreme
-left wing, but the mountain ground was found unsuitable for them
-to act, so that they were forced to cross the right wing, where
-accordingly the great mass of the Persian cavalry became assembled.
-Darius himself in his chariot was in the centre of the line, behind
-the Grecian hoplites. In the front of his whole line ran the river or
-rivulet Pinarus; the banks of which, in many parts naturally steep,
-he obstructed in some places by embankments.[276]
-
-  [274] Compare Kallisthenes ap. Polyb. xii. 17.; and Arrian, ii.
-  8, 8. Considering how narrow the space was, such numerous bodies
-  as these 30,000 horse and 20,000 foot must have found little
-  facility in moving. Kallisthenes did not notice them, as far as
-  we can collect from Polybius.
-
-  [275] Arrian, ii. 8, 9. Τοσούτους γὰρ ~ἐπὶ φάλαγγος ἁπλῆς~
-  ἐδέχετο τὸ χωρίον, ἵνα ἐτάσσοντο.
-
-  The depth of this single phalanx is not given, nor do we know the
-  exact width of the ground which it occupied. Assuming a depth of
-  sixteen, and one pace in breadth to each soldier, 4000 men would
-  stand in the breadth of a stadium of 250 paces; and therefore
-  80,000 men in a breadth of twenty stadia (see the calculation of
-  Rüstow and Köchly, p. 280, about the Macedonian line). Assuming
-  a depth of twenty-six, 6500 men would stand in the stadium, and
-  therefore 90,000 in a total breadth of 14 stadia, which is that
-  given by Kallisthenes. But there must have been intervals left,
-  greater or less, we know not how many; the covering detachments,
-  which had been thrown out before the river Pinarus, must have
-  found some means of passing through to the rear, when recalled.
-
-  Mr. Kinneir states that the breadth between Mount Amanus and the
-  sea varies between one mile and a half (English) and three miles.
-  The fourteen stadia of Kallisthenes are equivalent to nearly one
-  English mile and three-quarters.
-
-  Neither in ancient nor in modern times have Oriental armies ever
-  been trained, by native officers, to regularity of march or
-  array—see Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, ch. xxiii. vol. ii. p. 498;
-  Volney, Travels in Egypt and Syria, vol. i. p. 124.
-
-  [276] Arrian, ii. 10, 2. Kallisthenes appears to have reckoned
-  the mercenaries composing the Persian phalanx at 30,000—and the
-  cavalry at 30,000. He does not seem to have taken account of the
-  Kardakes. Yet Polybius in his criticism tries to make out that
-  there was not room for an array of even 60,000; while Arrian
-  enumerates 90,000 hoplites, not including cavalry (Polyb. xii.
-  18).
-
-As soon as Alexander, by the retirement of the Persian covering
-detachment, was enabled to perceive the final dispositions of Darius,
-he made some alteration in his own, transferring his Thessalian
-cavalry by a rear movement from his right to his left wing, and
-bringing forward the lancer-cavalry or sarissophori, as well as the
-light infantry, Pæonians, and archers, to the front of his right. The
-Agrianians, together with some cavalry and another body of archers,
-were detached from the general line to form an oblique front against
-the 20,000 Persians posted on the hill to outflank him. As these
-20,000 men came near enough to threaten his flank, Alexander directed
-the Agrianians to attack them, and to drive them farther away on the
-hills. They manifested so little firmness, and gave way so easily,
-that he felt no dread of any serious aggressive movement from them.
-He therefore contented himself with holding back in reserve against
-them a body of 300 heavy cavalry; while he placed the Agrianians and
-the rest on the right of his main line, in order to make his front
-equal to that of his enemies.[277]
-
-  [277] Arrian, ii. 9; Kallisthenes ap. Polyb. xii. 17. The
-  slackness of this Persian corps on the flank, and the ease with
-  which Alexander drove them back—a material point in reference to
-  the battle—are noticed by Curtius, iii. 9, 11.
-
-Having thus formed his array, after giving the troops a certain
-halt after their march, he advanced at a very slow pace, anxious
-to maintain his own front even, and anticipating that the enemy
-might cross the Pinarus to meet him. But as they did not move, he
-continued his advance, preserving the uniformity of the front,
-until he arrived within bowshot, when he himself, at the head of
-his cavalry, hypaspists, and divisions of the phalanx on the right,
-accelerated his pace, crossed the river at a quick step, and fell
-upon the Kardakes or Asiatic hoplites on the Persian left. Unprepared
-for the suddenness and vehemence of this attack, these Kardakes
-scarcely resisted a moment, but gave way as soon as they came to
-close quarters, and fled, vigorously pressed by the Macedonian right.
-Darius, who was in his chariot in the centre, perceived that this
-untoward desertion exposed his person from the left flank. Seized
-with panic, he caused his chariot to be turned round, and fled with
-all speed among the foremost fugitives.[278] He kept to his chariot
-as long as the ground permitted, but quitted it on reaching some
-rugged ravines, and mounted on horseback to make sure of escape; in
-such terror, that he cast away his bow, his shield, and his regal
-mantle. He does not seem to have given a single order, nor to have
-made the smallest effort to repair a first misfortune. The flight
-of the king was the signal for all who observed it to flee also; so
-that the vast host in the rear were quickly to be seen trampling one
-another down, in their efforts to get through the difficult ground
-out of the reach of the enemy. Darius was himself not merely the
-centre of union for all the miscellaneous contingents composing the
-army, but also the sole commander; so that after his flight there was
-no one left to give any general order.
-
-  [278] Arrian, ii. 11, 6. εὐθὺς, ὡς εἶχεν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος, ξὺν
-  τοῖς πρώτοις ἔφευγε, etc.
-
-  This simple statement of Arrian is far more credible than the
-  highly wrought details given by Diodorus (xvii. 34) and Curtius
-  (iii. 11, 9) about a direct charge of Alexander upon the chariot
-  of Darius, and a murderous combat immediately round that chariot,
-  in which the horses became wounded and unmanageable, so as to
-  be on the point of overturning it. Chares even went so far
-  as to affirm that Alexander had come into personal conflict
-  with Darius, from whom he had received his wound in the thigh
-  (Plutarch, Alex. 20). Plutarch had seen the letter addressed by
-  Alexander to Antipater, simply intimating that he had received a
-  slight wound in the thigh.
-
-  In respect to this point, as to so many others, Diodorus and
-  Curtius have copied the same authority.
-
-  Kallisthenes (ap. Polyb. xii. 22) stated that Alexander had
-  laid his plan of attack with a view to bear upon the person of
-  Darius, which is not improbable (compare Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 22),
-  and was in fact realized, since the first successful charge of
-  the Macedonians came so near to Darius as to alarm him for the
-  safety of his own person. To the question put by Polybius—How
-  did Alexander know in what part of the army Darius was?—we may
-  reply, that the chariot and person of Darius would doubtless be
-  conspicuous: moreover the Persian kings were habitually in the
-  centre—and Cyrus the younger, at the battle of Kunaxa, directed
-  the attack to be made exactly against the person of his brother
-  Artaxerxes.
-
-  After the battle of Kunaxa, Artaxerxes assumed to himself the
-  honor of having slain Cyrus with his own hand, and put to death
-  those who had really done the deed, because they boasted of it
-  (Plutarch, Artax. 16).
-
-This great battle—we ought rather to say, that which ought to have
-been a great battle—was thus lost,—through the giving way of the
-Asiatic hoplites on the Persian left, and the immediate flight of
-Darius,—within a few minutes after its commencement. But the centre
-and right of the Persians, not yet apprised of these misfortunes,
-behaved with gallantry. When Alexander made his rapid dash forward
-with the right, under his own immediate command, the phalanx in his
-left centre (which was under Kraterus and Parmenio) either did not
-receive the same accelerating order, or found itself both retarded
-and disordered by greater steepness in the banks of the Pinarus.
-Here it was charged by the Grecian mercenaries, the best troops in
-the Persian service. The combat which took place was obstinate, and
-the Macedonian loss not inconsiderable; the general of division,
-Ptolemy son of Seleukus, with 120 of the front rank men or choice
-phalangites, being slain. But presently Alexander, having completed
-the rout on the enemies’ left, brought back his victorious troops
-from the pursuit, attacked the Grecian mercenaries in flank, and gave
-decisive superiority to their enemies. These Grecian mercenaries
-were beaten and forced to retire. On finding that Darius himself
-had fled, they got away from the field as well as they could, yet
-seemingly in good order. There is even reason to suppose that a part
-of them forced their way up the mountains or through the Macedonian
-line, and made their escape southward.[279]
-
-  [279] This is the supposition of Mr. Williams, and it appears
-  to me probable though Mr. Ainsworth calls it in question, in
-  consequence of the difficulties of the ground southward of
-  Myriandrus towards the sea. [See Mr. Ainsworth’s Essay on the
-  Cilician and Syrian Gates, Journal of the Geograph. Society,
-  1838, p. 194]. These Greeks, being merely fugitives with arms in
-  their hands—with neither cavalry nor baggage—could make their way
-  over very difficult ground.
-
-Meanwhile on the Persian right, towards the sea, the heavy-armed
-Persian cavalry had shown much bravery. They were bold enough to
-cross the Pinarus[280] and vigorously to charge the Thessalians; with
-whom they maintained a close contest, until the news spread that
-Darius had disappeared, and that the left of the army was routed.
-They then turned their backs and fled, sustaining terrible damage
-from their enemies in the retreat. Of the Kardakes on the _right_
-flank of the Grecian hoplites in the Persian line, we hear nothing,
-nor of the Macedonian infantry opposed to them. Perhaps these
-Kardakes came little into action, since the cavalry on their part of
-the field were so severely engaged. At any rate they took part in the
-general flight of the Persians, as soon as Darius was known to have
-left the field.[281]
-
-  [280] Arrian, ii. 11, 3; Curtius, iii. 11, 13. Kallisthenes
-  stated the same thing as Arrian—that this Persian cavalry had
-  crossed the Pinarus, and charged the Thessalians with bravery.
-  Polybius censures him for it, as if he had affirmed something
-  false and absurd (xii. 18). This shows that the criticisms of
-  Polybius are not to be accepted without reserve. He reasons as if
-  the Macedonian phalanx _could_ not cross the Pinarus—converting a
-  difficulty into an impossibility (xii. 22).
-
-  [281] Arrian, ii. 11; Curtius, iii. 11.
-
-The rout of the Persians being completed, Alexander began a
-vigorous pursuit. The destruction and slaughter of the fugitives
-was prodigious. Amidst so small a breadth of practicable ground,
-narrowed sometimes into a defile and broken by frequent watercourses,
-their vast numbers found no room, and trod one another down. As many
-perished in this way as by the sword of the conquerors; insomuch
-that Ptolemy (afterwards king of Egypt, the companion and historian
-of Alexander) recounts that he himself in the pursuit came to a
-ravine choked up with dead bodies, of which he made a bridge to pass
-over it.[282] The pursuit was continued as long as the light of a
-November day allowed; but the battle had not begun till a late hour.
-The camp of Darius was taken together with his mother, his wife, his
-sister, his infant son, and two daughters. His chariot, his shield,
-and his bow also fell into the power of the conquerors; and a sum
-of 3000 talents in money was found, though much of the treasure
-had been sent to Damascus. The total loss of the Persians is said
-to have amounted to 10,000 horse and 100,000 foot; among the slain
-moreover were several eminent Persian grandees,—Arsames, Rheomithres,
-and Atizyes, who had commanded at the Granikus—Sabakes, satrap of
-Egypt. Of the Macedonians we are told that 300 foot and 150 horse
-were killed. Alexander himself was slightly wounded in the thigh by a
-sword.[283]
-
-  [282] Arrian, i. 11, 11; Kallisthenes ap. Polyb. xii 20.
-
-  [283] Arrian, ii. 11; Diodor. xvii. Curtius (ii. 11, 27) says
-  that the Macedonians lost thirty-two foot and one hundred and
-  fifty horse, killed; with 504 men wounded;—Justin states, 130
-  foot, and 150 horse (xi. 9).
-
-The mother, wife, and family of Darius, who became captives, were
-treated by Alexander’s order with the utmost consideration and
-respect. When Alexander returned at night from the pursuit, he found
-the regal tent reserved and prepared for him. In an inner compartment
-of it he heard the tears and wailings of women. He was informed that
-the mourners were the mother and wife of Darius, who had learnt that
-the bow and shield of Darius had been taken, and were giving loose
-to their grief under the belief that Darius himself was killed.
-Alexander immediately sent Leonnatus to assure them that Darius was
-still living, and to promise further that they should be allowed
-to preserve the regal title and state—his war against Darius being
-undertaken not from any feelings of hatred, but as a fair contest
-for the empire of Asia.[284] Besides this anecdote, which depends on
-good authority, many others, uncertified or untrue, were recounted
-about his kind behavior to these princesses; and Alexander himself,
-shortly after the battle, seems to have heard fictions about it,
-which he thought himself obliged to contradict in a letter. It is
-certain, (from the extract now remaining of this letter) that he
-never saw, nor ever entertained the idea of seeing, the captive wife
-of Darius, said to be the most beautiful woman in Asia; moreover he
-even declined to hear encomiums upon her beauty.[285]
-
-  [284] Arrian, ii. 12, 8—from Ptolemy and Aristobulus. Compare
-  Diodor. xvii. 36; Curtius, iii. 11, 24; iii. 12, 17.
-
-  [285] Plutarch, Alex. 22. ἐγὼ γὰρ (Alexander) οὐχ ὅτι ἑωρακὼς ἂν
-  εὑρεθείην τὴν Δαρείου γυναῖκα ἢ βεβουλευμένος ἰδεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ
-  τῶν λεγόντων περὶ τῆς εὐμορφίας αὐτῆς προσδεδεγμένος τὸν λόγον.
-
-How this vast host of fugitives got out of the narrow limits of
-Kilikia, or how many of them quitted that country by the same pass
-over Mount Amanus as that by which they had entered it—we cannot make
-out. It is probable that many, and Darius himself among the number,
-made their escape across the mountain by various subordinate roads
-and by-paths; which, though unfit for a regular army with baggage,
-would be found a welcome resource by scattered companies. Darius
-managed to get together 4000 of the fugitives, with whom he hastened
-to Thapsakus, and there recrossed the Euphrates. The only remnant of
-force, still in a position of defence after the battle, consisted of
-8000 of the Grecian mercenaries under Amyntas and Thymôdes. These
-men, fighting their way out of Kilikia (seemingly towards the south,
-by or near Myriandrus), marched to Tripolis on the coast of Phenicia,
-where they still found the same vessels in which they had themselves
-been brought from the armament of Lesbos. Seizing sufficient means
-of transport, and destroying the rest to prevent pursuit, they
-immediately crossed over to Cyprus, and from thence to Egypt.[286]
-With this single exception, the enormous Persian host disappears
-with the battle of Issus. We hear of no attempt to rally or reform,
-nor of any fresh Persian force afoot until two years afterwards. The
-booty acquired by the victors was immense, not merely in gold and
-silver, but also in captives for the slave-merchant. On the morrow of
-the battle, Alexander offered a solemn sacrifice of thanksgiving,
-with three altars erected on the banks of the Pinarus; while he at
-the same time buried the dead, consoled the wounded, and rewarded or
-complimented all who had distinguished themselves.[287]
-
-  [286] Arrian, ii. 13, 2, 3; Diodor. xvii. 48. Curtius says
-  that these Greeks got away by by-paths across the mountains
-  (Amanus)—which may be true (Curtius, iii. 11, 19).
-
-  [287] Arrian, ii. 12, 1; Curtius, iii. 12, 27; Diodor. xvii. 40.
-  The “Aræ Alexandri, in radicibus Amani”, are mentioned by Cicero
-  (ad Famil. xv. 4) When commanding in Kilikia he encamped there
-  with his army four days.
-
-No victory recorded in history was ever more complete in itself, or
-more far-stretching in its consequences, than that of Issus. Not
-only was the Persian force destroyed or dispersed, but the efforts
-of Darius for recovery were paralyzed by the capture of his family.
-Portions of the dissipated army of Issus may be traced, re-appearing
-in different places for operations of detail; but we shall find no
-farther resistance to Alexander and his main force, except from the
-brave freemen of two fortified cities. Everywhere an overwhelming
-sentiment of admiration and terror was spread abroad, towards the
-force, skill, or good fortune of Alexander, by whichever name it
-might be called—together with contempt for the real value of a
-Persian army, in spite of so much imposing pomp and numerical show; a
-contempt, not new to intelligent Greeks, but now communicated even to
-vulgar minds by the recent unparalleled catastrophe. Both as general
-and as soldier, indeed, the consummate excellence of Alexander stood
-conspicuous, not less than the signal deficiency of Darius. The fault
-in the latter, upon which most remark is usually made, was, that of
-fighting the battle, not in an open plain, but in a narrow valley,
-whereby his superiority of number was rendered unprofitable. But this
-(as I have already observed) was only one among many mistakes, and
-by no means the most serious. The result would have been the same,
-had the battle been fought in the plains to the eastward of Mount
-Amanus. Superior numbers are of little avail on any ground unless
-there be a general who knows how to make use of them; unless they be
-distributed into separate divisions ready to combine for offensive
-action on many points at once, or at any rate to lend support to each
-other in defence, so that a defeat of one fraction is not a defeat
-of the whole. The faith of Darius in simple multitude was altogether
-blind and childish;[288] nay, that faith, though overweening
-beforehand, disappeared at once when he found his enemies did not run
-away, but faced him boldly—as was seen by his attitude on the banks
-of the Pinarus, where he stood to be attacked instead of executing
-his threat of treading down the handful opposed to him.[289] But it
-was not merely as a general, that Darius acted in such a manner as
-to render the loss of the battle certain. Had his dispositions been
-ever so skilful, his personal cowardice, in quitting the field and
-thinking only of his own safety, would have sufficed to nullify their
-effect.[290] Though the Persian grandees are generally conspicuous
-for personal courage, yet we shall find Darius hereafter again
-exhibiting the like melancholy timidity, and the like incompetence
-for using numbers with effect, at the battle of Arbela, though fought
-in a spacious plain chosen by himself.
-
-  [288] See this faith put forward in the speech of Xerxes—Herodot.
-  vii. 48; compare the speech of Achæmenes, vii. 236.
-
-  [289] Arrian, ii. 10, 2. καὶ ταύτῃ ὡς δῆλος ἐγένετο (Darius) τοῖς
-  ἀμφ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον τῇ γνώμῃ δεδουλωμένος (a remarkable expression
-  borrowed from Thucydides, iv. 34). Compare Arrian, ii. 6, 7.
-
-  [290] Immediately before the battle of Kunaxa, Cyrus the younger
-  was asked by some of the Grecian Officers, whether he thought
-  that his brother Artaxerxes (who had as yet made no resistance)
-  would fight—“To be sure he will (was the reply) if he is the son
-  of Darius and Parysatis, and my brother, I shall not obtain the
-  crown without fighting!” Personal cowardice, in a king of Persia
-  at the head of his army, seemed inconceivable (Xenoph. Anab. i.
-  7, 9)
-
-Happy was it for Memnon, that he did not live to see the renunciation
-of his schemes, and the ruin consequent upon it! The fleet in the
-Ægean, which had been transferred at his death to Pharnabazus, though
-weakened by the loss of those mercenaries whom Darius had recalled
-to Issus, and disheartened by a serious defeat which the Persian
-Orontobates had received from the Macedonians in Karia,[291] was
-nevertheless not inactive in trying to organize an anti-Macedonian
-manifestation in Greece. While Pharnabazus was at the island of
-Siphnos with his 100 triremes, he was visited by the Lacedæmonian
-king Agis, who pressed him to embark for Peloponnesus as large a
-force as he could spare, to second a movement projected by the
-Spartans. But such aggressive plans were at once crushed by the
-terror-striking news of the battle of Issus. Apprehending a revolt
-in the island of Chios as the result of this news, Pharnabazus
-immediately sailed thither with a large detachment. Agis, obtaining
-nothing more than a subsidy of thirty talents and a squadron of ten
-triremes, was obliged to renounce his projects in Peloponnesus, and
-to content himself with directing some operations in Krete, to be
-conducted by his brother Agesilaus; while he himself remained among
-the islands, and ultimately accompanied the Persian Autophradates
-to Halikarnassus.[292] It appears, however, that he afterwards went
-to conduct the operations in Krete, and that he had considerable
-success in that island, bringing several Kretan towns to join the
-Persians.[293] On the whole, however, the victory of Issus overawed
-all free spirit throughout Greece, and formed a guarantee to
-Alexander for at least a temporary quiescence. The philo-Macedonian
-synod, assembled at Corinth during the Isthmian festival, manifested
-their joy by sending to him an embassy of congratulation and a wreath
-of gold.[294]
-
-  [291] Arrian, ii. 5, 8.
-
-  [292] Arrian, ii. 13, 4-8.
-
-  [293] Diodor. xvii. 48.
-
-  [294] Diodor. xvii. 48; Curtius, iv. 5, 11. Curtius seems to
-  mention this vote later, but it must evidently have been passed
-  at the first Isthmian festival after the battle of Issus.
-
-With little delay after his victory, Alexander marched through
-Kœle-Syria to the Phenician coast, detaching Parmenio in his way
-to attack Damascus, whither Darius, before the battle, had sent
-most part of his treasure with many confidential officers, Persian
-women of rank, and envoys. Though the place might have held out a
-considerable siege, it was surrendered without resistance by the
-treason or cowardice of the governor; who made a feint of trying to
-convey away the treasure, but took care that it should fall into the
-hands of the enemy.[295] There was captured a large treasure—with a
-prodigious number and variety of attendants and ministers of luxury,
-belonging to the court and the grandees.[296] Moreover the prisoners
-made were so numerous, that most of the great Persian families had
-to deplore the loss of some relative, male or female. There were
-among them the widow and daughters of king Ochus, the predecessor
-of Darius—the daughter of Darius’s brother Oxathres—the wives of
-Artabazus, and of Pharnabazus—the three daughters of Mentor, and
-Barsinê, widow of the deceased Memnon with her child, sent up by
-Memnon to serve as an hostage for his fidelity. There were also
-several eminent Grecian exiles, Theban, Lacedæmonian and Athenian,
-who had fled to Darius, and whom he had thought fit to send to
-Damascus, instead of allowing them to use their pikes with the army
-at Issus. The Theban and Athenian exiles were at once released by
-Alexander; the Lacedæmonians were for the time put under arrest, but
-not detained long. Among the Athenian exiles was a person of noble
-name and parentage—Iphikrates, son of the great Athenian officer of
-that name.[297] The captive Iphikrates not only received his liberty,
-but was induced by courteous and honorable treatment to remain with
-Alexander. He died however shortly afterwards from sickness, and his
-ashes were then collected, by order of Alexander, to be sent to his
-family at Athens.
-
-  [295] Arrian, ii. 11, 13; Curtius, iii. 13. The words of Arrian
-  (ii. 15, 1)—ὀπίσω κομίσαντα ἐς Δαμασκὸν—confirm the statement of
-  Curtius, that this treasure was captured by Parmenio, not in the
-  town, but in the hands of fugitives who were conveying it away
-  from the town.
-
-  [296] A fragment of the letter from Parmenio to Alexander is
-  preserved, giving a detailed list of the articles of booty
-  (Athenæus, xiii. p. 607).
-
-  [297] Arrian, ii. 15, 5; Curtius, iii. 13, 13-16. There is some
-  discrepancy between the two (compare Arrian, iii. 24, 7) as to
-  the names of the Lacedæmonian envoys.
-
-I have already stated in a former volume[298] that the elder
-Iphikrates had been adopted by Alexander’s grandfather into the regal
-family of Macedonia, as the savior of their throne: probably this was
-the circumstance which determined the superior favor shown to the
-son, rather than any sentiment either towards Athens or towards the
-military genius of the father. The difference of position, between
-Iphikrates the father and Iphikrates the son, is one among the
-painful evidences of the downward march of Hellenism; the father, a
-distinguished officer moving amidst a circle of freemen, sustaining
-by arms the security and dignity of his own fellow-citizens, and
-even interfering for the rescue of the Macedonian regal family;
-the son, condemned to witness the degradation of his native city
-by Macedonian arms, and deprived of all other means of reviving or
-rescuing her, except such as could be found in the service of an
-Oriental prince, whose stupidity and cowardice threw away at once his
-own security and the freedom of Greece.
-
-  [298] See above, in the History, Vol. X. Ch. lxxvii. p. 108; Vol.
-  X. Ch. lxxix. p. 251; and Æschines, Fals. Leg. p. 263. c. 13.
-
-  Alexander himself had consented to be adopted by Ada princess of
-  Karia as her son (Arrian, i. 23, 12).
-
-Master of Damascus and of Kœle-Syria, Alexander advanced onward to
-Phenicia. The first Phenician town which he approached was Marathus,
-on the mainland opposite the islet of Aradus, forming, along with
-that islet and some other neighboring towns, the domain of the
-Aradian prince Gerostratus. That prince was himself now serving with
-his naval contingent among the Persian fleet in the Ægean; but his
-son Strata, acting as viceroy at home, despatched to Alexander his
-homage with a golden wreath, and made over to him at once Aradus with
-the neighboring towns included in its domain. The example of Strato
-was followed, first by the inhabitants of Byblus, the next Phenician
-city in a southerly direction; next, by the great city of Sidon, the
-queen and parent of all Phenician prosperity. The Sidonians even sent
-envoys to meet him and invite his approach.[299] Their sentiments
-were unfavorable to the Persians, from remembrance of the bloody
-and perfidious proceedings which (about eighteen years before) had
-marked the recapture of their city by the armies of Ochus.[300]
-Nevertheless, the naval contingents both of Byblus and of Sidon (as
-well as that of Aradus), were at this moment sailing in the Ægean
-with the Persian admiral Autophradates, and formed a large proportion
-of his entire fleet.[301]
-
-  [299] Arrian, ii. 14, 11; ii. 15, 8.
-
-  [300] Diodor. xvi. 45.
-
-  [301] Arrian, ii. 15, 8; ii. 20, 1. Curtius, iv. 1, 6-16.
-
-While Alexander was still at Marathus, however, previous to his
-onward march, he received both envoys and a letter from Darius,
-asking for the restitution of his mother, wife, and children—and
-tendering friendship and alliance, as from one king to another.
-Darius farther attempted to show, that the Macedonian Philip had
-begun the wrong against Persia,—that Alexander had continued it—and
-that he himself (Darius) had acted merely in self-defence. In reply,
-Alexander wrote a letter, wherein he set forth his own case against
-Darius, proclaiming himself the appointed leader of the Greeks, to
-avenge the ancient invasion of Greece by Xerxes. He then alleged
-various complaints against Darius, whom he accused of having
-instigated the assassination of Philip, as well as the hostilities
-of the anti-Macedonian cities in Greece. “Now (continued he), by the
-grace of the gods, I have been victorious, first over your satraps,
-next over yourself. I have taken care of all who submit to me, and
-made them satisfied with their lot. Come yourself to me also, as to
-the master of all Asia. Come without fear of suffering harm; ask me,
-and you shall receive back your mother and wife, and anything else
-which you please. When next you write to me, however, address me not
-as an equal, but as lord of Asia and of all that belongs to you;
-otherwise I shall deal with you as a wrong-doer. If you intend to
-contest the kingdom with me, stand and fight for it, and do not run
-away. I shall march forward against you, wherever you may be.”[302]
-
-  [302] Arrian, ii. 14; Curtius, iv. i. 10; Diodor. xvii. 39. I
-  give the substance of this correspondence from Arrian. Both
-  Curtius and Diodorus represent Darius as offering great sums
-  of money and large cessions of territory, in exchange for the
-  restitution of the captives. Arrian says nothing of the kind.
-
-This memorable correspondence, which led to no result, is of
-importance only as it marks the character of Alexander, with whom
-fighting and conquering were both the business and the luxury of
-life, and to whom all assumption of equality and independence with
-himself, even on the part of other kings—every thing short of
-submission and obedience—appeared in the light of wrong and insult to
-be avenged. The recital of comparative injuries, on each side, was
-mere unmeaning pretence. The real and only question was (as Alexander
-himself had put it in his message to the captive Sisygambis[303])
-which of the two should be master of Asia.
-
-  [303] Arrian, ii. 12, 9.
-
-The decision of this question, already sufficiently advanced on the
-morrow after the battle of Issus, was placed almost beyond doubt
-by the rapid and unopposed successes of Alexander among most of
-the Phenician cities. The last hopes of Persia now turned chiefly
-upon the sentiments of these Phenicians. The greater part of the
-Persian fleet in the Ægean was composed of Phenician triremes, partly
-from the coast of Syria, partly from the island of Cyprus. If the
-Phenician towns made submission to Alexander, it was certain that
-their ships and seamen would either return home spontaneously or be
-recalled; thus depriving the Persian quiver of its best remaining
-arrow. But if the Phenician towns held out resolutely against him,
-one and all, so as to put him under the necessity of besieging them
-in succession—each lending aid to the rest by sea, with superiority
-of naval force, and more than one of them being situated upon
-islets—the obstacles to be overcome would have been so multiplied,
-that even Alexander’s energy and ability might hardly have proved
-sufficient for them: at any rate, he would have had hard work before
-him for perhaps two years, opening the door to many new accidents and
-efforts. It was therefore a signal good fortune to Alexander when
-the prince of the islet of Aradus spontaneously surrendered to him
-that difficult city, and when the example was followed by the still
-greater city of Sidon. The Phenicians, taking them generally, had
-no positive tie to the Persians; neither had they much confederate
-attachment one towards the other, although as separate communities
-they were brave and enterprising. Among the Sidonians, there was
-even a prevalent feeling of aversion to the Persians, from the cause
-above mentioned. Hence the prince of Aradus, upon whom Alexander’s
-march first came, had little certainty of aid from his neighbors,
-if he resolved to hold out; and still less disposition to hold
-out single-handed, after the battle of Issus had proclaimed the
-irresistible force of Alexander not less than the impotence of
-Persia. One after another, all these important Phenician seaports,
-except Tyre, fell into the hands of Alexander without striking a
-blow. At Sidon, the reigning prince Strato, reputed as philo-Persian,
-was deposed, and a person named Abdalonymus—of the reigning family,
-yet poor in circumstances—was appointed in his room.[304]
-
-  [304] Curtius, iv. 1, 20-25; Justin, xi. 10. Diodorus (xvii. 47)
-  tells the story as if it had occurred at Tyre, and not at Sidon;
-  which is highly improbable.
-
-With his usual rapidity, Alexander marched onward towards Tyre; the
-most powerful among the Phenician cities, though apparently less
-ancient than Sidon. Even on the march, he was met by a deputation
-from Tyre, composed of the most eminent men in the city, and headed
-by the son of the Tyrian prince Azemilchus, who was himself absent
-commanding the Tyrian contingent in the Persian fleet. These men
-brought large presents and supplies for the Macedonian army, together
-with a golden wreath of honor; announcing formally that the Tyrians
-were prepared to do whatever Alexander commanded.[305] In reply,
-he commended the dispositions of the city, accepted the presents,
-and desired the deputation to communicate at home, that he wished
-to enter Tyre and offer sacrifice to Herakles. The Phenician god
-Melkart was supposed identical with the Grecian Herakles, and was
-thus ancestor of the Macedonian kings. His temple at Tyre was of
-the most venerable antiquity; moreover the injunction, to sacrifice
-there, is said to have been conveyed to Alexander in an oracle.[306]
-The Tyrians at home, after deliberating on this message, sent out an
-answer declining to comply, and intimating that they would not admit
-within their walls either Macedonians or Persians; but that as to all
-other points, they would obey Alexander’s orders.[307] They added
-that his wish to sacrifice to Herakles might be accomplished without
-entering their city, since there was in Palætyrus (on the mainland
-over against the islet of Tyre, separated from it only by the narrow
-strait) a temple of that god yet more ancient and venerable than
-their own.[308] Incensed at this qualified adhesion, in which he took
-note only of the point refused,—Alexander dismissed the envoys with
-angry menaces, and immediately resolved on taking Tyre by force.[309]
-
-  [305] Arrian. iii 15, 9. ὡς ἐγνωκότων Τυρίων πράσσειν, ὅ,τι ἂν
-  ἐπαγγέλλῃ Ἀλέξανδρος. Compare Curtius, iv. 2, 3.
-
-  [306] Curtius (_ut suprà_) adds these motives: Arrian asserts
-  nothing beyond the simple request. The statement of Curtius
-  represents what is likely to have been the real fact and real
-  feeling of Alexander.
-
-  It is certainly true that Curtius overloads his narrative with
-  rhetorical and dramatic amplification; but it is not less true
-  that Arrian falls into the opposite extreme—squeezing out _his_
-  narrative until little is left beyond the dry skeleton.
-
-  [307] Arrian, ii. 16, 11.
-
-  [308] Curtius, iv. 2, 4; Justin, xi. 10. This item, both prudent
-  and probable, in the reply of the Tyrians, is not noticed by
-  Arrian.
-
-  [309] Arrian, ii. 16, 11. τοὺς μὲν πρέσβεις πρὸς ὀργὴν ὀπίσω
-  ἀπέπεμψεν, etc. Curtius, iv. 2, 5. “Non tenuit iram, cujus
-  alioqui potens non erat”, etc.
-
-Those who (like Diodorus) treat such refusal on the part of the
-Tyrians as foolish wilfulness,[310] have not fully considered how
-much the demand included. When Alexander made a solemn sacrifice to
-Artemis at Ephesus, he marched to her temple with his whole force
-armed and in battle army.[311] We cannot doubt that his sacrifice at
-Tyre to Herakles—his ancestral Hero, whose especial attribute was
-force—would have been celebrated with an array equally formidable, as
-in fact it was, after the town had been taken.[312] The Tyrians were
-thus required to admit within their walls an irresistible military
-force; which might indeed be withdrawn after the sacrifice was
-completed, but which might also remain, either wholly or in part, as
-permanent garrison of an almost impregnable position. They had not
-endured such treatment from Persia, nor were they disposed to endure
-it from a new master. It was in fact hazarding their all; submitting
-at once to a fate which might be as bad as could befall them after a
-successful siege. On the other hand, when we reflect that the Tyrians
-promised everything short of submission to military occupation, we
-see that Alexander, had he been so inclined, could have obtained
-from them all that was really essential to his purpose, without the
-necessity of besieging the town. The great value of Phenician cities
-consisted in their fleet, which now acted with the Persians, and
-gave to them the command of the sea.[313] Had Alexander required
-that this fleet should be withdrawn from the Persians and placed in
-his service, there can be no doubt that he would have obtained it
-readily. The Tyrians had no motive to devote themselves for Persia,
-nor did they probably (as Arrian supposes) attempt to trim between
-the two belligerents, as if the contest were still undecided.[314]
-Yet rather than hand over their city to the chances of a Macedonian
-soldiery, they resolved to brave the hazards of a siege. The pride of
-Alexander, impatient of opposition even to his most extreme demands,
-prompted him to take a step politically unprofitable, in order to
-make display of his power, by degrading and crushing, with or without
-a siege, one of the most ancient, spirited, wealthy and intelligent
-communities of the ancient world.
-
-  [310] Diodorus, xvii. 40. Οἱ δὲ Τύριοι, βουλομένου τοῦ βασιλέως
-  τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τῷ Τυρίῳ θῦσαι, προπετέστερον διεκώλυσαν αὐτὸν τῆς εἰς
-  τὴν πόλιν εἰσόδου.
-
-  [311] Arrian, i. 18, 4.
-
-  [312] Arrian, ii. 24, 10.
-
-  [313] This is the view expressed by Alexander himself, in his
-  address to the army, inviting them to undertake the siege of Tyre
-  (Arrian, ii. 17, 3-8).
-
-  [314] Arrian, ii. 16, 12. Curtius says (iv. 2, 2), “Tyros
-  facilius _societatem_ Alexandri acceptura videbatur, quam
-  _imperium_.” This is representing the pretensions of the Tyrians
-  as greater than the fact warrants. They did not refuse the
-  _imperium_ of Alexander, though they declined compliance with one
-  extreme demand.
-
-  Ptolemy I. (son of Lagus) afterwards made himself master of
-  Jerusalem, by entering the town on the Sabbath, under pretence of
-  offering sacrifice (Josephus, Antiq. Jud. xii. 1).
-
-Tyre was situated on an islet nearly half a mile from the
-mainland;[315] the channel between the two being shallow towards the
-land, but reaching a depth of eighteen feet in the part adjoining
-the city. The islet was completely surrounded by prodigious walls,
-the loftiest portion of which, on the side fronting the mainland,
-reached a height not less than 150 feet, with corresponding solidity
-and base.[316] Besides these external fortifications, there was a
-brave and numerous population within, aided by a good stock of arms,
-machines, ships, provisions, and other things essential to defence.
-
-  [315] Curtius, iv. 2, 7, 8. The site of Tyre at the present day
-  presents nothing in the least conformable to the description of
-  Alexander’s time.
-
-  [316] Arrian, ii. 18, 3; ii. 21, 4; ii. 22, 8.
-
-It was not without reason, therefore, that the Tyrians, when driven
-to their last resource, entertained hopes of holding out even against
-the formidable arm of Alexander; and against Alexander as he then
-stood, they might have held out successfully; for he had as yet no
-fleet, and they could defy any attack made simply from land. The
-question turned upon the Phenician and Cyprian ships, which were for
-the most part (the Tyrian among them) in the Ægean under the Persian
-admiral. Alexander—master as he was of Aradus, Byblus, Sidon, and all
-the Phenician cities except Tyre—calculated that the seamen belonging
-to these cities would follow their countrymen at home and bring away
-their ships to join him. He hoped also, as the victorious potentate,
-to draw to himself the willing adhesion of the Cyprian cities. This
-could hardly have failed to happen if he had treated the Tyrians with
-decent consideration; but it was no longer certain, now that he had
-made them his enemies.
-
-What passed among the Persian fleet under Autophradates in the Ægean,
-when they were informed, first that Alexander was master of the other
-Phenician cities; next, that he was commencing the siege of Tyre—we
-know very imperfectly. The Tyrian prince Azemilchus brought home his
-ships for the defence of his own city;[317] the Sidonian and Aradian
-ships also went home, no longer serving against a power to whom their
-own cities had submitted; but the Cyprians hesitated longer before
-they declared themselves. If Darius, or even Autophradates without
-Darius, instead of abandoning Tyre altogether (as they actually did),
-had energetically aided the resistance which it offered to Alexander,
-as the interests of Persia dictated—the Cypriot ships might not
-improbably have been retained on that side in the struggle. Lastly,
-the Tyrians might indulge a hope, that their Phenician brethren, if
-ready to serve Alexander against Persia, would be nowise hearty as
-his instruments for crushing a kindred city. These contingencies,
-though ultimately they all turned out in favor of Alexander, were
-in the beginning sufficiently promising to justify the intrepid
-resolution of the Tyrians; who were farther encouraged by promises
-of aid from the powerful fleets of their colony Carthage. To that
-city, whose deputies were then within their walls for some religious
-solemnities, they sent many of their wives and children.[318]
-
-  [317] Azemilchus was with Autophradates when Alexander declared
-  hostility against Tyre (Arrian, ii. 15, 10); he was in Tyre when
-  it was captured (Arrian, ii. 24, 8).
-
-  [318] Curtius, iv. 2, 10; Arrian, ii. 24, 8; Diodor. xvli. 40,
-  41. Curtius (iv. 2, 15) says that Alexander sent envoys to the
-  Tyrians to invite them to peace; that the Tyrians not only
-  refused the propositions, but put the deputies to death, contrary
-  to the law of nations. Arrian mentions nothing about this sending
-  of deputies, which he would hardly have omitted to do had he
-  found it stated in his authorities, since it tends to justify
-  the proceedings of Alexander. Moreover it is not conformable to
-  Alexander’s temperament, after what had passed between him and
-  the Tyrians.
-
-Alexander began the siege of Tyre without any fleet; the Sidonian
-and Aradian ships not having yet come. It was his first task to
-construct a solid mole two hundred feet broad, reaching across the
-half mile channel between the mainland and the islet. He pressed into
-his service laboring hands by thousands from the neighborhood; he
-had stones in abundance from Palætyrus, and wood from the forests in
-Lebanon. But the work, though prosecuted with ardor and perseverance,
-under pressing instigations from Alexander, was tedious and toilsome,
-even near the mainland, where the Tyrians could do little to impede
-it; and became far more tedious as it advanced into the sea, so as
-to be exposed to their obstruction, as well as to damage from winds
-and waves. The Tyrian triremes and small boats perpetually annoyed
-the workmen, and destroyed parts of the work, in spite of all the
-protection devised by the Macedonians, who planted two towers in
-front of their advancing mole, and discharged projectiles from
-engines provided for the purpose. At length, by unremitting efforts,
-the mole was pushed forward until it came nearly across the channel
-to the city wall; when suddenly, on a day of strong wind, the Tyrians
-sent forth a fireship loaded with combustibles, which they drove
-against the front of the mole and set fire to the two towers. At
-the same time, the full naval force of the city, ships and little
-boats, was sent forth to land men at once on all parts of the mole.
-So successful was this attack, that all the Macedonian engines were
-burnt,—the outer wood-work which kept the mole together was torn up
-in many places,—and a large part of the structure came to pieces.[319]
-
-  [319] Arrian, ii. 18, 19; Diodor. xvii. 42; Curtius, iv. 3, 6, 7.
-
-Alexander had thus not only to construct fresh engines, but also to
-begin the mole nearly anew. He resolved to give it greater breadth
-and strength, for the purpose of carrying more towers abreast in
-front, and for better defence against lateral attacks. But it had
-now become plain to him, that while the Tyrians were masters of the
-sea, no efforts by land alone would enable him to take the town.
-Leaving Perdikkas and Kraterus to reconstruct the mole and build new
-engines, he himself repaired to Sidon, for the purpose of assembling
-as large a fleet as he could. He got together triremes from various
-quarters—two from Rhodes, ten from the seaports in Lykia, three from
-Soli and Mallus. But his principal force was obtained by putting in
-requisition the ships of the Phenician towns, Sidon, Byblus, and
-Aradus, now subject to him. These ships, eighty in number, had left
-the Persian admiral and come to Sidon, there awaiting his orders;
-while not long afterwards, the princes of Cyprus came thither also,
-tendering to him their powerful fleet of 120 ships of war.[320] He
-was now master of a fleet of 200 sail, comprising the most part
-and the best part, of the Persian navy. This was the consummation
-of Macedonian triumph—the last real and effective weapon wrested
-from the grasp of Persia. The prognostic afforded by the eagle near
-the ships at Miletus, as interpreted by Alexander, had now been
-fulfilled; since by successful operations on land, he had conquered
-and brought into his power a superior Persian fleet.[321]
-
-  [320] Arrian. ii. 20, 1-4; Curtius, iv. 2, 14. It evinces how
-  strongly Arrian looks at everything from Alexander’s point of
-  view, when we find him telling us, that that monarch _forgave_
-  the Phenicians and Cyprians for their adherence and past service
-  in the Persian fleet, considering that they had acted under
-  compulsion.
-
-  [321] Arrian, i. 18, 15. In the siege of Tyre (four centuries
-  earlier) by the Assyrian monarch Salmaneser, Sidon and other
-  Phenician towns had lent their ships to the besieger (Menander
-  apud Joseph. Antiq. Jud. ix. 14, 2).
-
-Having directed these ships to complete their equipments and
-training, with Macedonians as soldiers on board, Alexander put
-himself at the head of some light troops for an expedition of
-eleven days against the Arabian mountaineers on Libanus, whom he
-dispersed or put down, though not without some personal exposure and
-hazard.[322] On returning to Sidon, he found Kleander arrived with
-a reinforcement of 4000 Grecian hoplites, welcome auxiliaries for
-prosecuting the siege. Then, going aboard his fleet in the harbor
-of Sidon, he sailed with it in good battle order to Tyre, hoping
-that the Tyrians would come out and fight. But they kept within,
-struck with surprise and consternation; having not before known that
-their fellow-Phenicians were now among the besiegers. Alexander,
-having ascertained that the Tyrians would not accept a sea-fight,
-immediately caused their two harbors to be blocked up and watched;
-that on the north, towards Sidon, by the Cyprians—that on the south,
-towards Egypt, by the Phenicians.[323]
-
-  [322] Arrian, ii. 20, 5; Plutarch, Alexander, 24.
-
-  [323] Arrian, ii. 20, 9-16; Curtius, iv. 3, 11.
-
-From this time forward, the doom of Tyre was certain. The Tyrians
-could no longer offer obstruction to the mole, which was completed
-across the channel and brought up to the town. Engines were planted
-upon it to batter the walls: movable towers were rolled up to take
-them by assault; attack was also made from seaward. Yet though
-reduced altogether to the defensive, the Tyrians still displayed
-obstinate bravery, and exhausted all the resources of ingenuity in
-repelling the besiegers. So gigantic was the strength of the wall
-fronting the mole, and even that of the northern side fronting Sidon,
-that none of Alexander’s engines could make any breach in it; but
-on the south side towards Egypt he was more successful. A large
-breach having been made in this south-wall, he assaulted it with two
-ships manned by the hypaspists and the soldiers of his phalanx: he
-himself commanded in one and Admêtus in the other. At the same time
-he caused the town to be menaced all round, at every approachable
-point, for the purpose of distracting the attention of the defenders.
-Himself and his two ships having been rowed close up to the breach
-in the south wall, boarding bridges were thrown out from each deck,
-upon which he and Admêtus rushed forward with their respective
-storming-parties. Admêtus got upon the wall, but was there slain;
-Alexander also was among the first to mount, and the two parties got
-such a footing on the wall as to overpower all resistance. At the
-same time, his ships also forced their way into the two harbors, so
-that Tyre came on all sides into his power.[324]
-
-  [324] Arrian, ii. 23, 24; Curtius, iv. 4, 11; Diodor. xvii. 46.
-
-Though the walls were now lost, and resistance had become desperate,
-the gallant defenders did not lose their courage. They barricaded
-the streets, and concentrated their strength especially at a
-defensible post called the Agenorion, or chapel of Agenor. Here the
-battle again raged furiously until they were overpowered by the
-Macedonians, incensed with the long toils of the previous siege,
-as well as by the slaughter of some of their prisoners, whom the
-Tyrians had killed publicly on the battlements. All who took shelter
-in the temple of Hêraklês were spared by Alexander from respect to
-the sanctuary: among the number were the prince Azemilchus, a few
-leading Tyrians, the Carthaginian envoys, and some children of both
-sexes. The Sidonians also, displaying a tardy sentiment of kindred,
-and making partial amends for the share which they had taken in the
-capture, preserved some lives from the sword of the conqueror.[325]
-But the greater number of the adult freemen perished with arms in
-their hands; while 2000 of them who survived, either from disabling
-wounds, or from the fatigue of the slaughterers, were hanged on the
-sea-shore by order of Alexander.[326] The females, the children, and
-the slaves, were sold to the slave-merchant. The number sold is said
-to have been about 30,000: a total rather small, as we must assume
-slaves to be included; but we are told that many had been previously
-sent away to Carthage.[327]
-
-  [325] Curtius, iv. 4, 15.
-
-  [326] This is mentioned both by Curtius (iv. 4, 17) and by
-  Diodorus (xvii. 46). It is not mentioned by Arrian, and perhaps
-  may not have found a place in Ptolemy or Aristobulus; but I see
-  no ground for disbelieving it.
-
-  [327] Arrian, iv. 24, 9; Diodorus, xvii. 46.
-
-Thus master of Tyre, Alexander marched into the city and consummated
-his much-desired sacrifice to Herakles. His whole force, land and
-naval, fully armed and arrayed, took part in the procession. A more
-costly hecatomb had never been offered to that god, when we consider
-that it had been purchased by all the toils of an unnecessary siege,
-and by the extirpation of these free and high-spirited citizens, his
-former worshippers. What the loss of the Macedonians had been, we
-cannot say. The number of their slain is stated by Arrian at 400,
-which must be greatly beneath the truth; for the courage and skill
-of the besieged had prolonged the siege to the prodigious period
-of seven months, though Alexander had left no means untried to
-accomplish it sooner.[328]
-
-  [328] The resuscitating force of commercial industry is seen by
-  the fact, that in spite of this total destruction, Tyre again
-  rose to be a wealthy and flourishing city (Strabo, xvi. p. 757).
-
-Towards the close of the siege of Tyre, Alexander received and
-rejected a second proposition from Darius, offering 10,000 talents,
-with the cession of all the territory westward of the Euphrates, as
-ransom for his mother and wife, and proposing that Alexander should
-become his son-in-law as well as his ally. “If I were Alexander (said
-Parmenio) I should accept such terms, instead of plunging into
-farther peril.”—“So would I (replied Alexander) if I were Parmenio;
-but since I am Alexander, I must return a different answer.” His
-answer to Darius was to this effect—“I want neither your money nor
-your cession. All your money and territory are already mine, and
-you are tendering to me a part in place of the whole. If I choose
-to marry your daughter, I _shall_ marry her—whether you give her
-to me or not. Come hither to me, if you wish to obtain from me any
-act of friendship.”[329] Alexander might spare the submissive and
-the prostrate; but he could not brook an equal or a competitor, and
-his language towards them was that of brutal insolence. Of course
-this was the last message sent by Darius, who now saw, if he had not
-before seen, that he had no chance open except by the renewal of war.
-
-  [329] Arrian, ii. 25, 5; Curtius, iv. 5. The answer is more
-  insolent in the naked simplicity of Arrian, than in the pomp
-  of Curtius. Plutarch (Alexand. 29) both abridges and softens
-  it. Diodorus also gives the answer differently (xvii. 54)—and
-  represents the embassy as coming somewhat later in time, after
-  Alexander’s return from Egypt.
-
-Being thus entire master of Syria, Phenicia, and Palestine, and
-having accepted the voluntary submission of the Jews, Alexander
-marched forward to conquer Egypt. He had determined, before he
-undertook any farther expedition into the interior of the Persian
-empire, to make himself master of all the coast-lands which kept open
-the communications of the Persians with Greece, so as to secure his
-rear against any serious hostility. His great fear was, of Grecian
-soldiers or cities raised against him by Persian gold;[330] and
-Egypt was the last remaining possession of the Persians, which gave
-them the means of acting upon Greece. Those means were indeed now
-prodigiously curtailed by the feeble condition of the Persian fleet
-in the Ægean, unable to contend with the increasing fleet of the
-Macedonian admirals Hegelochus and Amphoterus, now numbering 160
-sail.[331] During the summer of 332 B. C., while Alexander
-was prosecuting the siege of Tyre, these admirals recovered all the
-important acquisitions—Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos—which had been made
-by Memnon for the Persian interests. The inhabitants of Tenedos
-invited them and ensured their success; those of Chios attempted
-to do the same, but were coerced by Pharnabazus, who retained the
-city by means of his insular partisans, Apollonides and others, with
-a military force. The Macedonian admirals laid siege to the town,
-and were presently enabled to carry it by their friends within.
-Pharnabazus was here captured with his entire force; twelve triremes
-thoroughly armed and manned, thirty store-ships, several privateers,
-and 3000 Grecian mercenaries. Aristonikus, philo-Persian despot of
-Methymna—arriving at Chios shortly afterwards, but ignorant of the
-capture—was entrapped into the harbor, and made prisoner. There
-remained only Mitylênê, which was held for the Persians by the
-Athenian Chares, with a garrison of 2000 men; who, however, seeing no
-hope of holding out against the Macedonians, consented to evacuate
-the city on condition of a free departure. The Persians were thus
-expelled from the sea, from all footing among the Grecian islands,
-and from the vicinity of Greece and Macedonia.[332]
-
-  [330] Arrian, ii. 17, 4.
-
-  [331] Curtius, iv. 5, 14.
-
-  [332] Curtius, iv. 5, 14-22; Arrian, iii. 2, 4-8.
-
-These successes were in full progress, when Alexander himself
-directed his march from Tyre to Egypt, stopping in his way to besiege
-Gaza. This considerable town, the last before entering on the desert
-track between Syria and Egypt, was situated between one and two
-miles from the sea. It was built upon a lofty artificial mound, and
-encircled with a high wall; but its main defence was derived from
-the deep sands immediately around it, as well as from the mud and
-quicksand on its coast. It was defended by a brave man, the eunuch
-Batis, with a strong garrison of Arabs, and abundant provision of
-every kind. Confiding in the strength of the place, Batis refused
-to admit Alexander. Moreover his judgment was confirmed by the
-Macedonian engineers themselves, who, when Alexander first surveyed
-the walls, pronounced it to be impregnable, chiefly from the height
-of its supporting mound. But Alexander could not endure the thought
-of tacitly confessing his inability to take Gaza. The more difficult
-the enterprise, the greater was the charm for him, and the greater
-would be the astonishment produced all around when he should be seen
-to have triumphed.[333]
-
-  [333] Arrian, ii. 26, 5. Οἱ δὲ μηχανοποιοὶ γνώμην ἀπεδείκνυντο,
-  ἄπορον εἶναι βίᾳ ἑλεῖν τὸ τεῖχος, διὰ ὕψος τοῦ χώματος· ἀλλ᾽
-  Ἀλεξάνδρῳ ἐδόκει αἱρετέον εἶναι, ὅσῳ ἀπορώτερον· ἐκπλήξειν γὰρ
-  τοὺς πολεμίους τὸ ἔργον τῷ παραλόγῳ ἐπὶ μέγα, καὶ τὸ μὴ ἑλεῖν
-  αἰσχρὸν εἶναί οἱ, λεγόμενον ἔς τε τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ Δαρεῖον.
-
-  About the fidelity, and obstinate defensive courage, shown more
-  than once by the inhabitants of Gaza—see Polybius, xvi. 40.
-
-He began by erecting a mound south of the city, close by the wall,
-for the purpose of bringing up his battering engines. This external
-mound was completed, and the engines had begun to batter the wall,
-when a well-planned sally by the garrison overthrew the assailants
-and destroyed the engines. The timely aid of Alexander himself with
-his hypaspists, protected their retreat; but he himself, after
-escaping a snare from a pretended Arabian deserter, received a severe
-wound through the shield and the breastplate into the shoulder, by
-a dart discharged from a catapult; as the prophet Aristander had
-predicted—giving assurance at the same time, that Gaza would fall
-into his hands.[334] During the treatment of his wound, he ordered
-the engines employed at Tyre to be brought up by sea; and caused his
-mound to be carried around the whole circumference of the town, so
-as to render it approachable from every point. This Herculean work,
-the description of which we read with astonishment, was 250 feet
-high all round, and two stadia (1240 feet) broad[335]; the loose
-sand around could hardly have been suitable, so that materials must
-have been brought up from a distance. The undertaking was at length
-completed; in what length of time we do not know, but it must have
-been considerable—though doubtless thousands of laborers would be
-pressed in from the circumjacent country.[336]
-
-  [334] Arrian, ii. 26, 27; Curtius, iv. 6, 12-18; Plutarch,
-  Alexand. 25.
-
-  [335] Arrian, ii. 27, 5. ~χῶμα~ χωννύναι ~ἐν κύκλῳ παντόθεν~
-  τῆς πόλεως. It is certainly possible, as Droysen remarks
-  (Gesch. Alex. des Grossen, p. 199), that παντόθεν is not to be
-  interpreted with literal strictness, but only as meaning in _many
-  different portions_ of the walled circuit.
-
-  Yet if this had been intended, Arrian would surely have said
-  χώματα in the plural, not χῶμα.
-
-  [336] Diodorus (xvii. 48) states the whole duration of the siege
-  as two months. This seems rather under than over the probable
-  truth.
-
-Gaza was now attacked at all points by battering-rams, by mines, and
-by projectile engines with various missiles. Presently the Walls were
-breached in several places, though the defenders were unremitting
-in their efforts to repair the damaged parts. Alexander attempted
-three distinct general assaults; but in all three he was repulsed by
-the bravery of the Gazæans. At length, after still farther breaching
-the wall, he renewed for the fourth time his attempt to storm. The
-entire Macedonian phalanx being brought up to attack at different
-points, the greatest emulation reigned among the officers. The Æakid
-Neoptolemus was first to mount the wall; but the other divisions
-manifested hardly less ardor, and the town was at length taken. Its
-gallant defenders resisted, with unabated spirit, to the last; and
-all fell in their posts, the incensed soldiery being no way disposed
-to give quarter.
-
-One prisoner alone was reserved for special treatment—the prince
-or governor himself, the eunuch Batis; who, having manifested the
-greatest energy and valor, was taken severely wounded, yet still
-alive. In this condition he was brought by Leonatus and Philôtas into
-the presence of Alexander, who cast upon him looks of vengeance and
-fury. The Macedonian prince had undertaken the siege mainly in order
-to prove to the world that he could overcome difficulties insuperable
-to others. But he had incurred so much loss, spent so much time and
-labor, and undergone so many repulses before he succeeded,—that the
-palm of honor belonged rather to the minority vanquished than to
-the multitude of victors. To such disappointment, which would sting
-Alexander in the tenderest point, is to be added the fact, that
-he had himself incurred great personal risk and received a severe
-wound. Here was ample ground for violent anger; which was moreover
-still farther exasperated by the appearance of Batis—an eunuch—a
-black man—tall and robust, but at the same time fat and lumpish—and
-doubtless at the moment covered with blood and dirt. Such visible
-circumstances, repulsive to eyes familiar with Grecian gymnastics,
-contributed to kindle the wrath of Alexander to its highest pitch.
-After the siege of Tyre, his indignation had been satiated by the
-hanging of the 2000 surviving combatants; here, to discharge the
-pressure of a still stronger feeling, there remained only the single
-captive, upon whom therefore he resolved to inflict a punishment as
-novel as it was cruel. He directed the feet of Batis to be bored, and
-brazen rings to be passed through them; after which the naked body of
-this brave man, yet surviving, was tied with cords to the tail of a
-chariot driven by Alexander himself, and dragged at full speed amidst
-the triumphant jeers and shouts of the army.[337] Herein Alexander,
-emulous even from childhood of the exploits of his legendary ancestor
-Achilles, copied the ignominious treatment described in the Iliad as
-inflicted on the dead body of Hektor.[338]
-
-  [337] Curtius, iv. 6, 25-30; Dionys. Hal. De Comp. Verbor. p.
-  123-125—with the citation there given from Hegesias of Magnesia.
-  Diodorus (xvii. 48, 49) simply mentions Gaza in two sentences,
-  but gives no details of any kind.
-
-  Arrian says nothing about the treatment of Batis, nor did he
-  probably find anything about it in Ptolemy or Aristobulus. There
-  are assignable reasons why they should pass it over in silence,
-  as disgraceful to Alexander. But Arrian, at the same time, says
-  nothing inconsistent with or contradicting the statement of
-  Curtius; while he himself recognizes how emulous Alexander was of
-  the proceedings of Achilles (vii. 14, 7).
-
-  The passage describing this scene, cited from the lost author
-  Hegesias by Dionysius of Halikarnassus, as an example of bad
-  rhythm and taste, has the merit of bringing out the details
-  respecting the person of Batis, which were well calculated to
-  disgust and aggravate the wrath of Alexander. The bad taste of
-  Hegesias as a writer does not diminish his credibility as a
-  witness.
-
-  [338] Arrian. vii. 14, 7.
-
-This proceeding of Alexander, the product of Homeric reminiscences
-operating upon an infuriated and vindictive temperament, stands
-out in respect of barbarity from all that we read respecting the
-treatment of conquered towns in antiquity. His remaining measures
-were conformable to received usage. The wives and children of the
-Gazæans were sold into slavery. New inhabitants were admitted from
-the neighborhood, and a garrison was placed there to hold the town
-for the Macedonians.[339]
-
-  [339] Arrian, ii. 27. 11. About the circumstances and siege of
-  Gaza see the work of Stark, Gaza and die Philistäische Küste, p.
-  242, Leip. 1852.
-
-The two sieges of Tyre and Gaza, which occupied both together nine
-mouths,[340] were the hardest fighting that Alexander had ever
-encountered, or in fact ever did encounter throughout his life. After
-such toils, the march to Egypt, which he now commenced (October
-332 B. C.), was an affair of holiday and triumph. Mazakes,
-the satrap of Egypt, having few Persian troops and a disaffected
-native population, was noway disposed to resist the approaching
-conqueror. Seven days’ march brought Alexander and his army from
-Gaza to Pelusium, the frontier fortress of Egypt, commanding the
-eastern branch of the Nile, whither his fleet, under the command of
-Hephæstion, had come also. Here he found not only open gates and
-a submissive governor, but also crowds of Egyptians assembled to
-welcome him.[341] He placed a garrison in Pelusium, sent his fleet
-up the river to Memphis, and marched himself to the same place by
-land. The satrap Mazakes surrendered himself, with all the treasure
-in the city, 800 talents in amount, and much precious furniture. Here
-Alexander reposed some time, offering splendid sacrifices to the
-gods generally, and especially to the Egyptian god Apis; to which he
-added gymnastic and musical matches, sending to Greece for the most
-distinguished artists.
-
-  [340] Diodor. xvii. 48; Josephus, Antiq. xi. 4.
-
-  [341] Arrian, iii. 1, 3; Curtius iv. 7, 1, 2; Diodor. xvii. 49.
-
-From Memphis, he descended the westernmost branch of the Nile to
-Kanôpus at its mouth, from whence he sailed westerly along the
-shore to look at the island of Pharos, celebrated in Homer, and the
-lake Mareôtis. Reckoning Egypt now as a portion of his empire, and
-considering that the business of keeping down an unquiet population,
-as well as of collecting a large revenue, would have to be performed
-by his extraneous land and sea force, he saw the necessity of
-withdrawing the seat of government from Memphis, where both the
-Persians and the natives had maintained it, and of founding a new
-city of his own on the seaboard, convenient for communication with
-Greece and Macedonia. His imagination, susceptible to all Homeric
-impressions and influenced by a dream, first fixed upon the isle of
-Pharos as a suitable place for his intended city.[342] Perceiving
-soon, however, that this little isle was inadequate by itself, he
-included it as part of a larger city to be founded on the adjacent
-mainland. The gods were consulted, and encouraging responses were
-obtained; upon which Alexander himself marked out the circuit of
-the walls, the direction of the principal streets, and the sites
-of numerous temples to Grecian gods as well as Egyptian.[343] It
-was thus that the first stone was laid of the mighty, populous, and
-busy Alexandria; which however the founder himself never lived to
-see, and wherein he was only destined to repose as a corpse. The
-site of the place, between the sea and the Lake Mareôtis, was found
-airy and healthy, as well as convenient for shipping and commerce.
-The protecting island of Pharos gave the means of forming two good
-harbors for ships coming by sea, on a coast harborless elsewhere;
-while the Lake Mareôtis, communicating by various canals with the
-river Nile, received with facility the exportable produce from the
-interior.[344] As soon as houses were ready, commencement was made by
-transporting to them in mass the population of the neighboring town
-of Kanôpus, and probably of other towns besides, by the intendant
-Kleomenes.[345]
-
-  [342] Curtius, iv. 8, 1-4; Plutarch, Alexand. 26.
-
-  [343] Arrian, iii. 1, 8; Curtius, iv. 8, 2-6; Diodor. xvii. 52.
-
-  [344] Strabo, xvii. p. 793. Other authors however speak of the
-  salubrity of Alexandria less favorably than Strabo: see St.
-  Croix, Examen des Hist. d’ Alexandre, p. 287.
-
-  [345] Pseudo-Aristotle, Œconomic. ii. 32.
-
-Alexandria became afterwards the capital of the Ptolemaic princes.
-It acquired immense grandeur and population during their rule of two
-centuries and a half, when their enormous revenues were spent greatly
-in its improvement and decoration. But we cannot reasonably ascribe
-to Alexander himself any prescience of such an imposing future.
-He intended it as a place from which he could conveniently rule
-Egypt, considered as a portion of his extensive empire all round the
-Ægean; and had Egypt remained thus a fraction, instead of becoming a
-substantive imperial whole, Alexandria would probably not have risen
-beyond mediocrity.[346]
-
-  [346] Arrian, iii. 5, 4-9. Tacitus (Annal. i. 11) says about
-  Egypt under the Romans—“provinciam aditu difficilem, annonæ
-  fecundam, superstitione et lasciviâ discordem et mobilem, insciam
-  legum, ignaram magistratuum”, etc. Compare Polybius ap. Strabon.
-  xvii. p. 797.
-
-The other most notable incident, which distinguished the four or five
-months’ stay of Alexander in Egypt, was his march through the sandy
-desert to the temple of Zeus Ammon. This is chiefly memorable as it
-marks his increasing self-adoration and inflation above the limits
-of humanity. His achievements during the last three years had so
-transcended the expectations of every one, himself included—the gods
-had given to him such incessant good fortune, and so paralyzed or
-put down his enemies—that the hypothesis of a superhuman personality
-seemed the natural explanation of such a superhuman career.[347]
-He had to look back to the heroic legends, and to his ancestors
-Perseus and Herakles, to find a worthy prototype.[348] Conceiving
-himself to be (like them) the son of Zeus, with only a nominal human
-parentage, he resolved to go and ascertain the fact by questioning
-the infallible oracle of Zeus Ammon. His march of several days,
-through a sandy desert—always fatiguing, sometimes perilous, was
-distinguished by manifest evidences of the favor of the gods.
-Unexpected rain fell just when the thirsty soldiers required water.
-When the guides lost their track, from shifting of the sand, on a
-sudden two speaking serpents, or two ravens, appeared preceding the
-march and indicating the right direction. Such were the statements
-made by Ptolemy, Aristobulus, and Kallisthenes, companions and
-contemporaries; while Arrian, four centuries afterwards, announces
-his positive conviction that there was a divine intervention on
-behalf of Alexander, though he cannot satisfy himself about the
-details.[349] The priest of Zeus Ammon addressed Alexander, as being
-the son of the god, and farther assured him that his career would
-be one of uninterrupted victory, until he was taken away to the
-gods; while his friends also, who consulted the oracle for their own
-satisfaction, received for answer that the rendering of divine honors
-to him would be acceptable to Zeus. After profuse sacrifices and
-presents, Alexander quitted the oracle, with a full and sincere faith
-that he really was the son of Zeus Ammon; which faith was farther
-confirmed by declarations transmitted to him from other oracles—that
-of Erythræ in Ionia, and of Branchidæ near Miletus.[350] Though he
-did not directly order himself to be addressed as the son of Zeus,
-he was pleased with those who volunteered such a recognition, and
-angry with sceptics or scoffers, who disbelieved the oracle of Ammon.
-Plutarch thinks that this was a mere political manœuvre of Alexander,
-for the purpose of overawing the non-Hellenic population over whom
-he was enlarging his empire.[351] But it seems rather to have been a
-genuine faith,—a simple exaggeration of that exorbitant vanity which
-from the beginning reigned so largely in his bosom. He was indeed
-aware that it was repugnant to the leading Macedonians in many ways,
-but especially as a deliberate insult to the memory of Philip. This
-is the theme always touched upon in moments of dissatisfaction. To
-Parmenio, to Philôtas, to Kleitus, and other principal officers, the
-insolence of the king in disclaiming Philip and putting himself above
-the level of humanity, appeared highly offensive. Discontents on this
-subject among the Macedonian officers, though condemned to silence by
-fear and admiration of Alexander, became serious, and will be found
-re-appearing hereafter.[352]
-
-  [347] Diodor. xvii. 51. τεκμήρια δ᾽ ἔσεσθαι τῆς ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ
-  γενέσεως τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐν ταῖς πράξεσι κατορθωμάτων (answer of
-  the priest of Ammon to Alexander).
-
-  [348] Arrian, iii. 3, 2.
-
-  [349] Arrian, iii. 3, 12. Καὶ ὅτι μὲν θεῖόν τι ξυνεπέλαβεν αὐτῷ,
-  ~ἔχω ἰσχυρίσασθαι~, ὅτι καὶ τὸ εἰκὸς ταύτῃ ἔχει· τὸ δ᾽ ἀτρεκὲς
-  τοῦ λόγου ἀφείλοντο οἱ ἄλλῃ καὶ ἄλλῃ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐξηγησάμενοι.
-
-  Compare Curtius, iv. 7, 12-15; Diodor. xvii. 49-51; Plutarch,
-  Alex. 27; Kallisthenes ap. Strabon. xvii. p. 814.
-
-  [350] Kallisthenes, Fragm. xvi. ap. Alexand. Magn. Histor.
-  Scriptor. ed. Geier. p. 257; Strabo, xvii. p. 814.
-
-  [351] Plutarch, Alexand. 28. Arrian, hints at the same
-  explanation (vii. 29, 6).
-
-  [352] Curtius, iv. 10, 3—“fastidio esse patriam, abdicari
-  Philippum patrem cœlum vanis cogitationibus petere.” Arrian, iii.
-  26, 1; Curtius, vi. 9, 18; vi. 11, 23.
-
-The last month of Alexander’s stay in Egypt was passed at Memphis.
-While nominating various officers for the permanent administration
-of the country, he also received a visit of Hegelochus his admiral,
-who brought as prisoners Aristonikus of Methymna, and other despots
-of the various insular Grecian cities. Alexander ordered them to
-be handed over to their respective cities, to be dealt with as the
-citizens pleased; all except the Chian Apollonides, who was sent
-to Elephantinê in the south of Egypt for detention. In most of the
-cities, the despots had incurred such violent hatred, that when
-delivered up, they were tortured and put to death.[353] Pharnabazus
-also had been among the prisoners, but had found means to escape
-from his guards when the fleet touched at Kos.[354]
-
-  [353] Curtius, iv. 8, 11.
-
-  [354] Arrian, iii. 2, 8, 9.
-
-In the early spring, after receiving reinforcements of Greeks and
-Thracians, Alexander marched into Phenicia. It was there that he
-regulated the affairs of Phenicia, Syria, and Greece, prior to his
-intended expedition into the interior against Darius. He punished
-the inhabitants of Samaria, who had revolted and burnt alive the
-Macedonian prefect Andromachus.[355] In addition to all the business
-transacted, Alexander made costly presents to the Tyrian Herakles,
-and offered splendid sacrifices to other gods. Choice festivals with
-tragedy were also celebrated, analogous to the Dionysia at Athens,
-with the best actors and chorists contending for the prize. The
-princes of Cyprus vied with each other in doing honor to the son of
-Zeus Ammon; each undertaking the duty of chorêgus, getting up at his
-own cost a drama with distinguished chorus and actors, and striving
-to obtain the prize from pre-appointed judges—as was practised among
-the ten tribes at Athens.[356]
-
-  [355] Curtius, iv. 8, 10.
-
-  [356] Plutarch, Alexand. 29; Arrian, _l. c._
-
-In the midst of these religious and festive exhibitions, Alexander
-was collecting magazines for his march into the interior.[357] He had
-already sent forward a detachment to Thapsacus, the usual ford of the
-Euphrates, to throw bridges over the river. The Persian Mazæus was on
-guard on the other side, with a small force of 3000 men, 2000 of them
-Greeks; not sufficient to hinder the bridges from being built, but
-only to hinder them from being carried completely over to the left
-bank. After eleven days of march from Phenicia, Alexander and his
-whole army reached Thapsakus. Mazæus, on the other side, as soon as
-he saw the main army arrive, withdrew his small force without delay,
-and retreated to the Tigris; so that the two bridges were completed,
-and Alexander crossed forthwith.[358]
-
-  [357] Arrian, iii. 6, 12.
-
-  [358] Arrian, iii. 7, 1-6; Curtius, iv. 9, 12—“undecimis castris
-  pervenit ad Euphraten.”
-
-Once over the Euphrates, Alexander had the option of marching down
-the left bank of that river to Babylon, the chief city of the
-Persian empire, and the natural place to find Darius.[359] But this
-march (as we know from Xenophon, who made it with the Ten Thousand
-Greeks) would be one of extreme suffering and through a desert
-country where no provisions were to be got. Moreover, Mazæus in
-retreating had taken a north-easterly direction towards the upper
-part of the Tigris; and some prisoners reported that Darius with his
-main army was behind the Tigris, intending to defend the passage
-of that river against Alexander. The Tigris appears not to be
-fordable below Nineveh (Mosul). Accordingly he directed his march,
-first nearly northward, having the Euphrates on his left hand; next
-eastward across Northern Mesopotamia, having the Armenian mountains
-on his left hand. On reaching the ford of the Tigris, he found it
-absolutely undefended. Not a single enemy being in sight, he forded
-the river as soon as possible, with all his infantry, cavalry, and
-baggage. The difficulties and perils of crossing were extreme, from
-the depth of the water, above their breasts, the rapidity of the
-current, and the slippery footing.[360] A resolute and vigilant enemy
-might have rendered the passage almost impossible. But the good
-fortune of Alexander was not less conspicuous in what his enemies
-left undone, than in what they actually did.[361]
-
-  [359] So Alexander considers Babylon (Arrian, ii. 17,
-  3-10)—προχωρησάντων ξὺν τῇ δυνάμει ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνά τε καὶ Δαρεῖον
-  ... τόν τε ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνος στόλον ποιησόμεθα, etc. This is the
-  explanation of Arrian’s remark, iii. 7, 6—where he assigns the
-  reason why Alexander, after passing the Euphrates at Thapsakus,
-  did not take the straight road towards Babylon. Cyrus the younger
-  marched directly to Babylon to attack Artaxerxes. Susa, Ekbatana,
-  and Persepolis were more distant, and less exposed to an enemy
-  from the west.
-
-  [360] Arrian, iii. 7, 8; Diodor. xvii. 55; Curtius. iv. 9, 17-24.
-  “Magna munimenta regni Tigris atque Euphrates erant”, is a part
-  of the speech put into the mouth of Darius before the battle of
-  Arbela, by Curtius, (iv. 14, 10). Both these great defences were
-  abandoned.
-
-  [361] Curtius, iv. 9, 23; Plutarch, Alexand. 39.
-
-After this fatiguing passage, Alexander rested for two days. During
-the night an eclipse of the moon occurred, nearly total; which
-spread consternation among the army, combined with complaints
-against his overweening insolence, and mistrust as to the unknown
-regions on which they were entering. Alexander, while offering
-solemn sacrifices to Sun, Moon, and Earth, combated the prevailing
-depression by declarations from his own prophet Aristander and from
-Egyptian astrologers, who proclaimed that Helios favored the Greeks,
-and Selênê the Persians; hence the eclipse of the moon portended
-victory to the Macedonians—and victory too (so Aristander promised),
-before the next new moon. Having thus reassured the soldiers,
-Alexander marched for four days in a south-easterly direction through
-the territory called Aturia, with the Tigris on his right hand, and
-the Gordyene or Kurd mountains on his left. Encountering a small
-advanced guard of the Persians, he here learnt from prisoners that
-Darius with his main host was not far off.[362]
-
-  [362] Arrian, iii. 7, 12; iii. 8, 3. Curtius, iv. 10, 11-18.
-
-Nearly two years had elapsed since the ruinous defeat of Issus. What
-Darius had been doing during this long interval, and especially
-during the first half of it, we are unable to say. We hear only
-of one proceeding on his part—his missions, twice repeated, to
-Alexander, tendering or entreating peace, with the especial view of
-recovering his captive family. Nothing else does he appear to have
-done, either to retrieve the losses of the past, or to avert the
-perils of the future; nothing, to save his fleet from passing into
-the hands of the conqueror; nothing, to relieve either Tyre or Gaza,
-the sieges of which collectively occupied Alexander for near ten
-months. The disgraceful flight of Darius at Issus had already lost
-him the confidence of several of his most valuable servants. The
-Macedonian exile Amyntas, a brave and energetic man, with the best
-of the Grecian mercenaries, gave up the Persian cause as lost,[363]
-and tried to set up for himself, in which attempt he failed and
-perished in Egypt. The satrap of Egypt, penetrated with contempt for
-the timidity of his master, was induced, by that reason as well as by
-others, to throw open the country to Alexander.[364] Having incurred
-so deplorable a loss, as well in reputation as in territory, Darius
-had the strongest motives to redeem it by augmented vigor.
-
-  [363] Arrian, ii. 13; Curtius, iv. 1, 27-30—“cum in illo statu
-  rerum id quemque, quod occupasset, habiturum arbitraretur”
-  (Amyntas).
-
-  [364] Arrian, iii. 1, 3. τήν τε ἐν Ἰσσῷ μάχην ὅπως συνέβη
-  πεπυσμένος (the satrap of Egypt) καὶ Δαρεῖον ὅτι αἰσχρᾷ φυγῇ
-  ἔφυγε, etc.
-
-But he was paralyzed by the fact, that his mother, his wife, and
-several of his children, had fallen into the hands of the conqueror.
-Among the countless advantages growing out of the victory of Issus,
-this acquisition was not the least. It placed Darius in the condition
-of one who had given hostages for good behavior to his enemy. The
-Persian kings were often in the habit of exacting from satraps or
-generals the deposit of their wives and families, as a pledge for
-fidelity; and Darius himself had received this guarantee from Memnon,
-as a condition of entrusting him with the Persian fleet.[365] Bound
-by the like chains himself, towards one who had now become his
-superior, Darius was afraid to act with energy, lest success should
-bring down evil upon his captive family. By allowing Alexander to
-subdue unopposed all the territory west of the Euphrates, he hoped
-to be allowed to retain his empire eastward, and to ransom back
-his family at an enormous price. Such propositions did satisfy
-Parmenio, and would probably have satisfied even Philip, had Philip
-been the victor. The insatiate nature of Alexander had not yet been
-fully proved. It was only when the latter contemptuously rejected
-everything short of surrender at discretion, that Darius began to
-take measures east of the Euphrates for defending what yet remained.
-
-  [365] Diodor. xvii. 23. Compare Xenophon, Anabasis, i. 4, 9;
-  Herodotus, vii. 10.
-
-The conduct of Alexander towards the regal hostages, honorable as it
-was to his sentiment, evinced at the same time that he knew their
-value as a subject of political negotiation.[366] It was essential
-that he should treat them with the full deference due to their rank,
-if he desired to keep up their price as hostages in the eyes of
-Darius as well as of his own army. He carried them along with his
-army, from the coast of Syria, over the bridge of the Euphrates, and
-even through the waters of the Tigris. To them, this must have proved
-a severe toil; and in fact, the queen Statira became so worn out
-that she died shortly after crossing the Tigris;[367] to him also,
-it must have been an onerous obligation, since he not only sought to
-ensure to them all their accustomed pomp, but must have assigned a
-considerable guard to watch them, at a moment when he was marching
-into an unknown country, and required all his military resources to
-be disposable. Simply for safe detention, the hostages would have
-been better guarded and might have been treated with still greater
-ceremony, in a city or a fortress. But Alexander probably wished to
-have them near him, in case of the possible contingency of serious
-reverses to his army on the eastern side of the Tigris. Assuming such
-a misfortune to happen, the surrender of them might ensure a safe
-retreat under circumstances otherwise fatal to its accomplishment.
-
-  [366] The praise bestowed upon the continence of Alexander, for
-  refusing to visit Statira the wife of Darius, is exaggerated even
-  to absurdity.
-
-  In regard to women, Alexander was by temperament cold, the
-  opposite of his father Philip. During his youth, his development
-  was so tardy, that there was even a surmise of some physical
-  disability (Hieronymus ap. Athenæ. x. p. 435). As to the most
-  beautiful persons, of both sexes, he had only to refuse the
-  numerous tenders made to him by those who sought to gain his
-  favor (Plutarch, Alex. 22). Moreover, after the capture of
-  Damascus, he did select for himself, from among the female
-  captives, Barsinê, the widow of his illustrious rival Memnon;
-  daughter of Artabazus, a beautiful woman of engaging manners, and
-  above all, distinguished, by having received Hellenic education,
-  from the simply Oriental harem of Darius (Plutarch, Alex. 21).
-  In adopting the widow of Memnon as his mistress, Alexander may
-  probably have had present to his imagination the example of his
-  legendary ancestor Neoptolemus, whose tender relations with
-  Andromache, widow of his enemy Hektor, would not be forgotten by
-  any reader of Euripides. Alexander had by Barsinê a son called
-  Herakles.
-
-  Lastly, Alexander was so absorbed by ambition,—so overcharged
-  with the duties and difficulties of command, which he always
-  performed himself—and so continually engaged in fatiguing bodily
-  effort,—that he had little leisure left for indulgences; such
-  leisure as he had, he preferred devoting to wine-parties with the
-  society and conversation of his officers.
-
-  [367] Curtius, iv. 10, 19. “Itineris continui labore animique
-  ægritudine fatigata”, etc.
-
-  Curtius and Justin mention a third embassy sent by Darius
-  (immediately after having heard of the death and honorable
-  obsequies of Statira) to Alexander, asking for peace. The other
-  authors allude only to two tentatives of this kind; and the third
-  seems by no means probable.
-
-Being at length convinced that Alexander would not be satisfied with
-any prize short of the entire Persian empire, Darius summoned all
-his forces to defend what he still retained. He brought together a
-host said to be superior in number to that which had been defeated
-at Issus.[368] Contingents arrived from the farthest extremities of
-the vast Persian territory—from the Caspian sea, the rivers Oxus and
-Indus, the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea. The plains eastward of
-the Tigris, about the latitude of the modern town of Mosul, between
-that river and the Gordyene mountains (Zagros), were fixed upon for
-the muster of this prodigious multitude; partly conducted by Darius
-himself from Babylon, partly arriving there by different routes from
-the north, east, and south. Arbêla—a considerable town about twenty
-miles east of the Great Zab river, still known under the name of
-Erbil, as a caravan station on the ordinary road between Erzeroum and
-Bagdad—was fixed on as the muster-place or head-quarters, where the
-chief magazines were collected and the heavy baggage lodged, and near
-which the troops were first assembled and exercised.[369]
-
-  [368] Arrian, iii. 7, 7.
-
-  [369] Diodorus, xvii. 53; Curtius, iv. 9, 9.
-
-But the spot predetermined for a pitched battle was, the neighborhood
-of Gaugamela near the river Bumôdus, about thirty miles west of
-Arbêla, towards the Tigris, and about as much south-east of Mosul—a
-spacious and level plain, with nothing more than a few undulating
-slopes, and without any trees. It was by nature well adapted for
-drawing up a numerous army, especially for the free manœuvres of
-cavalry, and the rush of scythed chariots; moreover, the Persian
-officers had been careful beforehand to level artificially such of
-the slopes as they thought inconvenient.[370] There seemed every
-thing in the ground to favor the operation both of the vast total,
-and the special forces, of Darius; who fancied that his defeat
-at Issus had been occasioned altogether by his having adventured
-himself in the narrow defiles of Kilikia—and that on open and level
-ground his superior numbers must be triumphant. He was even anxious
-that Alexander should come and attack him on the plain. Hence the
-undefended passage of the Tigris.
-
-  [370] Arrian, iii. 8, 12. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ ὅσα ἀνώμαλα αὐτοῦ ἐς
-  ἱππασίαν, ταῦτά τε ~ἐκ πολλοῦ~ οἱ Πέρσαι τοῖς τε ἅρμασιν
-  ἐπελαύνειν εὐπετῆ πεποιήκεσαν καὶ τῇ ἵππῳ ἱππάσιμα.
-
-For those who looked only to numbers, the host assembled at Arbêla
-might well inspire confidence; for it is said to have consisted of
-1,000,000 of infantry[371]—40,000 cavalry—200 scythed chariots—and
-fifteen elephants; of which animals we now read for the first time
-in a field of battle. But besides the numbers, Darius had provided
-for his troops more effective arms; instead of mere javelins, strong
-swords and short thrusting pikes, such as the Macedonian cavalry
-wielded so admirably in close combat—together with shields for the
-infantry and breastplates for the horsemen.[372] He counted much
-also on the terrific charge of the chariots, each of which had a
-pole projecting before the horses and terminating in a sharp point,
-together with three sword-blades stretching from the yoke on each
-side, and scythes also laterally from the naves of the wheels.[373]
-
-  [371] This is the total given by Arrian as what he found set
-  forth (ἐλέγετο), probably the best information which Ptolemy and
-  Aristobulus could procure (Arrian, iii. 8, 8).
-
-  Diodorus (xvii. 53) says 800,000 foot, 200,000 horse, and 200
-  scythed chariots. Justin (xi. 12) gives 400,000 foot and 100,000
-  horse. Plutarch (Alex. 31) talks generally of a million of men.
-  Curtius states the army to have been almost twice as large as
-  that which had fought in Kilikia (iv. 9, 3); he gives the total
-  as 200,000 foot, and 45,000 horse (iv. 12, 13).
-
-  [372] Diodor. xvii. 53; Curtius, iv. 9, 2.
-
-  [373] Curtius, iv. 9, 3; Diodor. xvii. 53. Notwithstanding the
-  instructive note of Mützel upon this passage of Curtius, the mode
-  in which these chariots were armed is not clear on all points.
-
-Informed of the approach of Alexander, about the time when the
-Macedonian army first reached the Tigris, Darius moved from Arbêla,
-where his baggage and treasure were left—crossed by bridges the river
-Lykus or Great Zab, an operation which occupied five days—and marched
-to take post on the prepared ground near Gaugamela. His battle array
-was formed—of the Baktrians on the extreme left, under command of
-Bessus the satrap of Baktria; next, the Dahæ and Arachôti, under
-command of Barsäentes, satrap of Arachosia; then the native Persians,
-horse and foot alternating—the Susians, under Oxathres,—and the
-Kadusians. On the extreme right were the contingents of Syria both
-east and west of the Euphrates, under Mazæus; then the Medes, under
-Atropates; next, the Parthians, Sakæ, Tapyrians, and Hyrkanians, all
-cavalry, under Phrataphernes; then the Albanians and the Sakesinæ.
-Darius himself was in the centre, with the choice troops of the
-army near and around him—the Persian select Horse-guards, called
-the king’s kinsmen—the Persian foot-guards, carrying pikes with a
-golden apple at the butt-end—a regiment of Karians, or descendants
-of Karians, who had been abstracted from their homes and planted as
-colonists in the interior of the empire—the contingent of Mardi, good
-archers—and lastly, the mercenary Greeks, of number unknown, in whom
-Darius placed his greatest confidence.
-
-Such was the first or main line of the Persians. In the rear of it
-stood deep masses of Babylonians,—inhabitants of Sittakê down to the
-Persian Gulf—Uxians, from the territory adjoining Susiana to the
-east—and others in unknown multitude. In front of it were posted the
-scythed chariots, with small advanced bodies of cavalry—Scythians
-and Baktrians on the left, with one hundred chariots—Armenians and
-Kappadokians on the right, with fifty more—and the remaining fifty
-chariots in front of the centre.[374]
-
-  [374] The Persian battle order here given by Arrian (iii. 11),
-  is taken from Aristobulus, who affirmed that it was so set down
-  in the official scheme of the battle, drawn up by the Persian
-  officers, and afterwards captured with the baggage of Darius.
-  Though thus authentic as far as it goes, it is not complete,
-  even as to names—while it says nothing about numbers or depth or
-  extent of front. Several names, of various contingents stated to
-  have been present in the field, are not placed in the official
-  return—thus the Sogdiani, the Arians, and the Indian mountaineers
-  are mentioned by Arrian as having joined Darius (iii. 8); the
-  Kossæans, by Diodorus (xvii. 59); the Sogdiani, Massagetæ,
-  Belitæ, Kossæans, Gortyæ, Phrygians, and Kataonians, by Curtius
-  (iv. 12).
-
-Alexander had advanced within about seven miles of the Persian army,
-and four days’ march since his crossing the Tigris—when he first
-learnt from Persian prisoners how near his enemies were. He at once
-halted, established on the spot a camp with ditch and stockade;
-and remained there for four days, in order that the soldiers might
-repose. On the night of the fourth day, he moved forward, yet
-leaving under guard in the camp the baggage, the prisoners, and the
-ineffectives. He began his march, over a range of low elevations
-which divided him from the enemy, hoping to approach and attack
-them at daybreak. But his progress was so retarded, that day broke,
-and the two armies first came in sight, when he was still on the
-descending slope of the ground, more than three miles distant. On
-seeing the enemy, he halted, and called together his principal
-officers, to consult whether he should not prosecute his march and
-commence the attack forthwith.[375] Though most of them pronounced
-for the affirmative, yet Parmenio contended that this course would be
-rash; that the ground before them, with all its difficulties, natural
-or artificial, was unknown, and that the enemy’s position, which
-they now saw for the first time, ought to be carefully reconnoitred.
-Adopting this latter view, Alexander halted for the day; yet still
-retaining his battle order, and forming a new entrenched camp,
-to which the baggage and the prisoners were now brought forward
-from the preceding day’s encampment.[376] He himself spent the
-day, with an escort of cavalry and light troops, in reconnoitring
-both the intermediate ground and the enemy, who did not interrupt
-him, in spite of their immense superiority in cavalry. Parmenio,
-with Polysperchon and others, advised him to attack the enemy in
-the night; which promised some advantages, since Persian armies
-were notoriously unmanageable by night,[377] and since their camp
-had no defence. But on the other hand, the plan involved so many
-disadvantages and perils, that Alexander rejected it; declaring—with
-an emphasis intentionally enhanced, since he spoke in the hearing of
-many others—that he disdained the meanness of stealing a victory;
-that he both would conquer, and could conquer, Darius fairly and in
-open daylight.[378] Having then addressed to his officers a few brief
-encouragements, which met with enthusiastic response, he dismissed
-them to their evening meal and repose.
-
-  [375] Arrian, iii. 9, 5-7.
-
-  [376] Arrian, iii. 9, 2-8. It is not expressly mentioned by
-  Arrian that the baggage, etc. was brought forward from the first
-  camp to the second. But we see that such must have been the
-  fact, from what happened during the battle. Alexander’s baggage,
-  which was plundered by a body of Persian cavalry, cannot have
-  been so far in the rear of the army as the distance of the first
-  camp would require. This coincides also with Curtius, iv. 13,
-  35. The words ἔγνω ἀπολείπειν (Arrian, iii. 9, 2), indicate the
-  contemplation of a purpose which was not accomplished—ὡς ἅμ᾽
-  ἡμέρᾳ προσμῖξαι τοῖς πολεμίοις (iii. 9, 3). Instead of “coming
-  into conflict” with the enemy at break of day—Alexander only
-  arrived within sight of them at break of day; he then halted the
-  whole day and night within sight of their position; and naturally
-  brought up his baggage, having no motive to leave it so far in
-  the rear.
-
-  [377] Xenoph. Anabas. iii. 4, 35.
-
-  [378] Arrian, iii. 10, 3; Curtius, iv. 13, 4-10.
-
-On the next morning, he marshalled his army, consisting of
-40,000 foot, and 7000 horse, in two lines.[379] The first or
-main line was composed, on the right, of the eight squadrons of
-Companion-cavalry, each with its separate captain, but all under
-the command of Philôtas, son of Parmenio. Next (proceeding from
-right to left) came the Agêma or chosen band of the Hypaspistæ—then
-the remaining Hypaspistæ, under Nikanor—then the phalanx properly
-so called, distributed into six divisions, under the command of
-Kœnus, Perdikkas, Meleager, Polysperchon, Simmias, and Kraterus,
-respectively.[380] Next on the left of the phalanx, were ranged the
-allied Grecian cavalry, Lokrian and Phokian, Phthiot, Malians, and
-Peloponnesians; after whom, at the extreme left, came the Thessalians
-under Philippus—among the best cavalry in the army, hardly inferior
-to the Macedonian Companions. As in the two former battles, Alexander
-himself took the command of the right half of the army, confiding the
-left to Parmenio.
-
-  [379] Arrian, iii. 12, 1-9.
-
-  [380] Arrian, ii. 11; Diodor. xvii. 57; Curtius, iv. 13, 26-30.
-
-Behind this main line, was placed a second or body of reserve,
-intended to guard against attacks in the flanks and rear, which the
-superior numbers of the Persians rendered probable. For this purpose,
-Alexander reserved,—on the right, the light cavalry or Lancers—the
-Pæonians, under Aretes and Aristo—half the Agrianes, under
-Attalus—the Macedonian archers, under Brisson—and the mercenaries
-of old service, under Kleander; on the left, various bodies of
-Thracian and allied cavalry, under their separate officers. All these
-different regiments were held ready to repel attack either in flank
-or rear. In front of the main line were some advanced squadrons
-of cavalry and light troops—Grecian cavalry, under Menidas on the
-right, and under Andromachus on the left—a brigade of darters under
-Balakrus, together with Agrianian darters, and some bowmen. Lastly,
-the Thracian infantry were left to guard the camp and baggage.[381]
-
-  [381] Arrian, iii. 12, 2-6; Curtius, iv. 13, 30-32; Diodor. xvii.
-  57.
-
-Forewarned by a deserter, Alexander avoided the places where iron
-spikes had been planted to damage the Macedonian cavalry.[382] He
-himself, at the head of the Royal Squadron, on the extreme right, led
-the march obliquely in that direction, keeping his right somewhat
-in advance. As he neared the enemy, he saw Darius himself with the
-Persian left centre immediately opposed to him—Persian guards,
-Indians, Albanians, and Karians. Alexander went on inclining to the
-right, and Darius stretching his front towards the left to counteract
-this movement, but still greatly outflanking the Macedonians to the
-left. Alexander had now got so far to his right, that he was almost
-beyond the ground levelled by Darius for the operations of his
-chariots in front. To check any farther movement in this direction,
-the Baktrian 1000 horse and the Scythians in front of the Persian
-left, were ordered to make a circuit and attack the Macedonian right
-flank. Alexander detached against them his regiment of cavalry under
-Menidas, and the action thus began.[383]
-
-  [382] Curtius, iv. 13, 36; Polyænus, iv. 3, 17.
-
-  [383] Arrian, iii. 13, 1-5.
-
-The Baktrian horse, perceiving the advance of Menidas, turned from
-their circuitous movement to attack him, and at first drove him back
-until he was supported by the other advanced detachments—Pæonians
-and Grecian cavalry. The Baktrians, defeated in their turn, were
-supported by the satrap Bessus with the main body of Baktrians and
-Scythians in the left portion of Darius’s line. The action was here
-for some time warmly contested, with some loss to the Greeks; who
-at length however, by a more compact order against enemies whose
-fighting was broken and desultory, succeeded in pushing them out of
-their place in the line, and thus making a partial opening in it.[384]
-
-  [384] Arrian, iii. 13, 9.
-
-While this conflict was still going on, Darius had ordered his
-scythed chariots to charge, and his main line to follow them,
-calculating on the disorder which he expected that they would
-occasion. But the chariots were found of little service. The horses
-were terrified, checked, or wounded, by the Macedonian archers and
-darters in front; who even found means to seize the reins, pull down
-the drivers, and kill the horses. Of the hundred chariots in Darius’s
-front, intended to beat down the Macedonian ranks by simultaneous
-pressure along their whole line, many were altogether stopped or
-disabled; some turned right round, the horses refusing to face the
-protended pikes, or being scared with the noise of pike and shield
-struck together; some which reached the Macedonian line, were let
-through without mischief by the soldiers opening their ranks; a few
-only inflicted wounds or damage.[385]
-
-  [385] About the chariots. Arrian, iii. 13, 11; Curtius, iv. 15,
-  14; Diodor. xvii. 57, 58.
-
-  Arrian mentions distinctly only those chariots which were
-  launched on Darius’s left, immediately opposite to Alexander. But
-  it is plain that the chariots along the whole line must have been
-  let off at one and the same signal—which we may understand as
-  implied in the words of Curtius—“Ipse (Darius) ante se falcatos
-  currus habebat, quos signo dato universos in hostem effudit” (iv.
-  14, 3).
-
-  The scythed chariots of Artaxerxes, at the battle of Kunaxa,
-  did no mischief (Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 10-20). At the battle of
-  Magnesia, gained by the Romans (B. C. 190) over the
-  Syrian king Antiochus, his chariots were not only driven back,
-  but spread disorder among their own troops (Appian, Reb. Syriac.
-  33).
-
-As soon as the chariots were thus disposed of, and the Persian main
-force laid open as advancing behind them, Alexander gave orders
-to the troops of his main line, who had hitherto been perfectly
-silent,[386] to raise the war-shout and charge at a quick pace;
-at the same time directing Aretes with the Pæonians to repel the
-assailants on his right flank. He himself, discontinuing his slanting
-movement to the right, turned towards the Persian line, and dashed,
-at the head of all the Companion-cavalry, into that partial opening
-in it, which had been made by the flank movement of the Baktrians.
-Having by this opening got partly within the line, he pushed straight
-towards the person of Darius; his cavalry engaging in the closest
-hand-combat, and thrusting with their short pikes at the faces of the
-Persians. Here, as at the Granikus, the latter were discomposed by
-this mode of fighting—accustomed as they were to rely on the use of
-missiles, with rapid wheeling of the horse for renewed attack.[387]
-They were unable to prevent Alexander and his cavalry from gaining
-ground and approaching nearer to Darius; while at the same time,
-the Macedonian phalanx in front, with its compact order and long
-protended pikes, pressed upon the Persian line opposed to it. For
-a short interval, the combat here was close and obstinate; and it
-might have been much prolonged—since the best troops of Darius’s
-army—Greeks, Karians, Persian guards, regal kinsmen, etc., were here
-posted,—had the king’s courage been equal to that of his soldiers.
-But here, even worse than at Issus, the flight of the army began with
-Darius himself. It had been the recommendation of Cyrus the younger,
-in attacking the army of his brother Artaxerxes at Kunaxa, to aim
-the main blow at the spot where his brother was in person—since he
-well knew that victory there was victory everywhere. Having already
-once followed this scheme successfully at Issus, Alexander repeated
-it with still more signal success at Arbêla. Darius, who had long
-been in fear, from the time when he first beheld his formidable enemy
-on the neighboring hills, became still more alarmed when he saw the
-scythed chariots prove a failure, and when the Macedonians, suddenly
-breaking out from absolute silence into an universal war-cry, came
-to close quarters with his troops, pressing towards and menacing
-the conspicuous chariot on which he stood.[388] The sight and
-hearing of this terrific _mêlée_, combined with the prestige already
-attaching to Alexander’s name, completely overthrew the courage and
-self-possession of Darius. He caused his chariot to be turned round,
-and himself set the example of flight.[389]
-
-  [386] See the remarkable passage in the address of Alexander
-  to his soldiers previous to the battle, about the necessity of
-  absolute silence until the moment came for the terrific war-shout
-  (Arrian, iii. 9, 14): compare Thucyd. ii. 89—a similar direction
-  from Phormio to the Athenians.
-
-  [387] Arrian, iii. 15, 4. οὔτε ἀκοντισμῷ ἔτι, οὔτε ἐξελιγμοῖς τῶν
-  ἵππων, ἥπερ ἱππομαχίας δίκη, ἐχρῶντο—about the Persian cavalry
-  when driven to despair.
-
-  [388] Arrian, iii. 14, 2. ἦγε δρόμῳ τε καὶ ἀλαλαγμῷ ὡς ἐπὶ αὐτὸν
-  Δαρεῖον—Diodor. xvii. 60. Alexander μετὰ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἴλης καὶ
-  τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἱππέων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤλαυνε τὸν Δαρεῖον.
-
-  [389] Arrian, iii. 14, 3. Καὶ χρόνον μέν τινα ὀλίγον ἐν χερσὶν
-  ἡ μάχη ἐγένετο. Ὣς δὲ οἵ τε ἱππεῖς οἱ ἀμφ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ
-  αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος εὐρώστως ἐνέκειντο, ὠθισμοῖς τε χρώμενοι, καὶ
-  τοῖς ξυστοῖς τὰ πρόσωπα τῶν Περσῶν κόπτοντες, ἥ τε φάλαγξ ἡ
-  Μακεδονικὴ, πυκνὴ καὶ ταῖς σαρίσσαις πεφρικυῖα, ἐμβέβληκεν ἤδη
-  αὐτοῖς, ~καὶ πάντα ὁμοῦ τὰ δεινὰ καὶ πάλαι ἤδη φοβερῷ ὄντι Δαρείῳ
-  ἐφαίνετο, πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἐπιστρέψας ἔφευγεν~. At Issus, Arrian
-  states that “Darius fled along with the first” (ii. 11, 6); at
-  Arbela here, he states that “Darius was the first to turn and
-  flee;” an expression yet stronger and more distinct. Curtius
-  and Diodorus, who seem here as elsewhere to follow generally
-  the same authorities, give details, respecting the conduct of
-  Darius, which are not to be reconciled with Arrian, and which are
-  decidedly less credible than Arrian’s narrative. The fact that
-  the two kings were here (as at Issus) near, and probably visible,
-  to each other, has served as a basis for much embroidery. The
-  statement that Darius, standing on his chariot, hurled his spear
-  against the advancing Macedonians—and that Alexander also hurled
-  his spear at Darius, but missing him, killed the charioteer—is
-  picturesque and Homeric, but has no air of reality. Curtius and
-  Diodorus tell us that this fall of the charioteer was mistaken
-  for the fall of the king, and struck the Persian army with
-  consternation, causing them forthwith to take flight, and thus
-  ultimately forcing Darius to flee also (Diodor. xvii. 60; Curt.
-  iv. 15, 26-32). But this is noway probable; since the real fight
-  then going on was close, and with hand-weapons.
-
-From this moment, the battle, though it had lasted so short a
-time, was irreparably lost. The king’s flight, followed of course
-immediately by that of the numerous attendants around him, spread
-dismay among all his troops, leaving them neither centre of command,
-nor chief to fight for. The best soldiers in his army, being those
-immediately around him, were under these circumstances the first to
-give way. The fierce onset of Alexander with the Companion-cavalry,
-and the unremitting pressure of the phalanx in front was obstructed
-by little else than a mass of disordered fugitives. During the same
-time, Aretes with his Pæonians had defeated the Baktrians on the
-right flank,[390] so that Alexander was free to pursue the routed
-main body,—which he did most energetically. The cloud of dust raised
-by the dense multitude is said to have been so thick, that nothing
-could be clearly seen, nor could the pursuers distinguish the track
-taken by Darius himself. Amidst this darkness, the cries and noises
-from all sides were only the more impressive; especially the sound
-from the whips of the charioteers, pushing their horses to full
-speed.[391] It was the dust alone which saved Darius himself from
-being overtaken by the pursuing cavalry.
-
-  [390] Arrian, iii. 14, 4.
-
-  [391] Diodor. xvii. 60; Curtius, iv. 15, 32, 33. The cloud of
-  dust, and the noise of the whips, are specified both by Diodorus
-  and Curtius.
-
-While Alexander was thus fully successful on his right and centre,
-the scene on his left under Parmenio was different. Mazæus, who
-commanded the Persian right, after launching his scythed chariots
-(which may possibly have done more damage than those launched on
-the Persian left, though we have no direct information about them),
-followed it up by vigorously charging the Grecian and Thessalian
-horse in his front, and also by sending round a detachment of
-cavalry to attack them on their left flank.[392] Here the battle was
-obstinately contested, and success for some time doubtful. Even after
-the flight of Darius, Parmenio found himself so much pressed, that he
-sent a message to Alexander. Alexander, though full of mortification
-at relinquishing the pursuit, checked his troops, and brought them
-back to the assistance of his left, by the shortest course across the
-field of battle. The two left divisions of the phalanx, under Simmias
-and Kraterus, had already stopped short in the pursuit, on receiving
-the like message from Parmenio; leaving the other four divisions to
-follow the advanced movement of Alexander.[393] Hence there arose a
-gap in the midst of the phalanx, between the four right divisions,
-and the two left; into which gap a brigade of Indian and Persian
-cavalry darted, galloping through the midst of the Macedonian line to
-get into the rear and attack the baggage.[394] At first this movement
-was successful, the guard was found unprepared, and the Persian
-prisoners rose at once to set themselves free; though Sisygambis,
-whom these prisoners were above measure anxious to liberate, refused
-to accept their aid, either from mistrust of their force, or
-gratitude for the good treatment received from Alexander.[395] But
-while these assailants were engaged in plundering the baggage, they
-were attacked in the rear by the troops forming the second Macedonian
-line, who though at first taken by surprise, had now had time to
-face about and reach the camp. Many of the Persian brigade were thus
-slain, the rest got off as they could.[396]
-
-  [392] Curtius, iv. 16, 1; Diodorus, xvii. 59, 60; Arrian, iii.
-  14, 11. The two first authors are here superior to Arrian, who
-  scarcely mentions at all this vigorous charge of Mazæus, though
-  he alludes to the effects produced by it.
-
-  [393] Arrian, iii. 14, 6. He speaks directly here only of the
-  τάξις under the command of Simmias; but it is plain that what he
-  says must be understood of the τάξις commanded by Kraterus also.
-  Of the six τάξεις or divisions of the phalanx, that of Kraterus
-  stood at the extreme left—that of Simmias (who commanded on this
-  day the τάξις of Amyntas son of Andromenes) next to it (iii.
-  11, 16). If therefore the τάξις of Simmias was kept back from
-  pursuit, on account of the pressure upon the general Macedonian
-  left (iii. 14, 6)—_à fortiori_, the τάξις of Kraterus must have
-  been kept back in like manner.
-
-  [394] Arrian, iii. 14, 7.
-
-  [395] Curtius. iv. 15, 9-11; Diodor. xvii. 59. Curtius and
-  Diodorus represent the brigade of cavalry who plundered the camp
-  and rescued the prisoners, to have been sent round by Mazæus
-  from the Persian right; while Arrian states, more probably, that
-  they got through the break accidentally left in the phalanx, and
-  traversed the Macedonian lines.
-
-  [396] Arrian, iii. 14, 10. Curtius represents this brigade as
-  having been driven off by Aretes and a detachment sent expressly
-  by Alexander himself. Diodorus describes it as if it had not been
-  defeated at all, but had ridden back to Mazæus after plundering
-  the baggage. Neither of these accounts is so probable as that of
-  Arrian.
-
-Mazæus maintained for a certain time fair equality, on his own
-side of the battle, even after the flight of Darius. But when, to
-the paralyzing effect of that fact in itself, there was added the
-spectacle of its disastrous effects on the left half of the Persian
-army, neither he nor his soldiers could persevere with unabated vigor
-in a useless combat. The Thessalian and Grecian horse, on the other
-hand, animated by the turn of fortune in their favor, pressed their
-enemies with redoubled energy and at length drove them to flight; so
-that Parmenio was victor, on his own side and with his own forces,
-before the succors from Alexander reached him.[397]
-
-  [397] Diodor. xvii. 60. Ὁ Παρμενίων ... μόλις ἐτρέψατο τοὺς
-  βαρβάρους, μάλιστα καταπλαγέντας τῇ κατὰ τὸν Δαρεῖον φυγῇ.
-  Curtius, iv. 16, 4-7. “Interim ad Mazæum fama superati regis
-  pervenerat. Itaque, quanquam validior erat, tamen fortunâ partium
-  territus, perculsis languidius instabat.” Arrian, iv. 14, 11; iv.
-  15, 8.
-
-In conducting those succors, on his way back from the pursuit,
-Alexander traversed the whole field of battle, and thus met face
-to face some of the best Persian and Parthian cavalry, who were
-among the last to retire. The battle was already lost, and they
-were seeking only to escape. As they could not turn back, and had
-no chance for their lives except by forcing their way through his
-Companion-cavalry, the combat here was desperate and murderous; all
-at close quarters, cut and thrust with hand weapons on both sides
-contrary to the Persian custom. Sixty of the Macedonian cavalry were
-slain; and a still greater number, including Hephæstion, Kœnus,
-and Menidas, were wounded, and Alexander himself encountered great
-personal danger. He is said to have been victorious; yet probably
-most of these brave men forced their way through and escaped, though
-leaving many of their number on the field.[398]
-
-  [398] Arrian, iii. 15, 6. Curtius also alludes to this combat;
-  but with many particulars very different from Arrian (iv. 16,
-  19-25).
-
-Having rejoined his left, and ascertained that it was not only out
-of danger, but victorious, Alexander resumed his pursuit of the
-flying Persians, in which Parmenio now took part.[399] The host of
-Darius was only a multitude of disorderly fugitives, horse and foot
-mingled together. The greater part of them had taken no share in
-the battle. Here, as at Issus, they remained crowded in stationary
-and unprofitable masses, ready to catch the contagion of terror
-and to swell the number of runaways, so soon as the comparatively
-small proportion of real combatants in the front had been beaten.
-On recommencing the pursuit, Alexander pushed forward with such
-celerity, that numbers of the fugitives were slain or taken,
-especially at the passage of the river Lykus;[400] where he was
-obliged to halt for a while, since his men as well as their horses
-were exhausted. At midnight, he again pushed forward, with such
-cavalry as could follow him, to Arbêla, in hopes of capturing the
-person of Darius. In this he was disappointed, though he reached
-Arbêla the next day. Darius had merely passed through it, leaving an
-undefended town, with his bow, shield, chariot, a large treasure,
-and rich equipage, as prey to the victor. Parmenio had also occupied
-without resistance the Persian camp near the field of battle,
-capturing the baggage, the camels, and the elephants.[401]
-
-  [399] Arrian, iii. 15, 9.
-
-  [400] Arrian, iii. 15, 10. Curtius (iv. 16, 12-18) gives
-  aggravated details about the sufferings of the fugitives in
-  passing the river Lykus—which are probably founded on fact. But
-  he makes the mistake of supposing that Alexander had got as far
-  as this river in his first pursuit, from which he was called back
-  to assist Parmenio.
-
-  [401] Arrian, iii. 15, 14; Curtius, v. 1, 10.
-
-To state anything like positive numbers of slain or prisoners, is
-impossible. According to Arrian, 300,000 Persians were slain, and
-many more taken prisoners. Diodorus puts the slain at 90,000, Curtius
-at 40,000. The Macedonian killed were, according to Arrian, not more
-than 100—according to Curtius, 300: Diodorus states the slain at
-500, besides a great number of wounded.[402] The estimate of Arrian
-is obviously too great on one side, and too small on the other;
-but whatever may be the numerical truth, it is certain that the
-prodigious army of Darius was all either killed, taken, or dispersed,
-at the battle of Arbêla. No attempt to form a subsequent army ever
-succeeded; we read of nothing stronger than divisions or detachments.
-The miscellaneous contingents of this once mighty empire, such at
-least among them as survived, dispersed to their respective homes and
-could never be again mustered in mass.
-
-  [402] Arrian, iii. 15, 16; Curtius, iv. 16, 27, Diodor. xvii. 61.
-
-The defeat of Arbêla was in fact the death blow of the Persian
-empire. It converted Alexander into the Great King, and Darius into
-nothing better than a fugitive pretender. Among all the causes of
-the defeat—here as at Issus—the most prominent and indisputable was
-the cowardice of Darius himself. Under a king deficient not merely
-in the virtues of a general, but even in those of a private soldier,
-and who nevertheless insisted on commanding in person—nothing
-short of ruin could ensue. To those brave Persians whom he dragged
-into ruin along with him and who knew the real facts, he must have
-appeared as the betrayer of the empire. We shall have to recall
-this state of sentiment, when we describe hereafter the conspiracy
-formed by the Baktrian satrap Bessus. Nevertheless, even if Darius
-had behaved with unimpeachable courage, there is little reason to
-believe, that the defeat of Arbêla, much less that of Issus, could
-have been converted into a victory. Mere immensity of number, even
-with immensity of space, was of no efficacy without skill as well
-as bravery in the commander. Three-fourths of the Persian army were
-mere spectators, who did nothing, and produced absolutely no effect.
-The flank movement against Alexander’s right, instead of being made
-by some unemployed division, was so carried into effect, as to
-distract the Baktrian troops from their place in the front line, and
-thus to create a fatal break, of which Alexander availed himself
-for his own formidable charge in front. In spite of amplitude of
-space—the condition wanting at Issus,—the attacks of the Persians on
-Alexander’s flanks and rear were feeble and inefficient. After all,
-Darius relied mainly upon his front line of battle, strengthened by
-the scythed chariots; these latter being found unprofitable, there
-remained only the direct conflict, wherein the strong point of the
-Macedonians resided.
-
-On the other hand, in so far as we can follow the dispositions of
-Alexander, they appear the most signal example recorded in antiquity,
-of military genius and sagacious combination. He had really as great
-an available force as his enemies, because every company in his army
-was turned to account, either in actual combat, or in reserve against
-definite and reasonable contingences. All his successes, and this
-most of all, were fairly earned by his own genius and indefatigable
-effort, combined with the admirable organization of his army. But
-his good fortune was no less conspicuous in the unceasing faults
-committed by his enemies. Except during the short period of Memnon’s
-command, the Persian king exhibited nothing but ignorant rashness
-alternating with disgraceful apathy; turning to no account his vast
-real power of resistance in detail—keeping back his treasures to
-become the booty of the victor—suffering the cities which stoutly
-held out to perish unassisted—and committing the whole fate of
-the empire on two successive occasions, to that very hazard which
-Alexander most desired.
-
-The decisive character of the victory was manifested at once by the
-surrender of the two great capitals of the Persian empire—Babylon
-and Susa. To Babylon, Alexander marched in person; to Susa, he sent
-Philoxenus. As he approached Babylon, the satrap Mazæus met him
-with the keys of the city; Bagophanes, collector of the revenue,
-decorated the road of march with altars, sacrifices, and scattered
-flowers; while the general Babylonian population and their Chaldæan
-priests poured forth in crowds with acclamations and presents. Susa
-was yielded to Philoxenus with the same readiness, as Babylon to
-Alexander.[403] The sum of treasure acquired at Babylon was great:
-sufficient to furnish a large donative to the troops—600 drachms
-per man to the Macedonian cavalry, 500 to the foreign cavalry,
-200 to the Macedonian infantry, and something less to the foreign
-infantry.[404] But the treasure found and appropriated at Susa was
-yet greater. It is stated at 50,000 talents[405] (= about £11,500,000
-sterling), a sum which we might have deemed incredible, if we did
-not find it greatly exceeded by what is subsequently reported about
-the treasures in Persepolis. Of this Susian treasure four-fifths
-are said to have been in uncoined gold and silver, the remainder in
-golden Darics[406]; the untouched accumulations of several preceding
-kings, who had husbanded them against a season of unforeseen urgency.
-A moderate portion of this immense wealth, employed by Darius three
-years earlier to push the operations of his fleet, subsidize able
-Grecian Officers, and organize anti-Macedonian resistance—would have
-preserved both his life and his crown.
-
-  [403] Arrian, iii. 16, 5-11; Diodor. xvii. 64; Curtius, v. 1,
-  17-20.
-
-  [404] Curtius, v. 1, 45; Diodor. xvii. 64.
-
-  [405] Arrian states this total of 50,000 talents (iii. 16. 12).
-
-  I have taken them as Attic talents; if they were Æginæan talents,
-  the value of them would be greater in the proportion of five to
-  three.
-
-  [406] Curtius, v. 2, 11; Diodor. xvii. 66.
-
-Alexander rested his troops for more than thirty days amidst the
-luxurious indulgences of Babylon. He gratified the feelings of the
-population and the Chaldæan priests by solemn sacrifices to Belus,
-as well as by directing that the temple of that god, and the other
-temples destroyed in the preceding century by Xerxes, should be
-rebuilt.[407] Treating the Persian empire now as an established
-conquest, he nominated the various satraps. He confirmed the Persian
-Mazæus in the satrapy of Babylon, but put along with them two Greeks
-as assistants and guarantees—Apollodorus of Amphipolis, as commander
-of the military force—Asklepiodorus as collector of the revenue.
-He rewarded the Persian traitor Mithrines, who had surrendered at
-his approach the strong citadel of Sardis, with the satrapy of
-Armenia. To that of Syria and Phenicia, he appointed Menes, who took
-with him 3000 talents, to be remitted to Antipater for levying new
-troops against the Lacedæmonians in Peloponnesus.[408] The march of
-Alexander from Babylon to Susa occupied twenty days; an easy route
-through a country abundantly supplied. At Susa he was joined by
-Amyntas son of Andromenes, with a large reinforcement of about 15,000
-men—Macedonians, Greeks, and Thracians. There were both cavalry and
-infantry—and what is not the least remarkable, fifty Macedonian
-youths of noble family, soliciting admission into Alexander’s corps
-of pages.[409] The incorporation of these new-comers into the army
-afforded him the opportunity for remodelling on several points the
-organization of his different divisions, the smaller as well as the
-larger.[410]
-
-  [407] Arrian, iii. 16, 6-9: compare Strabo, xvi. p. 738.
-
-  [408] Arrian, iii. 16, 16; Curtius, v. 1, 44; Diodor. xvii. 64.
-  Curtius and Diodorus do not exactly coincide with Arrian; but the
-  discrepancy here is not very important.
-
-  [409] Curtius, v. 1, 42: compare Diodor. xvii. 65; Arrian, iii,
-  16, 18.
-
-  [410] Arrian, iii. 16, 20; Curtius, v. 2, 6; Diodor. xvii. 65.
-  Respecting this reorganization, begun now at Susa and carried
-  farther during the next year at Ekbatana, see Rüstow and Köchly,
-  Griechisches Kriegswesen, p. 252 _seq._
-
-  One among the changes now made was, that the divisions
-  of cavalry—which, having hitherto coincided with various
-  local districts or towns in Macedonia, had been officered
-  accordingly—were re-distributed and mingled together (Curtius, v.
-  2, 6).
-
-After some delay at Susa—and after confirming the Persian Abulites,
-who had surrendered the city, in his satrapy, yet not without two
-Grecian officers as guarantees, one commanding the military force,
-the other governor of the citadel—Alexander crossed the river Eulæus
-or Pasitigris, and directed his march to the south-east towards
-Persis proper, the ancient hearth or primitive seat from whence
-the original Persian conquerors had issued.[411] Between Susa and
-Persis lay a mountainous region occupied by the Uxii—rude but warlike
-shepherds, to whom the Great King himself had always been obliged
-to pay a tribute whenever he went from Susa to Persepolis, being
-unable with his inefficient military organization to overcome the
-difficulties of such a pass held by an enemy. The Uxii now demanded
-the like tribute from Alexander, who replied by inviting them to
-meet him at their pass and receive it. Meanwhile a new and little
-frequented mountain track had been made known to him, over which he
-conducted in person a detachment of troops so rapidly and secretly
-as to surprise the mountaineers in their own villages. He thus not
-only opened the usual mountain pass for the transit of his main army,
-but so cut to pieces and humiliated the Uxii, that they were forced
-to sue for pardon. Alexander was at first disposed to extirpate or
-expel them; but at length, at the request of the captive Sisygambis,
-permitted them to remain as subjects of the satrap of Susa, imposing
-a tribute of sheep, horses, and cattle, the only payment which their
-poverty allowed.[412]
-
-  [411] Arrian, iii. 17, 1. Ἄρας δὲ ἐκ Σούσων, καὶ διαβὰς τὸν
-  Πασιτίγρην ποταμὸν, ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὴν Οὐξίων γῆν.
-
-  The Persian Susa was situated between two rivers; the Choaspes
-  (now Kherkha) on the west; the Eulæus or Pasitigris, now Karun,
-  on the east; both rivers distinguished for excellent water. The
-  Eulæus appears to have been called Pasitigris in the lower part
-  of its course—Pliny, H. N. xxxi. 21. “Parthorum reges ex Choaspe
-  et Eulæo tantum bibunt.”
-
-  Ritter has given an elaborate exposition respecting these two
-  rivers and the site of the Persian Susa (Erdkunde, part ix. book
-  iii. West-Asien, p. 291-320).
-
-  [412] Arrian, iii. 17; Curtius. v. 3, 5-12; Diodor. xvii.
-  67; Strabo, xv. p. 729. It would seem that the road taken by
-  Alexander in this march, was that described by Kinneir, through
-  Bebahan and Kala-Sefid to Schiraz (Geographical Memoir of the
-  Persian Empire, p. 72). Nothing can exceed the difficulties of
-  the territory for military operation.
-
-  No certainty is attainable, however, respecting the ancient
-  geography of these regions. Mr. Long’s Map of Ancient Persia
-  shows how little can be made out.
-
-But bad as the Uxian pass had been, there remained another still
-worse—called the Susian or Persian gates,[413] in the mountains
-which surrounded the plain of Persepolis, the centre of Persis
-proper. Ariobarzanes, satrap of the province, held this pass; a
-narrow defile walled across, with mountain positions on both sides,
-from whence the defenders, while out of reach themselves, could
-shower down missiles upon an approaching enemy. After four days of
-march, Alexander reached on the fifth day the Susian Gates; which,
-inexpugnable as they seemed, he attacked on the ensuing morning. In
-spite of all the courage of his soldiers, however, he sustained loss
-without damaging his enemy, and was obliged to return to his camp. He
-was informed that there was no other track by which this difficult
-pass could be turned; but there was a long circuitous march of many
-days whereby it might be evaded, and another entrance found into the
-plain of Persepolis. To recede from any enterprise as impracticable,
-was a humiliation which Alexander had never yet endured. On farther
-inquiry, a Lykian captive, who had been for many years tending sheep
-as a slave on the mountains, acquainted him with the existence of a
-track known only to himself, whereby he might come on the flank of
-Ariobarzanes. Leaving Kraterus in command of the camp, with orders
-to attack the pass in front, when he should hear the trumpet give
-signal—Alexander marched forth at night at the head of a light
-detachment, under the guidance of the Lykian. He had to surmount
-incredible hardship and difficulty—the more so as it was mid-winter,
-and the mountain was covered with snow; yet such were the efforts of
-his soldiers and the rapidity of his movements, that he surprised
-all the Persian outposts, and came upon Ariobarzanes altogether
-unprepared. Attacked as they were at the same time by Kraterus also,
-the troops of the satrap were forced to abandon the Gates, and were
-for the most part cut to pieces. Many perished in their flight among
-the rocks and precipices; the satrap himself being one of a few that
-escaped.[414]
-
-  [413] See the instructive notes of Mützel—on Quintus Curtius, v.
-  10, 3; and v. 12, 17, discussing the topography of this region,
-  in so far as it is known from modern travellers. He supposes the
-  Susian Gates to have been near Kala-Sefid, west of the plain
-  of Merdasht or Persepolis. Herein he dissents from Ritter,
-  apparently on good grounds, as far as an opinion can be formed.
-
-  [414] Arrian, iii. 18, 1-14; Curtius, v. 4, 10-20; Diodor. xvii.
-  68.
-
-Though the citadel of Persepolis is described as one of the strongest
-of fortresses,[415] yet after this unexpected conquest of a pass
-hitherto deemed inexpugnable, few had courage to think of holding it
-against Alexander. Nevertheless Ariobarzanes, hastening thither from
-the conquered pass, still strove to organize a defence, and at least
-to carry off the regal treasure, which some in the town were already
-preparing to pillage. But Tiridates, commander of the garrison,
-fearing the wrath of the conqueror, resisted this, and despatched
-a message entreating Alexander to hasten his march. Accordingly
-Alexander, at the head of his cavalry, set forth with the utmost
-speed, and arrived in time to detain and appropriate the whole.
-Ariobarzanes, in a vain attempt to resist, was slain with all his
-companions. Persepolis and Pasargadæ—the two peculiar capitals of the
-Persian race, the latter memorable as containing the sepulchre of
-Cyrus the Great—both fell into the hands of the conqueror.[416]
-
-  [415] Diodor. xvii. 71.
-
-  [416] Arrian, iii. 18, 16; Curtius, v. 4, 5; Diodor. xvii. 69.
-
-On approaching Persepolis, the compassion of the army was powerfully
-moved by the sight of about 800 Grecian captives, all of them
-mutilated in some frightful and distressing way, by loss of legs,
-arms, eyes, ears, or some other bodily members. Mutilation was a
-punishment commonly inflicted in that age by Oriental governors, even
-by such as were not accounted cruel. Thus Xenophon, in eulogizing
-the rigid justice of Cyrus the younger, remarks that in the public
-roads of his satrapy, men were often seen who had been deprived of
-their arms or legs, or otherwise mutilated, by penal authority.[417]
-Many of these maimed captives at Persepolis were old, and had lived
-for years in their unfortunate condition. They had been brought up
-from various Greek cities by order of some of the preceding Persian
-kings; but on what pretences they had been thus cruelly dealt with,
-we are not informed. Alexander, moved to tears at such a spectacle,
-offered to restore them to their respective homes, with a comfortable
-provision for the future. But most of them felt so ashamed of
-returning to their homes, that they entreated to be allowed to
-remain all together in Persis, with lands assigned to them, and with
-dependent cultivators to raise produce for them. Alexander granted
-their request in the fullest measure, conferring besides upon each an
-ample donation of money, clothing, and cattle.[418]
-
-  [417] Xenoph. Anabas. i. 9, 13. Similar habits have always
-  prevailed among Orientals. “The most atrocious part of the
-  Mohammedan system of punishment, is, that which regards theft and
-  robbery. Mutilation, by cutting off the hand or the foot, is the
-  prescribed remedy for all higher degrees of the offence” (Mill,
-  History of British India, book iii. ch. 5. p. 447).
-
-  “Tippoo Saib used to cut off the right hands and noses of the
-  British camp-followers that fell into his hands” (Elphinstone,
-  Hist. of India, vol. i. p. 380. ch. xi.).
-
-  A recent traveller notices the many mutilated persons, female as
-  well as male, who are to be seen in the northern part of Scinde
-  (Burton, Scenes in Scinde, vol. ii. p. 281).
-
-  [418] Diodor. xvii. 69; Curtius, v. 5; Justin, xi. 14. Arrian
-  does not mention these mutilated captives; but I see no reason
-  to mistrust the deposition of the three authors by whom it is
-  certified. Curtius talks of 4000 captives; the other two mention
-  800. Diodorus calls them —Ἕλληνες ὑπὸ τῶν πρότερον βασιλέων
-  ἀνάστατοι γεγονότες, ὀκτακόσιοι μὲν σχεδὸν τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες,
-  ταῖς δ᾽ ἡλικίαις οἱ πλεῖστοι μὲν γεγηρακότες, ἠκρωτηριασμένοι δὲ
-  πάντες, etc. Some ἀνάρπαστοι πρὸς βασιλέα διὰ σοφίαν are noticed
-  in Xenoph. Mem. iv. 2, 33; compare Herodot. iii. 93; iv. 204. I
-  have already mentioned the mutilation of the Macedonian invalids,
-  taken at Issus by Darius.
-
-  Probably these Greek captives were mingled with a number of
-  other captives, Asiatics and others, who had been treated in the
-  same manner. None but the Greek captives would be likely to show
-  themselves to Alexander and his army, because none but they would
-  calculate on obtaining sympathy from an army of Macedonians and
-  Greeks. It would have been interesting to know who these captives
-  were, or how they came to be thus cruelly used. The two persons
-  among them, named by Curtius as spokesmen in the interview with
-  Alexander, are—Euktemon, a Kymæan—and Theætêtus, an Athenian.
-
-The sight of these mutilated Greeks was well calculated to excite
-not merely sympathy for them, but rage against the Persians, in
-the bosoms of all spectators. Alexander seized this opportunity,
-as well for satiating the anger and cupidity of his soldiers, as
-for manifesting himself in his self-assumed character of avenger of
-Greece against the Persians, to punish the wrongs done by Xerxes a
-century and a half before. He was now amidst the native tribes and
-seats of the Persians, the descendants of those rude warriors who,
-under the first Cyrus, had overspread Western Asia from the Indus
-to the Ægean. In this their home the Persian kings had accumulated
-their national edifices, their regal sepulchres, the inscriptions
-commemorative of their religious or legendary sentiment, with many
-trophies and acquisitions arising out of their conquests. For the
-purposes of the Great King’s empire, Babylon, or Susa, or Ekbatana,
-were more central and convenient residences; but Persepolis was
-still regarded as the heart of Persian nationality. It was the chief
-magazine, though not the only one, of those annual accumulations
-from the imperial revenue, which each king successively increased,
-and which none seems to have ever diminished. Moreover, the Persian
-grandees and officers, who held the lucrative satrapies and posts
-of the empire, were continually sending wealth home to Persis, for
-themselves or their relatives. We may therefore reasonably believe
-what we find asserted, that Persepolis possessed at this time more
-wealth, public and private, than any place within the range of
-Grecian or Macedonian knowledge.[419]
-
-  [419] Diodor. xvii. 70. πλουσιωτάτης οὔσης τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον,
-  etc. Curtius, v. 6, 2, 3.
-
-Convening his principal officers, Alexander denounced Persepolis as
-the most hostile of all Asiatic cities,—the home of those impious
-invaders of Greece, whom he had come to attack. He proclaimed his
-intention of abandoning it to be plundered, as well as of burning
-the citadel. In this resolution he persisted, notwithstanding the
-remonstrance of Parmenio, who reminded him that the act would
-be a mere injury to himself by ruining his own property, and
-that the Asiatics would construe it as evidence of an intention
-to retire speedily, without founding any permanent dominion in
-the country.[420] After appropriating the regal treasure—to the
-alleged amount of 120,000 talents in gold and silver = £27,600,000
-sterling[421]—Alexander set fire to the citadel. A host of mules,
-with 5000 camels, were sent for from Mesopotamia and elsewhere, to
-carry off this prodigious treasure; the whole of which was conveyed
-out of Persis proper, partly to be taken along with Alexander
-himself in his ulterior marches, partly to be lodged in Susa and
-Ekbatana. Six thousand talents more, found in Pasargadæ, were added
-to the spoil.[422] The persons and property of the inhabitants were
-abandoned to the license of the soldiers, who obtained an immense
-booty, not merely in gold and silver, but also in rich clothing,
-furniture, and ostentatious ornaments of every kind. The male
-inhabitants were slain,[423] the females dragged into servitude;
-except such as obtained safety by flight, or burned themselves with
-their property in their own houses. Among the soldiers themselves,
-much angry scrambling took place for the possession of precious
-articles, not without occasional bloodshed.[424] As soon as their
-ferocity and cupidity had been satiated, Alexander arrested the
-massacre. His encouragement and sanction of it was not a burst of
-transient fury, provoked by unexpected length of resistance, such
-as the hanging of the 2000 Tyrians and the dragging of Batis at
-Gaza—but a deliberate proceeding, intended partly as a recompense
-and gratification to the soldiery, but still more as an imposing
-manifestation of retributive vengeance against the descendants of
-the ancient Persian invaders. In his own letters seen by Plutarch,
-Alexander described the massacre of the native Persians as having
-been ordered by him on grounds of state policy.[425]
-
-  [420] Arrian, iii. 18, 18; Diodor. xvii. 70; Curtius, v. 6, 1;
-  Strabo, xv. p. 731.
-
-  [421] This amount is given both by Diodorus (xvii. 71) and by
-  Curtius (v. 6, 9). We see however from Strabo that there were
-  different statements as to the amount. Such overwhelming figures
-  deserve no confidence upon any evidence short of an official
-  return. At the same time, we ought to expect a very great sum,
-  considering the long series of years that had been spent in
-  amassing it. Alexander’s own letters (Plutarch, Alex. 37) stated
-  that enough was carried away to load 10,000 mule carts and 5000
-  camels.
-
-  To explain the fact, of a large accumulated treasure in the
-  Persian capitals, it must be remarked, that what we are
-  accustomed to consider as expenses of government, were not
-  defrayed out of the regal treasure. The military force, speaking
-  generally, was not paid by the Great King, but summoned
-  by requisition from the provinces, upon which the cost of
-  maintaining the soldiers fell, over and above the ordinary
-  tribute. The king’s numerous servants and attendants received no
-  pay in money, but in kind; provisions for maintaining the court
-  with its retinue were furnished by the provinces, over and above
-  the tribute. See Herodot. i. 192; and iii. 91—and a good passage
-  of Heeren, setting forth the small public disbursement out of
-  the regal treasure, in his account of the internal constitution
-  of the ancient Persian Empire (Ideen über die Politik and den
-  Verkehr der Völker der alten Welt, part i. Abth. 1. p. 511-519).
-
-  Respecting modern Persia, Jaubert remarks (Voyage en Arménie
-  et en Perse, Paris, 1821, p. 272, ch. 30)—“Si les sommes que
-  l’on verse dans le trésor du Shah ne sont pas exorbitantes,
-  comparativement à l’étendue et à la population de la Perse, elles
-  n’en sortent pas non plus que pour des dépenses indispensables
-  qui n’en absorbent pas la moitié. Le reste est converti en
-  lingots, en pierreries, et en divers objets d’une grande valeur
-  et d’un transport facile en cas d’évènement: ce qui doit suffire
-  pour empêcher qu’on ne trouve exagérés les rapports que tous les
-  voyageurs ont faits de la magnificence de la cour de Perse. Les
-  Perses sont assez clairvoyans pour pénétrer les motifs réels qui
-  portent Futteh Ali Shah à thésauriser.”
-
-  When Nadir-Shah conquered the Mogul Emperor Mohammed, and
-  entered Delhi in 1739,—the imperial treasure and effects which
-  fell into his hands is said to have amounted to £32,000,000
-  sterling, besides heavy contributions levied on the inhabitants
-  (Mill, History of British India, vol. ii, B. iii, ch. 4, p.
-  403).—Runjeet Sing left at his death (1839) a treasure of
-  £8,000,000 sterling: with jewels and other effects to several
-  millions more. [The Punjaub, by Col. Steinbach, p. 16. London,
-  1845].
-
-  Mr. Mill remarks in another place, that “in Hindostan, gold,
-  silver, and gems are most commonly hoarded, and not devoted to
-  production” (vol. i, p. 254, B. ii. ch. 5).
-
-  Herodotus (iii. 96) tells us that the gold and silver brought
-  to the Persian regal treasure was poured in a melted state
-  into earthern vessels; when it cooled, the earthern vessel was
-  withdrawn, and the solid metallic mass left standing; a portion
-  of it was cut off when occasion required for disbursements. This
-  practice warrants the supposition that a large portion of it was
-  habitually accumulated, and not expended.
-
-  [422] Arrian, iii. 18, 17. He does not give the amount which I
-  transcribe from Curtius, v. 6, 10.
-
-  [423] Diodor. xvii. 70. Οἱ Μακεδόνες ἐπῄεσαν, τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας
-  πάντας φονεύοντες, τὰς δὲ κτήσεις διαρπάζοντες, etc. Curtius, v.
-  6, 6.
-
-  [424] Diodor. xvii. 70, 71; Curtius, v. 6, 3-7. These two authors
-  concur in the main features of the massacre and plunder in
-  Persepolis, permitted to the soldiers of Alexander. Arrian does
-  not mention it; he mentions only the deliberate resolution of
-  Alexander to burn the palace or citadel, out of revenge on the
-  Persian name. And such feeling, assuming it to exist, would also
-  naturally dictate the general license to plunder and massacre.
-  Himself entertaining such vindictive feeling, and regarding it
-  as legitimate, Alexander would either presume it to exist, or
-  love to kindle it, in his soldiers; by whom indeed the license
-  to plunder would be sufficiently welcomed, with or without any
-  antecedent sentiment of vengeance.
-
-  The story (told by Diodorus, Curtius, and Plutarch, Alex. 38)
-  that Alexander, in the drunkenness of a banquet, was first
-  instigated by the courtesan Thais to set fire to the palace of
-  Persepolis, and accompanied her to begin the conflagration with
-  his own hand—may perhaps be so far true, that he really showed
-  himself in the scene and helped in the burning. But that his
-  resolution to burn was deliberately taken, and even maintained
-  against the opposition of esteemed officers, is established on
-  the authority of Arrian.
-
-  [425] Plutarch, Alexand. 37. Φόνον μὲν οὖν ἐνταῦθα πολὺν τῶν
-  ἁλισκομένων γενέσθαι συνέπεσε· ~γράφει γὰρ αὐτὸς, ὡς νομίζων
-  αὐτῷ τοῦτο λυσιτελεῖν ἐκέλευεν ἀποσφάττεσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους~·
-  νομίσματος δὲ εὑρεῖν πλῆθος ὅσον ἐν Σούσοις, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην
-  κατασκευὴν καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐκκομισθῆναί φησι μυρίοις ὀρικοῖς
-  ζεύγεσι, καὶ πεντακισχιλίαις καμήλοις. That ἐνταῦθα means
-  Persepolis, is shown by the immediately following comparison with
-  the treasure found at Susa.
-
-As it was now winter or very early spring, he suffered his main
-army to enjoy a month or more of repose at or near Persepolis. But
-he himself, at the head of a rapidly moving division, traversed the
-interior of Persia proper; conquering or receiving into submission
-the various towns and villages.[426] The greatest resistance which
-he experienced was offered by the rude and warlike tribe called
-the Mardi; but worse than any enemy was the severity of the season
-and the rugged destitution of a frozen country. Neither physical
-difficulties, however, nor human enemies, could arrest the march
-of Alexander. He returned from his expedition, complete master of
-Persis; and in the spring, quitted that province with his whole
-army, to follow Darius into Media. He left only a garrison of
-3000 Macedonians at Persepolis, preserving to Tiridates, who had
-surrendered to him the place, the title of satrap.[427]
-
-  [426] Diod. xvii. 73; Curtius, v. 6, 12-20.
-
-  [427] Curtius, v. 6, 11.
-
-Darius was now a fugitive, with the mere title of king, and with a
-simple body-guard rather than an army. On leaving Arbêla after the
-defeat, he had struck in an easterly direction across the mountains
-into Media; having only a few attendants round him, and thinking
-himself too happy to preserve his own life from an indefatigable
-pursuer.[428] He calculated that, once across these mountains,
-Alexander would leave him for a time unmolested, in haste to march
-southward for the purpose of appropriating the great and real prizes
-of the campaign—Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. The last struggles of
-this ill-starred prince will be recounted in another chapter.
-
-  [428] Arrian, iii. 16, 1-4.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XCIV.
-
-MILITARY OPERATIONS AND CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER, AFTER HIS
-WINTER-QUARTERS IN PERSIS, DOWN TO HIS DEATH AT BABYLON.
-
-
-From this time forward to the close of Alexander’s life—a period of
-about seven years—his time was spent in conquering the eastern half
-of the Persian empire, together with various independent tribes lying
-beyond its extreme boundary. But neither Greece, nor Asia Minor, nor
-any of his previous western acquisitions, was he ever destined to see
-again.
-
-Now, in regard to the history of Greece—the subject of these
-volumes—the first portion of Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns (from
-his crossing the Hellespont to the conquest of Persis, a period of
-four years, March 334 B. C., to March 330 B. C.), though not of
-direct bearing, is yet of material importance. Having in his first
-year completed the subjugation of the Hellenic world, he had by
-these subsequent campaigns absorbed it as a small fraction into the
-vast Persian empire, renovated under his imperial sceptre. He had
-accomplished a result substantially the same as would have been
-brought about if the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, destined, a
-century and a half before, to incorporate Greece with the Persian
-monarchy, had succeeded instead of failing.[429] Towards the kings of
-Macedonia alone, the subjugation of Greece would never have become
-complete, so long as she could receive help from the native Persian
-kings, who were perfectly adequate as a countervailing and tutelary
-force, had they known how to play their game. But all hope for Greece
-from without was extinguished, when Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis
-became subject to the same ruler as Pella and Amphipolis—and that
-ruler too, the ablest general, and most insatiate aggressor, of
-his age; to whose name was attached the prestige of success almost
-superhuman. Still, against even this overwhelming power, some of the
-bravest of the Greeks at home tried to achieve their liberation with
-the sword: we shall see presently how sadly the attempt miscarried.
-
-  [429] Compare the language addressed by Alexander to his weary
-  soldiers, on the banks of the Hyphasis (Arrian, v. 26), with that
-  which Herodotus puts into the mouth of Xerxes, when announcing
-  his intended expedition against Greece (Herodot. vii. 8).
-
-But though the first four years of Alexander’s Asiatic expedition,
-in which he conquered the Western half of the Persian empire, had
-thus an important effect on the condition and destinies of the
-Grecian cities—his last seven years, on which we are now about to
-enter, employed chiefly in conquering the Eastern half, scarcely
-touched these cities in any way. The stupendous marches to the rivers
-Jaxartes, Indus, and Hyphasis, which carried his victorious arms
-over so wide a space of Central Asia, not only added nothing to his
-power over the Greeks, but even withdrew him from all dealings with
-them, and placed him almost beyond their cognizance. To the historian
-of Greece, therefore, these latter campaigns can hardly be regarded
-as included within the range of his subject. They deserve to be
-told, as examples of military skill and energy, and as illustrating
-the character of the most illustrious general of antiquity—one who,
-though not a Greek, had become the master of all Greeks. But I shall
-not think it necessary to recount them in any detail, like the
-battles of Issus and Arbêla.
-
-About six or seven months had elapsed from the battle of Arbêla
-to the time when Alexander prepared to quit his most recent
-conquest—Persis proper. During all this time, Darius had remained
-at Ekbatana,[430] the chief city of Media, clinging to the hope,
-that Alexander, when possessed of the three southern capitals and
-the best part of the Persian empire, might have reached the point of
-satiation, and might leave him unmolested in the more barren East. As
-soon as he learnt that Alexander was in movement towards him, he sent
-forward his harem and his baggage to Hyrkania, on the south-eastern
-border of the Caspian sea. Himself, with the small force around him,
-followed in the same direction, carrying off the treasure in the city
-(7000 talents= £1,610,000 in amount), and passed through the Caspian
-Grates into the territory of Parthyênê. His only chance was to escape
-to Baktria at the eastern extremity of the empire, ruining the
-country in his way for the purpose of retarding pursuers. But this
-chance diminished every day, from desertion among his few followers,
-and angry disgust among many who remained.[431]
-
-  [430] I see no reason for doubting that the Ekbatana here meant
-  is the modern Hamadan. See a valuable Appendix added by Dr.
-  Thirlwall to the sixth volume of his History of Greece, in which
-  this question is argued against Mr. Williams.
-
-  Sir John Malcolm observes—“There can hardly be said to be any
-  roads in Persia; nor are they much required, for the use of wheel
-  carriages has not yet been introduced into that kingdom. Nothing
-  can be more rugged and difficult than the paths which have been
-  cut over the mountains by which it is bounded and intersected”
-  (ch. xxiv. vol. ii. p. 525).
-
-  In this respect, indeed, as in others, the modern state of Persia
-  must be inferior to the ancient; witness the description given by
-  Herodotus of the road between Sardis and Susa.
-
-  [431] Arrian, iii. 19, 2-9; iii. 20, 3.
-
-Eight days after Darius had quitted Ekbatana, Alexander entered it.
-How many days had been occupied in his march from Persepolis, we
-cannot say: in itself a long march, it had been farther prolonged,
-partly by the necessity of subduing the intervening mountaineers
-called Parætakeni,[432] partly by rumors exaggerating the Persian
-force at Ekbatana, and inducing him to advance with precaution and
-regular array. Possessed of Ekbatana—the last capital stronghold of
-the Persian kings, and their ordinary residence during the summer
-months—he halted to rest his troops, and establish a new base of
-operations for his future proceedings eastward. He made Ekbatana
-his principal depôt; depositing in the citadel, under the care of
-Harpalus as treasurer, with a garrison of 6000 or 7000 Macedonians,
-the accumulated treasures of his past conquests, out of Susa and
-Persepolis; amounting, we are told, to the enormous sum of 180,000
-talents = £41,400,000 sterling.[433] Parmenio was invested with the
-chief command of this important post, and of the military force
-left in Media; of which territory Oxodates, a Persian who had been
-imprisoned at Susa by Darius, was named satrap.[434]
-
-  [432] Arrian, iii. 19, 5.
-
-  [433] Arrian, iii. 19, 14; Diodor. xvii. 80. Diodorus had before
-  stated (xvii. 66, 71) the treasure in Susa as being 49,000
-  talents, and that in Persepolis as 120,000. Arrian announces the
-  treasure in Susa as 50,000 talents—Curtius gives the uncoined
-  gold and silver alone as 50,000 talents (v. 8, 11). The treasure
-  of both places was transported to Ekbatana.
-
-  [434] Arrian, iii. 20, 4.
-
-At Ekbatana Alexander was joined by a fresh force of 6000 Grecian
-mercenaries,[435] who had marched from Kilikia into the interior,
-probably crossing the Euphrates and Tigris at the same points as
-Alexander himself had crossed. Hence he was enabled the better to
-dismiss his Thessalian cavalry, with other Greeks who had been
-serving during his four years of Asiatic war, and who now wished to
-go home.[436] He distributed among them the sum of 2000 talents in
-addition to their full pay, and gave them the price of their horses,
-which they sold before departure. The operations which he was now
-about to commence against the eastern territories of Persia were
-not against regular armies, but against flying corps and distinct
-native tribes, relying for defence chiefly on the difficulties which
-mountains, deserts, privation, or mere distance, would throw in the
-way of an assailant. For these purposes he required an increased
-number of light troops, and was obliged to impose even upon his
-heavy-armed cavalry the most rapid and fatiguing marches, such
-as none but his Macedonian Companions would have been contented
-to execute; moreover he was called upon to act less with large
-masses, and more with small and broken divisions. He now therefore
-for the first time established a regular Taxis, or division of
-horse-bowmen.[437]
-
-  [435] Curtius, v. 23, 12.
-
-  [436] Arrian, iii. 19, 10: compare v. 27, 7.
-
-  [437] Arrian, iii. 24, 1. ἤδη γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ ἱππακοντισταὶ ἦσαν
-  τάξις.
-
-  See the remarks of Rüstow and Köchly upon the change made by
-  Alexander in his military organization about this period, as soon
-  as he found that there was no farther chance of a large collected
-  Persian force, able to meet him in the field (Geschichte des
-  Griech. Kriegswesens, p. 252 _seq._).
-
-  The change which they point out was real,—but I think they
-  exaggerate it in degree.
-
-Remaining at Ekbatana no longer than was sufficient for these new
-arrangements, Alexander recommenced his pursuit of Darius. He hoped
-to get before Darius to the Caspian Gates, at the north-eastern
-extremity of Media; by which Gates[438] was understood a
-mountain-pass, or rather a road of many hours’ march, including
-several difficult passes stretching eastward along the southern
-side of the great range of Taurus towards Parthia. He marched with
-his Companion-cavalry, the light-horse, the Agrianians, and the
-bowmen—the greater part of the phalanx keeping up as well as it
-could—to Rhagæ, about fifty miles north of the Caspian Gates; which
-town he reached in eleven days, by exertions so severe that many men
-as well as horses were disabled on the road. But in spite of all
-speed, he learnt that Darius had already passed through the Caspian
-Gates. After five days of halt at Rhagæ, indispensable for his army,
-Alexander passed them also. A day’s march on the other side of them,
-he was joined by two eminent Persians, Bagistanes and Antibêlus, who
-informed him that Darius was already dethroned and in imminent danger
-of losing his life.[439]
-
-  [438] The passes called the Caspian Gates appear to be those
-  described by Morier, Fraser, and other modern travellers, as the
-  series of narrow valleys and defiles called Ser-Desch, Sirdari,
-  or Serdara Kahn,—on the southernmost of the two roads which
-  lead eastward from Teheran towards Damaghan, and thence farther
-  eastward towards Mesched and Herat. See the note of Mützel in his
-  edition of Curtius, v. 35, 2, p. 489; also Morier, Second Journey
-  through Persia, p. 363; Fraser’s Narrative of a Journey into
-  Khorasan, p. 291.
-
-  The long range of mountains, called by the ancients Taurus,
-  extends from Lesser Media and Armenia in an easterly direction
-  along the southern coast of the Caspian Sea. Its northern
-  declivity, covered by prodigious forests with valleys and
-  plains of no great breadth reaching to the Caspian, comprehends
-  the moist and fertile territories now denominated Ghilan and
-  Mazanderan. The eastern portion of Mazanderan was known in
-  ancient times as Hyrkania, then productive and populous; while
-  the mountain range itself was occupied by various rude and
-  warlike tribes—Kadusii, Mardi, Tapyri, etc. The mountain range,
-  now called Elburz, includes among other lofty eminences the very
-  high peak of Demavend.
-
-  The road from Ekbatana to Baktra, along which both the flight of
-  Darius and the pursuit of Alexander lay, passed along the broken
-  ground skirting the southern flank of the mountain range Elburz.
-  Of this broken ground the Caspian Gates formed the worst and most
-  difficult portion.
-
-  [439] Arrian, iii. 20, 21.
-
-The conspirators by whom this had been done, were Bessus, satrap
-of Baktria—Barsaentes, satrap of Drangiana and Arachosia—and
-Nabarzanes, general of the regal guards. The small force of Darius
-having been thinned by daily desertion, most of those who remained
-were the contingents of the still unconquered territories, Baktria,
-Arachosia, and Drangiana, under the orders of their respective
-satraps. The Grecian mercenaries, 1500 in number, and Artabazus,
-with a band under his special command, adhered inflexibly to Darius,
-but the soldiers of Eastern Asia followed their own satraps. Bessus
-and his colleagues intended to make their peace with Alexander by
-surrendering Darius, should Alexander pursue so vigorously as to
-leave them no hope of escape; but if they could obtain time to
-reach Baktria and Sogdiana, they resolved to organize an energetic
-resistance, under their own joint command, for the defence of those
-eastern provinces—the most warlike population of the empire.[440]
-Under the desperate circumstances of the case, this plan was perhaps
-the least unpromising that could be proposed. The chance of resisting
-Alexander, small as it was at the best, became absolutely nothing
-under the command of Darius, who had twice set the example of flight
-from the field of battle, betraying both his friends and his empire,
-even when surrounded by the full force of Persia. For brave and
-energetic Persians, unless they were prepared at once to submit to
-the invader, there was no choice but to set aside Darius; nor does
-it appear that the conspirators intended at first anything worse.
-At a village called Thara in Parthia, they bound him in chains of
-gold—placed him in a covered chariot surrounded by the Baktrian
-troops,—and thus carried him onward, retreating as fast as they
-could; Bessus assuming the command. Artabazus, with the Grecian
-mercenaries, too feeble to prevent the proceeding, quitted the army
-in disgust, and sought refuge among the mountains of the Tapuri
-bordering on Hyrkania towards the Caspian Sea.[441]
-
-  [440] Masistes, after the shocking outrage upon his wife by Queen
-  Amestris, was going to Baktria to organize a revolt: see Herodot.
-  ix. 113—about the importance of that satrapy.
-
-  [441] Arrian, iii. 21-23. Justin (xi. 15) specifies the name
-  of the place—Thara. Both he and Curtius mention the _golden
-  chain_ (Curtius, 34, 20). Probably the conspirators made use
-  of some chains which had formed a part of the ornaments of
-  the royal wardrobe. Among the presents given by Darius son
-  of Hystaspes to the surgeon Demokedes, there were two pairs
-  of golden chains—Δωρέεται δή μιν Δαρεῖος πεδέων χρυσέων δύο
-  ζεύγεσιν—Herodot. iii. 130: compare iii. 15. The Persian king and
-  grandees habitually wore golden chains round neck and arms.
-
-On hearing this intelligence, Alexander strained every nerve to
-overtake the fugitives and get possession of the person of Darius.
-At the head of his Companion-cavalry, his light-horse, and a body of
-infantry picked out for their strength and activity, he put himself
-in instant march, with nothing but arms and two days’ provisions
-for each man; leaving Kraterus to bring on the main body by easier
-journeys. A forced march of two nights and one day, interrupted only
-by a short midday repose (it was now the month of July), brought him
-at daybreak to the Persian camp which his informant Bagistanes had
-quitted. But Bessus and his troops were already beyond it, having
-made considerable advance in their flight; upon which Alexander,
-notwithstanding the exhaustion both of men and horses, pushed on
-with increased speed through all the night to the ensuing day at
-noon. He there found himself in the village where Bessus had encamped
-on the preceding day. Yet learning from deserters that his enemies
-had resolved to hasten their retreat by night marches, he despaired
-of overtaking them, unless he could find some shorter road. He
-was informed that there was another shorter, but leading through
-a waterless desert. Setting out by this road late in the day with
-his cavalry, he got over no less than forty-five miles during the
-night, so as to come on Bessus by complete surprise on the following
-morning. The Persians, marching in disorder without arms, and having
-no expectation of an enemy, were so panic-struck at the sudden
-appearance of their indefatigable conqueror, that they dispersed and
-fled without any attempt to resist. In this critical moment, Bessus
-and Barsaentes urged Darius to leave his chariot, mount his horse,
-and accompany them in their flight. But he refused to comply. They
-were determined however that he should not fall alive into the hands
-of Alexander, whereby his name would have been employed against them,
-and would have materially lessened their chance of defending the
-eastern provinces; they were moreover incensed by his refusal, and
-had contracted a feeling of hatred and contempt to which they were
-glad to give effect. Casting their javelins at him, they left him
-mortally wounded, and then pursued their flight.[442] His chariot,
-not distinguished by any visible mark, nor known even to the Persian
-soldiers themselves, was for some time not detected by the pursuers.
-At length a Macedonian soldier named Polystratus found him expiring,
-and is said to have received his last words; wherein he expressed
-thanks to Alexander for the kind treatment of his captive female
-relatives, and satisfaction that the Persian throne, lost to himself,
-was about to pass to so generous a conqueror. It is at least certain
-that he never lived to see Alexander himself.[443]
-
-  [442]
-
-    “Rarus apud Medos regum cruor; unaque cuncto
-    Pœna manet generi; quamvis crudelibus æque
-    Paretur dominis.” (Claudian. in Eutrop. ii. p. 478.)
-
-  Court conspiracies and assassinations of the prince, however were
-  not unknown either among the Achæmenidæ or the Arsakidæ.
-
-  [443] This account of the remarkable incidents immediately
-  preceding the death of Darius, is taken mainly from Arrian (iii.
-  21), and seems one of the most authentic chapters of his work.
-  He is very sparing in telling what passed in the Persian camp;
-  he mentions indeed only the communications made by the Persian
-  deserters to Alexander.
-
-  Curtius (v. 27-34) gives the narrative far more vaguely and
-  loosely than Arrian, but with ample details of what was going on
-  in the Persian camp. We should have been glad to know from whom
-  these details were borrowed. In the main they do not contradict
-  the narrative of Arrian, but rather amplify and dilute it.
-
-  Diodorus (xvii. 73), Plutarch (Alexand. 42, 43), and Justin (xi.
-  15) give no new information.
-
-Alexander had made the prodigious and indefatigable marches of the
-last four days, not without destruction to many men and horses, for
-the express purpose of taking Darius alive. It would have been a
-gratification to his vanity to exhibit the Great King as a helpless
-captive, rescued from his own servants by the sword of his enemy, and
-spared to occupy some subordinate command as a token of ostentatious
-indulgence. Moreover, apart from such feelings, it would have been a
-point of real advantage to seize the person of Darius, by means of
-whose name Alexander would have been enabled to stifle all farther
-resistance in the extensive and imperfectly known regions eastward of
-the Caspian Gates. The satraps of these regions had now gone thither
-with their hands free, to kindle as much Asiatic sentiment and levy
-as large a force as they could, against the Macedonian conqueror; who
-was obliged to follow them, if he wished to complete the subjugation
-of the empire. We can understand therefore that Alexander was deeply
-mortified in deriving no result from this ruinously fatiguing march,
-and can the better explain that savage wrath which we shall hereafter
-find him manifesting against the satrap Bessus.
-
-Alexander caused the body of Darius to be buried with full pomp
-and ceremonial, in the regal sepulchres of Persis. The last days
-of this unfortunate prince have been described with almost tragic
-pathos by historians; and there are few subjects in history better
-calculated to excite such a feeling, if we regard simply the
-magnitude of his fall, from the highest pitch of power and splendor
-to defeat, degradation, and assassination. But an impartial review
-will not allow us to forget that the main cause of such ruin was
-his own blindness—his long apathy after the battle of Issus, and
-abandonment of Tyre and Gaza, in the fond hope of repurchasing queens
-whom he had himself exposed to captivity—lastly, what is still less
-pardonable, his personal cowardice in both the two decisive battles
-deliberately brought about by himself. If we follow his conduct
-throughout the struggle, we shall find little of that which renders
-a defeated prince either respectable or interesting. Those who had
-the greatest reason to denounce and despise him were his friends
-and his countrymen, whom he possessed ample means of defending, yet
-threw those means away. On the other hand, no one had better grounds
-for indulgence towards him than his conqueror; for whom he had kept
-unused the countless treasures of the three capitals, and for whom he
-had lightened in every way the difficulties of a conquest, in itself
-hardly less than impracticable.[444]
-
-  [444] Arrian (iii. 22) gives an indulgent criticism on Darius,
-  dwelling chiefly upon his misfortunes, but calling him ἀνδρὶ τὰ
-  μὲν πολέμια, εἴπερ τινὶ ἄλλῳ, μαλθακῷ τε καὶ οὐ φρενήρει, etc.
-
-The recent forced march, undertaken by Alexander for the purpose of
-securing Darius as a captive, had been distressing in the extreme
-to his soldiers, who required a certain period of repose and
-compensation. This was granted to them at the town of Hekatompylus
-in Parthia, where the whole army was again united. Besides abundant
-supplies from the neighboring region, the soldiers here received
-a donative derived from the large booty taken in the camp of
-Darius.[445] In the enjoyment and revelry universal throughout the
-army, Alexander himself partook. His indulgences in the banquet
-and in wine-drinking, to which he was always addicted when leisure
-allowed were now unusually multiplied and prolonged. Public
-solemnities were celebrated, together with theatrical exhibitions
-by artists who joined the army from Greece. But the change of most
-importance in Alexander’s conduct was, that he now began to feel
-and act manifestly as successor of Darius on the Persian throne;
-to disdain the comparative simplicity of Macedonian habits, and to
-assume the pomp, the ostentatious apparatus of luxuries, and even the
-dress, of a Persian king.
-
-  [445] Curtius, vi. 5, 10; vi. 6, 15. Diodor. xvii. 74.
-  Hekatompylus was an important position, where several roads
-  joined (Polyb. x. 28). It was situated on one of the roads
-  running eastward from the Caspian Gates, on the southern flank
-  of Mount Taurus (Elburz). Its locality cannot be fixed with
-  certainty: Ritter (Erdkunde, part viii. 465, 467) with others
-  conceives it to have been near Damaghan; Forbiger (Handbuch der
-  Alten Geographie, vol. ii. p. 549) places it further eastward,
-  near Jai-Jerm. Mr. Long notes it on his map, as _site unknown_.
-
-To many of Alexander’s soldiers, the conquest of Persia appeared
-to be consummated and the war finished, by the death of Darius.
-They were reluctant to exchange the repose and enjoyments of
-Hekatompylus for fresh fatigues; but Alexander, assembling the
-select regiments, addressed to them an emphatic appeal which revived
-the ardor of all.[446] His first march was, across one of the
-passes from the south to the north of Mount Elburz, into Hyrkania,
-the region bordering the south-eastern corner of the Caspian Sea.
-Here he found no resistance; the Hyrkanian satrap Phrataphernes,
-together with Nabarzanes, Artabazus, and other eminent Persians,
-surrendered themselves to him, and were favorably received. The Greek
-mercenaries, 1500 in number, who had served with Darius, but had
-retired when that monarch was placed under arrest by Bessus, sent
-envoys requesting to be allowed to surrender on capitulation. But
-Alexander—reproaching them with guilt for having taken service with
-the Persians, in contravention of the vote passed by the Hellenic
-synod—required them to surrender at discretion; which they expressed
-their readiness to do, praying that an officer might be despatched
-to conduct them to him in safety.[447] The Macedonian Andronikus
-was sent for this purpose, while Alexander undertook an expedition
-into the mountains of the Mardi; a name seemingly borne by several
-distinct tribes in parts remote from each other, but all poor and
-brave mountaineers. These Mardi occupied parts of the northern
-slope of the range of Mount Elburz a few miles from the Caspian Sea
-(Mazanderan and Ghilan). Alexander pursued them into all their
-retreats,—overcame them, when they stood on their defence, with great
-slaughter,—and reduced the remnant of the half-destroyed tribes to
-sue for peace.[448]
-
-  [446] This was attested by his own letters to Antipater, which
-  Plutarch had seen (Plutarch, Alexand. 47). Curtius composes a
-  long speech for Alexander (vi. 7, 9).
-
-  [447] Arrian, iii. 23, 15.
-
-  [448] Arrian, iii. 24, 4. In reference to the mountain
-  tribes called Mardi, who are mentioned in several different
-  localities—on the parts of Mount Taurus south of the Caspian,
-  in Armenia, on Mount Zagros, and in Persis proper (see Strabo,
-  xi. p. 508-523; Herodot. i. 125), we may note, that the Nomadic
-  tribes, who constitute a considerable fraction of the population
-  of the modern Persian Empire, are at this day found under the
-  same name in spots widely distant: see Jaubert, Voyage en Arménie
-  et en Perse, p. 254.
-
-From this march, which had carried him in a westerly direction,
-he returned to Hyrkania. At the first halt he was met by the
-Grecian mercenaries who came to surrender themselves, as well as by
-various Grecian envoys from Sparta, Chalkedon, and Sinôpe, who had
-accompanied Darius in his flight. Alexander put the Lacedæmonians
-under arrest, but liberated the other envoys, considering Chalkedon
-and Sinôpe to have been subjects of Darius, not members of the
-Hellenic synod. As to the mercenaries, he made a distinction between
-those who had enlisted in the Persian service before the recognition
-of Philip as leader of Greece—and those whose enlistment had been of
-later date. The former he liberated at once; the latter he required
-to remain in his service under the command of Andronikus, on the
-same pay as they had hitherto received.[449] Such was the untoward
-conclusion of Grecian mercenary service with Persia; a system whereby
-the Persian monarchs, had they known how to employ it with tolerable
-ability, might well have maintained their empire even against such an
-enemy as Alexander.[450]
-
-  [449] Arrian, iii. 24, 8; Curtius, vi. 5, 9. An Athenian officer
-  named Demokrates slew himself in despair, disdaining to surrender.
-
-  [450] See a curious passage on this subject, at the end of the
-  Cyropædia of Xenophon.
-
-After fifteen days of repose and festivity at Zeudracarta, the chief
-town of Hyrkania, Alexander marched eastward with his united army
-through Parthia into Aria—the region adjoining the modern Herat with
-its river now known as Herirood. Satibarzanes, the satrap of Aria,
-came to him near the border, to a town named Susia,[451] submitted,
-and was allowed to retain his satrapy; while Alexander, merely
-skirting the northern border of Aria, marched in a direction nearly
-east towards Baktria against the satrap Bessus, who was reported as
-having proclaimed himself King of Persia. But it was discovered,
-after three or four days, that Satibarzanes was in league with
-Bessus; upon which Alexander suspended for the present his plans
-against Baktria, and turned by forced marches to Artakoana, the
-chief city of Aria.[452] His return was so unexpectedly rapid, that
-the Arians were overawed, and Satibarzanes was obliged to escape. A
-few days enabled him to crush the disaffected Arians and to await
-the arrival of his rear division under Kraterus. He then marched
-southward into the territory of the Drangi, or Drangiana (the modern
-Seiestan), where he found no resistance—the satrap Barsaentes having
-sought safety among some of the Indians.[453]
-
-  [451] Arrian, iii. 25, 3-8. Droysen and Dr. Thirlwall identify
-  Susia with the town now called Tûs or Toos, a few miles
-  north-west of Mesched. Professor Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, p.
-  177) thinks that this is too much to the west, and too far from
-  Herat: he conceives Susia to be Zuzan, on the desert side of the
-  mountains west of Herat. Mr. Prinsep (notes on the historical
-  results deducible from discoveries in Afghanistan, p. 14)
-  places it at Subzawar, south of Herat, and within the region of
-  fertility.
-
-  Tûs seems to lie in the line of Alexander’s march, more than
-  the other two places indicated; Subzawar is too far to the
-  south. Alexander appears to have first directed his march from
-  Parthia to Baktria (in the line from Asterabad to Baikh through
-  Margiana), merely touching the borders of Aria in his route.
-
-  [452] Artakoana, as well as the subsequent city of Alexandria in
-  Ariis, are both supposed by Wilson to coincide with the locality
-  of Herat (Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. 152-177).
-
-  There are two routes from Herat to Asterabad, at the south-east
-  corner of the Caspian; one by Schahrood which is 533 English
-  miles; the other by Mesched, which is 688 English miles (Wilson,
-  p. 149).
-
-  [453] Arrian, iii. 25; Curtius, vi. 24, 36. The territory of the
-  Drangi, or Zarangi, southward from Aria, coincides generally with
-  the modern Seistan, adjoining the lake now called Zareh, which
-  receives the waters of the river Hilmend.
-
-In the chief town of Drangiana occurred the revolting tragedy, of
-which Philotas was the first victim, and his father Parmenio the
-second. Parmenio, now seventy years of age, and therefore little
-qualified for the fatigue inseparable from the invasion of the
-eastern satrapies, had been left in the important post of commanding
-the great depôt and treasure at Ekbatana. His long military
-experience, and confidential position even under Philip, rendered him
-the second person in the Macedonian army, next to Alexander himself.
-His three sons were all soldiers. The youngest of them, Hektor,
-had been accidentally drowned in the Nile, while in the suite of
-Alexander in Egypt; the second, Nikanor, had commanded the hypaspists
-or light infantry, but had died of illness, fortunately for himself,
-a short time before;[454] the eldest, Philotas, occupied the high
-rank of general of the Companion-cavalry, in daily communication with
-Alexander, from whom he received personal orders.
-
-  [454] Arrian, iii. 25, 6; Curtius, iv. 8, 7; vi. 6, 19.
-
-A revelation came to Philotas, from Kebalinus, brother of a youth
-named Nikomachus, that a soldier, named Dimnus of Chalastra, had
-made boast to Nikomachus, his intimate friend or beloved person,
-under vows of secrecy, of an intended conspiracy against Alexander,
-inviting him to become an accomplice.[455] Nikomachus, at first
-struck with abhorrence, at length simulated compliance, asked
-who were the accomplices of Dimnus, and received intimation of a
-few names; all of which he presently communicated to his brother
-Kebalinus, for the purpose of being divulged. Kebalinus told the
-facts to Philotas, entreating him to mention them to Alexander. But
-Philotas, though every day in communication with the king, neglected
-to do this for two days; upon which Kebalinus began to suspect him of
-connivance, and caused the revelation to be made to Alexander through
-one of the pages named Metron. Dimnus was immediately arrested, but
-ran himself through with his sword, and expired without making any
-declaration.[456]
-
-  [455] Curtius, vi. 7, 2. “Dimnus, modicæ apud regem auctoritates
-  et gratiæ, exoleti, cui Nicomacho erat nomen, amore flagrabat,
-  obsequio uni sibi dediti corporis vinctus.” Plutarch, Alex. 49;
-  Diodor. xvii. 79.
-
-  [456] Curt. vi. 7, 29; Plutarch, Alex. 49. The latter says that
-  Dimnus resisted the officer sent to arrest him, and was killed by
-  him in the combat.
-
-Of this conspiracy, real or pretended, every thing rested on the
-testimony of Nikomachus. Alexander indignantly sent for Philotas,
-demanding why he had omitted for two days to communicate what he had
-heard. Philotas replied, that the source from which it came was too
-contemptible to deserve notice—that it would have been ridiculous
-to attach importance to the simple declarations of such a youth as
-Nikomachus, recounting the foolish boasts addressed to him by a
-lover. Alexander received, or affected to receive, the explanation,
-gave his hand to Philotas, invited him to supper, and talked to him
-with his usual familiarity.[457]
-
-  [457] Curtius, vi. 7, 33. “Philotas respondit, Cebalinum quidem
-  scorti sermonem ad se detulisse, sed ipsum tam levi auctori nihil
-  credidisse—veritum, ne jurgium inter amatorem et exoletum non
-  sine risu aliorum detulisset.”
-
-But it soon appeared that advantage was to be taken of this incident
-for the disgrace and ruin of Philotas, whose free-spoken criticisms
-on the pretended divine paternity,—-coupled with boasts, that he
-and his father Parmenio had been chief agents in the conquest of
-Asia,—had neither been forgotten nor forgiven. These, and other
-self-praises, disparaging to the glory of Alexander, had been
-divulged by a mistress to whom Philotas was attached; a beautiful
-Macedonian woman of Pydna, named Antigonê, who, having first
-been made a prize in visiting Samothrace by the Persian admiral
-Autophradates, was afterwards taken amidst the spoils of Damascus
-by the Macedonians victorious at Issus. The reports of Antigonê,
-respecting some unguarded language held by Philotas to her, had
-come to the knowledge of Kraterus, who brought her to Alexander,
-and caused her to repeat them to him. Alexander desired her to take
-secret note of the confidential expressions of Philotas, and report
-them from time to time to himself.[458]
-
-  [458] Plutarch, Alexand. 48.
-
-It thus turned out that Alexander, though continuing to Philotas
-his high military rank, and talking to him constantly with seeming
-confidence, had for at least eighteen months, ever since his
-conquest of Egypt and perhaps even earlier, disliked and suspected
-him, keeping him under perpetual watch through the suborned and
-secret communications of a treacherous mistress.[459] Some of the
-generals around Alexander—especially Kraterus, the first suborner
-of Antigonê—fomented these suspicions, from jealousy of the great
-ascendency of Parmenio and his family. Moreover, Philotas himself
-was ostentatious and overbearing in his demeanor, so as to have made
-many enemies among the soldiers.[460] But whatever may have been
-his defects on this head—defects which he shared with the other
-Macedonian generals, all gorged with plunder and presents[461]—his
-fidelity as well as his military merits stand attested by the fact
-that Alexander had continued to employ him in the highest and most
-confidential command throughout all the long subsequent interval;
-and that Parmenio was now general at Ekbatana, the most important
-military appointment which the king had to confer. Even granting
-the deposition of Nikomachus to be trustworthy, there was nothing
-to implicate Philotas, whose name had not been included among the
-accomplices said to have been enumerated by Dimnus. There was not a
-tittle of evidence against him, except the fact that the deposition
-had been made known to him, and that he had seen Alexander twice
-without communicating it. Upon this single fact, however, Kraterus,
-and the other enemies of Philotas, worked so effectually as to
-inflame the suspicions and the pre-existing ill-will of Alexander
-into fierce rancor. He resolved on the disgrace, torture, and death
-of Philotas,—and on the death of Parmenio besides.[462]
-
-  [459] Plutarch, Alexand. 48, 49. Πρὸς δὲ αὐτὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ~ἐκ
-  πάνυ πολλῶν χρόνων~ ἐτύγχανε διαβεβλημένος (Philotas).... Ὁ μὲν
-  οὖν Φιλώτας ἐπιβουλευόμενος οὕτως ἠγνόει, καὶ συνῆν τῇ Ἀντιγόνῃ
-  πολλὰ καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ μεγαλαυχίαν ῥήματα καὶ λόγους κατὰ τοῦ
-  βασιλέως ἀνεπιτηδείους προϊέμενος.
-
-  Both Ptolemy and Aristobulus recognized these previous
-  communications made to Alexander against Philotas in Egypt, but
-  stated that he did not believe them (Arrian, iii. 26, 1).
-
-  [460] Plutarch, Alexand. 40-48; Curtius, vi. 11, 3.
-
-  [461] Phylarchus, Fragment. 41. ed. Didot, ap. Athenæum, xii. p.
-  539; Plutarch, Alexand. 39, 40. Even Eumenes enriched himself
-  much; though being only secretary, and a Greek, he could not
-  take the same liberties as the great native Macedonian generals
-  (Plutarch, Eumenes, 2).
-
-  [462] Plutarch, Alexand. 49; Curtius, vi. 8.
-
-To accomplish this, however, against the two highest officers in
-the Macedonian service, one of them enjoying a separate and distant
-command—required management. Alexander was obliged to carry the
-feelings of the soldiers along with him, and to obtain a condemnation
-from the army; according to an ancient Macedonian custom, in regard
-to capital crimes, though (as it seems) not uniformly practised.
-Alexander not only kept the resolution secret, but is even said to
-have invited Philotas to supper with the other officers, conversing
-with him just as usual.[463] In the middle of the night, Philotas
-was arrested while asleep in his bed,—put in chains,—and clothed
-in an ignoble garb. A military assembly was convened at daybreak,
-before which Alexander appeared with the chief officers in his
-confidence. Addressing the soldiers in a vehement tone of mingled
-sorrow and anger, he proclaimed to them that his life had just
-been providentially rescued from a dangerous conspiracy organized
-by two men hitherto trusted as his best friends—Philotas and
-Parmenio—through the intended agency of a soldier named Dimnus,
-who had slain himself when arrested. The dead body of Dimnus was
-then exhibited to the meeting, while Nikomachus and Kebalinus were
-brought forward to tell their story. A letter from Parmenio to his
-sons Philotas and Nikanor, found among the papers seized on the
-arrest, was read to the meeting. Its terms were altogether vague and
-unmeaning; but Alexander chose to construe them as it suited his
-purpose.[464]
-
-  [463] Curtius, vi. 8, 16. “Invitatus est etiam Philotas
-  ad ultimas sibi epulas et rex non cœnare modo, sed etiam
-  familiariter colloqui, cum eo quam damnaverat, sustinuit.”
-
-  [464] Arrian, iii. 26, 2. Λέγει δὲ Πτολεμαῖος εἰσαχθῆναι εἰς
-  Μακεδόνας Φιλώταν, καὶ κατηγορῆσαι αὐτοῦ ἰσχυρῶς Ἀλέξανδρον, etc.
-  Curtius, vi. 9, 13; Diodorus, xvii, 80.
-
-We may easily conceive the impression produced upon these assembled
-soldiers by such denunciations from Alexander himself—revelations of
-his own personal danger, and reproaches against treacherous friends.
-Amyntas, and even Kœnus, the brother-in-law of Philotas, were yet
-more unmeasured in their invectives against the accused.[465]
-They, as well as the other officers with whom the arrest had been
-concerted, set the example of violent manifestation against him,
-and ardent sympathy with the king’s danger. Philotas was heard in
-his defence, which though strenuously denying the charge, is said
-to have been feeble. It was indeed sure to be so, coming from one
-seized thus suddenly, and overwhelmed with disadvantages; while a
-degree of courage, absolutely heroic, would have been required
-for any one else to rise and presume to criticise the proofs. A
-soldier named Bolon harangued his comrades on the insupportable
-insolence of Philotas, who always (he said) treated the soldiers with
-contempt, turning them out of their quarters to make room for his
-countless retinue of slaves. Though this allegation (probably enough
-well-founded) was no way connected with the charge of treason against
-the king, it harmonized fully with the temper of the assembly, and
-wound them up to the last pitch of fury. The royal pages began the
-cry, echoed by all around, that they would with their own hands tear
-the parricide in pieces.[466]
-
-  [465] Curtius, vi. 9, 30.
-
-  [466] Curtius, vi. 11, 8. “Tum vero universa concio accensa
-  est, et a corporis custodibus initium factum, clamantibus,
-  discerpendum esse parricidam manibus eorum. Id quidam Philotas,
-  qui graviora supplicia metueret, haud sane iniquo animo audiebat.”
-
-It would have been fortunate for Philotas if their wrath had been
-sufficiently ungovernable to instigate the execution of such a
-sentence on the spot. But this did not suit the purpose of his
-enemies. Aware that he had been condemned upon the regal word, with
-nothing better than the faintest negative ground of suspicion,
-they determined to extort from him a confession such as would
-justify their own purposes, not only against him, but against
-his father Parmenio—whom there was as yet nothing to implicate.
-Accordingly, during the ensuing night, Philotas was put to the
-torture. Hephæstion, Kraterus, and Kœnus—the last of the three
-being brother-in-law of Philotas[467]—themselves superintended the
-ministers of physical suffering. Alexander himself too was at hand,
-but concealed by a curtain. It is said that Philotas manifested
-little firmness under torture, and that Alexander, an unseen witness,
-indulged in sneers against the cowardice of one who had fought by
-his side in so many battles.[468] All who stood by were enemies,
-and likely to describe the conduct of Philotas in such manner as to
-justify their own hatred. The tortures inflicted,[469] cruel in the
-extreme and long-continued, wrung from him at last a confession,
-implicating his father along with himself. He was put to death;
-and at the same time, all those whose names had been indicated by
-Nikomachus, were slain also—apparently by being stoned, without
-preliminary torture. Philotas had serving in the army a numerous
-kindred, all of whom were struck with consternation at the news
-of his being tortured. It was the Macedonian law that all kinsmen
-of a man guilty of treason were doomed to death along with him.
-Accordingly, some of these men slew themselves, others fled from
-the camp, seeking refuge wherever they could. Such was the terror
-and tumult in the camp, that Alexander was obliged to proclaim a
-suspension of this sanguinary law for the occasion.[470]
-
-  [467] Curtius, vi. 9, 30; vi. 11, 11.
-
-  [468] Plutarch, Alexand. 49.
-
-  [469] Curtius, vi. 11, 15, “Per ultimos deinde cruciatus, utpote
-  et damnatus et inimicis in gratiam regis torquentibus, laceratur.
-  Ac primo quidam, quanquam hinc ignis, illinc verbera, jam non ad
-  quæstionem, sed ad pœnam, ingerebantur, non vocem modo, sed etiam
-  gemitus habuit in potestate; sed postquam intumescens corpus
-  ulceribus flagellorum ictus nudis ossibus incussos ferre non
-  poterat”, etc.
-
-  [470] Curtius, vi. 11, 20.
-
-It now remained to kill Parmenio, who could not be safely left
-alive after the atrocities used towards Philotas; and to kill him,
-moreover, before he could have time to hear of them, since he was
-not only the oldest, most respected, and most influential of all
-Macedonian officers, but also in separate command of the great depôt
-at Ekbatana. Alexander summoned to his presence one of the Companions
-named Polydamas; a particular friend, comrade, or _aide de camp_, of
-Parmenio. Every friend of Philotas felt at this moment that his life
-hung by a thread; so that Polydamas entered the king’s presence in
-extreme terror, the rather as he was ordered to bring with him his
-two younger brothers. Alexander addressed him, denouncing Parmenio as
-a traitor, and intimating that Polydamas would be required to carry a
-swift and confidential message to Ekbatana, ordering his execution.
-Polydamas was selected as the attached friend of Parmenio, and
-therefore as best calculated to deceive him. Two letters were placed
-in his hands, addressed to Parmenio; one from Alexander himself,
-conveying ostensibly military communications and orders; the other,
-signed with the seal-ring of the deceased Philotas, and purporting to
-be addressed by the son to the father. Together with these, Polydamas
-received the real and important despatch, addressed by Alexander
-to Kleander and Menidas, the officers immediately subordinate to
-Parmenio at Ekbatana; proclaiming Parmenio guilty of high treason,
-and directing them to kill him at once. Large rewards were offered to
-Polydamas if he performed this commission with success, while his two
-brothers were retained as hostages against scruples or compunction.
-He promised even more than was demanded—too happy to purchase this
-reprieve from what had seemed impending death. Furnished with native
-guides and with swift dromedaries, he struck by the straightest
-road across the desert of Khorasan, and arrived at Ekbatana on the
-eleventh day—a distance usually requiring more than thirty days to
-traverse.[471] Entering the camp by night, without the knowledge
-of Parmenio, he delivered his despatch to Kleander, with whom he
-concerted measures. On the morrow he was admitted to Parmenio, while
-walking in his garden with Kleander and the other officers marked
-out by Alexander’s order as his executioners. Polydamas ran to
-embrace his old friend, and was heartily welcomed by the unsuspecting
-veteran, to whom he presented the letters professedly coming from
-Alexander and Philotas. While Parmenio was absorbed in the perusal,
-he was suddenly assailed by a mortal stab from the hand and sword
-of Kleander. Other wounds were heaped upon him as he fell, by the
-remaining officers,—the last even after life had departed.[472]
-
-  [471] Strabo, xv. p. 724; Diodor. xvii. 80; Curtius, vii. 2,
-  11-18.
-
-  [472] Curtius, vii. 2, 27. The proceedings respecting Philotas
-  and Parmenio are recounted in the greatest detail by Curtius; but
-  his details are in general harmony with the brief heads given by
-  Arrian from Ptolemy and Aristobulus—except as to one material
-  point. Plutarch (Alex. 49), Diodorus (xvii. 79, 80), and Justin
-  (xii. 5), also state the fact in the same manner.
-
-  Ptolemy and Aristobulus, according to the narrative of Arrian,
-  appear to have considered that Philotas was really implicated in
-  a conspiracy against Alexander’s life. But when we analyze what
-  they are reported to have said, their opinion will not be found
-  entitled to much weight. In the first place, they state (Arrian,
-  iii. 26, 1) that the _conspiracy of Philotas had been before made
-  known to Alexander while he was in Egypt_, but that he did not
-  then believe it. Now eighteen months had elapsed since the stay
-  in Egypt; and the idea of a conspiracy going on for eighteen
-  months is preposterous. That Philotas was in a mood in which he
-  might be supposed likely to conspire, is one proposition; that
-  he actually did conspire is another; Arrian and his authorities
-  run the two together as if they were one. As to the evidence
-  purporting to prove that Philotas did conspire, Arrian tells us
-  that “the informers came forward before the assembled soldiers
-  and convicted Philotas with the rest by other _indicia_ not
-  obscure, _but chiefly by this_—that Philotas confessed to
-  have heard of a conspiracy going on, without mentioning it
-  to Alexander, though twice a day in his presence”—καὶ τοὺς
-  μηνυτὰς τοῦ ἔργου παρελθόντας ἐξελέγξαι Φιλώταν τε καὶ τοὺς
-  ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ~ἄλλοις τε ἐλέγχοις οὐκ ἀφανέσι, καὶ μάλιστα δὴ~
-  ὅτι αὐτὸς Φιλώτας πεπύσθαι μὲν—συνέφη, etc. What these other
-  _indicia_ were, we are not told; but we may see how slender was
-  their value, when we learn that the non-revelation admitted by
-  Philotas was stronger than any of them. The non-revelation,
-  when we recollect that Nikomachus was the _only_ informant
-  (Arrian loosely talks of μηνυτὰς, as if there were more), proves
-  absolutely nothing as to the complicity of Philotas, though
-  it may prove something as to his indiscretion. Even on this
-  minor charge, Curtius puts into his mouth a very sufficient
-  exculpation. But if Alexander had taken a different view, and
-  dismissed or even confined him for it, there would have been
-  little room for remark.
-
-  The point upon which Arrian is at variance with Curtius, is,
-  that he states “Philotas with the rest to have been shot to
-  death by the Macedonians”—thus, seemingly contradicting, at
-  least by implication, the fact of his having been tortured.
-  Now Plutarch, Diodorus, and Justin, all concur with Curtius in
-  affirming that he was tortured. On such a matter, I prefer their
-  united authority to that of Ptolemy and Aristobulus. These two
-  last-mentioned authors were probably quite content to believe
-  in the complicity of Philotas upon the authority of Alexander
-  himself; without troubling themselves to criticise the proofs.
-  They tell us that Alexander vehemently denounced (κατηγορῆσαι
-  ἰσχυρῶς) Philotas before the assembled soldiers. After this, any
-  mere shadow or pretence of proof would be sufficient. Moreover,
-  let us recollect that Ptolemy obtained his promotion, to be one
-  of the confidential _body guards_ (σωματοφύλακες), out of this
-  very conspiracy, real or fictitious; he was promoted to the post
-  of the condemned Demetrius (Arrian, iii. 27. 11).
-
-  How little Ptolemy and Aristobulus cared to do justice to any one
-  whom Alexander hated, may be seen by what they say afterwards
-  about the philosopher Kallisthenes. Both of them affirmed
-  that the pages, condemned for conspiracy against Alexander,
-  deposed against Kallisthenes as having instigated them to the
-  deed (Arrian, iv. 14, 1). Now we know, from the authority of
-  Alexander himself, whose letters Plutarch quotes (Alexand. 55),
-  that the pages denied the privity of any one else—maintaining
-  the project to have been altogether their own. To their great
-  honor, the pages persisted in this deposition, even under extreme
-  tortures—though they knew that a deposition against Kallisthenes
-  was desired from them.
-
-  My belief is, that Diodorus, Plutarch, Curtius, and Justin,
-  are correct in stating that Philotas was tortured. Ptolemy and
-  Aristobulus have thought themselves warranted in omitting this
-  fact, which they probably had little satisfaction in reflecting
-  upon. If Philotas was not tortured, there could have been no
-  evidence at all against Parmenio—for the only evidence against
-  the latter was the extorted confession of Philotas.
-
-The soldiers in Ekbatana, on hearing of this bloody deed, burst
-into furious mutiny, surrounded the garden wall, and threatened to
-break in for the purpose of avenging their general, unless Polydamas
-and the other murderers should be delivered to them. But Kleander,
-admitting a few of the ringleaders, exhibited to them Alexander’s
-written orders, to which the soldiers yielded, not without murmurs
-of reluctance and indignation. Most of them dispersed, yet a few
-remained, entreating permission to bury Parmenio’s body. Even this
-was long refused by Kleander, from dread of the king’s displeasure.
-At last, however, thinking it prudent to comply in part, he cut off
-the head, delivering to them the trunk alone for burial. The head was
-sent to Alexander.[473]
-
-  [473] Curtius, vii. 2, 32, 33.
-
-Among the many tragical deeds recounted throughout the course of
-this history, there is none more revolting than the fate of these
-two generals. Alexander, violent in all his impulses, displayed
-on this occasion a personal rancor worthy of his ferocious mother
-Olympias, exasperated rather than softened by the magnitude of past
-services.[474] When we see the greatest officers of the Macedonian
-army directing in person, and under the eye of Alexander, the
-laceration and burning of the naked body of their colleague Philotas,
-and assassinating with their own hands the veteran Parmenio,—we feel
-how much we have passed out of the region of Greek civic feeling into
-that of the more savage Illyrian warrior, partially orientalized. It
-is not surprising to read, that Antipater, viceroy of Macedonia, who
-had shared with Parmenio the favor and confidence of Philip as well
-as of Alexander, should tremble when informed of such proceedings,
-and cast about for a refuge against the like possibilities to
-himself. Many other officers were alike alarmed and disgusted with
-the transactions.[475] Hence Alexander, opening and examining the
-letters sent home from his army to Macedonia, detected such strong
-expressions of indignation, that he thought it prudent to transfer
-many pronounced malcontents into a division by themselves, parting
-them off from the remaining army.[476] Instead of appointing any
-substitute for Philotas in the command of the Companion-cavalry,
-he cast that body into two divisions, nominating Hephæstion to the
-command of one and Kleitus to that of the other.[477]
-
-  [474] Contrast the conduct of Alexander towards Philotas and
-  Parmenio, with that of Cyrus the younger towards the conspirator
-  Orontes, as described in Xenophon, Anabas. i. 6.
-
-  [475] Plutarch, Alexand. 49.
-
-  [476] Curtius, vii. 2, 36; Diodor. xvii. 80; Justin, xii. 5.
-
-  [477] Arrian, iii. 27, 8.
-
-The autumn and winter were spent by Alexander in reducing Drangiana,
-Gedrosia, Arachosia, and the Paropamisadæ; the modern Seiestan,
-Afghanistan, and the Western part of Kabul, lying between Ghazna on
-the north, Kandahar or Kelat on the south, and Furrah in the west.
-He experienced no combined resistance, but his troops suffered
-severely from cold and privation.[478] Near the southern termination
-of one of the passes of the Hindoo-Koosh (apparently north-east
-of the town of Kabul) he founded a new city, called Alexandria ad
-Caucasum, where he planted 7000 old soldiers, Macedonians, and others
-as colonists.[479] Towards the close of Winter he crossed over the
-mighty range of the Hindoo-Koosh; a march of fifteen days through
-regions of snow, and fraught with hardship to his army. On reaching
-the north side of these mountains, he found himself in Baktria.
-
-  [478] Arrian, iii. 28, 2. About the geography, compare Wilson’s
-  Ariana Antiqua, p. 173-178. “By perambulator, the distance from
-  Herat to Kandahar is 371 miles; from Kandahar to Kabul, 309:
-  total 688 miles (English).” The principal city in Drangiana
-  (Seiestan) mentioned by the subsequent Greek geographers is,
-  Prophthasia; existing seemingly before Alexander’s arrival. See
-  the fragments of his _mensores_, ap. Didot, Fragm. Hist. Alex.
-  Magn. p. 135; Pliny, H. N. vi. 21. The quantity of remains
-  of ancient cities, still to be found in this territory, is
-  remarkable. Wilson observes this (p. 154).
-
-  [479] Arrian, iii. 28, 6; Curtius, vii. 3, 23; Diodor. xvii. 83.
-  Alexandria in Ariis is probably Herat; Alexandria in Arachosia
-  is probably Kandahar. But neither the one nor the other is
-  mentioned as having been founded by _Alexander_, either in
-  Arrian or Curtius, or Diodorus. The name Alexandria does not
-  prove that they were founded by him; for several of the Diadochi
-  called their own foundations by his name (Strabo, xiii. p.
-  593). Considering how very short a time Alexander spent in
-  these regions, the wonder is, that he could have found time to
-  establish those foundations which are expressly ascribed to him
-  by Arrian and his other historians. The authority of Pliny and
-  Steph. Byzant. is hardly sufficient to warrant us in ascribing
-  to him more. The exact site of Alexandria ad Caucasum cannot be
-  determined, for want of sufficient topographical data. There
-  seems much probability that it was at the place called Beghram,
-  twenty-five miles north-east of Kabul—in the way between Kabul
-  on the south side of the Hindoo-Koosh, and Anderhab on the north
-  side. The prodigious number of coins and relics, Greek as well as
-  Mohammedan, discovered by Mr. Masson at Beghram, supply better
-  evidence for identifying the site with that of Alexandria ad
-  Caucasum, than can be pleaded on behalf of any other locality.
-  See Masson’s Narrative of Journeys in Afghanistan, etc., vol.
-  iii. ch. 7. p 148 _seqq._
-
-  In crossing the Hindoo-Koosh from south to north Alexander
-  probably marched by the pass of Bamian, which seems the only one
-  among the four passes open to an army in the winter. See Wood’s
-  Journey to the Oxus, p 195.
-
-The Baktrian leader Bessus, who had assumed the title of king,
-could muster no more than a small force, with which he laid waste
-the country, and then retired across the river Oxus into Sogdiana,
-destroying all the boats. Alexander overran Baktria with scarce
-any resistance; the chief places, Baktra (Balkh) and Aornos
-surrendering to him on the first demonstration of attack. Having
-named Artabazus satrap of Baktria, and placed Archelaus with a
-garrison in Aornos,[480] he marched northward towards the river
-Oxus, the boundary between Baktria and Sogdiana. It was a march of
-extreme hardship; reaching for two or three days across a sandy
-desert destitute of water, and under very hot weather, The Oxus, six
-furlongs in breadth, deep, and rapid, was the most formidable river
-that the Macedonians had yet seen.[481] Alexander transported his
-army across it on the tent-skins inflated and stuffed with straw. It
-seems surprising that Bessus did not avail himself of this favorable
-opportunity for resisting a passage in itself so difficult; he had
-however been abandoned by his Baktrian cavalry at the moment when
-he quitted their territory. Some of his companions, Spitamenes and
-others, terrified at the news that Alexander had crossed the Oxus,
-were anxious to make their own peace by betraying their leader.[482]
-They sent a proposition to this effect; upon which Ptolemy with a
-light division was sent forward by Alexander, and was enabled, by
-extreme celerity of movements, to surprise and seize Bessus in a
-village. Alexander ordered that he should be held in chains, naked
-and with a collar round his neck, at the side of the road along which
-the army were marching. On reaching the spot, Alexander stopped his
-chariot, and sternly demanded from Bessus, on what pretence he had
-first arrested, and afterwards slain, his king and benefactor Darius.
-Bessus replied, that he had not done this single-handed; others were
-concerned in it along with him, to procure for themselves lenient
-treatment from Alexander. The king said no more, but ordered Bessus
-to be scourged, and then sent back as prisoner to Baktra[483]—where
-we shall again hear of him.
-
-  [480] Arrian, iii. 29, 3; Curtius, vii. 5, 1.
-
-  [481] Arrian, iii. 29, 4; Strabo, xi. p. 509. Evidently Ptolemy
-  and Aristobulus were much more awe-struck with the Oxus, than
-  with either the Tigris or the Euphrates. Arrian (iv. 6, 13) takes
-  his standard of comparison, in regard to rivers, from the river
-  Peneius in Thessaly.
-
-  [482] Curtius, vii. 5, 19. The exactness of Quintus Curtius,
-  in describing the general features of Baktria and Sogdiana, is
-  attested in the strongest language by modern travellers. See
-  Burnes’s Travels into Bokhara, vol. ii. ch. 8. p. 211, 2nd edit.;
-  also Morier, Second Journey in Persia, p. 282.
-
-  But in the geographical details of the country, we are at fault.
-  We have not sufficient data to identify more than one or two
-  of the localities mentioned, in the narrative of Alexander’s
-  proceedings, either by Curtius or Arrian. That Marakanda is the
-  modern Samarkand—the river Polytimetus, the modern Kohik—and
-  Baktra or Zariaspa the modern Balkh—appears certain; but the
-  attempts made by commentators to assign the site of other places
-  are not such as to carry conviction.
-
-  In fact, these countries, at the present moment, are known
-  only superficially as to their general scenery; for purposes
-  of measurement and geography, they are almost unknown; as may
-  be seen by any one who reads the Introduction to Erskine’s
-  translation of the Memoirs of Sultan Baber.
-
-  [483] Arrian. iii. 30, 5-10. These details are peculiarly
-  authentic, as coming from Ptolemy, the person chiefly concerned.
-
-  Aristobulus agreed in the description of the guise in which
-  Bessus was exhibited, but stated that he was brought up in this
-  way by Spitamenes and Dataphernes. Curtius (vii. 24, 36) follows
-  this version. Diodorus also gives an account very like it,
-  mentioning nothing about Ptolemy (xvii. 83).
-
-In his onward march, Alexander approached a small town, inhabited
-by the Branchidæ; descendants of those Branchidæ near Miletus on
-the coast of Ionia, who had administered the great temple and oracle
-of Apollo on Cape Poseidion, and who had yielded up the treasures
-of that temple to the Persian king Xerxes, 150 years before. This
-surrender had brought upon them so much odium, that when the dominion
-of Xerxes was overthrown on the coast, they retired with him into the
-interior of Asia. He assigned to them lands in the distant region of
-Sogdiana, where their descendants had ever since remained; bilingual
-and partially dis-hellenized, yet still attached to their traditions
-and origin. Delighted to find themselves once more in commerce with
-Greeks, they poured forth to meet and welcome the army, tendering
-all that they possessed. Alexander, when he heard who they were
-and what was their parentage, desired the Milesians in his army to
-determine how they should be treated. But as these Milesians were
-neither decided nor unanimous, Alexander announced that he would
-determine for himself. Having first occupied the city in person
-with a select detachment, he posted his army all round the walls,
-and then gave orders not only to plunder it, but to massacre the
-entire population—men, women, and children. They were slain without
-arms or attempt at resistance, resorting to nothing but prayers and
-suppliant manifestations. Alexander next commanded the walls to be
-levelled, and the sacred groves cut down, so that no habitable site
-might remain, nor any thing except solitude and sterility.[484]
-Such was the revenge taken upon these unhappy victims for the
-deeds of their ancestors in the fourth or fifth generation before.
-Alexander doubtless considered himself to be executing the wrath
-of Apollo against an accursed race who had robbed the temple of
-the god.[485] The Macedonian expedition had been proclaimed to
-be undertaken originally for the purpose of revenging upon the
-contemporary Persians the ancient wrongs done to Greece by Xerxes;
-so that Alexander would follow out the same sentiment in revenging
-upon the contemporary Branchidæ the acts of their ancestors—yet more
-guilty than Xerxes, in his belief. The massacre of this unfortunate
-population was in fact an example of human sacrifice on the largest
-scale, offered to the gods by the religious impulses of Alexander,
-and worthy to be compared to that of the Carthaginian general
-Hannibal, when he sacrificed 3000 Grecian prisoners on the field of
-Himera, where his grandfather Hamilkar had been slain seventy years
-before.[486]
-
-  [484] Curtius, vii. 23; Plutarch de Serâ Numinis Vindictâ, p.
-  557 B; Strabo xi. p. 518: compare also xiv. p. 634, and xvii. p.
-  814. This last-mentioned passage of Strabo helps us to understand
-  the peculiarly strong pious fervor with which Alexander regarded
-  the temple and oracle of Branchidæ. At the time when Alexander
-  went up to the oracle of Ammon in Egypt, for the purpose of
-  affiliating himself to Zeus Ammon, there came to him envoys from
-  Miletus, announcing that the oracle at Branchidæ, which had been
-  silent ever since the time of Xerxes, had just begun to give
-  prophecy, and had certified the fact that Alexander was the son
-  of Zeus, besides many other encouraging predictions.
-
-  The massacre of the Branchidæ by Alexander was described by
-  Diodorus, but was contained in that part of the seventeenth book
-  which is lost; there is a great lacuna in the MSS. after cap.
-  83. The fact is distinctly indicated in the table of contents
-  prefixed to Book xvii.
-
-  Arrian makes no mention of these descendants of the Branchidæ in
-  Sogdiana, nor of the destruction of the town and its inhabitants
-  by Alexander. Perhaps neither Ptolemy nor Aristobulus, said
-  anything about it. Their silence is not at all difficult to
-  explain, nor does it, in my judgment, impeach the credibility
-  of the narrative. They do not feel under obligation to give
-  publicity to the worst acts of their hero.
-
-  [485] The Delphian oracle pronounced, in explaining the
-  subjugation and ruin of Krœsus king of Lydia, that he had thereby
-  expiated the sin of his ancestor in the fifth generation before
-  (Herodot. i. 91: compare vi. 86). Immediately before the breaking
-  out of the Peloponnesian war, the Lacedæmonians called upon the
-  Athenians to expel the descendants of those who had taken part
-  in the Kylonian sacrilege, 180 years before; they addressed this
-  injunction with a view to procure the banishment of Perikles, yet
-  still τοῖς θεοῖς πρῶτον τιμωροῦντες (Thucyd. i. 125-127).
-
-  The idea that the sins of fathers were visited upon their
-  descendants, even to the third and fourth generation, had great
-  currency in the ancient world.
-
-  [486] Diodor. xiii. 62. See Vol. X. Ch. lxxxi. p 413 of this
-  History.
-
-Alexander then continued his onward progress, first to Marakanda
-(Samarcand), the chief town of Sogdiana—next, to the river Jaxartes,
-which he and his companions, in their imperfect geographical
-notions, believed to be the Tanais, the boundary between Asia, and
-Europe.[487] In his march, he left garrisons in various towns,[488]
-but experienced no resistance, though detached bodies of the natives
-hovered on his flanks. Some of these bodies, having cut off a few of
-his foragers, took refuge afterwards on a steep and rugged mountain,
-conceived to be unassailable. Thither however Alexander pursued them,
-at the head of his lightest and most active troops. Though at first
-repulsed, he succeeded in scaling and capturing the place. Of its
-defenders, thirty thousand in number, three fourths were either put
-to the sword, or perished in jumping down the precipices. Several
-of his soldiers were wounded with arrows, and he himself received a
-shot from one of them through his leg.[489] But here, as elsewhere,
-we perceive that nearly all the Orientals whom Alexander subdued were
-men little suited for close combat hand to hand,—fighting only with
-missiles.
-
-  [487] Pliny, H. N. vi. 16. In the Meteorologica of Aristotle (i.
-  13, 15-18) we read that the rivers Bahtrus, Choaspes, and Araxes
-  flowed from the lofty mountain Parnasus (Paropamisus?) in Asia;
-  and that the Araxes bifurcated, one branch forming the Tanais,
-  which fell into the Palus Mæotis. For this fact he refers to
-  the γῆς περιόδοι current in his time. It seems plain that by
-  the Araxes Aristotle must mean the Jaxartes. We see, therefore,
-  that Alexander and his companions, in identifying the Jaxartes
-  with the Tanais, only followed the geographical descriptions and
-  ideas current in their time. Humboldt remarks several cases in
-  which the Greek geographers were fond of supposing bifurcation of
-  rivers (Asie Centrale, vol. ii. p. 291).
-
-  [488] Arrian, iv. 1, 5.
-
-  [489] Arrian, iii. 30, 17.
-
-Here, on the river Jaxartes, Alexander projected the foundation of a
-new city to bear his name; intended partly as a protection against
-incursions from the Scythian Nomads on the other side of the river,
-partly as a facility for himself to cross over and subdue them, which
-he intended to do as soon as he could find opportunity.[490] He was
-however called off for the time by the news of a wide-spread revolt
-among the newly-conquered inhabitants both of Sogdiana and Baktria.
-He suppressed the revolt with his habitual vigor and celerity,
-distributing his troops so as to capture five townships in two days,
-and Kyropolis or Kyra, the largest of the neighboring Sogdian towns
-(founded by the Persian Cyrus), immediately afterwards. He put all
-the defenders and inhabitants to the sword. Returning then to the
-Jaxartes, he completed in twenty days the fortifications of his new
-town of Alexandria (perhaps at or near Khodjend), with suitable
-sacrifices and festivities to the gods. He planted in it some
-Macedonian veterans and Grecian mercenaries, together with volunteer
-settlers from the natives around.[491] An army of Scythian Nomads,
-showing themselves on the other side of the river, piqued his vanity
-to cross over and attack them. Carrying over a division of his army
-on inflated skins, he defeated them with little difficulty, pursuing
-them briskly into the desert. But the weather was intensely hot, and
-the army suffered much from thirst; while the little water to be
-found was so bad, that it brought upon Alexander a diarrhœa which
-endangered his life.[492] This chase, of a few miles on the right
-bank of the Jaxartes (seemingly in the present Khanat of Kokand),
-marked the utmost limit of Alexander’s progress northward.
-
-  [490] Arrian, iv. 1, 3
-
-  [491] Arrian, iv. 3, 17; Curtius, vii. 6, 25.
-
-  [492] Arrian. iv. 5, 6; Curtius, vii. 9.
-
-Shortly afterwards, a Macedonian detachment, unskilfully conducted,
-was destroyed in Sogdiana by Spitamenes and the Scythians: a rare
-misfortune, which Alexander avenged by overrunning the region[493]
-near the river Polytimêtus (the Kohik), and putting to the sword
-the inhabitants of all the towns which he took. He then recrossed
-the Oxus, to rest during the extreme season of winter at Zariaspa
-in Baktria, from whence his communications with the West and
-with Macedonia were more easy, and where he received various
-reinforcements of Greek troops.[494] Bessus, who had been here
-retained as a prisoner, was now brought forward amidst a public
-assembly; wherein Alexander, having first reproached him for his
-treason to Darius, caused his nose and ears to be cut off—and sent
-him in this condition to Ekbatana, to be finally slain by the Medes
-and Persians.[495] Mutilation was a practice altogether Oriental
-and non-Hellenic: even Arrian, admiring and indulgent as he is
-towards his hero, censures this savage order, as one among many
-proofs how much Alexander had taken on Oriental dispositions. We may
-remark that his extreme wrath on this occasion was founded partly on
-disappointment that Bessus had frustrated his toilsome efforts for
-taking Darius alive—partly on the fact that the satrap had committed
-treason against the king’s person, which it was the policy as well
-as the feeling of Alexander to surround with a circle of Deity.[496]
-For as to traitors against Persia, as a cause and country, Alexander
-had never discouraged, and had sometimes signally recompensed them.
-Mithrines, the governor of Sardis, who opened to him the gates of
-that almost impregnable fortress immediately after the battle of
-the Granikus—the traitor who perhaps, next to Darius himself, had
-done most harm to the Persian cause—obtained from him high favor and
-promotion.[497]
-
-  [493] Arrian, iv. 6, 11; Curtius, vii. 9, 22. The river, called
-  by the Macedonians Polytimetus (Strabo, xi. p. 518), now bears
-  the name of Kohik or Zurufshan. It rises in the mountains east of
-  Samarkand, and flowing westward on the north of that city and of
-  Bokhara. It does not reach so far as the Oxus; during the full
-  time of the year, it falls into a lake called Karakul; during the
-  dry months, it is lost in the sands, as Arrian states (Burnes’s
-  Travels, vol. ii. ch. xi. p. 299. ed. 2nd.).
-
-  [494] Arrian, iv. 7, 1; Curtius, vii. 10, 12.
-
-  [495] Arrian, iv. 7, 5.
-
-  [496] After describing the scene at Rome, when the Emperor
-  Galba was deposed and assassinated in the forum, Tacitus
-  observes—“Plures quam centum et viginti libellos præmia
-  exposcentium, ob aliquam notabilem illà die operam, Vitellius
-  posteà invenit, omnesque conquiri et interfici jussit: _non
-  honore Galbæ, sed tradito principibus more, munimentum ad
-  præsens, in posterum ultionem_” (Tacitus, Hist. i. 44).
-
-  [497] Arrian, i. 17, 3; iii. 16, 8. Curtius, iii. 12, 6; v. 1, 44.
-
-The rude but spirited tribes of Baktria and Sogdiana were as yet but
-imperfectly subdued, seconded as their resistance was by wide spaces
-of sandy desert, by the neighborhood of the Scythian Nomads, and
-by the presence of Spitamenes as a leader. Alexander, distributing
-his army into five divisions, traversed the country and put down
-all resistance, while he also took measures for establishing
-several military posts, or new towns in convenient places.[498]
-After some time the whole army was reunited at the chief place of
-Sogdiana—Marakanda—where some halt and repose was given.[499]
-
-  [498] Curtius (vii. 10, 15) mentions six cities (oppida) founded
-  by Alexander in these regions; apparently somewhere north of the
-  Oxus, but the sites cannot be made out. Justin (xii. 5) alludes
-  to twelve foundations in Baktria and Sogdiana.
-
-  [499] Arrian, iv. 16, 4; Curtius, vii. 10, 1. “Sogdiana regio
-  magnâ ex parte deserta est; octingenta ferè stadia in latitudinem
-  vastæ solitudines tenent.”
-
-  Respecting the same country (Sogdiana and Baktria), Mr. Erskine
-  observes (Introduction to the Memoirs of Sultan Baber, p.
-  xliii.):—“The face of the country is extremely broken, and
-  divided by lofty hills; even the plains are diversified by great
-  varieties of soil,—some extensive districts along the Kohik
-  river, nearly the whole of Ferghana (along the Jaxartes), the
-  greater part of Kwarizm along the branches of the Oxus, with
-  the large portions of Balkh, Badakshan, Kesh, and Hissar, being
-  of uncommon fertility; while the greater part of the rest is a
-  barren waste, and in some places a sandy desert. Indeed the whole
-  country north of the Oxus has a decided tendency to degenerate
-  into desert, and many of its most fruitful spaces are nearly
-  surrounded by barren sands; so that the population of all these
-  districts still, as in the time of Baber, consists of the fixed
-  inhabitants of the cities and fertile lands, and of the unsettled
-  and roving wanderers of the desert, who dwell in tents of felt,
-  and live on the produce of their flocks.”
-
-During this halt at Marakanda (Samarcand) the memorable banquet
-occurred wherein Alexander murdered Kleitus. It has been already
-related that Kleitus had saved his life at the battle of the
-Granikus, by cutting off the sword arm of the Persian Spithridates
-when already uplifted to strike him from behind. Since the death of
-Philotas, the important function of general of the Companion-cavalry
-had been divided between Hephæstion and Kleitus. Moreover, the family
-of Kleitus had been attached to Philip, by ties so ancient, that his
-sister, Lanikê, had been selected as the nurse of Alexander himself
-when a child. Two of her sons had already perished in the Asiatic
-battles. If, therefore, there were any man who stood high in the
-service, or was privileged to speak his mind freely to Alexander, it
-was Kleitus.
-
-In this banquet at Marakanda, when wine, according to the Macedonian
-habit, had been abundantly drunk, and when Alexander, Kleitus, and
-most of the other guests were already nearly intoxicated, enthusiasts
-or flatterers heaped immoderate eulogies upon the king’s past
-achievements.[500] They exalted him above all the most venerated
-legendary heroes; they proclaimed that his superhuman deeds proved
-his divine paternity, and that he had earned an apotheosis like
-Herakles, which nothing but envy could withhold from him during his
-life. Alexander himself joined in these boasts, and even took credit
-for the later victories of the reign of his father, whose abilities
-and glory he depreciated. To the old Macedonian officers, such an
-insult cast on the memory of Philip was deeply offensive. But among
-them all, none had been more indignant than Kleitus, with the growing
-insolence of Alexander—his assumed filiation from Zeus Ammon, which
-put aside Philip as unworthy—his preference for Persian attendants,
-who granted or refused admittance to his person—his extending to
-Macedonian soldiers the contemptuous treatment habitually endured
-by Asiatics, and even allowing them to be scourged by Persian
-hands and Persian rods.[501] The pride of a Macedonian general in
-the stupendous successes of the last five years, was effaced by
-his mortification when he saw that they tended only to merge his
-countrymen amidst a crowd of servile Asiatics, and to inflame the
-prince with high-flown aspirations transmitted from Xerxes or Ochus.
-But whatever might be the internal thoughts of Macedonian officers,
-they held their peace before Alexander, whose formidable character
-and exorbitant self-estimation would tolerate no criticism.
-
-  [500] Arrian, iv. 8, 7.
-
-  [501] Plutarch, Alexand. 51. Nothing can be more touching than
-  the words put by Plutarch into the mouth of Kleitus—Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ
-  νῦν χαίρομεν, Ἀλέξανδρε, τοιαῦτα τέλη τῶν πόνων κομιζόμενοι,
-  μακαρίζομεν δὲ τοὺς ἤδη τεθνηκότας πρὶν ἐπιδεῖν Μηδικαῖς ῥάβδοις
-  ξαινομένους Μακεδόνας, καὶ Περσῶν δεομένους ἵνα τῷ βασιλεῖ
-  προσέλθωμεν.
-
-At the banquet of Marakanda, this long suppressed repugnance found
-an issue, accidental indeed and unpremeditated, but for that very
-reason all the more violent and unmeasured. The wine, which made
-Alexander more boastful and his flatterers fulsome to excess,
-overpowered altogether the reserve of Kleitus. He rebuked the impiety
-of those who degraded the ancient heroes in order to make a pedestal
-for Alexander. He protested against the injustice of disparaging
-the exalted and legitimate fame of Philip; whose achievements he
-loudly extolled, pronouncing them to be equal, and even superior
-to those of his son. For the exploits of Alexander, splendid as
-they were, had been accomplished, not by himself alone, but by that
-unconquerable Macedonian force which he had found ready made to his
-hands;[502] whereas those of Philip had been his own—since he had
-found Macedonia prostrate and disorganized, and had had to create for
-himself both soldiers, and a military system. The great instruments
-of Alexander’s victories had been Philip’s old soldiers, whom he now
-despised—and among them Parmenio, whom he had put to death.
-
-  [502] Arrian, iv. 8, 8. οὔκουν μόνον γε (Ἀλέξανδρον) καταπρᾶξαι
-  αὐτὰ, ἀλλὰ τὸ γὰρ πολὺ μέρος Μακεδόνων εἶναι τὰ ἔργα, etc.
-
-Remarks such as these, poured forth in the coarse language of a
-half-intoxicated Macedonian veteran, provoked loud contradiction from
-many, and gave poignant offence to Alexander; who now for the first
-time heard the open outburst of disapprobation, before concealed
-and known to him only by surmise. But wrath and contradiction, both
-from him and from others, only made Kleitus more reckless in the
-outpouring of his own feelings, now discharged with delight after
-having been so long pent up. He passed from the old Macedonian
-soldiers to himself individually. Stretching forth his right hand
-towards Alexander, he exclaimed—“Recollect that you owe your life
-to me; this hand preserved you at the Granikus. Listen to the
-outspoken language of truth, or else abstain from asking freemen to
-supper, and confine yourself to the society of barbaric slaves.” All
-these reproaches stung Alexander to the quick. But nothing was so
-intolerable to him as the respectful sympathy for Parmenio, which
-brought to his memory one of the blackest deeds of his life—and the
-reminiscence of his preservation at the Granikus, which lowered
-him into the position of a debtor towards the very censor under
-whose reproof he was now smarting. At length wrath and intoxication
-together drove him into uncontrollable fury. He started from his
-couch, and felt for his dagger to spring at Kleitus; but the dagger
-had been put out of reach by one of his attendants. In a loud voice
-and with the Macedonian word of command, he summoned the body guards
-and ordered the trumpeter to sound an alarm. But no one obeyed so
-grave an order, given in his condition of drunkenness. His principal
-officers, Ptolemy, Perdikkas and others, clung round him, held his
-arms and body, and besought him to abstain from violence; others at
-the same time tried to silence Kleitus and hurry him out of the hall,
-which had now become a scene of tumult and consternation. But Kleitus
-was not in a humor to confess himself in the wrong by retiring; while
-Alexander, furious at the opposition now, for the first time, offered
-to his will, exclaimed, that his officers held him in chains as
-Bessus had held Darius, and left him nothing but the name of a king.
-Though anxious to restrain his movements, they doubtless did not dare
-to employ much physical force; so that his great personal strength,
-and continued efforts, presently set him free. He then snatched a
-pike from one of the soldiers, rushed upon Kleitus, and thrust him
-through on the spot, exclaiming, “Go now to Philip and Parmenio”.[503]
-
-  [503] Arrian, iv. 8; Curtius, viii. 1; Plutarch, Alexand. 50, 51;
-  Justin, xii. 6.
-
-  The description given by Diodorus was contained in the lost
-  part of his seventeenth book; the table of contents, prefixed
-  thereunto, notes the incident briefly.
-
-  All the authors describe in the same general way the
-  commencement, progress, and result, of this impressive scene in
-  the banqueting hall of Marakanda; but they differ materially
-  in the details. In giving what seems to me the most probable
-  account, I have borrowed partly from all, yet following mostly
-  the account given by Arrian from Ptolemy, himself present. For
-  Arrian’s narrative down to sect. 14 of c. 8 (before the words
-  Ἀριστόβουλος δὲ) may fairly be presumed to be derived from
-  Ptolemy.
-
-  Both Plutarch and Curtius describe the scene in a manner more
-  dishonorable to Alexander than Arrian; and at the same time
-  (in my judgment) less probable. Plutarch says that the brawl
-  took its rise from a poet named Pierion singing a song which
-  turned into derision those Macedonians who had been recently
-  defeated in Sogdiana; that Alexander and those around him greatly
-  applauded this satire; that Kleitus protested against such an
-  insult to soldiers, who, though unfortunate, had behaved with
-  unimpeachable bravery; that Alexander then turned upon Kleitus
-  saying, that he was seeking an excuse for himself by extenuating
-  cowardice in others; that Kleitus retorted by reminding him of
-  the preservation of his life at the Granikus. Alexander is thus
-  made to provoke the quarrel by aspersing the courage of Kleitus,
-  which I think noway probable; nor would he be likely to encourage
-  a song of that tenor.
-
-  Curtius agrees with Arrian in ascribing the origin of the
-  mischief to the extravagant boasts of Alexander and his
-  flatterers, and to their depreciation of Philip. He then tells
-  us that Kleitus, on hearing their unseemly talk, turned round
-  and whispered to his neighbor some lines out of the Andromachê
-  of Euripides (which lines Plutarch also ascribes to him, though
-  at a later moment); that Alexander, not hearing the words,
-  asked what had been said, but no one would tell him; at length
-  Kleitus himself repeated the sentiment in language of his own.
-  This would suit a literary Greek; but an old Macedonian officer
-  half intoxicated, when animated by a vehement sentiment, would
-  hardly express it by whispering a Greek poetical quotation to his
-  neighbor. He would either hold his tongue, or speak what he felt
-  broadly and directly. Nevertheless Curtius has stated two points
-  very material to the case, which do not appear in Arrian. 1. It
-  was Alexander himself, not his flatterers, who vilipended Philip;
-  at least the flatterers only did so after him, and following his
-  example. The topic would be dangerous for them to originate, and
-  might easily be carried too far. 2. Among all the topics touched
-  upon by Kleitus, none was so intolerable as the open expression
-  of sympathy, friendship, and regret for Parmenio. This stung
-  Alexander in the sorest point of his conscience; he must have
-  known that there were many present who sympathized with it; and
-  it was probably the main cause which worked him up to phrenzy.
-  Moreover we may be pretty sure that Kleitus, while expatiating
-  upon Philip, would not forget Philip’s general in chief and his
-  own old friend, Parmenio.
-
-  I cannot believe the statement of Aristobulus, that Kleitus was
-  forced by his friends out of the hall, and afterward returned
-  to it of his own accord, to defy Alexander once more. It seems
-  plain from Arrian that Ptolemy said no such thing. The murderous
-  impulse of Alexander was gratified on the spot, and without
-  delay, as soon as he got clear from the gentle restraint of his
-  surrounding friends.
-
-No sooner was the deed perpetrated, than the feelings of Alexander
-underwent an entire revolution. The spectacle of Kleitus, a bleeding
-corpse on the floor,—the marks of stupefaction and horror evident
-in all the spectators, and the reaction from a furious impulse
-instantaneously satiated—plunged him at once into the opposite
-extreme of remorse and self-condemnation. Hastening out of the
-hall, and retiring to bed, he passed three days in an agony of
-distress, without food or drink. He burst into tears and multiplied
-exclamations on his own mad act; he dwelt upon the name of Kleitus
-and Lanikê with the debt of gratitude which he owed to each, and
-denounced himself as unworthy to live after having requited such
-services with a foul murder.[504] His friends at length prevailed
-on him to take food, and return to activity. All joined in trying
-to restore his self-satisfaction. The Macedonian army passed a
-public vote that Kleitus had been justly slain, and that his body
-should remain unburied; which afforded opportunity to Alexander to
-reverse the vote, and to direct that it should be buried by his own
-order.[505] The prophets comforted him by the assurance that his
-murderous impulse had arisen, not from his own natural mind, but
-from a maddening perversion intentionally brought on by the god
-Dionysus, to avenge the omission of a sacrifice due to him on the
-day of the banquet, but withheld.[506] Lastly, the Greek sophist
-or philosopher, Anaxarchus of Abdera, revived Alexander’s spirits
-by well-timed flattery, treating his sensibility as nothing better
-than generous weakness; reminding him that in his exalted position
-of conqueror and Great King, he was entitled to prescribe what was
-right and just, instead of submitting himself to laws dictated from
-without.[507] Kallisthenes the philosopher was also summoned, along
-with Anaxarchus, to the king’s presence, for the same purpose of
-offering consolatory reflections. But he is said to have adopted a
-tone of discourse altogether different, and to have given offence
-rather than satisfaction to Alexander.
-
-  [504] Arrian, iv. 9, 4; Curtius, viii. 2, 2.
-
-  [505] Curtius, viii. 2, 12. “Quoque minus cædis puderet, jure
-  interfectum Clitum Macedones decernunt; sepulturâ quoque
-  prohibituri, ni rex humari jussisset.”
-
-  In explanation of this monstrous verdict of the soldiers, we must
-  recollect that the safety of the whole army (now at Samarcand,
-  almost beyond the boundary of inhabited regions, ἔξω τῆς
-  οἰκουμένης) was felt to depend on the life of Alexander. Compare
-  Justin, xii. 6, 15.
-
-  [506] Arrian, iv. 9, 6. Alexander imagined himself to have
-  incurred the displeasure of Dionysus by having sacked and
-  destroyed the city of Thebes, the supposed birth-place and
-  favorite locality of that god (Plutarch, Alex. 13).
-
-  The maddening delusion brought upon men by the wrath of Dionysus
-  is awfully depicted in the Bacchæ of Euripides. Under the
-  influence of that delusion, Agavê, mother of Pentheus, tears her
-  son in pieces and bears away his head in triumph, not knowing
-  what is in her hands. Compare also Eurip. Hippolyt. 440-1412.
-
-  [507] Arrian, iv. 9, 10; Plutarch. Alex. 52.
-
-To such remedial influences, and probably still more to the absolute
-necessity for action, Alexander’s remorse at length yielded. Like the
-other emotions of his fiery soul, it was violent and overpowering
-while it lasted. But it cannot be shown to have left any durable
-trace on his character, nor any effects justifying the unbounded
-admiration of Arrian; who has little but blame to bestow on the
-murdered Kleitus, while he expresses the strongest sympathy for the
-mental suffering of the murderer.
-
-After ten days,[508] Alexander again put his army in motion, to
-complete the subjugation of Sogdiana. He found no enemy capable of
-meeting him in pitched battle; yet Spitamenes, with the Sogdians and
-some Scythian allies, raised much hostility of detail, which it cost
-another year to put down. Alexander underwent the greatest fatigue
-and hardships in his marches through the mountainous parts of this
-wide, rugged, and poorly supplied country, with rocky positions,
-strong by nature, which his enemies sought to defend. One of these
-fastnesses, held by a native chief named Sisymithres, seemed almost
-unattackable, and was indeed taken rather by intimidation than by
-actual force.[509] The Scythians, after a partial success over a
-small Macedonian detachment, were at length so thoroughly beaten
-and overawed, that they slew Spitamenes and sent his head to the
-conqueror as a propitiatory offering.[510]
-
-  [508] Curtius, viii. 2, 13—“decem diebus ad confirmandum pudorem
-  apud Maracanda consumptis”, etc.
-
-  [509] Curtius, viii. 2, 20-30.
-
-  [510] Arrian, iv. 17, 11. Curtius (viii. 3) gives a different
-  narrative of the death of Spitamenes.
-
-After a short rest at Naütaka during the extreme winter, Alexander
-resumed operations, by attacking a strong post called the Sogdian
-Rock, whither a large number of fugitives had assembled, with
-an ample supply of provision. It was a precipice supposed to be
-inexpugnable; and would seemingly have proved so, in spite of the
-energy and abilities of Alexander, had not the occupants altogether
-neglected their guard, and yielded at the mere sight of a handful of
-Macedonians who had scrambled up the precipice. Among the captives,
-taken by Alexander on this rock, were the wife and family of the
-Baktrian chief Oxyartes; one of whose daughters, named Roxana, so
-captivated Alexander by her beauty that he resolved to make her
-his wife.[511] He then passed out of Sogdiana into the neighboring
-territory Parætakênê, where there was another inexpugnable site
-called the Rock of Choriênes, which he was also fortunate enough to
-reduce.[512]
-
-  [511] Arrian, iv. 18, 19.
-
-  [512] Arrian, iv. 21. Our geographical knowledge does not enable
-  us to verify these localities, or to follow Alexander in his
-  marches of detail.
-
-From hence Alexander went to Baktra. Sending Kraterus with a
-division to put the last hand to the reduction of Parætakênê, he
-himself remained at Baktra, preparing for his expedition across
-the Hindoo-Koosh to the conquest of India. As a security for the
-tranquillity of Baktria and Sogdiana during his absence, he levied
-30,000 young soldiers from those countries to accompany him.[513]
-
-  [513] Curtius, viii. 5, 1; Arrian, iv. 22, 2.
-
-It was at Baktra that Alexander celebrated his marriage with
-the captive Roxana. Amidst the repose and festivities connected
-with that event, the Oriental temper which he was now acquiring
-displayed itself more forcibly than ever. He could no longer be
-satisfied without obtaining prostration, or worship, from Greeks
-and Macedonians as well as from Persians; a public and unanimous
-recognition of his divine origin and superhuman dignity. Some Greeks
-and Macedonians had already rendered to him this homage. Nevertheless
-to the greater number, in spite of their extreme deference and
-admiration for him, it was repugnant and degrading. Even the
-imperious Alexander shrank from issuing public and formal orders on
-such a subject; but a manœuvre was concerted, with his privity, by
-the Persians and certain compliant Greek sophists or philosophers,
-for the purpose of carrying the point by surprise.
-
-During a banquet at Baktra, the philosopher Anaxarchus, addressing
-the assembly in a prepared harangue, extolled Alexander’s exploits as
-greatly surpassing those of Dionysus and Herakles. He proclaimed that
-Alexander had already done more than enough to establish a title to
-divine honors from the Macedonians; who, (he said) would assuredly
-worship Alexander after his death, and ought in justice to worship
-him during his life, forthwith.[514]
-
-  [514] Arrian, iv. 10, 7-9. Curtius (viii. 5, 9-13) represents
-  the speech proposing divine honors to have been delivered, not
-  by Anaxarchus, but by another lettered Greek, a Sicilian named
-  Kleon. The tenor of the speech is substantially the same, as
-  given by both authors.
-
-This harangue was applauded, and similar sentiments were enforced,
-by others favorable to the plan; who proceeded to set the example
-of immediate compliance, and were themselves the first to tender
-worship. Most of the Macedonian officers sat unmoved, disgusted at
-the speech. But though disgusted they said nothing. To reply to a
-speech doubtless well-turned and flowing, required some powers of
-oratory; moreover, it was well known that whoever dared to reply
-stood marked out for the antipathy of Alexander. The fate of
-Kleitus, who had arraigned the same sentiments in the banqueting
-hall of Marakanda, was fresh in the recollection of every one. The
-repugnance which many felt, but none ventured to express, at length
-found an organ in Kallisthenes of Olynthus.
-
-This philosopher, whose melancholy fate imparts a peculiar interest
-to his name, was nephew of Aristotle, and had enjoyed through his
-uncle an early acquaintance with Alexander during the boyhood of
-the latter. At the recommendation of Aristotle, Kallisthenes had
-accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic expedition. He was a man of
-much literary and rhetorical talent, which he turned towards the
-composition of history—and to the history of recent times.[515]
-Alexander, full of ardor for conquest, was at the same time anxious
-that his achievements should be commemorated by poets and men
-of letters;[516] there were seasons also when he enjoyed their
-conversation. On both these grounds, he invited several of them
-to accompany the army. The more prudent among them declined, but
-Kallisthenes obeyed, partly in hopes of procuring the reconstitution
-of his native city Olynthus, as Aristotle had obtained the like
-favor for Stageira.[517] Kallisthenes had composed a narrative (not
-preserved) of Alexander’s exploits, which certainly reached to
-the battle of Arbela, and may perhaps have gone down farther. The
-few fragments of this narrative remaining seem to betoken extreme
-admiration, not merely of the bravery and ability, but also of the
-transcendent and unbroken good fortune, of Alexander—marking him
-out as the chosen favorite of the gods. This feeling was perfectly
-natural under the grandeur of the events. Insofar as we can judge
-from one or two specimens, Kallisthenes was full of complimentary
-tribute to the hero of his history. But the character of Alexander
-himself had undergone a material change during the six years between
-his first landing in Asia and his campaign in Sogdiana. All his worst
-qualities had been developed by unparalleled success and by Asiatic
-example. He required larger doses of flattery, and had now come to
-thirst, not merely for the reputation of divine paternity, but for
-the actual manifestations of worship as towards a god.
-
-  [515] Kallisthenes had composed three historical works—1.
-  Hellenica—from the year 387-357 B. C. 2. History of the
-  sacred war—from 357-346 B. C. 3. Τὰ κατ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον.
-  His style is said by Cicero to have been rhetorical; but the
-  Alexandrine critics included him in their Canon of Historians.
-  See Didot, Fragm. Hist. Alex. Magn. p. 6-9.
-
-  [516] See the observation ascribed to him expressing envy towards
-  Achilles for having been immortalized by Homer (Arrian, i. 12, 2).
-
-  [517] It is said that Ephorus, Xenokrates, and Menedemus, all
-  declined the invitation of Alexander (Plutarch, De Stoicorum
-  Repugnantiis, p. 1043). Respecting Menedemus, the fact can hardly
-  be so: he must have been then too young to be invited.
-
-To the literary Greeks who accompanied Alexander, this change in
-his temper must have been especially palpable and full of serious
-consequence; since it was chiefly manifested, not at periods of
-active military duty, but at his hours of leisure, when he recreated
-himself by their conversation and discourses. Several of these
-Greeks—Anaxarchus, Kleon, the poet Agis of Argos—accommodated
-themselves to the change, and wound up their flatteries to the
-pitch required. Kallisthenes could not do so. He was a man of
-sedate character, of simple, severe, and almost unsocial habits—to
-whose sobriety the long Macedonian potations were distasteful.
-Aristotle said of him, that he was a great and powerful speaker,
-but that he had no judgment; according to other reports, he was a
-vain and arrogant man, who boasted that Alexander’s reputation and
-immortality were dependent on the composition and tone of _his_
-history.[518] Of personal vanity,—a common quality among literary
-Greeks,—Kallisthenes probably had his full share. But there is no
-ground for believing that _his_ character had altered. Whatever his
-vanity may have been, it had given no offence to Alexander during the
-earlier years, nor would it have given offence now, had not Alexander
-himself become a different man.
-
-  [518] Arrian, iv. 10, 2; Plutarch, Alex. 53, 54. It is
-  remarkable that Timmæus denounced Kallisthenes as having in
-  his historical work flattered Alexander to excess (Polybius,
-  xii. 12). Kallisthenes seems to have recognized various special
-  interpositions of the gods, to aid Alexander’s successes—see
-  Fragments 25 and 36 of the Fragmenta Callisthenis in the edition
-  of Didot.
-
-  In reading the censure which Arrian passes on the arrogant
-  pretensions of Kallisthenes, we ought at the same time to
-  read the pretensions raised by Arrian on his own behalf as an
-  historian (i. 12, 7-9)—καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε οὐκ ἀπαξιῶ ἐμαυτὸν τῶν
-  πρώτων ἐν τῇ φωνῇ τῇ Ἑλλάδι, εἴπερ καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος τῶν ἐν τοῖς
-  ὅπλοις, etc. I doubt much whether Kallisthenes pitched his
-  self-estimation so high. In this chapter, Arrian recounts, that
-  Alexander envied Achilles for having been fortunate enough to
-  obtain such a poet as Homer for panegyrist; and Arrian laments
-  that Alexander had not, as yet, found an historian equal to his
-  deserts. This, in point of fact, is a reassertion of the same
-  truth which Kallisthenes stands condemned for asserting—that the
-  fame even of the greatest warrior depends upon his commemorators.
-  The boastfulness of a poet is at least pardonable, when he
-  exclaims, like Theokritus, Idyll. xvi. 73—
-
-    Ἔσσεται οὗτος ἀνὴρ, ὃς ἐμεῦ κεχρήσετ᾽ ἀοιδοῦ,
-    Ῥέξας ἢ Ἀχιλεὺς ὅσσον μέγας, ἢ βαρὺς Αἴας
-    Ἐν πεδίῳ Σιμόεντος, ὅθι Φρυγὸς ἠρίον ῎Ιλου.
-
-On occasion of the demonstration led up by Anaxarchus at the banquet,
-Kallisthenes had been invited by Hephæstion to join in the worship
-intended to be proposed towards Alexander; and Hephæstion afterwards
-alleged, that he had promised to comply.[519] But his actual conduct
-affords reasonable ground for believing that he made no such promise;
-for he not only thought it his duty to refuse the act of worship,
-but also to state publicly his reasons for disapproving it; the more
-so, as he perceived that most of the Macedonians present felt like
-himself. He contended that the distinction between gods and men
-was one which could not be confounded without impiety and wrong.
-Alexander had amply earned,—as a man, a general, and a king,—the
-highest honors compatible with humanity; but to exalt him into a
-god would be both an injury to him, and an offence to the gods.
-Anaxarchus (he said) was the last person from whom such a proposition
-ought to come, because he was one of those whose only title to
-Alexander’s society was founded upon his capacity to give instructive
-and wholesome counsel.[520]
-
-  [519] Plutarch, Alex. 55.
-
-  [520] Arrian, iv. 11. ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ τε καὶ παιδεύσει Ἀλεξάνδρῳ
-  συνόντα.
-
-Kallisthenes here spoke out, what numbers of his hearers felt.
-The speech was not only approved, but so warmly applauded by the
-Macedonians present, especially the older officers,—that Alexander
-thought it prudent to forbid all farther discussion upon this
-delicate subject. Presently the Persians present, according to
-Asiatic custom, approached him and performed their prostration; after
-which Alexander pledged, in successive goblets of wine, those Greeks
-and Macedonians with whom he had held previous concert. To each of
-them the goblet was handed, and each, after drinking to answer the
-pledge, approached the king, made his prostration, and then received
-a salute. Lastly, Alexander sent the pledge to Kallisthenes, who,
-after drinking like the rest, approached him, for the purpose of
-receiving the salute, but without any prostration. Of this omission
-Alexander was expressly informed by one of the Companions; upon which
-he declined to admit Kallisthenes to a salute. The latter retired,
-observing, “Then I shall go away, worse off than others as far as the
-salute goes.”[521]
-
-  [521] Arrian, iv. 12, 7. φιλήματι ἔλαττον ἔχων ἄπειμι.
-
-Kallisthenes was imprudent, and even blamable, in making this last
-observation, which without any necessity or advantage, aggravated
-the offence already given to Alexander. He was more imprudent
-still, if we look simply to his own personal safety in standing
-forward publicly to protest against the suggestion for rendering
-divine honors to that prince, and in thus creating the main offence
-which even in itself was inexpiable. But here the occasion was one
-serious and important, so as to convert the imprudence into an act
-of genuine moral courage. The question was, not about obeying an
-order given by Alexander, for no order had been given—but about
-accepting or rejecting a motion made by Anaxarchus; which Alexander,
-by a shabby, preconcerted manœuvre, affected to leave to the free
-decision of the assembly, in full confidence that no one would be
-found intrepid enough to oppose it. If one Greek sophist made a
-proposition, in itself servile and disgraceful, another sophist could
-do himself nothing but honor by entering public protest against it;
-more especially since this was done (as we may see by the report in
-Arrian) in terms no way insulting, but full of respectful admiration,
-towards Alexander personally. The perfect success of the speech
-is in itself a proof of the propriety of its tone;[522] for the
-Macedonian officers would feel indifference, if not contempt towards
-a rhetor like Kallisthenes, while towards Alexander they had the
-greatest deference short of actual worship. There are few occasions
-on which the free spirit of Greek letters and Greek citizenship, in
-their protest against exorbitant individual insolence, appears more
-conspicuous and estimable than in the speech of Kallisthenes.[523]
-Arrian disapproves the purpose of Alexander, and strongly blames
-the motion of Anaxarchus; nevertheless, such is his anxiety to find
-some excuse for Alexander, that he also blames Kallisthenes for
-unseasonable frankness, folly, and insolence, in offering opposition.
-He might have said with some truth, that Kallisthenes would have done
-well to withdraw earlier (if indeed he could have withdrawn without
-offence) from the camp of Alexander, in which no lettered Greek could
-now associate without abnegating his freedom of speech and sentiment,
-and emulating the servility of Anaxarchus. But being present, as
-Kallisthenes was, in the hall at Baktra when the proposition of
-Anaxarchus was made, and when silence would have been assent—his
-protest against it was both seasonable and dignified; and all the
-more dignified for being fraught with danger to himself.
-
-  [522] Arrian, iv. 12, 1. ἀνιᾶσαι μὲν μεγαλωστὶ Ἀλέξανδρον,
-  Μακεδόσι δὲ πρὸς θυμοῦ εἰπεῖν....
-
-  Curtius, viii. 5, 20. “Æquis auribus Callisthenes velut vindex
-  publicæ libertatis audiebatur. Expresserat non assensionem modo,
-  sed etiam vocem, seniorum præcipuè quibus gravis erat inveterati
-  moris externa mutatio.”
-
-  [523] There was no sentiment more deeply rooted in the free
-  Grecian mind, prior to Alexander’s conquests, than the repugnance
-  to arrogant aspirations on the part of the fortunate man,
-  swelling himself above the limits of humanity—and the belief
-  that such aspirations were followed by the Nemesis of the gods.
-  In the dying speech which Xenophon puts into the mouth of Cyrus
-  the Great, we find—“Ye gods, I thank you much, that I have
-  been sensible of your care for me, and that I have never in my
-  successes raised my thoughts above the measure of man” (Cyropæd.
-  viii. 7, 3). Among the most striking illustrations of this
-  sentiment is, the story of Solon and Crœsus (Herodot. i. 32-34).
-
-  I shall recount in the next chapter examples of monstrous
-  flattery on the part of the Athenians, proving how this sentiment
-  expired with their freedom.
-
-Kallisthenes knew that danger well, and was quickly enabled to
-recognize it in the altered demeanor of Alexander towards him. He
-was, from that day, a marked man in two senses: first, to Alexander
-himself, as well as to the rival sophists and all promoters of
-the intended deification,—for hatred, and for getting up some
-accusatory pretence such as might serve to ruin him; next, to the
-more free-spirited Macedonians, indignant witnesses of Alexander’s
-increased insolence, and admirers of the courageous Greek who had
-protested against the motion of Anaxarchus. By such men he was
-doubtless much extolled; which praises aggravated his danger, as they
-were sure to be reported to Alexander. The pretext for his ruin was
-not long wanting.
-
-Among those who admired and sought the conversation of Kallisthenes,
-was Hermolaus, one of the royal pages—the band, selected from noble
-Macedonian families, who did duty about the person of the king. It
-had happened that this young man, one of Alexander’s companions in
-the chase, on seeing a wild boar rushing up to attack the king,
-darted his javelin, and slew the animal. Alexander, angry to be
-anticipated in killing the boar, ordered Hermolaus to be scourged
-before all the other pages, and deprived him of his horse.[524] Thus
-humiliated and outraged—for an act not merely innocent, but the
-omission of which, if Alexander had sustained any injury from the
-boar, might have been held punishable—Hermolaus became resolutely
-bent on revenge.[525] He enlisted in the project his intimate friend
-Sostratus, with several others among the pages, and it was agreed
-among them to kill Alexander in his chamber, on the first night when
-they were all on guard together. The appointed night arrived, without
-any divulgation of their secret; yet the scheme was frustrated
-by the accident, that Alexander continued till daybreak drinking
-with his officers, and never retired to bed. On the morrow, one
-of the conspirators, becoming alarmed or repentant, divulged the
-scheme to his friend Charikles, with the names of those concerned.
-Eurylochus, brother to Charikles, apprised by him of what he had
-heard, immediately informed Ptolemy, through whom it was conveyed to
-Alexander. By Alexander’s order, the persons indicated were arrested
-and put to the torture;[526] under which they confessed that they had
-themselves conspired to kill him, but named no other accomplices,
-and even denied that any one else was privy to the scheme. In this
-denial they persisted, though extreme suffering was applied to extort
-the revelation of new names. They were then brought up and arraigned
-as conspirators before the assembled Macedonian soldiers. There
-their confession was repeated. It is even said that Hermolaus, in
-repeating it, boasted of the enterprise as legitimate and glorious;
-denouncing the tyranny and cruelty of Alexander us having become
-insupportable to a freeman. Whether such boast was actually made or
-not, the persons brought up were pronounced guilty, and stoned to
-death forthwith by the soldiers.[527]
-
-  [524] Plutarch, Alexand. 54. He refers to Hermippus, who mentions
-  what was told to Aristotle by Strœbus, the reader attendant on
-  Kallisthenes.
-
-  [525] Arrian, iv. 13; Curtius, viii. 6, 7.
-
-  [526] Arrian, iv. 13, 13.
-
-  [527] Arrian, iv, 14, 4. Curtius expands this scene into great
-  detail; composing a long speech for Hermolaus, and another for
-  Alexander (viii. 6, 7, 8).
-
-  He says that the soldiers who executed these pages, tortured them
-  first, in order to manifest zeal for Alexander (viii. 8, 20).
-
-The pages thus executed were young men of good Macedonian families,
-for whose condemnation accordingly, Alexander had thought it
-necessary to invoke—what he was sure of obtaining against any
-one—the sentence of the soldiers. To satisfy his hatred against
-Kallisthenes—not a Macedonian, but only a Greek citizen, one of
-the surviving remnants of the subverted city of Olynthus—no such
-formality was required.[528] As yet, there was not a shadow of proof
-to implicate this philosopher; for obnoxious as his name was known
-to be, Hermolaus and his companions had, with exemplary fortitude,
-declined to purchase the chance of respite from extreme torture by
-pronouncing it. Their confessions,—all extorted by suffering, unless
-confirmed by other evidence, of which we do not know whether any
-was taken—were hardly of the least value, even against themselves;
-but against Kallisthenes, they had no bearing whatever; nay, they
-tended indirectly, not to convict, but to absolve him. In his case,
-therefore, as in that of Philotas before, it was necessary to pick
-up matter of suspicious tendency from his reported remarks and
-conversations. He was alleged[529] to have addressed dangerous and
-inflammatory language to the pages, holding up Alexander to odium,
-instigating them to conspiracy, and pointing out Athens as a place of
-refuge; he was moreover well known to have been often in conversation
-with Hermolaus. For a man of the violent temper and omnipotent
-authority of Alexander, such indications were quite sufficient as
-grounds of action against one whom he hated.
-
-  [528] “Quem, si Macedo esset (Callisthenem), tecum introduxissem,
-  dignissimum te discipulo magistrum: nunc Olynthio non idem
-  juris est” (Curtius. viii. 8, 19—speech of Alexander before the
-  soldiers addressing Hermolaus especially).
-
-  [529] Plutarch, Alexand. 55; Arrian, iv. 10, 4.
-
-On this occasion, we have the state of Alexander’s mind disclosed
-by himself, in one of the references to his letters given by
-Plutarch. Writing to Kraterus and to others immediately afterwards,
-Alexander distinctly stated that the pages throughout all their
-torture had deposed against no one but themselves. Nevertheless, in
-another letter, addressed to Antipater in Macedonia, he used these
-expressions—“The pages were stoned to death by the Macedonians; but
-I myself shall punish the sophist, as well as those who sent him
-out here, and those who harbor in their cities conspirators against
-me.”[530] The sophist Kallisthenes had been sent out by Aristotle,
-who is here designated; and probably the Athenians after him.
-Fortunately for Aristotle, he was not at Baktra, but at Athens. That
-he could have had any concern in the conspiracy of the pages, was
-impossible. In this savage outburst of menace against his absent
-preceptor, Alexander discloses the real state of feeling which
-prompted him to the destruction of Kallisthenes; hatred towards that
-spirit of citizenship and free speech, which Kallisthenes not only
-cherished, in common with Aristotle and most other literary Greeks,
-but had courageously manifested in his protest against the motion for
-worshipping a mortal.
-
-  [530] Plutarch, Alex. 55. Καίτοι τῶν περὶ Ἑρμόλαον οὐδεὶς
-  οὐδὲ διὰ τῆς ἐσχάτης ἀνάγκης Καλλισθένους κατεῖπεν. Ἀλλὰ καὶ
-  Ἀλέξανδρος ~αὐτὸς εὐθὺς γράφων~ Κρατερῷ καὶ Ἀττάλῳ καὶ Ἀλκέτᾳ
-  φησὶ τοὺς παῖδας βασανιζομένους ὁμολογεῖν, ὡς αὐτοὶ ταῦτα
-  πράξειαν, ~ἄλλος δὲ οὐδεὶς συνειδείη~. Ὕστερον δὲ γράφων πρὸς
-  Ἀντίπατρον, καὶ τὸν Καλλισθένην συνεπαιτιασάμενος, Οἱ μὲν παῖδές,
-  φησιν, ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων κατελεύσθησαν, ~τὸν δὲ σοφιστὴν ἐγὼ
-  κολάσω~, καὶ ~τοὺς ἐκπέμψαντας αὐτὸν~, καὶ τοὺς ὑποδεχομένους
-  ταῖς πόλεσι τοὺς ἐμοὶ ἐπιβουλεύοντας ... ἄντικρυς ἔν γε τούτοις
-  ἀποκαλυπτόμενος πρὸς Ἀριστοτέλην, etc.
-
-  About the hostile dispositions of Alexander towards Aristotle,
-  see Dio Chrysostom, Orat. 64. de Fortunâ, p. 598.
-
-  Kraterus was at this time absent in Sogdiana, engaged in
-  finishing the suppression of the resistance (Arrian, iv. 22, 1).
-  To him, therefore, Alexander would naturally write.
-
-  This statement, from the pen of Alexander himself, distinctly
-  contradicts and refutes (as I have before observed) the
-  affirmation of Ptolemy and Aristobulus as given by Arrian (iv.
-  14, 1)—that the pages deposed against Kallisthenes.
-
-Kallisthenes was first put to the torture and then hanged.[531]
-His tragical fate excited a profound sentiment of sympathy and
-indignation among the philosophers of antiquity.[532]
-
-  [531] Arrian, iv. 14, 5. Curtius also says—“Callisthenes quoque
-  tortus interiit, initi consilii in caput regis innoxius, sed
-  haudquaquam aulæ et assentantium accommodatus ingenio (viii. 8,
-  21).” Compare Plutarch, Alex. 55.
-
-  This is the statement of Ptolemy; who was himself concerned in
-  the transactions, and was the officer through whom the conspiracy
-  of the pages had been revealed. His partiality might permit him
-  to omit or soften what was discreditable to Alexander, but he may
-  be fully trusted when he records an act of cruelty. Aristobulus
-  and others affirmed that Kallisthenes was put in chains and
-  carried about in this condition for some time; after which he
-  died of disease and a wretched state of body. But the witnesses
-  here are persons whose means of information we do not know to
-  be so good as those of Ptolemy; besides that, the statement is
-  intrinsically less probable.
-
-  [532] See the language of Seneca, Nat. Quæst. vi. 23; Plutarch,
-  De Adulator. et Amici Discrimine, p. 65; Theophrast. ap. Ciceron.
-  Tusc. Disp. iii. 10.
-
-  Curtius says that this treatment of Kallisthenes was followed by
-  a late repentance on the part of Alexander (viii. 8, 23). On this
-  point there is no other evidence—nor can I think the statement
-  probable.
-
-The halts of Alexander were formidable to friends and companions;
-his marches, to the unconquered natives whom he chose to treat as
-enemies. On the return of Kraterus from Sogdiana, Alexander began his
-march from Baktra (Balkh) southward to the mountain range Paropamisus
-or Caucasus (Hindoo-Koosh); leaving however at Baktra Amyntas, with a
-large force of 10,000 foot and 3500 horse, to keep these intractable
-territories in subjugation.[533] His march over the mountains
-occupied ten days; he then visited his newly-founded city Alexandria
-in the Paropamisadæ. At or near the river Kophen (Kabool river),
-he was joined by Taxiles, a powerful Indian prince, who brought
-as a present twenty-five elephants, and whose alliance was very
-valuable to him. He then divided his army, sending one division under
-Hephæstion and Perdikkas, towards the territory called Peukelaôtis
-(apparently that immediately north of the confluence of the Kabool
-river with the Indus); and conducting the remainder himself in
-an easterly direction, over the mountainous regions between the
-Hindoo-Koosh and the right bank of the Indus. Hephæstion was ordered,
-after subduing all enemies in his way, to prepare a bridge ready for
-passing the Indus by the time when Alexander should arrive. Astes,
-prince of Peukelaôtis, was taken and slain in the city where he had
-shut himself up; but the reduction of it cost Hephæstion a siege of
-thirty days.[534]
-
-  [533] Arrian, iv. 22, 4.
-
-  [534] Arrian, iv. 22, 8-12.
-
-Alexander, with his own half of the army, undertook the reduction
-of the Aspasii, the Guræi, and the Assakeni, tribes occupying
-mountainous and difficult localities along the southern slopes
-of the Hindoo-Koosh; but neither they nor their various towns
-mentioned—Arigæon, Massaga, Bazira, Ora, Dyrta, etc., except perhaps
-the remarkable rock of Aornos,[535] near the Indus—can be more
-exactly identified. These tribes were generally brave, and seconded
-by towns of strong position as well as by a rugged country, in many
-parts utterly without roads.[536] But their defence was conducted
-with little union, no military skill, and miserable weapons; so that
-they were no way qualified to oppose the excellent combination and
-rapid movements of Alexander, together with the confident attack and
-very superior arms, offensive, as well as defensive, of his soldiers.
-All those who attempted resistance were successively attacked,
-overpowered and slain. Even those who did not resist, but fled to the
-mountains, were pursued, and either slaughtered or sold for slaves.
-The only way of escaping the sword was to remain, submit, and await
-the fiat of the invader. Such a series of uninterrupted successes,
-all achieved with little loss, it is rare in military history to
-read. The capture of the rock of Aornos was peculiarly gratifying
-to Alexander, because it enjoyed the legendary reputation of having
-been assailed in vain by Herakles—and indeed he himself had deemed
-it, at first sight, unassailable. After having thus subdued the upper
-regions (above Attock or the confluence of the Kabul river) on the
-right bank of the Indus, he availed himself of some forests alongside
-to fell timber and build boats. These boats were sent down the
-stream, to the point where Hephæstion and Perdikkas were preparing
-the bridge.[537]
-
-  [535] Respecting the rock called Aornos, a valuable and elaborate
-  article, entitled “Gradus ad Aornon” has been published by Major
-  Abbott in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. iv.
-  1854. This article gives much information, collected mainly by
-  inquiries on the spot, and accompanied by a map, about the very
-  little known country west of the Indus, between the Kabool river
-  on the south, and the Hindoo-Koosh on the north.
-
-  Major Abbott attempts to follow the march and operations of
-  Alexander, from Alexandria ad Caucasum to the rock of Aornos (p.
-  311 _seq._). He shows highly probable reason for believing that
-  the Aornos described by Arrian is the Mount Mahabunn, near the
-  right bank of the Indus (lat. 34° 20´), about sixty miles above
-  its confluence with the Kabool river. “The whole account of
-  Arrian of the rock Aornos is a faithful picture of the Mahabunn.
-  It was the most remarkable feature of the country. It was the
-  refuge of all the neighboring tribes. It was covered with forest.
-  It had good soil sufficient for a thousand ploughs, and pure
-  springs of water everywhere abounded. It was 4125 feet above the
-  plain, and fourteen miles in circuit. The summit was a plain
-  where cavalry could act. It would be difficult to offer a more
-  faithful description of the Mahabunn. The side on which Alexander
-  scaled the main summit had certainly the character of a rock. But
-  the whole description of Arrian indicates a table mountain” (p.
-  341). The Mahabunn “is a mountain table, scarped on the east by
-  tremendous precipices, from which descends one large spur down
-  upon the Indus between Sitana and Umb” (p. 340).
-
-  To this similarity in so many local features, is to be added the
-  remarkable coincidence of name, between the town Embolima, where
-  Arrian states that Alexander established his camp for the purpose
-  of attacking Aornos—and the modern names Umb and Balimah (between
-  the Mahabunn and the Indus)—“the one in the river valley, the
-  other on the mountain immediately above it” (p. 344). Mount
-  Mahabunn is the natural refuge for the people of the neighborhood
-  from a conqueror, and was among the places taken by Nadir Shah
-  (p. 338).
-
-  A strong case of identity is thus made out between this mountain
-  and the Aornos _described by Arrian_. But undoubtedly it does not
-  coincide with the Aornos _described by Curtius_, who compares
-  Aornos to a Meta (the conical goal of the stadium), and says that
-  the Indus washed its base,—that at the first assault several
-  Macedonian soldiers were hurled down into the river. This close
-  juxtaposition of the Indus has been the principal feature looked
-  for by travellers who have sought for Aornos; but no place has
-  yet been found answering the conditions required. We have here
-  to make our election between Arrian and Curtius. Now there is
-  a general presumption in Arrian’s favor, in the description of
-  military operations, where he makes a positive statement; but in
-  this case, the presumption is peculiarly strong, because Ptolemy
-  was in the most conspicuous and difficult command for the capture
-  of Aornos, and was therefore likely to be particular in the
-  description of a scene where he had reaped much glory.
-
-  [536] Arrian, iv. 30, 13. ἡ στρατιὰ αὐτῷ ὡδοποίει τὸ πρόσω ἰοῦσα,
-  ἄπορα ἄλλως ὄντα τὰ ταύτῃ χωρία, etc.
-
-  The countries here traversed by Alexander include parts of
-  Kafiristan, Swart, Bajore, Chitral, the neighborhood of the
-  Kameh and other affluents of the river Kabul before it falls
-  into the Indus near Attock. Most of this is Terra Incognita
-  even at present; especially Kafiristan, a territory inhabited
-  by a population said to be rude and barbarous, but which has
-  never been conquered—nor indeed ever visited by strangers. It is
-  remarkable, that among the inhabitants of Kafiristan,—as well
-  as among those of Badakshan, on the other or northern side of
-  the Hindoo-Koosh—there exist traditions respecting Alexander,
-  together with a sort of belief that they themselves are descended
-  from his soldiers. See Ritter’s Erdkunde, part vii. book iii. p.
-  200 _seq._; Burnes’s Travels, vol. iii. ch. 4. p. 186, 2nd ed.;
-  Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. 194 _seq._
-
-  [537] Arrian, iv. 30, 16; v. 7, 2.
-
-Such fatiguing operations of Alexander, accomplished amidst all
-the hardships of winter, were followed by a halt of thirty days,
-to refresh the soldiers before he crossed the Indus, in the early
-spring of 326 B. C.[538] It is presumed, probably enough,
-that he crossed at or near Attock, the passage now frequented. He
-first marched to Taxila, where the prince Taxilus at once submitted,
-and reinforced the army with a strong contingent of Indian soldiers.
-His alliance and information was found extremely valuable. The whole
-neighboring territory submitted, and was placed under Philippus
-as satrap, with a garrison and depôt at Taxila. He experienced no
-resistance until he reached the river Hydaspes (Jelum), on the other
-side of which the Indian prince Porus stood prepared to dispute
-the passage; a brave man, with a formidable force, better armed
-than Indians generally were, and with many trained elephants; which
-animals the Macedonians had never yet encountered in battle. By
-a series of admirable military combinations, Alexander eluded the
-vigilance of Porus, stole the passage of the river at a point a
-few miles above, and completely defeated the Indian army. In spite
-of their elephants, which were skilfully managed, the Indians
-could not long withstand the shock of close combat, against such
-cavalry and infantry as the Macedonian. Porus, a prince of gigantic
-stature, mounted on an elephant, fought with the utmost gallantry,
-rallying his broken troops and keeping them together until the last.
-Having seen two of his sons slain, himself wounded and perishing
-with thirst, he was only preserved by the special directions of
-Alexander. When Porus was brought before him, Alexander was struck
-with admiration at his stature, beauty, and undaunted bearing.[539]
-Addressing him first, he asked, what Porus wished to be done for
-him. “That you should treat me as a king,” was the reply of Porus.
-Alexander, delighted with these words, behaved towards Porus with
-the utmost courtesy and generosity; not only ensuring to him his
-actual kingdom, but enlarging it by new additions. He found in
-Porus a faithful and efficient ally. This was the greatest day of
-Alexander’s life; if we take together the splendor and difficulty of
-the military achievement, and the generous treatment of his conquered
-opponent.[540]
-
-  [538] The halt of thirty days is mentioned by Diodorus, xvii. 86.
-  For the proof that these operations took place in winter, see the
-  valuable citation from Aristobulus given in Strabo (xv. p. 691).
-
-  [539] Arrian. v. 19, 1. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὡς προσάγοντα ἐπύθετο,
-  προσιππεύσας πρὸ τῆς τάξεως σὺν ὀλίγοις τῶν ἑταίρων ἀπαντᾷ τῷ
-  Πώρῳ, καὶ ἐπιστήσας τὸν ἵππον, τό τε μέγεθος ἐθαύμαζεν ὑπὲρ πέντε
-  πήχεις μάλιστα ξυμβαῖνον, ~καὶ τὸ κάλλος τοῦ Πώρου~, καὶ ὅτι οὐ
-  δεδουλωμένος τῇ γνώμῃ ἐφαίνετο, etc.
-
-  We see here how Alexander was struck with the stature and
-  personal beauty of Porus, and how much these visual impressions
-  contributed to determine, or at least to strengthen, his
-  favorable sympathies towards the captive prince. This illustrates
-  what I have observed in the last chapter, in recounting his
-  treatment of the eunuch Batis after the capture of Gaza; that
-  the repulsive appearance of Batis greatly heightened Alexander’s
-  indignation. With a man of such violent impulses as Alexander,
-  these external impressions were of no inconsiderable moment.
-
-  [540] These operations are described in Arrian, v. 9. v. 19 (we
-  may remark that Ptolemy and Aristobulus, though both present,
-  differed on many points, v. 14); Curtius, viii. 13, 14; Diodor.
-  xvii. 87, 88. According to Plutarch (Alex. 60), Alexander dwelt
-  much upon the battle in his own letters.
-
-  There are two principal points—Jelum and Julalpoor—where high
-  roads from the Indus now cross the Hydaspes. Each of these
-  points have been assigned by different writers, as the probable
-  scene of the crossing of the river by Alexander. Of the two
-  Jelum (rather higher up the river than Julalpoor) seems the more
-  probable. Burnes points out that near Jelum the river is divided
-  into five or six channels with islands (Travels, vol. ii. ch. 2.
-  p. 50, 2nd ed.). Captain Abbott (in the Journal of the Asiatic
-  Society, Calcutta, Dec. 1848) has given an interesting memoir on
-  the features and course of the Hydaspes a little above Jelum,
-  comparing them with the particulars stated by Arrian, and showing
-  highly plausible reasons in support of this hypothesis—that the
-  crossing took place near Jelum.
-
-  Diodorus mentions a halt of thirty days, after the victory (xvii.
-  89), which seems not probable. Both he and Curtius allude to
-  numerous serpents, by which the army was annoyed between the
-  Akesines and the Hydraotes (Curtius, ix. 1, 11).
-
-Alexander celebrated his victory by sacrifices to the gods, and
-festivities on the banks of the Hydaspes; where he also gave
-directions for the foundation of two cities—Nikæa, on the eastern
-bank; and Bukephalia, on the western, so named in commemoration of
-his favorite horse, who died here of age and fatigue.[541] Leaving
-Kraterus to lay out and erect these new establishments, as well
-as to keep up communication, he conducted his army onward in an
-easterly direction towards the river Akesines (Chenab).[542] His
-recent victory had spread terror around; the Glaukæ, a powerful
-Indian tribe, with thirty-seven towns and many populous villages,
-submitted, and were placed under the dominion of Porus; while
-embassies of submission were also received from two considerable
-princes—Abisares, and a second Porus, hitherto at enmity with his
-namesake. The passage of the great river Akesines, now full and
-impetuous in its current, was accomplished by boats and by inflated
-hides, yet not without difficulty and danger. From thence he
-proceeded onward in the same direction, across the Punjab—finding
-no enemies, but leaving detachments at suitable posts to keep up
-his communications and ensure his supplies—to the river Hydraotes
-or Ravee; which, though not less broad and full than the Akesines,
-was comparatively tranquil, so as to be crossed with facility.[543]
-Here some free Indian tribes, Kathæans and others, had the courage
-to resist. They first attempted to maintain themselves in Sangala by
-surrounding their town with a triple entrenchment of waggons. These
-being attacked and carried, they were driven within the walls, which
-they now began to despair of defending, and resolved to evacuate by
-night. But the project was divulged to Alexander by deserters, and
-frustrated by his vigilance. On the next day, he took the town by
-storm, putting to the sword 17,000 Indians, and taking (according to
-Arrian) 70,000 captives. His own loss before the town was less than
-100 killed, and 1200 wounded. Two neighboring towns, in alliance with
-Sangala, were evacuated by their terrified inhabitants. Alexander
-pursued, but could not overtake them, except 500 sick or weakly
-persons, whom his soldiers put to death. Demolishing the town of
-Sangala, he added the territory to the dominion of Porus, then
-present, with a contingent of 5000 Indians.[544]
-
-  [541] Arrian states (v. 19, 5) that the victory over Porus
-  was gained in the month Munychion of the archon Hegemon at
-  Athens—that is, about the end of April, 326 B. C. This
-  date is not to be reconciled with another passage, v. 9, 6—where
-  he says that the summer solstice had already passed, and that all
-  the rivers of the Punjab were full of water, turbid and violent.
-
-  This swelling of the rivers begins about June; they do not attain
-  their full height until August. Moreover, the description of the
-  battle, as given both by Arrian and by Curtius, implies that it
-  took place after the rainy season had begun (Arrian, v. 9, 7; v.
-  12, 5. Curtius, viii. 14, 4).
-
-  Some critics have proposed to read _Metageitnion_ (July-August)
-  as the month, instead of _Munychion_; an alteration approved by
-  Mr. Clinton and received into the text by Schmieder. But if this
-  alteration be admitted, the name of the Athenian archon must be
-  altered also; for Metageitnion of the archon Hegemon would be
-  eight months earlier (July-August, 327 B. C.); and at
-  this date Alexander had not as yet crossed the Indus, as the
-  passage of Aristobulus (ap. Strabo. xv. p. 691) plainly shows—and
-  as Droysen and Mützel remark. Alexander did not cross the Indus
-  before the spring of 326 B. C. If, in place of the
-  archon Hegemon, we substitute the next following archon Chremês
-  (and it is remarkable that Diodorus assigns the battle to this
-  later archonship, xvii. 87), this would be July-August 326 B. C.;
-  which would be a more admissible date for the battle than the
-  preceding month of Munychion. At the same time, the substitution
-  of Metageitnion _is_ mere conjecture; and seems to leave hardly
-  time enough for the subsequent events. As far as an opinion can
-  be formed, it would seem that the battle was fought about the end
-  of June or beginning of July 326 B. C. after the rainy season had
-  commenced; towards the close of the archonship of Hegemon, and
-  the beginning of that of Chremes.
-
-  [542] Arrian, v. 20; Diodor. xvii. 95. Lieut. Wood (Journey to
-  the source of the Oxus, p. 11-39) remarks that the large rivers
-  of the Punjab change their course so often and so considerably,
-  that monuments and indications of Alexander’s march in that
-  territory cannot be expected to remain, especially in ground near
-  rivers.
-
-  [543] Arrian, v. 20.
-
-  [544] Arrian, v, 23, 24; Curtius, ix. 1, 15.
-
-Sangala was the easternmost of all Alexander’s conquests. Presently
-his march brought him to the river Hyphasis (Sutledge), the last of
-the rivers in the Punjab—seemingly at a point below its confluence
-with the Beas. Beyond this river, broad and rapid, Alexander was
-informed that there lay a desert of eleven days’ march, extending
-to a still greater river called the Ganges; beyond which dwelt the
-Gandaridæ, the most powerful, warlike, and populous, of all the
-Indian tribes, distinguished for the number and training of their
-elephants.[545] The prospect of a difficult march, and of an enemy
-esteemed invincible, only instigated his ardor. He gave orders for
-the crossing. But here for the first time his army, officers as
-well as soldiers, manifested symptoms of uncontrollable weariness;
-murmuring aloud at these endless toils, and marches they knew not
-whither. They had already over-passed the limits where Dionysus
-and Herakles were said to have stopped: they were travelling into
-regions hitherto unvisited either by Greeks or by Persians, merely
-for the purpose of provoking and conquering new enemies. Of victories
-they were sated; of their plunder, abundant as it was, they had
-no enjoyment;[546] the hardships of a perpetual onward march,
-often excessively accelerated, had exhausted both men and horses;
-moreover, their advance from the Hydaspes had been accomplished in
-the wet season, under rains more violent and continued than they had
-ever before experienced.[547] Informed of the reigning discontent,
-Alexander assembled his officers and harangued them, endeavoring
-to revive in them that forward spirit and promptitude which he had
-hitherto found not inadequate to his own.[548] But he entirely
-failed. No one indeed dared openly to contradict him. Kœnus alone
-hazarded some words of timid dissuasion; the rest manifested a
-passive and sullen repugnance, even when he proclaimed that those
-who desired might return, with the shame of having deserted their
-king, while he would march forward with the volunteers only. After a
-suspense of two days, passed in solitary and silent mortification—he
-still apparently persisted in his determination, and offered the
-sacrifice usual previous to the passage of a river. The victims were
-inauspicious; he bowed to the will of the gods; and gave orders for
-return, to the unanimous and unbounded delight of his army.[549]
-
-  [545] Curtius, ix. 2, 3; Diodor. xvii. 93; Plutarch, Alex. 62.
-
-  [546] Curtius, ix. 3, 11 (speech of Kœnus). “Quoto cuique lorica
-  est? Quis equum habet? Jube quæri, quam multos servi ipsorum
-  persecuti sint, quid cuique supersit ex prædâ. Omnium victores,
-  omnium inopes sumus.”
-
-  [547] Aristobulus ap. Strabo. xv. p. 691-697. ὕεσθαι συνεχῶς.
-  Arrian, v, 29, 8; Diodor. xvii. 93. χειμῶνες ἄγριοι κατεῤῥάγησαν
-  ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ἑβδομήκοντα, καὶ βρονταὶ συνεχεῖς καὶ κεραυνοὶ
-  κατέσκηπτον, etc.
-
-  [548] In the speech which Arrian (v. 25, 26) puts into the mouth
-  of Alexander, the most curious point is, the geographical views
-  which he promulgates. “We have not much farther now to march (he
-  was standing on the western bank of the Sutledge) to the river
-  Ganges, and the great Eastern Sea which surrounds the whole
-  earth. The Hyrkanian (Caspian) Sea joins on to this great sea on
-  one side, the Persian Gulf on the other; after we have subdued
-  all those nations which lie before us eastward towards the Great
-  Sea, and northward towards the Hyrkanian Sea, we shall then sail
-  by water first to the Persian Gulf, next round Libya to the
-  pillars of Herakles; from thence we shall march back all through
-  Libya, and add it to all Asia as parts of our empire.” (I here
-  abridge rather than translate).
-
-  It is remarkable, that while Alexander made so prodigious an
-  error in narrowing the eastern limits of Asia, the Ptolemaic
-  geography, recognized in the time of Columbus, made an error not
-  less in the opposite direction, stretching it too far to the
-  East. It was upon the faith of this last mistake, that Columbus
-  projected his voyage of circumnavigation from Western Europe,
-  expecting to come to the eastern coast of Asia from the West,
-  after no great length of voyage.
-
-  [549] Arrian, v. 28, 7. The fact that Alexander, under all
-  this insuperable repugnance of his soldiers, still offered the
-  sacrifice preliminary to crossing—is curious as an illustration
-  of his character, and was specially attested by Ptolemy.
-
-To mark the last extremity of his eastward progress, he erected
-twelve altars of extraordinary height and dimension on the western
-bank of the Hyphasis, offering sacrifices of thanks to the gods,
-with the usual festivities, and matches of agility and force. Then,
-having committed all the territory west of the Hyphasis to the
-government of Porus, he marched back, repassed the Hydraotes and
-Akesines, and returned to the Hydaspes near the point where he had
-first crossed it. The two new cities—Bukephalia and Nikæa—which he
-had left orders for commencing on that river, had suffered much from
-the rains and inundations during his forward march to the Hyphasis,
-and now required the aid of the army to repair the damage.[550] The
-heavy rains continued throughout most of his return march to the
-Hydaspes.[551]
-
-  [550] Arrian, v. 29, 8; Diodor. xvii. 95.
-
-  [551] Aristobulus ap. Strab. xv. p. 691—until the rising of
-  Arkturus. Diodorus says, 70 days (xvii. 73), which seems more
-  probable.
-
-On coming back to this river, Alexander received a large
-reinforcement both of cavalry and infantry, sent to him from Europe,
-together with 25,000 new panoplies, and a considerable stock of
-medicines.[552] Had these reinforcements reached him on the Hyphasis,
-it seems not impossible that he might have prevailed on his army to
-accompany him in his farther advance to the Ganges and the regions
-beyond. He now employed himself, assisted by Porus and Taxilus, in
-collecting and constructing a fleet for sailing down the Hydaspes and
-thence down to the mouth of the Indus. By the early part of November,
-a fleet of nearly 2000 boats or vessels of various sizes having
-been prepared, he began his voyage.[553] Kraterus marched with one
-division of the army, along the right bank of the Hydaspes—Hephæstion
-on the left bank with the remainder, including 200 elephants;
-Nearchus had the command of the fleet in the river, on board of
-which was Alexander himself. He pursued his voyage slowly down the
-river, to the confluence of the Hydaspes with the Akesines—with the
-Hydraotes—and with the Hyphasis—all pouring, in one united stream,
-into the Indus. He sailed down the Indus to its junction with the
-Indian Ocean. Altogether this voyage occupied nine months,[554]
-from November 326 B. C. to August 325 B. C. But it was a voyage full
-of active military operations on both sides of the river. Alexander
-perpetually disembarked to attack, subdue, and slaughter all such
-nations near the banks as did not voluntarily submit. Among them were
-the Malli and Oxydrakæ, free and brave tribes, who resolved to defend
-their liberty, but, unfortunately for themselves, were habitually
-at variance, and could not now accomplish any hearty co-operation
-against the common invader.[555] Alexander first assailed the Malli
-with his usual celerity and vigor, beat them with slaughter in the
-field, and took several of their towns.[556] There remained only
-their last and strongest town, from which the defenders were already
-driven out and forced to retire to the citadel.[557] Thither they
-were pursued by the Macedonians, Alexander being among the foremost,
-with only a few guards near him. Impatient because the troops with
-their scaling-ladders did not come up more rapidly, he mounted upon
-a ladder that happened to be at hand, attended only by Peukestes and
-one or two others, with an adventurous courage even transcending what
-he was wont to display. Having cleared the wall by killing several
-of its defenders, he jumped down into the interior of the citadel,
-and made head for some time, nearly alone, against all within. He
-received however a bad wound from an arrow in the breast, and was
-on the point of fainting, when his soldiers burst in, rescued him,
-and took the place. Every person within, man, woman, and child, was
-slain.[558]
-
-  [552] Diodor. xvii. 95; Curtius, ix. 3, 21.
-
-  [553] The voyage was commenced a few days before the setting of
-  the Pleiades (Aristobulus, ap. Strab. xv. p. 692).
-
-  For the number of the ships, see Ptolemy ap. Arrian, vi. 2, 8.
-
-  On seeing crocodiles in the Indus, Alexander was at first led
-  to suppose that it was the same river as the Nile, and that he
-  had discovered the higher course of the Nile, from whence it
-  flowed into Egypt. This is curious, as an illustration of the
-  geographical knowledge of the time (Arrian, vi. 1, 3).
-
-  [554] Aristobulus ap. Strab. xv. p. 692. Aristobulus said that
-  the downward voyage occupied ten months; this seems longer than
-  the exact reality. Moreover Aristobulus said that they had no
-  rain during all the voyage down, through all the summer months:
-  Nearchus stated the contrary (Strabo, _l. c._).
-
-  [555] Curtius, ix. 4, 15; Diodor. xvii 98.
-
-  [556] Arrian, vi. 7, 8.
-
-  [557] This last stronghold of the Malli is supposed, by Mr.
-  Cunningham and others, to have been the modern city of Multan.
-  The river Ravee or Hydraotes is said to have formerly run past
-  the city of Multan into the Chenab or Akesines.
-
-  [558] Arrian, vi. 9, 10, 11. He notices the great discrepancy
-  in the various accounts given of this achievement and dangerous
-  wound of Alexander.
-
-  Compare Diodor. xvii. 98, 99; Curtius, ix. 4, 5; Plutarch, Alex.
-  63.
-
-The wound of Alexander was so severe, that he was at first reported
-to be dead to the great consternation and distress of the army.
-However, he became soon sufficiently recovered to show himself, and
-to receive their ardent congratulations, in the camp established at
-the point of junction between the Hydraotes (Ravee) and Akesines
-(Chenab).[559] His voyage down the river, though delayed by the care
-of his wound, was soon resumed and prosecuted, with the same active
-operations by his land-force on both sides to subjugate all the
-Indian tribes and cities within accessible distance. At the junction
-of the river Akesines (Punjnud) with the Indus, Alexander directed
-the foundation of a new city, with adequate docks and conveniences
-for ship-building, whereby he expected to command the internal
-navigation.[560] Having no farther occasion now for so large a
-land-force, he sent a large portion of it, under Kraterus, westward
-(seemingly through the pass now called Bolan) into Karmania.[561] He
-established another military and naval post at Pattala, where the
-Delta of the Indus divided; and he then sailed, with a portion of his
-fleet, down the right arm of the river to have the first sight of the
-Indian Ocean. The view of ebbing and flowing tide, of which none had
-had experience on the scale there exhibited, occasioned to all much
-astonishment and alarm.[562]
-
-  [559] Arrian, xi. 13.
-
-  [560] Arrian, xi. 15, 5.
-
-  [561] Arrian, xi. 17, 6; Strabo, xv. p. 721.
-
-  [562] Arrian, xi. 18, 19; Curtius, ix. 9. He reached Pattala
-  towards the middle or end of July, περὶ κυνὸς ἐπιτολήν (Strabo,
-  xv. p. 692).
-
-  The site of Pattala has been usually looked for near the modern
-  Tatta. But Dr. Kennedy, in his recent ‘Narrative of the Campaign
-  of the Army of the Indus in Scinde and Kabool’ (ch. v. p.
-  104), shows some reasons for thinking that it must have been
-  considerably higher up the river than Tatta; somewhere near
-  Sehwan. “The delta commencing about 130 miles above the sea, its
-  northern apex would be somewhere midway between Hyderabad and
-  Sehwan; where local traditions still speak of ancient cities
-  destroyed, and of greater changes having occurred than in any
-  other part of the course of the Indus.”
-
-  The constant changes in the course of the Indus, however (compare
-  p. 73 of his work), noticed by all observers, render every
-  attempt at such identification conjectural—see Wood’s Journey to
-  the Oxus, p. 12.
-
-The fleet was now left to be conducted by the admiral Nearchus,
-from the mouth of the Indus round by the Persian Gulf to that of
-the Tigris: a memorable nautical enterprise in Grecian antiquity.
-Alexander himself (about the month of August) began his march by land
-westward through the territories of the Arabitæ and the Oritæ, and
-afterwards through the deserts of Gedrosia. Pura, the principal town
-of the Gedrosians, was sixty days’ march from the boundary of the
-Oritæ.[563]
-
-  [563] Arrian, vi. 24, 2; Strabo, xv. p. 723.
-
-Here his army, though without any formidable opposing enemy,
-underwent the most severe and deplorable sufferings; their march
-being through a sandy and trackless desert, with short supplies of
-food and still shorter supplies of water, under a burning sun. The
-loss in men, horses, and baggage-cattle from thirst, fatigue, and
-disease was prodigious; and it required all the unconquerable energy
-of Alexander to bring through even the diminished number.[564] At
-Pura the army obtained repose and refreshment, and was enabled to
-march forward into Karmania, where Kraterus joined them with his
-division from the Indus, and Kleander with the division which had
-been left at Ekbatana. Kleander, accused of heinous crimes in his
-late command, was put to death or imprisoned: several of his comrades
-were executed. To recompense the soldiers for their recent distress
-in Gedrosia, the king conducted them for seven days in drunken
-bacchanalian procession through Karmania, himself and all his friends
-taking part in the revelry; an imitation of the jovial festivity
-and triumph with which the god Dionysus had marched back from the
-conquest of India.[565]
-
-  [564] Arrian, vi. 25, 26; Curtius. ix. 10; Plutarch, Alex. 66.
-
-  [565] Curtius, ix. 10; Diodor. xvii. 106; Plutarch, Alex. 67.
-  Arrian (vi. 28) found this festal progress mentioned in some
-  authorities, but not in others. Neither Ptolemy nor Aristobulus
-  mentioned it. Accordingly Arrian refuses to believe it. There
-  may have been exaggerations or falsities as to the details of
-  the march; but as a general fact, I see no sufficient ground for
-  disbelieving it. A season of excessive license to the soldiers,
-  after their extreme suffering in Gedrosia, was by no means
-  unnatural to grant. Moreover, it corresponds to the general
-  conception of the returning march of Dionysus in antiquity,
-  while the imitation of that god was quite in conformity with
-  Alexander’s turn of sentiment.
-
-  I have already remarked, that the silence of Ptolemy and
-  Aristobulus is too strongly insisted on, both by Arrian and by
-  others, as a reason for disbelieving affirmations respecting
-  Alexander.
-
-  Arrian and Curtius (x. 1) differ in their statements about the
-  treatment of Kleander. According to Arrian, he was put to death;
-  according to Curtius, he was spared from death, and simply put
-  in prison, in consequence of the important service which he had
-  rendered by killing Parmenio with his own hand; while 600 of his
-  accomplices and agents were put to death.
-
-During the halt in Karmania Alexander had the satisfaction of seeing
-his admiral Nearchus,[566] who had brought the fleet round from the
-mouth of the Indus to the harbor called Harmozeia (Ormuz), not far
-from the entrance of the Persian Gulf; a voyage of much hardship
-and distress, along the barren coasts of the Oritæ, the Gedrosians,
-and the Ichthyophagi.[567] Nearchus, highly commended and honored,
-was presently sent back to complete his voyage as far as the mouth
-of the Euphrates; while Hephæstion also was directed to conduct the
-larger portion of the army, with the elephants and heavy baggage,
-by the road near the coast from Karmania into Persis. This road,
-though circuitous, was the most convenient, as it was now the winter
-season;[568] but Alexander himself, with the lighter divisions of his
-army, took the more direct mountain road from Karmania to Pasargadæ
-and Persepolis. Visiting the tomb of Cyrus the Great, founder of the
-Persian empire, he was incensed to find it violated and pillaged.
-He caused it to be carefully restored, put to death a Macedonian
-named Polymachus as the offender, and tortured the Magian guardians
-of it for the purpose of discovering accomplices, but in vain.[569]
-Orsines, satrap of Persis, was however accused of connivance in
-the deed, as well as of various acts of murder and spoliation:
-according to Curtius, he was not only innocent, but had manifested
-both good faith and devotion to Alexander;[570] in spite of which
-he became a victim of the hostility of the favorite eunuch Bagoas,
-who both poisoned the king’s mind with calumnies of his own, and
-suborned other accusers with false testimony. Whatever may be the
-truth of the story, Alexander caused Orsines to be hanged; naming as
-satrap Peukestes, whose favor was now high, partly as comrade and
-preserver of the king in his imminent danger at the citadel of the
-Malli,—partly from his having adopted the Persian dress, manners, and
-language more completely than any other Macedonian.[571]
-
-  [566] Nearchus had begun his voyage about the end of September,
-  or beginning of October (Arrian, Indic. 21; Strabo, xv. p. 721).
-
-  [567] Arrian, vi. 28, 7; Arrian, Indica, c. 33-37.
-
-  [568] Arrian, vi. 28, 12-29, 1.
-
-  [569] Plutarch, Alex. 69; Arrian, vi. 29, 17; Strabo, xv. p. 730.
-
-  [570] Arrian, vi. 30, 2; Curtius, x. 1, 23-38. “Hic fuit exitus
-  nobilissimi Persarum, nec insontis modo, sed eximiæ quoque
-  benignitatis in regem.” The great favor which the beautiful
-  eunuch Bagoas (though Arrian does not mention him) enjoyed
-  with Alexander, and the exalted position which he occupied,
-  are attested by good contemporary evidence, especially the
-  philosopher Dikæarchus—see Athenæ. xiii. p. 603; Dikæarch. Fragm.
-  19. ap. Hist. Græc. Fragm. Didot, vol. ii. p. 241. Compare the
-  Fragments of Eumenes and Diodotus (Ælian, V. H. iii. 23) in
-  Didot, Fragm. Scriptor. Hist. Alex. Magni, p. 121; Plutarch De
-  Adul. et Amic. Discrim. p. 65.
-
-  [571] Arrian, vi. 30; Curtius, x. 1, 22-30.
-
-It was about February, in 324 B. C.,[572] that Alexander
-marched out of Persis to Susa. During this progress, at the point
-where he crossed the Pasitigris, he was again joined by Nearchus, who
-having completed his circumnavigation from the mouth of the Indus
-to that of the Euphrates, had sailed back with the fleet from the
-latter river and come up the Pasitigris.[573] It is probable that
-the division of Hephæstion also rejoined him at Susa, and that the
-whole army was there for the first time brought together, after the
-separation in Karmania.
-
-  [572] Mr. Fynes Clinton (Fast. Hellen. B. C. 325, also Append. p.
-  232) places the arrival of Alexander in Susiana, on his return
-  march, in the month of February B. C. 325; a year too early, in
-  my opinion. I have before remarked on the views of Mr. Clinton
-  respecting the date of Alexander’s victory over Porus on the
-  Hydaspes, where he alters the name of the month as it stands
-  in the text of Arrian (following Schmieder’s conjecture), and
-  supposes that battle to have occurred in August B. C. 327 instead
-  of April B. C. 326. Mr. Clinton antedates by one year all the
-  proceedings of Alexander subsequent to his quitting Baktria
-  for the last time in the summer of B. C. 327. Dr. Vincent’s
-  remark—“that the supposition of _two winters_ occurring after
-  Alexander’s return to Susa is not borne out by the historians”
-  (see Clinton. p. 232), is a perfectly just one; and Mitford has
-  not replied to it in a satisfactory manner. In my judgment,
-  there was only an interval of sixteen months (not an interval of
-  twenty-eight months, as Mr. Clinton supposes) between the return
-  of Alexander to Susa and his death at Babylon (Feb. 324 B. C. to
-  June 323 B. C.).
-
-  [573] Arrian, vii. 5. 9; Arrian, Indica, c. 42. The voluntary
-  death of Kalanus the Indian Gymnosophist must have taken place
-  at Susa (where Diodorus places it—xvii. 107), and not in Persis;
-  for Nearchus was seemingly present at the memorable scene of the
-  funeral pile (Arrian, vii. 3, 9)—and he was not with Alexander in
-  Persis.
-
-In Susa and Susiana Alexander spent some months. For the first time
-since his accession to the throne, he had now no military operations
-in hand or in immediate prospect. No enemy was before him, until it
-pleased him to go in quest of a new one;—nor indeed could any new
-one be found, except at a prodigious distance. He had emerged from
-the perils of the untrodden East, and had returned into the ordinary
-localities and conditions of Persian rule, occupying that capital
-city from whence the great Achæmenid kings had been accustomed to
-govern the Western as well as the Eastern portions of their vast
-empire. To their post, and to their irritable love of servility,
-Alexander had succeeded; but bringing with him a restless energy such
-as none of them except the first founder Cyrus had manifested—and a
-splendid military genius, such as was unknown alike to Cyrus and to
-his successors.
-
-In the new position of Alexander, his principal subjects of
-uneasiness were, the satraps and the Macedonian soldiers. During
-the long interval (more than five years) which had elapsed since he
-marched eastward from Hyrkania in pursuit of Bessus, the satraps had
-necessarily been left much to themselves. Some had imagined that
-he would never return; an anticipation noway unreasonable, since
-his own impulse towards forward march was so insatiate that he was
-only constrained to return by the resolute opposition of his own
-soldiers; moreover his dangerous wound among the Malli, and his
-calamitous march through Gedrôsia, had given rise to reports of
-his death, credited for some time even by Olympias and Kleopatra
-in Macedonia.[574] Under these uncertainties, some satraps stood
-accused of having pillaged rich temples, and committed acts of
-violence towards individuals. Apart from all criminality, real
-or alleged, several of them, also, had taken into pay bodies of
-mercenary troops, partly as a necessary means of authority in their
-respective districts, partly as a protection to themselves in the
-event of Alexander’s decease. Respecting the conduct of the satraps
-and their officers, many denunciations and complaints were sent in;
-to which Alexander listened readily and even eagerly, punishing the
-accused with indiscriminate rigor, and resenting especially the
-suspicion that they had calculated upon his death.[575] Among those
-executed, were Abulites, satrap of Susiana, with his son Oxathres;
-the latter was even slain by the hands of Alexander himself, with a
-sarissa[576]—the dispensation of punishment becoming in his hands
-an outburst of exasperated temper. He also despatched peremptory
-orders to all the satraps, enjoining them to dismiss their mercenary
-troops without delay.[577] This measure produced considerable
-effect on the condition of Greece—about which I shall speak in a
-subsequent chapter. Harpalus, satrap of Babylon (about whom also
-more, presently), having squandered large sums out of the revenues of
-the post upon ostentatious luxury, became terrified when Alexander
-was approaching Susiana, and fled to Greece with a large treasure
-and a small body of soldiers.[578] Serious alarm was felt among all
-the satraps and officers, innocent as well as guilty. That the most
-guilty were not those who fared worst, we may see by the case of
-Kleomenes in Egypt, who remained unmolested in his government, though
-his iniquities were no secret.[579]
-
-  [574] Plutarch, Alexand. 68.
-
-  [575] Arrian, vii. 4, 2-5; Diodor. xvii. 108; Curtius, x. 1,
-  7. “Cœperat esse præceps ad repræsentanda supplicia, item ad
-  deteriora credenda” (Curtius, x. 1, 39).
-
-  [576] Plutarch, Alex. 68.
-
-  [577] Diodor. xvii. 106-111.
-
-  [578] Among the accusations which reached Alexander against this
-  satrap, we are surprised to find a letter addressed to him (ἐν
-  τῇ πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπιστολῇ) by the Greek historian Theopompus;
-  who set forth with indignation the extravagant gifts and honors
-  heaped by Harpalus upon his two successive mistresses—Pythionikê
-  and Glykera; celebrated Hetæræ from Athens. These proceedings
-  Theopompus describes as insults to Alexander (Theopompus ap.
-  Athenæ. xiii. p. 586-595; Fragment. 277, 278 ed. Didot).
-
-  The satyric drama called Ἀγὴν, represented before Alexander at
-  a period subsequent to the flight of Harpalus, cannot have been
-  represented (as Athenæus states it to have been) on the banks
-  of _the Hydaspes_, because Harpalus did not make his escape
-  until he was frightened by the approach of Alexander _returning_
-  from India. At the Hydaspes, Alexander was still on his outward
-  progress; very far off, and without any idea of returning.
-  It appears to me that the words of Athenæus respecting this
-  drama—ἐδίδαξε Διονυσίων ὄντων ἐπὶ τοῦ ~Ὑδάσπου~ τοῦ ποταμοῦ
-  (xiii, p. 595)—involve a mistake or misreading; and that it
-  ought to stand ἐπὶ τοῦ ~Χοάσπου~ τοῦ ποταμοῦ. I may remark that
-  the words _Medus Hydaspes_ in Virgil, Georg. iv. 211, probably
-  involve the same confusion. The Choaspes was the river, near
-  Susa; and this drama was performed before Alexander at Susa
-  during the Dionysia of the year 324 B. C., after
-  Harpalus had fled. The Dionysia were in the month Elaphebolion;
-  now Alexander did not fight Porus on the Hydaspes until the
-  succeeding month Munychion at the earliest—and probably later.
-  And even if we suppose (which is not probable) that he reached
-  the Hydaspes in Elaphebolion, he would have no leisure to
-  celebrate dramas and a Dionysiac festival, while the army of
-  Porus was waiting for him on the opposite bank. Moreover it is no
-  way probable that, on the remote Hydaspes, he had any actors or
-  chorus, or means of celebrating dramas at all.
-
-  [579] Arrian, vii. 18, 2; vii. 23, 9-13.
-
-Among the Macedonian soldiers, discontent had been perpetually
-growing, from the numerous proofs which they witnessed that Alexander
-had made his election for an Asiatic character, and abnegated his own
-country. Besides his habitual adoption of the Persian costume and
-ceremonial, he now celebrated a sort of national Asiatic marriage at
-Susa. He had already married the captive Roxana, in Baktria; he next
-took two additional wives—Statira, daughter of Darius—and Parysatis,
-daughter of the preceding king Ochus. He at the same time caused
-eighty of his principal friends and officers, some very reluctantly,
-to marry (according to Persian rites) wives selected from the
-noblest Persian families, providing dowries for all of them.[580] He
-made presents besides, to all those Macedonians who gave in their
-names as having married Persian women. Splendid festivities[581]
-accompanied these nuptials, with honorary rewards distributed to
-favorites and meritorious officers. Macedonians and Persians, the
-two imperial races, one in Europe, the other in Asia, were thus
-intended to be amalgamated. To soften the aversion of the soldiers
-generally towards these Asiatising marriages,[582] Alexander issued
-proclamation that he would himself discharge their debts, inviting
-all who owed money to give in their names with an intimation of the
-sums due. It was known that the debtors were numerous; yet few came
-to enter their names. The soldiers suspected the proclamation as
-a stratagem, intended for the purpose of detecting such as were
-spendthrifts, and obtaining a pretext for punishment: a remarkable
-evidence how little confidence or affection Alexander now inspired,
-and how completely the sentiment entertained towards him was that
-of fear mingled with admiration. He himself was much hurt at their
-mistrust, and openly complained of it; at the same time proclaiming
-that paymasters and tables should be planted openly in the camp,
-and that any soldier might come and ask for money enough to pay
-his debts, without being bound to give in his name. Assured of
-secrecy, they now made application in such numbers that the total
-distributed was prodigiously great; reaching, according to some, to
-10,000 talents—according to Arrian, not less than 20,000 talents or
-£4,600,000 sterling.[583]
-
-  [580] Arrian, vii. 4, 6-9. By these two marriages, Alexander thus
-  engrafted himself upon the two lines of antecedent Persian Kings.
-  Ochus was of the Achæmenid family, but Darius Codomannus, father
-  of Statira, was not of that family; he began a new lineage. About
-  the overweening regal state of Alexander, outdoing even the
-  previous Persian kings, see Phylarchus ap. Athenæ. xii. p. 539.
-
-  [581] Chares ap. Athenæ. xii. p. 538.
-
-  [582] Arrian, vii. 6, 3. καὶ τοὺς γάμους ἐν τῷ νόμῳ τῷ Περσικῷ
-  ποιηθέντας οὐ πρὸς θυμοῦ γενέσθαι τοῖς πολλοῖς αὐτῶν, οὐδὲ τῶν
-  γημάντων ἐστὶν οἷς, etc.
-
-  [583] Arrian, vii. 5; Plutarch, Alexand. 70; Curtius, x. 2, 9;
-  Diodor. xvii. 109.
-
-Large as this donative was, it probably gave but partial
-satisfaction, since the most steady and well-conducted soldiers could
-have received no benefit, except in so far as they might choose to
-come forward with fictitious debts. A new modification moreover was
-in store for the soldiers generally. There arrived from the various
-satrapies—even from those most distant, Sogdiana, Baktria, Aria,
-Drangiana, Arachosia, etc.—contingents of young and fresh native
-troops, amounting in total to 30,000 men; all armed and drilled
-in the Macedonian manner. From the time when the Macedonians had
-refused to cross the river Hyphasis and march forward into India,
-Alexander saw, that for his large aggressive schemes it was necessary
-to disband the old soldiers, and to organize an army at once more
-fresh and more submissive. He accordingly despatched orders to the
-satraps to raise and discipline new Asiatic levies, of vigorous
-native youths; and the fruit of these orders was now seen.[584]
-Alexander reviewed the new levies, whom he called the Epigoni, with
-great satisfaction. He moreover incorporated many native Persians,
-both officers and soldiers, into the Companion-cavalry, the most
-honorable service in the army; making the important change of arming
-them with the short Macedonian thrusting-pike in place of the missile
-Persian javelin. They were found such apt soldiers, and the genius of
-Alexander for military organization was so consummate, that he saw
-himself soon released from his dependence on the Macedonian veterans;
-a change evident enough to them as well as to him.[585]
-
-  [584] Diodor. xvii. 108. It must have taken some time to get
-  together and discipline these young troops; Alexander must
-  therefore have sent the orders from India.
-
-  [585] Arrian, vii. 6.
-
-The novelty and success of Nearchus in his exploring voyage had
-excited in Alexander an eager appetite for naval operations. Going on
-board his fleet in the Pasitigris (the Karun, the river on the east
-side of Susa), he sailed in person down to the Persian Gulf, surveyed
-the coast as far as the mouth of the Tigris, and then sailed up the
-latter river as far as Opis. Hephæstion meanwhile, commanding the
-army, marched by land in concert with this voyage, and came back to
-Opis, where Alexander disembarked.[586]
-
-  [586] Arrian, vii. 7.
-
-Sufficient experiment had now been made with the Asiatic levies, to
-enable Alexander to dispense with many of his Macedonian veterans.
-Calling together the army, he intimated his intention of sending
-home those who were unfit for service either from age or wounds, but
-of allotting to them presents at departure sufficient to place them
-in an enviable condition, and attract fresh Macedonian substitutes.
-On hearing this intimation, all the long-standing discontent of the
-soldiers at once broke out. They felt themselves set aside as worn
-out and useless,—and set aside, not to make room for younger men of
-their own country, but in favor of those Asiatics into whose arms
-their king had now passed. They demanded with a loud voice that he
-should dismiss them all—advising him by way of taunt to make his
-future conquests along with his father Ammon. These manifestations so
-incensed Alexander, that he leaped down from the elevated platform on
-which he had stood to speak, rushed with a few of his guards among
-the crowd of soldiers, and seized or caused to be seized thirteen
-of those apparently most forward, ordering them immediately to be
-put to death. The multitude were thoroughly overawed and reduced to
-silence, upon which Alexander remounted the platform and addressed
-them in a speech of considerable length. He boasted of the great
-exploits of Philip, and of his own still greater: he affirmed that
-all the benefit of his conquests had gone to the Macedonians, and
-that he himself had derived from them nothing but a double share of
-the common labors, hardships, wounds, and perils. Reproaching them
-as base deserters from a king who had gained for them all these
-unparalleled acquisitions, he concluded by giving discharge to
-all—commanding them forthwith to depart.[587]
-
-  [587] Arrian, vii. 9, 10; Plutarch, Alex. 71; Curtius, x. 2;
-  Justin, xii. 11.
-
-After this speech—teeming (as we read it in Arrian) with that
-exorbitant self-exaltation which formed the leading feature in
-his character—Alexander hurried away into the palace, where he
-remained shut up for two days without admitting any one except his
-immediate attendants. His guards departed along with him, leaving
-the discontented soldiers stupefied and motionless. Receiving no
-farther orders, nor any of the accustomed military indications,[588]
-they were left in the helpless condition of soldiers constrained to
-resolve for themselves, and at the same time altogether dependent
-upon Alexander whom they had offended. On the third day, they learnt
-that he had convened the Persian officers, and had invested them with
-the chief military commands, distributing the newly arrived Epigoni
-into divisions of infantry and cavalry, all with Macedonian military
-titles, and passing over the Macedonians themselves as if they did
-not exist. At this news, the soldiers were overwhelmed with shame and
-remorse. They rushed to the gates of the palace, threw down their
-arms, and supplicated with tears and groans for Alexander’s pardon.
-Presently he came out, and was himself moved to tears by seeing their
-prostrate deportment. After testifying his full reconciliation,
-he caused a solemn sacrifice to be celebrated, coupled with a
-multitudinous banquet of mixed Macedonians and Persians. The Grecian
-prophets, the Persian magi and all the guests present, united in
-prayer and libation for fusion, harmony, and community of empire,
-between the two nations.[589]
-
-  [588] See the description given by Tacitus (Hist. ii. 29) of
-  the bringing round of the Vitellian army,—which had mutinied
-  against the general Fabius Valens:—“Tum Alphenus Varus,
-  præfectus castrorum, deflagrante paulatim seditione, addit
-  consilium—vetitis obire vigilias centurionibus, omisso tubæ
-  sono, quo miles ad belli munia cietur. Igitur torpere cuncti,
-  circumspectare inter se attoniti, _et id ipsum, quod nemo
-  regeret, paventes_; silentio, patientiâ, postremo precibus et
-  lacrymis veniam quærebant. Ut vero deformis et fiens, et præter
-  spem incolumis, Valens processit, gaudium, miseratio, favor;
-  versi in lætitiam (ut est vulgus utroque immodicum) laudantes
-  gratantesque, circumdatum aquilis signisque, in tribunal ferunt.”
-
-  Compare also the narrative in Xenophon (Anab. i. 3) of the
-  embarrassment of the Ten Thousand Greeks at Tarsus, when they at
-  first refused to obey Klearchus and march against the Great King.
-
-  [589] Arrian, vii. 11.
-
-This complete victory over his own soldiers was probably as
-gratifying to Alexander as any one gained during his past life;
-carrying as it did a consoling retribution for the memorable stoppage
-on the banks of the Hyphasis, which he had neither forgotten nor
-forgiven. He selected 10,000 of the oldest and most exhausted among
-the soldiers to be sent home under Kraterus, giving to each full pay
-until the time of arrival in Macedonia, with a donation of one talent
-besides. He intended that Kraterus, who was in bad health, should
-remain in Europe as viceroy of Macedonia, and that Antipater should
-come out to Asia with a reinforcement of troops.[590] Pursuant to
-this resolution, the 10,000 soldiers were now singled out for return,
-and separated from the main army. Yet it does not appear that they
-actually did return, during the ten months of Alexander’s remaining
-life.
-
-  [590] Arrian, vii. 12, 1-7; Justin, xii. 12. Kraterus was
-  especially popular with the Macedonian soldiers, because he had
-  always opposed, as much as he dared, the Oriental transformation
-  of Alexander (Plutarch, Eumenes, 6).
-
-Of the important edict issued this summer by Alexander to the
-Grecian cities, and read at the Olympic festival in July—directing
-each city to recall its exiled citizens—I shall speak in a future
-chapter. He had now accomplished his object of organizing a land
-force, half Macedonian, half Asiatic. But since the expedition of
-Nearchus, he had become bent upon a large extension of his naval
-force also; which was indeed an indispensable condition towards
-his immediate projects of conquering Arabia, and of pushing both
-nautical exploration and aggrandizement from the Persian Gulf round
-the Arabian coast. He despatched orders to the Phenician ports,
-directing that a numerous fleet should be built; and that the ships
-should then be taken to pieces, and conveyed across to Thapsakus
-on the Euphrates, from whence they would sail down to Babylon. At
-that place, he directed the construction of other ships from the
-numerous cypress trees around—as well as the formation of an enormous
-harbor in the river at Babylon, adequate to the accommodation of
-1000 ships of war. Mikkalus, a Greek of Klazomenæ, was sent to
-Phenicia with 500 talents, to enlist, or to purchase, seamen for the
-crews. It was calculated that these preparations (probably under the
-superintendence of Nearchus) would be completed by the spring, for
-which period contingents were summoned to Babylon for the expedition
-against Arabia.[591]
-
-  [591] Arrian, vii. 19. He also sent an officer named Herakleides
-  to the shores of the Caspian sea, with orders to construct ships
-  and make a survey of that sea (vii. 16).
-
-In the mean time, Alexander himself paid a visit to Ekbatana, the
-ordinary summer residence of the Persian kings. He conducted his army
-by leisurely marches, reviewing by the way the ancient regal parks
-of the celebrated breed called Nisæan horses now greatly reduced in
-number.[592] On the march, a violent altercation occurred between his
-personal favorite Hephæstion,—and his secretary Eumenes, the most
-able, dexterous, and long-sighted man in his service. Eumenes, as a
-Greek of Kardia, had been always regarded with slight and jealousy by
-the Macedonian officers, especially by Hephæstion; Alexander now took
-pains to reconcile the two, experiencing no difficulty with Eumenes,
-but much with Hephæstion.[593] During his stay at Ekbatana, he
-celebrated magnificent sacrifices and festivities, with gymnastic and
-musical exhibitions, which were farther enlivened, according to the
-Macedonian habits, by banquets and excessive wine-drinking. Amidst
-these proceedings, Hephæstion was seized with a fever. The vigor of
-his constitution emboldened him to neglect all care or regimen, so
-that in a few days the disease carried him off. The final crisis came
-on suddenly, and Alexander was warned of it while sitting in the
-theatre; but though he instantly hurried to the bedside, he found
-Hephæstion already dead. His sorrow for this loss was unbounded,
-manifesting itself in excesses suitable to the general violence of
-his impulses, whether of affection or of antipathy. Like Achilles
-mourning for Patroklus, he cast himself on the ground near the dead
-body, and remained there wailing for several hours; he refused
-all care, and even food, for two days; he cut his hair close, and
-commanded that all the horses and mules in the camp should have their
-manes cut close also; he not only suspended the festivities, but
-interdicted all music and every sign of joy in the camp; he directed
-that the battlements of the walls belonging to the neighboring cities
-should be struck off; he hung, or crucified, the physician Glaukias,
-who had prescribed for Hephæstion; he ordered that a vast funeral
-pile should be erected at Babylon, at a cost given to us as 10,000
-talents (£2,300,000), to celebrate the obsequies; he sent messengers
-to the oracle of Ammon, to inquire whether it was permitted to
-worship Hephæstion as a god. Many of those around him, accommodating
-themselves to this passionate impulse of the ruler, began at once
-to show a sort of worship towards the deceased, by devoting to
-him themselves and their arms; of which Eumenes set the example,
-conscious of his own personal danger, if Alexander should suspect
-him of being pleased at the death of his recent rival. Perdikkas was
-instructed to convey the body in solemn procession to Babylon, there
-to be burnt in state when preparations should be completed.[594]
-
-  [592] Arrian, vii. 13, 2; Diodor. xvii. 110. How leisurely the
-  march was may be seen in Diodorus.
-
-  The direction of Alexander’s march from Susa to Ekbatana, along
-  a frequented and good road which Diodorus in another place
-  calls a royal road (xix. 19), is traced by Ritter, deriving
-  his information chiefly from the recent researches of Major
-  Rawlinson. The larger portion of the way lay along the western
-  side of the chain of Mount Zagros, and on the right bank of the
-  river Kerkha (Ritter, Erdkunde, part ix. b. 3. p. 329, West Asia).
-
-  [593] Arrian, vii. 13, 1; Plutarch, Eumenes, 2.
-
-  [594] Arrian, vii. 14; Plutarch, Alexand. 72; Diodor. xvii. 110.
-  It will not do to follow the canon of evidence tacitly assumed
-  by Arrian, who thinks himself authorized to discredit all the
-  details of Alexander’s conduct on this occasion, which transgress
-  the limits of a dignified, though vehement sorrow.
-
-  When Masistius was slain, in the Persian army commanded by
-  Mardonius in Bœotia, the manes of the horses were cut, as token
-  of mourning: compare also Plutarch, Pelopidas, 33; and Euripid.
-  Alkestis, 442.
-
-Alexander stayed at Ekbatana until winter was at hand, seeking
-distraction from his grief in exaggerated splendor of festivals
-and ostentation of life. His temper became so much more irascible
-and furious, that no one approached him without fear, and he was
-propitiated by the most extravagant flatteries.[595] At length he
-roused himself and found his true consolation, in gratifying the
-primary passions of his nature—fighting and man-hunting.[596] Between
-Media and Persis, dwelt the tribes called Kossæi, amidst a region
-of lofty, trackless, inaccessible mountains. Brave and predatory,
-they had defied the attacks of the Persian kings. Alexander now
-conducted against them a powerful force, and in spite of increased
-difficulties arising from the wintry season, pushed them from point
-to point, following them into the loftiest and most impenetrable
-recesses of their mountains. These efforts were continued for forty
-days, under himself and Ptolemy, until the entire male population
-was slain; which passed for an acceptable offering to the manes of
-Hephæstion.[597]
-
-  [595] See the curious extracts from Ephippus the
-  Chalkidian,—seemingly a contemporary, if not an eye-witness (ap.
-  Athenæ. xii. p. 537, 538)—εὐφημία δὲ καὶ σιγὴ κατεῖχε πάντας ὑπὸ
-  δέους τοὺς παρόντας· ἀφόρητος γὰρ ἦν (Alexander) καὶ φονικός·
-  ἐδόκει γὰρ εἶναι μελαγχολικὸς, etc.
-
-  [596] I translate here, literally, Plutarch’s expression—Τοῦ
-  δὲ πένθους παρηγορίᾳ τῷ πολέμῳ χρώμενος, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ θήραν καὶ
-  ~κυνηγέσιον ἀνθρώπων~ ἐξῆλθε, καὶ τὸ Κοσσαίων ἔθνος κατεστρέψατο,
-  ~πάντας ἡβηδὸν ἀποσφάττων~. Τοῦτο δὲ Ἡφαιστίωνος ἐναγισμὸς
-  ἐκαλεῖτο (Plutarch, Alexand. 72: compare Polyænus, iv. 3, 31).
-
-  [597] Arrian, vii. 15; Plutarch, Alex. 72; Diodor. xvii. 111.
-  This general slaughter, however, can only be true of portions of
-  the Kossæan name; for Kossæans occur in after years (Diodor. xix.
-  19.).
-
-Not long afterwards, Alexander commenced his progress to Babylon;
-but in slow marches, farther retarded by various foreign embassies
-which met him on the road. So widely had the terror of his name
-and achievements been spread, that several of these envoys came
-from the most distant regions. There were some from the various
-tribes of Lybia—from Carthage—from Sicily and Sardinia—from
-the Illyrians and Thracians—from the Lucanians, Bruttians, and
-Tuscans, in Italy—nay, even (some affirmed) from the Romans, as
-yet a people of moderate power.[598] But there were other names
-yet more surprising—Æthiopians, from the extreme south, beyond
-Egypt—Scythians from the north, beyond the Danube—Iberians and Gauls,
-from the far west, beyond the Mediterranean Sea. Legates also arrived
-from various Grecian cities, partly to tender congratulations and
-compliments upon his matchless successes, partly to remonstrate
-against his sweeping mandate for the general restoration of the
-Grecian exiles.[599] It was remarked that these Grecian legates
-approached him with wreaths on their heads, tendering golden wreaths
-to him,—as if they were coming into the presence of a god.[600] The
-proofs which Alexander received even from distant tribes with names
-and costumes unknown to him, of fear for his enmity and anxiety
-for his favor, were such as had never been shown to any historical
-person, and such as entirely to explain his superhuman arrogance.
-
-  [598] Pliny, H. N. iii. 9. The story in Strabo, v. p. 232, can
-  hardly apply to Alexander the Great. Livy (ix. 18) conceives that
-  the Romans knew nothing of Alexander even by report, but this
-  appears to me not credible.
-
-  On the whole, though the point is doubtful, I incline to believe
-  the assertion of a Roman embassy to Alexander. Nevertheless,
-  there were various false statements which afterwards became
-  current about it—one of which may be seen in Memnon’s history
-  of the Pontic Herakleia ap. Photium, Cod. 224; Orelli Fragment.
-  Memnon, p. 36. Kleitarchus (contemporary of Alexander), whom
-  Pliny quotes, can have had no motive to insert falsely the name
-  of Romans, which in his time was nowise important.
-
-  [599] Arrian, vii. 15; Justin, xii. 13; Diodor. xvii. 113. The
-  story mentioned by Justin in another place (xxi. 6) is probably
-  referable to this season of Alexander’s career. A Carthaginian
-  named Hamilkar Rhodanus, was sent by his city to Alexander;
-  really as an emissary to acquaint himself with the king’s real
-  designs, which occasioned to the Carthaginians serious alarm—but
-  under color of being an exile tendering his services. Justin says
-  that Parmenio introduced Hamilkar—which must, I think, be an
-  error.
-
-  [600] Arrian, vii. 19, 1; vii. 23, 3.
-
-In the midst of this exuberant pride and good fortune, however, dark
-omens and prophecies crowded upon him as he approached Babylon. Of
-these the most remarkable was, the warning of the Chaldean priests,
-who apprised him, soon after he crossed the Tigris, that it would
-be dangerous for him to enter that city, and exhorted him to remain
-outside of the gates. At first he was inclined to obey; but his
-scruples were overruled, either by arguments from the Greek sophist
-Anaxarchus, or by the shame of shutting himself out from the most
-memorable city of the empire, where his great naval preparations
-were now going on. He found Nearchus with his fleet, who had come
-up from the mouth of the river,—and also the ships directed to be
-built in Phenicia, which had come down the river from Thapsakus,
-together with large numbers of seafaring men to serve aboard.[601]
-The ships of cypress-wood, and the large docks, which he had ordered
-to be constructed at Babylon, were likewise in full progress. He lost
-no time in concerting with Nearchus the details of an expedition
-into Arabia and the Persian Gulf, by his land-force and naval
-force coöperating. From various naval officers, who had been sent
-to survey the Persian Gulf and now made their reports, he learned
-that though there were no serious difficulties within it or along
-its southern coast, yet to double the eastern cape which terminated
-that coast—to circumnavigate the unknown peninsula of Arabia—and
-thus to reach the Red Sea—was an enterprise perilous at least, if
-not impracticable.[602] But to achieve that which other men thought
-impracticable, was the leading passion of Alexander. He resolved to
-circumnavigate Arabia as well as to conquer the Arabians, from whom
-it was sufficient offence that they had sent no envoys to him. He
-also contemplated the foundation of a great maritime city in the
-interior of the Persian Gulf, to rival in wealth and commerce the
-cities of Phenicia.[603]
-
-  [601] Arrian, vii. 19, 5-12; Diodor. xvii. 112.
-
-  [602] Arrian, vii. 20, 15; Arrian, Indica, 43. To undertake this
-  circumnavigation, Alexander had despatched a ship-master of Soli
-  in Cyprus, named Hiero; who becoming alarmed at the distance
-  to which he was advancing, and at the apparently interminable
-  stretch of Arabia towards the south, returned without
-  accomplishing the object.
-
-  Even in the time of Arrian, in the second century after the
-  Christian era, Arabia had never been circumnavigated, from the
-  Persian Gulf to the Red Sea—at least so far as his knowledge
-  extended.
-
-  [603] Arrian, vii. 19, 11.
-
-Amidst preparations for this expedition—and while the immense funeral
-pile destined for Hephæstion was being built—Alexander sailed down
-the Euphrates to the great dyke called Pallakopas, about ninety miles
-below Babylon; a sluice constructed by the ancient Assyrian kings,
-for the purpose of being opened when the river was too full, so as
-to let off the water into the interminable marshes stretching out
-near the western bank. The sluice being reported not to work well,
-he projected the construction of a new one somewhat farther down. He
-then sailed through the Pallakopas in order to survey the marshes,
-together with the tombs of the ancient Assyrian kings which had been
-erected among them. Himself steering his vessel, with the kausia on
-his head, and the regal diadem above it,[604] he passed some time
-among these lakes and swamps, which were so extensive that his fleet
-lost the way among them. He stayed long enough also to direct, and
-even commence, the foundation of a new city, in what seemed to him a
-convenient spot.[605]
-
-  [604] Arrian, vii. 22, 2, 3; Strabo, xvi. p. 741.
-
-  [605] Arrian, vii. 21, 11. πόλιν ἐξῳκοδόμησέ τε καὶ ἐτείχισε.
-
-On returning to Babylon, Alexander found large reinforcements arrived
-there—partly under Philoxenus, Menander, and Menidas, from Lydia and
-Karia—partly 20,000 Persians, under Peukestes the satrap. He caused
-these Persians to be incorporated in the files of the Macedonian
-phalanx. According to the standing custom, each of these files
-was sixteen deep, and each soldier was armed with the long pike
-or sarissa wielded by two hands; the lochage, or front-rank man,
-being always an officer receiving double pay, of great strength and
-attested valor—and those second and third in the file, as well as the
-rearmost man of all, being likewise strong and good men, receiving
-larger pay than the rest. Alexander, in his new arrangement, retained
-the three first ranks and the rear rank unchanged, as well as the
-same depth of file; but he substituted twelve Persians in place
-of the twelve Macedonians who followed after the third-rank man;
-so that the file was composed first of the lochage and two other
-chosen Macedonians, each armed with the sarissa—then of twelve
-Persians armed in their own manner with bow or javelin—lastly, of a
-Macedonian with his sarissa bringing up the the rear.[606] In this
-Macedonico-Persian file, the front would have only three projecting
-pikes, instead of five, as the ordinary Macedonian phalanx presented;
-but then, in compensation, the Persian soldiers would be able to
-hurl their javelins at an advancing enemy, over the heads of their
-three front-rank men. The supervening death of Alexander prevented
-the actual execution of this reform, interesting as being his last
-project for amalgamating Persians and Macedonians into one military
-force.
-
-  [606] Arrian, vii. 23, 5. Even when performing the purely
-  military operation of passing these soldiers in review,
-  inspecting their exercise, and determining their array,—Alexander
-  sat upon the regal throne, surrounded by Asiatic eunuchs; his
-  principal officers sat upon couches with silver feet, near to him
-  (Arrian, vii. 24, 4). This is among the evidences of his altered
-  manners.
-
-Besides thus modifying the phalanx, Alexander also passed in review
-his fleet, which was now fully equipped. The order was actually
-given for departing, so soon as the obsequies of Hephæstion should
-be celebrated. This was the last act which remained for him to
-fulfil. The splendid funeral pile stood ready—two hundred feet
-high, occupying a square area, of which the side was nearly one
-furlong, loaded with mostly decorations from the zeal, real and
-simulated, of the Macedonian officers. The invention of artists was
-exhausted, in long discussions with the king himself, to produce
-at all cost an exhibition of magnificence singular and stupendous.
-The outlay (probably with addition of the festivals immediately
-following) is stated at 12,000 talents, or £2,760,000 sterling.[607]
-Alexander awaited the order from the oracle of Ammon, having sent
-thither messengers to inquire what measure of reverential honor he
-might properly and piously show to his departed friend.[608] The
-answer was now brought back, intimating that Hephæstion was to be
-worshipped as a Hero—the secondary form of worship, not on a level
-with that paid to the gods. Delighted with this divine testimony
-to Hephæstion, Alexander caused the pile to be lighted, and the
-obsequies celebrated, in a manner suitable to the injunctions of the
-oracle.[609] He farther directed that magnificent chapels or sacred
-edifices should be erected for the worship and honor of Hephæstion,
-at Alexandria in Egypt,—at Pella in Macedonia,—and probably in other
-cities also.[610]
-
-  [607] Diodorus, xvii. 115; Plutarch, Alex. 72.
-
-  [608] Arrian, vii. 23, 8.
-
-  [609] Diodor. xvii. 114, 115: compare Arrian, vii. 14, 16;
-  Plutarch, Alexand. 75.
-
-  [610] Arrian, vii. 23, 10-13; Diod. xviii. 4. Diodorus speaks
-  indeed, in this passage, of the πυρὰ or funeral pile in honor
-  of Hephæstion, as if it were among the vast expenses included
-  among the memoranda left by Alexander (after his decease) of
-  prospective schemes. But the funeral pile had already been
-  erected at Babylon, as Diodorus himself had informed us.
-
-  What Alexander left unexecuted at his decease, but intended to
-  execute if he had lived, was the splendid edifices and chapels in
-  Hephæstion’s honor—as we see by Arrian, vii. 23, 10. And Diodorus
-  must be supposed to allude to these intended sacred buildings,
-  though he has inadvertently spoken of the funeral pile. Kraterus,
-  who was under orders to return to Macedonia, was to have built
-  one at Pella.
-
-  The Olynthian Ephippus had composed a book περὶ τῆς Ἡφαιστίωνος
-  καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου ταφῆς, of which there appear four or five
-  citations in Athenæus. He dwelt especially on the luxurious
-  habits of Alexander, and on his unmeasured potations—common to
-  him with other Macedonians.
-
-Respecting the honors intended for Hephæstion at Alexandria, he
-addressed to Kleomenes, the satrap of Egypt, a despatch which becomes
-in part known to us. I have already stated that Kleomenes was among
-the worst of the satraps; having committed multiplied public crimes,
-of which Alexander was not uninformed. The regal despatch enjoined
-him to erect in commemoration of Hephæstion a chapel on the terra
-firma of Alexandria, with a splendid turret on the islet of Pharos;
-and to provide besides that all mercantile written contracts, as
-a condition of validity, should be inscribed with the name of
-Hephæstion. Alexander concluded thus: “If on coming I find the
-Egyptian temples and the chapels of Hephæstion completed in the best
-manner, I will forgive you for all your past crimes; and in future,
-whatever magnitude of crime you may commit, you shall suffer no bad
-treatment from me.”[611] This despatch strikingly illustrates how
-much the wrong doings of satraps were secondary considerations in
-his view, compared with splendid manifestations towards the gods and
-personal attachments towards friends.
-
-  [611] Arrian, vii. 23, 9-14. Καὶ Κλεομένει ἀνδρὶ κακῷ, καὶ πολλὰ
-  ἀδικήματα ἀδικήσαντι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, ἐπιστέλλει ἐπιστολήν.... Ἢν γὰρ
-  καταλάβω ἐγὼ (ἔλεγε τὰ γράμματα) τὰ ἱερὰ τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καλῶς
-  κατεσκευασμένα καὶ τὰ ἡρῷα τὰ Ἡφαιστίωνος, εἴτε τι πρότερον
-  ἡμάρτηκας, ἀφήσω σε τούτων, καὶ τολοιπόν, ὁπήλικον ἂν ἁμάρτῃς,
-  οὐδὲν πείσῃ ἐξ ἐμοῦ ἄχαρι.—In the oration of Demosthenes against
-  Dionysodoras (p. 1285), Kleomenes appears as enriching himself by
-  the monopoly of corn exported from Egypt: compare Pseudo-Aristot.
-  Œconom. c. 33. Kleomenes was afterwards put to death by the first
-  Ptolemy, who became king of Egypt (Pausanias, i. 6, 3).
-
-The intense sorrow felt by Alexander for the death of Hephæstion—not
-merely an attached friend, but of the same age and exuberant vigor
-as himself—laid his mind open to gloomy forebodings from numerous
-omens, as well as to jealous mistrust even of his oldest officers.
-Antipater especially, no longer protected against the calumnies of
-Olympias by the support of Hephæstion,[612] fell more and more into
-discredit; whilst his son Kassander, who had recently come into Asia
-with a Macedonian reinforcement, underwent from Alexander during
-irascible moments much insulting violence. In spite of the dissuasive
-warning of the Chaldean priests,[613] Alexander had been persuaded to
-distrust their sincerity, and had entered Babylon, though not without
-hesitation and uneasiness. However, when, after having entered the
-town, he went out of it again safely on his expedition for the survey
-of the lower Euphrates, he conceived himself to have exposed them
-as deceitful alarmists, and returned to the city with increased
-confidence, for the obsequies of his deceased friend.[614]
-
-  [612] Plutarch, Alex. 74; Diodor. xvii. 114.
-
-  [613] Arrian, vii. 16, 9; vii. 17, 6. Plutarch, Alex. 73. Diodor.
-  xvii. 112.
-
-  [614] Arrian, vii. 22, 1. Αὐτὸς δὲ ~ὡς ἐξελέγξας δὴ~ τῶν Χαλδαίων
-  μαντείαν, ὅτι οὐδὲν πεπονθὼς εἴη ἐν Βαβυλῶνι ἄχαρι (ἀλλ᾽ ἔφθη γὰρ
-  ἐλάσας ἔξω Βαβυλῶνος πρίν τι παθεῖν) ἀνέπλει αὖθις κατὰ τὰ ἕλη
-  ~θαῤῥῶν~, etc.
-
-  The uneasiness here caused by these prophecies and omens, in the
-  mind of the most fearless man of his age, is worthy of notice as
-  a psychological fact, and is perfectly attested by the authority
-  of Aristobulus and Nearchus. It appears that Anaxarchus and
-  other Grecian philosophers encouraged him by their reasonings
-  to despise all prophecy, but especially that of the Chaldæan
-  priests; who (they alleged) wished to keep Alexander out of
-  Babylon in order that they might continue to possess the large
-  revenues of the temple of Belus, which they had wrongfully
-  appropriated; Alexander being disposed to rebuild that ruined
-  temple, and to re-establish the suspended sacrifices to which its
-  revenues had been originally devoted (Arrian, vii. 17; Diodor.
-  xvii. 112). Not many days afterwards, Alexander greatly repented
-  of having given way to these dangerous reasoners, who by their
-  sophistical cavils set aside the power and the warnings of
-  destiny (Diodor. xvii. 116).
-
-The sacrifices connected with these obsequies were on the most
-prodigious scale. Victims enough were offered to furnish a feast for
-the army, who also received ample distributions of wine. Alexander
-himself presided at the feast, and abandoned himself to conviviality
-like the rest. Already full of wine, he was persuaded by his friend
-Medius to sup with him, and to pass the whole night in yet farther
-drinking, with the boisterous indulgence called by the Greeks Kômus
-or Revelry. Having slept off his intoxication during the next day,
-he in the evening again supped with Medius, and spent a second night
-in the like unmeasured indulgence.[615] It appears that he already
-had the seeds of fever upon him, which was so fatally aggravated by
-this intemperance that he was too ill to return to his palace. He
-took the bath, and slept in the house of Medius; on the next morning,
-he was unable to rise. After having been carried out on a couch to
-celebrate sacrifice (which was his daily habit), he was obliged to
-lie in bed all day. Nevertheless he summoned the generals to his
-presence, prescribing all the details of the impending expedition,
-and ordering that the land-force should begin its march on the
-fourth day following, while the fleet, with himself aboard, would
-sail on the fifth day. In the evening, he was carried on a couch
-across the Euphrates into a garden on the other side, where he
-bathed and rested for the night. The fever still continued, so that
-in the morning, after bathing and being carried out to perform the
-sacrifices, he remained on his couch all day, talking and playing at
-dice with Medius; in the evening, he bathed, sacrificed again, and
-ate a light supper, but endured a bad night with increased fever. The
-next two days passed in the same manner, the fever becoming worse
-and worse; nevertheless Alexander still summoned Nearchus to his
-bedside, discussed with him many points about his maritime projects,
-and repeated his order that the fleet should be ready by the third
-day. On the ensuing morning the fever was violent; Alexander reposed
-all day in a bathing-house in the garden, yet still calling in the
-generals to direct the filling up of vacancies among the officers,
-and ordering that the armament should be ready to move. Throughout
-the two next days, his malady became hourly more aggravated. On the
-last day of the two, Alexander could with difficulty support the
-being lifted out of bed to perform the sacrifice; even then, however,
-he continued to give orders to the generals about the expedition.
-On the morrow, though desperately ill, he still made the effort
-requisite for performing the sacrifice; he was then carried across
-from the garden-house to the palace, giving orders that the generals
-and officers should remain in permanent attendance in and near the
-hall. He caused some of them to be called to his bedside; but though
-he knew them perfectly, he had by this time become incapable of
-utterance. One of his last words spoken is said to have been, on
-being asked to whom he bequeathed his kingdom, “_To the strongest_;”
-one of his last acts was, to take the signet ring from his finger,
-and hand it to Perdikkas.[616]
-
-  [615] Arrian, vii. 24, 25. Diodorus states (xvii. 117) that
-  Alexander, on this convivial night, swallowed the contents of a
-  large goblet called the cup of Herakles, and felt very ill after
-  it; a statement repeated by various other writers of antiquity,
-  and which I see no reason for discrediting, though some modern
-  critics treat it with contempt. The royal Ephemerides, or Court
-  Journal, attested only the general fact of his long potations and
-  the long sleep which followed them: see Athenæus, x. p. 434.
-
-  To drink to intoxication at a funeral, was required as a token of
-  respectful sympathy towards the deceased—see the last words of
-  the Indian Kalanus before he ascended the funeral pile—Plutarch,
-  Alexander, 69.
-
-  [616] These last two facts are mentioned by Arrian (vii. 26, 5)
-  and Diodorus (xvii. 117), and Justin (xii. 15): but they found
-  no place in the Court Journal. Curtius (x. v. 4) gives them with
-  some enlargement.
-
-For two nights and a day he continued in this state, without either
-amendment or repose. Meanwhile, the news of his malady had spread
-through the army, filling them with grief and consternation. Many of
-the soldiers, eager to see him once more, forced their way into the
-palace, and were admitted unarmed. They passed along by the bedside,
-with all the demonstrations of affliction and sympathy: Alexander
-knew them, and made show of friendly recognition as well as he could;
-but was unable to say a word. Several of the generals slept in the
-temple of Serapis, hoping to be informed by the god in a dream
-whether they ought to bring Alexander into it, as a suppliant to
-experience the divine healing power. The god informed them in their
-dream, that Alexander ought not to be brought into the temple—that it
-would be better for him to be left where he was. In the afternoon he
-expired—June 323 B. C.—after a life of thirty-two years and
-eight months—and a reign of twelve years and eight months.[617]
-
-  [617] The details, respecting the last illness of Alexander,
-  are peculiarly authentic, being extracted both by Arrian and by
-  Plutarch, from the Ephemerides Regiæ, or short Court Journal;
-  which was habitually kept by his secretary Eumenes, and another
-  Greek named Diodotus (Athenæ. x. p. 434): see Arrian, vii. 25,
-  26; Plutarch, Alex. 76.
-
-  It is surprising that throughout all the course of this malady
-  no mention is made of any physician as having been consulted. No
-  advice was asked; if we except the application to the temple of
-  Serapis, during the last day of Alexander’s life. A few months
-  before, Alexander had hanged or crucified the physician who
-  attended Hephæstion in his last illness. Hence it seems probable
-  that he either despised or mistrusted medical advice, and would
-  not permit any to be invoked. His views must have been much
-  altered since his dangerous fever at Tarsus, and the successful
-  treatment of it by the Akarnanian physician Philippus.
-
-  Though the fever (see some remarks from Littré attached to
-  Didot’s Fragm. Script. Alex. Magn. p. 124) which caused
-  Alexander’s death is here a plain fact satisfactorily made out,
-  yet a different story was circulated some time afterwards, and
-  gained partial credit (Plutarch De Invidiâ, p. 538), that he
-  had been poisoned. The poison was said to have been provided
-  by Aristotle,—sent over to Asia by Antipater through his son
-  Kassander,—and administered by Iollas (another son of Antipater),
-  Alexander’s cupbearer (Arrian, vii. 27, 2; Curtius, x. 10, 17;
-  Diodor. xvii. 118; Justin, xii. 13). It is quite natural that
-  fever and intemperance (which latter moreover was frequent with
-  Alexander) should not be regarded as causes sufficiently marked
-  and impressive to explain a decease at once so unexpected and so
-  momentous. There seems ground for supposing, however, that the
-  report was intentionally fomented, if not originally broached,
-  by the party-enemies of Antipater and Kassander—especially by
-  the rancorous Olympias. The violent enmity afterwards displayed
-  by Kassander against Olympias, and all the family of Alexander
-  helped to encourage the report. In the life of Hyperides in
-  Plutarch, (Vit. X. Oratt. p. 849) it is stated, that he proposed
-  at Athens public honors to Iollas for having given the poison to
-  Alexander. If there is any truth in this, it might be a stratagem
-  for casting discredit on Antipater (father of Iollas), against
-  whom the Athenians entered into the Lamian war, immediately after
-  the death of Alexander.
-
-The death of Alexander, thus suddenly cut off by a fever in the
-plenitude of health, vigor, and aspirations, was an event impressive
-as well as important, in the highest possible degree, to his
-contemporaries far and near. When the first report of it was brought
-to Athens, the orator Demades exclaimed:—“It cannot be true: if
-Alexander were dead, the whole habitable world would have smelt of
-his carcass.”[618] This coarse but emphatic comparison illustrates
-the immediate, powerful, and wide-reaching impression produced by
-the sudden extinction of the great conqueror. It was felt by each
-of the many remote envoys who had so recently come to propitiate
-this far-shooting Apollo—by every man among the nations who had sent
-these envoys—throughout Europe, Asia, and Africa, as then known,—to
-affect either his actual condition or his probable future.[619] The
-first growth and development of Macedonia, during the twenty-two
-years preceding the battle of Chæroneia, from an embarrassed
-secondary State into the first of all known powers, had excited
-the astonishment of contemporaries, and admiration for Philip’s
-organizing genius. But the achievements of Alexander, during his
-twelve years of reign, throwing Philip into the shade, had been on a
-scale so much grander and vaster, and so completely without serious
-reverse or even interruption, as to transcend the measure, not only
-of human expectation, but almost of human belief. The Great King (as
-the king of Persia was called by excellence) was, and had long been,
-the type of worldly power and felicity, even down to the time when
-Alexander crossed the Hellespont. Within four years and three months
-from this event, by one stupendous defeat after another, Darius had
-lost all his Western Empire, and had become a fugitive eastward of
-the Caspian Gates, escaping captivity at the hands of Alexander only
-to perish by those of the satrap Bessus. All antecedent historical
-parallels—the ruin and captivity of the Lydian Crœsus, the expulsion
-and mean life of the Syracusan Dionysius, both of them impressive
-examples of the mutability of human condition,—sank into trifles
-compared with the overthrow of this towering Persian colossus.
-The orator Æschines expressed the genuine sentiment of a Grecian
-spectator, when he exclaimed (in a speech delivered at Athens shortly
-before the death of Darius):—“What is there among the list of strange
-and unexpected events, that has not occurred in our time? Our lives
-have transcended the limits of humanity; we are born to serve as a
-theme for incredible tales to posterity. Is not the Persian king—who
-dug through Athos and bridged the Hellespont,—who demanded earth
-and water from the Greeks,—who dared to proclaim himself, in public
-epistles, master of all mankind from the rising to the setting sun—is
-not _he_ now struggling to the last, not for dominion over others,
-but for the safety of his own person?”[620]
-
-  [618] Plutarch, Phokion, 22; Demetrius Phaler. De Elocution.
-  s. 300. Οὐ τέθνηκεν Ἀλέξανδρος, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι—ὦζε γὰρ ἂν ἡ
-  οἰκουμένη τοῦ νεκροῦ.
-
-  [619] Dionysius, despot of the Pontic Herakleia, fainted away
-  with joy when he heard of Alexander’s death, and erected a statue
-  of Εὐθυμία or Comfort (Memn. Heracl. Fragm. ap. Photium, Cod.
-  224. c. 4).
-
-  [620] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 524. c. 43. Τοιγάρτοι τί τῶν
-  ἀνελπίστων καὶ ἀπροσδοκήτων ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν οὐ γέγονεν! οὐ γὰρ βίον
-  γ᾽ ἡμεῖς ἀνθρώπινον βεβιώκαμεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς παραδοξολογίαν τοῖς
-  ἐσομένοις μεθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἔφυμεν. Οὐχ ὁ μὲν τῶν Περσῶν βασιλεὺς, ὁ τὸν
-  Ἄθων διορύξας καὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ζεύξας, ὁ γῆν καὶ ὕδωρ τοὺς
-  Ἕλληνας αἰτῶν, ὁ τολμῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς γράφειν ὅτι δεσπότης
-  ἐστὶν ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων ἀφ᾽ ἡλίου ἀνιόντος μέχρι δυομένου, νῦν οὐ
-  περὶ τοῦ κύριος ἑτέρων εἶναι διαγωνίζεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη περὶ τῆς τοῦ
-  σώματος σωτηρίας;
-
-  Compare the striking fragment, of a like tenor, out of the lost
-  work of the Phalerean Demetrius—Περὶ τῆς τύχης—Fragment. Histor.
-  Græcor. vol. ii. p. 368.
-
-Such were the sentiments excited by Alexander’s career even in the
-middle of 330 B. C., more than seven years before his death.
-During the following seven years, his additional achievements had
-carried astonishment yet farther. He had mastered, in defiance of
-fatigue, hardship, and combat, not merely all the eastern half of the
-Persian empire, but unknown Indian regions beyond its easternmost
-limits. Besides Macedonia, Greece, and Thrace, he possessed all that
-immense treasure and military force which had once rendered the Great
-King so formidable. By no contemporary man had any such power ever
-been known or conceived. With the turn of imagination then prevalent,
-many were doubtless disposed to take him for a god on earth, as
-Grecian spectators had once supposed with regard to Xerxes, when they
-beheld the innumerable Persian host crossing the Hellespont.[621]
-
-  [621] Herodot. vii. 56.
-
-Exalted to this prodigious grandeur, Alexander was at the time of
-his death little more than thirty-two years old—the age at which a
-citizen of Athens was growing into important commands; ten years
-less than the age for a consul at Rome;[622] two years younger
-than the age at which Timour first acquired the crown, and began
-his foreign conquests.[623] His extraordinary bodily powers were
-unabated; he had acquired a large stock of military experience; and
-what was still more important, his appetite for farther conquest
-was as voracious, and his readiness to purchase it at the largest
-cost of toil or danger, as complete, as it had been when he first
-crossed the Hellespont. Great as his past career had been, his
-future achievements, with such increased means and experience, were
-likely to be yet greater. His ambition would have been satisfied
-with nothing less than the conquest of the whole habitable world
-as then known;[624] and if his life had been prolonged, he would
-probably have accomplished it. Nowhere (so far as our knowledge
-reaches) did there reside any military power capable of making head
-against him; nor were his soldiers, when he commanded them, daunted
-or baffled by any extremity of cold, heat, or fatigue. The patriotic
-feelings of Livy dispose him to maintain[625] that Alexander,
-had he invaded Italy and assailed Romans or Samnites, would have
-failed and perished like his relative Alexander of Epirus. But this
-conclusion cannot be accepted. If we grant the courage and discipline
-of the Roman infantry to have been equal to the best infantry of
-Alexander’s army, the same cannot be said of the Roman cavalry as
-compared with the Macedonian Companions. Still less is it likely
-that a Roman consul, annually changed, would have been found a match
-for Alexander in military genius and combinations; nor, even if
-personally equal, would he have possessed the same variety of troops
-and arms, each effective in its separate way, and all conspiring
-to one common purpose—nor the same unbounded influence over their
-minds in stimulating them to full effort. I do not think that even
-the Romans could have successfully resisted Alexander the Great;
-though it is certain that he never throughout all his long marches
-encountered such enemies as they, nor even such as Samnites and
-Lucanians—combining courage, patriotism, discipline, with effective
-arms both for defence and for close combat.[626]
-
-  [622] Cicero, Philippic. v. 17, 48.
-
-  [623] See Histoire de Timour-Bec, par Cherefeddin Ali, translated
-  by Petit de la Croix, vol. i. p. 203.
-
-  [624] This is the remark of his great admirer Arrian, vii. 1, 6.
-
-  [625] Livy, ix. 17-19. A discussion of Alexander’s chances
-  against the Romans—extremely interesting and beautiful, though
-  the case appears to me very partially set forth. I agree with
-  Niebuhr in dissenting from Livy’s result; and with Plutarch in
-  considering it as one of the boons of fortune to the Romans, that
-  Alexander did not live long enough to attack them (Plutarch de
-  Fortunâ Romanor. p. 326).
-
-  Livy however had great reason for complaining of those Greek
-  authors (he calls them “levissimi ex Græcis”) who said that
-  the Romans would have quailed before the terrible reputation
-  of Alexander, and submitted without resistance. Assuredly his
-  victory over them would have been dearly bought.
-
-  [626] Alexander of Epirus is said to have remarked, that he, in
-  his expeditions into Italy, had fallen upon the ἀνδρωνῖτις or
-  chamber of the men; while his nephew (Alexander the Great), in
-  invading Asia, had fallen upon the γυναικωνῖτις or chamber of the
-  women (Aulus Gellius, xvii. 21; Curtius, viii. 1, 37).
-
-Among all the qualities which go to constitute the highest military
-excellence, either as a general or as a soldier, none was wanting
-in the character of Alexander. Together with his own chivalrous
-courage—sometimes indeed both excessive and unseasonable, so as to
-form the only military defect which can be fairly imputed to him—we
-trace in all his operations the most careful dispositions taken
-beforehand, vigilant precaution in guarding against possible reverse,
-and abundant resource in adapting himself to new contingences.
-Amidst constant success, these precautionary combinations were never
-discontinued. His achievements are the earliest recorded evidence
-of scientific military organization on a large scale, and of its
-overwhelming effects. Alexander overawes the imagination more than
-any other personage of antiquity, by the matchless development of
-all that constitutes effective force—as an individual warrior,
-and as organizer and leader of armed masses; not merely the blind
-impetuosity ascribed by Homer to Ares, but also the intelligent,
-methodized, and all-subduing compression which he personifies in
-Athênê. But all his great qualities were fit for use only against
-enemies; in which category indeed were numbered all mankind, known
-and unknown, except those who chose to submit to him. In his Indian
-campaigns, amidst tribes of utter strangers, we perceive that not
-only those who stand on their defence, but also those who abandon
-their property and flee to the mountains, are alike pursued and
-slaughtered.
-
-Apart from the transcendent merits of Alexander as a soldier and a
-general, some authors give him credit for grand and beneficent views
-on the subject of imperial government, and for intentions highly
-favorable to the improvement of mankind. I see no ground for adopting
-this opinion. As far as we can venture to anticipate what would have
-been Alexander’s future, we see nothing in prospect except years of
-ever-repeated aggression and conquest, not to be concluded until he
-had traversed and subjugated all the inhabited globe. The acquisition
-of universal dominion—conceived not metaphorically, but literally,
-and conceived with greater facility in consequence of the imperfect
-geographical knowledge of the time—was the master-passion of his
-soul. At the moment of his death, he was commencing fresh aggression
-in the south against the Arabians, to an indefinite extent;[627]
-while his vast projects against the western tribes in Africa and
-Europe, as far as the pillars of Herakles, were consigned in the
-orders and memoranda confidentially communicated to Kraterus.[628]
-Italy, Gaul, and Spain, would have been successively attacked and
-conquered; the enterprises proposed to him when in Baktria by the
-Chorasmian prince Pharasmanes, but postponed then until a more
-convenient season, would have been next taken up, and he would
-have marched from the Danube northward round the Euxine and Palus
-Mæotis against the Scythians and the tribes of Caucasus.[629] There
-remained moreover the Asiatic regions east of the Hyphasis, which
-his soldiers had refused to enter upon, but which he certainly would
-have invaded at a future opportunity, were it only to efface the
-poignant humiliation of having been compelled to relinquish his
-proclaimed purpose. Though this sounds like romance and hyperbole, it
-was nothing more than the real insatiate aspiration of Alexander, who
-looked upon every new acquisition mainly as a capital for acquiring
-more.[630] “You are a man like all of us, Alexander—except that
-you abandon your home (said the naked Indian to him[631]) like a
-meddlesome destroyer, to invade the most distant regions; enduring
-hardship yourself, and inflicting hardship upon others.” Now, how
-an empire thus boundless and heterogeneous, such as no prince has
-ever yet realized, could have been administered with any superior
-advantages to subjects—it would be difficult to show. The mere task
-of acquiring and maintaining—of keeping satraps and tribute-gatherers
-in authority as well as in subordination—of suppressing resistances
-ever liable to recur in regions distant by months of march[632]—would
-occupy the whole life of a world-conqueror, without leaving any
-leisure for the improvements suited to peace and stability, if we
-give him credit for such purposes in theory.
-
-  [627] Arrian, vii. 28, 5.
-
-  [628] Diodor. xviii. 4.
-
-  [629] Arrian, iv. 15, 11.
-
-  [630] Arrian, vii. 19, 12. Τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς, ὥς γέ μοι δοκεῖ,
-  ἄπληστος ἦν τοῦ κτᾶσθαί τι ἀεὶ Ἀλέξανδρος. Compare vii. 1, 3-7;
-  vii. 15, 6, and the speech made by Alexander to his soldiers on
-  the banks of the Hyphasis, when he was trying to persuade them
-  to march forward, v. 26 _seq._ We must remember that Arrian
-  had before him the work of Ptolemy, who would give, in all
-  probability, the substance of this memorable speech from his own
-  hearing.
-
-  [631] Arrian, vii. 1, 8. σὺ δὲ ἄνθρωπος ὢν, παραπλήσιος τοῖς
-  ἄλλοις, πλήν γε δὴ, ὅτι πολυπράγμων καὶ ἀτάσθαλος, ἀπὸ τῆς
-  οἰκείας τοσαύτην γῆν ἐπεξέρχῃ, πράγματα ἔχων τε καὶ παρέχων
-  ἄλλοις.
-
-  [632] Arrian, vii. 4, 4, 5.
-
-But even this last is more than can be granted. Alexander’s
-acts indicate that he desired nothing better than to take up
-the traditions of the Persian empire; a tribute-levying and
-army-levying system, under Macedonians, in large proportion, as
-his instruments; yet partly also under the very same Persians who
-had administered before, provided they submitted to him. It has
-indeed been extolled among his merits that he was thus willing to
-re-appoint Persian grandees (putting their armed force however
-under the command of a Macedonian officer)—and to continue native
-princes in their dominions, if they did willing homage to him, as
-tributary subordinates. But all this had been done before him by the
-Persian kings, whose system it was to leave the conquered princes
-undisturbed, subject only to the payment of tribute, and to the
-obligation of furnishing a military contingent when required.[633] In
-like manner Alexander’s Asiatic empire would thus have been composed
-of an aggregate of satrapies and dependent principalities, furnishing
-money and soldiers; in other respects, left to the discretion of
-local rule, with occasional extreme inflictions of punishment, but
-no systematic examination or control.[634] Upon this, the condition
-of Asiatic empire in all ages, Alexander would have grafted one
-special improvement: the military organization of the empire, feeble
-under the Achæmenid princes, would have been greatly strengthened by
-his genius, and by the able officers formed in his school, both for
-foreign aggression and for home control.[635]
-
-  [633] Herodot. iii. 15. Alexander offered to Phokion (Plutarch,
-  Phok. 18) his choice between four Asiatic cities, of which (that
-  is, of any one of them) he was to enjoy the revenues; just
-  as Artaxerxes Longimanus had acted towards Themistokles, in
-  recompense for his treason. Phokion refused the offer.
-
-  [634] See the punishment of Sisamnes by Kambyses (Herodot. v. 25).
-
-  [635] The rhetor Aristeides, in his Encomium on Rome, has some
-  good remarks on the character and ascendancy of Alexander,
-  exercised by will and personal authority, as contrasted with the
-  systematic and legal working of the Roman empire (Orat. xiv. p.
-  332-360, vol. i. ed. Dindorf).
-
-The Persian empire was a miscellaneous aggregate, with no strong
-feeling of nationality. The Macedonian conqueror who seized its
-throne was still more indifferent to national sentiment. He was
-neither Macedonian nor Greek. Though the absence of this prejudice
-has sometimes been mounted to him as a virtue, it only made room,
-in my opinion, for prejudices yet worse. The substitute for it was
-an exorbitant personality and self-estimation, manifested even in
-his earliest years, and inflamed by extraordinary success into the
-belief in divine parentage; which, while setting him above the
-idea of communion with any special nationality, made him conceive
-all mankind as subjects under one common sceptre to be wielded by
-himself. To this universal empire the Persian king made the nearest
-approach,[636] according to the opinions then prevalent. Accordingly
-Alexander, when victorious, accepted the position and pretensions of
-the overthrown Persian court as approaching most nearly to his full
-due. He became more Persian than either Macedonian or Greek. While
-himself adopting, as far as he could safely venture, the personal
-habits of the Persian court, he took studied pains to transform his
-Macedonian officers into Persian grandees, encouraging and even
-forcing intermarriages with Persian women according to Persian rites.
-At the time of Alexander’s death, there was comprised, in his written
-orders given to Kraterus, a plan for the wholesale transportation
-of inhabitants, both out of Europe into Asia, and out of Asia into
-Europe, in order to fuse these populations into one by multiplying
-intermarriages and intercourse.[637] Such reciprocal translation of
-peoples would have been felt as eminently odious, and could not have
-been accomplished without coercive authority.[638] It is rash to
-speculate upon unexecuted purposes; but, as far as we can judge, such
-compulsory mingling of the different races promises nothing favorable
-to the happiness of any of them, though it might serve as an imposing
-novelty and memento of imperial omnipotence.
-
-  [636] Xenoph. Cyropæd. viii. 6, 21; Anabas. i. 7, 6; Herodot.
-  vii. 8, 13: compare Arrian, v. 26, 4-10.
-
-  [637] Diodor. xviii. 4. Πρὸς δὲ τούτοις πόλεων συνοικισμοὺς
-  καὶ σωμάτων μεταγωγὰς ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας εἰς τὴν Εὐρώπην, καὶ κατὰ
-  τοὐναντίον ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν, ὅπως τὰς μεγίστας
-  ἠπείρους ταῖς ἐπιγαμίαις καὶ ταῖς οἰκειώσεσιν εἰς κοινὴν ὁμόνοιαν
-  καὶ συγγενικὴν καταστήσῃ.
-
-  [638] See the effect produced upon the Ionians by the false
-  statement of Histiæus (Herodot. vi. 3) with Wesseling’s note—and
-  the eagerness of the Pæonians to return (Herod. v. 98; also
-  Justin, viii. 5).
-
-  Antipater afterwards intended to transport the Ætolians in
-  mass from their own country into Asia, if he had succeeded in
-  conquering them (Diodor. xviii. 25). Compare Pausanias (i.
-  9, 8-10) about the forcible measures used by Lysimachus, in
-  transporting new inhabitants, at Ephesus and Lysimacheia.
-
-In respect of intelligence and combining genius, Alexander was
-Hellenic to the full; in respect of disposition and purpose, no one
-could be less Hellenic. The acts attesting his Oriental violence of
-impulse, unmeasured self-will,[639] and exaction of reverence above
-the limits of humanity—have been already recounted. To describe him
-as a son of Hellas, imbued with the political maxims of Aristotle,
-and bent on the systematic diffusion of Hellenic culture for the
-improvement of mankind[640]—is, in my judgment, an estimate of
-his character contrary to the evidence. Alexander is indeed said
-to have invited suggestions from Aristotle as to the best mode of
-colonizing; but his temper altered so much, after a few years of
-Asiatic conquest, that he came not only to lose all deference for
-Aristotle’s advice, but even to hate him bitterly.[641] Moreover,
-though the philosopher’s full suggestions have not been preserved,
-yet we are told generally that he recommended Alexander to behave
-to the Greeks as a leader or president, or limited chief—and to
-the Barbarians (non-Hellenes) as a master;[642] a distinction
-substantially coinciding with that pointed out by Burke in his
-speeches at the beginning of the American war, between the principles
-of government proper to be followed by England in the American
-colonies, and in British India. No Greek thinker believed the
-Asiatics to be capable of that free civil polity[643] upon which
-the march of every Grecian community was based. Aristotle did not
-wish to degrade the Asiatics below the level to which they had been
-accustomed, but rather to preserve the Greeks from being degraded
-to the same level. Now Alexander recognized no such distinction as
-that drawn by his preceptor. He treated Greeks and Asiatics alike,
-not by elevating the latter, but by degrading the former. Though he
-employed all indiscriminately as instruments, yet he presently found
-the free speech of Greeks, and even of Macedonians, so distasteful
-and offensive, that his preferences turned more and more in favor of
-the servile Asiatic sentiment and customs. Instead of hellenizing
-Asia, he was tending to asiatize Macedonia and Hellas. His temper
-and character, as modified by a few years of conquest, rendered him
-quite unfit to follow the course recommended by Aristotle towards the
-Greeks—quite as unfit as any of the Persian kings, or as the French
-Emperor Napoleon, to endure that partial frustration, compromise, and
-smart from free criticism, which is inseparable from the position of
-a limited chief. Among a multitude of subjects more diverse-colored
-than even the army of Xerxes, it is quite possible that he might have
-turned his power towards the improvement of the rudest portions.
-We are told (though the fact is difficult to credit, from his want
-of time) that he abolished various barbarisms of the Hyrkanians,
-Arachosians, and Sogdians.[644] But Macedonians as well as Greeks
-would have been pure losers by being absorbed into an immense Asiatic
-aggregate.
-
-  [639] Livy, ix. 18. “Referre in tanto rege piget superbam
-  mutationem vistis, et desideratas humi jacentium adulationes,
-  etiam victis Macedonibus graves, nedum victoribus: en fœda
-  supplicia, et inter vinum et epulas cædes amicorum, et vanitatem
-  ementiendæ stirpis. Quid si vini amor in dies fieret acrior? quid
-  si trux et præfervida ira? (_nec quidquam dubium inter scriptores
-  refero_) nullane hæc damna imperatoriis virtutibus ducimus?”
-
-  The appeal here made by Livy to the full attestation of these
-  points in Alexander’s character deserves notice. He had doubtless
-  more authorities before him than we possess.
-
-  [640] Among other eulogists of Alexander, it is sufficient
-  to name Droysen—in his two works, both of great historical
-  research—Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen—and Geschichte des
-  Hellenismus oder der Bildung des Hellenischen Staaten Systemes
-  (Hamburg, 1843). See especially the last and most recent work, p.
-  27 _seqq._, p. 651 _seqq._—and elsewhere _passim_.
-
-  [641] Plutarch, Alex. 55-74.
-
-  [642] Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. M. p. 329. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τὸ
-  ἔργον παρέσχεν· οὐ γὰρ, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης συνεβούλευεν αὐτῷ, τοῖς
-  μὲν Ἕλλησιν ἡγεμονικῶς, τοῖς δὲ βαρβάροις δεσποτικῶς χρώμενον
-  ... ἀλλὰ κοινὸς ἥκειν θεόθεν ἁρμοστὴς καὶ διαλλακτὴς τῶν ὅλων
-  νομίζων, οὓς τῷ λόγῳ μὴ συνῆγε, τοῖς ὅπλοις βιαζόμενος, εἰς τὸ
-  αὐτὸ συνενεγκὼν τὰ παντάχοθεν, etc.
-
-  Strabo (or Eratosthenes, see Strabo, i. p. 66) and Plutarch
-  understand the expression of Aristotle erroneously—as if that
-  philosopher had meant to recommend harsh and cruel treatment of
-  the non-Hellenes, and kind treatment only towards Greeks. That
-  Aristotle could have meant no such thing, is evident from the
-  whole tenor of his treatise on Politics. The distinction really
-  intended is between a greater and a less measure of extra-popular
-  authority—not between kind and unkind purposes in the exercise
-  of authority. Compare Tacitus, Annal. xii. 11—the advice of the
-  Emperor Claudius to the Parthian prince Meherdates.
-
-  [643] Aristot. Politic. i. 1, 5; vii. 6, 1. See the memorable
-  comparison drawn by Aristotle (Polit. vii. 6) between the
-  Europeans and Asiatics generally. He pronounces the former to be
-  courageous and energetic, but wanting in intelligence or powers
-  of political combination; the latter to be intelligent and clever
-  in contrivance, but destitute of courage. Neither of them have
-  more than a “one-legged aptitude” (φύσιν μονόκωλον); the Greek
-  alone possesses both the courage and intelligence united. The
-  Asiatics are condemned to perpetual subjection; the Greeks might
-  govern the world could they but combine in one political society.
-
-  [644] Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. M. p. 328. The stay of Alexander
-  in these countries was however so short, that even with the best
-  will he could not have enforced the suppression of any inveterate
-  customs.
-
-Plutarch states that Alexander founded more than seventy new cities
-in Asia.[645] So large a number of them is neither verifiable nor
-probable, unless we either reckon up simple military posts, or borrow
-from the list of foundations really established by his successors.
-Except Alexandria in Egypt, none of the cities founded by Alexander
-himself can be shown to have attained any great development. Nearly
-all were planted among the remote, warlike, and turbulent peoples
-eastward of the Caspian Gates. Such establishments were really
-fortified posts to hold the country in subjection: Alexander lodged
-in them detachments from his army; but none of these detachments
-can well have been large, since he could not afford materially to
-weaken his army, while active military operations were still going
-on and while farther advance was in contemplation. More of these
-settlements were founded in Sogdiana than elsewhere; but respecting
-the Sogdian foundations, we know that the Greeks whom he established
-there, chained to the spot only by fear of his power, broke away
-in mutiny immediately on the news of his death.[646] Some Greek
-soldiers in Alexander’s army on the Jaxartes or the Hydaspes, sick
-and weary of his interminable marches, might prefer being enrolled
-among the colonists of a new city on one of these unknown rivers, to
-the ever-repeated routine of exhausting duty.[647] But it is certain
-that no volunteer emigrants would go forth to settle at distances
-such as their imaginations could hardly conceive. The absorbing
-appetite of Alexander was conquest, to the East, West, South, and
-North; the cities which he planted were established, for the most
-part, as garrisons to maintain his most distant and most precarious
-acquisitions. The purpose of colonization was altogether subordinate;
-and that of hellenizing Asia, so far as we can see, was not even
-contemplated, much less realized.
-
-  [645] Plutarch, Fortun. Al. M. p. 328. Plutarch mentions, a few
-  lines afterwards, Seleukeia in Mesopotamia, as if he thought that
-  it was among the cities established by Alexander himself. This
-  shows that he has not been exact in distinguishing foundations
-  made by Alexander, from those originated by Seleukus and the
-  other Diadochi.
-
-  The elaborate article of Droysen (in the Appendix to his
-  Geschichte des Hellenismus, p. 588-651), ascribes to Alexander
-  the largest plans of colonization in Asia, and enumerates a
-  great number of cities alleged to have been founded by him. But
-  in regard to the majority of these foundations, the evidence
-  upon which Droysen grounds his belief that Alexander was the
-  founder, appears to me altogether slender and unsatisfactory. If
-  Alexander founded so many cities as Droysen imagines, how does it
-  happen that Arrian mentions only so comparatively small a number?
-  The argument derived from Arrian’s silence, for rejecting what
-  is affirmed by other ancients respecting Alexander, is indeed
-  employed by modern authors (and by Droysen himself among them),
-  far oftener than I think warrantable. But if there be any one
-  proceeding of Alexander more than another, in respect of which
-  the silence of Arrian ought to make us suspicious—it is the
-  foundation of a new colony; a solemn act, requiring delay and
-  multiplied regulations, intended for perpetuity, and redounding
-  to the honor of the founder. I do not believe in any colonies
-  founded by Alexander, beyond those comparatively few which Arrian
-  mentions, except such as rest upon some other express and good
-  testimony. Whoever will read through Droysen’s list, will see
-  that most of the names in it will not stand this test. The short
-  life, and rapid movements, of Alexander, are of themselves the
-  strongest presumption against his having founded so large a
-  number of colonies.
-
-  [646] Diodor. xvii. 99; xviii. 7. Curtius, ix. 7, 1. Curtius
-  observes (vii. 10, 15) respecting Alexander’s colonies in
-  Sogdiana—that they were founded “velut fræni domitarum gentium;
-  nunc originis suæ oblita serviunt, quibus imperaverunt.”
-
-  [647] See the plain-spoken outburst of the Thurian Antileon, one
-  of the soldiers in Xenophon’s Ten Thousand Greeks, when the army
-  reached Trapezus (Xenoph. Anabas. v. 1, 2).
-
-This process of hellenizing Asia—in so far as Asia was ever
-hellenized—which has often been ascribed to Alexander, was in
-reality the work of the Diadochi who came after him; though his
-conquests doubtless opened the door and established the military
-ascendency which rendered such a work practicable. The position, the
-aspirations, and the interests of these Diadochi—Antigonus, Ptolemy,
-Seleukus, Lysimachus, etc.—were materially different from those of
-Alexander. They had neither appetite nor means for new and remote
-conquest; their great rivalry was with each other; each sought to
-strengthen himself near home against the rest. It became a matter
-of fashion and pride with them, not less than of interest, to found
-new cities immortalizing their family names. These foundations
-were chiefly made in the regions of Asia near and known to Greeks,
-where Alexander had planted none. Thus the great and numerous
-foundations of Seleukus Nikator and his successors covered Syria,
-Mesopotamia, and parts of Asia Minor. All these regions were known
-to Greeks, and more or less tempting to new Grecian immigrants—not
-out of reach or hearing of the Olympic and other festivals, as the
-Jaxartes and the Indus were. In this way a considerable influx of new
-hellenic blood was poured into Asia during the century succeeding
-Alexander,—probably in great measure from Italy and Sicily, where the
-condition of the Greek cities became still more calamitous—besides
-the numerous Greeks who took service as individuals under these
-Asiatic kings. Greeks, and Macedonians speaking Greek, became
-predominant, if not in numbers, at least in importance, throughout
-most of the cities in Western Asia. In particular, the Macedonian
-military organization, discipline, and administration, was maintained
-systematically among these Asiatic kings. In the account of the
-battle of Magnesia, fought by the Seleukid king Atiochus the Great
-against the Romans in 190 B. C., the Macedonian phalanx,
-constituting the main force of his Asiatic army, appears in all its
-completeness, just as it stood under Philip and Perseus in Macedonia
-itself.[648]
-
-  [648] Appian, Syriac. 32.
-
-When it is said however that Asia became hellenized under Alexander’s
-successors, the phrase requires explanation. Hellenism, properly
-so called—the aggregate of habits, sentiments, energies, and
-intelligence, manifested by the Greeks during their epoch of
-autonomy[649]—never passed over into Asia; neither the highest
-qualities of the Greek mind, not even the entire character of
-ordinary Greeks. This genuine Hellenism could not subsist under
-the overruling compression of Alexander, nor even under the less
-irresistible pressure of his successors. Its living force, productive
-genius, self-organizing power, and active spirit of political
-communion, were stifled, and gradually died out. All that passed
-into Asia was a faint and partial resemblance of it, carrying
-the superficial marks of the original. The administration of the
-Greco-Asiatic kings was not hellenic (as it has been sometimes
-called), but completely despotic, as that of the Persians had been
-before. Whoever follows their history, until the period of Roman
-dominion, will see that it turned upon the tastes, temper, and
-ability of the prince, and on the circumstances of the regal family.
-Viewing their government as a system, its prominent difference
-as compared with their Persian predecessors, consisted in their
-retaining the military traditions and organization of Philip and
-Alexander, an elaborate scheme of discipline and manœuvring, which
-would not be kept up without permanent official grades and a higher
-measure of intelligence than had ever been displayed under the
-Achæmenid kings, who had no military school or training whatever.
-Hence a great number of individual Greeks found employment in the
-military as well as in the civil service of these Greco-Asiatic
-kings. The intelligent Greek, instead of a citizen of Hellas, became
-the instrument of a foreign prince; the details of government were
-managed to a great degree by Greek officials, and always in the Greek
-language.
-
-  [649] This is the sense in which I have always used the word
-  Hellenism, throughout the present Work.
-
-  With Droysen, the word _Hellenismus_—_Das Hellenistische
-  Staatensystem_—is applied to the state of things which followed
-  upon Alexander’s death; to the aggregate of kingdoms into which
-  Alexander’s conquests become distributed, having for their
-  point of similarity the common use of Greek speech, a certain
-  proportion of Greeks both as inhabitants and as officers, and a
-  partial streak of Hellenic culture.
-
-  I cannot but think that such an employment of the word is
-  misleading. At any rate, its sense must be constantly kept in
-  mind, in order that it may not be confounded with _hellenism_ in
-  the stricter meaning.
-
-Moreover, besides this, there was the still more important fact of
-the many new cities founded in Asia by the Seleukidæ and the other
-contemporary kings. Each of these cities had a considerable infusion
-of Greek and Macedonian citizens, among the native Orientals located
-there, often brought by compulsion from neighboring villages. In
-what numerical ratio these two elements of the civic population
-stood to each other, we cannot say. But the Greeks and Macedonians
-were the leading and active portion, who exercised the greatest
-assimilating force, gave imposing effect to the public manifestations
-of religion, had wider views and sympathies, dealt with the central
-government, and carried on that contracted measure of municipal
-autonomy which the city was permitted to retain. In these cities the
-Greek inhabitants, though debarred from political freedom, enjoyed
-a range of social activity suited to their tastes. In each, Greek
-was the language of public business and dealing; each formed a
-centre of attraction and commerce for an extensive neighborhood; all
-together, they were the main hellenic or quasi-hellenic element in
-Asia under the Greco-Asiatic kings, as contrasted with the rustic
-villages, where native manners, and probably native speech, still
-continued with little modification. But the Greeks of Antioch, or
-Alexandria, or Seleukeia, were not like citizens of Athens or Thebes,
-nor even like men of Tarentum or Ephesus. While they communicated
-their language to Orientals, they became themselves substantially
-orientalized. Their feelings, judgments, and habits of action, ceased
-to be hellenic. Polybius, when he visited Alexandria, looked with
-surprise and aversion on the Greeks there resident, though they
-were superior to the non-hellenic population, whom he considered
-worthless.[650] Greek social habits, festivals, and legends, passed
-with the hellenic settlers into Asia; all becoming amalgamated and
-transformed so as to suit a new Asiatic abode. Important social and
-political consequences turned upon the diffusion of the language,
-and upon the establishment of such a common medium of communication
-throughout Western Asia. But after all, the hellenized Asiatic was
-not so much a Greek as a foreigner with Grecian speech, exterior
-varnish, and superficial manifestations; distinguished fundamentally
-from those Greek citizens with whom the present history has been
-concerned. So he would have been considered by Sophokles, by
-Thucydides, by Sokrates.
-
-  [650] Strabo, xvii. p. 797, ὁ γοῦν Πολύβιος, γεγονὼς ἐν τῇ πόλει
-  (Alexandria), βδελύττεται τὴν ταύτῃ κατάστασιν, etc.
-
-  The Museum of Alexandria (with its library) must be carefully
-  distinguished from the city and the people. It was an artificial
-  institution, which took its rise altogether from the personal
-  taste and munificence of the earlier Ptolemies, especially the
-  second. It was one of the noblest and most useful institutions
-  recorded in history, and forms the most honorable monument of
-  what Droysen calls the _hellenistic_ period, between the death
-  of Alexander and the extension of the Roman empire into Asia.
-  But this Museum, though situated at Alexandria, had no peculiar
-  connection with the city or its population; it was a College of
-  literary Fellows (if we may employ a modern word) congregated
-  out of various Grecian towns. Eratosthenes, Kallimuchus,
-  Aristophanes, Aristarchus, were not natives of Alexandria.
-
-Thus much is necessary in order to understand the bearing of
-Alexander’s conquests, not only upon the hellenic population, but
-upon hellenic attributes and peculiarities. While crushing the Greeks
-as communities at home, these conquests opened a wider range to the
-Greeks as individuals abroad; and produced—perhaps the best of all
-their effects—a great increase of intercommunication, multiplication
-of roads, extension of commercial dealing, and enlarged facilities
-for the acquisition of geographical knowledge. There already
-existed in the Persian empire an easy and convenient royal road
-(established by Darius son of Hystaspes and described as well as
-admired by Herodotus) for the three months’ journey between Sardis
-and Susa; and there must have been another regular road from Susa
-and Ekbatana to Baktria, Sogdiana, and India. Alexander, had he
-lived, would doubtless have multiplied on a still larger scale the
-communications both by sea and land between the various parts of his
-world-empire. We read that among the gigantic projects which he was
-contemplating when surprised by death, one was, the construction of
-a road all along the northern coast of Africa, as far as the Pillars
-of Herakles.[651] He had intended to found a new maritime city on
-the Persian Gulf, at the mouth of the Euphrates, and to incur much
-outlay for regulating the flow of water in its lower course. The
-river would probably have been thus made again to afford the same
-conveniences, both for navigation and irrigation, as it appears to
-have furnished in earlier times under the ancient Babylonian kings.
-Orders had been also given for constructing a fleet to explore the
-Caspian Sea. Alexander believed that sea to be connected with the
-Eastern Ocean,[652] and intended to make it his point of departure
-for circumnavigating the eastern limits of Asia, which country
-yet remained for him to conquer. The voyage already performed by
-Nearchus, from the mouth of the Indus to that of the Euphrates, was
-in those days a splendid maritime achievement; to which another
-still greater was on the point of being added—the circumnavigation
-of Arabia from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea; though here we must
-remark, that this same voyage (from the mouth of the Indus round
-Arabia into the Red Sea) had been performed in thirty months, a
-century and a half before, by Skylax of Karyanda, under the orders
-of Darius son of Hystaspes;[653] yet, though recorded by Herodotus,
-forgotten (as it would appear) by Alexander and his contemporaries.
-This enlarged and systematic exploration of the earth, combined with
-increased means of communication among its inhabitants, is the main
-feature in Alexander’s career which presents itself as promising real
-consequences beneficial to humanity.
-
-  [651] Diodor. xviii. 4. Pausanias (ii. 1. 5) observes that
-  Alexander wished to cut through Mount Mimas (in Asia. Minor), but
-  that this was the only one, among all his undertakings, which
-  did not succeed. “So difficult is it (he goes on) to put force
-  upon the divine arrangements”, τὰ θεῖα βιάσασθαι. He wished to
-  cut through the isthmus between Teos and Klazomenæ, so as to
-  avoid the navigation round the cliffs of Mimas (σκόπελον νιφόεντα
-  Μίμαντος—Aristophan. Nub. 274) between Chios and Erythræ.
-  Probably this was among the projects suggested to Alexander, in
-  the last year of his life. We have no other information about it.
-
-  [652] Arrian, v. 26, 2.
-
-  [653] Herodot. iv. 44: compare iii. 102. That Arrian had not
-  present to his memory this narrative of Herodotus, is plain
-  from the last chapter of his Indica; though in his history of
-  Alexander he alludes several times to Herodotus. Some authors
-  have concluded from Arrian’s silence that he disbelieved the
-  fact: if he had disbelieved it, I think that he would have
-  mentioned the statement of Herodotus nevertheless, with an
-  intimation that he did not think it worthy of credit. Moreover,
-  Arrian’s disbelief (even granting that such was the state of his
-  mind) is not to be held as a conclusive disproof of the story.
-  I confess that I see no sufficient reason for discrediting the
-  narrative of Herodotus—though some eminent modern writers are of
-  an opposite opinion.
-
-We read that Alexander felt so much interest in the extension
-of science, that he gave to Aristotle the immense sum of 800
-talents in money, placing under his directions several thousand
-men, for the purpose of prosecuting zoological researches.[654]
-These exaggerations are probably the work of those enemies of the
-philosopher who decried him as a pensioner of the Macedonian court;
-but it is probable enough that Philip, and Alexander in the early
-part of his reign, may have helped Aristotle in the difficult process
-of getting together facts and specimens for observation—from esteem
-towards him personally, rather than from interest in his discoveries.
-The intellectual turn of Alexander was towards literature, poetry,
-and history. He was fond of the Iliad especially, as well as of the
-Attic tragedians; so that Harpalus, being directed to send some books
-to him in Upper Asia, selected as the most acceptable packet various
-tragedies of Æschylus, Sophokles, and Euripides, with the dithyrambic
-poems of Telestes and the histories of Phlistus.[655]
-
-  [654] Pliny, H. N. viii. 17; Athenæus, ix. p. 398. See
-  Schneider’s Preface to his edition of Aristotle’s Historiæ De
-  Animalibus, p. xxxix. _seq._
-
-  [655] Plutarch, Alexand. 8.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XCV.
-
-GRECIAN AFFAIRS FROM THE LANDING OF ALEXANDER IN ASIA TO THE CLOSE OF
-THE LAMIAN WAR.
-
-
-Even in 334 B. C., when Alexander first entered upon his
-Asiatic campaigns, the Grecian cities, great as well as small, had
-been robbed of all their free agency, and existed only as appendages
-of the kingdom of Macedonia. Several of them were occupied by
-Macedonian garrisons, or governed by local despots who leaned upon
-such armed force for support. There existed among them no common
-idea or public sentiment, formally proclaimed and acted on, except
-such as it suited Alexander’s purpose to encourage. The miso-Persian
-sentiment—once a genuine expression of Hellenic patriotism, to the
-recollection of which Demosthenes was wont to appeal, in animating
-the Athenians to action against Macedonia, but now extinct and
-supplanted by nearer apprehensions—had been converted by Alexander
-to his own purposes, as a pretext for headship, and a help for
-ensuring submission during his absence in Asia. Greece had become a
-province of Macedonia; the affairs of the Greeks (observes Aristotle
-in illustrating a philosophical discussion) are “in the hands of the
-king.”[656] A public synod of the Greeks sat from time to time at
-Corinth; but it represented only philo-Macedonian sentiment; all that
-we know of its proceedings consisted in congratulations to Alexander
-on his victories. There is no Grecian history of public or political
-import; there are no facts except the local and municipal details
-of each city—“the streets and fountains which we are repairing
-and the battlements which we are whitening”, to use a phrase of
-Demosthenes[657]—the good management of the Athenian finances by the
-orator Lykurgus, and the contentions of orators respecting private
-disputes or politics of the past.
-
-  [656] Aristot. Physic. iv. 3. p. 210 a. 21. ἔτι ~ὡς ἐν βασιλεῖ τὰ
-  τῶν Ἑλλήνων~, καὶ ὅλως ~ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ κινητικῷ~.
-
-  [657] Demosthen. Olynthiac. iii. p. 36.
-
-But though Grecian history is thus stagnant and suspended during the
-first years of Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns, it might at any moment
-have become animated with an active spirit of self-emancipation, if
-he had experienced reverses, or if the Persians had administered
-their own affairs with skill and vigor. I have already stated, that
-during the first two years of the war, the Persian fleet (we ought
-rather to say, the Phenician fleet in the Persian service) had a
-decided superiority at sea. Darius possessed untold treasures which
-might have indefinitely increased that superiority and multiplied
-his means of transmarine action, had he chosen to follow the advice
-of Memnon, by acting vigorously from the sea and strictly on the
-defensive by land. The movement or quiescence of the Greeks therefore
-depended on the turn of affairs in Asia; as Alexander himself was
-well aware.
-
-During the winter of 334-333 B. C., Memnon with the Persian fleet
-appeared to be making progress among the islands in the Ægean,[658]
-and the anti-Macedonian Greeks were expecting him farther westward in
-Eubœa and Peloponnesus. Their hopes being dashed by his unexpected
-death, and still more by Darius’s abandonment of the Memnonian plans,
-they had next to wait for the chance of what might be achieved by the
-immense Persian land-force. Even down to the eve of the battle of
-Issus, Demosthenes[659] and others (as has already been mentioned)
-were encouraged by their correspondents in Asia to anticipate success
-for Darius even in pitched battle. But after the great disaster at
-Issus, during a year and a half (from November 333 B. C. to March
-or April 331 B. C.), no hope was possible. The Persian force seemed
-extinct, and Darius was so paralyzed by the captivity of his family,
-that he suffered even the citizens of Tyre and Gaza to perish in
-their gallant efforts of defence, without the least effort to save
-them. At length, in the spring of 331 B. C., the prospects again
-appeared to improve. A second Persian army, countless like the first,
-was assembling eastward of the Tigris; Alexander advanced into the
-interior, many weeks’ march from the shores of the Mediterranean, to
-attack them; and the Persians doubtless transmitted encouragements
-with money to enterprising men in Greece, in hopes of provoking
-auxiliary movements. Presently (October 331 B. C.) came the
-catastrophe at Arbela; after which no demonstration against Alexander
-could have been attempted with any reasonable hope of success.
-
-  [658] Arrian, ii. 1.
-
-  [659] Æschines cont. Ktesiph. p. 552.
-
-Such was the varying point of view under which the contest in Asia
-presented itself to Grecian spectators, during the three years and
-a half between the landing of Alexander in Asia and the battle of
-Arbela. As to the leading states in Greece, we have to look at Athens
-and Sparta only; for Thebes had been destroyed and demolished as
-a city; and what had been once the citadel of the Kadmeia was now
-a Macedonian garrison.[660] Moreover, besides that garrison, the
-Bœotian cities, Orchomenus, Platæa, etc., were themselves strongholds
-of Macedonian dependence; being hostile to Thebes of old, and having
-received among themselves assignments of all the Theban lands.[661]
-In case of any movement in Greece, therefore, Antipater, the viceroy
-of Macedonia, might fairly count on finding in Greece interested
-allies, serving as no mean check upon Attica.
-
-  [660] Vita Demosthenis ap. Westermann, Scriptt. Biograph. p.
-  301. φρουρὰν καταστήσαντος Ἀλέξανδρου ἐν ταῖς Θήβαις μετὰ τὸ
-  κατασκάψαι τοὺς Θηβαίους, etc.
-
-  [661] Pausanias, i. 25, 4.
-
-At Athens, the reigning sentiment was decidedly pacific. Few
-were disposed to brave the prince who had just given so fearful
-an evidence of his force by the destruction of Thebes and the
-enslavement of the Thebans. Ephialtes and Charidemus, the military
-citizens at Athens most anti-Macedonian in sentiment, had been
-demanded as prisoners by Alexander, and had withdrawn to Asia, there
-to take service with Darius. Other Athenians, men of energy and
-action, had followed their example, and had fought against Alexander
-at the Granikus, where they became his prisoners, and were sent
-to Macedonia to work in fetters at the mines. Ephialtes perished
-at the siege of Halikarnassus, while defending the place with the
-utmost gallantry; Charidemus suffered a more unworthy death from the
-shameful sentence of Darius. The anti-Macedonian leaders who remained
-at Athens, such as Demosthenes and Lykurgus, were not generals or
-men of action, but statesmen and orators. They were fully aware that
-submission to Alexander was a painful necessity, though they watched
-not the less anxiously for any reverse which might happen to him,
-such as to make it possible for Athens to head a new struggle on
-behalf of Grecian freedom.
-
-But it was not Demosthenes nor Lykurgus who now guided the general
-policy of Athens.[662] For the twelve years between the destruction
-of Thebes and the death of Alexander, Phokion and Demades were
-her ministers for foreign affairs; two men of totally opposite
-characters, but coinciding in pacific views, and in looking to the
-favor of Alexander and Antipater as the principal end to be attained.
-Twenty Athenian triremes were sent to act with the Macedonian
-fleet, during Alexander’s first campaign in Asia; these, together
-with the Athenian prisoners taken at the Granikus, served to him
-farther as a guarantee for the continued submission of the Athenians
-generally.[663] There can be no doubt that the pacific policy of
-Phokion was now prudent and essential to Athens, though the same
-cannot be said (as I have remarked in the proper place) for his
-advocacy of the like policy twenty years before, when Philip’s power
-was growing and might have been arrested by vigorous opposition. It
-suited the purpose of Antipater to ensure his hold upon Athens by
-frequent presents to Demades, a man of luxurious and extravagant
-habits. But Phokion, incorruptible as well as poor to the end,
-declined all similar offers, though often made to him, not only by
-Antipater, but even by Alexander.[664]
-
-  [662] “Since Macedonian dominion became paramount (observes
-  Demosthenes, De Coronâ, p. 331), Æschines and men of his stamp
-  are in full ascendency and affluence—I am impotent: there is
-  no place at Athens for free citizens and counsellors, but only
-  for men who do what they are ordered, and flatter the ruling
-  potentate.”
-
-  [663] Arrian, i. 29, 8.
-
-  [664] Plutarch, Phokion, 30.
-
-It deserves particular notice, that though the macedonizing policy
-was now decidedly in the ascendent—accepted, even by dissentients,
-as the only course admissible under the circumstances, and confirmed
-the more by each successive victory of Alexander—yet statesmen, like
-Lykurgus and Demosthenes, of notorious anti-Macedonian sentiment,
-still held a conspicuous and influential position, though of course
-restricted to matters of internal administration. Thus Lykurgus
-continued to be the real acting minister of finance, for three
-successive Panathenaic intervals of four years each, or for an
-uninterrupted period of twelve years. He superintended not merely
-the entire collection, but also the entire disbursement of the
-public revenue; rendering strict periodical account, yet with a
-financial authority greater than had belonged to any statesman since
-Perikles. He improved the gymnasia and stadia of the city—multiplied
-the donatives and sacred furniture in the temples—enlarged, or
-constructed anew, docks and arsenals,—provided a considerable
-stock of arms and equipments, military as well as naval—and
-maintained four hundred triremes in a seaworthy condition, for the
-protection of Athenian commerce. In these extensive functions he
-was never superseded, though Alexander at one time sent to require
-the surrender of his person, which was refused by the Athenian
-people.[665] The main cause of his firm hold upon the public mind,
-was, his known and indisputable pecuniary probity, wherein he was the
-parallel of Phokion.
-
-  [665] See the remarkable decree in honor of Lykurgus, passed by
-  the Athenian people seventeen or eighteen years after his death,
-  in the archonship of Anaxikrates, B. C. 307 (Plutarch,
-  Vit. X. Oratt. p. 852). The reciting portion of this decree,
-  constituting four-fifths of the whole, goes over the public
-  conduct of Lykurgus, and is very valuable.
-
-  It seems that the twelve years of financial administration
-  exercised by Lykurgus, are to be taken probably, either from
-  342-330 B. C.—or four years later, from 338-326 B.
-  C. Boeckh leaves the point undetermined between the two.
-  Droysen and Meier prefer the earlier period—O. Müller the later.
-  (Boeckh, Urkunden über das Attische Seewesen, also the second
-  edition of his Staatshaushaltung der Athener, vol. ii. p.
-  114-118).
-
-  The total of public money, recorded by the Inscription as having
-  passed through the hands of Lykurgus in the twelve years, was
-  18,900 talents = £4,340,000, or thereabouts. He is said to have
-  held, besides, in deposit, a great deal of money entrusted to him
-  by private individuals. His official duties as treasurer were
-  discharged, for the first four years, in his own name: during the
-  last eight years, in the names of two different friends.
-
-As to Demosthenes, he did not hold any such commanding public
-appointments as Lykurgus; but he enjoyed great esteem and sympathy
-from the people generally, for his marked line of public counsel
-during the past. The proof of this is to be found in one very
-significant fact. The indictment, against Ktesiphon’s motion for
-crowning Demosthenes, was instituted by Æschines, and official entry
-made of it, before the death of Philip—which event occurred in
-August 336 B. C. Yet Æschines did not venture to bring it
-on for trial until August 330 B. C., after Antipater had
-subdued the ill-fated rising of the Lacedæmonian king Agis; and even
-at that advantageous moment, when the macedonizers seemed in full
-triumph, he signally failed. We thus perceive, that though Phokion
-and Demades were now the leaders of Athenian affairs, as representing
-a policy which every one felt to be unavoidable—yet the preponderant
-sentiment of the people went with Demosthenes and Lykurgus. In
-fact, we shall see that after the Lamian war, Antipater thought it
-requisite to subdue or punish this sentiment by disfranchising or
-deporting two-thirds of the citizens.[666] It seems however that the
-anti-Macedonian statesmen were very cautious of giving offence to
-Alexander, between 334 and 330 B. C. Ktesiphon accepted a
-mission of condolence to Kleopatra, sister of Alexander, on the death
-of her husband Alexander of Epirus; and Demosthenes stands accused of
-having sent humble and crouching letters to Alexander (the Great) in
-Phenicia, during the spring of 331 B. C. This assertion of
-Æschines, though not to be trusted as correct, indicates the general
-prudence of Demosthenes as to his known and formidable enemy.[667]
-
-  [666] Plutarch, Phokion, 28.
-
-  [667] Æschines (adv. Ktesiph. p. 635) mentions this mission of
-  Ktesiphon to Kleopatra. He also (in the same oration, p. 550)
-  charges Demosthenes with having sent letters to Alexander,
-  soliciting pardon and favor. He states that a young man named
-  Aristion, a friend of Demosthenes, was much about the person of
-  Alexander, and that through him the letters were sent. He cites
-  as his authority the seamen of the public Athenian vessel called
-  _Paralus_, and the Athenian envoys who went to Alexander in
-  Phenicia in the spring or summer of 331 B. C. (compare
-  Arrian, iii. 6, 3). Hyperides also seems to have advanced the
-  like allegation against Demosthenes—see Harpokration, v. Ἀριστίων.
-
-  The fragments of the oration of Hyperides in defence of
-  Euxenippus (recently published by Mr. Churchill Babington),
-  delivered at some period during the reign of Alexander, give
-  general evidence of the wide-spread feeling of jealous aversion
-  to the existing Macedonian ascendancy. Euxenippus had been
-  accused of devotion to Macedonia; Hyperides strenuously denies
-  it, saying that Euxenippus had never been in Macedonia, nor ever
-  conversed with any Macedonian who came to Athens. Even boys at
-  school (says Hyperides) know the names of the corrupt orators, or
-  servile flatterers, who serve Macedonia—Euxenippus is not among
-  them (p 11, 12).
-
-It was not from Athens, but from Sparta, that anti-Macedonian
-movements now took rise.
-
-In the decisive battle unsuccessfully fought by Athens and Thebes
-at Chæroneia against Philip, the Spartans had not been concerned.
-Their king Archidamus,—who had been active conjointly with Athens
-in the Sacred War, trying to uphold the Phokians against Philip
-and the Thebans,—had afterwards withdrawn himself from Central
-Greece to assist the Tarentines in Italy, and had been slain in a
-battle against the Messapians.[668] He was succeeded by his son
-Agis, a brave and enterprising man, under whom the Spartans, though
-abstaining from hostilities against Philip, resolutely declined to
-take part in the synod at Corinth, whereby the Macedonian prince
-was nominated Leader of the Greeks; and even persisted in the same
-denial on Alexander’s nomination also. When Alexander sent to Athens
-three hundred panoplies after his victory at the Granikus, to be
-dedicated in the temple of Athênê, he expressly proclaimed in the
-inscription, that they were dedicated “by Alexander and the Greeks,
-_excepting the Lacedæmonians_.”[669] Agis took the lead in trying to
-procure Persian aid for anti-Macedonian operations in Greece. Towards
-the close of summer 333 B. C., a little before the battle
-of Issus, he visited the Persian admirals at Chios, to solicit men
-and money for intended action in Peloponnesus.[670] At that moment,
-they were not zealous in the direction of Greece, anticipating (as
-most Asiatics then did) the complete destruction of Alexander in
-Kilikia. As soon, however, as the disaster of Issus became known,
-they placed at the disposal of Agis thirty talents and ten triremes;
-which he employed, under his brother Agesilaus, in making himself
-master of Krete—feeling that no movement in Greece could be expected
-at such a discouraging crisis. Agis himself soon afterwards went
-to that island, having strengthened himself by a division of the
-Greek mercenaries who had fought under Darius at Issus. In Krete,
-he appears to have had considerable temporary success; and even in
-Peloponnesus, he organized some demonstrations, which Alexander sent
-Amphoterus with a large naval force to repress, in the spring of 331
-B. C.[671] At that time, Phenicia, Egypt, and all the naval
-mastery of the Ægean, had passed into the hands of the conqueror, so
-that the Persians had no direct means of acting upon Greece. Probably
-Amphoterus recovered Krete, but he had no land-force to attack Agis
-in Peloponnesus.
-
-  [668] Plutarch, Camill. 19; Diodor. xvi. 88; Plutarch, Agis, 3.
-
-  [669] Arrian, i. 16, 11: compare Pausan. vii. 10, 1.
-
-  [670] Arrian, ii. 13, 4.
-
-  [671] Arrian, iii. 6, 4; Diodor. xvii. 48; Curtius, iv. 1, 39. It
-  is to this war in Krete, between Agis and the Macedonian party
-  and troops, that Aristotle probably alludes (in the few words
-  contained, Politica, ii. 7, 8), as having exposed the weakness of
-  the Kretan institutions—see Schneider’s note on the passage. At
-  least we do not know of any other event, suitable to the words.
-
-In October 331 B. C., Darius was beaten at Arbela and became a
-fugitive in Media, leaving Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis, with the
-bulk of his immense treasures, as a prey to the conqueror during the
-coming winter. After such prodigious accessions to Alexander’s force,
-it would seem that any anti-Macedonian movement, during the spring
-of 330 B. C., must have been obviously hopeless and even insane. Yet
-it was just then that King Agis found means to enlarge his scale
-of operations in Peloponnesus, and prevailed on a considerable
-body of new allies to join him. As to himself personally, he and
-the Lacedæmonians had been previously in a state of proclaimed
-war with Macedonia,[672] and therefore incurred little additional
-risk; moreover, it was one of the effects of the Asiatic disasters
-to cast back upon Greece small hands of soldiers who had hitherto
-found service in the Persian armies. These men willingly came to
-Cape Tænarus to enlist under a warlike king of Sparta; so that Agis
-found himself at the head of a force which appeared considerable
-to Peloponnesians, familiar only with the narrow scale of Grecian
-war-muster, though insignificant as against Alexander or his viceroy
-in Macedonia.[673] An unexpected ray of hope broke out from the
-revolt of Memnon, the Macedonian governor of Thrace. Antipater was
-thus compelled to withdraw some of his forces to a considerable
-distance from Greece; while Alexander, victorious as he was, being
-in Persis or Media, east of Mount Zagros, appeared in the eyes of a
-Greek to have reached the utmost limits of the habitable world.[674]
-Of this partial encouragement Agis took advantage, to march out of
-Lakonia with all the troops, mercenary and native, that he could
-muster. He called on the Peloponnesians for a last effort against
-Macedonian dominion, while Darius still retained all the eastern half
-of his empire, and while support from him in men and money might yet
-be anticipated.[675]
-
-  [672] Alexander, as soon as he got possession of the Persian
-  treasures at Susa (about December 331 B. C.), sent a
-  large remittance of 3000 talents to Antipater, as means for
-  carrying on the war against the Lacedæmonians (Arrian, iii. 16.
-  17). The manifestations of Agis in Peloponnesus had begun in
-  the spring of 331 B. C. (Arrian, iii. 6, 4); but his
-  aggressive movements in Peloponnesus did not assume formidable
-  proportions until the spring of 330 B. C. At the date
-  of the speech of Æschines against Ktesiphon (August 330 B.
-  C.), the decisive battle by which Antipater crushed the
-  forces of Agis had only recently occurred; for the Lacedæmonian
-  prisoners were only _about to be sent_ to Alexander to learn
-  their fate (Æsch. adv. Kt. p. 524). Curtius (vii. 1, 21) is
-  certainly mistaken in saying that the contest was terminated
-  before the battle of Arbela. Moreover, there were Lacedæmonian
-  envoys, present with Darius until a few days before his death
-  (July 330 B. C.), who afterwards fell into the hands
-  of Alexander (Arrian iii. 24, 7); these men could hardly have
-  known of the prostration of their country at home. I suppose the
-  victory of Antipater to have taken place about June 330 B.
-  C.—and the Peloponnesian armament of Agis to have been got
-  together about three months before (March 330 B. C.).
-
-  Mr. Clinton (Fast. H. App. c. 4. p. 234) discusses the chronology
-  of this event, but in a manner which I cannot think satisfactory.
-  He seems inclined to put it some months earlier. I see no
-  necessity for construing the dictum ascribed to Alexander
-  (Plutarch, Agesilaus, 15) as proving close coincidence of time
-  between the battle of Arbela and the final defeat of Agis.
-
-  [673] Alexander in Media, when informed of the whole affair after
-  the death of Agis, spoke of it with contempt as a battle of frogs
-  and mice, if we are to believe the dictum of Plutarch, Agesilaus,
-  15.
-
-  [674] Æschines adv. Ktesiphont. p. 553. ὁ δ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρος ἔξω τῆς
-  ἄρκτου καὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης ὀλίγου δεῖν πάσης μεθειστήκει, etc.
-
-  [675] Diodor. xvii. 62; Deinarchus cont. Demosthen. s. 35.
-
-Respecting this war, we know very few details. At first, a flush
-of success appeared in attend Agis. The Eleians, the Achæans
-(except Pellênê), the Arcadians (except Megalopolis) and some
-other Peloponnesians, joined his standard; so that he was enabled
-to collect an army stated at 20,000 foot and 2000 horse. Defeating
-the first Macedonian forces sent against him, he proceeded to
-lay siege to Megalopolis; which city, now as previously, was the
-stronghold of Macedonian influence in the peninsula, and was probably
-occupied by a Macedonian garrison. An impulse manifested itself
-at Athens in favor of active sympathy, and equipment of a fleet
-to aid this anti-Macedonian effort. It was resisted by Phokion
-and Demades, doubtless upon all views of prudence, but especially
-upon one financial ground, taken by the latter, that the people
-would be compelled to forego the Theoric distribution.[676] Even
-Demosthenes himself, under circumstances so obviously discouraging,
-could not recommend the formidable step of declaring against
-Alexander—though he seems to have indulged in the expression of
-general anti-Macedonian sympathies, and to have complained of
-the helplessness into which Athens had been brought by past bad
-policy.[677] Antipater, closing the war in Thrace on the best terms
-that he could, hastened into Greece with his full forces, and reached
-Peloponnesus in time to relieve Megalopolis, which had begun to be in
-danger. One decisive battle, which took place in Arcadia, sufficed to
-terminate the war. Agis and his army, the Lacedæmonians especially,
-fought with gallantry and desperation, but were completely defeated.
-Five thousand of their men were slain, including Agis himself; who,
-though covered with wounds, disdained to leave the field, and fell
-resisting to the last. The victors, according to one account, lost
-3500 men; according to another, 1000 slain, together with a great
-many wounded. This was a greater loss than Alexander had sustained
-either at Issus or at Arbela; a plain proof that Agis and his
-companions, however unfortunate in the result, had manifested courage
-worthy of the best days of Sparta.
-
-  [676] Plutarch, Reipubl. Gerend. Præcept. p. 818.
-
-  [677] This is what we make out, as to the conduct of Demosthenes,
-  from Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 553.
-
-  It is however difficult to believe, what Æschines insinuates,
-  that Demosthenes boasted of having himself got up the
-  Lacedæmonian movement—and yet that he made no proposition or
-  suggestion for countenancing it. Demosthenes can hardly have
-  lent any positive aid to the proceeding, though of course his
-  anti-Macedonian feelings would be counted upon, in case things
-  took a favorable turn.
-
-  Deinarchus (_ut suprà_) also accuses Demosthenes of having
-  remained inactive at this critical moment.
-
-The allied forces were now so completely crushed, that all submitted
-to Antipater. After consulting the philo-Macedonian synod at
-Corinth, he condemned the Achæans and Eleians to pay 120 talents to
-Megalopolis, and exacted from the Tegeans the punishment of those
-among their leading men who had advised the war.[678] But he would
-not take upon him to determine the treatment of the Lacedæmonians,
-without special reference to Alexander. Requiring from them fifty
-hostages, he sent up to Alexander in Asia some Lacedæmonian envoys
-or prisoners, to throw themselves on his mercy.[679] We are told
-that they did not reach the king until a long time afterwards, at
-Baktra;[680] what he decided about Sparta generally, we do not know.
-
-  [678] Curtius, vi. 1, 15-20; Diodor. xvii. 63-73. After the
-  defeat, a suspensive decree was passed by the Spartans, releasing
-  from ἀτιμία those who had escaped from the battle—as had been
-  done after Leuktra (Diodor. xix. 70).
-
-  [679] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 524.
-
-  [680] Curtius, vii. 4, 32.
-
-The rising of the Thebans, not many months after Alexander’s
-accession, had been the first attempt of the Greeks to emancipate
-themselves from Macedonian dominion; this enterprise of Agis was the
-second. Both unfortunately had been partial, without the possibility
-of any extensive or organized combination beforehand; both ended
-miserably, riveting the chains of Greece more powerfully than ever.
-Thus was the self-defensive force of Greece extinguished piecemeal.
-The scheme of Agis was in fact desperate from the very outset, as
-against the gigantic power of Alexander; and would perhaps never have
-been undertaken, had not Agis himself been already compromised in
-hostility against Macedonia, before the destruction of the Persian
-force at Issus. This unfortunate prince, without any superior ability
-(so far as we know), manifested a devoted courage and patriotism
-worthy of his predecessor Leonidas at Thermopylæ; whose renown
-stands higher, only because the cause in which he fell ultimately
-triumphed. The Athenians and Ætolians, neither of whom took part
-with Agis, were now left, without Thebes and Sparta, as the two great
-military powers of Greece which will appear presently, when we come
-to the last struggle for Grecian independence—the Lamian war; better
-combined and more promising, yet not less disastrous in its result.
-
-Though the strongest considerations of prudence kept Athens quiet
-during this anti-Macedonian movement in Peloponnesus, a powerful
-sympathy must have been raised among her citizens while the struggle
-was going on. Had Agis gained the victory over Antipater, the
-Athenians might probably have declared in his favor; and although no
-independent position could have been permanently maintained against
-so overwhelming an enemy as Alexander, yet considering that he was
-thoroughly occupied and far in the interior of Asia, Greece might
-have held out against Antipater for an interval not inconsiderable.
-In the face of such eventualities, the fears of the macedonizing
-statesmen now in power at Athens, the hopes of their opponents,
-and the reciprocal antipathies of both, must have become unusually
-manifest; so that the reaction afterwards, when the Macedonian power
-became more irresistible than ever, was considered by the enemies
-of Demosthenes to offer a favorable opportunity for ruining and
-dishonoring him.
-
-To the political peculiarity of this juncture we owe the judicial
-contest between the two great Athenian orators; the memorable
-accusation of Æschines against Ktesiphon, for having proposed a crown
-to Demosthenes—and the still more memorable defence of Demosthenes,
-on behalf of his friend as well as of himself. It was in the autumn
-or winter of 337-336 B. C., that Ktesiphon had proposed this vote
-of public honor in favor of Demosthenes, and had obtained the
-probouleuma or preliminary acquiescence of the senate; it was in the
-same Attic year, and not long afterwards, that Æschines attacked the
-proposition under the Graphê Paranomôn, as illegal, unconstitutional,
-mischievous, and founded on false allegations.[681] More than six
-years had thus elapsed since the formal entry of the accusation;
-yet Æschines had not chosen to bring it to actual trial; which
-indeed could not be done without some risk to himself, before the
-numerous and popular judicature of Athens. Twice or thrice before
-his accusation was entered, other persons had moved to confer the
-same honor upon Demosthenes,[682] and had been indicted under the
-Graphê Paranomôn; but with such signal ill-success, that their
-accusers did not obtain so much as one-fifth of the suffrages of the
-Dikasts, and therefore incurred (under the standing regulation of
-the Attic law) a penalty of 1000 drachmæ. The like danger awaited
-Æschines; and although, in reference to the illegality of Ktesiphon’s
-motion (which was the direct and ostensible purpose aimed at under
-the Graphê Paranomôn), his indictment was grounded on special
-circumstances such as the previous accusers may not have been able
-to show, still it was not his real object to confine himself within
-this narrow and technical argument. He intended to enlarge the range
-of accusation, so as to include the whole character and policy of
-Demosthenes; who would thus, if the verdict went against him, stand
-publicly dishonored both as citizen and as politician. Unless this
-latter purpose were accomplished, indeed, Æschines gained nothing
-by bringing the indictment into court; for the mere entry of the
-indictment would have already produced the effect of preventing the
-probouleuma from passing into a decree, and the crown from being
-actually conferred. Doubtless Ktesiphon and Demosthenes might have
-forced Æschines to the alternative of either dropping his indictment
-or bringing it into the Dikastery. But this was a forward challenge,
-which, in reference to a purely honorary vote, they had not felt bold
-enough to send; especially after the capture of Thebes in 335 B. C.
-when the victorious Alexander demanded the surrender of Demosthenes
-with several other citizens.
-
-  [681] Among the various documents, real or pretended, inserted in
-  the oration of Demosthenes De Coronâ, there appears one (p. 266)
-  purporting to be the very decree moved by Ktesiphon; and another
-  (p. 243) purporting to be the accusation preferred by Æschines. I
-  have already stated that I agree with Droysen in mistrusting all
-  the documents annexed to this oration; all of them bear the name
-  of wrong archons, most of them names of unknown archons; some of
-  them do not fit the place in which they appear. See my preceding
-  Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxix. p. 424; Ch. xc. p. 456-486.
-
-  We know from the statement of Æschines himself that the motion
-  of Ktesiphon was made after the appointment of Demosthenes to
-  be one of the inspectors of the fortifications of the city; and
-  that this appointment took place in the last month of the archon
-  Chærondas (June 337 B. C.—see Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p.
-  421-426). We also know that the accusation of Æschines against
-  Ktesiphon was preferred before the assassination of Philip,
-  which took place in August 336 B. C. (Æschin. ib. p.
-  612, 613). It thus appears that the motion of Ktesiphon (with
-  the probouleuma which followed upon it) must have occurred some
-  time during the autumn or winter of 337-336 B. C.—that
-  the accusation of Æschines must have been handed in shortly
-  after it—and that this accusation cannot have been handed in
-  at the date borne by the pseudo-document, p. 243—the month
-  Elaphebolion of the archon Chærondas, which would be anterior to
-  the appointment of Demosthenes. Moreover, whoever compares the
-  so-called motion of Ktesiphon, as it stands inserted Demosth. De
-  Coronâ, p. 266, with the words in which Æschines himself (Adv.
-  Ktesiph. p. 631. ὅθεν τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ ψηφίσματος ἐποιήσω, see also
-  p. 439) describes the exordium of that motion, will see that it
-  cannot be genuine.
-
-  [682] Demosthenes De Coronâ, p. 253, 302, 303, 310. He says (p.
-  267-313) that he had been crowned _often_ (πολλάκις) by the
-  Athenians and other Greek cities. The crown which he received on
-  the motion of Aristonikus (after the successes against Philip at
-  Byzantium and the Chersonesus, etc. in 340 B. C.) was
-  the _second_ crown (p. 253)—Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 848.
-
-In this state of abeyance and compromise—Demosthenes enjoying the
-inchoate honor of a complimentary vote from the senate, Æschines
-intercepting it from being matured into a vote of the people—both
-the vote and the indictment had remained for rather more than six
-years. But the accuser now felt encouraged to push his indictment to
-trial, under the reactionary party feeling, following on abortive
-anti-Macedonian hopes, which succeeded to the complete victory of
-Antipater over Agis, and which brought about the accusation of
-anti-Macedonian citizens in Naxos, Thasos, and other Grecian cities
-also.[683] Amidst the fears prevalent that the victor would carry
-his resentment still farther, Æschines could now urge that Athens
-was disgraced by having adopted or even approved the policy of
-Demosthenes,[684] and that an emphatic condemnation of him was the
-only way of clearing her from the charge of privity with those who
-had raised the standard against Macedonian supremacy. In an able and
-bitter harangue, Æschines first shows that the motion of Ktesiphon
-was illegal, in consequence of the public official appointments held
-by Demosthenes at the moment when it was proposed—next he enters at
-large into the whole life and character of Demosthenes, to prove him
-unworthy of such an honor, even if there had been no formal grounds
-of objection. He distributes the entire life of Demosthenes into four
-periods, the first ending at the peace of 346 B. C., between
-Philip and the Athenians—the second, ending with the breaking out
-of the next ensuing war in 341-340 B. C.—the third, ending
-with the disaster at Chæroneia—the fourth, comprising all the time
-following.[685] Throughout all the four periods, he denounces the
-conduct of Demosthenes as having been corrupt, treacherous, cowardly,
-and ruinous to the city. What is more surprising still—he expressly
-charges him with gross subservience both to Philip and to Alexander,
-at the very time when he was taking credit for a patriotic and
-intrepid opposition to them.[686]
-
-  [683] Demosthenes De Coronâ, p. 294.
-
-  [684] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 645. διαβέβληται δ᾽ ἡμῶν ἡ
-  πόλις ἐκ τῶν Δημοσθένους πολιτευμάτων ~περὶ τοὺς νῦν καιρούς~·
-  δόξετε δ᾽ ἐὰν μὲν τοῦτον στεφανώσητε, ~ὁμογνώμονες εἶναι τοῖς
-  παραβαίνουσι τὴν κοινὴν εἰρήνην~· ἐὰν δὲ τοὐναντίον τούτου
-  πράξητε, ἀπολύσετε τὸν δῆμον τῶν αἰτιῶν.—Compare with this, the
-  last sentence of the oration of Demosthenes in reply, where he
-  puts up a prayer to the gods—ἡμῖν δὲ τοῖς λοιποῖς τὴν ταχίστην
-  ἀπαλλαγὴν ~τῶν ἐπηρτημένων φόβων~ δότε καὶ σωτηρίαν ἀσφαλῆ.
-
-  The mention by Æschines (immediately before) of the Pythian
-  games, as about to be celebrated in a few days, marks the date of
-  this judicial trial—August, 330 B. C.
-
-  [685] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 443.
-
-  [686] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. pp. 449, 456, 467, 551.
-
-That Athens had undergone sad defeat and humiliation, having been
-driven from her independent and even presidential position into the
-degraded character of a subject Macedonian city, since the time
-when Demosthenes first began political life—was a fact but too
-indisputable. Æschines even makes this a part of his case; arraigning
-the traitorous mismanagement of Demosthenes as the cause of so
-melancholy a revolution, and denouncing him as candidate for public
-compliment or no better plea than a series of public calamities.[687]
-Having thus animadverted on the conduct of Demosthenes prior to the
-battle of Chæroneia, Æschines proceeds to the more recent past, and
-contends that Demosthenes cannot be sincere in his pretended enmity
-to Alexander, because he has let slip three successive occasions, all
-highly favorable, for instigating Athens to hostility against the
-Macedonians. Of these three occasions, the first was, when Alexander
-first crossed into Asia; the second, immediately before the battle
-of Issus; the third, during the flush of success obtained by Agis
-in Peloponnesus.[688] On neither of these occasions did Demosthenes
-call for any public action against Macedonia; a proof (according to
-Æschines) that his anti-Macedonian professions were insincere.
-
-  [687] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. pp. 526, 538, 541.
-
-  [688] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 551-553.
-
-I have more than once remarked, that considering the bitter enmity
-between the two orators, it is rarely safe to trust the unsupported
-allegation of either against the other. But in regard to the
-last-mentioned charges advanced by Æschines, there is enough of known
-fact, and we have independent evidence, such as is not often before
-us, to appreciate him as an accuser of Demosthenes. The victorious
-career of Alexander, set forth in the preceding chapters, proves
-amply that not one of the three periods, here indicated by Æschines,
-presented even decent encouragement for a reasonable Athenian
-patriot, to involve his country in warfare against so formidable
-an enemy. Nothing can be more frivolous than these charges against
-Demosthenes, of having omitted promising seasons for anti-Macedonian
-operations. Partly for this reason, probably, Demosthenes does not
-notice them in his reply; still more, perhaps, on another ground,
-that it was not safe to speak out what he thought and felt about
-Alexander. His reply dwells altogether upon the period before the
-death of Philip. Of the boundless empire subsequently acquired,
-by the son of Philip, he speaks only to mourn it as a wretched
-visitation of fortune, which has desolated alike the Hellenic and
-the barbaric world—in which Athens has been engulfed along with
-others—and from which even those faithless and trimming Greeks, who
-helped to aggrandize Philip, have not escaped better than Athens, nor
-indeed so well.[689]
-
-  [689] Demosthen. De Coronâ, p. 311-316.
-
-I shall not here touch upon the Demosthenic speech De Coronâ in
-a rhetorical point of view, nor add anything to those encomiums
-which have been pronounced upon it with one voice, both in ancient
-and in modern times, as the unapproachable masterpiece of Grecian
-oratory. To this work it belongs as a portion of Grecian history;
-a retrospect of the efforts made by a patriot and a statesman to
-uphold the dignity of Athens and the autonomy of the Grecian world,
-against a dangerous aggressor from without. How these efforts were
-directed, and how they lamentably failed, has been recounted in
-my last preceding volume. Demosthenes here passes them in review,
-replying to the criminations against his public conduct during the
-interval of ten years, between the peace of 346 B. C., (or
-the period immediately preceding it) and the death of Philip. It is
-remarkable, that though professing to enter upon a defence of his
-whole public life,[690] he nevertheless can afford to leave unnoticed
-that portion of it which is perhaps the most honorable to him—the
-early period of his first Philippics and Olynthiacs—when, though a
-politician as yet immature and of no established footing, he was the
-first to descry in the distance the perils threatened by Philip’s
-aggrandizement, and the loudest in calling for timely and energetic
-precautions against it; in spite of apathy and murmurs from older
-politicians as well as from the general public. Beginning with the
-peace of 346 B. C., Demosthenes vindicates his own share in
-the antecedents of that event against the charges of Æschines, whom
-he denounces as the cause of all the mischief; a controversy which
-I have already tried to elucidate, in my last volume. Passing next
-to the period after that peace—to the four years first of hostile
-diplomacy, then of hostile action, against Philip, which ended with
-the disaster of Chæroneia—Demosthenes is not satisfied with simple
-vindication. He re-asserts this policy as matter of pride and honor,
-in spite of its results. He congratulates his countrymen on having
-manifested a Pan-hellenic patriotism worthy of their forefathers, and
-takes to himself only the credit of having been forward to proclaim
-and carry out this glorious sentiment common to all. Fortune has been
-adverse; yet the vigorous anti-Macedonian policy was no mistake;
-Demosthenes swears it by the combatants of Marathon, Platæa and
-Salamis.[691] To have had a foreign dominion obtruded upon Greece, is
-an overwhelming calamity; but to have had this accomplished without
-strenuous resistance on the part of Athens, would have been calamity
-aggravated by dishonor.
-
-  [690] Demosthen. De Coronâ, p. 227. μέλλων τοῦ τε ἰδίου βίου
-  ~παντός~, ὡς ἔοικε, λόγον διδόναι τήμερον καὶ τῶν κοινῇ
-  πεπολιτευμένων, etc.
-
-  [691] Demosthen. De Coronâ, p. 297. ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔστιν, οὐκ
-  ἔστιν ὅπως ἡμάρτετε, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἁπάντων
-  ἐλευθερίας καὶ σωτηρίας κίνδυνον ἀράμενοι—οὐ μὰ τοὺς Μαραθῶνι
-  προκινδυνεύσαντας τῶν προγόνων καὶ τοὺς ἐν Πλαταιαῖς
-  παραταξαμένους καὶ τοὺς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχήσαντας, etc., the oath
-  so often cited and admired.
-
-Conceived in this sublime strain, the reply of Demosthenes to his
-rival has an historical value, as a funeral oration of extinct
-Athenian and Grecian freedom. Six years before, the orator had been
-appointed by his countrymen to deliver the usual public oration over
-the warriors slain at Chæroneia. That speech is now lost, but it
-probably touched upon the same topics. Though the sphere of action,
-of every Greek city as well as of every Greek citizen, was now
-cramped and confined by irresistible Macedonian force; there still
-remained the sentiment of full political freedom and dignity enjoyed
-during the past—the admiration of ancestors who had once defended it
-successfully—and the sympathy with leaders who had recently stood
-forward to uphold it, however unsuccessfully. It is among the most
-memorable facts in Grecian history, that in spite of the victory of
-Philip at Chæroneia—in spite of the subsequent conquest of Thebes by
-Alexander, and the danger of Athens after it—in spite of the Asiatic
-conquests which had since thrown all Persian force into the hands
-of the Macedonian king—the Athenian people could never be persuaded
-either to repudiate Demosthenes, or to disclaim sympathy with his
-political policy. How much art and ability was employed, to induce
-them to do so, by his numerous enemies, the speech of Æschines is
-enough to teach us. And when we consider how easily the public sicken
-of schemes which end in misfortune—how great a mental relief is
-usually obtained by throwing blame on unsuccessful leaders—it would
-have been no matter of surprise, if, in one of the many prosecutions
-wherein the fame of Demosthenes was involved, the Dikasts had given
-a verdict unfavorable to him. That he always came off acquitted, and
-even honorably acquitted, is a proof of rare fidelity and steadiness
-of mind in the Athenians. It is a proof that those noble, patriotic,
-and Pan-hellenic sentiments, which we constantly find inculcated in
-his orations, throughout a period of twenty years, had sunk into the
-minds of his hearers; and that amidst the many general allegations of
-corruption against him, loudly proclaimed by his enemies, there was
-no one well-ascertained fact which they could substantiate before the
-Dikastery.
-
-The indictment now preferred by Æschines against Ktesiphon only
-procured for Demosthenes a new triumph. When the suffrages of the
-Dikasts were counted, Æschines did not obtain so much as one fifth.
-He became therefore liable to the customary fine of 1000 drachmæ. It
-appears that he quitted Athens immediately, without paying the fine,
-and retired into Asia, from whence he never returned. He is said to
-have opened a rhetorical school at Rhodes, and to have gone into the
-interior of Asia during the last year of Alexander’s life (at the
-time when that monarch was ordaining on the Grecian cities compulsory
-restoration of all their exiles), in order to procure assistance for
-returning to Athens. This project was disappointed by Alexander’s
-death.[692]
-
-  [692] See the various lives of Æschines—in Westermann, Scriptores
-  Biographici, pp. 268, 269.
-
-We cannot suppose that Æschines was unable to pay the fine of 1000
-drachmæ, or to find friends who would pay it for him. It was not
-therefore legal compulsion, but the extreme disappointment and
-humiliation of so signal a defeat, which made him leave Athens.
-We must remember that this was a gratuitous challenge sent by
-himself; that the celebrity of the two rivals had brought together
-auditors, not merely from Athens, but from various other Grecian
-cities; and that the effect of the speech of Demosthenes in his
-own defence,—delivered with all his perfection of voice and
-action, and not only electrifying hearers by the sublimity of its
-public sentiment, but also full of admirably managed self-praise,
-and contemptuous bitterness towards his rival—must have been
-inexpressibly powerful and commanding. Probably the friends of
-Æschines became themselves angry with him for having brought the
-indictment forward. For the effect of his defeat must have been
-that the vote of the Senate which he indicted, was brought forward
-and passed in the public assembly; and that Demosthenes must have
-received a public coronation.[693] In no other way, under the
-existing circumstances of Athens, could Demosthenes have obtained so
-emphatic a compliment. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that such
-a mortification was insupportable to Æschines. He became disgusted
-with his native city. We read that afterwards, in his rhetorical
-school at Rhodes, he one day declaimed, as a lesson to his pupils,
-the successful oration of his rival, De Coronâ. Of course it excited
-a burst of admiration. “What, if you had heard the beast himself
-speak it!”—exclaimed Æschines.
-
-  [693] Demosthen. De Coronâ, p. 315. ἀλλὰ νυνὶ τήμερον ἐγὼ μὲν
-  ὑπὲρ τοῦ στεφανωθῆναι δοκιμάζομαι, τὸ δὲ μήδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀδικεῖν
-  ἀνωμολόγημαι—σοὶ δὲ συκοφάντῃ μὲν εἶναι δοκεῖν ὑπάρχει,
-  κινδυνεύεις δὲ εἴτε δεῖ σε ἔτι τοῦτο ποιεῖν, εἴτ᾽ ἤδη πεπαῦσθαι
-  μὴ μεταλαβόντα τὸ πέμπτον μέρος τῶν ψήφων, etc.
-
-  Yet Æschines had become opulent, according to Demosthenes, p. 329.
-
-From this memorable triumph of the illustrious orator and defendant,
-we have to pass to another trial—a direct accusation brought against
-him, from which he did not escape so successfully. We are compelled
-here to jump over five years and a half (August 330 B. C.,
-to January 324 B. C.), during which we have no information
-about Grecian history; the interval between Alexander’s march into
-Baktria and his return to Persis and Susiana. Displeased with the
-conduct of the satraps during his absence, Alexander put to death
-or punished several, and directed the rest to disband without delay
-the mercenary soldiers whom they had taken into pay. This peremptory
-order filled both Asia and Europe with roving detachments of
-unprovided soldiers, some of whom sought subsistence in the Grecian
-islands and on the Lacedæmonian southern coast, at Cape Tænarus in
-Laconia.
-
-It was about this period (the beginning of 324 B. C.),
-that Harpalus the satrap of Babylonia and Syria, becoming alarmed
-at the prospect of being punished by Alexander for his ostentatious
-prodigalities, fled from Asia into Greece, with a considerable
-treasure and a body of 5000 soldiers.[694] While satrap, he had
-invited into Asia, in succession, two Athenian women as mistresses,
-Pythionikê and Glykera, to each of whom he was much attached, and
-whom he entertained with lavish expense and pomp. On the death of
-the first, he testified his sorrow by two costly funereal monuments
-to her memory; one at Babylon, the other in Attica, between Athens
-and Eleusis. With Glykera he is said to have resided at Tarsus in
-Kilikia,—to have ordered that men should prostrate themselves before
-her, and address her as queen—and to have erected her statue along
-with his own at Rhossus, a seaport on the confines of Kilikia and
-Syria.[695] To please these mistresses, or perhaps to ensure a
-retreat for himself in case of need, he had sent to Athens profuse
-gifts of wheat for distribution among the people, for which he had
-received votes of thanks with the grant of Athenian citizenship.[696]
-Moreover he had consigned to Charikles, son-in-law of Phokion, the
-task of erecting the monument in Attica to the honor of Pythionikê;
-with a large remittance of money for the purpose.[697] The profit or
-embezzlement arising out of this expenditure secured to him the good
-will of Charikles—a man very different from his father-in-law, the
-honest and austere Phokion. Other Athenians were probably conciliated
-by various presents, so that when Harpalus found it convenient to
-quit Asia, about the beginning of 324 B. C., he had already
-acquired some hold both on the public of Athens and on some of her
-leading men. He sailed with his treasure and his armament straight
-to Cape Sunium in Attica, from whence he sent to ask shelter and
-protection in that city.[698]
-
-  [694] Diodor. xvii. 108. He states the treasure brought out of
-  Asia by Harpalus as 5000 talents.
-
-  [695] See the fragments of the letter or pamphlet of Theopompus
-  addressed to Alexander, while Harpalus was still at Tarsus, and
-  before his flight to Athens—Theopomp. Fragm. 277, 278, ed. Didot,
-  ap. Athenæum, xiii. p. 586-595. Theopompus speaks in the present
-  tense—~καὶ ὁρᾷ~ (Harpalus) ὑπὸ τοῦ λάου προσκυνουμένην (Glykera),
-  etc. Kleitarchus stated these facts, as well as Theopompus
-  (Athenæ. ibid.).
-
-  [696] Athenæus, xiii. p. 596—the extract from the satirical
-  drama called Agên, represented before Alexander at Susa, in the
-  Dionysiac festival or early months of 324 B. C.
-
-  [697] Plutarch, Phokion, 22; Pausanias, i. 37, 4; Dikæarchi
-  Fragment. 72. ed. Didot.
-
-  Plutarch’s narrative is misleading, inasmuch as it seems to imply
-  that Harpalus gave this money to Charikles _after_ his arrival at
-  Athens. We know from Theopompus (Fr. 277) that the monument had
-  been finished some time before Harpalus quitted Asia. Plutarch
-  treats it as a mean structure, unworthy of the sum expended on
-  it; but both Dikæarchus and Pausanias describe it as stately and
-  magnificent.
-
-  [698] Curtius, x. 2, 1.
-
-The first reports transmitted to Asia appear to have proclaimed that
-the Athenians had welcomed Harpalus as a friend and ally, thrown off
-the Macedonian yoke, and prepared for a war to re-establish Hellenic
-freedom. Such is the color of the case, as presented in the satiric
-drama called Agên, exhibited before Alexander in the Dionysiac
-festival at Susa, in February or March 324 B. C. Such news,
-connecting itself in Alexander’s mind with the recent defeat of
-Zopyrion in Thrace and other disorders of the disbanded mercenaries,
-incensed him so much, that he at first ordered a fleet to be
-equipped, determining to cross over and attack Athens in person.[699]
-But he was presently calmed by more correct intelligence, certifying
-that the Athenians had positively refused to espouse the cause of
-Harpalus.[700]
-
-  [699] Curtius, x. 2, 1. “Igitur triginta navibus Sunium
-  transmittunt” (Harpalus and his company), “unde portum urbis
-  petere decreverunt. His cognitis, rex Harpalo Atheniensibusque
-  juxta infestus, classem parari jubet, Athenas protinus
-  petiturus.” Compare Justin, xiii. 5, 7—who mentions this hostile
-  intention in Alexander’s mind, but gives a different account of
-  the cause of it.
-
-  The extract from the drama _Agên_ (given in Athenæus, xiii.
-  p. 596) represents the reports which excited this anger of
-  Alexander. It was said that Athens had repudiated her slavery,
-  with the abundance which she had before enjoyed under it,—to
-  enter upon a struggle for freedom, with the certainty of present
-  privations and future ruin:—
-
-    A. ὅτε μὲν ἔφασκον (the Athenians) δοῦλον ἐκτῆσθαι βίον,
-       ἱκανὸν ἐδείπνουν· ~νῦν δὲ~, τὸν χέδροπα μόνον
-       καὶ τὸν μάραθον ~ἔσθουσι~, πυροὺς δ᾽ οὐ μάλα.
-
-    B. καὶ μὴν ἀκούω μυριάδας τὸν Ἅρπαλον
-       αὐτοῖσι τῶν Ἀγῆνος οὐκ ἐλάττονας
-       σίτου παραπέμψαι, καὶ πολίτην γεγονέναι.
-
-    A. Γλυκέρας ὁ σῖτος οὗτος ἦν· ἔσται δ᾽ ἴσως
-       αὐτοῖσιν ~ὀλέθρου~ κοὐκ ἑταίρας ἀῤῥαβών.
-
-  I conceive this drama Agên to have been represented on the banks
-  of the _Choaspes_ (not the _Hydaspes_—see my note in the Chapter
-  immediately preceding, p. 240), that is, at Susa, in the Dionysia
-  of 324 B. C. It is interesting as a record of the
-  feelings of the time.
-
-  [700] Nevertheless the impression, that Alexander was intending
-  to besiege Athens, must have prevailed in the army for several
-  months longer, during the autumn of 324 B. C. when
-  he was at Ekbatana. Ephippus the historian, in recounting the
-  flatteries addressed to Alexander at Ekbatana, mentions the
-  rhodomontade of a soldier named Gorgus—Γόργος ὁ ὁπλοφύλαξ
-  Ἀλέξανδρον Ἄμμωνος υἱὸν στεφανοῖ χρυσοῖς τρισχιλίοις, ~καὶ ὅταν
-  Ἀθήνας πολιορκῇ~, μυρίαις πανοπλίαις καὶ ταῖς ἴσαις καταπέλταις
-  καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις βέλεσιν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἱκανοῖς (Ephippus
-  ap. Athenæum, xii. p. 538. Fragment. 3. ed. Didot).
-
-The fact of such final rejection by the Athenians is quite
-indisputable. But it seems, as far as we can make out from imperfect
-evidence, that this step was not taken without debate, nor without
-symptoms of a contrary disposition, sufficient to explain the
-rumors first sent to Alexander. The first arrival of Harpalus
-with his armament at Sunium, indeed, excited alarm, as if he were
-coming to take possession of Peiræus; and the admiral Philokles was
-instructed to adopt precautions for defence of the harbor.[701]
-But Harpalus, sending away his armament to Krete or to Tænarus,
-solicited and obtained permission to come to Athens, with a single
-ship and his own personal attendants. What was of still greater
-moment, he brought with him a large sum of money, amounting, we
-are told to upwards of 700 talents, or more than £160,000. We must
-recollect that he was already favorably known to the people by large
-presents of corn, which had procured for him a vote of citizenship.
-He now threw himself upon their gratitude as a suppliant seeking
-protection against the wrath of Alexander; and while entreating
-from the Athenians an interference so hazardous to themselves, he
-did not omit to encourage them by exaggerating the means at his own
-disposal. He expatiated on the universal hatred and discontent felt
-against Alexander, and held out assurance of being joined by powerful
-allies, foreign as well as Greek, if once a city like Athens would
-raise the standard of liberation.[702] To many Athenian patriots,
-more ardent than long-sighted, such appeals inspired both sympathy
-and confidence. Moreover Harpalus would of course purchase every
-influential partisan who would accept a bribe; in addition to men
-like Charikles, who were already in his interest. His cause was
-espoused by Hyperides,[703] an earnest anti-Macedonian citizen, and
-an orator second only to Demosthenes. There seems good reason for
-believing that at first, a strong feeling was excited in favor of
-taking part with the exile; the people not being daunted even by the
-idea of war with Alexander.[704]
-
-  [701] Deinarchus adv. Philokl. s. 1. φάσκων κωλύσειν Ἅρπαλον εἰς
-  τὸν Πειραῖα καταπλεῦσαι, στατηγὸς ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὰ νεώρια καὶ τὴν
-  Μουνυχίαν κεχειροτονημένος, etc. Deinarchus adv. Aristogeiton,
-  s. 4. ὃς παρ᾽ Ἁρπάλου λαβεῖν χρήματα ἐτόλμησεν, ὃν ᾔσθεθ᾽ ἥκειν
-  καταληψόμενον τὴν πόλιν ὑμῶν, etc.
-
-  [702] See the new and interesting, though unfortunately scanty,
-  fragments of the oration of Hyperides against Demosthenes,
-  published and elucidated by Mr. Churchill Babington from a
-  recently discovered Egyptian papyrus (Cambridge, 1850). From
-  Fragm. 14 (p. 38 of Mr. Babington’s edition) we may see that
-  the promises mentioned in the text were actually held out by
-  Harpalus—indeed we might almost have presumed it without positive
-  evidence. Hyperides addresses Demosthenes—ταύτας ὑπ...ις τῷ
-  ψηφίσματι, συλλαβὼν τὸν Ἅρπαλον· καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἅπαντας
-  πρεσβεύεσθαι πεποίηκας ὡς Ἀλέξανδρον, οὐκ ἔχοντας ἄλλην οὐδεμίαν
-  ἀποστροφήν· ~τοὺς δὲ βαρβάρους~, οἳ αὐτοὶ ἂν ἧκον φέροντες εἰς
-  ταὐτὸ τὴν δύναμιν, ἔχοντες τὰ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὅσους
-  ἕκαστος αὐτῶν εἶχε, ~τούτους σύμπαντας~ οὐ μόνον ~κεκώλυκας
-  ἀποστῆναι ἐκείνου~ τῇ συλλήψει τοῦ Ἁρπάλου, ἀλλὰ καὶ....
-
-  From the language thus used by Hyperides in his accusation, we
-  are made to perceive what prospects he (and of course Harpalus,
-  upon whose authority he must have spoken) had held out to the
-  people when the case was first under discussion.
-
-  The fragment here cited is complete as to the main sense, not
-  requiring very great help from conjecture. In some of the other
-  fragments, the conjectural restorations of Mr. Babington, though
-  highly probable and judicious, form too large a proportion of the
-  whole to admit of our citing them with confidence as testimony.
-
-  [703] Pollux, x. 159.
-
-  [704] Plutarch, De Vitioso Pudore, p. 531. τῶν γὰρ Ἀθηναίων
-  ὡρμημένων Ἁρπάλῳ βοηθεῖν, καὶ κορυσσόντων ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον,
-  ἐξαίφνης ἐπεφάνη Φιλόξενος, ὁ τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πραγμάτων
-  Ἀλεξάνδρου στρατηγός· ἐκπλαγέντος δὲ τοῦ δήμου, καὶ σιωπῶντος
-  διὰ τὸν φόβον, ὁ Δημοσθένης—Τί ποιήσουσιν, ἔφη, πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον
-  ἰδόντες, οἱ μὴ δυνάμενοι πρὸς τὸν λύχνον ἀντιβλέπειν;
-
-Phokion, whom Harpalus vainly endeavored to corrupt, resisted of
-course the proposition of espousing his cause. And Demosthenes
-also resisted it, not less decidedly, from the very outset.[705]
-Notwithstanding all his hatred of Macedonian supremacy, he could not
-be blind to the insanity of declaring war against Alexander. Indeed
-those who study his orations throughout, will find his counsels
-quite as much distinguished for prudence as for vigorous patriotism.
-His prudence, on this occasion, however, proved injurious to his
-political position; for while it incensed Hyperides and the more
-sanguine anti-Macedonians, it probably did not gain for himself
-anything beyond a temporary truce from his old macedonizing opponents.
-
-  [705] Plutarch, Phokion, c. 21; Plutarch, Demosthen. 25.
-
-The joint opposition of politicians so discordant as Demosthenes
-and Phokion, prevailed over the impulse which the partisans of
-Harpalus had created. No decree could be obtained in his favor.
-Presently however the case was complicated by the coming of envoys
-from Antipater and Olympias in Macedonia, requiring that he should
-be surrendered.[706] The like requisition was also addressed by the
-Macedonian admiral Philoxenus, who arrived with a small squadron
-from Asia. These demands were refused, at the instance of Phokion no
-less than of Demosthenes. Nevertheless the prospects of Macedonian
-vengeance were now brought in such fearful proximity before the
-people, that all disposition to support Harpalus gave way to the
-necessity of propitiating Alexander. A decree was passed to arrest
-Harpalus, and to place all his money under sequestration in the
-acropolis, until special directions could be received from Alexander;
-to whom, apparently, envoys were sent, carrying with them the slaves
-of Harpalus to be interrogated by him, and instructed to solicit
-a lenient sentence at his hands.[707] Now it was Demosthenes who
-moved these decrees for personal arrest and for sequestration of
-the money;[708] whereby he incurred still warmer resentment from
-Hyperides and the other Harpalian partisans, who denounced him
-as a subservient creature of the all-powerful monarch. Harpalus
-was confined, but presently made his escape; probably much to the
-satisfaction of Phokion, Demosthenes, and every one else; for even
-those who were most anxious to get rid of him would recoil from the
-odium and dishonor of surrendering him, even under constraint, to a
-certain death. He fled to Krete, where he was soon after slain by one
-of his own companions.[709]
-
-  [706] Diodor. xvii. 108.
-
-  [707] Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 69. ἐὰν τοὺς παῖδας καταπέμψῃ
-  (Alexander) πρὸς ἡμᾶς τοὺς νῦν εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἀνακεκομισμένους, καὶ
-  τούτων ἀξιοῖ τὴν ἀληθείαν πυθέσθαι, etc.
-
-  [708] See the fragment cited in a preceding note from the oration
-  of Hyperides against Demosthenes. That it was _Demosthenes_ who
-  moved the decree for depositing the money in the acropolis,
-  we learn also from one of his other accusers—the citizen who
-  delivered the speech composed by Deinarchus (adv. Demosthen.
-  sect. 68, 71, 89)—~ἔγραψεν αὐτὸς, ἐν τῷ δήμῳ Δημοσθένης~, ὡς
-  δηλονότι δικαίου τοῦ πράγματος ὄντος, φυλάττειν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὰ εἰς
-  τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀφικόμενα μετὰ Ἁρπάλου χρήματα.
-
-  Deinarchus (adv. Demosth. s. 97-106) accuses Demosthenes of base
-  flattery to Alexander. Hyperides also makes the same charge—see
-  the Fragments in Mr. Babington’s edition, sect. 2. Fr. 11. p. 12;
-  sect. 3. Fr. 5. p. 34.
-
-  [709] Pausan. ii. 33, 4; Diodor. xvii. 108.
-
-At the time when the decrees for arrest and sequestration were
-passed, Demosthenes requested a citizen near him to ask Harpalus
-publicly in the assembly, what was the amount of his money, which
-the people had just resolved to impound.[710] Harpalus answered,
-720 talents; and Demosthenes proclaimed this sum to the people, on
-the authority of Harpalus, dwelling with some emphasis upon its
-magnitude. But when the money came to be counted in the acropolis, it
-was discovered that there was in reality no more than 350 talents.
-Now it is said that Demosthenes did not at once communicate to the
-people this prodigious deficiency in the real sum as compared with
-the announcement of Harpalus, repeated in the public assembly by
-himself. The impression prevailed, for how long a time we do not
-know, that 720 Harpalian talents had actually been lodged in the
-acropolis; and when the truth became at length known, great surprise
-and outcry were excited.[711] It was assumed that the missing half
-of the sum set forth must have been employed in corruption; and
-suspicions prevailed against almost all the orators, Demosthenes and
-Hyperides both included.
-
-  [710] This material fact, of the question publicly put to
-  Harpalus in the assembly by some one at the request of
-  Demosthenes, appears in the Fragments of Hyperides, p. 5, 7,
-  9, ed. Babington—καθήμενος κάτω ὑπὸ τῇ κατατομῇ, ἐκέλευσε ...
-  τὸν χορευτὴν ἐρωτῆσαι τὸν Ἅρπαλον ὁπόσα εἴη τὰ χρήματα τὰ
-  ἀνοισθησόμενα εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν· ~ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο~ ὅτι ἑπτακόσια,
-  etc.
-
-  The term κατατομὴ (see Mr. Babington’s note) “designates a
-  broad passage occurring at intervals between the concentrically
-  arranged benches of seats in a theatre, and running parallel with
-  them.”
-
-  [711] Plutarch, Vit. X. Orat. p. 846. In the life of Demosthenes
-  given by Photius (Cod. 265, p. 494) it is stated that only 308
-  talents were found.
-
-In this state of doubt, Demosthenes moved that the Senate of
-Areopagus should investigate the matter and report who were the
-presumed delinquents[712] fit to be indicted before the Dikastery;
-he declared in the speech accompanying his motion that the real
-delinquents, whoever they might be, deserved to be capitally
-punished. The Areopagites delayed their report for six months, though
-Demosthenes is said to have called for it with some impatience.
-Search was made in the houses of the leading orators, excepting
-only one who was recently married.[713] At length the report
-appeared, enumerating several names of citizens chargeable with
-the appropriation of this money, and specifying how much had been
-taken by each. Among these names were Demosthenes himself, charged
-with 20 talents—Demades charged with 6000 golden staters—and other
-citizens, with different sums attached to their names.[714] Upon
-this report, ten[715] public accusers were appointed to prosecute
-the indictment against the persons specified, before the Dikastery.
-Among the accusers was Hyperides, whose name had not been comprised
-in the Areopagitic report. Demosthenes was brought to trial, first
-of all the persons accused, before a numerous Dikastery of 1500
-citizens,[716] who confirmed the report of the Areopagites, found
-him guilty, and condemned him to pay fifty talents to the state.
-Not being able to discharge this large fine, he was put in prison;
-but after some days he found means to escape, and fled to Trœzen
-in Peloponnesus, where he passed some months as a dispirited and
-sorrowing exile, until the death of Alexander.[717] What was done
-with the other citizens included in the Areopagitic report, we do not
-know. It appears that Demades[718]—who was among those comprised, and
-who is especially attacked, along with Demosthenes, by both Hyperides
-and Deinarchus—did not appear to take his trial, and therefore
-must have been driven into exile; yet if so, he must have speedily
-returned, since he seems to have been at Athens when Alexander died.
-Philokles and Aristogeiton were also brought to trial as being
-included by the Areopagus in the list of delinquents; but how their
-trial ended, does not appear.[719]
-
-  [712] That this motion was made by Demosthenes himself, is a
-  point strongly pressed by his accuser Deinarchus—adv. Demosth. s.
-  5. 62, 84, etc.: compare also the Fragm. of Hyperides, p. 59, ed.
-  Babington.
-
-  Deinarchus, in his loose rhetoric, tries to put the case as
-  if Demosthenes had proposed to recognize the sentence of the
-  Areopagus as final and peremptory, and stood therefore condemned
-  upon the authority invoked by himself. But this is refuted
-  sufficiently by the mere fact that the trial was instituted
-  afterwards; besides that, it is repugnant to the judicial
-  practice of Athens.
-
-  [713] Plutarch, Demosth. 26. We learn from Deinarchus (adv.
-  Demosth. s. 46) that the report of the Areopagites was not
-  delivered until after an interval of six months. About their
-  delay and the impatience of Demosthenes see Fragm. Hyperides, pp.
-  12-33, ed. Babington.
-
-  [714] Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 92. See the Fragm. of Hyperides
-  in Mr. Babington, p. 18.
-
-  [715] Deinarchus adv. Aristogeiton, s. 6. Stratokles was one of
-  the accusers.
-
-  [716] Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 108, 109.
-
-  [717] Plutarch, Demosth. 26.
-
-  [718] Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 104.
-
-  [719] See the two orations composed by Deinarchus, against
-  Philokles and Aristogeiton.
-
-  In the second and third Epistles ascribed to Demosthenes (p.
-  1470, 1483, 1485), he is made to state, that he alone had
-  been condemned by the Dykastery, because his trial had come
-  on first—that Aristogeiton and all the others tried were
-  acquitted, though the charge against all was the same, and the
-  evidence against all was the same also—viz. nothing more than
-  the simple report of the Areopagus. As I agree with those who
-  hold these epistles to be probably spurious, I cannot believe,
-  on such authority alone, that all the other persons tried were
-  acquitted—a fact highly improbable in itself.
-
-This condemnation and banishment of Demosthenes—unquestionably the
-greatest orator, and one of the greatest citizens, in Athenian
-antiquity,—is the most painful result of the debates respecting
-the exile Harpalus. Demosthenes himself denied the charge; but
-unfortunately we possess neither his defence, nor the facts alleged
-in evidence against him; so that our means of forming a positive
-conclusion are imperfect. At the same time, judging from the
-circumstances as far as we know them—there are several which go to
-show his innocence, and none which tend to prove him guilty. If we
-are called upon to believe that he received money from Harpalus, we
-must know for what service the payment was made. Did Demosthenes
-take part with Harpalus, and advise the Athenians to espouse his
-cause? Did he even keep silence, and abstain from advising them to
-reject the propositions? Quite the reverse. Demosthenes was from
-the beginning a declared opponent of Harpalus, and of all measures
-for supporting his cause. Plutarch indeed tells an anecdote—that
-Demosthenes began by opposing Harpalus, but that presently he
-was fascinated by the beauty of a golden cup among the Harpalian
-treasures. Harpalus, perceiving his admiration, sent to him on
-the ensuing night the golden cup, together with twenty talents,
-which Demosthenes accepted. A few days afterwards, when the cause
-of Harpalus was again debated in the public assembly, the orator
-appeared with his throat enveloped in woollen wrappers, and affected
-to have lost his voice; upon which the people, detecting this
-simulated inability as dictated by the bribe which had been given,
-expressed their displeasure partly by sarcastic taunts, partly by
-indignant murmuring.[720] So stands the anecdote in Plutarch. But
-we have proof that it is untrue. Demosthenes may indeed have been
-disabled by sore throat from speaking at some particular assembly;
-so far the story may be accurate; but that he desisted from opposing
-Harpalus (the real point of the allegation against him) is certainly
-not true; for we know from his accusers Deinarchus and Hyperides,
-that it was he who made the final motion for imprisoning Harpalus
-and sequestrating the Harpalian treasure in trust for Alexander.
-In fact, Hyperides himself denounces Demosthenes, as having from
-subservience to Alexander, closed the door against Harpalus and his
-prospects.[721] Such direct and continued opposition is a conclusive
-proof that Demosthenes was neither paid nor bought by Harpalus.
-The only service which he rendered to the exile was, by refusing
-to deliver him to Antipater, and by not preventing his escape
-from imprisonment. Now in this refusal even Phokion concurred;
-and probably the best Athenians, of all parties, were desirous of
-favoring the escape of an exile whom it would have been odious to
-hand over to a Macedonian executioner. Insofar as it was a crime not
-to have prevented the escape of Harpalus, the crime was committed
-as much by Phokion as by Demosthenes; and indeed more, seeing that
-Phokion was one of the generals, exercising the most important
-administrative duties—while Demosthenes was only an orator and mover
-in the assembly. Moreover, Harpalus had no means of requiting the
-persons, whoever they were, to whom he owed his escape; for the same
-motion which decreed his arrest, decreed also the sequestration of
-his money, and thus removed it from his own control.[722]
-
-  [720] Plutarch, Demosth. 25: compare also Plutarch, Vit. X.
-  Oratt. p. 846; and Photius, Life of Demosth. Cod. 265, p. 494.
-
-  [721] See the fragment of Hyperides in Mr. Babington’s edition,
-  pp. 37, 38 (a fragment already cited in a preceding note),
-  insisting upon the prodigious mischief which Demosthenes had done
-  by his decree for arresting (σύλληψις) Harpalus.
-
-  [722] In the Life of Demosthenes apud Photium (Cod. 265), the
-  service alleged to have been rendered by him to Harpalus, and for
-  which he was charged with having received 1000 Darics, is put as
-  I have stated it in the text—Demosthenes first spoke publicly
-  against receiving Harpalus, but presently Δαρεικοὺς χιλίους
-  (~ὥς φασι~) λαβὼν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ λέγοντας μετετάξατο
-  (then follow the particular acts whereby this alleged change of
-  sentiment was manifested, which particular acts are described
-  as follows)—καὶ βουλομένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων Ἀντιπάτρῳ προδοῦναι τὸν
-  ἄνθρωπον ἀντεῖπεν, τά τε Ἁρπάλεια χρήματα εἰς ἀκρόπολιν ἔγραψεν
-  ἀποθέσθαι, μηδὲ τῷ δήμῳ τὸν ἀριθμὸν αὐτῶν ἀποσημηνάμενος.
-
-  That Demosthenes should first oppose the reception of
-  Harpalus—and then afterwards oppose the surrender of Harpalus
-  to Antipater’s requisition—is here represented as a change of
-  politics requiring the hypothesis of a bribe to explain it.
-  But it is in reality no change at all. The two proceedings are
-  perfectly consistent with each other, and both of them defensible.
-
-The charge therefore made against Demosthenes by his two
-accusers,—that he received money _from_ Harpalus,—is one which all
-the facts known to us tend to refute. But this is not quite the whole
-case. Had Demosthenes the means of embezzling the money, after it
-had passed out of the control of Harpalus? To this question also we
-may reply in the negative, so far as Athenian practice enables us to
-judge. Demosthenes had moved, and the people had voted, that these
-treasures should be lodged in trust for Alexander, in the acropolis;
-a place where all the Athenian public money was habitually kept—in
-the back chamber of the Parthenon. When placed in that chamber, these
-new treasures would come under the custody of the officers of the
-Athenian exchequer; and would be just as much out of the reach of
-Demosthenes as the rest of the public money. What more could Phokion
-himself have done to preserve the Harpalian fund intact, than to put
-it in the recognized place of surety? Then, as to the intermediate
-process, of taking the money from Harpalus up to the acropolis, there
-is no proof,—and in my judgment no probability,—that Demosthenes was
-at all concerned in it. Even to count, verify, and weigh, a sum of
-above £80,000—not in bank notes or bills of exchange, but subdivided
-in numerous and heavy coins (staters, darics, tetradrachms), likely
-to be not even Attic, but Asiatic—must have been a tedious duty
-requiring to be performed by competent reckoners, and foreign to
-the habits of Demosthenes. The officers of the Athenian treasury
-must have gone through this labor, providing the slaves or mules
-requisite for carrying so heavy a burthen up to the acropolis.
-Now we have ample evidence from the remaining Inscriptions, that
-the details of transfering and verifying the public property, at
-Athens, were performed habitually with laborious accuracy. Least
-of all would such accuracy be found wanting in the case of the
-large Harpalian treasure, where the very passing of the decree
-implied great fear of Alexander. If Harpalus, on being publicly
-questioned in the assembly—What was the sum to be carried up into the
-acropolis,—answered by stating the amount which he had originally
-brought and not that which he had remaining—Demosthenes might surely
-repeat that statement immediately after him, without being understood
-thereby to bind himself down as guarantee for its accuracy. An
-adverse pleader, like Hyperides, might indeed turn a point in his
-speech[723]—“_You_ told the assembly that there were 700 talents,
-and now _you_ produce no more than half”—but the imputation wrapped
-up in these words against the probity of Demosthenes, is utterly
-groundless. Lastly, when the true amount was ascertained, to make
-report thereof was the duty of the officers of the treasury.
-Demosthenes could only learn it from them; and it might certainly
-be proper in him, though in no sense an imperative duty, to inform
-himself on the point, seeing that he had unconsciously helped to give
-publicity to a false statement. The true statement was given; but we
-neither know by whom, nor how soon.[724]
-
-  [723] Fragm. Hyperides, p. 7, ed. Babington—ἐν τῷ δήμῳ ἑπτακόσια
-  ~φήσας~ εἶναι τάλαντα, ~νῦν τὰ ἡμίση ἀναφέρεις~;
-
-  In p. 26 of the same Fragments, we find Hyperides reproaching
-  Demosthenes for not having kept effective custody over the
-  person of Harpalus; for not having proposed any decree providing
-  a special custody; for not having made known beforehand, or
-  prosecuted afterwards, the negligence of the ordinary jailers.
-  This is to make Demosthenes responsible for the performance of
-  _all_ the administrative duties of the city; for the good conduct
-  of the treasurers and the jailers.
-
-  We must recollect that Hyperides had been the loudest advocate
-  of Harpalus, and had done all he could to induce the Athenians
-  to adopt the cause of that exile against Alexander. One of the
-  charges (already cited from his speech) against Demosthenes, is,
-  that Demosthenes prevented this from being accomplished. Yet
-  here is another charge from the same speaker, to the effect that
-  Demosthenes did not keep Harpalus under effective custody for the
-  sword of the Macedonian executioner!
-
-  The line of accusation taken by Hyperides is full of shameful
-  inconsistencies.
-
-  [724] In the Life of Demosthenes (Plutarch, Vit. X Oratt. p.
-  846), the charge of corruption against him is made to rest
-  chiefly on the fact, that he did not make this communication to
-  the people—καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μήτε τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἀνακομισθέντων
-  μεμηνυκὼς μήτε τῶν φυλασσόντων ἀμελείαν, etc. The biography apud
-  Photium seems to state it as if Demosthenes did not communicate
-  the amount, _at the time_ when he proposed the decree of
-  sequestration. This last statement we are enabled to contradict,
-  from the testimony of Hyperides.
-
-Reviewing the facts known to us, therefore, we find them all tending
-to refute the charge against Demosthenes. This conclusion will
-certainly be strengthened by reading the accusatory speech composed
-by Deinarchus; which is mere virulent invective, barren of facts and
-evidentiary matter, and running over all the life of Demosthenes for
-the preceding twenty years. That the speech of Hyperides also was of
-the like desultory character, the remaining fragments indicate. Even
-the report made by the Areopagus contained no recital of facts—no
-justificatory matter—nothing except a specification of names with the
-sums for which each of them is chargeable.[725] It appears to have
-been made _ex-parte_, as far as we can judge—that is, made without
-hearing these persons in their own defence, unless they happened to
-be themselves Areopagites. Yet this report is held forth both by
-Hyperides and Deinarchus as being in itself conclusive proof which
-the Dikasts could not reject. When Demosthenes demanded, as every
-defendant naturally would, that the charge against him should be
-proved by some positive evidence, Hyperides sets aside the demand as
-nothing better than cavil and special pleading.[726]
-
-  [725] Hyperid. Fragm. p. 18, ed. Babington. τὰς γὰρ ἀποφάσεις
-  πάσας τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν χρημάτων Ἁρπάλου, πάσας ὁμοίως ἡ βουλὴ
-  πεποίηται, καὶ τὰς αὐτὰς κατὰ πάντων· καὶ ~οὐδεμιᾷ προσγέγραφε,
-  δι᾽ ὅτι ἕκαστον ἀποφαίνει~· ἀλλ᾽ ~ἐπικεφάλαιον~ γράψασα, ὁπόσον
-  ἕκαστος εἴληφε χρυσίον, τοῦτ᾽ οὖν ὀφειλέτω....
-
-  [726] Hyperid. Frag. p. 20, ed. Babingt. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὅτι μὲν ἔλαβες
-  τὸ χρυσίον, ~ἱκανὸν οἶμαι εἶναι σημεῖον τοῖς δικασταῖς, τὸ τὴν
-  βουλὴν σοῦ καταγνῶναι~ (see Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 46, and
-  the beginning of the second Demosthenic epistle).
-
-  Hyperid. p. 16, ed Babingt. Καὶ ~συκοφαντεῖς τὴν βουλὴν~,
-  προκλήσεις προτιθεὶς, καὶ ~ἐρωτῶν ἐν ταῖς προκλήσεσιν, πόθεν
-  ἔλαβες τὸ χρυσίον, καὶ τίς ἦν σοὶ ὁ δοὺς, καὶ πῶς; τελευταῖον δ᾽
-  ἴσως ἐρωτήσεις, καὶ εἰ ἐχρήσω τῷ χρυσίῳ, ὥσπερ τραπεζιτικὸν λόγον
-  παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπαιτῶν~.
-
-  This monstrous sentence creates a strong presumption in favor
-  of the defendant,—and a still stronger presumption against the
-  accuser. Compare Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 6, 7.
-
-  The biographer apud Photium states that Hyperides and four other
-  orators procured (κατεσκεύασαν) the condemnation of Demosthenes
-  by the Areopagus.
-
-One farther consideration remains to be noticed. Only nine months
-after the verdict of the Dikastery against Demosthenes, Alexander
-died. Presently the Athenians and other Greeks rose against Antipater
-in the struggle called the Lamian war. Demosthenes was then recalled;
-received from his countrymen an enthusiastic welcome, such as
-had never been accorded to any returning exile since the days of
-Alkibiades; took a leading part in the management of the war; and
-perished, on its disastrous termination, along with his accuser
-Hyperides.
-
-Such speedy revolution of opinion about Demosthenes, countenances the
-conclusion which seems to me suggested by the other circumstances
-of the case—that the verdict against him was not judicial, but
-political; growing out of the embarrassing necessities of the time.
-
-There can be no doubt that Harpalus, to whom a declaration of active
-support from the Athenians was matter of life and death, distributed
-various bribes to all consenting recipients, who could promote his
-views,—and probably even to some who simply refrained from opposing
-them; to all, in short, except pronounced opponents. If we were to
-judge from probabilities alone, we should say that Hyperides himself,
-as one of the chief supporters, would also be among the largest
-recipients.[727] Here was abundant bribery—notorious in the mass,
-though perhaps untraceable in the detail—all consummated during the
-flush of promise which marked the early discussions of the Harpalian
-case. When the tide of sentiment turned—when fear of Macedonian force
-became the overwhelming sentiment—when Harpalus and his treasures
-were impounded in trust for Alexander—all these numerous receivers
-of bribes were already compromised and alarmed. They themselves
-probably, in order to divert suspicion, were among the loudest in
-demanding investigation and punishment against delinquents. Moreover,
-the city was responsible for 700 talents to Alexander, while no
-more than 350 were forthcoming.[728] It was indispensable that some
-definite individuals should be pronounced guilty and punished, partly
-in order to put down the reciprocal criminations circulating through
-the city, partly in order to appease the displeasure of Alexander
-about the pecuniary deficiency. But how to find out who were the
-guilty? There was no official Prosecutor-general; the number of
-persons suspected would place the matter beyond the reach of private
-accusations; perhaps the course recommended by Demosthenes himself
-was the best, to consign this preliminary investigation to the
-Areopagites.
-
-  [727] The biographer of Hyperides (Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt.
-  p. 48) tells us that he was the only orator who kept himself
-  unbribed; the comic writer Timokles names Hyperides along with
-  Demosthenes and others as recipients (ap. Athenæ. viii. p. 342).
-
-  [728] See this point urged by Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 69, 70.
-
-Six months elapsed before these Areopagites made their report. Now
-it is impossible to suppose that all this time could have been spent
-in the investigation of facts—and if it had been, the report when
-published would have contained some trace of these facts, instead
-of embodying a mere list of names and sums. The probability is,
-that their time was passed quite as much in party-discussions as in
-investigating facts; that dissentient parties were long in coming
-to an agreement whom they should sacrifice; and that when they did
-agree, it was a political rather than a judicial sentence, singling
-out Demosthenes as a victim highly acceptable to Alexander, and
-embodying Demades also, by way of compromise, in the same list of
-delinquents—two opposite politicians, both at the moment obnoxious.
-I have already observed that Demosthenes was at that time unpopular
-with both the reigning parties: with the philo-Macedonians, from long
-date, and not without sufficient reason; with the anti-Macedonians,
-because he had stood prominent in opposing Harpalus. His accusers
-count upon the hatred of the former against him, as a matter of
-course; they recommend him to the hatred of the latter, as a base
-creature of Alexander. The Dikasts doubtless included men of both
-parties; and as a collective body, they might probably feel, that
-to ratify the list presented by the Areopagus was the only way of
-finally closing a subject replete with danger and discord.
-
-Such seems the probable history of the Harpalian transactions. It
-leaves Demosthenes innocent of corrupt profit, not less than Phokion;
-but to the Athenian politicians generally, it is noway creditable;
-while it exhibits the judicial conscience of Athens as under pressure
-of dangers from without, worked upon by party-intrigues within.[729]
-
-  [729] We read in Pausanias (ii. 33, 4) that the Macedonian
-  admiral Philoxenus, having afterwards seized one of the slaves
-  of Harpalus, learnt from him the names of those Athenians whom
-  his master had corrupted; and that Demosthenes was _not_ among
-  them. As far as this statement goes, it serves to exculpate
-  Demosthenes. Yet I cannot assign so much importance to it as
-  Bishop Thirlwall seems to do. His narrative of the Harpalian
-  transactions is able and discriminating (Hist. vol. vii. ch. 56.
-  p. 170 _seqq._).
-
-During the half-year and more which elapsed between the arrival of
-Harpalus at Athens, and the trial of Demosthenes, one event at least
-of considerable moment occurred in Greece. Alexander sent Nicanor
-to the great Olympic festival held in this year, with a formal
-letter or rescript, directing every Grecian city to recall all its
-citizens that were in exile, except such as were under the taint
-of impiety. The rescript, which was publicly read at the festival
-by the herald who had gained the prize for loudness of voice, was
-heard with the utmost enthusiasm by 20,000 exiles, who had mustered
-there from intimations that such a step was intended. It ran thus:
-“King Alexander to the exiles out of the Grecian cities—We have not
-been authors of your banishment, but we will be authors of your
-restoration to your native cities. We have written to Antipater about
-this matter, directing him to apply force to such cities as will not
-recall you of their own accord.”[730]
-
-  [730] Diodor. xix. 8.
-
-It is plain that many exiles had been pouring out their complaints
-and accusations before Alexander, and had found him a willing
-auditor. But we do not know by what representations this rescript
-had been procured. It would seem that Antipater had orders farther,
-to restrain or modify the confederacies of the Achæan and Arcadian
-cities;[731] and to enforce not merely recall of the exiles, but
-restitution of their properties.[732]
-
-  [731] See the Fragments of Hyperides, p. 36, ed. Babington.
-
-  [732] Curtius, x. 2, 6.
-
-That the imperial rescript was dictated by mistrust of the tone of
-sentiment in the Grecian cities generally, and intended to fill each
-city with devoted partisans of Alexander—we cannot doubt. It was on
-his part a high-handed and sweeping exercise of sovereignty—setting
-aside the conditions under which he had been named leader of
-Greece—disdaining even to inquire into particular cases, and to
-attempt a distinction between just and unjust sentences—overruling
-in the mass the political and judicial authorities in every city. It
-proclaimed with bitter emphasis the servitude of the hellenic world.
-Exiles restored under the coercive order of Alexander, were sure to
-look to Macedonia for support, to despise their own home authorities,
-and to fill their respective cities with enfeebling discord. Most of
-the cities, not daring to resist, appear to have yielded a reluctant
-obedience; but both the Athenians and Ætolians are said to have
-refused to execute the order.[733] It is one evidence of the disgust
-raised by the rescript at Athens, that Demosthenes is severely
-reproached by Deinarchus, because, as chief of the Athenian Theôry or
-sacred legation to the Olympic festival, he was seen there publicly
-consorting and in familiar converse with Nikanor.[734]
-
-  [733] Curtius, x. 2, 6. The statement of Diodorus (xviii. 8)—that
-  the rescript was popular and acceptable to all Greeks, except
-  the Athenians and Ætolians—cannot be credited. It was popular,
-  doubtless, with the exiles themselves, and their immediate
-  friends.
-
-  [734] Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 81; compare Hyperid. Fragm. p.
-  36, ed. Babington.
-
-In the winter or early spring of 323 B. C. several Grecian
-cities sent envoys into Asia to remonstrate with Alexander against
-the measure; we may presume that the Athenians were among them; but
-we do not know whether the remonstrance produced any effect.[735]
-There appears to have been considerable discontent in Greece during
-this winter and spring (323 B. C.). The disbanded soldiers
-out of Asia still maintained a camp at Tænarus; where Leosthenes,
-an energetic Athenian of anti-Macedonian sentiments, accepted the
-command of them, and even attracted fresh mercenary soldiers from
-Asia, under concert with various confederates at Athens, and with
-the Ætolians.[736] Of the money, said to be 5000 talents, brought by
-Harpalus out of Asia, the greater part had not been taken by Harpalus
-to Athens, but apparently left with his officers for the maintenance
-of the troops who had accompanied him over.
-
-  [735] Diodor. xvii. 113.
-
-  [736] Diodor. xvii. 111: compare xviii. 21. Pausanias (i. 25, 5;
-  viii. 52, 2) affirms that Leosthenes brought over 50,000 of these
-  mercenaries from Asia into Peloponnesus, during the lifetime of
-  Alexander, and against Alexander’s will. The number here given
-  seems incredible; but it is probable enough that he induced some
-  to come across.—Justin (xiii. 5) mentions that armed resistance
-  was prepared by the Athenians and Ætolians against Alexander
-  himself during the latter months of his life, in reference to the
-  mandate enjoining recall of the exiles. He seems to overstate the
-  magnitude of their doings, before the death of Alexander.
-
-Such was the general position of affairs, when Alexander died at
-Babylon in June 323 B. C. This astounding news, for which no
-one could have been prepared, must have become diffused throughout
-Greece during the month of July. It opened the most favorable
-prospects to all lovers of freedom and sufferers by Macedonian
-dominion. The imperial military force resembled the gigantic
-Polyphemus after his eye had been blinded by Odysseus:[737] Alexander
-had left no competent heir, nor did any one imagine that his vast
-empire could be kept together in effective unity by other hands.
-Antipater in Macedonia was threatened with the defection of various
-subject neighbors.[738]
-
-  [737] A striking comparison made by the orator Demades (Plutarch,
-  Apophthegm. p. 181).
-
-  [738] See Frontinus, Stratagem, ii. 11, 4.
-
-No sooner was the death of Alexander indisputably certified, than the
-anti-Macedonian leaders in Athens vehemently instigated the people
-to declare themselves first champions of Hellenic freedom, and to
-organize a confederacy throughout Greece for that object. Demosthenes
-was then in exile; but Leosthenes, Hyperides and other orators of the
-same party, found themselves able to kindle in their countrymen a
-strenuous feeling and determination, in spite of decided opposition
-on the part of Phokion and his partisans.[739] The rich men for the
-most part took the side of Phokion, but the mass of the citizens were
-fired by the animating recollection of their ancestors and by the
-hopes of reconquering Grecian freedom. A vote was passed, publicly
-proclaiming their resolution to that effect. It was decreed that 200
-quadriremes, and 40 triremes should be equipped; that all Athenians
-under 40 years of age should be in military requisition; and that
-envoys should be sent round to the various Grecian cities, earnestly
-invoking their alliance in the work of self-emancipation.[740]
-Phokion, though a pronounced opponent of such warlike projects,
-still remained at Athens, and still, apparently, continued in his
-functions as one of the generals.[741] But Pytheas, Kallimedon, and
-others of his friends, fled to Antipater, whom they strenuously
-assisted in trying to check the intended movement throughout Greece.
-
-  [739] Plutarch, Phokion, 23. In the Fragments of Dexippus, there
-  appear short extracts of two speeches, seemingly composed by
-  that author in his history of these transactions; one which he
-  ascribes to Hyperides instigating the war, the other to Phokion,
-  against it (Fragm. Hist. Græc. vol. iii. p. 668).
-
-  [740] Diodor. xviii. 10. Diodorus states that the Athenians sent
-  the Harpalian treasures to the aid of Leosthenes. He seems to
-  fancy that Harpalus had brought to Athens all the 5000 talents
-  which he had carried away from Asia; but it is certain, that no
-  more than 700 or 720 talents were declared by Harpalus in the
-  Athenian assembly—and of these only half were really forthcoming.
-  Moreover, Diodorus is not consistent with himself, when he says
-  afterwards (xviii. 19) that Thimbron, who killed Harpalus in
-  Krete, got possession of the Harpalian treasures and mercenaries,
-  and carried them over to Kyrênê in Africa.
-
-  [741] It is to this season, apparently, that the anecdote (if
-  true) must be referred—The Athenians were eager to invade Bœotia
-  unseasonably; Phokion, as general of eighty years old, kept
-  them back, by calling out the citizens of sixty years old and
-  upwards for service, and offering to march himself at their head
-  (Plutarch, Reip. Ger. Præcept. p. 818).
-
-Leosthenes, aided by some money and arms from Athens, put himself
-at the head of the mercenaries assembled at Tænarus, and passed
-across the Gulf into Ætolia. Here he was joined by the Ætolians and
-Akarnanians, who eagerly entered into the league with Athens for
-expelling the Macedonians from Greece. Proceeding onward towards
-Thermopylæ and Thessaly, he met with favor and encouragement almost
-everywhere. The cause of Grecian freedom was espoused by the
-Phokians, Lokrians, Dorians, Ænianes, Athamantes, and Dolopes; by
-most of the Malians, Œtæans, Thessalians, and Achæans of Phthiôtis;
-by the inhabitants of Leukas, and by some of the Molossians. Promises
-were also held out of co-operation from various Illyrian and Thracian
-tribes. In Peloponnesus, the Argeians, Sikyonians, Epidaurians,
-Trœzenians, Eleians, and Messenians, enrolled themselves in the
-league, as well as the Karystians in Eubœa.[742] These adhesions were
-partly procured by Hyperides and other Athenian envoys, who visited
-the several cities; while Pytheas and other envoys were going round
-in like matter to advocate the cause of Antipater. The two sides
-were thus publicly argued by able pleaders before different public
-assemblies. In these debates, the advantage was generally on the
-side of the Athenian orators, whose efforts moreover were powerfully
-seconded by the voluntary aid of Demosthenes, then living as an exile
-in Peloponnesus.
-
-  [742] Diodor. xviii. 11; Pausanias, i. 25, 4.
-
-To Demosthenes the death of Alexander, and the new prospect of
-organizing an anti-Macedonian confederacy with some tolerable chance
-of success, came more welcome than to any one else. He gladly
-embraced the opportunity of joining and assisting the Athenian
-envoys, who felt the full value of his energetic eloquence, in the
-various Peloponnesian towns. So effective was the service which he
-thus rendered to his country, that the Athenians not only passed
-a vote to enable him to return, but sent a trireme to fetch him
-to Peiræus. Great was the joy and enthusiasm on his arrival. The
-archons, the priests, and the entire body of citizens, came down to
-the harbor to welcome his landing, and escorted him to the city. Full
-of impassioned emotion, Demosthenes poured forth his gratitude for
-having been allowed to see such a day, and to enjoy a triumph greater
-even than that which had been conferred on Alkibiades on returning
-from exile; since it had been granted spontaneously, and not extorted
-by force. His fine could not be remitted, consistently with Athenian
-custom; but the people passed a vote granting to him fifty talents
-as superintendent of the periodical sacrifice to Zeus Soter; and his
-execution of this duty was held equivalent to a liquidation of the
-fine.[743]
-
-  [743] Plutarch, Demosth. 27.
-
-What part Demosthenes took in the plans or details of the war, we
-are not permitted to know. Vigorous operations were now carried on,
-under the military command of Leosthenes. The confederacy against
-Antipater included a larger assemblage of Hellenic states than that
-which had resisted Xerxes in 480 B. C. Nevertheless, the
-name of Sparta does not appear in the list. It was a melancholy
-drawback to the chances of Greece, in this her last struggle for
-emancipation, that the force of Sparta had been altogether crushed in
-the gallant but ill-concerted effort of Agis against Antipater seven
-years before, and had not since recovered. The great stronghold of
-Macedonian interest, in the interior of Greece, was Bœotia. Platæa,
-Orchomenus, and the other ancient enemies of Thebes, having received
-from Alexander the domain once belonging to Thebes herself, were well
-aware that this arrangement could only be upheld by the continued
-pressure of Macedonian supremacy in Greece. It seems probable also
-that there were Macedonian garrisons in the Kadmeia—in Corinth—and
-in Megalopolis; moreover, that the Arcadian and Achæan cities had
-been macedonized by the measures taken against them under Alexander’s
-orders in the preceding summer;[744] for we find no mention made
-of these cities in the coming contest. The Athenians equipped a
-considerable land-force to join Leosthenes at Thermopylæ; a citizen
-force of 5000 infantry and 500 cavalry, with 2000 mercenaries
-besides. But the resolute opposition of the Bœotian cities hindered
-them from advancing beyond Mount Kithæron, until Leosthenes
-himself, marching from Thermopylæ to join them with a part of his
-army, attacked the Bœotian troops, gained a complete victory, and
-opened the passage. He now proceeded with the full Hellenic muster,
-including Ætolians and Athenians, into Thessaly to meet Antipater,
-who was advancing from Macedonia into Greece at the head of the force
-immediately at his disposal—13,000 infantry, and 600 cavalry—and with
-a fleet of 110 ships of war co-operating on the coast.[745]
-
-  [744] See the Fragments of Hyperides, p. 36, ed. Babington. καὶ
-  περὶ τοῦ τοὺς κοινοὺς συλλόγους Ἀχαιῶν τε καὶ Ἀρκάδων ... we do
-  not know what was done to these district confederacies, but it
-  seems that some considerable change was made in them, at the time
-  when Alexander’s decree for restoring the exiles was promulgated.
-
-  [745] Diodor. xviii. 13.
-
-Antipater was probably not prepared for this rapid and imposing
-assemblage of the combined Greeks at Thermopylæ, nor for the
-energetic movements of Leosthenes. Still less was he prepared for
-the defection of the Thessalian cavalry, who, having always formed
-an important element in the Macedonian army, now lent their strength
-to the Greeks. He despatched urgent messages to the Macedonian
-commanders in Asia—Kraterus, Leonnatus, Philotas, etc., soliciting
-reinforcements; but in the mean time, though inferior in numbers,
-he thought it expedient to accept the challenge of Leosthenes. In
-the battle which ensued, however, he was completely defeated, and
-even cut off from the possibility of retreating into Macedonia;
-so that no resource was left to him except the fortified town of
-Lamia (near to the river Spercheius, beyond the southern border of
-Thessaly), where he calculated on holding out until relief came
-from Asia. Leosthenes immediately commenced the siege of Lamia,
-and pressed it with the utmost energy, making several attempts to
-storm the town; but its fortifications were strong, with a garrison
-ample and efficient—so that he was repulsed with considerable loss.
-Unfortunately he possessed no battering train nor engineers, such as
-had formed so powerful an element in the military successes of Philip
-and Alexander. He therefore found himself compelled to turn the siege
-into a blockade, and to adopt systematic measures for intercepting
-the supply of provisions. In this he had every chance of succeeding,
-and of capturing the person of Antipater. Hellenic prospects looked
-bright and encouraging; nothing was heard in Athens and the other
-cities except congratulations and thanksgivings.[746] Phokion, on
-hearing the confident language of those around him remarked—“The
-stadium (or short course) has been done brilliantly, but I fear
-we shall not have strength to hold out for the long course.”[747]
-At this critical moment, Leosthenes, in inspecting the blockading
-trenches, was wounded on the head by a large stone, projected from
-one of the catapults on the city-walls, and expired in two days.[748]
-A funeral oration in his honor, as well as in that of the other
-combatants against Antipater, was pronounced at Athens by Hyperides,
-on whom the people devolved that duty in preference to Demosthenes.
-
-  [746] Plutarch, Phokion, 23, 24.
-
-  [747] Plutarch, Phokion, c. 23; Plutarch, Reip. Ger. Præcept. p.
-  803.
-
-  [748] Diodor. xviii. 12, 13.
-
-The death of this eminent general, in the full tide of success, was a
-hard blow struck by fortune at the cause of Grecian freedom. For the
-last generation, Athens had produced several excellent orators, and
-one who combined splendid oratory with wise and patriotic counsels.
-But during all that time, none of her citizens, before Leosthenes had
-displayed military genius and ardor along with Panhellenic purposes.
-His death appears to have saved Antipater from defeat and captivity.
-The difficulty was very great, of keeping together a miscellaneous
-army of Greeks, who after the battle, easily persuaded themselves
-that the war was finished, and desired to go home—perhaps under
-promise of returning. Even during the lifetime of Leosthenes, the
-Ætolians, the most powerful contingent of the army, had obtained
-leave to go home, from some domestic urgency, real or pretended.[749]
-When he was slain, there was no second in command; nor, even if there
-had been, could the personal influence of one officer be transferred
-to another. Reference was made to Athens, where, after some debate,
-Antiphilus was chosen commander, after the proposition to name
-Phokion had been made and rejected.[750] But during this interval
-there was no authority to direct military operations, or even to
-keep the army together; so that the precious moments for rendering
-the blockade really stringent, were lost, and Antipater was enabled
-to maintain himself until the arrival of Leonnatus from Asia to his
-aid. How dangerous the position of Antipater was, we may judge from
-the fact, that he solicited peace, but was required by the besiegers
-to surrender at discretion[751]—with which condition he refused to
-comply.
-
-  [749] Diodor. xviii. 13-15.
-
-  [750] Plutarch, Phokion, 24.
-
-  [751] Diodor. xviii. 11; Plutarch, Phokion, 26.
-
-Antiphilus appears to have been a brave and competent officer. But
-before he could reduce Lamia, Leonnatus with a Macedonian army had
-crossed the Hellespont from Asia, and arrived at the frontiers of
-Thessaly. So many of the Grecian contingents had left the camp, that
-Antiphilus was not strong enough at once to continue the blockade and
-to combat the relieving army. Accordingly, he raised the blockade,
-and moved off by rapid marches to attack Leonnatus apart from
-Antipater. He accomplished this operation with vigor and success.
-Through the superior efficiency of the Thessalian cavalry under
-Menon, he gained an important advantage in a cavalry battle over
-Leonnatus, who was himself slain;[752] and the Macedonian phalanx
-having its flanks and rear thus exposed, retired from the plain to
-more difficult ground, leaving the Greeks masters of the field with
-the dead bodies. On the very next day, Antipater came up with the
-troops from Lamia, and took command of the defeated army. He did not
-however think it expedient to renew the combat, but withdrew his army
-from Thessaly into Macedonia, keeping in his march the high ground,
-out of the reach of cavalry.[753]
-
-  [752] Plutarch, Phokion, 25; Diodor. xviii. 14, 15: compare
-  Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 1.
-
-  [753] Diodor. xviii. 15.
-
-During the same time generally as these operations in Thessaly,
-it appears that war was carried on actively by sea. We hear of
-a descent by Mikion with a Macedonian fleet at Rhamnus on the
-eastern coast of Attica, repulsed by Phokion; also of a Macedonian
-fleet, of 240 sail, under Kleitus, engaging in two battles with the
-Athenian fleet under Eetion, near the islands called Echinades,
-at the mouth of the Achelous, on the western Ætolian coast. The
-Athenians were defeated in both actions, and great efforts were
-made at Athens to build new vessels for the purpose of filling up
-the losses sustained.[754] Our information is not sufficient to
-reveal the purposes or details of these proceedings. But it seems
-probable that the Macedonian fleet were attacking Ætolia through
-Œniadæ, the citizens of which town had recently been expelled by the
-Ætolians;[755] and perhaps this may have been the reason why the
-Ætolian contingent was withdrawn from Thessaly.
-
-  [754] Diodor. xviii. 15.
-
-  [755] Diodor. xviii. 8.
-
-In spite of such untoward events at sea, the cause of Panhellenic
-liberty seemed on the whole prosperous. Though the capital
-opportunity had been missed, of taking Antipater captive in Lamia,
-still he had been expelled from Greece, and was unable, by means
-of his own forces in Macedonia, to regain his footing. The Grecian
-contingents had behaved with bravery and unanimity in prosecution
-of the common purpose; and what had been already achieved was
-quite sufficient to justify the rising, as a fair risk, promising
-reasonable hopes of success. Nevertheless Greek citizens were not
-like trained Macedonian soldiers. After a term of service not much
-prolonged, they wanted to go back to their families and properties,
-hardly less after a victory than after a defeat. Hence the army
-of Antiphilus in Thessaly became much thinned,[756] though still
-remaining large enough to keep back the Macedonian forces of
-Antipater, even augmented as they had been by Leonnatus—and to compel
-him to await the still more powerful reinforcement destined to follow
-under Kraterus.
-
-  [756] Diodor. xviii. 17.
-
-In explaining the relations between these three Macedonian
-commanders—Antipater, Leonnatus, and Kraterus—it is necessary to go
-back to June 323 B. C., the period of Alexander’s death, and
-to review the condition into which his vast and mighty empire had
-fallen. I shall do this briefly, and only so far as it bears on the
-last struggles and final subjugation of the Grecian world.
-
-On the unexpected death of Alexander, the camp at Babylon with its
-large force became a scene of discord. He left no offspring, except
-a child named Herakles, by his mistress Barsinê. Roxana, one of
-his wives, was indeed pregnant; and amidst the uncertainties of
-the moment, the first disposition of many was to await the birth
-of her child. She herself, anxious to shut out rivalry, caused
-Statira, the queen whom Alexander had last married to be entrapped
-and assassinated along with her sister.[757] There was, however,
-at Babylon, a brother of Alexander, named Aridæus (son of Philip
-by a Thessalian mistress), already of full age though feeble in
-intelligence, towards whom a still larger party leaned. In Macedonia,
-there were Olympias, Alexander’s mother—Kleopatra, his sister, widow
-of the Epirotic Alexander—and Kynanê,[758] another sister, widow of
-Amyntas (cousin of Alexander the Great, and put to death by him);
-all of them disposed to take advantage of their relationship to the
-deceased conqueror, in the scramble now opened for power.
-
-  [757] Plutarch, Alexand. 77.
-
-  [758] Arrian, De Rebus post Alexandrum, vi. ap. Photium, Cod. 92.
-
-After a violent dispute between the cavalry and the infantry at
-Babylon, Aridæus was proclaimed king under the name of Philip
-Aridæus. Perdikkas was named as his guardian and chief minister;
-among the other chief officers, the various satrapies and fractions
-of the empire were distributed. Egypt and Libya were assigned to
-Ptolemy; Syria to Laomedon; Kilikia to Philôtas; Pamphylia, Lykia,
-and the greater Phrygia, to Antigonus; Karia, to Asander; Lydia, to
-Menander; the Hellespontine Phrygia, to Leonnatus; Kappadokia and
-Paphlagonia, to the Kardian Eumenes; Media, to Pithon. The eastern
-satrapies were left in the hands of the actual holders.
-
-In Europe, the distributors gave Thrace with the Chersonese to
-Lysimachus; the countries west of Thrace, including (along with
-Illyrians, Triballi, Agrianes, and Epirots) Macedonia and Greece, to
-Antipater and Kraterus.[759] We thus find the Grecian cities handed
-over to new masters, as fragments of the vast intestate estate left
-by Alexander. The empty form of convening and consulting a synod of
-deputies at Corinth, was no longer thought necessary.
-
-  [759] Arrian, De Rebus post Alexand. _ut supra_; Diodor. xviii.
-  3, 4; Curtius, x. 10; Dexippus, Fragmenta ap. Photium, Cod. 82,
-  ap. Fragm. Hist. Græc. vol. iii. p. 667, ed. Didot (De Rebus post
-  Alexandrum).
-
-All the above-named officers were considered as local lieutenants,
-administering portions of an empire one and indivisible, under
-Aridæus. The principal officers who enjoyed central authority,
-bearing on the entire empire, were, Perdikkas, chiliarch of the
-horse (the post occupied by Hephæstion until his death), a sort of
-vizir,[760] and Seleukus, commander of the Horse Guards. No one at
-this moment talked of dividing the empire. But it soon appeared that
-Perdikkas, profiting by the weakness of Aridæus, had determined to
-leave to him nothing more than the imperial name, and to engross for
-himself the real authority. Still, however, in his disputes with the
-other chiefs, he represented the imperial family, and the integrity
-of the empire, contending against severality and local independence.
-In this task (besides his brother Alketas), his ablest and most
-effective auxiliary was Eumenes of Kardia, secretary of Alexander for
-several years until his death. It was one of the earliest proceedings
-of Perdikkas to wrest Kappadokia from the local chief Ariarathes (who
-had contrived to hold it all through the reign of Alexander), and to
-transfer it to Eumenes, to whom it had been allotted in the general
-scheme of division.[761]
-
-  [760] Arrian and Dexippus—De Reb. post Alex. _ut supra_: compare
-  Diodor. xviii. 48.
-
-  [761] Diodor. xviii. 16.
-
-At the moment of Alexander’s death, Kraterus was in Kilikia, at
-the head of an army of veteran Macedonian soldiers. He had been
-directed to conduct them home into Macedonia, with orders to remain
-there himself in place of Antipater, who was to come over to
-Asia with fresh reinforcements. Kraterus had with him a paper of
-written instructions from Alexander, embodying projects on the most
-gigantic scale; for western conquest—transportation of inhabitants
-by wholesale from Europe into Asia and Asia into Europe—erection
-of magnificent religious edifices in various parts of Greece and
-Macedonia, etc. This list was submitted by Perdikkas to the officers
-and soldiers around him, who dismissed the projects as too vast for
-any one but Alexander to think of.[762] Kraterus and Antipater had
-each a concurrent claim to Greece and Macedonia, and the distributors
-of the empire had allotted these countries to them jointly, not
-venturing to exclude either. Amidst the conflicting pretensions of
-these great Macedonian officers, Leonnatus also cherished hopes of
-the same prize. He was satrap of the Asiatic territory bordering
-upon the Hellespont, and had received propositions from Kleopatra
-at Pella, inviting him to marry her and assume the government of
-Macedonia. About the same time, urgent messages were also sent to him
-(through Hekatæus despot of Kardia) from Antipater, immediately after
-the defeat preceding the siege of Lamia, entreating his co-operation
-against the Greeks. Leonnatus accordingly came, intending to assist
-Antipater against the Greeks, but also to dispossess him of the
-government of Macedonia and marry Kleopatra.[763] This scheme
-remained unexecuted, because (as has been already related) Leonnatus
-was slain in his first encounter with the Greeks. To them, his death
-was a grave misfortune; to Antipater, it was an advantage which more
-than countervailed the defeat, since it relieved him from a dangerous
-rival.
-
-  [762] Diodor. xviii. 4.
-
-  [763] Plutarch, Eumenes, 3.
-
-It was not till the ensuing summer that Kraterus found leisure to
-conduct his army into Macedonia. By this junction, Antipater to
-whom he ceded the command, found himself at the head of a powerful
-army—40,000 heavy infantry, 5000 cavalry, and 3000 archers and
-slingers. He again marched into Thessaly against the Greeks under
-Antiphilus; and the two armies came in sight on the Thessalian plains
-near Krannon. The Grecian army consisted of 25,000 infantry, and 3500
-cavalry—the latter, Thessalians under Menon, of admirable efficiency.
-The soldiers in general were brave, but insubordinate; while the
-contingents of many cities had gone home without returning, in spite
-of urgent remonstrances from the commander. Hoping to be rejoined
-by these absentees, Antiphilus and Menon tried at first to defer
-fighting; but Antipater forced them to a battle. Though Menon with
-his Thessalian cavalry defeated and dispersed the Macedonian cavalry,
-the Grecian infantry were unable to resist the superior number of
-Antipater’s infantry, and the heavy pressure of the phalanx. They
-were beaten back and gave way, yet retiring in tolerable order, the
-Macedonian phalanx being incompetent for pursuit, to some difficult
-neighboring ground, where they were soon joined by their victorious
-cavalry. The loss of the Greeks is said to have been 500 men; that of
-the Macedonians, 120.[764]
-
-  [764] Diodor. xviii. 17; Plutarch, Phokion, 26.
-
-The defeat of Krannon (August 322 B. C.) was no way
-decisive or ruinous, nor would it probably have crushed the spirit
-of Leosthenes, had he been alive and in command. The coming up of
-the absentee contingents might still have enabled the Greeks to make
-head. But Antiphilus and Menon, after holding counsel, declined to
-await and accelerate that junction. They thought themselves under the
-necessity of sending to open negotiations for peace with Antipater;
-who however returned for answer, that he would not recognize or
-treat with any Grecian confederacy, and that he would receive no
-propositions except from each city severally. Upon this the Grecian
-commanders at once resolved to continue the war, and to invoke
-reinforcements from their countrymen. But their own manifestation
-of timidity had destroyed the chance that remained of such
-reinforcements arriving. While Antipater commenced a vigorous and
-successful course of action against the Thessalian cities separately,
-the Greeks became more and more dispirited and alarmed. City after
-city sent its envoys to entreat peace from Antipater, who granted
-lenient terms to each, reserving only the Athenians and Ætolians. In
-a few days, the combined Grecian army was dispersed; Antiphilus with
-the Athenians returned into Attica; Antipater followed them southward
-as far as Bœotia, taking up his quarters at the Macedonian post on
-the Kadmeia, once the Hellenic Thebes—within two days’ march of
-Athens.[765]
-
-  [765] Diodor. xviii. 17; Plutarch, Phokion, c. 26.
-
-Against the overwhelming force thus on the frontiers of Attica, the
-Athenians had no means of defence. The principal anti-Macedonian
-orators, especially Demosthenes and Hyperides, retired from the city
-at once, seeking sanctuary in the temples of Kalauria and Ægina.
-Phokion and Demades, as the envoys most acceptable to Antipater,
-were sent to Kadmeia as bearers of the submission of the city, and
-petitioners for lenient terms. Demades is said to have been at this
-time disfranchised and disqualified from public speaking—having been
-indicted and found guilty thrice (some say seven times) under the
-Graphê Paranomon; but the Athenians passed a special vote of relief,
-to enable him to resume his functions of citizen. Neither Phokion
-nor Demades, however, could prevail upon Antipater to acquiesce in
-anything short of the surrender of Athens at discretion; the same
-terms as Leosthenes had required from Antipater himself at Lamia.
-Kraterus was even bent upon marching forward into Attica, to dictate
-terms under the walls of Athens; and it was not without difficulty
-that Phokion obtained the abandonment of this intention; after which
-he returned to Athens with the answer. The people had no choice
-except to throw themselves on the mercy of Antipater;[766] and
-Phokion and Demades came back to Thebes to learn his determination.
-This time they were accompanied by the philosopher Xenokrates—the
-successor of Plato and Speusippus, as presiding teacher in the school
-of the Academy. Though not a citizen of Athens, Xenokrates had long
-resided there; and it was supposed that his dignified character and
-intellectual eminence might be efficacious in mitigating the wrath
-of the conqueror. Aristotle had quitted Athens for Chalkis before
-this time; otherwise he, the personal friend of Antipater, would have
-been probably selected for this painful mission. In point of fact,
-Xenokrates did no good, being harshly received, and almost put to
-silence by Antipater. One reason of this may be, that he had been to
-a certain extent the rival of Aristotle; and it must be added to his
-honor, that he maintained a higher and more independent tone than
-either of the other envoys.[767]
-
-  [766] Demochares, the nephew of Demosthenes, who had held a bold
-  language and taken active part against Antipater throughout
-  the Lamian war, is said to have delivered a public harangue
-  recommending resistance even at this last moment. At least such
-  was the story connected with his statue, erected a few years
-  afterwards at Athens, representing him in the costume of an
-  orator, but with a sword in hand—Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 847:
-  compare Polybius, xii. 13.
-
-  [767] Plutarch, Phokion, 27; Diodor. xviii. 18.
-
-According to the terms dictated by Antipater, the Athenians
-were required to pay a sum equal to the whole cost of the war;
-to surrender Demosthenes, Hyperides, and seemingly at least two
-other anti-Macedonian orators; to receive a Macedonian garrison in
-Munychia; to abandon their democratical constitution and disfranchise
-all their poorer citizens. Most of these poor men were to be
-transported from their homes, and to receive new lands on a foreign
-shore. The Athenian colonists in Samos were to be dipossessed and the
-island retransferred to the Samian exiles and natives.
-
-It is said that Phokion and Demades heard these terms with
-satisfaction, as lenient and reasonable. Xenokrates entered against
-them the strongest protest which the occasion admitted, when he
-said[768]—“If Antipater looks upon us as slaves, the terms are
-moderate; if as freemen, they are severe.” To Phokion’s entreaty,
-that the introduction of the garrison might be dispensed with,
-Antipater replied in the negative, intimating that the garrison would
-be not less serviceable to Phokion himself than to the Macedonians;
-while Kallimedon also, an Athenian exile there present, repelled the
-proposition with scorn. Respecting the island of Samos, Antipater was
-prevailed upon to allow a special reference to the imperial authority.
-
-  [768] Plutarch, Phokion, 27. Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι πρέσβεις ἠγάπησαν
-  ὡς φιλανθρώπους τὰς διαλύσεις, πλὴν τοῦ Ξενοκράτους, etc.
-  Pausanias even states (vii. 10, 1) that Antipater was disposed
-  to grant more lenient terms, but was dissuaded from doing so by
-  Demades.
-
-If Phokion thought these terms lenient, we must imagine that he
-expected a sentence of destruction against Athens, such as Alexander
-had pronounced and executed against Thebes. Under no other comparison
-can they appear lenient. Out of 21,000 qualified citizens of Athens,
-all those who did not possess property to the amount of 2000 drachmæ
-were condemned to disfranchisement and deportation. The number
-below this prescribed qualification, who came under the penalty,
-was 12,000, or three-fifths of the whole. They were set aside as
-turbulent, noisy democrats; the 9000 richest citizens, the “party
-of order”, were left in exclusive possession, not only of the
-citizenship, but of the city. The condemned 12,000 were deported out
-of Attica, some to Thrace, some to the Illyrian or Italian coast,
-some to Libya or the Kyrenaic territory. Besides the multitude
-banished simply on the score of comparative poverty, the marked
-anti-Macedonian politicians were banished also, including Agnonides,
-the friend of Demosthenes, and one of his earnest advocates when
-accused respecting the Harpalian treasures.[769] At the request
-of Phokion, Antipater consented to render the deportation less
-sweeping than he had originally intended, so far as to permit some
-exiles, Agnonides among the rest, to remain within the limits of
-Peloponnesus.[770] We shall see him presently contemplating a still
-more wholesale deportation of the Ætolian people.
-
-  [769] See Fragments of Hyperides adv. Demosth. p. 61-65, ed.
-  Babington.
-
-  [770] Diodor. xviii. 18. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ὄντες πλείους τῶν μυρίων
-  (instead of δισμυρίων, which seems a mistake) καὶ δισχιλίων
-  μετεστάθησαν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος· οἱ δὲ τὴν ὡρισμένην τίμησιν ἔχοντες
-  περὶ ἐννακισχιλίους, ἀπεδείχθησαν κύριοι τῆς τε πόλεως καὶ τῆς
-  χώρας, καὶ κατὰ τοὺς Σόλωνος νόμους ἐπολιτεύοντο. Plutarch states
-  the disfranchised as above 12,000.
-
-  Plutarch, Phokion, 28, 29. Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Φωκίων καὶ φυγῆς
-  ἀπήλλαξε πολλοὺς δεηθεὶς τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου· καὶ φεύγουσι διεπράξατο,
-  μὴ καθάπερ οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν μεθισταμένων ὑπὲρ τὰ Κεραύνια ὄρη καὶ
-  τὸν Ταίναρον ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ κατοικεῖν,
-  ὧν ἦν καὶ Ἁγνωνίδης ὁ συκοφάντης.
-
-  Diodorus and Plutarch (c. 29) mention that Antipater assigned
-  residences in Thrace for the expatriated. Those who went beyond
-  the Keraunian mountains must have gone either to the Illyrian
-  coast, Apollonia or Epidamnus—or to the Gulf of Tarentum. Those
-  who went beyond Tænarus would probably be sent to Libya: see
-  Thucydides, vii. 19, 10; vii. 50, 2.
-
-It is deeply to be lamented that this important revolution, not
-only cutting down Athens to less than one-half of her citizen
-population, but involving a deportation fraught with individual
-hardship and suffering, is communicated to us only in two or three
-sentences of Plutarch and Diodorus, without any details from
-contemporary observers. It is called by Diodorus a return to the
-Solonian constitution; but the comparison disgraces the name of
-that admirable lawgiver, whose changes, taken as a whole, were
-prodigiously liberal and enfranchising, compared with what he found
-established. The deportation ordained by Antipater must indeed have
-brought upon the poor citizens of Athens a state of suffering in
-foreign lands analogous to that which Solon describes as having
-preceded his Seisachtheia, or measure for the relief of debtors.[771]
-What rules the nine thousand remaining citizens adopted for their
-new constitution, we do not know. Whatever they did, must now have
-been subject to the consent of Antipater and the Macedonian garrison,
-which entered Munychia, under the command of Menyllus, on the
-twentieth day of the month Boedromion (September), rather more than
-a month after the battle of Krannon. The day of its entry presented
-a sorrowful contrast. It was the day on which, during the annual
-ceremony of the mysteries of Eleusinian Demeter, the multitudinous
-festal procession of citizens escorted the god Iacchus from Athens to
-Eleusis.[772]
-
-  [771] Plutarch, Phokion, 28. ἐκπεπολιορκημένοις ἐῴκεσαν: compare
-  Solon, Fragment 28, ed. Gaisford.
-
-  [772] Plutarch, Phokion, 28.
-
-One of the earliest measures of the nine thousand was, to condemn to
-death, at the motion of Demades, the distinguished anti-Macedonian
-orators who had already fled—Demosthenes, Hyperides, Aristonikus, and
-Himeræus, brother of the citizen afterwards celebrated as Demetrius
-the Phalerean. The three last having taken refuge in Ægina, and
-Demosthenes in Kalauria, all of them were out of the reach of an
-Athenian sentence, but not beyond that of the Macedonian sword.
-At this miserable season, Greece was full of similar exiles, the
-anti-Macedonian leaders out of all the cities which had taken part in
-the Lamian war. The officers of Antipater, called in the language of
-the time the Exile-Hunters,[773] were everywhere on the look-out to
-seize these proscribed men; many of the orators, from other cities as
-well as from Athens, were slain; and there was no refuge except the
-mountains of Ætolia for any of them.[774] One of these officers, a
-Thurian named Archias, who had once been a tragic actor, passed over
-with a company of Thracian soldiers to Ægina, where he seized the
-three Athenian orators—Hyperides, Aristonikus, and Himeræus—dragging
-them out of the sanctuary of the Æakeion or chapel of Æakus. They
-were all sent as prisoners to Antipater, who had by this time marched
-forward with his army to Corinth and Kleonæ in Peloponnesus. All were
-there put to death, by his order. It is even said, and on respectable
-authority, that the tongue of Hyperides was cut out before he was
-slain; according to another statement, he himself bit it out—being
-put to the torture, and resolving to make revelation of secrets
-impossible. Respecting the details of his death, there were several
-different stories.[775]
-
-  [773] Plutarch, Demosth. 28. Ἀρχίας ὁ κληθεὶς Φυγαδοθήρας.
-  Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846.
-
-  [774] Polybius, ix. 29, 30. This is stated, as matter of
-  traditional pride, by an Ætolian speaker more than a century
-  afterwards. In the speech of his Akarnanian opponent, there is
-  nothing to contradict it—while the fact is in itself highly
-  probable.
-
-  See Westermann, Geschichte der Beredtsamkeit in Griechenland, ch.
-  71, note 4.
-
-  [775] Plutarch, Demosth. 28; Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 849;
-  Photius, p. 496.
-
-Having conducted these prisoners to Antipater, Archias proceeded
-with his Thracians to Kalauria in search of Demosthenes. The temple
-of Poseidon there situated, in which the orator had taken sanctuary,
-was held in such high veneration, that Archias, hesitating to drag
-him out by force, tried to persuade him to come forth voluntarily,
-under promise that he should suffer no harm. But Demosthenes, well
-aware of the fate which awaited him, swallowed poison in the temple,
-and when the dose was beginning to take effect, came out of the
-sacred ground, expiring immediately after he had passed the boundary.
-The accompanying circumstances were recounted in several different
-ways.[776] Eratosthenes (to whose authority I lean) affirmed that
-Demosthenes carried the poison in a ring round his arm; others said
-that it was suspended in a linen bag round his neck; according to
-a third story, it was contained in a writing-quill, which he was
-seen to bite and suck, while composing a last letter to Antipater.
-Amidst these contradictory details, we can only affirm as certain,
-that the poison which he had provided beforehand preserved him from
-the sword of Antipater, and perhaps from having his tongue cut out.
-The most remarkable assertion was that of Demochares, nephew of
-Demosthenes, made in his harangues at Athens a few years afterwards.
-Demochares asserted that his uncle had not taken poison, but had
-been softly withdrawn from the world by a special providence of the
-gods, just at the moment essential to rescue him from the cruelty
-of the Macedonians. It is not less to be noted, as an illustration
-of the vein of sentiment afterwards prevalent, that Archias the
-Exile-Hunter was affirmed to have perished in the utmost dishonor and
-wretchedness.[777]
-
-  [776] Plutarch, Demosth. 30. τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων, ὅσοι γεγράφασί τι
-  περὶ αὐτοῦ, ~παμπολλοὶ δ᾽ εἰσὶ~, τὰς διαφορὰς οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον
-  ἐπεξελθεῖν, etc.
-
-  The taunts on Archias’s profession, as an actor, and as an
-  indifferent actor, which Plutarch puts into the mouth of
-  Demosthenes (c. 29), appear to me not worthy either of the
-  man or of the occasion; nor are they sufficiently avouched to
-  induce me to transcribe them. Whatever bitterness of spirit
-  Demosthenes might choose to manifest, at such a moment, would
-  surely be vented on the chief enemy, Antipater; not upon the mere
-  instrument.
-
-  [777] Plutarch, Demosth. 30; Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846;
-  Photius, p. 494; Arrian, De Rebus post Alexand. vi. ap. Photium,
-  Cod. 92.
-
-The violent deaths of these illustrious orators, the disfranchisement
-and deportation of the Athenian Demos, the suppression of the public
-Dikasteries, the occupation of Athens by a Macedonian garrison, and
-of Greece generally by Macedonian Exile-Hunters—are events belonging
-to one and the same calamitous tragedy, and marking the extinction
-of the autonomous hellenic world. Of Hyperides as a citizen we know
-only the general fact, that he maintained from first to last, and
-with oratorical ability inferior only to Demosthenes, a strenuous
-opposition to Macedonian dominion over Greece; though his prosecution
-of Demosthenes respecting the Harpalian treasure appears (as far as
-it comes before us) discreditable. Of Demosthenes we know more—enough
-to form a judgment of him both as citizen and statesman. At the time
-of his death he was about sixty-two years of age, and we have before
-us his first Philippic, delivered thirty years before (352-351 B.
-C.). We are thus sure, that even at that early day, he took
-a sagacious and provident measure of the danger which threatened
-Grecian liberty from the energy and encroachments of Philip. He
-impressed upon his countrymen this coming danger, at a time when the
-older and more influential politicians either could not or would not
-see it; he called aloud upon his fellow-citizens for personal service
-and pecuniary contributions, enforcing the call by all the artifices
-of consummate oratory, when such distasteful propositions only
-entailed unpopularity upon himself. At the period when Demosthenes
-first addressed these earnest appeals to his countrymen, long before
-the fall of Olynthus, the power of Philip, though formidable,
-might have been kept perfectly well within the limits of Macedonia
-and Thrace; and would probably have been so kept, had Demosthenes
-possessed in 351 B. C. as much public influence as he had
-acquired ten years afterwards, in 341 B. C.
-
-Throughout the whole career of Demosthenes as a public adviser, down
-to the battle of Chæroneia, we trace the same combination of earnest
-patriotism with wise and long-sighted policy. During the three years’
-war which ended with the battle of Chæroneia, the Athenians in the
-main followed his counsel; and disastrous as were the ultimate
-military results of that war, for which Demosthenes could not be
-responsible—its earlier periods were creditable and successful,
-its general scheme was the best that the case admitted, and its
-diplomatic management universally triumphant. But what invests the
-purposes and policy of Demosthenes with peculiar grandeur, is, that
-they were not simply Athenian, but in an eminent degree Panhellenic
-also. It was not Athens only that he sought to defend against Philip,
-but the whole hellenic world. In this he towers above the greatest
-of his predecessors for half a century before his birth—Perikles,
-Archidamus, Agesilaus, Epaminondas; whose policy was Athenian,
-Spartan, Theban, rather than hellenic. He carries us back to the time
-of the invasion of Xerxes and the generation immediately succeeding
-it, when the struggles and sufferings of the Athenians against Persia
-were consecrated by complete identity of interest with collective
-Greece. The sentiments to which Demosthenes appeals throughout his
-numerous orations, are those of the noblest and largest patriotism;
-trying to inflame the ancient Grecian sentiment, of an autonomous
-hellenic world, as the indispensable condition of a dignified and
-desirable existence[778]—but inculcating at the same time that these
-blessings could only be preserved by toil, self-sacrifice, devotion
-of fortune, and willingness to brave hard and steady personal service.
-
-  [778] Demosthenes, De Coronâ, p. 324. οὗτοι—τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὸ
-  μηδένα ἔχειν δεσπότην αὑτῶν, ἃ τοῖς προτέροις Ἕλλησιν ὅροι τῶν
-  ἀγαθῶν ἦσαν καὶ κανόνες, ἀνατετραφότες, etc.
-
-From the destruction of Thebes by Alexander in 335 B. C.,
-to the Lamian war after his death, the policy of Athens neither was
-nor could be conducted by Demosthenes. But, condemned as he was to
-comparative inefficacy, he yet rendered material service to Athens,
-in the Harpalian affair of 324 B. C. If, instead of opposing
-the alliance of the city with Harpalus, he had supported it as warmly
-as Hyperides—the exaggerated promises of the exile might probably
-have prevailed, and war would have been declared against Alexander.
-In respect to the charge of having been corrupted by Harpalus, I
-have already shown reasons for believing him innocent. The Lamian
-war, the closing scene of his activity, was not of his original
-suggestion, since he was in exile at its commencement. But he threw
-himself into it with unreserved ardor, and was greatly instrumental
-in procuring the large number of adhesions which it obtained from
-so many Grecian states. In spite of its disastrous result, it was,
-like the battle of Chæroneia, a glorious effort for the recovery of
-Grecian liberty, undertaken under circumstances which promised a fair
-chance of success. There was no excessive rashness in calculating
-on distractions in the empire left by Alexander—on mutual hostility
-among the principal officers—and on the probability of having only
-to make head against Antipater and Macedonia, with little or no
-reinforcement from Asia. Disastrous as the enterprise ultimately
-proved, yet the risk was one fairly worth incurring, with so noble
-an object at stake; and could the war have been protracted another
-year, its termination would probably have been very different. We
-shall see this presently when we come to follow Asiatic events. After
-a catastrophe so ruinous, extinguishing free speech in Greece, and
-dispersing the Athenian Demos to distant lands, Demosthenes himself
-could hardly have desired, at the age of sixty-two, to prolong his
-existence as a fugitive beyond sea.
-
-Of the speeches which he composed for private litigants, occasionally
-also for himself, before the Dikastery—and of the numerous
-stimulating and admonitory harangues on the public affairs of the
-moment, which he had addressed to his assembled countrymen, a few
-remain for the admiration of posterity. These harangues serve to us,
-not only as evidence of his unrivalled excellence as an orator, but
-as one of the chief sources from which we are enabled to appreciate
-the last phase of free Grecian life, as an acting and working reality.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XCVI.
-
-FROM THE LAMIAN WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE HISTORY OF FREE HELLAS AND
-HELLENISM.
-
-
-The death of Demosthenes, with its tragical circumstances recounted
-in my last chapter, is on the whole less melancholy than the
-prolonged life of Phokion, as agent of Macedonian supremacy in a city
-half-depopulated, where he had been born a free citizen, and which he
-had so long helped to administer as a free community. The dishonor
-of Phokion’s position must have been aggravated by the distress in
-Athens, arising both out of the violent deportation of one-half of
-its free citizens, and out of the compulsory return of the Athenian
-settlers from Samos; which island was now taken from Athens, after
-she had occupied it forty-three years, and restored to the Samian
-people and to their recalled exiles, by a rescript of Perdikkas in
-the name of Aridæus.[779] Occupying this obnoxious elevation, Phokion
-exercised authority with his usual probity and mildness. Exerting
-himself to guard the citizens from being annoyed by disorders on the
-part of the garrison of Munychia, he kept up friendly intercourse
-with its commander Menyllus, though refusing all presents both
-from him and from Antipater. He was anxious to bestow the gift of
-citizenship upon the philosopher Xenokrates, who was only a metic, or
-resident non-freeman; but Xenokrates declined the offer, remarking,
-that he would accept no place in a constitution against which he had
-protested as envoy.[780] This mark of courageous independence, not a
-little remarkable while the Macedonians were masters of the city, was
-a tacit reproach to the pliant submission of Phokion.
-
-  [779] Diodor. xviii. 18; Diogen. Laert. x. 1, 1. I have
-  endeavored to show, in the Tenth Volume of this History (Ch.
-  lxxix. p. 297, note), that Diodorus is correct in giving
-  forty-three years, as the duration of the Athenian Kleruchies
-  in Samos; although both Wesseling and Mr. Clinton impugn his
-  statement. The Athenian occupation of Samos _began_ immediately
-  after the conquest of the island by Timotheus, in 366-365 B.
-  C.; but additional batches of colonists were sent thither in
-  later years.
-
-  [780] Plutarch, Phokion, 29, 30.
-
-Throughout Peloponnesus, Antipater purged and remodelled the cities,
-Argos, Megalopolis, and others, as he had done at Athens; installing
-in each an oligarchy of his own partisans—sometimes with a Macedonian
-garrison—and putting to death, deporting, or expelling, hostile, or
-intractable, or democratical citizens.[781] Having completed the
-subjugation of Peloponnesus, he passed across the Corinthian Gulf
-to attack the Ætolians, now the only Greeks remaining unsubdued. It
-was the purpose of Antipater, not merely to conquer this warlike and
-rude people, but to transport them in mass across into Asia, and
-march them up to the interior deserts of the empire.[782] His army
-was too powerful to be resisted on even ground, so that all the more
-accessible towns and villages fell into his hands. But the Ætolians
-defended themselves bravely, withdrew their families into the high
-towns and mountain tops of their very rugged country, and caused
-serious loss to the Macedonian invaders. Nevertheless, Kraterus,
-who had carried on war of the same kind with Alexander in Sogdiana,
-manifested so much skill in seizing the points of communication,
-that he intercepted all their supplies and reduced them to extreme
-distress, amidst the winter which had now supervened. The Ætolians,
-in spite of bravery and endurance, must soon have been compelled to
-surrender from cold and hunger, had not the unexpected arrival of
-Antigonus from Asia communicated such news to Antipater and Kraterus,
-as induced them to prepare for marching back to Macedonia, with a
-view to the crossing of the Hellespont and operating in Asia. They
-concluded a pacification with the Ætolians—postponing till a future
-period their design of deporting that people,—and withdrew into
-Macedonia; where Antipater cemented his alliance with Kraterus by
-giving to him his daughter Phila in marriage.[783]
-
-  [781] Diodor. xviii. 55, 56, 57, 68, 69. φανεροῦ δ᾽ ὄντος, ὅτι
-  Κάσανδρος τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πόλεων ἀνθέξεται, διὰ τὸ τὰς μὲν
-  αὐτῶν πατρικαῖς φρουραῖς φυλάττεσθαι, τὰς δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀλιγαρχιῶν
-  διοικεῖσθαι, κυριευομένας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀντιπάτρου φίλων καὶ ξένων.
-
-  That citizens were not only banished, but deported, by Antipater
-  from various other cities besides Athens, we may see from the
-  edict issued by Polysperchon shortly after the death of Antipater
-  (Diod. xviii. 56)—καὶ τοὺς ~μεταστάντας ἢ φυγόντας~ ὑπὸ τῶν
-  ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν (_i. e._ Antipater and Kraterus), ἀφ᾽ ὧν
-  χρόνων Ἀλέξανδρος εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν διέβη, κατάγομεν, etc.
-
-  [782] Diodor. xviii. 25. διεγνωκότες ὕστερον αὐτοὺς
-  καταπολεμῆσαι, καὶ ~μεταστῆσαι πανοικίους ἅπαντας~ εἰς τὴν
-  ἐρημίαν καὶ ποῤῥωτάτω τῆς Ἀσίας κειμένην χώραν.
-
-  [783] Diodor. xviii. 18-25.
-
-Another daughter of Antipater, named Nikæa, had been sent over to
-Asia not long before, to become the wife of Perdikkas. That general,
-acting as guardian or prime minister to the kings of Alexander’s
-family (who are now spoken of in the plural number, since Roxana had
-given birth to a posthumous son, called Alexander, and made king
-jointly with Philip Aridæus), had at first sought close combination
-with Antipater, demanding his daughter in marriage. But new views
-were presently opened to him by the intrigues of the princesses at
-Pella (Olympias, with her daughter Kleopatra, widow of the Molossian
-Alexander)—who had always been at variance with Antipater, even
-throughout the life of Alexander—and Kynanê (daughter of Philip by
-an Illyrian mother, and widow of Amyntas, first cousin of Alexander,
-but slain by Alexander’s order) with her daughter Eurydikê. It has
-been already mentioned that Kleopatra had offered herself in marriage
-to Leonnatus, inviting him to come over and occupy the throne of
-Macedonia: he had obeyed the call, but had been slain in his first
-battle against the Greeks, thus relieving Antipater from a dangerous
-rival. The first project of Olympias being thus frustrated, she
-had sent to Perdikkas proposing to him a marriage with Kleopatra.
-Perdikkas had already pledged himself to the daughter of Antipater;
-nevertheless he now debated whether his ambition would not be better
-served by breaking his pledge, and accepting the new proposition.
-To this step he was advised by Eumenes, his ablest friend and
-coadjutor, steadily attached to the interest of the regal family,
-and withal personally hated by Antipater. But Alketas, brother of
-Perdikkas, represented that it would be hazardous to provoke openly
-and immediately the wrath of Antipater. Accordingly Perdikkas
-resolved to accept Nikæa for the moment, but to send her away after
-no long time, and take Kleopatra; to whom secret assurances from him
-were conveyed by Eumenes. Kynanê also (daughter of Philip and widow
-of his nephew Amyntas) a warlike and ambitious woman, had brought
-into Asia her daughter Eurydikê for the purpose of espousing the
-king Philip Aridæus. Being averse to this marriage, and probably
-instigated by Olympias also, Perdikkas and Alketas put Kynanê to
-death. But the indignation excited among the soldiers by this deed
-was so furious as to menace their safety, and they were forced to
-permit the marriage of the king with Eurydikê.[784]
-
-  [784] Diodor. xviii. 23; Arrian, De Rebus post Alex. vi. ap.
-  Phot. Cod. 92. Diodorus alludes to the murder of Kynanê or Kynna,
-  in another place (xix. 52).
-
-  Compare Polyænus, viii. 60—who mentions the murder of Kynanê
-  by Alketas, but gives a somewhat different explanation of her
-  purpose in passing into Asia.
-
-  About Kynanê, see Duris, Fragm. 24, in Fragment. Hist. Græc. vol.
-  ii. p. 475; Athenæ. xiii. p. 560.
-
-All these intrigues were going on through the summer of 322 B.
-C., while the Lamian war was still effectively prosecuted
-by the Greeks. About the autumn of the year, Antigonus (called
-Monophthalmus), the satrap of Phrygia, detected these secret
-intrigues of Perdikkas; who, for that and other reasons, began to
-look on him as an enemy, and to plot against his life. Apprised
-of his danger, Antigonus made his escape from Asia into Europe
-to acquaint Antipater and Kraterus with the hostile manœuvres of
-Perdikkas; upon which news, the two generals, immediately abandoning
-the Ætolian war, withdrew their army from Greece for the more
-important object of counteracting Perdikkas in Asia.
-
-To us, these contests of the Macedonian officers belong only so far
-as they affect the Greeks. And we see, by the events just noticed,
-how unpropitious to the Greeks were the turns of Fortune, throughout
-the Lamian war: the grave of Grecian liberty, not for the actual
-combatants only, but for their posterity also.[785] Until the battle
-of Krannon and the surrender of Athens, everything fell out so as
-to relieve Antipater from embarrassment, and impart to him double
-force. The intrigues of the princesses at Pella, who were well known
-to hate him, first raised up Leonnatus, next Perdikkas, against him.
-Had Leonnatus lived, the arm of Antipater would have been at least
-weakened, if not paralyzed; had Perdikkas declared himself earlier,
-the forces of Antipater must have been withdrawn to oppose him, and
-the battle of Krannon would probably have had a different issue. As
-soon as Perdikkas became hostile to Antipater, it was his policy
-to sustain and seek alliance with the Greeks, as we shall find him
-presently doing with the Ætolians.[786] Through causes thus purely
-accidental, Antipater obtained an interval of a few months, during
-which his hands were not only free, but armed with new and unexpected
-strength from Leonnatus and Kraterus, to close the Lamian war. The
-disastrous issue of that war was therefore in great part the effect
-of casualties, among which we must include the death of Leosthenes
-himself. Such issue is not to be regarded as proving that the project
-was desperate or ill-conceived on the part of its promoters, who had
-full right to reckon, among the probabilities of their case, the
-effects of discord between the Macedonian chiefs.
-
-  [785] The fine lines of Lucan (Phars. vii. 640) on the effects of
-  the battle of Pharsalia, may be cited here:—
-
-    “Majus ab hac acie, quam quod sua sæcula ferrent,
-    Vulnus habent populi: plus est quam vita salusque
-    Quod perit: in totum mundi prosternimur ævum.
-    Vincitur his gladiis omnis, quæ serviet, ætas.
-    Proxima quid soboles, aut quid meruere nepotes,
-    In regnum nasci?” etc.
-
-  [786] Diodor. xviii. 38. Ἀντιπάτρου δ᾽ εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν
-  διαβεβηκότος, Αἰτωλοὶ ~κατὰ τὰς πρὸς Περδίκκαν συνθήκας~
-  ἐστράτευσαν εἰς τὴν Θετταλίαν, etc.
-
-In the spring of 321 B. C., Antipater and Kraterus, having
-concerted operations with Ptolemy governor of Egypt, crossed into
-Asia, and began their conflict with Perdikkas; who himself, having
-the kings along with him, marched against Egypt to attack Ptolemy;
-leaving his brother Alketas, in conjunction with Eumenes as general,
-to maintain his cause in Kappadokia and Asia Minor. Alketas,
-discouraged by the adverse feeling of the Macedonians generally,
-threw up the enterprise as hopeless. But Eumenes, though embarrassed
-and menaced in every way by the treacherous jealousy of his own
-Macedonian officers, and by the discontent of the soldiers against
-him as a Greek—and though compelled to conceal from these soldiers
-the fact that Kraterus, who was popular among them, commanded on the
-opposite side,—displayed nevertheless so much ability that he gained
-an important victory,[787] in which both Neoptolemus and Kraterus
-perished. Neoptolemus was killed by Eumenes with his own hand, after
-a personal conflict desperate in the extreme and long doubtful, and
-at the cost of a severe wound to himself.[788] After the victory, he
-found Kraterus still alive, though expiring from his wound. Deeply
-afflicted at the sight, he did his utmost to restore the dying man;
-and when this proved to be impossible, caused his dead body to be
-honorably shrouded and transmitted into Macedonia for burial.
-
-  [787] Plutarch, Eumenes, 7; Cornel. Nepos, Eumenes, c. 4. Eumenes
-  had trained a body of Asiatic and Thracian cavalry to fight in
-  close combat with the short pike and sword of the Macedonian
-  Companions—relinquishing the javelin, the missiles, and the
-  alternation of charging and retiring usual to Asiatics.
-
-  Diodorus (xviii. 30, 31, 32) gives an account at some length of
-  this battle. He as well as Plutarch may probably have borrowed
-  from Hieronymus of Kardia.
-
-  [788] Arrian ap. Photium, Cod. 92; Justin, xiii. 8; Diodor.
-  xviii. 33.
-
-This new proof of the military ability and vigor of Eumenes, together
-with the death of two such important officers as Kraterus and
-Neoptolemus—proved ruinous to the victor himself, without serving
-the cause in which he fought. Perdikkas his chief did not live to
-hear of it. That general was so overbearing and tyrannical in his
-demeanor towards the other officers—and withal so unsuccessful in
-his first operations against Ptolemy on the Pelusiac branch of the
-Nile—that his own army mutinied and slew him.[789] His troops joined
-Ptolemy, whose conciliatory behavior gained their goodwill. Only
-two days after this revolution, a messenger from Eumenes reached
-the camp, announcing his victory and the death of Kraterus. Had
-this intelligence been received by Perdikkas himself at the head of
-his army, the course of subsequent events might have been sensibly
-altered. Eumenes would have occupied the most commanding position
-in Asia, as general of the kings of the Alexandrine family, to whom
-both his interests and his feelings attached him. But the news,
-arriving at the moment when it did, caused throughout the army only
-the most violent exasperation against him; not simply as ally of the
-odious Perdikkas, but as cause of death to the esteemed Kraterus. He,
-together with Alketas and fifty officers, was voted by the soldiers
-a public enemy. No measures were kept with him henceforward by
-Macedonian officers or soldiers. At the same time several officers
-attached to Perdikkas in the camp, and also Atalanta his sister, were
-slain.[790]
-
-  [789] Diodor. xviii. 36.
-
-  [790] Plutarch, Eumenes, 8; Cornel. Nepos, Eumenes, 4; Diodor.
-  xviii. 36, 37.
-
-By the death of Perdikkas, and the defection of his soldiers,
-complete preponderance was thrown into the hands of Antipater,
-Ptolemy, and Antigonus. Antipater was invited to join the army,
-now consisting of the forces both of Ptolemy and Perdikkas united.
-He was there invested with the guardianship of the persons of the
-kings, and with the sort of ministerial supremacy previously held by
-Perdikkas. He was however exposed to much difficulty, and even to
-great personal danger, from the intrigues of the princess Eurydikê,
-who displayed a masculine boldness in publicly haranguing the
-soldiers—and from the discontents of the army, who claimed presents,
-formerly promised to them by Alexander, which there were no funds
-to liquidate at the moment. At Triparadisus in Syria, Antipater
-made a second distribution of the satrapies of the empire; somewhat
-modified, yet coinciding in the main with that which had been drawn
-up shortly after the death of Alexander. To Ptolemy was assured Egypt
-and Libya,—to Antigonus, the Greater Phrygia, Lykia, and Pamphylia—as
-each had had before.[791]
-
-  [791] Diodor. xviii. 39. Arrian, ap. Photium.
-
-Antigonus was placed in command of the principal Macedonian army in
-Asia, to crush Eumenes and the other chief adherents of Perdikkas;
-most of whom had been condemned to death by a vote of the Macedonian
-army. After a certain interval, Antipater himself, accompanied by the
-kings, returned to Macedonia, having eluded by artifice a renewed
-demand on the part of his soldiers for the promised presents. The
-war of Antigonus, first against Eumenes in Kappadokia, next against
-Alketas and the other partisans of Perdikkas in Pisidia, lasted
-for many months, but was at length successfully finished.[792]
-Eumenes, beset by the constant treachery and insubordination of the
-Macedonians, was defeated and driven out of the field. He took refuge
-with a handful of men in the impregnable and well-stored fortress of
-Nora in Kappadokia, where he held out a long blockade, apparently
-more than a year, against Antigonus.[793]
-
-  [792] Arrian, De Rebus post Alexandr. lib. ix. 10. ap. Photium,
-  Cod. 92; Diodor. xviii. 39, 40, 46; Plutarch, Eumenes, 3, 4.
-
-  [793] Plutarch, Eumenes, 10, 11; Cornel. Nepos, Eumenes, c. 5;
-  Diodor. xviii. 41.
-
-Before the prolonged blockade of Nora had been brought to a close,
-Antipater, being of very advanced age, fell into sickness, and
-presently died. One of his latest acts was, to put to death the
-Athenian orator Demades, who had been sent to Macedonia as envoy to
-solicit the removal of the Macedonian garrison at Munychia. Antipater
-had promised, or given hopes, that if the oligarchy which he had
-constituted at Athens maintained unshaken adherence to Macedonia, he
-would withdraw the garrison. The Athenians endeavored to prevail on
-Phokion to go to Macedonia as solicitor for the fulfilment of this
-promise; but he steadily refused. Demades, who willingly undertook
-the mission, reached Macedonia at a moment very untoward for himself.
-The papers of the deceased Perdikkas had come into possession of his
-opponents; and among them had been found a letter written to him
-by Demades, inviting him to cross over and rescue Greece from her
-dependence “on an old and rotten warp”—meaning Antipater. This letter
-gave great offence to Antipater—the rather, as Demades is said to
-have been his habitual pensioner—and still greater offence to his son
-Kassander; who caused Demades with his son to be seized—first killed
-the son in the immediate presence and even embrace of the father—and
-then slew the father himself, with bitter invective against his
-ingratitude.[794] All the accounts which we read depict Demades, in
-general terms, as a prodigal spendthrift and a venal and corrupt
-politician. We have no ground for questioning this statement: at the
-same time, we have no specific facts to prove it.
-
-  [794] Plutarch, Phokion, 30; Diodor. xviii. 48; Plutarch,
-  Demosth. 31; Arrian, De Reb. post Alex. vi. ap. Photium, Cod. 92.
-
-  In the life of Phokion, Plutarch has written inadvertently
-  _Antigonus_ instead of _Perdikkas_.
-
-  It is not easy to see, however, how Deinarchus can have been the
-  accuser of Demades on such a matter—as Arrian and Plutarch state.
-  Arrian seems to put the death of Demades too early, from his
-  anxiety to bring it into immediate juxtaposition with the death
-  of Demosthenes, whose condemnation Demades had proposed in the
-  Athenian assembly.
-
-Antipater by his last directions appointed Polysperchon, one of
-Alexander’s veteran officers, to be chief administrator, with full
-powers on behalf of the imperial dynasty; while he assigned to his
-own son Kassander only the second place, as Chiliarch, or general of
-the body-guard.[795] He thought that this disposition of power would
-be more generally acceptable throughout the empire, as Polysperchon
-was older and of longer military service than any other among
-Alexander’s generals. Moreover, Antipater was especially afraid of
-letting dominion fall into the hands of the princesses;[796] all of
-whom—Olympias, Kleopatra, and Eurydikê—were energetic characters; and
-the first of the three (who had retired to Epirus from enmity towards
-Antipater) furious and implacable.
-
-  [795] Diod. xviii. 48.
-
-  [796] Diod. xix. 11.
-
-But the views of Antipater were disappointed from the beginning,
-because Kassander would not submit to the second place, nor tolerate
-Polysperchon as his superior. Immediately after the death of
-Antipater, but before it became publicly known, Kassander despatched
-Nikanor with pretended orders from Antipater to supersede Menyllus
-in the government of Munychia. To this order Menyllus yielded. But
-when after a few days the Athenian public came to learn the real
-truth, they were displeased with Phokion for having permitted the
-change to be made—assuming that he knew the real state of the facts,
-and might have kept out the new commander.[797] Kassander, while
-securing this important post in the hands of a confirmed partisan,
-affected to acquiesce in the authority of Polysperchon, and to
-occupy himself with a hunting-party in the country. He at the same
-time sent confidential adherents to the Hellespont and other places
-in furtherance of his schemes; and especially to contract alliance
-with Antigonus in Asia and with Ptolemy in Egypt. His envoys being
-generally well received, he himself soon quitted Macedonia suddenly,
-and went to concert measures with Antigonus in Asia.[798] It suited
-the policy of Ptolemy, and still more that of Antigonus, to aid
-him against Polysperchon and the imperial dynasty. On the death of
-Antipater, Antigonus had resolved to make himself the real sovereign
-of the Asiatic Alexandrine empire, possessing as he did the most
-powerful military force within it.
-
-  [797] Plutarch, Phokion, 31. Diodorus (xviii. 64) says also that
-  Nikanor was nominated by Kassander.
-
-  [798] Diodor. xviii. 54.
-
-Even before this time the imperial dynasty had been a name rather
-than a reality; yet still a respected name. But now, the preference
-shown to Polysperchon by the deceased Antipater, and the secession
-of Kassander, placed all the real great powers in active hostility
-against the dynasty. Polysperchon and his friends were not blind
-to the difficulties of their position. The principal officers in
-Macedonia having been convened to deliberate, it was resolved to
-invite Olympias out of Epirus, that she might assume the tutelage of
-her grandson Alexander (son of Roxana)—to place the Asiatic interests
-of the dynasty in the hands of Eumenes, appointing him to the
-supreme command[799]—and to combat Kassander in Europe, by assuring
-to themselves the general goodwill and support of the Greeks. This
-last object was to be obtained by granting to the Greeks general
-enfranchisement, and by subverting the Antipatrian oligarchies and
-military governments now paramount throughout the cities.
-
-  [799] Diodor. xviii. 49-58.
-
-The last hope of maintaining the unity of Alexander’s empire in Asia,
-against the counter-interests of the great Macedonian officers, who
-were steadily tending to divide and appropriate it—now lay in the
-fidelity and military skill of Eumenes. At his disposal Polysperchon
-placed the imperial treasures and soldiers in Asia; especially
-the brave, but faithless and disorderly, Argyraspides. Olympias
-also addressed to him a pathetic letter, asking his counsel as the
-only friend and savior to whom the imperial family could now look.
-Eumenes replied by assuring them of his devoted adherence to their
-cause. But he at the same time advised Olympias not to come out of
-Epirus into Macedonia; or if she did come, at all events to abstain
-from vindictive and cruel proceedings. Both these recommendations,
-honorable as well to his prudence as to his humanity, were
-disregarded by the old queen. She came into Macedonia to take the
-management of affairs; and although her imposing title, of mother
-to the great conqueror, raised a strong favorable feeling, yet her
-multiplied executions of the Antipatrian partisans excited fatal
-enmity against a dynasty already tottering. Nevertheless Eumenes,
-though his advice had been disregarded, devoted himself in Asia with
-unshaken fidelity to the Alexandrine family, resisting the most
-tempting invitations to take part with Antigonus against them.[800]
-His example contributed much to keep alive the same active sentiment
-in those around him; indeed, without him, the imperial family would
-have had no sincere or commanding representative in Asia. His gallant
-struggles, first in Kilikia and Phenicia, next (when driven from the
-coast), in Susiana, Persis, Media, and Parætakênê—continued for two
-years against the greatly preponderant forces of Ptolemy, Antigonus,
-and Seleukus, and against the never-ceasing treachery of his own
-officers and troops[801]—do not belong to Grecian history. They
-are however among the most memorable exploits of antiquity. While
-even in a military point of view, they are hardly inferior to the
-combinations of Alexander himself—they evince, besides, a flexibility
-and aptitude such as Alexander neither possessed nor required, for
-overcoming the thousand difficulties raised by traitors and mutineers
-around him. To the last, Eumenes remained unsubdued; he was betrayed
-to Antigonus by the base and venal treachery of his own soldiers, the
-Macedonian Argyraspides.[802]
-
-  [800] Plutarch, Eumenes, 11, 12; Cornelius Nepos, Eumenes, c. 6;
-  Diodor. xviii. 58-62.
-
-  Diodor. xviii, 58. ἧκε δὲ καὶ παρ᾽ Ὀλυμπιάδος αὐτῷ γράμματα,
-  δεομένης καὶ λιπαρούσης βοηθεῖν τοῖς βασιλεῦσι καὶ ἑαυτῇ· μόνον
-  γὰρ ἐκεῖνον πιστότατον ἀπολελεῖφθαι τῶν φίλων, καὶ δυνάμενον
-  διορθώσασθαι τὴν ἐρημίαν τῆς βασιλικῆς οἰκίας.
-
-  Cornelius Nepos, Eumenes, 6. “Ad hunc (Eumenem) Olympias,
-  quum literas et nuntios misisset in Asiam, consultum, utrum
-  repetitum Macedoniam veniret (nam tum in Epiro habitabat) et
-  eas res occuparet—huic ille primum suasit ne se moveret, et
-  expectaret quoad Alexandri filius regnum adipisceretur. Sin
-  aliquâ cupiditate raperetur in Macedoniam, omnium injuriarum
-  oblivisceretur, et in neminem acerbiore uteretur imperio. Horum
-  illa nihil fecit. Nam et in Macedoniam profecta est, et ibi
-  crudelissime se gessit.” Compare Justin, xiv. 6; Diodor. xix. 11.
-
-  The details respecting Eumenes may be considered probably as
-  depending on unusually good authority. His friend Hieronymus of
-  Kardia had written a copious history of his own time; which,
-  though now lost, was accessible both to Diodorus and Plutarch.
-  Hieronymus was serving with Eumenes, and was taken prisoner along
-  with him by Antigonus; who spared him and treated him well, while
-  Eumenes was put to death (Diodor. xix. 44). Plutarch had also
-  read letters of Eumenes (Plut. Eum. 11).
-
-  [801] Diodor. xviii. 63-72; xix. 11, 17, 32, 44.
-
-  [802] Plutarch (Eumenes, 16-18), Cornelius Nepos (10-13), and
-  Justin (xiv. 3, 4) describe in considerable detail the touching
-  circumstances attending the tradition and capture of Eumenes. On
-  this point Diodorus is more brief; but he recounts at much length
-  the preceding military operations between Eumenes and Antigonus
-  (xix. 17, 32, 44).
-
-  The original source of these particulars must probably be, the
-  history of Hieronymus of Kardia, himself present, and copied,
-  more or less accurately, by others.
-
-For the interests of the imperial dynasty (the extinction of which
-we shall presently follow), it is perhaps to be regretted that
-they did not abandon Asia at once, at the death of Antipater, and
-concentrate their attention on Macedonia alone, summoning over
-Eumenes to aid them. To keep together in unity the vast aggregate of
-Asia was manifestly impracticable, even with his consummate ability.
-Indeed, we read that Olympias wished for his presence in Europe, not
-trusting any one but him as protector of the child Alexander.[803]
-In Macedonia, apart from Asia, Eumenes, if the violent temper of
-Olympias had permitted him, might have upheld the dynasty; which,
-having at that time a decided interest in conciliating the Greeks,
-might probably have sanctioned his sympathies in favor of free
-Hellenic community.[804]
-
-  [803] Plutarch, Eumenes, 13; Diodor. xviii. 58.
-
-  [804] Plutarch, Eumenes, 3.
-
-On learning the death of Antipater, most of the Greek cities had
-sent envoys to Pella.[805] To all the governments of these cities,
-composed as they were of his creatures, it was a matter of the utmost
-moment to know what course the new Macedonian authority would adopt.
-Polysperchon, persuaded that they would all adhere to Kassander, and
-that his only chance of combating that rival was by enlisting popular
-sympathy and interests in Greece, or at least by subverting these
-Antipatrian oligarchies—drew up in conjunction with his counsellors a
-proclamation which he issued in the name of the dynasty.
-
-  [805] Diodor. xviii. 55. εὐθὺς οὖν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων παρόντας
-  πρεσβευτὰς προσκαλεσάμενοι, etc.
-
-After reciting the steady goodwill of Philip and Alexander towards
-Greece, he affirmed that this feeling had been interrupted by the
-untoward Lamian war, originating with some ill-judged Greeks, and
-ending in the infliction of many severe calamities upon the various
-cities. But all these severities (he continued) had proceeded from
-the generals (Antipater and Kraterus): the kings had now determined
-to redress them. It was accordingly proclaimed that the political
-constitution of each city should be restored, as it had stood in
-the times of Philip and Alexander; that before the thirtieth of the
-month Xanthikus, all those who had been condemned to banishment, or
-deported, by the generals, should be recalled and received back; that
-their properties should be restored, and past sentences against them
-rescinded; that they should live in amnesty as to the past, and good
-feeling as to the future, with the remaining citizens. From this act
-of recall were excluded, the exiles of Amphissa, Trikka, Pharkadon,
-and Herakleia, together with a certain number of Megalopolitans,
-implicated in one particular conspiracy. In the particular case of
-those cities, the governments of which had been denounced as hostile
-by Philip or Alexander, special reference and consultation was opened
-with Pella, for some modification to meet the circumstances. As to
-Athens, it was decreed that Samos should be restored to her, but not
-Orôpus; in all other respects, she was placed on the same footing as
-in the days of Philip and Alexander. “All the Greeks (concluded this
-proclamation) shall pass decrees, forbidding every one either to bear
-arms or otherwise act in hostility against us—on pain of exile and
-confiscation of goods, for himself and his family. On this and on all
-other matters, we have ordered Polysperchon to take proper measures.
-Obey him—as we have before written you to do; for we shall not omit
-to notice those who on any point disregard our proclamation.”[806]
-
-  [806] Diodor. xviii. 56. In this chapter the proclamation is
-  given _verbatim_. For the exceptions made in respect to Amphissa,
-  Trikka, Herakleia, etc., we do not know the grounds.
-
-  Reference is made to prior edicts of the kings—ὑμεῖς οὖν, καθάπερ
-  ὑμῖν καὶ πρότερον ἐγράψαμεν, ἀκούετε τούτου (Πολυσπέρχοντος).
-  These words must allude to written answers given to particular
-  cities, in reply to special applications. No general
-  proclamation, earlier than this, can have been issued since the
-  death of Antipater.
-
-Such was the new edict issued by the kings, or rather by Polysperchon
-in their names. It directed the removal of all the garrisons, and the
-subversion of all the oligarchies, established by Antipater after
-the Lamian war. It ordered the recall of the host of exiles then
-expelled. It revived the state of things prevalent before the death
-of Alexander—which indeed itself had been, for the most part, an
-aggregate of macedonizing oligarchies interspersed with Macedonian
-garrisons. To the existing Antipatrian oligarchies, however, it was
-a deathblow; and so it must have been understood by the Grecian
-envoys—including probably deputations from the exiles, as well as
-envoys from the civic governments—to whom Polysperchon delivered it
-at Pella. Not content with the general edict, Polysperchon addressed
-special letters to Argos and various other cities, commanding that
-the Antipatrian leading men should be banished with confiscation
-of property, and in some cases put to death;[807] the names being
-probably furnished to him by the exiles. Lastly, as it was clear that
-such stringent measures could not be executed without force,—the
-rather as these oligarchies would be upheld by Kassander from
-without—Polysperchon resolved to conduct a large military force into
-Greece; sending thither first, however, a considerable detachment,
-for immediate operations, under his son Alexander.
-
-  [807] Diodor. xviii. 57.
-
-To Athens, as well as to other cities, Polysperchon addressed
-special letters, promising restoration of the democracy and recall
-of the exiles. At Athens, such change was a greater revolution than
-elsewhere, because the multitude of exiles and persons deported had
-been the greatest. To the existing nine thousand Athenian citizens,
-it was doubtless odious and alarming; while to Phokion with the other
-leading Antipatrians, it threatened not only loss of power, but
-probably nothing less than the alternative of flight or death.[808]
-The state of interests at Athens, however, was now singularly novel
-and complicated. There were the Antipatrians and the nine thousand
-qualified citizens. There were the exiles, who, under the new edict,
-speedily began re-entering the city, and reclaiming their citizenship
-as well as their properties. Polysperchon and his son were known to
-be soon coming with a powerful force. Lastly, there was Nikanor, who
-held Munychia with a garrison, neither for Polysperchon, nor for the
-Athenians, but for Kassander; the latter being himself also expected
-with a force from Asia. Here then were several parties; each distinct
-in views and interests from the rest—some decidedly hostile to each
-other.
-
-  [808] Plutarch, Phokion, 32. The opinion of Plutarch, however,
-  that Polysperchon intended this measure as a mere trick to ruin
-  Phokion, is only correct so far—that Polysperchon wished to put
-  down the Antipatrian oligarchies everywhere, and that Phokion was
-  the leading person of that oligarchy at Athens.
-
-The first contest arose between the Athenians and Nikanor respecting
-Munychia; which they required him to evacuate, pursuant to the
-recent proclamation. Nikanor on his side returned an evasive answer,
-promising compliance as soon as circumstances permitted, but in the
-mean time entreating the Athenians to continue in alliance with
-Kassander, as they had been with his father Antipater.[809] He
-seems to have indulged hopes of prevailing on them to declare in
-his favor—and not without plausible grounds, since the Antipatrian
-leaders and a proportion of the nine thousand citizens could not but
-dread the execution of Polysperchon’s edict. And he had also what
-was of still greater moment—the secret connivance and support of
-Phokion: who put himself in intimate relation with Nikanor, as he had
-before done with Menyllus[810]—and who had greater reason than any
-one else to dread the edict of Polysperchon. At a public assembly
-held in Peiræus to discuss the subject, Nikanor even ventured to
-present himself in person, in the company and under the introduction
-of Phokion, who was anxious that the Athenians should entertain the
-proposition of alliance with Kassander. But with the people, the
-prominent wish was to get rid altogether of the foreign garrison,
-and to procure the evacuation of Munychia—for which object, of
-course, the returned exiles would be even more anxious than the nine
-thousand. Accordingly, the assembly refused to hear any propositions
-from Nikanor; while Derkyllus with others even proposed to seize his
-person. It was Phokion who ensured to him the means of escaping;
-even in spite of serious wrath from his fellow-citizens, to whom he
-pleaded, that he had made himself guarantee for Nikanor’s personal
-safety.[811]
-
-  [809] Diodor. xviii. 64.
-
-  [810] Plutarch, Phokion, 31.
-
-  [811] Plutarch, Phokion, 32.
-
-Foreseeing the gravity of the impending contest, Nikanor had been
-secretly introducing fresh soldiers into Munychia. And when he found
-that he could not obtain any declared support from the Athenians,
-he laid a scheme for surprising and occupying the town and harbor
-of Peiræus, of which Munychia formed the adjoining eminence and
-harbor, on the southern side of the little peninsula. Notwithstanding
-all his precautions, it became known to various Athenians that he
-was tampering with persons in Peiræus, and collecting troops in
-the neighboring isle of Salamis. So much anxiety was expressed in
-the Athenian assembly for the safety of Peiræus, that a decree
-was passed, enjoining all citizens to hold themselves in arms for
-its protection, under Phokion as general. Nevertheless Phokion,
-disregarding such a decree, took no precautions, affirming that he
-would himself be answerable for Nikanor. Presently that officer,
-making an unexpected attack from Munychia and Salamis, took Peiræus
-by surprise, placed both the town and harbor under military
-occupation, and cut off its communication with Athens by a ditch and
-palisade. On this palpable aggression, the Athenians rushed to arms.
-But Phokion as general damped their ardor, and even declined to head
-them in an attack for the recovery of Peiræus before Nikanor should
-have had time to strengthen himself in it. He went however, with
-Konon (son of Timotheus), to remonstrate with Nikanor, and to renew
-the demand that he should evacuate, under the recent proclamation,
-all the posts which he held in garrison. But Nikanor would give no
-other answer, except that he held his commission from Kassander, to
-whom they must address their application.[812] He thus again tried to
-bring Athens into communication with Kassander.
-
-  [812] Diodor. xviii. 64; Plutarch, Phokion, 32; Cornelius Nepos,
-  Phokion, 2.
-
-The occupation of Peiræus in addition to Munychia was a serious
-calamity to the Athenians, making them worse off than they had
-been even under Antipater. Peiræus, rich, active, and commercial,
-containing the Athenian arsenal, docks, and muniments of war, was
-in many respects more valuable than Athens itself; for all purposes
-of war, far more valuable. Kassander had now an excellent place of
-arms and base, which Munychia alone would not have afforded, for his
-operations in Greece against Polysperchon; upon whom therefore the
-loss fell hardly less severely than upon the Athenians. Now Phokion,
-in his function as general, had been forewarned of the danger, might
-have guarded against it, and ought to have done so. This was a grave
-dereliction of duty, and admits of hardly any other explanation
-except that of treasonable connivance. It seems that Phokion,
-foreseeing his own ruin and that of his friends in the triumph of
-Polysperchon and the return of the exiles, was desirous of favoring
-the seizure of Peiræus by Nikanor, as a means of constraining Athens
-to adopt the alliance with Kassander; which alliance indeed would
-probably have been brought about, had Kassander reached Peiræus by
-sea sooner than the first troops of Polysperchon by land. Phokion was
-here guilty, at the very least, of culpable neglect, and probably of
-still more culpable treason, on an occasion seriously injuring both
-Polysperchon and the Athenians; a fact which we must not forget, when
-we come to read presently the bitter animosity exhibited against
-him.[813]
-
-  [813] Cornelius Nepos, Phokion, 2. “Concidit autem maxime uno
-  crimine: quod cum apud eum summum esset imperium populi, et
-  Nicanorem, Cassandri præfectum, insidiari Piræo Atheniensium,
-  a Dercyllo moneretur: idemque postularet, ut provideret, ne
-  commeatibus civitas privaretur—huic, audiente populo, Phocion
-  negavit esse periculam, seque ejus rei obsidem fore pollicitus
-  est. Neque ita multo post Nicanor Piræo est potitus. Ad quem
-  recuperandum cum populus armatus concurrisset, ille non modo
-  neminem ad arma vocavit, sed ne armatis quidem præsse voluit,
-  sine qua Athenæ omnino esse non possunt.”
-
-The news, that Nikanor had possessed himself of Peiræus, produced
-a strong sensation. Presently arrived a letter addressed to him
-by Olympias herself, commanding him to surrender the place to the
-Athenians, upon whom she wished to confer entire autonomy. But
-Nikanor declined obedience to her order, still waiting for support
-from Kassander. The arrival of Alexander (Polysperchon’s son) with a
-body of troops, encouraged the Athenians to believe that he was come
-to assist in carrying Peiræus by force, for the purpose of restoring
-it to them. Their hopes, however, were again disappointed. Though
-encamped near Peiræus, Alexander made no demand for the Athenian
-forces to co-operate with him in attacking it; but entered into
-open parley with Nikanor, whom he endeavored to persuade or corrupt
-into surrendering the place.[814] When this negotiation failed, he
-resolved to wait for the arrival of his father, who was already on
-his march towards Attica with the main army. His own force unassisted
-was probably not sufficient to attack Peiræus; nor did he choose to
-invoke assistance from the Athenians, to whom he would then have been
-compelled to make over the place when taken, which they so ardently
-desired. The Athenians were thus as far from their object as ever;
-moreover, by this delay the opportunity of attacking the place was
-altogether thrown away; for Kassander with his armament reached it
-before Polysperchon.
-
-  [814] Diodor. xviii. 65; Plutarch, Phokion, 33.
-
-It was Phokion and his immediate colleagues who induced Alexander
-to adopt this insidious policy; to decline reconquering Peiræus for
-the Athenians, and to appropriate it for himself. To Phokion, the
-reconstitution of autonomous Athens, with its democracy and restored
-exiles, and without any foreign controlling force—was an assured
-sentence of banishment, if not of death. Not having been able to
-obtain protection from the foreign force of Nikanor and Kassander,
-he and his friends resolved to throw themselves upon that of
-Alexander and Polysperchon. They went to meet Alexander as he entered
-Attica—represented the impolicy of his relinquishing so important a
-military position as Peiræus, while the war was yet unfinished,—and
-offered to co-operate with him for this purpose, by proper management
-of the Athenian public. Alexander was pleased with these suggestions,
-accepted Phokion with the others as his leading adherents at Athens,
-and looked upon Peiræus as a capture to be secured for himself.[815]
-Numerous returning Athenian exiles accompanied Alexander’s army.
-It seems that Phokion was desirous of admitting the troops, along
-with the exiles, as friends and allies into the walls of Athens,
-so as to make Alexander master of the city—but that this project
-was impracticable in consequence of the mistrust created among the
-Athenians by the parleys of Alexander with Nikanor.[816]
-
-  [815] Diodor. xviii. 65. Τῶν γὰρ Ἀντιπάτρῳ γεγονότων φίλων τινὲς
-  (ὑπῆρχον) καὶ ~οἱ περὶ Φωκίωνα φοβούμενοι τὰς ἐκ τῶν νόμων
-  τιμωρίας~, ὑπήντησαν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, καὶ διδάξαντες τὸ συμφέρον,
-  ἔπεισαν αὐτὸν ἰδίᾳ κατέχειν τὰ φρούρια, καὶ μὴ παραδιδόναι τοῖς
-  Ἀθηναίοις, μέχρις ἂν ὁ Κάσσανδρος καταπολεμήθῃ.
-
-  [816] Plutarch, Phokion, 33; Diod. xviii. 65. 66. This seems
-  to me the probable sequence of facts, combining Plutarch with
-  Diodorus. Plutarch takes no notice of the negotiation opened
-  by Phokion with Alexander, and the understanding established
-  between them; which is stated in the clearest manner by
-  Diodorus, and appears to me a material circumstance. On the
-  other hand, Plutarch mentions (though Diodorus does not) that
-  Alexander was anxious to seize Athens itself, and was very near
-  succeeding. Plutarch seems to conceive that it was the exiles
-  who were disposed to let him in; but if that had been the case,
-  he probably would have been let in when the exiles became
-  preponderant. It was Phokion, I conceive, who was desirous, for
-  his own personal safety, of admitting the foreign troops.
-
-The strategic function of Phokion, however, so often conferred
-and re-conferred upon him—and his power of doing either good or
-evil—now approached its close. As soon as the returning exiles
-found themselves in sufficient numbers, they called for a revision
-of the list of state-officers, and for the re-establishment of
-the democratical forms. They passed a vote to depose those who
-had held office under the Antipatrian oligarchy and who still
-continued to hold it down to the actual moment. Among these Phokion
-stood first: along with him were his son-in-law Charikles, the
-Phalerean Demetrius, Kallimedon, Nikokles, Thudippus, Hegemon, and
-Philokles. These persons were not only deposed, but condemned,
-some to death, some to banishment and confiscation of property.
-Demetrius, Charikles, and Kallimedon sought safety by leaving
-Attica; but Phokion and the rest merely went to Alexander’s camp,
-throwing themselves upon his protection on the faith of the recent
-understanding.[817] Alexander not only received them courteously,
-but gave them letters to his father Polysperchon, requesting safety
-and protection for them, as men who had embraced his cause, and who
-were still eager to do all in their power to support him.[818] Armed
-with these letters, Phokion and his companions went through Bœotia
-and Phokis to meet Polysperchon on his march southward. They were
-accompanied by Deinarchus and by a Platæan named Solon, both of them
-passing for friends of Polysperchon.[819]
-
-  [817] Diodor. xviii. 65; Plutarch, Phokion, 35.
-
-  [818] Diodor. xviii. 66. Προσδεχθέντες δὲ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ (Alexander)
-  φιλοφρόνως, γράμματα ἔλαβον πρὸς τὸν πατέρα Πολυσπέρχοντα, ὅπως
-  μηδὲν πάθωσιν οἱ περὶ Φωκίωνα ~τἀκείνου πεφρονηκότες, καὶ νῦν
-  ἐπαγγελλόμενοι πάντα συμπράξειν~.
-
-  This application of Phokion to Alexander, and the letters
-  obtained to Polysperchon, are not mentioned by Plutarch, though
-  they are important circumstances in following the last days of
-  Phokion’s life.
-
-  [819] Plutarch, Phokion, 33.
-
-The Athenian democracy, just reconstituted, which had passed the
-recent condemnatory votes, was disquieted at the news that Alexander
-had espoused the cause of Phokion and had recommended the like policy
-to his father. It was possible that Polysperchon might seek, with
-his powerful army, both to occupy Athens and to capture Peiræus,
-and might avail himself of Phokion (like Antipater after the Lamian
-war) as a convenient instrument of government. It seems plain that
-this was the project of Alexander, and that he counted on Phokion
-as a ready auxiliary in both. Now the restored democrats, though
-owing their restoration to Polysperchon, were much less compliant
-towards him than Phokion had been. Not only they would not admit
-him into the city, but they would not even acquiesce in his separate
-occupation of Munychia and Peiræus. On the proposition of Agnonides
-and Archestratus, they sent a deputation to Polysperchon accusing
-Phokion and his comrades of high treason; yet at the same time
-claiming for Athens the full and undiminished benefit of the late
-regal proclamation—autonomy and democracy, with restoration of
-Peiræus and Munychia free and ungarrisoned.[820]
-
-  [820] Diodor. xviii. 66.
-
-The deputation reached Polysperchon at Pharyges in Phokis, as early
-as Phokion’s company, which had been detained for some days at
-Elateia by the sickness of Deinarchus. That delay was unfortunate
-for Phokion. Had he seen Polysperchon, and presented the letter of
-Alexander, before the Athenian accusers arrived, he might probably
-have obtained a more favorable reception. But as the arrival of
-the two parties was nearly simultaneous, Polysperchon heard both
-of them at the same audience, before King Philip Aridæus in his
-throne with the gilt ceiling above it. When Agnonides,—chief of the
-Athenian deputation, and formerly friend and advocate of Demosthenes
-in the Harpalian cause—found himself face to face with Phokion and
-his friends, their reciprocal invectives at first produced nothing
-but confusion; until Agnonides himself exclaimed—“Pack us all into
-one cage and send us back to Athens to receive judgment from the
-Athenians.” The king laughed at this observation, but the bystanders
-around insisted upon more orderly proceedings, and Agnonides then set
-forth the two demands of the Athenians—condemnation of Phokion and
-his friends, partly as accomplices of Antipater, partly as having
-betrayed Peiræus to Nikanor—and the full benefit of the late regal
-proclamation to Athens.[821] Now, on the last of these two heads,
-Polysperchon was noway disposed to yield—nor to hand over Peiræus
-to the Athenians as soon as he should take it. On this matter,
-accordingly, he replied by refusal or evasion. But he was all the
-more disposed to satisfy the Athenians on the other matter—the
-surrender of Phokion; especially as the sentiment now prevalent at
-Athens evinced clearly that Phokion could not be again useful to him
-as an instrument. Thus disposed to sacrifice Phokion, Polysperchon
-heard his defence with impatience, interrupted him several times, and
-so disgusted him, that he at length struck the ground with his stick,
-and held his peace. Hegemon, another of the accused, was yet more
-harshly treated. When he appealed to Polysperchon himself, as having
-been personally cognizant of his (the speaker’s) good dispositions
-towards the Athenian people (he had probably been sent to Pella, as
-envoy for redress of grievances under the Antipatrian oligarchy),
-Polysperchon exclaimed—“Do not utter falsehoods against me before the
-king.” Moreover, king Philip himself was so incensed, as to start
-from his throne and snatch his spear; with which he would have run
-Hegemon through,—imitating the worst impulses of his illustrious
-brother—had he not been held back by Polysperchon. The sentence could
-not be doubtful. Phokion and his companions were delivered over as
-prisoners to the Athenian deputation, together with a letter from the
-king, intimating that in his conviction they were traitors, but that
-he left them to be judged by the Athenians, now restored to freedom
-and autonomy.[822]
-
-  [821] Plutarch, Phokion, 33; Cornel. Nepos. Phokion, 3.
-  “Hic (Phocion), ab Agnonide accusatus, quod Piræum Nicanori
-  prodidisset, ex consilii sententiâ, in custodiam conjectus,
-  Athenas deductus est, ut ibi de eo legibus fieret judicium.”
-
-  Plutarch says that Polysperchon, before he gave this hearing
-  to both parties, ordered _the Corinthian Deinarchus_ to be
-  tortured and to be put to death. Now the person so named cannot
-  be Deinarchus, the logographer—of whom we have some specimens
-  remaining, and who was alive even as late as 292 B.
-  C.—though he too was a Corinthian. Either, therefore, there
-  were two Corinthians, both bearing this same name (as Westermann
-  supposes—Gesch. der Beredtsamkeit, sect. 72), or the statement
-  of Plutarch must allude to an order given but not carried into
-  effect—which latter seems to me most probable.
-
-  [822] Plutarch, Phokion, 33, 34; Diodor. xviii. 66.
-
-The Macedonian Kleitus was instructed to convey them to Athens as
-prisoners under a guard. Mournful was the spectacle as they entered
-the city; being carried along the Kerameikus in carts, through
-sympathizing friends and an embittered multitude, until they reached
-the theatre, wherein the assembly was to be convened. That assembly
-was composed of every one who chose to enter, and is said to have
-contained many foreigners and slaves. But it would have been
-fortunate for Phokion had such really been the case; for foreigners
-and slaves had no cause of antipathy towards him. The assembly was
-mainly composed of Phokion’s keenest enemies, the citizens just
-returned from exile or deportation; among whom may doubtless have
-been intermixed more or less of non-qualified persons, since the
-lists had probably not yet been verified. When the assembly was about
-to be opened, the friends of Phokion moved, that on occasion of so
-important a trial, foreigners and slaves should be sent away. This
-was in every sense an impolitic proceeding; for the restored exiles,
-chiefly poor men, took it as an insult to themselves, and became only
-the more embittered, exclaiming against the oligarchs who were trying
-to exclude them.
-
-It is not easy to conceive stronger grounds of exasperation than
-those which inflamed the bosoms of these returned exiles. We must
-recollect that at the close of the Lamian war, the Athenian democracy
-had been forcibly subverted. Demosthenes and its principal leaders
-had been slain, some of them with antecedent cruelties; the poorer
-multitude, in number more than half of the qualified citizens,
-had been banished or deported into distant regions. To all the
-public shame and calamity, there was thus superadded a vast mass
-of individual suffering and impoverishment, the mischiefs of which
-were very imperfectly healed, even by that unexpected contingency
-which had again thrown open to them their native city. Accordingly,
-when these men returned from different regions, each hearing from
-the rest new tales of past hardship, they felt the bitterest hatred
-against the authors of the Antipatrian revolution; and among these
-authors Phokion stood distinctly marked. For although he had neither
-originated nor advised these severities, yet he and his friends,
-as administering the Antipatrian government at Athens, must have
-been agents in carrying them out, and had rendered themselves
-distinctly liable to the fearful penalties pronounced by the psephism
-of Demophantus,[823] consecrated by an oath taken by Athenians
-generally, against any one who should hold an official post after the
-government was subverted.
-
-  [823] Andokides de Mysteriis, sect. 96, 97; Lycurgus adv.
-  Leokrat. s. 127.
-
-When these restored citizens thus saw Phokion brought before
-them, for the first time after their return, the common feeling
-of antipathy against him burst out into furious manifestations.
-Agnonides the principal accuser, supported by Epikurus[824] and
-Demophilus, found their denunciations welcomed and even anticipated,
-when they arraigned Phokion as a criminal who had lent his hand to
-the subversion of the constitution,—to the sufferings of his deported
-fellow-citizens,—and to the holding of Athens in subjection under
-a foreign potentate; in addition to which, the betrayal of Peiræus
-to Nikanor[825] constituted a new crime; fastening on the people
-the yoke of Kassander, when autonomy had been promised to them by
-the recent imperial edict. After the accusation was concluded,
-Phokion was called on for his defence; but he found it impossible
-to obtain a hearing. Attempting several times to speak, he was as
-often interrupted by angry shouts; several of his friends were cried
-down in like manner; until at length he gave up the case in despair,
-and exclaimed, “For myself, Athenians, I plead guilty; I pronounce
-against myself the sentence of death for my political conduct; but
-why are you to sentence these men near me, who are not guilty?”
-“Because they are your friends, Phokion”—was the exclamation of those
-around. Phokion then said no more; while Agnonides proposed a decree,
-to the effect, that the assembled people should decide by show of
-hands, whether the persons now arraigned were guilty or not; and that
-if declared guilty, they should be put to death. Some persons present
-cried out, that the penalty of torture ought to precede death; but
-this savage proposition, utterly at variance with Athenian law in
-respect to citizens, was repudiated not less by Agnonides than by the
-Macedonian officer Kleitus. The decree was then passed; after which
-the show of hands was called for. Nearly every hand in the assembly
-was held up in condemnation; each man even rose from his seat to make
-the effect more imposing; and some went so far as to put on wreaths
-in token of triumph. To many of them doubtless, the gratification
-of this intense and unanimous vindictive impulse,—in their view not
-merely legitimate, but patriotic,—must have been among the happiest
-moments of life.[826]
-
-  [824] _Not_ the eminent philosopher so named.
-
-  [825] Cornel. Nepos, Phoc. 4. “Plurimi vero ita exacuerentur
-  propter proditionis suspicionem Piræi, maximeque quod adversus
-  populi commoda in senectute steterat.”
-
-  [826] Diodor. xviii. 66, 67; Plutarch, Phokion, 34, 35; Cornelius
-  Nepos, Phokion, 2, 3.
-
-After sentence, the five condemned persons, Phokion, Nikokles,
-Thudippus, Hegemon, and Pythokles, were consigned to the supreme
-magistrates of Police, called The Eleven, and led to prison for the
-purpose of having the customary dose of poison administered. Hostile
-bystanders ran alongside, taunting and reviling them. It is even said
-that one man planted himself in the front, and spat upon Phokion; who
-turned to the public officers and exclaimed—“Will no one check this
-indecent fellow?” This was the only emotion which he manifested; in
-other respects, his tranquillity and self-possession were resolutely
-maintained, during this soul-subduing march from the theatre to the
-prison, amidst the wailings of his friends, the broken spirit of his
-four comrades, and the fiercest demonstrations of antipathy from his
-fellow-citizens generally. One ray of comfort presented itself as he
-entered the prison. It was the nineteenth of the month Munychion,
-the day on which the Athenian Horsemen or Knights (the richest class
-in the city, men for the most part of oligarchical sentiments)
-celebrated their festal procession with wreaths on their heads in
-honor of Zeus. Several of these horsemen halted in passing, took off
-their wreaths, and wept as they looked through the gratings of the
-prison.
-
-Being asked whether he had anything to tell his son Phokus, Phokion
-replied—“I tell him emphatically, not to hold evil memory of the
-Athenians.” The draught of hemlock was then administered to all
-five—to Phokion last. Having been condemned for treason, they were
-not buried in Attica; nor were Phokion’s friends allowed to light
-a funeral pile for the burning of his body; which was carried out
-of Attica into the Megarid, by a hired agent named Konopion, and
-there burnt by fire obtained at Megara. The wife of Phokion, with
-her maids, poured libations and marked the spot by a small mound of
-earth; she also collected the bones and brought them back to Athens
-in her bosom, during the secrecy of night. She buried them near her
-own domestic hearth, with this address—“Beloved Hestia, I confide
-to thee these relics of a good man. Restore them to his own family
-vault, as soon as the Athenians shall come to their senses.”[827]
-
-  [827] Plutarch, Phokion, 36, 37. Two other anecdotes are
-  recounted by Plutarch, which seem to be of doubtful authenticity.
-  Nikokles entreated that he might be allowed to swallow his potion
-  before Phokion; upon which the latter replied—“Your request,
-  Nikokles, is sad and mournful; but as I have never yet refused
-  you anything throughout my life, I grant this also.”
-
-  After the four first had drunk, all except Phokion, no more
-  hemlock was left; upon which the jailer said that he would
-  not prepare any more, unless twelve drachmæ of money were
-  given to him to buy the material. Some hesitation took place,
-  until Phokion asked one of his friends to supply the money,
-  sarcastically remarking, that it was hard if a man could not even
-  die _gratis_ at Athens.
-
-  As to the first of these anecdotes—if we read, in Plato’s Phædon
-  (152-155), the details of the death of Sokrates,—we shall see
-  that death by hemlock was not caused instantaneously, but in a
-  gradual and painless manner; the person who had swallowed the
-  potion being desired to walk about for some time, until his legs
-  grew heavy, and then to lie down in bed, after which he gradually
-  chilled and became insensible, first in the extremities, next in
-  the vital centres. Under these circumstances, the question—which
-  of the persons condemned should swallow the first of the five
-  potions—could be of very little moment.
-
-  Then, as to the alleged niggardly stock of hemlock in the
-  Athenian prison—what would have been the alternative, if
-  Phokion’s friend had not furnished the twelve drachmæ? Would
-  he have remained in confinement, without being put to death?
-  Certainly not; for he was under capital sentence. Would he
-  have been put to death by the sword or some other unexpensive
-  instrument? This is at variance with the analogy of Athenian
-  practice. If there be any truth in the story, we must suppose
-  that the Eleven had allotted to this jailer a stock of hemlock
-  (or the price thereof) really adequate to five potions, but that
-  he by accident or awkwardness had wasted a part of it, so that
-  it would have been necessary for him to supply the deficiency
-  out of his own pocket. From this embarrassment he was rescued
-  by Phokion and his friend; and Phokion’s sarcasm touches upon
-  the strangeness of a man being called upon to pay for his own
-  execution.
-
-After a short time (we are told by Plutarch) the Athenians did
-thus come to their senses. They discovered that Phokion had been a
-faithful and excellent public servant, repented of their severity
-towards him, celebrated his funeral obsequies at the public expense,
-erected a statue in his honor, and put to death Agnonides by public
-judicial sentence; while Epikurus and Demophilus fled from the city
-and were slain by Phokion’s son.[828]
-
-  [828] Plutarch, Phokion, 38
-
-  These facts are ostensibly correct; but Plutarch omits to notice
-  the real explanation of them. Within two or three months after
-  the death of Phokion, Kassander, already in possession of Peiræus
-  and Munychia, became also master of Athens; the oligarchical
-  or Phokionic party again acquired predominance; Demetrius the
-  Phalerean was recalled from exile, and placed to administer
-  the city under Kassander, as Phokion had administered it under
-  Antipater.
-
-  No wonder, that under such circumstances, the memory of Phokion
-  should be honored. But this is a very different thing from
-  spontaneous change of popular opinion respecting him. I see no
-  reason why such change of opinion should have occurred, nor do
-  I believe that it did occur. The Demos of Athens, banished and
-  deported in mass, had the best ground for hating Phokion, and
-  were not likely to become ashamed of the feeling. Though he
-  was personally mild and incorruptible, they derived no benefit
-  from these virtues. To them it was of little moment that he
-  should steadily refuse all presents from Antipater, when he did
-  Antipater’s work gratuitously. Considered as a judicial trial,
-  the last scene of Phokion before the people in the theatre
-  is nothing better than a cruel imposture; considered as a
-  manifestation of public opinion already settled, it is one for
-  which the facts of the past supplied ample warrant.
-
-  We cannot indeed read without painful sympathy the narrative of
-  an old man above eighty,—personally brave, mild, and superior to
-  all pecuniary temptation, so far as his positive administration
-  was concerned,—perishing under an intense and crushing storm
-  of popular execration. But when we look at the whole case—when
-  we survey, not merely the details of Phokion’s administration,
-  but the grand public objects which those details subserved, and
-  towards which he conducted his fellow-citizens—we shall see that
-  this judgment is fully merited. In Phokion’s patriotism—for so
-  doubtless he himself sincerely conceived it—no account was taken
-  of Athenian independence; of the autonomy or self-management of
-  the Hellenic world; of the conditions, in reference to foreign
-  kings, under which alone such autonomy could exist. He had
-  neither the Panhellenic sentiment of Aristeides, Kallikratidas,
-  and Demosthenes—nor the narrower Athenian sentiment, like the
-  devotion of Agesilaus to Sparta, and of Epaminondas to Thebes.
-  To Phokion it was indifferent whether Greece was an aggregate
-  of autonomous cities, with Athens as first or second among
-  them—or one of the satrapies under the Macedonian kings. Now
-  this was among the most fatal defects of a Grecian public man.
-  The sentiment in which Phokion was wanting, lay at the bottom
-  of all those splendid achievements which have given to Greece a
-  substantive and pre-eminent place in the history of the world.
-  Had Themistokles, Arsiteides, and Leonidas resembled him, Greece
-  would have passed quietly under the dominion of Persia, and the
-  brilliant, though checkered, century and more of independent
-  politics which succeeded the repulse of Xerxes would never have
-  occurred. It was precisely during the fifty years of Phokion’s
-  political and military influence, that the Greeks were degraded
-  from a state of freedom, and Athens from ascendency as well as
-  freedom, into absolute servitude. Insofar as this great public
-  misfortune can be imputed to any one man—to no one was it more
-  ascribable than to Phokion. He was stratêgus during most of
-  the long series of years when Philip’s power was growing; it
-  was his duty to look ahead for the safety of his countrymen,
-  and to combat the yet immature giant. He heard the warnings of
-  Demosthenes, and he possessed exactly those qualities which were
-  wanting to Demosthenes—military energy and aptitude. Had he lent
-  his influence to inform the short-sightedness, to stimulate the
-  inertia, to direct the armed efforts, of his countrymen, the
-  kings of Macedon might have been kept within their own limits,
-  and the future history of Greece might have been altogether
-  different. Unfortunately, he took the opposite side. He acted
-  with Æschines and the Philippizers; without receiving money
-  from Philip, he did gratuitously all that Philip desired— by
-  nullifying and sneering down the efforts of Demosthenes and the
-  other active politicians. After the battle of Chæroneia, Phokion
-  received from Philip first, and from Alexander afterwards, marks
-  of esteem not shown towards any other Athenian. This was both the
-  fruit and the proof of his past political action—anti-Hellenic
-  as well as anti-Athenian. Having done much, in the earlier
-  part of his life, to promote the subjugation of Greece under
-  the Macedonian kings, he contributed somewhat, during the
-  latter half, to lighten the severity of their dominion; and it
-  is the most honorable point in his character that he always
-  refrained from abusing their marked favor towards himself, for
-  purposes either of personal gain or of oppression over his
-  fellow-citizens. Alexander not only wrote letters to him, even
-  during the plenitude of imperial power, in terms of respectful
-  friendship, but tendered to him the largest presents—at one time
-  the sum of 100 talents, at another time the choice of four towns
-  on the coast of Asia Minor, as Xerxes gave to Themistokles. He
-  even expressed his displeasure when Phokion, refusing everything,
-  consented only to request the liberation of three Grecian
-  prisoners confined at Sardis.[829]
-
-  [829] Plutarch, Phokion, 18; Plutarch, Apophthegm. p. 188.
-
-The Lamian war and its consequences, were Phokion’s ruin. He
-continued at Athens, throughout that war, freely declaring his
-opinion against it; for it is to be remarked, that in spite of his
-known macedonizing politics, the people neither banished nor degraded
-him, but contented themselves with following the counsels of others.
-On the disastrous termination of the war, Phokion undertook the
-thankless and dishonorable function of satrap under Antipater at
-Athens, with the Macedonian garrison at Munychia to back him. He
-became the subordinate agent of a conqueror who not only slaughtered
-the chief Athenian orators, but disfranchised and deported the Demos
-in mass. Having accepted partnership and responsibility in these
-proceedings, Phokion was no longer safe except under the protection
-of a foreign prince. After the liberal proclamation issued in the
-name of the Macedonian kings, permitting the return of the banished
-Demos, he sought safety for himself, first by that treasonable
-connivance which enabled Nikanor to seize the Peiræus, next by
-courting Polysperchon the enemy of Nikanor. A voluntary expatriation
-(along with his friend the Phalerean Demetrius) would have been less
-dangerous, and less discreditable, than these manœuvres, which still
-farther darkened the close of his life, without averting from him,
-after all, the necessity of facing the restored Demos. The intense
-and unanimous wrath of the people against him is an instructive,
-though a distressing spectacle. It was directed, not against the
-man or the administrator—for in both characters Phokion had been
-blameless, except as to the last collusion with Nikanor in the
-seizure of the Peiræus—but against his public policy. It was the last
-protest of extinct Grecian freedom, speaking as it were from the
-tomb in a voice of thunder, against that fatal system of mistrust,
-inertia, self-seeking, and corruption, which had betrayed the once
-autonomous Athens to a foreign conqueror.
-
-I have already mentioned that Polysperchon with his army was in
-Phokis when Phokion was brought before him, on his march towards
-Peloponnesus. Perhaps he may have been detained by negotiation with
-the Ætolians, who embraced his alliance.[830] At any rate he was
-tardy in his march, for before he reached Attica, Kassander arrived
-at Peiræus to join Nikanor with a fleet of thirty-five ships and 4000
-soldiers obtained from Antigonus. On learning this fact, Polysperchon
-hastened his march also, and presented himself under the walls of
-Athens and Peiræus with a large force of 20,000 Macedonians, 4000
-Greek allies, 1000 cavalry, and sixty-five elephants; animals which
-were now seen for the first time in European Greece. He at first
-besieged Kassander in Peiræus, but finding it difficult to procure
-subsistence in Attica for so numerous an army, he marched with
-the larger portion into Peloponnesus, leaving his son Alexander
-with a division to make head against Kassander. Either approaching
-in person the various Peloponnesian towns—or addressing them by
-means of envoys—he enjoined the subversion of the Antipatrian
-oligarchies, and the restoration of liberty and free speech to the
-mass of the citizens.[831] In most of the towns, this revolution
-was accomplished; but in Megalopolis, the oligarchy held out; not
-only forcing Polysperchon to besiege the city, but even defending
-it against him successfully. He made two or three attempts to storm
-it, by movable towers, by undermining the walls, and even by the aid
-of elephants; but he was repulsed in all of them,[832] and obliged
-to relinquish the siege with considerable loss of reputation. His
-admiral Kleitus was soon afterwards defeated in the Propontis, with
-the loss of his whole fleet, by Nikanor (whom Kassander had sent from
-Peiræus) and Antigonus.[833]
-
-  [830] Diodor. xix. 35.
-
-  [831] Diodor. xviii. 69.
-
-  [832] Diodor. xxiii. 70, 71.
-
-  [833] Diodor. xviii. 72.
-
-After these two defeats, Polysperchon seems to have evacuated
-Peloponnesus, and to have carried his forces across the Corinthian
-Gulf into Epirus, to join Olympias. His party was greatly weakened
-all over Greece, and that of Kassander proportionally strengthened.
-The first effect of this was, the surrender of Athens. The Athenians
-in the city, including all or many of the restored exiles, could
-no longer endure that complete severance from the sea, to which
-the occupation of Peiræus and Munychia by Kassander had reduced
-them. Athens without a port was hardly tenable; in fact, Peiræus
-was considered by its great constructor, Themistokles, as more
-indispensable to the Athenians than Athens itself.[834] The
-subsistence of the people was derived in large proportion from
-imported corn, received through Peiræus; where also the trade and
-industrial operations were carried on, most of the revenue collected,
-and the arsenals, docks, ships, etc. of the state kept up. It became
-evident that Nikanor, by seizing on the Peiræus, had rendered Athens
-disarmed and helpless; so that the irreparable mischief done by
-Phokion, in conniving at that seizure, was felt more and more every
-day. Hence the Athenians, unable to capture the port themselves, and
-hopeless of obtaining it through Polysperchon, felt constrained to
-listen to the partisans of Kassander, who proposed that terms should
-be made with him. It was agreed that they should become friends and
-allies of Kassander; that they should have full enjoyment of their
-city, with the port Peiræus, their ships and revenues; that the
-exiles and deported citizens should be readmitted; that the political
-franchise should for the future be enjoyed by all citizens who
-possessed 1000 drachmæ of property and upwards; that Kassander should
-hold Munychia with a governor and garrison, until the war against
-Polysperchon was brought to a close; and that he should also name
-some one Athenian citizen, in whose hands the supreme government of
-the city should be vested. Kassander named Demetrius the Phalerean
-(_i. e._ an Athenian of the Deme Phalerum), one of the colleagues
-of Phokion; who had gone into voluntary exile since the death of
-Antipater, but had recently returned.[835]
-
-  [834] Thucyd. i. 93.
-
-  [835] Diodor. xviii. 74.
-
-This convention restored substantially at Athens the Antipatrian
-government; yet without the severities which had marked its original
-establishment—and with some modifications in various ways. It made
-Kassander virtually master of the city (as Antipater had been before
-him), by means of his governing nominee, upheld by the garrison, and
-by the fortification of Munychia; which had now been greatly enlarged
-and strengthened,[836] holding a practical command over Peiræus,
-though that port was nominally relinquished to the Athenians.
-But there was no slaughter of orators, no expulsion of citizens:
-moreover, even the minimum of 1000 drachmæ, fixed for the political
-franchise, though excluding the multitude, must have been felt as an
-improvement compared with the higher limit of 2000 drachmæ prescribed
-by Antipater. Kassander was not, like his father, at the head of an
-overwhelming force, master of Greece. He had Polysperchon in the
-field against him with a rival army and an established ascendency in
-many of the Grecian cities; it was therefore his interest to abstain
-from measures of obvious harshness towards the Athenian people.
-
-  [836] See the notice of Munychia, as it stood ten years
-  afterwards (Diodor. xx. 45).
-
-Towards this end his choice of the Phalerean Demetrius appears
-to have been judicious. That citizen continued to administer
-Athens, as satrap or despot under Kassander, for ten years. He
-was an accomplished literary man, friend both of the philosopher
-Theophrastus, who had succeeded to the school of Aristotle—and of
-the rhetor Deinarchus. He is described also as a person of expensive
-and luxurious habits; towards which he devoted the most of the
-Athenian public revenue, 1200 talents in amount, if Duris is to
-be believed. His administration is said to have been discreet and
-moderate. We know little of its details, but we are told that he made
-sumptuary laws, especially restricting the cost and ostentation of
-funerals.[837] He himself extolled his own decennial period as one
-of abundance and flourishing commerce at Athens.[838] But we learn
-from others, and the fact is highly probable, that it was a period
-of distress and humiliation, both at Athens and in other Grecian
-towns; and that Athenians, as well as others, welcomed new projects
-of colonization (such as that of Ophellas from Kyrênê) not simply
-from prospects of advantage, but also as an escape from existing
-evils.[839]
-
-  [837] Cicero, De Legg. ii. 26, 66; Strabo, ix. p. 398; Pausanias,
-  i. 25, 5. τύραννόν τε Ἀθηναίοις ἔπραξε γενέσθαι Δημήτριον, etc.
-  Duris ap. Athenæum, xii. 542. Fragm. 27. vol. iii. p. 477. Frag.
-  Hist. Græc.
-
-  The Phalerean Demetrius composed, among numerous historical,
-  philosophical, and literary works, a narrative of his own
-  decennial administration (Diogenes Laert. v. 5, 9; Strabo,
-  ib.)—περὶ τῆς δεκαετίας.
-
-  The statement of 1200 talents, as the annual revenue handled by
-  Demetrius, deserves little credit.
-
-  [838] See the Fragment of Demochares, 2. Fragment. Historic.
-  Græc. ed. Didot, vol. ii. p. 448, ap. Polyb. xii. 13. Demochares,
-  nephew of the orator Demosthenes, was the political opponent of
-  Demetrius Phalereus, whom he reproached with these boasts about
-  commercial prosperity, when the liberty and dignity of the city
-  were overthrown. To such boasts of Demetrius Phalereus probably
-  belongs the statement cited from him by Strabo (iii. p. 147)
-  about the laborious works in the Attic mines at Laureium.
-
-  [839] Diodor. xx. 40. ὥσθ᾽ ὑπελάμβανον μὴ μόνον ἐγκρατεῖς ἔσεσθαι
-  πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν παρόντων κακῶν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι.
-
-What forms of nominal democracy were kept up during this interval,
-we cannot discover. The popular judicature must have been continued
-for private suits and accusations, since Deinarchus is said to have
-been in large practice as a logographer, or composer of discourses
-for others.[840] But the fact that three hundred and sixty statues
-were erected in honor of Demetrius while his administration was
-still going on, demonstrates the gross flattery of his partisans,
-the subjection of the people, and the practical abolition of all
-free-spoken censure or pronounced opposition. We learn that, in
-some one of the ten years of his administration, a census was taken
-of the inhabitants of Attica; and that there were numbered, 21,000
-citizens, 10,000 metics, and 400,000 slaves.[841] Of this important
-enumeration we know the bare fact, without its special purpose or
-even its precise date. Perhaps some of those citizens, who had
-been banished or deported at the close of the Lamian war, may have
-returned and continued to reside at Athens. But there still seems
-to have remained, during all the continuance of the Kassandrian
-Oligarchy, a body of adverse Athenian exiles, watching for an
-opportunity of overthrowing it, and seeking aid for that purpose from
-the Ætolians and others.[842]
-
-  [840] Dionys. Halic. Judicium de Dinarcho, p. 633, 634; Plutarch,
-  Demetrius, 10. λόγῳ μὲν ὀλιγαρχικῆς, ἔργῳ δὲ μοναρχικῆς,
-  καταστάσεως γενομένης διὰ τὴν τοῦ Φαληρέως δύναμιν, etc.
-
-  [841] Ktesikles ap. Athenæum, vi. p. 272. Mr. Fynes Clinton
-  (following Wesseling), supplies the defect in the text of
-  Athenæus, so as to assign the census to the 115th Olympiad.
-  This conjecture _may_ be right, yet the reasons for it are not
-  conclusive. The census may have been either in the 116th, or
-  in the 117th Olympiad; we have no means of determining which.
-  The administration of Phalerean Demetrius covers the ten years
-  between 317 and 307 B. C. (Fast. Hell. Append. p. 388).
-
-  Mr. Clinton (ad ann. 317 B. C. Fast. Hell.) observes
-  respecting the census—“The 21,000 Athenians express those who
-  had votes in the public assembly, or all the males above the age
-  of twenty years; the 10,000 μέτοικοι described also the males of
-  full age. When the women and children are computed, the total
-  free population will be about 127,660; and 400,000 slaves, added
-  to this total, will give about 527,660 for the total population
-  of Attica.” See also the Appendix to F. H. p. 390 _seq._
-
-  This census is a very interesting fact; but our information
-  respecting it is miserably scanty, and Mr. Clinton’s
-  interpretation of the different numbers is open to some remark.
-  He cannot be right, I think, in saying—“The 21,000 Athenians
-  express those who had votes in the assembly, _or_ all the males
-  above the age of twenty years.” For we are expressly told, that
-  under the administration of Demetrius Phalereus, all persons who
-  did not possess 1000 drachmæ were excluded from the political
-  franchise; and therefore a large number of males above the age of
-  twenty years would have no vote in the assembly. Since the two
-  categories are not coincident, then, to which shall we apply the
-  number 21,000? To those who had votes? Or to the total number of
-  free citizens, voting or not voting, above the age of twenty?
-  The public assembly, during the administration of Demetrius
-  Phalereus, appears to have been of little moment or efficacy; so
-  that a distinct record, of the number of persons entitled to vote
-  in it, is not likely to have been sought.
-
-  Then again, Mr. Clinton interprets the three numbers given, upon
-  two principles totally distinct. The two first numbers (citizens
-  and metics), he considers to designate only males of full age;
-  the third number, of οἰκέται, he considers to include both sexes
-  and all ages.
-
-  This is a conjecture which I think very doubtful, in the absence
-  of farther knowledge. It implies that the enumerators take
-  account of the _slave_ women and children—but that they take no
-  account of the _free_ women and children, wives and families
-  of the citizens and metics. The number of the free women and
-  children are wholly unrecorded, on Mr. Clinton’s supposition. Now
-  if, for the purposes of the census, it was necessary to enumerate
-  the _slave_ women and children—it surely would be not less
-  necessary to enumerate the _free_ women and children.
-
-  The word οἰκέται sometimes means, not slaves only, but the
-  inmates of a family generally—free as well as slave. If such be
-  its meaning here (which however there is not evidence enough to
-  affirm), we eliminate the difficulty of supposing the slave women
-  and children to be enumerated—and the free women and children
-  _not_ to be enumerated.
-
-  We should be able to reason more confidently, if we knew the
-  purpose for which the census had been taken—whether with a view
-  to military or political measures—to finance and taxation—or to
-  the question of subsistence and importation of foreign corn (see
-  Mr. Clinton’s Fast. H. ad ann. 444 B. C., about another
-  census taken in reference to imported corn).
-
-  [842] See Dionys. Halic. Judic. de Dinarcho, p. 658 Reisk.
-
-The acquisition of Athens by Kassander, followed up by his capture
-of Panaktum and Salamis, and seconded by his moderation towards the
-Athenians, procured for him considerable support in Peloponnesus,
-whither he proceeded with his army.[843] Many of the cities,
-intimidated or persuaded, joined him and deserted Polysperchon;
-while the Spartans, now feeling for the first time their defenceless
-condition, thought it prudent to surround their city with walls.[844]
-This fact, among many others contemporaneous, testifies emphatically,
-how the characteristic sentiments of the Hellenic autonomous world
-were now dying out everywhere. The maintenance of Sparta as an
-unwalled city, was one of the deepest and most cherished of the
-Lykurgean traditions; a standing proof of the fearless bearing and
-self-confidence of the Spartans against dangers from without. The
-erection of the walls showed their own conviction, but too well borne
-out by the real circumstances around them, that the pressure of the
-foreigner had become so overwhelming as hardly to leave them even
-safety at home.
-
-  [843] Diodor. xviii. 75.
-
-  [844] Justin, xiv. 5; Diodor. xviii. 75; Pausan. vii. 8, 3;
-  Pausanias, i. 25, 5.
-
-The warfare between Kassander and Polysperchon became now embittered
-by a feud among the members of the Macedonian imperial family. King
-Philip Aridæus and his wife Eurydikê, alarmed and indignant at the
-restoration of Olympias which Polysperchon was projecting, solicited
-aid from Kassander, and tried to place the force of Macedonia at
-his disposal. In this however they failed. Olympias, assisted not
-only by Polysperchon, but by the Epirotic prince Æakides, made her
-entry into Macedonia out of Epirus, apparently in the autumn of 317
-B. C. She brought with her Roxana and her child—the widow
-and son of Alexander the Great. The Macedonian soldiers, assembled by
-Philip Aridæus and Eurydikê to resist her, were so overawed by her
-name and the recollection of Alexander, that they refused to fight,
-and thus ensured to her an easy victory. Philip and Eurydikê became
-her prisoners; the former she caused to be slain; to the latter she
-offered only an option between the sword, the halter, and poison. The
-old queen next proceeded to satiate her revenge against the family
-of Antipater. One hundred leading Macedonians, friends of Kassander,
-were put to death, together with his brother Nikanor;[845] while the
-sepulchre of his deceased brother Iollas, accused of having poisoned
-Alexander the Great, was broken up.
-
-  [845] Diodor. xix. 11; Justin, x. 14, 4; Pausanias, i. 11, 4.
-
-During the winter, Olympias remained thus completely predominant in
-Macedonia; where her position seemed strong, since her allies the
-Ætolians were masters of the pass at Thermopylæ, while Kassander
-was kept employed in Peloponnesus by the force under Alexander,
-son of Polysperchon. But Kassander, disengaging himself from these
-embarrassments, and eluding Thermopylæ by a maritime transit to
-Thessaly, seized the Perrhæbian passes before they had been put
-under guard, and entered Macedonia without resistance. Olympias,
-having no army competent to meet him in the field, was forced to shut
-herself up in the maritime fortress of Pydna, with Roxana, the child
-Alexander, and Thessalonikê daughter of her late husband Philip son
-of Amyntas.[846] Here Kassander blocked her up for several months by
-sea, as well as by land, and succeeded in defeating all the efforts
-of Polysperchon and Æakides to relieve her. In the spring of the
-ensuing year (316 B. C.), she was forced by intolerable famine
-to surrender. Kassander promised her nothing more than personal
-safety, requiring from her the surrender of the two great fortresses,
-Pella and Amphipolis, which made him master of Macedonia. Presently
-however, the relatives of those numerous victims, who had perished by
-order of Olympias, were encouraged by Kassander to demand her life in
-retribution. They found little difficulty in obtaining a verdict of
-condemnation against her from what was called a Macedonian assembly.
-Nevertheless, such was the sentiment of awe and reverence connected
-with her name, that no one except these injured men themselves could
-be found to execute the sentence. She died with a courage worthy of
-her rank and domineering character. Kassander took Thessalonikê to
-wife—confined Roxana with the child Alexander in the fortress of
-Amphipolis—where (after a certain interval) he caused both of them to
-be slain.[847]
-
-  [846] Diodor. xix. 36.
-
-  [847] Diodor. xix. 50, 51; Justin, xiv. 5; Pausan. i. 25, 5; ix.
-  7, 1.
-
-While Kassander was thus master of Macedonia—and while the imperial
-family were disappearing from the scene in that country—the defeat
-and death of Eumenes (which happened nearly at the same time as the
-capture of Olympias[848]) removed the last faithful partisan of
-that family in Asia. But at the same time, it left in the hands of
-Antigonus such overwhelming preponderance throughout Asia, that he
-aspired to become vicar and master of the entire Alexandrine empire,
-as well as to avenge upon Kassander the extirpation of the regal
-family. His power appeared indeed so formidable, that Kassander of
-Macedonia, Lysimachus of Thrace, Ptolemy of Egypt, and Seleukus of
-Babylonia, entered into a convention, which gradually ripened into an
-active alliance, against him.
-
-  [848] Even immediately before the death of Olympias, Aristonous,
-  governor of Amphipolis in her interest, considered Eumenes to be
-  still alive (Diodor. xix. 50).
-
-During the struggles between these powerful princes, Greece appears
-simply as a group of subject cities, held, garrisoned, grasped at,
-or coveted, by all of them. Polysperchon, abandoning all hopes in
-Macedonia after the death of Olympias, had been forced to take
-refuge among the Ætolians, leaving his son Alexander to make the
-best struggle that he could in Peloponnesus; so that Kassander was
-now decidedly preponderant throughout the Hellenic regions. After
-fixing himself on the throne of Macedonia, he perpetuated his own
-name by founding, on the isthmus of the peninsula of Pallênê and
-near the site where Potidæa had stood, the new city of Kassandreia;
-into which he congregated a large number of inhabitants from the
-neighborhood, and especially the remnant of the citizens of Olynthus
-and Potidæa,—towns taken and destroyed by Philip more than thirty
-years before.[849] He next marched into Peloponnesus with his army
-against Alexander son of Polysperchon. Passing through Bœotia,
-he undertook the task of restoring the city of Thebes, which had
-been destroyed twenty years previously by Alexander the Great,
-and had ever since existed only as a military post on the ancient
-citadel called Kadmeia. The other Bœotian towns, to whom the old
-Theban territory had been assigned, were persuaded or constrained
-to relinquish it; and Kassander invited from all parts of Greece
-the Theban exiles or their descendants. From sympathy with these
-exiles, and also with the ancient celebrity of the city, many Greeks,
-even from Italy and Sicily, contributed to the restoration. The
-Athenians, now administered by Demetrius Phalereus under Kassander’s
-supremacy, were particularly forward in the work; the Messenians
-and Megalopolitans, whose ancestors had owed so much to the Theban
-Epaminondas, lent strenuous aid. Thebes was re-established in the
-original area which it had occupied before Alexander’s siege; and
-was held by a Kassandrian garrison in the Kadmeia, destined for the
-mastery of Bœotia and Greece.[850]
-
-  [849] Diodor. xix. 52; Pausanias, v. 23, 2.
-
-  [850] Diodor. xix. 52, 54, 78; Pausan. ix. 7, 2-5. This seems an
-  explanation of Kassander’s proceeding, more probable than that
-  given by Pausanias; who tells us that Kassander hated the memory
-  of Alexander the Great, and wished to undo the consequences of
-  his acts. That he did so hate Alexander, is however extremely
-  credible: see Plutarch, Alexand. 74.
-
-After some stay at Thebes, Kassander advanced toward Peloponnesus.
-Alexander (son of Polysperchon) having fortified the Isthmus, he was
-forced to embark his troops with his elephants at Megara, and cross
-over the Saronic Gulf to Epidaurus. He dispossessed Alexander of
-Argos, of Messenia, and even of his position on the Isthmus, where
-he left a powerful detachment, and then returned to Macedonia.[851]
-His increasing power raised both apprehension and hatred in the
-bosom of Antigonus, who endeavored to come to terms with him, but in
-vain.[852] Kassander preferred the alliance with Ptolemy, Seleukus,
-and Lysimachus—against Antigonus, who was now master of nearly
-the whole of Asia, inspiring common dread to all of them.[853]
-Accordingly, from Asia to Peloponnesus, with arms and money Antigonus
-despatched the Milesian Aristodemus to strengthen Alexander against
-Kassander; whom he further denounced as an enemy of the Macedonian
-name, because he had slain Olympias, imprisoned the other members of
-the regal family, and re-established the Olynthian exiles. He caused
-the absent Kassander to be condemned by what was called a Macedonian
-assembly, upon these and other charges.
-
-  [851] Diodor. xix. 54.
-
-  [852] Diodor. xix. 56.
-
-  [853] Diodor. xix. 57.
-
-Antigonus farther proclaimed, by the voice of this assembly, that all
-the Greeks should be free, self-governing, and exempt from garrisons
-or military occupation.[854] It was expected that these brilliant
-promises would enlist partisans in Greece against Kassander;
-accordingly Ptolemy ruler of Egypt, one of the enemies of Antigonus,
-thought fit to issue similar proclamations a few months afterwards,
-tendering to the Greeks the same boon from himself.[855] These
-promises, neither executed, not intended to be executed, by either
-of the kings, appear to have produced little or no effect upon the
-Greeks.
-
-  [854] Diodor. xix. 61.
-
-  [855] Diodor. xix. 62.
-
-The arrival of Aristodemus in Peloponnesus had re-animated the party
-of Alexander, (son of Polysperchon), against whom Kassander was again
-obliged to bring his full forces from Macedonia. Though successful
-against Alexander at Argos, Orchomenus, and other places, Kassander
-was not able to crush him, and presently thought it prudent to gain
-him over. He offered to him the separate government of Peloponnesus,
-though in subordination to himself: Alexander accepted the offer,
-becoming Kassander’s ally[856]—and carried on war, jointly with him,
-against Aristodemus, with varying success, until he was presently
-assassinated by some private enemies. Nevertheless his widow
-Kratesipolis, a woman of courage and energy, still maintained herself
-in considerable force at Sikyon.[857] Kassander’s most obstinate
-enemies were the Ætolians, of whom we now first hear formal mention
-as a substantive confederacy.[858] These Ætolians became the allies
-of Antigonus as they had been before of Polysperchon, extending
-their predatory ravages even as far as Attica. Protected against
-foreign garrisons, partly by their rude and fierce habits, partly by
-their mountainous territory, they were almost the only Greeks who
-could still be called free. Kassander tried to keep them in check
-through their neighbors the Akarnanians, whom he induced to adopt a
-more concentrated habit of residence, consolidating their numerous
-petty townships into a few considerable towns,—Stratus, Sauria, and
-Agrinium—convenient posts for Macedonian garrisons. He also made
-himself master of Leukas, Apollonia, and Epidamnus, defeating the
-Illyrian king Glaukias, so that his dominion now extended across from
-the Thermaic to the Adriatic Gulf.[859] His general Philippus gained
-two important victories over the Ætolians and Epirots, forcing the
-former to relinquish some of their most accessible towns.[860]
-
-  [856] Diodor. xix. 63, 64.
-
-  [857] Diodor. xix. 62, 67.
-
-  [858] Diodor. xix. 66. Ἀριστόδημος, ~ἐπὶ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν~
-  δικαιολογησάμενος, προετρέψατο τὰ πλήθη βοηθεῖν τοῖς Ἀντιγόνου
-  πράγμασιν, etc.
-
-  [859] Diodor. xix. 67, 68; Justin, xv. 2. See Brandstäter,
-  Geschichte des Ætolischen Volkes und Bundes, p. 178 (Berlin,
-  1844).
-
-  [860] Diodor. xix. 74.
-
-The power of Antigonus in Asia underwent a material diminution,
-by the successful and permanent establishment which Seleukus now
-acquired in Babylonia; from which event the era of the succeeding
-Seleukidæ takes its origin. In Greece, however, Antigonus gained
-ground on Kassander. He sent thither his nephew Ptolemy with a
-large force to liberate the Greeks, or in other words, to expel
-the Kassandrian garrisons; while he at the same time distracted
-Kassander’s attention by threatening to cross the Hellespont and
-invade Macedonia. This Ptolemy (not the Egyptian) expelled the
-soldiers of Kassander from Eubœa, Bœotia, and Phokis. Chalkis in
-Eubœa was at this time the chief military station of Kassander;
-Thebes (which he had recently re-established) was in alliance with
-him; but the remaining Bœotian towns were hostile to him. Ptolemy,
-having taken Chalkis—the citizens of which he conciliated by
-leaving them without any garrison—together with Oropus, Eretria,
-and Karystus—entered Attica and presented himself before Athens. So
-much disposition to treat with him was manifested in the city, that
-Demetrius the Phalerean was obliged to gain time by pretending to
-open negotiations with Antigonus, while Ptolemy withdrew from Attica.
-Nearly at the same epoch, Apollonia, Epidamnus, and Leukas, found
-means, assisted by an armament from Korkyra, to drive out Kassander’s
-garrisons, and to escape from his dominion.[861] The affairs of
-Antigonus were now prospering in Greece, but they were much thrown
-back by the discontent and treachery of his admiral Telesphorus,
-who seized Elis and even plundered the sacred treasures of Olympia.
-Ptolemy presently put him down, and restored these treasures to the
-god.[862]
-
-  [861] Diodor. xix. 77, 78, 89.
-
-  [862] Diodor. xix. 87.
-
-In the ensuing year, a convention was concluded between Antigonus,
-on one side—and Kassander, Ptolemy (the Egyptian) and Lysimachus, on
-the other, whereby the supreme command in Macedonia was guaranteed
-to Kassander, until the maturity of Alexander son of Roxana; Thrace
-being at the same time assured to Lysimachus, Egypt to Ptolemy, and
-the whole of Asia to Antigonus. It was at the same time covenanted
-by all, that the Hellenic cities should be free.[863] Towards the
-execution of this last clause, however, nothing was actually done.
-Nor does it appear that the treaty had any other effect, except to
-inspire Kassander with increased jealousy about Roxana and her child;
-both of whom (as has been already stated) he caused to be secretly
-assassinated soon afterwards, by the governor Glaukias, in the
-fortress of Amphipolis, where they had been confined.[864] The forces
-of Antigonus, under his general Ptolemy, still remained in Greece.
-But this general presently (310 B. C.) revolted from Antigonus, and
-placed them in co-operation with Kassander; while Ptolemy of Egypt,
-accusing Antigonus of having contravened the treaty by garrisoning
-various Grecian cities, renewed the war and the triple alliance
-against him.[865]
-
-  [863] Diodor. xix. 105.
-
-  [864] Diodor. xix. 105.
-
-  [865] Diodor. xx. 19.
-
-Polysperchon,—who had hitherto maintained a local dominion over
-various parts of Peloponnesus, with a military force distributed
-in Messênê and other towns[866]—was now encouraged by Antigonus to
-espouse the cause of Herakles (son of Alexander by Barsinê), and to
-place him on the throne of Macedonia in opposition to Kassander.
-This young prince Herakles, now seventeen years of age, was sent
-to Greece from Pergamus in Asia, and his pretensions to the throne
-were assisted not only by a considerable party in Macedonia itself,
-but also by the Ætolians. Polysperchon invaded Macedonia, with
-favorable prospects of establishing the young prince; yet he thought
-it advantageous to accept treacherous propositions from Kassander,
-who offered to him partnership in the sovereignty of Macedonia, with
-an independent army and dominion in Peloponnesus. Polysperchon,
-tempted by these offers, assassinated the young prince Herakles,
-and withdrew his army towards Peloponnesus. But he found such
-unexpected opposition, in his march through Bœotia, from Bœotians and
-Peloponnesians, that he was forced to take up his winter quarters
-in Lokris[867] (309 B. C.). From this time forward, as far
-as we can make out, he commanded in Southern Greece as subordinate
-ally or partner of Kassander;[868] whose Macedonian dominion, thus
-confirmed, seems to have included Akarnania and Amphilochia on the
-Ambrakian Gulf, together with the town of Ambrakia itself, and a
-supremacy over many of the Epirots.
-
-  [866] Messênê was garrisoned by Polysperchon (Diodor. xix. 64).
-
-  [867] Diodor. xx. 28; Trogus Pompeius—Proleg. ad Justin. xv.
-  Justin. xv. 2.
-
-  [868] Diodor. xx. 100-103; Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 6. King Pyrrhus
-  was of προγόνων ἀεὶ δεδουλευκότων Μακεδόσι—at least this was the
-  reproach of Lysimachus (Plutarch, Phyrrhus, 12).
-
-The assassination of Herakles was speedily followed by that of
-Kleopatra, sister of Alexander the Great, and daughter of Philip
-and Olympias. She had been for some time at Sardis, nominally at
-liberty, yet under watch by the governor, who received his orders
-from Antigonus; she was now preparing to quit that place, for the
-purpose of joining Ptolemy in Egypt, and of becoming his wife. She
-had been invoked as auxiliary, or courted in marriage, by several
-of the great Macedonian chiefs, without any result. Now, however,
-Antigonus, afraid of the influence which her name might throw into
-the scale of his rival Ptolemy, caused her to be secretly murdered
-as she was preparing for her departure; throwing the blame of the
-deed on some of her women, whom he punished with death.[869] All
-the relatives of Alexander the Great (except Thessalonikê wife
-of Kassander, daughter of Philip by a Thessalian mistress) thus
-successively perished, and all by the orders of one or other among
-his principal officers. The imperial family, with the prestige of its
-name, thus came to an end.
-
-  [869] Diodor. xx. 37 compare Justin, xiii. 6; xiv. 1.
-
-Ptolemy of Egypt now set sail for Greece with a powerful armament. He
-acquired possession of the important cities—Sikyon and Corinth—which
-were handed over to him by Kratesipolis, widow of Alexander son of
-Polysperchon. He then made known by proclamation his purpose as a
-liberator, inviting aid from the Peloponnesian cities themselves
-against the garrisons of Kassander. From some he received encouraging
-answers and promises; but none of them made any movement, or seconded
-him by armed demonstrations. He thought it prudent therefore to
-conclude a truce with Kassander and retire from Greece, leaving
-however secure garrisons in Sikyon and Corinth.[870] The Grecian
-cities had now become tame and passive. Feeling their own incapacity
-of self-defence, and averse to auxiliary efforts, which brought upon
-them enmity without any prospect of advantage—they awaited only the
-turns of foreign interference and the behests of the potentates
-around them.
-
-  [870] Diodor. xx. 37.
-
-The Grecian ascendency of Kassander, however, was in the following
-year exposed to a graver shock than it had ever yet encountered—by
-the sudden invasion of Demetrius called Poliorketes, son of
-Antigonus. This young prince, sailing from Ephesus with a formidable
-armament, contrived to conceal his purposes so closely, that he
-actually entered the harbor of Peiræus (on the 26th of the month
-Thargelion—May) without expectation, or resistance from any one;
-his fleet being mistaken for the fleet of the Egyptian Ptolemy. The
-Phalerean Demetrius, taken unawares, and attempting too late to guard
-the harbor, found himself compelled to leave it in possession of the
-enemy, and to retire within the walls of Athens; while Dionysius,
-the Kassandrian governor, maintained himself with his garrison
-in Munychia, yet without any army competent to meet the invaders
-in the field. This accomplished Phalerean, who had administered
-for ten years as the viceroy and with the force of Kassander, now
-felt his position and influence at Athens overthrown, and even his
-personal safety endangered. He with other Athenians went as envoys
-on the ensuing day to ascertain what terms would be granted. The
-young prince ostentatiously proclaimed, that it was the intention
-of his father Antigonus and himself to restore and guarantee to the
-Athenians unqualified freedom and autonomy. Hence the Phalerean
-Demetrius foresaw that his internal opponents, condemned as they
-had been to compulsory silence during the last ten years, would now
-proclaim themselves with irresistible violence, so that there was no
-safety for him except in retreat. He accordingly asked and obtained
-permission from the invader to retire to Thebes, from whence he
-passed over soon after to Ptolemy in Egypt. The Athenians in the city
-declared in favor of Demetrius Poliorketes; who however refused to
-enter the walls until he should have besieged and captured Munychia,
-as well as Megara, with their Kassandrian garrisons. In a short
-time he accomplished both these objects. Indeed energy, skill, and
-effective use of engines, in besieging fortified places, were among
-the most conspicuous features in his character; procuring for him the
-surname whereby he is known to history. He proclaimed the Megarians
-free, levelling to the ground the fortifications of Munychia, as an
-earnest to the Athenians that they should be relieved for the future
-from all foreign garrison.[871]
-
-  [871] Philochor. Fragm. 144, ed. Didot; Diodor. xx. 45, 46;
-  Plutarch, Demetrius, 8, 9. The occupation of Peiræus by Demetrius
-  Poliorketes is related somewhat differently by Polyænus, iv. 7,
-  6.
-
-After these successes, Demetrius Poliorketes made his triumphant
-entry into Athens. He announced to the people, in formal assembly,
-that they were now again a free democracy, liberated from all
-dominion either of soldiers from abroad or oligarchs at home. He
-also promised them a farther boon from his father Antigonus and
-himself—150,000 medimni of corn for distribution, and ship-timber
-in quantity sufficient for constructing 100 triremes. Both these
-announcements were received with grateful exultation. The feelings
-of the people were testified not merely in votes of thanks and
-admiration towards the young conqueror, but in effusions of
-unmeasured and exorbitant flattery. Stratokles (who has already been
-before us as one of the accusers of Demosthenes in the Harpalian
-affair) with others exhausted their invention in devising new
-varieties of compliment and adulation. Antigonus and Demetrius
-were proclaimed to be not only kings, but gods and saviors: a high
-priest of these saviors was to be annually chosen, after whom each
-successive year was to be named (instead of being named after the
-first of the nine Archons, as had hitherto been the custom), and the
-dates of decrees and contracts commemorated; the month Munychion was
-re-named as Demetrion—two new tribes, to be called Antigonis and
-Demetrias, were constituted in addition to the preceding ten:—the
-annual senate was appointed to consist of 600 members instead of
-500; the portraits and exploits of Antigonus and Demetrius were to
-be woven, along with those of Zeus and Athênê, into the splendid and
-voluminous robe periodically carried in procession, as an offering
-at the Panathenaic festival; the spot of ground where Demetrius had
-alighted from his chariot, was consecrated with an altar erected in
-honor of Demetrius Katæbates or the Descender. Several other similar
-votes were passed, recognizing, and worshipping as gods, the saviors
-Antigonus and Demetrius. Nay, we are told that temples or altars
-were voted to Phila-Aphroditê, in honor of Phila wife of Demetrius;
-and a like compliment was paid to his two mistresses, Leæna and
-Lamia. Altars are said to have been also dedicated to Adeimantus and
-others, his convivial companions or flatterers.[872] At the same
-time the numerous statues which had been erected in honor of the
-Phalerean Demetrius during his decennial government, were overthrown,
-and some of them even turned to ignoble purposes, in order to cast
-greater scorn upon the past ruler.[873] The demonstrations of
-servile flattery at Athens, towards Demetrius Poliorketes, were in
-fact so extravagantly overdone, that he himself is said to have
-been disgusted with them, and to have expressed contempt for these
-degenerate Athenians of his own time.[874]
-
-  [872] Plutarch, Demetrius, 9-11; Diodor. xx. 47; Demochares ap.
-  Athenæum, vi. p. 253.
-
-  [873] Diogen. Laert. v, 77. Among the numerous literary works
-  (all lost) of the Phalerean Demetrius, one was entitled Ἀθηναίων
-  καταδρομή (ib. v. 82).
-
-  [874] Demochares ap. Athenæum, vi. p. 253.
-
-In reviewing such degrading proceedings, we must recollect that
-thirty-one years had now elapsed since the battle of Chæroneia,
-and that during all this time the Athenians had been under the
-practical ascendancy, and constantly augmenting pressure, of foreign
-potentates. The sentiment of this dependence on Macedonia had been
-continually strengthened by all the subsequent events—by the capture
-and destruction of Thebes, and the subsequent overwhelming conquests
-of Alexander—by the deplorable conclusion of the Lamian war, the
-slaughter of the free-spoken orators, the death of the energetic
-military leaders, and the deportation of Athenian citizens—lastly,
-by the continued presence of a Macedonian garrison in Peiræus or
-Munychia. By Phokion, Demetrius Phalereus, and the other leading
-statesmen of this long period, submission to Macedonia had been
-inculcated as a virtue, while the recollection of the dignity and
-grandeur of old autonomous Athens had been effaced or denounced as
-a mischievous dream. The fifteen years between the close of the
-Lamian war and the arrival of Demetrius Poliorketes (322-307 B.
-C.), had witnessed no free play, nor public discussion and
-expression, of conflicting opinions; the short period during which
-Phokion was condemned must be excepted, but that lasted only long
-enough to give room for the outburst of a preconceived but suppressed
-antipathy.
-
-During this thirty years, of which the last half had been an
-aggravation of the first, a new generation of Athenians had grown
-up, accustomed to an altered phase of political existence. How
-few of those who received Demetrius Poliorketes, had taken part in
-the battle of Chæroneia, or listened to the stirring exhortations
-of Demosthenes in the war which preceded that disaster![875] Of
-the citizens who yet retained courage and patriotism to struggle
-again for their freedom after the death of Alexander, how many must
-have perished with Leosthenes in the Lamian war! The Athenians of
-307 B. C. had come to conceive their own city, and Hellas
-generally, as dependent first on Kassander, next on the possible
-intervention of his equally overweening rivals, Ptolemy, Antigonus,
-Lysimachus, etc. If they shook off the yoke of one potentate, it
-could only be by the protectorate of another. The sentiment of
-political self-reliance and autonomy had fled; the conception of a
-citizen military force, furnished by confederate and co-operating
-cities, had been superseded by the spectacle of vast standing armies,
-organized by the heirs of Alexander and of his traditions.
-
-  [875] Tacitus, Annal. i. 3. “Juniores post Actiacam victoriam,
-  seniores plerique inter bella civium nati: quotusquisque
-  reliquus, qui rempublicam vidisset?”
-
-Two centuries before (510 B. C.), when the Lacedæmonians
-expelled the despot Hippias and his mercenaries from Athens, there
-sprang up at once among the Athenian people a forward and devoted
-patriotism, which made them willing to brave, and competent to avert,
-all dangers in defence of their newly-acquired liberty.[876] At that
-time, the enemies by whom they were threatened were Lacedæmonians,
-Thebans, Æginetans, Chalkidians, and the like (for the Persian force
-did not present itself until after some interval, and attacked not
-Athens alone, but Greece collectively). These hostile forces, though
-superior in number and apparent value to those of Athens, were yet
-not so disproportionate as to engender hopelessness and despair.
-Very different were the facts in 307 B. C., when Demetrius
-Poliorketes removed the Kassandrian mercenaries with their fortress
-Munychia, and proclaimed Athens free. To maintain that freedom by
-their own strength—in opposition to the evident superiority of
-organized force residing in the potentates around, one or more
-of whom had nearly all Greece under military occupation,—was an
-enterprise too hopeless to have been attempted even by men such as
-the combatants of Marathon or the contemporaries of Perikles. “Who
-would be free, themselves must strike the blow!” but the Athenians
-had not force enough to strike it; and the liberty proclaimed by
-Demetrius Poliorketes was a boon dependent upon him for its extent
-and even for its continuance. The Athenian assembly of that day was
-held under his army as masters of Attica, as it had been held a few
-months before under the controlling force of the Phalerean Demetrius
-together with the Kassandrian governor of Munychia; and the most
-fulsome votes of adulation proposed in honor of Demetrius Poliorketes
-by his partisans, though perhaps disapproved by many, would hardly
-find a single pronounced opponent.
-
-  [876] Herodotus, v. 78.
-
-One man, however, there was, who ventured to oppose several of
-the votes—the nephew of Demosthenes—Demochares; who deserves to
-be commemorated as the last known spokesman of free Athenian
-citizenship. We know only that such were his general politics, and
-that his opposition to the obsequious rhetor Stratokles ended in
-banishment, four years afterwards.[877] He appears to have discharged
-the functions of general during this period—to have been active
-in strengthening the fortifications and military equipment of the
-city—and to have been employed in occasional missions.[878]
-
-  [877] Plutarch, Demetr. 24.
-
-  [878] Polybius, xii. 13; Decretum apud Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt.
-  p. 851.
-
-The altered politics of Athens were manifested by impeachment
-against Demetrius Phalereus and other leading partisans of the
-late Kassandrian government. He and many others had already gone
-into voluntary exile; when their trials came on, they were not
-forthcoming, and all were condemned to death. But all those who
-remained, and presented themselves for trial, were acquitted;[879]
-so little was there of reactionary violence on this occasion.
-Stratokles also proposed a decree, commemorating the orator Lykurgus
-(who had been dead about seventeen years) by a statue, an honorary
-inscription, and a grant of maintenance in the Prytaneum to his
-eldest surviving descendant.[880] Among those who accompanied
-the Phalerean Demetrius into exile was the rhetor or logographer
-Deinarchus.
-
-  [879] Philochori Fragm. 144, ed. Didot, ap. Dionys. Hal. p. 636.
-
-  [880] Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 842-852. Lykurgus at his death
-  (about 324 B. C.) left three sons, who are said, shortly
-  after his death, to have been prosecuted by Menesæchmus, and
-  put in prison (“handed over to the Eleven”). But Thrasykles,
-  supported by Demokles, stood forward on their behalf; and
-  Demosthenes, then in banishment at Trœzen, wrote emphatic
-  remonstrances to the Athenians against such unworthy treatment of
-  the sons of a distinguished patriot. Accordingly the Athenians
-  soon repented and released them.
-
-  This is what we find stated in Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 842.
-  The third of the so-called Demosthenic Epistles purports to be
-  the letter written on this subject by Demosthenes.
-
-  The harsh treatment of the sons of Lykurgus (whatever it may have
-  amounted to, and whatever may have been its ground) certainly did
-  not last long; for in the next page of the very same Plutarchian
-  life (p. 843), an account is given of the family of Lykurgus,
-  which was ancient and sacerdotal; and it is there stated that his
-  sons after his death fully sustained the dignified position of
-  the family.
-
-  On what ground they were accused, we cannot make out. According
-  to the Demosthenic epistle (which epistles I have before stated
-  that I do not believe to be authentic), it was upon some
-  allegation, which, if valid at all, ought to have been urged
-  against Lykurgus himself during his life (p. 1477, 1478); but
-  Lykurgus had been always honorably acquitted, and always held
-  thoroughly estimable, up to the day of his death (p. 1475).
-
-The friendship of this obnoxious Phalerean, and of Kassander also,
-towards the philosopher Theophrastus, seems to have been one main
-cause which occasioned the enactment of a restrictive law against
-the liberty of philosophizing. It was decreed, on the proposition of
-a citizen named Sophokles, that no philosopher should be allowed to
-open a school or teach, except under special sanction obtained from a
-vote of the Senate and people. Such was the disgust and apprehension
-occasioned by the new restriction, that all the philosophers with
-one accord left Athens. This spirited protest, against authoritative
-restriction on the liberty of philosophy and teaching, found
-responsive sympathy among the Athenians. The celebrity of the schools
-and professors was in fact the only characteristic mark of dignity
-still remaining to them—when their power had become extinct, and
-when even their independence and free constitution had degenerated
-into a mere name. It was moreover the great temptation for young
-men, coming from all parts of Greece, to visit Athens. Accordingly,
-a year had hardly passed, when Philon, impeaching Sophokles the
-author of the law, under the Graphê Paranomôn, prevailed on the
-Dikastery to find him guilty, and condemn him to a fine of five
-talents. The restrictive law being thus repealed, the philosophers
-returned.[881] It is remarkable that Demochares stood forward as one
-of its advocates; defending Sophokles against the accuser Philon.
-From scanty notices remaining of the speech of Demochares, we gather
-that, while censuring the opinions no less than the characters of
-Plato and Aristotle, he denounced yet more bitterly their pupils, as
-being for the most part ambitious, violent, and treacherous men. He
-cited by name several among them, who had subverted the freedom of
-their respective cities, and committed gross outrages against their
-fellow-citizens.[882]
-
-  [881] Diogen. Laert. v. 38. It is probably to this return of the
-  philosophers that the φυγάδων κάθοδος mentioned by Philochorus,
-  as foreshadowed by the omen in the Acropolis, alludes
-  (Philochorus, Frag. 145, ed. Didot, ap Dionys. Hal. p. 637).
-
-  [882] See the few fragments of Demochares collected in Fragmenta
-  Historicorum Græcorum, ed. Didot, vol. ii. p. 445, with the notes
-  of Carl Müller.
-
-  See likewise Athenæus, xiii. 610, with the fragment from the
-  comic writer Alexis. It is there stated that Lysimachus also,
-  king of Thrace, had banished the philosophers from his dominions.
-
-  Demochares might find (besides the persons named in Athenæ. v.
-  21, xi. 508) other authentic examples of pupils of Plato and
-  Isokrates who had been atrocious and sanguinary tyrants in their
-  native cities—see the case of Klearchus of Herakleia, Memnon ap.
-  Photium, Cod. 224. cap. 1. Chion and Leonides, the two young
-  citizens who slew Klearchus, and who perished in endeavoring to
-  liberate their country—were also pupils of Plato (Justin, xvi.
-  5). In fact, aspiring youths, of all varieties of purpose, were
-  likely to seek this mode of improvement. (Alexander the Great,
-  too, the very impersonation of subduing force, had been the pupil
-  of Aristotle).
-
-Athenian envoys were despatched to Antigonus in Asia, to testify the
-gratitude of the people, and communicate the recent complimentary
-votes. Antigonus not only received them graciously, but sent to
-Athens, according to the promise made by his son, a large present of
-150,000 medimni of wheat, with timber sufficient for 100 ships. He
-at the same time directed Demetrius to convene at Athens a synod of
-deputies from the allied Grecian cities, where resolutions might be
-taken for the common interests of Greece.[883] It was his interest
-at this moment to raise up a temporary self-sustaining authority
-in Greece, for the purpose of upholding the alliance with himself,
-during the absence of Demetrius; whom he was compelled to summon into
-Asia with his army—requiring his services for the war against Ptolemy
-in Syria and Cyprus.
-
-  [883] Diodor. xx. 46.
-
-The following three years were spent by Demetrius—1. In victorious
-operations near Cyprus, defeating Ptolemy and making himself master
-of that island; after which Antigonus and Demetrius assumed the
-title of kings, and the example was followed by Ptolemy, in Egypt—by
-Lysimachus, in Thrace—and by Seleukus in Babylonia, Mesopotamia,
-and Syria[884]—thus abolishing even the titular remembrance of
-Alexander’s family. 2. In an unsuccessful invasion of Egypt by land
-and sea, repulsed with great loss. 3. In the siege of Rhodes. The
-brave and intelligent citizens of this island resisted for more
-than a year the most strenuous attacks and the most formidable
-siege-equipments of Demetrius Poliorketes. All their efforts
-however would have been vain had they not been assisted by large
-reinforcements and supplies from Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Kassander.
-Such are the conditions under which alone even the most resolute
-and intelligent Greeks can now retain their circumscribed sphere of
-autonomy. The siege was at length terminated by a compromise; the
-Rhodians submitted to enrol themselves as allies of Demetrius, yet
-under proviso not to act against Ptolemy.[885] Towards the latter
-they carried their grateful devotion so far, as to erect a temple to
-him, called the Ptolemæum, and to worship him (under the sanction
-of the oracle of Ammon) as a god.[886] Amidst the rocks and shoals
-through which Grecian cities were now condemned to steer, menaced on
-every side by kings more powerful than themselves, and afterwards by
-the giant-republic of Rome—the Rhodians conducted their political
-affairs with greater prudence and dignity than any other Grecian city.
-
-  [884] Diodor. xx. 53; Plutarch, Demetr. 18.
-
-  [885] Diodor. xx. 99. Probably this proviso extended also to
-  Lysimachus and Kassander (both of whom had assisted Rhodes) as
-  well as to Ptolemy—though Diodorus does not expressly say so.
-
-  [886] Diodor. xx. 100.
-
-Shortly after the departure of Demetrius from Greece to Cyprus,
-Kassander and Polysperchon renewed the war in Peloponnesus and its
-neighborhood.[887] We make out no particulars respecting this war.
-The Ætolians were in hostility with Athens, and committed annoying
-depredations.[888] The fleet of Athens, repaired or increased by
-the timber received from Antigonus, was made to furnish thirty
-quadriremes to assist Demetrius in Cyprus, and was employed in
-certain operations near the island of Amorgos, wherein it suffered
-defeat.[889] But we can discover little respecting the course of the
-war, except that Kassander gained ground upon the Athenians, and
-that about the beginning of 303 B. C., he was blockading
-or threatening to blockade, Athens. The Athenians invoked the
-aid of Demetrius Poliorketes, who, having recently concluded an
-accommodation with the Rhodians, came again across from Asia, with
-a powerful fleet and army, to Aulis in Bœotia.[890] He was received
-at Athens with demonstrations of honor equal or superior to those
-which had marked his previous visit. He seems to have passed a year
-and a half, partly at Athens, partly in military operations carried
-successfully over many parts of Greece. He compelled the Bœotians
-to evacuate the Eubœan city of Chalkis, and to relinquish their
-alliance with Kassander. He drove that prince out of Attica—expelled
-his garrisons from the two frontier fortresses of Attica,—Phylê
-and Panaktum—and pursued him as far as Thermopylæ. He captured, or
-obtained by bribing the garrisons, the important towns of Corinth,
-Argos, and Sikyon; mastering also Ægium, Bura, all the Arcadian towns
-(except Mantineia), and various other towns in Peloponnesus.[891] He
-celebrated, as president, the great festival of the Heræa at Argos;
-on which occasion he married Deidameia, sister of Pyrrhus, the young
-king of Epirus. He prevailed on the Sikyonians to transfer to a
-short distance the site of their city, conferring upon the new city
-the name of Demetrias.[892] At a Grecian synod, convened in Corinth
-under his own letters of invitation, he received by acclamation
-the appointment of leader or Emperor of the Greeks, as it had been
-conferred on Philip and Alexander. He even extended his attacks
-as far as Leukas and Korkyra. The greater part of Greece seems to
-have been either occupied by his garrisons, or enlisted among his
-subordinates.
-
-  [887] Diodor. xx. 100.
-
-  [888] That the Ætolians were just now most vexatious enemies to
-  Athens, may be seen by the Ithyphallic ode addressed to Demetrius
-  Poliorketes (Athenæus, vi. p. 253).
-
-  [889] Diodor. xx. 50; Plutarch, Demetr. 11. In reference to this
-  defeat near Amorgos, Stratokles (the complaisant orator who
-  moved the votes of flattery towards Demetrius and Antigonus) is
-  said to have announced it first as a victory, to the great joy
-  of the people. Presently evidences of the defeat arrived, and
-  the people were angry with Stratokles. “What harm has happened
-  to you? (replied he)—have you not had two days of pleasure and
-  satisfaction?” This is at any rate a very good story.
-
-  [890] Diodor. xx. 100; Plutarch, Demetr. 23.
-
-  [891] Diodor. xx. 102, 103; Plutarch, Demetr. 23-25.
-
-  [892] Diodor. xx. 102; Plutarch, Demetr. 25; Pausanias, ii. 7, 1.
-  The city was withdrawn partially from the sea, and approximated
-  closely to the acropolis. The new city remained permanently: but
-  the new name Demetrias gave place to the old name Sikyon.
-
-So much was Kassander intimidated by these successes, that he sent
-envoys to Asia, soliciting peace from Antigonus; who, however,
-elate and full of arrogance, refused to listen to any terms short
-of surrender at discretion. Kassander, thus driven to despair,
-renewed his applications to Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleukus. All
-these princes felt equally menaced by the power and dispositions of
-Antigonus—and all resolved upon an energetic combination to put him
-down.[893]
-
-  [893] Diodor. xx. 106
-
-  After uninterrupted prosperity in Greece, throughout the summer
-  of 302 B. C., Demetrius returned from Leukas to Athens,
-  about the month of September, near the time of the Eleusinian
-  mysteries.[894] He was welcomed by festive processions,
-  hymns, pæans, choric dances, and bacchanalian odes of joyous
-  congratulation. One of these hymns is preserved, sung by a
-  chorus of Ithyphalli—masked revellers, with their heads and arms
-  encircled by wreaths,—clothed in white tunics, and in feminine
-  garments reaching almost to the feet.[895]
-
-  [894] That he returned from Leukas about the time of these
-  mysteries, is attested both by Demochares and by the Ithyphallic
-  ode in Athenæus, vi. p. 253. See also Duris ap. Athenæ, xii. p.
-  535.
-
-  [895] Semus ap. Athenæum, xiv. p. 622.
-
-This song is curious, as indicating the hopes and fears prevalent
-among Athenians of that day, and as affording a measure of their
-self-appreciation. It is moreover among the latest Grecian documents
-that we possess, bearing on actual and present reality. The poet,
-addressing Demetrius as a god, boasts that two of the greatest
-and best-beloved of all divine beings are visiting Attica at the
-same moment—Demeter (coming for the season of her mysteries), and
-Demetrius, son of Poseidon and Aphroditê. “To thee we pray (the hymn
-proceeds); for other gods are either afar off—or have no ears—or do
-not exist—or care nothing about us; but _thee_ we see before us,
-not in wood or marble, but in real presence. First of all things,
-establish peace; for thou hast the power—and chastise that Sphinx who
-domineers, not merely over Thebes, but over all Greece—the Ætolian,
-who, (like the old Sphinx) rushes from his station on the rock to
-snatch and carry away our persons, and against whom we cannot fight.
-At all times, the Ætolians robbed their neighbors; but now, they rob
-far as well as near.[896]”
-
-  [896] Athenæus, vi. p. 253.
-
-    Ἄλλοι μὲν ἢ μακρὰν γὰρ ἀπέχουσιν θεοὶ,
-      ἢ οὐκ ἔχουσιν ὦτα,
-    ἢ οὐκ εἰσὶν, ἢ οὐ προσέχουσιν ἡμῖν οὐδὲ ἕν·
-      σὲ δὲ παρόνθ᾽ ὁρῶμεν,
-    οὐ ξύλινον, οὐδὲ λίθινον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀληθινόν.
-      Εὐχόμεσθα δὴ σοί·
-    πρῶτον μὲν εἰρήνην ποιῆσον, φίλτατε,
-      κύριος γὰρ εἶ σύ.
-    Τὴν δ᾽ οὐχὶ Θηβῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλης τῆς Ἑλλάδος,
-      Σφίγγα περικρατοῦσαν,
-    Αἰτωλὸς ὅστις ἐπὶ πέτρας καθήμενος,
-      ὥσπερ ἡ παλαιὰ,
-    τὰ σώμαθ᾽ ἡμῶν πάντ᾽ ἀναρπάσας φέρει,
-      ~κοὐκ ἔχω μάχεσθαι~·
-    Αἰτωλικὸν γὰρ ἁρπάσαι τὰ τῶν πέλας,
-      νυνὶ δὲ καὶ τὰ πόῤῥω—
-    μάλιστα μὲν δὴ κόλασον αὐτὸς· εἰ δὲ μὴ,
-      Οἰδίπουν τιν᾽ εὗρε,
-    τὴν Σφίγγα ταύτην ὅστις ἢ κατακρημνιεῖ,
-      ἢ σπίνον ποιήσει.
-
-Effusions such as these, while displaying unmeasured idolatry and
-subservience towards Demetrius, are yet more remarkable, as betraying
-a loss of force, a senility, and a consciousness of defenceless
-and degraded position, such as we are astonished to find publicly
-proclaimed at Athens. It is not only against the foreign potentates
-that the Athenians avow themselves incapable of self-defence, but
-even against the incursions of the Ætolians.—Greeks like themselves,
-though warlike, rude, and restless.[897] When such were the feelings
-of a people, once the most daring, confident, and organizing—and
-still the most intelligent—in Greece, we may see that the history of
-the Greeks as a separate nation or race is reaching its close—and
-that from henceforward they must become merged in one or other of the
-stronger currents that surround them.
-
-  [897] Compare Pausanias, vii. 7, 4.
-
-After his past successes, Demetrius passed some months in enjoyment
-and luxury at Athens. He was lodged in the Parthenon, being
-considered as the guest of the goddess Athênê. But his dissolute
-habits provoked the louder comments, from being indulged in such a
-domicile; while the violences which he offered to beautiful youths
-of good family led to various scenes truly tragical. The subservient
-manifestations of the Athenians towards him, however, continued
-unabated. It is even affirmed, that, in order to compensate for
-something which he had taken amiss, they passed a formal decree,
-on the proposition of Stratokles, declaring that every thing which
-Demetrius might command was holy in regard to the gods, and just in
-regard to men.[898] The banishment of Demochares is said to have
-been brought on by his sarcastic comments upon this decree.[899]
-In the month Munychion (April) Demetrius mustered his forces and
-his Grecian allies for a march into Thessaly against Kassander;
-but before his departure, he was anxious to be initiated in the
-Eleusinian mysteries. It was however not the regular time for
-this ceremony; the Lesser Mysteries being celebrated in February,
-the Greater in September. The Athenians overruled the difficulty
-by passing a special vote, enabling him to be initiated at once,
-and to receive in immediate succession, the preparatory and the
-final initiation, between which ceremonies a year of interval was
-habitually required. Accordingly, he placed himself disarmed in the
-hands of the priests, and received both first and second initiation
-in the month of April, immediately before his departure from
-Athens.[900]
-
-  [898] Plutarch, Demetr. 24.
-
-  [899] Such is the statement of Plutarch (Demetr. 24); but it
-  seems not in harmony with the recital of the honorary decree,
-  passed in 272 B. C., after the death of Demochares,
-  commemorating his merits by a statue, etc. (Plutarch, Vit. X.
-  Oratt. p. 850). It is there recited that Demochares rendered
-  services to Athens (fortifying and arming the city, concluding
-  peace and alliance with the Bœotians, etc.) ἐπὶ τοῦ τετραετοῦς
-  πολέμου, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἐξέπεσεν ὑπὸ τῶν καταλυσάντων τὸν δῆμον. Οἱ
-  καταλύσαντες τὸν δῆμον cannot mean either Demetrius Poliorketes,
-  or Stratokles. Moreover, we cannot determine when the “four
-  years’ war”, or the alliance with the Bœotians, occurred. Neither
-  the discussion of Mr. Clinton (Fast. H. 302 B. C., and
-  Append. p. 380), nor the different hypothesis of Droysen, are
-  satisfactory on this point—see Carl Müller’s discussion on the
-  fragments of Demochares, Fragm. Hist. Gr. v. ii. p. 446.
-
-  [900] Diodor. xx. 110. παραδοὺς οὖν αὑτὸν ἄνοπλον τοῖς ἱερεῦσι,
-  καὶ πρὸ τῆς ὡρισμένης ἡμέρας μυηθεὶς, ἀνέζευξεν ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν.
-
-  The account of this transaction in the text is taken from
-  Diodorus, and is a simple one; a vote was passed granting special
-  license to Demetrius, to receive the mysteries at once, though it
-  was not the appointed season.
-
-  Plutarch (Demetr. 26) superadds other circumstances, several of
-  which have the appearance of jest rather than reality. Pythodôrus
-  the Daduch or Torch-bearer of the Mysteries stood alone in his
-  protest against any celebration of the ceremony out of time:
-  this is doubtless very credible. Then (according to Plutarch)
-  the Athenians passed decrees, on the proposition of Stratokles,
-  that the month Munychion should be called Anthesterion. This
-  having been done, the Lesser Mysteries were celebrated, in which
-  Demetrius was initiated. Next, the Athenians passed another
-  decree, to the effect, that the month Munychion should be called
-  Boêdromion—after which, the Greater Mysteries (which belonged to
-  the latter month) were forthwith celebrated. The comic writer
-  Philippides said of Stratokles, that he had compressed the whole
-  year into a single month.
-
-  This statement of Plutarch has very much the air of a caricature,
-  by Philippides or some other witty man, of the simple decree
-  mentioned by Diodorus—a special license to Demetrius to be
-  initiated out of season. Compare another passage of Philippides
-  against Stratokles (Plutarch, Demetr. 12).
-
-Demetrius conducted into Thessaly an army of 56,000 men; of whom
-25,000 were Grecian allies—so extensive was his sway at this moment
-over the Grecian cities.[901] But after two or three months of
-hostilities, partially successful, against Kassander, he was summoned
-into Asia by Antigonus to assist in meeting the formidable army
-of the allies—Ptolemy, Seleukus, Lysimachus, and Kassander. Before
-retiring from Greece, Demetrius concluded a truce with Kassander,
-whereby it was stipulated that the Grecian cities, both in Europe
-and Asia, should be permanently autonomous and free from garrison or
-control. This stipulation served only as an honorable pretext for
-leaving Greece; Demetrius had little expectation that it would be
-observed.[902] In the ensuing spring was fought the decisive battle
-of Ipsus in Phrygia (B. C. 300), by Antigonus and Demetrius,
-against Ptolemy, Seleukus, and Lysimachus; with a large army and
-many elephants on both sides. Antigonus was completely defeated and
-slain, at the age of more than eighty years. His Asiatic dominion was
-broken up, chiefly to the profit of Seleukus, whose dynasty became
-from henceforward ascendent, from the coast of Syria eastward to the
-Caspian Gates and Parthia; sometimes, though imperfectly, farther
-eastward, nearly to the Indus.[903]
-
-  [901] Diodor. xx. 110.
-
-  [902] Diodor. xx. 111. It must have been probably during this
-  campaign that Demetrius began or projected the foundation of
-  the important city of Demetrias on the Gulf of Magnesia, which
-  afterwards became one of the great strongholds of the Macedonian
-  ascendency in Greece (Strabo, ix. p. 436-443, in which latter
-  passage, the reference to Hieronymus of Kardia seems to prove
-  that that historian gave a full description of Demetrias and its
-  foundation). See about Demetrias, Mannert, Geogr. v. Griech. vii.
-  p. 591.
-
-  [903] Mr. Fynes Clinton (Fast. Hell. B. C. 301) places
-  the battle of Ipsus in August 301 B. C.; which appears
-  to me some months earlier than the reality. It is clear from
-  Diodorus, (and indeed from Mr. Clinton’s own admission) that
-  winter-quarters in Asia intervened between the departure of
-  Demetrius from Athens in or soon after April 301 B. C.,
-  and the battle of Ipsus. Moreover Demetrius, immediately after
-  leaving Athens, carried on many operations against Kassander in
-  Thessaly, before crossing over to Asia to join Antigonus (Diodor.
-  xx. 110, 111).
-
-The effects of the battle of Ipsus were speedily felt in Greece.
-The Athenians passed a decree proclaiming themselves neutral, and
-excluding both the belligerent parties from Attica. Demetrius,
-retiring with the remnant of his defeated army, and embarking at
-Ephesus to sail to Athens, was met on the voyage by Athenian envoys,
-who respectfully acquainted him that he would not be admitted. At
-the same time, his wife Deidameia, whom he had left at Athens, was
-sent away by the Athenians under an honorable escort to Megara, while
-some ships of war which he had left in the Peiræus were also restored
-to him. Demetrius, indignant at this unexpected defection of a city
-which had recently heaped upon him such fulsome adulation, was still
-farther mortified by the loss of most of his other possessions in
-Greece.[904] His garrisons were for the most part expelled, and the
-cities passed into Kassandrian keeping or dominion. His fortunes
-were indeed partially restored by concluding a peace with Seleukus,
-who married his daughter. This alliance withdrew Demetrius to
-Syria, while Greece appears to have fallen more and more under the
-Kassandrian parties. It was one of these partisans, Lachares, who,
-seconded by Kassander’s soldiers, acquired a despotism at Athens
-such as had been possessed by the Phalerean Demetrius, but employed
-in a manner far more cruel and oppressive. Various exiles driven out
-by his tyranny invited Demetrius Poliorketes, who passed over again
-from Asia into Greece, recovered portions of Peloponnesus, and laid
-siege to Athens. He blocked up the city by sea and land, so that the
-pressure of famine presently became intolerable. Lachares having
-made his escape, the people opened their gates to Demetrius, not
-without great fear of the treatment awaiting them. But he behaved
-with forbearance, and even with generosity. He spared them all,
-supplied them with a large donation of corn, and contented himself
-with taking military occupation of the city, naming his own friends
-as magistrates. He put garrisons, however, not only into Peiræus and
-Munychia, but also into the hill called Museum, a part of the walled
-circle of Athens itself[905] (B. C. 298).
-
-  [904] Plutarch, Demetr. 31.
-
-  [905] Plutarch, Demetr. 34, 35; Pausan. i. 25, 5. Pausanias
-  states (i. 26, 2) that a gallant Athenian named Olympiodorus (we
-  do not know when) encouraged his fellow-citizens to attack the
-  Museum, Munychia, and Peiræus; and expelled the Macedonians from
-  all of them. If this be correct, Munychia and Peiræus must have
-  been afterwards reconquered by the Macedonians: for they were
-  garrisoned (as well as Salamis and Sunium) by Antigonus Gonatas
-  (Pausanias, ii. 8, 5; Plutarch, Aratus, 34).
-
-While Demetrius was thus strengthening himself in Greece, he lost
-all his footing both in Cyprus, Syria, and Kilikia, which passed
-into the hands of Ptolemy and Seleukus. New prospects however
-were opened to him in Macedonia by the death of Kassander (his
-brother-in-law, brother of his wife Phila) and the family feuds
-supervening thereupon. Philippus, eldest son of Kassander, succeeded
-his father, but died of sickness after something more than a year.
-Between the two remaining sons, Antipater and Alexander, a sanguinary
-hostility broke out. Antipater slew his mother Thessalonikê, and
-threatened the life of his brother, who in his turn invited aid
-both from Demetrius, and from the Epirotic king Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus
-being ready first, marched into Macedonia, and expelled Antipater;
-receiving as his recompense the territory called Tymphæa (between
-Epirus and Macedonia), together with Akarnania, Amphilochia,
-and the town of Ambrakia, which became henceforward his chief
-city and residence.[906] Antipater sought shelter in Thrace with
-his father-in-law Lysimachus; by whose order, however, he was
-presently slain. Demetrius, occupied with other matters, was more
-tardy in obeying the summons; but, on entering into Macedonia,
-he found himself strong enough to dispossess and kill Alexander
-(who had indeed invited him, but is said to have laid a train for
-assassinating him), and seized the Macedonian crown; not without the
-assent of a considerable party, to whom the name and the deeds of
-Kassander and his sons were alike odious.[907]
-
-  [906] Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 6.
-
-  [907] Plutarch, Demetr. 36; Dexippus ap. Syncell. p. 264 _seq._;
-  Pausan. 7, 3; Justin, xvi. 1, 2.
-
-Demetrius became thus master of Macedonia, together with the greater
-part of Greece, including Athens, Megara, and much of Peloponnesus.
-He undertook an expedition into Bœotia, for the purpose of conquering
-Thebes; in which attempt he succeeded, not without a double siege of
-that city, which made an obstinate resistance. He left as viceroy in
-Bœotia the historian, Hieronymus of Kardia,[908] once the attached
-friend and fellow-citizen of Eumenes. But Greece as a whole was
-managed by Antigonus (afterwards called Antigonus Gonatas) son of
-Demetrius, who maintained his supremacy unshaken during all his
-father’s lifetime; even though Demetrius was deprived of Macedonia
-by the temporary combination of Lysimachus with Pyrrhus, and
-afterwards remained (until his death in 283 B. C.) a captive in the
-hands of Seleukus. After a brief possession of the crown of Macedonia
-successively by Seleukus, Ptolemy, Keraunus, Meleager, Antipater, and
-Sosthenes—Antigonus Gonatas regained it in 277 B. C. His descendants
-the Antigonid kings maintained it until the battle of Pydna in 168 B.
-C.; when Perseus, the last of them, was overthrown, and his kingdom
-incorporated with the Roman conquests.[909]
-
-  [908] Plutarch, Demetr. 39.
-
-  [909] See Mr. Clinton’s Fasti Hellenici, Append. 4. p. 236-239.
-
-Of Greece during this period we can give no account, except that the
-greater number of its cities were in dependence upon Demetrius and
-his son Antigonus; either under occupation by Macedonian garrisons,
-or ruled by local despots who leaned on foreign mercenaries and
-Macedonian support. The spirit of the Greeks was broken, and their
-habits of combined sentiment and action had disappeared. The invasion
-of the Gauls indeed awakened them into a temporary union for the
-defence of Thermopylæ in 279 B. C. So intolerable was the
-cruelty and spoliation of those barbarian invaders, that the cities
-as well as Antigonus were driven by fear to the efforts necessary
-for repelling them.[910] A gallant army of Hellenic confederates
-was mustered. In the mountains of Ætolia and in the neighborhood of
-Delphi, most of the Gallic horde with their king Brennus perished.
-But this burst of spirit did not interrupt the continuance of the
-Macedonian dominion in Greece, which Antigonus Gonatas continued
-to hold throughout most of a long reign. He greatly extended the
-system begun by his predecessors, of isolating each Grecian city from
-alliances with other cities in its neighborhood—planting in most of
-them local despots—and compressing the most important by means of
-garrisons.[911] Among all Greeks, the Spartans and the Ætolians
-stood most free from foreign occupation, and were the least crippled
-in their power of self-action. The Achæan league too developed itself
-afterwards as a renovated sprout from the ruined tree of Grecian
-liberty,[912] though never attaining to anything better than a feeble
-and puny life, nor capable of sustaining itself without foreign
-aid.[913]
-
-  [910] Pausanias, i. 4, 1; x. 20, 1. Τοῖς δέ γε Ἕλλησι
-  κατεπεπτώκει μὲν ἐς ἅπαν τὰ φρονήματα, τὸ δὲ ἰσχυρὸν τοῦ δείματος
-  προῆγεν ἐς ἀνάγκην τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἀμύνειν· ἑώρων δὲ τόν τε ἐν τῷ
-  παρόντι ἀγῶνα, οὐκ ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας γενησόμενον, καθὰ ἐπὶ τοῦ
-  Μήδου πότε ... ὡς οὖν ἀπολωλέναι δέον ἢ ἐπικρατεστέρους εἶναι,
-  κατ᾽ ἄνδρα τε ἰδίᾳ καὶ αἱ πόλεις διέκειντο ἐν κοινῷ. (On the
-  approach of the invading Gauls.)
-
-  [911] Polyb. ii. 40, 41. πλείστους γὰρ δὴ μονάρχους οὗτος
-  (Antigonus Gonatas) ἐμφυτεῦσαι δοκεῖ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν. Justin, xxvi.
-  1.
-
-  [912] Pausanias, vii. 17, 1. Ἅτε ἐκ δένδρου λελωβημένου,
-  ἀνεβλάστησεν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τὸ Ἀχαϊκόν.
-
-  [913] Plutarch, Aratus, 47. ἐθισθέντες γὰρ ἀλλοτρίαις σώζεσθαι
-  χερσὶν, καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόνων ὅπλοις αὑτοὺς ὑπεσταλκότες (the
-  Achæans), etc. Compare also c. 12, 13, 15, in reference to the
-  earlier applications to Ptolemy king of Egypt.
-
-With this after-growth, or half-revival, I shall not meddle. It
-forms the Greece of Polybius, which that author treats, in my
-opinion justly, as having no history of its own,[914] but as an
-appendage attached to some foreign centre and principal among its
-neighbors—Macedonia, Egypt, Syria, Rome. Each of these neighbors
-acted upon the destinies of Greece more powerfully than the Greeks
-themselves. The Greeks to whom these volumes have been devoted—those
-of Homer, Archilochus, Solon, Æschylus, Herodotus, Thucydides,
-Xenophon, and Demosthenes—present as their most marked characteristic
-a loose aggregation of autonomous tribes or communities, acting and
-reacting freely among themselves, with little or no pressure from
-foreigners. The main interest of the narrative has consisted in the
-spontaneous grouping of the different Hellenic fractions—in the
-self-prompted cooperations and conflicts—the abortive attempts to
-bring about something like an effective federal organization, or to
-maintain two permanent rival confederacies—the energetic ambition,
-and heroic endurance, of men to whom Hellas was the entire political
-world. The freedom of Hellas, the life and soul of this history from
-its commencement, disappeared completely during the first years of
-Alexander’s reign. After following to their tombs the generation of
-Greeks contemporary with him, men like Demosthenes and Phokion, born
-in a state of freedom—I have pursued the history into that gulf of
-Grecian nullity which marks the succeeding century; exhibiting sad
-evidence of the degrading servility, and suppliant king-worship,
-into which the countrymen of Aristeides and Perikles had been driven,
-by their own conscious weakness under overwhelming pressure from
-without.
-
-  [914] Polybius, i. 3, 4; ii. 37.
-
-I cannot better complete that picture than by showing what the
-leading democratical citizen became, under the altered atmosphere
-which now bedimmed his city. Demochares, the nephew of Demosthenes,
-has been mentioned as one of the few distinguished Athenians in
-this last generation. He was more than once chosen to the highest
-public offices;[915] he was conspicuous for his free speech, both
-as an orator and as an historian, in the face of powerful enemies;
-he remained throughout a long life faithfully attached to the
-democratical constitution, and was banished for a time by its
-opponents. In the year 280 B. C., he prevailed on the Athenians
-to erect a public monument, with a commemorative inscription, to
-his uncle Demosthenes. Seven or eight years afterwards, Demochares
-himself died, aged nearly eighty. His son Laches proposed and
-obtained a public decree, that a statue should be erected, with an
-annexed inscription, to his honor. We read in the decree a recital of
-the distinguished public services, whereby Demochares merited this
-compliment from his countrymen. All that the proposer of the decree,
-his son and fellow-citizen, can find to recite, as ennobling the last
-half of the father’s public life (since his return from exile), is as
-follows:—1. He contracted the public expenses, and introduced a more
-frugal management. 2. He undertook an embassy to King Lysimachus,
-from whom he obtained two presents for the people, one of thirty
-talents, the other of one hundred talents. 3. He proposed the vote
-for sending envoys to King Ptolemy in Egypt, from whom fifty talents
-were obtained for the people. 4. He went as envoy to Antipater,
-received from him twenty talents, and delivered them to the people at
-the Eleusinian festival.[916]
-
-  [915] Polybius, xii. 13.
-
-  [916] See the decree in Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 850. The
-  Antipater here mentioned is the son of Kassander, not the father.
-  There is no necessity for admitting the conjecture of Mr. Clinton
-  (Fast. Hell. App. p. 380) that the name ought to be _Antigonus_,
-  and not _Antipater_; although it may perhaps be true that
-  Demochares was on favorable terms with Antigonus Gonatas (Diog.
-  Laert. vii, 14).
-
-  Compare Carl Müller ad Democharis Fragm. apud Fragm. Hist. Græc.
-  vol. ii. p. 446, ed. Didot.
-
-When such begging missions are the deeds, for which Athens both
-employed and recompensed her most eminent citizens, an historian
-accustomed to the Grecian world as described by Herodotus,
-Thucydides, and Xenophon, feels that the life has departed from his
-subject, and with sadness and humiliation brings his narrative to a
-close.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XCVII.
-
-SICILIAN AND ITALIAN GREEKS. — AGATHOKLES.
-
-
-It has been convenient, throughout all this work, to keep the history
-of the Italian and Sicilian Greeks distinct from that of the Central
-and Asiatic. We parted last from the Sicilian Greeks,[917] at the
-death of their champion the Corinthian Timoleon (337 B. C.),
-by whose energetic exploits, and generous political policy, they
-had been almost regenerated—rescued from foreign enemies, protected
-against intestine discord, and invigorated by a large reinforcement
-of new colonists. For the twenty years next succeeding the death of
-Timoleon, the history of Syracuse and Sicily is an absolute blank;
-which is deeply to be regretted, since the position of these cities
-included so much novelty—so many subjects for debate, for peremptory
-settlement, or for amicable compromise—that the annals of their
-proceedings must have been peculiarly interesting. Twenty years after
-the death of Timoleon, we find the government of Syracuse described
-as an oligarchy; implying that the constitution established by
-Timoleon must have been changed either by violence or by consent.
-The oligarchy is stated as consisting of 600 chief men, among whom
-Sosistratus and Herakleides appear as leaders.[918] We hear generally
-that the Syracusans had been engaged in wars, and that Sosistratus
-either first originated, or first firmly established, his oligarchy,
-after an expedition undertaken to the coast of Italy, to assist the
-citizens of Kroton against their interior neighbors and assailants
-the Bruttians.
-
-  [917] See my last preceding Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxv. p. 196.
-
-  [918] Diodor. xix. 3. It appears that Diodorus had recounted
-  in his eighteenth Book the previous circumstances of these two
-  leaders; but this part of his narrative is lost: see Wesseling’s
-  note.
-
-Not merely Kroton, but other Grecian cities also on the coast of
-Italy, appear to have been exposed to causes of danger and decline,
-similar to those which were operating upon so many other portions
-of the Hellenic world. Their non-Hellenic neighbors in the interior
-were growing too powerful and too aggressive to leave them in peace
-or security. The Messapians, the Lucanians, the Bruttians, and other
-native Italian tribes, were acquiring that increased strength which
-became ultimately all concentrated under the mighty republic of Rome.
-I have in my preceding volume recounted the acts of the two Syracusan
-despots, the elder and younger Dionysius, on this Italian coast.[919]
-Though the elder gained some advantage over the Lucanians, yet the
-interference of both contributed only to enfeeble and humiliate the
-Italiot Greeks. Not long before the battle of Chæroneia (340-338
-B. C.), the Tarentines found themselves so hard pressed by the
-Messapians, that they sent to Sparta, their mother-city, to entreat
-assistance. The Spartan king Archidamus son of Agesilaus, perhaps
-ashamed of the nullity of his country since the close of the Sacred
-War, complied with their prayer, and sailed at the head of a
-mercenary force to Italy. How long his operations there lasted, we do
-not know; but they ended by his being defeated and killed, near the
-time of the battle of Chæroneia[920] (338 B. C.).
-
-  [919] See Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxiii. p. 22; Ch. lxxxv. p. 133.
-
-  [920] Diodor. xvi. 88; Plutarch, Camill. 19; Pausan. iii. 10,
-  5. Plutarch even says that the two battles occurred on the same
-  _day_.
-
-About six years after this event, the Tarentines, being still pressed
-by the same formidable neighbors, invoked the aid of the Epirotic
-Alexander, king of the Molossians, and brother of Olympias. These
-Epirots now, during the general decline of Grecian force, rise into
-an importance which they had never before enjoyed[921]. Philip of
-Macedon, having married Olympias, not only secured his brother-in-law
-on the Molossian throne, but strengthened his authority over subjects
-not habitually obedient. It was through Macedonian interference that
-the Molossian Alexander first obtained (though subject to Macedonian
-ascendency) the important city of Ambrakia; which thus passed out
-of a free Hellenic community into the capital and seaport of the
-Epirotic kings. Alexander farther cemented his union with Macedonia
-by marrying his own niece Kleopatra, daughter of Philip and Olympias.
-In fact, during the lives of Philip and Alexander the Great, the
-Epirotic kingdom appears a sort of adjunct to the Macedonian;
-governed by Olympias either jointly with her brother the Molossian
-Alexander—or as regent after his death.[922]
-
-  [921] The Molossian King Neoptolemus was father both of Alexander
-  (the Epirotic) and of Olympias. But as to the genealogy of the
-  preceding kings, nothing certain can be made out: see Merleker,
-  Darstellung des Landes und der Bewohner von Epeiros, Königsberg,
-  1844, p. 2-6.
-
-  [922] A curious proof how fully Olympias was queen of Epirus is
-  preserved in the fragments (recently published by Mr. Babington)
-  of the oration of Hyperides in defence of Euxenippus, p. 12. The
-  Athenians, in obedience to an oracular mandate from the Dodonæan
-  Zeus, had sent to Dodona a solemn embassy for sacrifice, and had
-  dressed and adorned the statue of Diônê there situated. Olympias
-  addressed a despatch to the Athenians, reproving them for this as
-  a trespass upon her dominions—ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑμῖν τὰ ἐγκλήματα ἦλθε
-  παρ᾽ Ὀλυμπιάδος ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς, ὡς ~ἡ χώρα εἴη ἡ Μολοσσία
-  αὐτῆς~, ἐν ᾗ τὸ ἱερόν ἐστιν· οὔκουν προσῆκεν ἡμᾶς τῶν ἐκεῖ οὐδὲ
-  ἓν κινεῖν. Olympias took a high and insolent tone in this letter
-  (τὰς ~τραγῳδίας~ αὐτῆς καὶ τὰς κατηγορίας, etc.)
-
-  The date of this oration is at some period during the life of
-  Alexander the Great—but cannot be more precisely ascertained.
-  After the death of Alexander, Olympias passed much time in
-  Epirus, where she thought herself more secure from the enmity of
-  Antipater (Diodor. xviii. 49).
-
-  Dodona had been one of the most ancient places of pilgrimage
-  for the Hellenic race—especially for the Athenians. The order
-  here addressed to them,—that they should abstain from religious
-  manifestations at this sanctuary—is a remarkable proof of the
-  growing encroachments on free Hellenism; the more so, as Olympias
-  sent offerings to temples at Athens when she chose and without
-  asking permission—we learn this from the same fragment of
-  Hyperides.
-
-It was about the year after the battle of Issus that the Molossian
-Alexander undertook his expedition into Italy;[923] doubtless
-instigated in part by emulation of the Asiatic glories of his
-nephew and namesake. Though he found enemies more formidable than
-the Persians at Issus, yet his success was at first considerable.
-He gained victories over the Messapians, the Lucanians, and the
-Samnites; he conquered the Lucanian town of Consentia, and the
-Bruttian town of Tereina; he established an alliance with the
-Pœdiculi, and exchanged friendly messages with the Romans. As far
-as we can make out from scanty data, he seems to have calculated on
-establishing a comprehensive dominion in the south of Italy, over
-all its population—over Greek cities, Lucanians, and Bruttians.
-He demanded and obtained three hundred of the chief Lucanian and
-Messapian families, whom he sent over as hostages to Epirus.
-Several exiles of these nations joined him as partisans. He farther
-endeavored to transfer the congress of the Greco-Italian cities,
-which had been usually held at the Tarentine colony of Herakleia, to
-Thurii; intending probably to procure for himself a compliant synod
-like that serving the purpose of his Macedonian nephew at Corinth.
-But the tide of his fortune at length turned. The Tarentines became
-disgusted and alarmed; his Lucanian partisans proved faithless; the
-stormy weather in the Calabrian Apennines broke up the communication
-between his different detachments, and exposed them to be cut off
-in detail. He himself perished, by the hands of a Lucanian exile,
-in crossing the river Acheron, and near the town of Pandosia. This
-was held to be a memorable attestation of the prophetic veracity of
-the oracle; since he had received advice from Dodona to beware of
-Pandosia and Acheron; two names which he well knew, and therefore
-avoided, in Epirus—but which he had not before known to exist in
-Italy.[924]
-
-  [923] Livy (viii. 3-24) places the date of this expedition of the
-  Molossian Alexander eight years earlier; but it is universally
-  recognized that this is a mistake.
-
-  [924] Livy, viii. 17-24; Justin, xii. 2; Strabo, vi. p. 280.
-
-The Greco-Italian cities had thus dwindled down into a prize to be
-contended for between the Epirotic kings and the native Italian
-powers—as they again became, still more conspicuously, fifty years
-afterwards, during the war between Pyrrhus and the Romans. They
-were now left to seek foreign aid, where they could obtain it, and
-to become the prey of adventurers. It is in this capacity that we
-hear of them as receiving assistance from Syracuse, and that the
-formidable name of Agathokles first comes before us—seemingly about
-320 B. C.[925] The Syracusan force, sent to Italy to assist
-the Krotoniates against their enemies the Bruttians, was commanded by
-a general named Antander, whose brother Agathokles served with him in
-a subordinate command.
-
-  [925] Diodor. xix. 3.
-
-To pass over the birth and childhood of Agathokles—respecting which,
-romantic anecdotes are told, as about most eminent men,—it appears
-that his father, a Rhegine exile named Karkinus, came from Therma (in
-the Carthaginian portion of Sicily) to settle at Syracuse, at the
-time when Timoleon invited and received new Grecian settlers to the
-citizenship of the latter city. Karkinus was in comparative poverty,
-following the trade of a potter; which his son Agathokles learnt
-also, being about eighteen years of age when domiciliated with his
-father at Syracuse.[926] Though starting from this humble beginning,
-and even notorious for the profligacy and rapacity of his youthful
-habits, Agathokles soon attained a conspicuous position, partly
-from his own superior personal qualities, partly from the favor of
-a wealthy Syracusan named Damas. The young potter was handsome,
-tall, and of gigantic strength; he performed with distinction the
-military service required from him as a citizen, wearing a panoply
-so heavy, that no other soldier could fight with it; he was moreover
-ready, audacious, and emphatic in public harangue. Damas became much
-attached to him, and not only supplied him profusely with money,
-but also, when placed in command of a Syracusan army against the
-Agrigentines, nominated him one of the subordinate officers. In this
-capacity Agathokles acquired great reputation, for courage in battle,
-ability in command, and fluency of speech. Presently Damas died of
-sickness, leaving a widow without children. Agathokles married the
-widow, and thus raised himself to a high fortune and position in
-Syracuse.[927]
-
-  [926] Timæus apud Polybium, xii. 15; Diodor. xix. 2.
-
-  [927] Diodor. xix. 3; Justin, xxii. 1. Justin states the earliest
-  military exploits of Agathokles to have been against the Ætuæans,
-  not against the Agrigentines.
-
-Of the oligarchy which now prevailed at Syracuse, we have no
-particulars, nor do we know how it had come to be substituted
-for the more popular forms established by Timoleon. We hear only
-generally that the oligarchical leaders, Sosistratus and Herakleides,
-were unprincipled and sanguinary men.[928] By this government an
-expedition was despatched from Syracuse to the Italian coast, to
-assist the inhabitants of Kroton against their aggressive neighbors
-the Bruttians. Antander, brother of Agathokles, was one of the
-generals commanding this armament, and Agathokles himself served in
-it as a subordinate officer. We neither know the date, the duration,
-nor the issue, of this expedition.
-
-  [928] Diodor. xix. 3, 4. Diodorus had written more about this
-  oligarchy in a part of his eighteenth book; which part is not
-  preserved: see Wesseling’s note.
-
-But it afforded a fresh opportunity to Agathokles to display his
-adventurous bravery and military genius, which procured for him
-high encomium. He was supposed by some, on his return to Syracuse,
-to be entitled to the first prize for valor; but Sosistratus and
-the other oligarchical leaders withheld it from him and preferred
-another. So deeply was Agathokles incensed by this refusal, that he
-publicly inveighed against them among the people, as men aspiring to
-despotism. His opposition being unsuccessful, and drawing upon him
-the enmity of the government, he retired to the coast of Italy.
-
-Here he levied a military band of Grecian exiles and Campanian
-mercenaries, which he maintained by various enterprises for or
-against the Grecian cities. He attacked Kroton, but was repulsed
-with loss; he took service with the Tarentines, fought for some time
-against their enemies, but at length became suspected and dismissed;
-he then joined himself with the inhabitants of Rhegium, assisting
-in the defence of the town against a Syracusan aggression. He even
-made two attempts to obtain admission by force into Syracuse, and
-to seize the government.[929] Though repulsed in both of them, he
-nevertheless contrived to maintain a footing in Sicily, was appointed
-general at the town of Morgantium, and captured Leontini, within a
-short distance north of Syracuse. Some time afterwards, a revolution
-took place at Syracuse, whereby Sosistratus and the oligarchy were
-dispossessed and exiled with many of their partisans.
-
-  [929] Diodor. xix. 4; Justin, xxii. 1. “Bis occupare imperium
-  Syracusarum voluit; bis in exilium actus est.”
-
-  In the same manner, the Syracusan exile Hermokrates had attempted
-  to extort by force his return, at the head of 3000 men, and by
-  means of partisans within; he failed and was slain—B. C.
-  408 (Diodor. xiii. 75).
-
-Under the new government, Agathokles obtained his recall, and soon
-gained increased ascendency. The dispossessed exiles contrived to
-raise forces, and to carry on a formidable war against Syracuse
-from without; they even obtained assistance from the Carthaginians,
-so as to establish themselves at Gela, on the southern confines of
-the Syracusan territory. In the military operations thus rendered
-necessary, Agathokles took a forward part, distinguishing himself
-among the ablest and most enterprising officers. He tried, with 1000
-soldiers, to surprise Gela by night; but finding the enemy on their
-guard, he was repulsed with loss and severely wounded; yet by an able
-manœuvre he brought off all his remaining detachment. Though thus
-energetic against the public enemy, however, he at the same time
-inspired both hatred and alarm for his dangerous designs, to the
-Syracusans within. The Corinthian Akestorides, who had been named
-general of the city—probably from recollection of the distinguished
-services formerly rendered by the Corinthian Timoleon—becoming
-persuaded that the presence of Agathokles was full of peril to the
-city, ordered him to depart, and provided men to assassinate him on
-the road during the night. But Agathokles, suspecting their design,
-disguised himself in the garb of a beggar, appointing another man to
-travel in the manner which would be naturally expected from himself.
-This substitute was slain in the dark by the assassins, while
-Agathokles escaped by favor of his disguise. He and his partisans
-appear to have found shelter with the Carthaginians in Sicily.[930]
-
-  [930] Diodor. xix. 5, 6. A similar stratagem is recounted of the
-  Karian Datames (Cornelius Nepos, Datames, 9).
-
-  That Agathokles, on leaving Syracuse, went to the Carthaginians,
-  appears to be implied in the words of Diodorus, c. 6—τοὺς αὐτῷ
-  πρότερον συμπορευθέντας ~πρὸς~ Καρχηδονίους (see Wesseling’s
-  note on the translation of ~πρὸς~). This fact is noticed merely
-  incidentally, in the confused narrative of Diodorus; but it
-  brings him to a certain extent into harmony with Justin (xxii.
-  2), who insists much on the combination between Agathokles and
-  the Carthaginians, as one of the main helps whereby he was
-  enabled to seize the supreme power.
-
-Not long afterwards, another change took place in the government
-of Syracuse, whereby the oligarchical exiles were recalled, and
-peace made with the Carthaginians. It appears that a senate of
-600 was again installed as the chief political body; probably not
-the same men as before, and with some democratical modifications.
-At the same time, negotiations were opened, through the mediation
-of the Carthaginian commander Hamilkar, between the Syracusans
-and Agathokles. The mischiefs of intestine conflict, amidst the
-numerous discordant parties in the city, pressed hard upon every one,
-and hopes were entertained that all might be brought to agree in
-terminating them. Agathokles affected to enter cordially into these
-projects of amnesty and reconciliation. The Carthaginian general
-Hamilkar, who had so recently aided Sosistratus and the Syracusan
-oligarchy, now did his best to promote the recall of Agathokles,
-and even made himself responsible for the good and pacific behavior
-of that exile. Agathokles, and the other exiles along with him were
-accordingly restored. A public assembly was convened in the temple of
-Demeter, in the presence of Hamilkar; where Agathokles swore by the
-most awful oaths, with his hands touching the altar and statue of the
-goddess, that he would behave as a good citizen of Syracuse, uphold
-faithfully the existing government, and carry out the engagements
-of the Carthaginian mediators—abstaining from encroachments on
-the rights and possessions of Carthage in Sicily. His oaths and
-promises were delivered with so much apparent sincerity, accompanied
-by emphatic harangues, that the people were persuaded to name him
-general and guardian of the peace, for the purpose of realizing the
-general aspirations towards harmony. Such appointment was recommended
-(it seems) by Hamilkar.[931]
-
-  [931] The account here given is the best which I can make out
-  from Diodorus (xix. 5), Justin (xxii. 2),—Polyænus (v. 3, 8). The
-  first two allude to the solemn oath taken by Agathokles—παραχθεὶς
-  εἰς τὸ τῆς Δήμητρος ἱερὸν ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, ὤμοσε μηδὲν
-  ἐναντιωθήσεσθαι τῇ δημοκρατίᾳ—“Tunc Hamilcari expositis ignibus
-  Cereris tactisque in obsequia Pœnorum jurat.” “Jurare in obsequia
-  Pœnorum” can hardly be taken to mean that Syracuse was to become
-  subject to Carthage; there was nothing antecedent to justify
-  such a proceeding, nor does anything follow in the sequel which
-  implies it.
-
-  Compare also the speech which Justin puts into the
-  mouth of Bomilkar when executed for treason by the
-  Carthaginians—“objectans illis (Carthaginiensibus) in Hamilcarem
-  patruum suum tacita suffragia, quod Agathoclem _sociam illis
-  facere, quam hostem, maluerit_” (xxii. 7). This points to
-  previous collusion between Hamilkar and Agathokles.
-
-All this train of artifice had been concerted by Agathokles with
-Hamilkar, for the purpose of enabling the former to seize the
-supreme power. As general of the city, Agathokles had the direction
-of the military force. Under the pretence of marching against some
-refractory exiles at Erbita in the interior, he got together 3000
-soldiers strenuously devoted to him—mercenaries and citizens of
-desperate character—to which Hamilkar added a reinforcement of
-Africans. As if about to march forth, he mustered his troops at
-daybreak in the Timoleonteon (chapel or precinct consecrated to
-Timoleon), while Peisarchus and Dekles, two chiefs of the senate
-already assembled, were invited with forty others to transact with
-him some closing business. Having these men in his power, Agathokles
-suddenly turned upon them, and denounced them to the soldiers as
-guilty of conspiring his death. Then, receiving from the soldiers a
-response full of ardor, he ordered them immediately to proceed to a
-general massacre of the senate and their leading partisans, with full
-permission of licentious plunder in the houses of these victims, the
-richest men in Syracuse. The soldiers rushed into the street with
-ferocious joy to execute this order. They slew not only the senators,
-but many others also, unarmed and unprepared; each man selecting
-victims personally obnoxious to him. They broke open the doors of the
-rich, or climbed over the roofs, massacred the proprietors within,
-and ravished the females. They chased the unsuspecting fugitives
-through the streets, not sparing even those who took refuge in the
-temples. Many of these unfortunate sufferers rushed for safety to
-the gates, but found them closed and guarded by special order of
-Agathokles; so that they were obliged to let themselves down from the
-walls, in which many perished miserably. For two days Syracuse was
-thus a prey to the sanguinary, rapacious, and lustful impulses of the
-soldiery; four thousand citizens had been already slain, and many
-more were seized as prisoners. The political purposes of Agathokles,
-as well as the passions of the soldiers, being then sated, he
-arrested the massacre. He concluded this bloody feat by killing such
-of his prisoners as were most obnoxious to him, and banishing the
-rest. The total number of expelled or fugitive Syracusans is stated
-at 6000; who found a hospitable shelter and home at Agrigentum. One
-act of lenity is mentioned, and ought not to be omitted amidst this
-scene of horror. Deinokrates, one among the prisoners, was liberated
-by Agathokles from motives of former friendship: he too, probably,
-went into voluntary exile.[932]
-
-  [932] Diodor. xix. 8, 9; Justin, xxii. 2.
-
-After a massacre thus perpetrated in the midst of profound peace,
-and in the full confidence of a solemn act of mutual reconciliation
-immediately preceding—surpassing the worst deeds of the elder
-Dionysius, and indeed (we might almost say) of all other Grecian
-despots—Agathokles convened what he called an assembly of the people.
-Such of the citizens as were either oligarchical, or wealthy, or
-in any way unfriendly to him, had been already either slain or
-expelled; so that the assembly probably included few besides his own
-soldiers: Agathokles, addressing them in terms of congratulation on
-the recent glorious exploit, whereby they had purged the city of
-its oligarchical tyrants—proclaimed that the Syracusan people had
-now reconquered their full liberty. He affected to be weary of the
-toils of command, and anxious only for a life of quiet equality as
-one among the many; in token of which he threw off his general’s
-cloak and put on a common civil garment. But those whom he addressed,
-fresh from the recent massacre and plunder, felt that their whole
-security depended upon the maintenance of his supremacy, and loudly
-protested that they would not accept his resignation. Agathokles,
-with pretended reluctance, told them, that if they insisted, he would
-comply, but upon the peremptory condition of enjoying a single-handed
-authority, without any colleagues or counsellors for whose misdeeds
-he was to be responsible. The assembly replied by conferring upon
-him, with unanimous acclamations, the post of general with unlimited
-power, or despot.[933]
-
-  [933] Diodor. xix. 9.
-
-Thus was constituted a new despot of Syracuse about fifty years
-after the decease of the elder Dionysius, and twenty-two years after
-Timoleon had rooted out the Dionysian dynasty, establishing on its
-ruins a free polity. On accepting the post, Agathokles took pains
-to proclaim that he would tolerate no farther massacre or plunder,
-and that his government would for the future be mild and beneficent.
-He particularly studied to conciliate the poorer citizens, to whom
-he promised abolition of debts and a new distribution of lands. How
-far he carried out this project systematically, we do not know; but
-he conferred positive donations on many of the poor—which he had
-abundant means of doing, out of the properties of the numerous exiles
-recently expelled. He was full of promises to every one, displaying
-courteous and popular manners, and abstaining from all ostentation
-of guards, or ceremonial attendants, or a diadem. He at the same
-time applied himself vigorously to strengthen his military and
-naval force, his magazines of arms and stores, and his revenues. He
-speedily extended his authority over all the territorial domain of
-Syracuse, with her subject towns, and carried his arms successfully
-over many other parts of Sicily.[934]
-
-  [934] Diodor. xix. 9.; Justin, xxii. 2.
-
-The Carthaginian general Hamilkar, whose complicity or connivance
-had helped Agathokles to this blood-stained elevation, appears to
-have permitted him without opposition to extend his dominion over a
-large portion of Sicily, and even to plunder the towns in alliance
-with Carthage itself. Complaints having been made to Carthage, this
-officer was superseded, and another general (also named Hamilkar) was
-sent in his place. We are unable to trace in detail the proceedings
-of Agathokles during the first years of his despotism; but he went on
-enlarging his sway over the neighboring cities, while the Syracusan
-exiles, whom he had expelled, found a home partly at Agrigentum
-(under Deinokrates), partly at Messênê. About the year 314 B.
-C., we hear that he made an attempt on Messênê, which he was on
-the point of seizing, had he not been stopped by the interference of
-the Carthaginians (perhaps the newly-appointed Hamilkar), who now
-at length protested against his violation of the convention; meaning
-(as we must presume, for we know of no other convention) the oath
-which had been sworn by Agathokles at Syracuse under the guarantee
-of the Carthaginians.[935] Though thus disappointed at Messênê,
-Agathokles seized Abakænum—where he slew the leading citizens opposed
-to him,—and carried on his aggressions elsewhere so effectively,
-that the leaders at Agrigentum, instigated by the Syracusan exiles
-there harbored, became convinced of the danger of leaving such
-encroachments unresisted.[936] The people of Agrigentum came to the
-resolution of taking up arms on behalf of the liberties of Sicily,
-and allied themselves with Gela and Messênê for the purpose.
-
-  [935] Diodor. xix. 65. καθ᾽ ὃν δὴ χρόνον ἧκον ἐκ Καρχηδόνος
-  πρέσβεις, οἳ τῷ μὲν Ἀγαθοκλεῖ περὶ τῶν πραχθέντων ἐπετίμησαν,
-  ὡς παραβαίνοντι τὰς συνθήκας· τοῖς δὲ Μεσσηνίοις εἰρήνην
-  παρεσκεύασαν, καὶ τὸ φρούριον ἀναγκάσαντες ἀποκαταστῆσαι τὸν
-  τύραννον, ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς τὴν Λιβύην.
-
-  I do not know what συνθῆκαι can be here meant, except that oath
-  described by Justin under the words “in obsequia Pœnorum jurat”
-  (xxii. 2).
-
-  [936] Diodor. xix. 70. μὴ περιορᾷν Ἀγαθοκλέα συσκευαζόμενον τὰς
-  πόλεις.
-
-But the fearful example of Agathokles himself rendered them so
-apprehensive of the dangers from any military leader, at once
-native and energetic, that they resolved to invite a foreigner.
-Some Syracusan exiles were sent to Sparta, to choose and invoke
-some Spartan of eminence and ability, as Archidamus had recently
-been called to Tarentum—and even more, as Timoleon had been brought
-from Corinth, with results so signally beneficent. The old Spartan
-king Kleomenes (of the Eurysthenid race) had a son Akrotatus, then
-unpopular at home,[937] and well disposed towards foreign warfare.
-This prince, without even consulting the Ephors, listened at once to
-the envoys, and left Peloponnesus with a small squadron, intending to
-cross by Korkyra and the coast of Italy to Agrigentum. Unfavorable
-winds drove him as far north as Apollonia, and delayed his arrival
-at Tarentum; in which city, originally a Spartan colony, he met with
-a cordial reception, and obtained a vote of twenty vessels to assist
-his enterprise of liberating Syracuse from Agathokles. He reached
-Agrigentum with favorable hopes, was received with all the honors
-due to a Spartan prince, and undertook the command. Bitterly did he
-disappoint his party. He was incompetent as a general; he dissipated
-in presents or luxuries the money intended for the campaign,
-emulating Asiatic despots; his conduct was arrogant, tyrannical,
-and even sanguinary. The disgust which he inspired was brought to
-a height, when he caused Sosistratus, the leader of the Syracusan
-exiles, to be assassinated at a banquet. Immediately the exiles rose
-in a body to avenge this murder; while Akrotatus, deposed by the
-Agrigentines, only found safety in flight.[938]
-
-  [937] Diodor. xix. 70. After the defeat of Agis by Antipater,
-  the severe Lacedæmonian laws against those who fled from battle
-  had been suspended for the occasion; as had been done before,
-  after the defeat of Leuktra. Akrotatus had been the _only_ person
-  (μόνος) who opposed this suspension; whereby he incurred the most
-  violent odium generally, but most especially from the citizens
-  who profited by the suspension. These men carried their hatred
-  so far, that they even attacked, beat him and conspired against
-  his life (οὗτοι γὰρ συστραφέντες πληγάς τε ἐνεφόρησαν αὐτῷ καὶ
-  διετέλουν ἐπιβουλεύοντες).
-
-  This is a curious indication of Spartan manners.
-
-  [938] Diodor. xix. 71.
-
-To this young Spartan prince, had he possessed a noble heart and
-energetic qualities, there was here presented a career of equal
-grandeur with that of Timoleon—against an enemy able indeed and
-formidable, yet not so superior in force as to render success
-impossible. It is melancholy to see Akrotatus, from simple
-worthlessness of character, throwing away such an opportunity; at
-a time when Sicily was the only soil on which a glorious Hellenic
-career was still open—when no similar exploits were practicable
-by any Hellenic leader in Central Greece, from the overwhelming
-superiority of force possessed by the surrounding kings.
-
-The misconduct of Akrotatus broke up all hopes of active operations
-against Agathokles. Peace was presently concluded with the latter
-by the Agrigentines and their allies, under the mediation of the
-Carthaginian general Hamilkar. By the terms of this convention,
-all the Greek cities in Sicily were declared autonomous, yet under
-the hegemony of Agathokles; excepting only Himera, Selinus, and
-Herakleia, which were actually, and were declared still to continue,
-under Carthage. Messênê was the only Grecian city standing aloof
-from this convention; as such, therefore still remaining open to the
-Syracusan exiles. The terms were so favorable to Agathokles, that
-they were much disapproved at Carthage.[939] Agathokles, recognized
-as chief and having no enemy in the field, employed himself actively
-in strengthening his hold on the other cities, and in enlarging his
-military means at home. He sent a force against Messênê, to require
-the expulsion of the Syracusan exiles from that city, and to procure
-at the same time the recall of the Messenian exiles, partisans of
-his own, and companions of his army. His generals extorted these two
-points from the Messenians. Agathokles, having thus broken the force
-of Messênê, secured to himself the town still more completely, by
-sending for those Messenian citizens who had chiefly opposed him,
-and putting them all to death, as well as his leading opponents
-at Tauromenium. The number thus massacred was not less than six
-hundred.[940]
-
-  [939] Diodor. xix. 71, 72, 102. When the convention specifies
-  Herakleia, Selinus, and Himera, as being under the Carthaginians,
-  this is to be understood as in addition to the primitive
-  Carthaginian settlements of Solus, Panormus, Lilybæum, etc.,
-  about which no question could arise.
-
-  [940] Diodor. xix. 72: compare a different narrative—Polyænus, v.
-  15.
-
-It only remained for Agathokles to seize Agrigentum. Thither he
-accordingly marched. But Deinokrates and the Syracusan exiles,
-expelled from Messênê, had made themselves heard at Carthage,
-insisting on the perils to that city from the encroachments of
-Agathokles. The Carthaginians alarmed sent a fleet of sixty sail,
-whereby alone Agrigentum, already under siege by Agathokles, was
-preserved. The recent convention was now broken on all sides,
-and Agathokles kept no farther measures with the Carthaginians.
-He ravaged all their Sicilian territory, and destroyed some of
-their forts; while the Carthaginians on their side made a sudden
-descent with their fleet on the harbor of Syracuse. They could
-achieve nothing more, however, than the capture of one Athenian
-merchant-vessel, out of two there riding. They disgraced their
-acquisition by the cruel act (not uncommon in Carthaginian warfare)
-of cutting of the hands of the captive crew; for which, in a few
-days, retaliation was exercised upon the crews of some of their own
-ships, taken by the cruisers of Agathokles.[941]
-
-  [941] Diodor. xix. 103. It must be noticed, however, that even
-  Julius Cæsar, in his wars in Gaul, sometimes cut off the hands of
-  his Gallic prisoners taken in arms, whom he called rebels (Bell.
-  Gall. viii. 44).
-
-The defence of Agrigentum now rested principally on the Carthaginians
-in Sicily, who took up a position on the hill called Eknomus—in
-the territory of Gela, a little to the west of the Agrigentine
-border. Here Agathokles approached to offer them battle—having been
-emboldened by two important successes obtained over Deinokrates and
-the Syracusan exiles, near Kentoripa and Gallaria.[942] So superior
-was his force, however, that the Carthaginians thought it prudent to
-remain in their camp; and Agathokles returned in triumph to Syracuse,
-where he adorned the temples with his recently acquired spoils. The
-balance of force was soon altered by the despatch of a large armament
-from Carthage under Hamilkar, consisting of 130 ships of war, with
-numerous other transport ships, carrying many soldiers—2000 native
-Carthaginians, partly men of rank—10,000 Africans—1000 Campanian
-heavy-armed and 1000 Balearic slingers. The fleet underwent in its
-passage so terrific a storm, that many of the vessels sunk with all
-on board, and it arrived with very diminished numbers in Sicily.
-The loss fell upon the native Carthaginian soldiers with peculiar
-severity; insomuch that when the news reached Carthage, a public
-mourning was proclaimed, and the city walls were hung with black
-serge.
-
-  [942] Diodor. xix. 103, 104.
-
-Those who reached Sicily, however, were quite sufficient to place
-Hamilkar in an imposing superiority of number as compared with
-Agathokles. He encamped on or near Eknomus, summoned all the
-reinforcements that his Sicilian allies could furnish, and collected
-additional mercenaries; so that he was soon at the head of 40,000
-infantry and 5000 cavalry.[943] At the same time, a Carthaginian
-armed squadron, detached to the strait of Messênê, fell in with
-twenty armed ships belonging to Agathokles, and captured them all
-with their crews. The Sicilian cities were held to Agathokles
-principally by terror, and were likely to turn against him, if the
-Carthaginians exhibited sufficient strength to protect them. This the
-despot knew and dreaded; especially respecting Gela, which was not
-far from the Carthaginian camp. Had he announced himself openly as
-intending to place a garrison in Gela, he feared that the citizens
-might forestall him by calling in Hamilkar. Accordingly he detached
-thither, on various pretences, several small parties of soldiers, who
-presently found themselves united in a number sufficient to seize
-the town. Agathokles then marched into Gela with his main force.
-Distrusting the adherence of the citizens, he let loose his soldiers
-upon them, massacred four thousand persons, and compelled the
-remainder, as a condition of sparing their lives, to bring in to him
-all their money and valuables. Having by this atrocity both struck
-universal terror and enriched himself, he advanced onward towards
-the Carthaginian camp, and occupied a hill called Phalarion opposite
-to it.[944] The two camps were separated by a level plain or valley
-nearly five miles broad, through which ran the river Himera.[945]
-
-  [943] Diodor. xix. 106.
-
-  [944] Diodor. xix. 107, 108.
-
-  [945] Diodor. xix. 108, 109.
-
-For some days of the hottest season (the dog-days), both armies
-remained stationary, neither of them choosing to make the attack. At
-length Agathokles gained what he thought a favorable opportunity.
-A detachment from the Carthaginian camp sallied forth in pursuit
-of some Grecian plunderers; Agathokles posted some men in ambush,
-who fell upon this detachment unawares, threw it into disorder, and
-pursued it back to the camp. Following up this partial success,
-Agathokles brought forward his whole force, crossed the river Himera,
-and began a general attack. This advance not being expected, the
-Grecian assailants seemed at first on the point of succeeding.
-They filled up a portion of the ditch, tore up the Stockade, and
-were forcing their way into the camp. They were however repulsed
-by redoubled efforts, and new troops coming up, on the part of the
-defenders; mainly, too, by the very effective action of the 1000
-Balearic slingers in Hamilkar’s army, who hurled stones weighing
-a pound each, against which the Grecian armor was an inadequate
-defence. Still Agathokles, noway discouraged, caused the attack to be
-renewed on several points at once and with apparent success, when
-a reinforcement landed from Carthage—the expectation of which may
-perhaps have induced Hamilkar to refrain from any general attack.
-These new troops joined in the battle, coming upon the rear of the
-Greeks; who were intimidated and disordered by such unforeseen
-assailants, while the Carthaginians in their front, animated to more
-energetic effort, first repulsed them from the camp, and then pressed
-them vigorously back. After holding their ground for some time
-against their double enemy, the Greeks at length fled in disorder
-back to their own camp, recrossing the river Himera. The interval
-was between four and five miles of nearly level ground, over which
-they were actively pursued and severely handled by the Carthaginian
-cavalry, 5000 in number. Moreover, in crossing the river, many
-of them drank eagerly, from thirst, fatigue, and the heat of the
-weather; the saltness of the water proved so destructive to them,
-that numerous dead bodies are said to have been found unwounded on
-the banks.[946] At length they obtained shelter in their own camp,
-after a loss of 7000 men; while the loss of the victors is estimated
-at 500.
-
-  [946] Diodor. xix. 109.
-
-Agathokles, after this great disaster, did not attempt to maintain
-his camp, but set it on fire, and returned to Gela; which was well
-fortified and provisioned, capable of a long defence. Here he
-intended to maintain himself against Hamilkar, at least until the
-Syracusan harvest (probably already begun) should be completed. But
-Hamilkar, having ascertained the strength of Gela, thought it prudent
-to refrain from a siege, and employed himself in operations for the
-purpose of strengthening his party in Sicily. His great victory
-at the Himera had produced the strongest effect upon many of the
-Sicilian cities, who were held to Agathokles by no other bonds except
-those of fear. Hamilkar issued conciliatory proclamations, inviting
-them all to become his allies, and marching his troops towards
-the most convenient points. Presently Kamarina, Leontini, Katana,
-Tauromenium, Messênê, Abakænum, with several other smaller towns
-and forts, sent to tender themselves as allies; and the conduct of
-Hamilkar towards all was so mild and equitable, as to give universal
-satisfaction. Agathokles appears to have been thus dispossessed of
-most part of the island, retaining little besides Gela and Syracuse.
-Even the harbor of Syracuse was watched by a Carthaginian fleet,
-placed to intercept foreign supplies. Returning to Syracuse after
-Hamilkar had renounced all attempts on Gela, Agathokles collected
-the corn from the neighborhood, and put the fortifications in the
-best state of defence. He had every reason to feel assured that the
-Carthaginians, encouraged by their recent success, and reinforced by
-allies from the whole island, would soon press the siege of Syracuse
-with all their energy; while for himself, hated by all, there was
-no hope of extraneous support, and little hope of a successful
-defence.[947]
-
-  [947] Diodor. xix. 110.
-
-In this apparently desperate situation, he conceived the idea of a
-novelty alike daring, ingenious, and effective; surrounded indeed
-with difficulties in the execution, but promising, if successfully
-executed, to change altogether the prospects of the war.
-
-He resolved to carry a force across from Syracuse to Africa, and
-attack the Carthaginians on their own soil. No Greek, so far as we
-know, had ever conceived the like scheme before; no one certainly
-had ever executed it. In the memory of man, the African territory of
-Carthage had never been visited by hostile foot. It was known that
-the Carthaginians would be not only unprepared to meet an attack at
-home, but unable even to imagine it as practicable. It was known
-that their territory was rich, and their African subjects harshly
-treated, discontented, and likely to seize the first opportunity
-for revolting. The landing of any hostile force near Carthage
-would strike such a blow, as at least to cause the recall of the
-Carthaginian armament in Sicily, and thus relieve Syracuse; perhaps
-the consequences of it might be yet greater.
-
-How to execute the scheme was the grand difficulty—for the
-Carthaginians were superior not merely on land, but also at sea.
-Agathokles had no chance except by keeping his purpose secret, and
-even unsuspected. He fitted out an armament, announced as about to
-sail forth from Syracuse on a secret expedition, against some unknown
-town on the Sicilian coast. He selected for this purpose his best
-troops, especially his horsemen, few of whom had been slain at the
-battle of the Himera; he could not transport horses, but he put
-the horsemen aboard with their saddles and bridles, entertaining
-full assurance that he could procure horses in Africa. In selecting
-soldiers for his expedition, he was careful to take one member from
-many different families, to serve as hostage for the fidelity of
-those left behind. He liberated, and enrolled among his soldiers,
-many of the strongest and most resolute slaves. To provide the
-requisite funds, his expedients were manifold; he borrowed from
-merchants, seized the money belonging to orphans, stripped the
-women of their precious ornaments, and even plundered the richest
-temples. By all these proceedings, the hatred as well as fear towards
-him was aggravated, especially among the more opulent families.
-Agathokles publicly proclaimed, that the siege of Syracuse, which the
-Carthaginians were now commencing, would be long and terrible—that
-he and his soldiers were accustomed to hardships and could endure
-them, but that those, who felt themselves unequal to the effort,
-might retire with their properties while it was yet time. Many of
-the wealthier families—to a number stated as 1600 persons—profited
-by this permission; but as they were leaving the city, Agathokles
-set his mercenaries upon them, slew them all, and appropriated their
-possessions to himself.[948] By such tricks and enormities, he
-provided funds enough for an armament of sixty ships, well filled
-with soldiers. Not one of these soldiers knew where they were
-going; there was a general talk about the madness of Agathokles;
-nevertheless such was their confidence in his bravery and military
-resource, that they obeyed his orders without asking questions. To
-act as viceroy of Syracuse during his own absence, Agathokles named
-Antander his brother, aided by an Ætolian officer named Erymnon.[949]
-
-  [948] Diodor. xx. 4, 5; Justin, xxii. 4. Compare Polyænus, 3-5.
-
-  [949] Diodor. xx. 4-16.
-
-The armament was equipped and ready, without any suspicion on the
-part of the Carthaginian fleet blockading the harbor. It happened
-one day that the approach of some corn-ships seduced this fleet
-into a pursuit; the mouth of the harbor being thus left unguarded,
-Agathokles took the opportunity of striking with his armament into
-the open sea. As soon as the Carthaginian fleet saw him sailing
-forth, they neglected the corn-ships, and prepared for battle,
-which they presumed that he was come to offer. To their surprise,
-he stood out to sea as fast as he could; they then pushed out in
-pursuit of him, but he had already got a considerable advance and
-strove to keep it. Towards nightfall however they neared him so much,
-that he was only saved by the darkness. During the night he made
-considerable way; but on the next day there occurred an eclipse of
-the sun so nearly total, that it became perfectly dark, and the stars
-were visible. The mariners were so terrified at this phenomenon,
-that all the artifice and ascendency of Agathokles were required to
-inspire them with new courage. At length, after six days and nights,
-they approached the coast of Africa. The Carthaginian ships had
-pursued them at a venture, in the direction towards Africa; and they
-appeared in sight, just as Agathokles was nearing the land. Strenuous
-efforts were employed by the mariners on both sides to touch land
-first; Agathokles secured that advantage, and was enabled to put
-himself into such a posture of defence that he repulsed the attack
-of the Carthaginian ships, and secured the disembarcation of his own
-soldiers, at a point called the Latomiæ or Stone quarries.[950]
-
-  [950] Diodor. xx. 6. Procopius, Bell. Vand. i. 15. It is here
-  stated, that for nine days’ march eastward from Carthage, as far
-  as Juka, the land is παντελῶς ἀλίμενος.
-
-After establishing his position ashore, and refreshing his soldiers,
-the first proceeding of Agathokles was to burn his vessels; a
-proceeding which seemed to carry an air of desperate boldness. Yet
-in truth the ships were now useless—for, if he was unsuccessful on
-land, they were not enough to enable him to return in the face of
-the Carthaginian fleet; they were even worse than useless, since, if
-he retained them, it was requisite that he should leave a portion of
-his army to guard them, and thus enfeeble his means of action for
-the really important achievements on land. Convening his soldiers
-in assembly near the ships, he first offered a sacrifice to Demeter
-and Persephonê—the patron goddesses of Sicily, and of Syracuse in
-particular. He then apprised his soldiers, that during the recent
-crossing and danger from the Carthaginian pursuers, he had addressed
-a vow to these goddesses—engaging to make a burnt-offering of his
-ships in their honor, if they would preserve him safe across to
-Africa. The goddesses had granted this boon; they had farther, by
-favorably responding to the sacrifice just offered, promised full
-success to his African projects: it became therefore incumbent on
-him to fulfil his vow with exactness. Torches being new brought,
-Agathokles took one in his hand, and mounted on the stern of the
-admiral’s ship, directing each of the trierarchs to do the like on
-his own ship. All were set on fire simultaneously, amidst the sound
-of trumpets, and the mingled prayers and shouts of the soldiers.[951]
-
-  [951] This striking scene is described by Diodorus, xx. 7
-  (compare Justin, xxii. 6), probably enough copied from Kallias,
-  the companion and panegyrist of Agathokles: see Diodor. xxi.
-  Fragm. p. 281.
-
-Though Agathokles had succeeded in animating his soldiers with a
-factitious excitement, for the accomplishment of this purpose, yet
-so soon as they saw the conflagration decided and irrevocable, thus
-cutting off all their communication with home—their spirits fell,
-and they began to despair of their prospects. Without allowing
-them time to dwell upon the novelty of the situation, Agathokles
-conducted them at once against the nearest Carthaginian town, called
-Megalê-Polis.[952] His march lay for the most part through a rich
-territory in the highest cultivation. The passing glance which we
-thus obtain into the condition of the territory near Carthage is
-of peculiar interest; more especially when contrasted with the
-desolation of the same coast, now and for centuries past. The
-corn-land, the plantations both of vines and olives, the extensive
-and well-stocked gardens, the size and equipment of the farm
-buildings, the large outlay for artificial irrigation, the agreeable
-country-houses belonging to wealthy Carthaginians, etc., all excited
-the astonishment, and stimulated the cupidity, of Agathokles and his
-soldiers. Moreover, the towns were not only very numerous, but all
-open and unfortified, except Carthage itself and a few others on the
-coast.[953]
-
-  [952] Megalê-Polis is nowhere else mentioned—nor is it noticed
-  by Forbiger in his list of towns in the Carthaginian territory
-  (Handbuch der Alten Geographie, sect. 109).
-
-  Dr. Barth (Wanderungen auf den Küsten Ländern des Mittelmeeres,
-  vol. i. p. 131-133) supposes that Agathokles landed at an
-  indentation of the coast on the western face of that projecting
-  tongue of land which terminates in Cape Bon (Promontorium
-  Mercurii), forming the eastern boundary of the Gulf of Carthage.
-  There are stone quarries here, of the greatest extent as well as
-  antiquity. Dr. Barth places Megalê-Polis not far off from this
-  spot, on the same western face of the projecting land, and near
-  the spot afterwards called Misua.
-
-  [953] Justin, xxii. 5. “Huc accedere, quod urbes castellaque
-  Africæ non muris cinctæ, non in montibus positæ sint: sed in
-  planis campis sine ullis munimentis jaceant: quas omnes metu
-  excidii facile ad belli societatem perlici posse.”
-
-The Carthaginians, besides having little fear of invasion by sea,
-were disposed to mistrust their subject cities, which they ruled
-habitually with harshness and oppression.[954] The Liby-Phenicians
-appear to have been unused to arms—a race of timid cultivators and
-traffickers, accustomed to subjection and practised in the deceit
-necessary for lightening it.[955] Agathokles, having marched through
-this land of abundance, assaulted Megalêpolis without delay. The
-inhabitants, unprepared for attack, distracted with surprise and
-terror, made little resistance. Agathokles easily took the town,
-abandoning both the persons of the inhabitants and all the rich
-property within, to his soldiers; who enriched themselves with a
-prodigious booty both from town and country—furniture, cattle, and
-slaves. From hence he advanced farther southward to the town called
-Tunês (the modern Tunis, at the distance of only fourteen miles
-south-west of Carthage itself), which he took by storm in like
-manner. He fortified Tunês as a permanent position; but he kept his
-main force united in camp, knowing well that he should presently have
-an imposing army against him in the field, and severe battles to
-fight.[956]
-
-  [954] Seven centuries and more after these events, we read that
-  the Vandal king Genseric conquered Africa from the Romans—and
-  that he demolished the fortifications of all the other towns
-  except Carthage alone—from the like feeling of mistrust. This
-  demolition materially facilitated the conquest of the Vandal
-  kingdom by Belisarius, two generations afterwards (Procopius,
-  Bell. Vandal. i. 5; i. 15).
-
-  [955] Livy (xxix. 25), in recounting the landing of Scipio in
-  the Carthaginian territory in the latter years of the second
-  Punic war, says, “Emporia ut peterent, gubernatoribus edixit.
-  Fertilissimus ager, eoque abundans omnium copiâ rerum est regio,
-  et imbelles (quod plerumque in uberi agro evenit) barbari sunt:
-  priusque quam Carthagine subveniretur, opprimi videbantur posse.”
-
-  About the harshness of the Carthaginian rule over their African
-  subjects, see Diodor. xv. 77; Polyb. i. 72. In reference to
-  the above passage of Polybius, however, we ought to keep in
-  mind—That in describing this harshness, he speaks with _express
-  and exclusive reference_ to the conduct of the Carthaginians
-  towards their subjects during the first Punic war (against Rome),
-  when the Carthaginians themselves were hard pressed by the
-  Romans and required everything that they could lay hands upon
-  for self-defence. This passage of Polybius has been sometimes
-  cited as if it attested the _ordinary_ character and measure of
-  Carthaginian dominion; which is contrary to the intention of the
-  author.
-
-  [956] Diodor. xx. 8. Compare Polybius, i. 29, where he describes
-  the first invasion of the Carthaginian territory by the Roman
-  consul Regulus. Tunês was 120 stadia or about fourteen miles
-  south-east of Carthage (Polyb. i. 67). The Tab. Peuting. reckons
-  it only ten miles. It was made the central place for hostile
-  operations against Carthage both by Regulus in the first Punic
-  war (Polyb. i. 30),—by Matho and Spendius, in the rebellion of
-  the mercenary soldiers and native Africans against Carthage,
-  which followed on the close of the first Punic war (Polyb. i.
-  73)—and by the revolted Libyans in 396 B. C. (Diodor.
-  xiv. 77).
-
-  Diodorus places Tunês at the distance of 2000 stadia from
-  Carthage, which must undoubtedly be a mistake. He calls it _White
-  Tunês_; an epithet drawn from the chalk cliffs adjoining.
-
-The Carthaginian fleet had pursued Agathokles during his crossing
-from Syracuse, in perfect ignorance of his plans. When he landed
-in Africa, on their own territory, and even burnt his fleet, they
-at first flattered themselves with the belief that they held him
-prisoner. But as soon as they saw him commence his march in military
-array against Megalêpolis, they divined his real purposes, and were
-filled with apprehension. Carrying off the brazen prow-ornaments of
-his burnt and abandoned ships, they made sail for Carthage, sending
-forward a swift vessel to communicate first what had occurred.
-Before this vessel arrived, however, the landing of Agathokles had
-been already made known at Carthage, where it excited the utmost
-surprise and consternation; since no one supposed that he could have
-accomplished such an adventure without having previously destroyed
-the Carthaginian army and fleet in Sicily. From this extreme dismay
-they were presently relieved by the arrival of the messengers from
-their fleet; whereby they learnt the real state of affairs in
-Sicily. They now made the best preparations in their power to resist
-Agathokles. Hanno and Bomilkar, two men of leading families, were
-named generals conjointly. They were bitter political rivals,—but
-this very rivalry was by some construed as an advantage, since each
-would serve as a check upon the other and as a guarantee to the
-state; or, what is more probable, each had a party sufficiently
-strong to prevent the separate election of the other.[957] These two
-generals, unable to wait for distant succors, led out the native
-forces of the city, stated at 40,000 infantry, 1000 cavalry, derived
-altogether from citizens and residents—with 2000 war-chariots. They
-took post on an eminence (somewhere between Tunis and Carthage) not
-far from Agathokles; Bomilkar commanding on the left, where the
-ground was so difficult that he was unable to extend his front, and
-was obliged to admit an unusual depth of files; while Hanno was on
-the right, having in his front rank the Sacred Band of Carthage, a
-corps of 2500 distinguished citizens, better armed and braver than
-the rest. So much did the Carthaginians outnumber the invaders—and
-so confident were they of victory—that they carried with them 20,000
-pairs of handcuffs for their anticipated prisoners.[958]
-
-  [957] Diodor. xx. 10.
-
-  [958] Diodor. xx. 10-13. See, respecting the Sacred Band of
-  Carthage (which was nearly cut to pieces by Timoleon at the
-  battle of the Krimesus), Diodor. xvi. 80, 81; also Vol. XI. of
-  this History, Chap. lxxxv. p. 171-177.
-
-  The amount of native or citizen-force given here by Diodorus
-  (40,000 foot and 1000 horse) seems very great. Our data for
-  appreciating it however are lamentably scanty; and we ought to
-  expect a large total. The population of Carthage is said to have
-  been 700,000 souls; even when it was besieged by the Romans in
-  the third Punic war, and when its power was prodigiously lessened
-  (Strabo, xvii. p. 833). Its military magazines, even in that
-  reduced condition, were enormous,—as they stood immediately
-  previous to their being given up to the Romans, under the
-  treacherous delusions held out by Rome.
-
-Agathokles placed himself on the left, with 1000 chosen hoplites
-round him, to combat the Sacred Band; the command of his right he
-gave to his son Archagathus. His troops—Syracusans, miscellaneous
-mercenary Greeks, Campanians or Samnites, Tuscans, and Gauls—scarcely
-equalled in numbers one-half of the enemy. Some of the ships’ crews
-were even without arms,—a deficiency, which Agathokles could only
-supply in appearance, by giving to them the leather cases or wrappers
-of shields, stretched out upon sticks. The outstretched wrappers thus
-exhibited looked from a distance like shields; so that these men,
-stationed in the rear, had the appearance of a reserve of hoplites.
-As the soldiers however were still discouraged, Agathokles tried to
-hearten them up by another device yet more singular, for which indeed
-he must have made deliberate provision beforehand. In various parts
-of the camp, he let fly a number of owls, which perched upon the
-shields and helmets of the soldiers. These birds, the favorite of
-Athênê, were supposed and generally asserted to promise victory; the
-minds of the soldiers are reported to have been much reassured by the
-sight.
-
-The Carthaginian war-chariots and cavalry, which charged first, made
-little or no impression; but the infantry of their right pressed the
-Greeks seriously. Especially Hanno, with the Sacred Band around him,
-behaved with the utmost bravery and forwardness, and seemed to be
-gaining advantage, when he was unfortunately slain. His death not
-only discouraged his own troops, but became fatal to the army, by
-giving opportunity for treason to his colleague Bomilkar. This man
-had long secretly meditated the project of rendering himself despot
-of Carthage. As a means of attaining that end, he deliberately sought
-to bring reverses upon her; and no sooner had he heard of Hanno’s
-death, than he gave orders for his own wing to retreat. The Sacred
-Band, though fighting with unshaken valor, were left unsupported,
-attacked in rear as well as front, and compelled to give way along
-with the rest. The whole Carthaginian army was defeated and driven
-back to Carthage. Their camp fell into the hands of Agathokles, who
-found among their baggage the very handcuffs which they had brought
-for fettering their expected captives.[959]
-
-  [959] Diodor. xx. 12. The loss of the Carthaginians was
-  differently given—some authors stated it at 1000 men—others at
-  6000. The loss in the army of Agathokles was stated at 200 men.
-
-This victory made Agathokles for the time master of the open country.
-He transmitted the news to Sicily, by a boat of thirty oars,
-constructed expressly for the purpose—since he had no ships of his
-own remaining. Having fortified Tunês and established it as his
-central position, he commenced operations along the eastern coast
-(Zeugitana and Byzakium, as the northern and southern portions of
-it were afterwards denominated by the Romans) against the towns
-dependent on Carthage.[960]
-
-  [960] Diodor. xx. 17.
-
-In that city, meanwhile, all was terror and despondency in
-consequence of the recent defeat. It was well known that the African
-subjects generally entertained nothing but fear and hatred towards
-the reigning city. Neither the native Libyans or Africans,—nor the
-mixed race called Liby-Phœnicians, who inhabited the towns[961]—could
-be depended on if their services were really needed. The distress of
-the Carthaginians took the form of religious fears and repentance.
-They looked back with remorse on the impiety of their past lives, and
-on their omissions of duty towards the gods. To the Tyrian Herakles,
-they had been slack in transmitting the dues and presents required
-by their religion; a backwardness which they now endeavored to make
-up by sending envoys to Tyre, with prayers and supplications, with
-rich presents, and especially with models in gold and silver of
-their sacred temples and shrines. Towards Kronus, or Moloch, they
-also felt that they had conducted themselves sinfully. The worship
-acceptable to that god required the sacrifice of young children,
-born of free and opulent parents, and even the choice child of the
-family. But it was now found out, on investigation, that many parents
-had recently put a fraud upon the god, by surreptitiously buying
-poor children, feeding them well, and then sacrificing them as their
-own. This discovery seemed at once to explain why Kronus had become
-offended, and what had brought upon them the recent defeat. They
-made an emphatic atonement, by selecting 200 children from the most
-illustrious families in Carthage, and offering them up to Kronus
-at a great public sacrifice; besides which, 300 parents, finding
-themselves denounced for similar omissions in the past, displayed
-their repentance by voluntarily immolating their own children for
-the public safety. The statue of Kronus,—placed with outstretched
-hands to receive the victim tendered to him, with fire immediately
-underneath—was fed on that solemnity certainly with 200, and probably
-with 500, living children.[962] By this monstrous holocaust the full
-religious duty being discharged, and forgiveness obtained from the
-god, the mental distress of the Carthaginians was healed.
-
-  [961] Diodor. xx. 55.
-
-  [962] Diodor. xx. 14. ᾐτιῶντο δὲ καὶ τὸν Κρόνον αὑτοῖς
-  ἐναντιοῦσθαι, καθόσον ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις θύοντες τούτῳ
-  τῷ θεῷ τῶν υἱῶν τοὺς κρατίστους, ὕστερον ὠνούμενοι λάθρα παῖδας
-  καὶ θρέψαντες ἔπεμπον ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν· καὶ ζητήσεως γενομένης,
-  εὑρέθησάν τινες τῶν καθιερουργημένων ὑποβολιμαῖοι γεγονότες·
-  τούτων δὲ λαβόντες ἔννοιαν, καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πρὸς τοῖς τείχεσιν
-  ὁρῶντες στρατοπεδεύοντας, ἐδεισιδαιμόνουν ὡς καταλελυκότες τὰς
-  πατρίους τῶν θεῶν τιμάς· διορθώσασθαι δὲ τὰς ἀγνοίας σπεύδοντες,
-  διακοσίους μὲν τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων παίδων προκρίναντες ἔθυσαν
-  δημοσίᾳ· ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἐν διαβολαῖς ὄντες, ἑκουσίως ἑαυτοὺς ἔδοσαν,
-  οὐκ ἐλάττους ὄντες τριακοσίων· ἦν δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀνδριὰς Κρόνου
-  χαλκοῦς, ἐκτετακὼς τὰς χεῖρας ὑπτίας ἐγκεκλιμένας ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν,
-  ὥστε τὸν ἐπιτεθέντα τῶν παίδων ἀποκυλίεσθαι καὶ πίπτειν εἴς τι
-  χάσμα πλῆρες πυρός. Compare Festus ap. Lactantium, Inst. Div. i.
-  21; Justin, xviii. 6, 12.
-
-  In this remarkable passage (the more remarkable because so little
-  information concerning Carthaginian antiquity has reached us),
-  one clause is not perfectly clear, respecting the three hundred
-  who are said to have voluntarily _given themselves up_. Diodorus
-  means (I apprehend) as Eusebius understood it, that these were
-  fathers who gave up _their children_ (not themselves) to be
-  sacrificed. The victims here mentioned as sacrificed to Kronus
-  were children, not adults (compare Diodor. xiii. 86): nothing
-  is here said about adult victims. Wesseling in his note adheres
-  to the literal meaning of the words, dissenting from Eusebius:
-  but I think that the literal meaning is less in harmony with the
-  general tenor of the paragraph. Instances of self-devotion, by
-  persons torn with remorse, are indeed mentioned: see the case of
-  Imilkon, Diodor. xiv. 76; Justin, xix. 3.
-
-  We read in the Fragment of Ennius—“Pœni sunt soliti suos
-  sacrificare puellos:” see the chapter iv. of Münter’s work,
-  Religion der Karthager, on this subject.
-
-Having thus relieved their consciences on the score of religious
-obligation, the Carthaginians despatched envoys to Hamilkar in
-Sicily, acquainting him with the recent calamity, desiring him
-to send a reinforcement, and transmitting to him the brazen prow
-ornaments taken from the ships of Agathokles. They at the same time
-equipped a fresh army, with which they marched forth to attack
-Tunês. Agathokles had fortified that town, and established a strong
-camp before it; but he had withdrawn his main force to prosecute
-operations against the maritime towns on the eastern coast of the
-territory of Carthage. Among these towns, he first attacked Neapolis
-with success, granting to the inhabitants favorable terms. He then
-advanced farther southwards towards Adrumetum, of which he commenced
-the siege, with the assistance of a neighboring Libyan prince named
-Elymas, who now joined him. While Agathokles was engaged in the siege
-of Adrumetum, the Carthaginians attacked his position at Tunês, drove
-his soldiers out of the fortified camp into the town, and began to
-batter the defences of the town itself. Apprised of this danger
-while besieging Adrumetum, but nevertheless reluctant to raise the
-siege,—Agathokles left his main army before it, stole away with
-only a few soldiers and some camp-followers, and conducting them to
-an elevated spot—halfway between Adrumetum and Tunês, yet visible
-from both—he caused them to kindle at night upon this eminence a
-prodigious number of fires.[963] The effect, of these fires, seen
-from Adrumetum on one side and from Tunês on the other, was, to
-produce the utmost terror at both places. The Carthaginians besieging
-Tunês fancied that Agathokles with his whole army was coming to
-attack them, and forthwith abandoned the siege in disorder, leaving
-their engines behind. The defenders of Adrumetum, interpreting these
-fires as evidence of a large reinforcement on its way to join the
-besieging army, were so discouraged that they surrendered the town on
-capitulation.[964]
-
-  [963] Diodor. xx. 17. λάθρα προσῆλθεν ἐπί τινα τόπον ὀρεινὸν,
-  ὅθεν ~ὁρᾶσθαι δυνατὸν ἦν αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀδρυμητινῶν καὶ τῶν
-  Καρχηδονίων τῶν Τύνητα πολιορκούντων~· νυκτὸς δὲ συντάξας τοῖς
-  στρατιώταις ἐπὶ πολὺν τόπον πυρὰ καίειν, δόξαν ἐν εποίησε,
-  τοῖς μὲν Καρχηδονίοις, ὡς μετὰ μεγάλης δυνάμεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
-  πορευόμενος, τοῖς δὲ πολιορκουμένοις, ὡς ἄλλης δυνάμεως ἁδρᾶς
-  τοῖς πολεμίοις εἰς συμμαχίαν παραγεγενημένης.
-
-  [964] Diodor. xx. 17. The incident here recounted by Diodorus
-  is curious, but quite distinct and intelligible. He had good
-  authorities before him in his history of Agathokles. If true,
-  it affords an evidence for determining, within some limits, the
-  site of the ancient Adrumetum, which Mannert and Shaw place at
-  Herkla— while Forbiger and Dr. Barth put it near the site of the
-  modern port called Susa, still more to the southward, and at a
-  prodigious distance from Tunis. Other anthem have placed it at
-  Hamamat, more to the northward than Herkla, and nearer to Tunis.
-
-  Of these three sites, Hamamat is the only one which will consist
-  with the narrative of Diodorus. Both the others are too distant.
-  Hamamat is about forty-eight English miles from Tunis (see Barth,
-  p. 184, with his note). This is as great a distance (if not too
-  great) as can possibly be admitted; both Herkla and Susa are very
-  much more distant, and therefore out of the question.
-
-  Nevertheless, the other evidence known to us tends apparently
-  to place Adrumetum at Susa, and not at Hamamat (see Barth, p.
-  142-154; Forbiger, Handb. Geog. p. 845). It is therefore probable
-  that the narrative of Diodorus is not true, or must apply to some
-  other place on the coast (possibly Neapolis, the modern Nabel)
-  taken by Agathokles, and not to Adrumetum.
-
-By this same stratagem—if the narrative can be trusted—Agathokles
-both relieved Tunês, and acquired possession of Adrumetum. Pushing
-his conquests yet farther south, he besieged and took Thapsus,
-with several other towns on the coast to a considerable distance
-southward.[965] He also occupied and fortified the important position
-called Aspis, on the south-east of the headland Cape Bon, and not far
-distant from it; a point convenient for maritime communication with
-Sicily.[966]
-
-  [965] Diodor. xx. 17.
-
-  [966] Strabo, xvii. p. 834. Solinus (c. 30) talks of Aspis as
-  founded by the _Siculi_. Aspis (called by the Romans Clypea),
-  being on the eastern side of Cape Bon, was more convenient for
-  communication with Sicily than either Carthage, or Tunis, or
-  any part of the Gulf of Carthage, which was on the western side
-  of Cape Bon. To get round that headland is, even at the present
-  day, a difficult and uncertain enterprise for navigators: see
-  the remarks of Dr. Barth, founded partly on his own personal
-  experience (Wanderungen auf den Küstenländern des Mittelmeeres,
-  i. p. 196). A ship coming from Sicily to Aspis was not under the
-  necessity of getting round the headland.
-
-  In the case of Agathokles, there was a further reason for
-  establishing his maritime position at Aspis. The Carthaginian
-  fleet was superior to him at sea; accordingly they could easily
-  interrupt his maritime communication from Sicily with Tunis, or
-  with any point in the Gulf of Carthage. But it was not so easy
-  for them to watch the coast at Aspis; for in order to do this,
-  they must get from the Gulf round to Cape Bon.
-
-By a series of such acquisitions, comprising in all not less than
-200 dependencies of Carthage, Agathokles became master along the
-eastern coast.[967] He next endeavored to subdue the towns in the
-interior, into which he advanced as far as several days’ march. But
-he was recalled by intelligence from his soldiers at Tunês, that the
-Carthaginians had marched out again to attack them, and had already
-retaken some of his conquests. Returning suddenly by forced marches,
-he came upon them by surprise, and drove in their advanced parties
-with considerable loss; while he also gained an important victory
-over the Libyan prince Elymas, who had rejoined the Carthaginians,
-but was now defeated and slain.[968] The Carthaginians, however,
-though thus again humbled and discouraged, still maintained the
-field, strongly entrenched, between Carthage and Tunês.
-
-  [967] Diodor. xx. 17. The Roman consul Regulus, when he invaded
-  Africa during the first Punic war, is said to have acquired,
-  either by capture or voluntary adhesion, two hundred dependent
-  cities of Carthage (Appian, Punica, c. 3). Respecting the
-  prodigious number of towns in Northern Africa, see the very
-  learned and instructive work of Mövers, Die Phönikier, vol.
-  ii. p. 454 _seqq._ Even at the commencement of the third Punic
-  war, when Carthage was so much reduced in power, she had still
-  three hundred cities in Libya (Strabo, xvii. p. 833). It must be
-  confessed that the name cities or towns (πόλεις) was used by some
-  authors very vaguely. Thus Posidonius ridiculed the affirmation
-  of Polybius (Strabo, iii. p. 162), that Tiberius Gracchus had
-  destroyed three hundred πόλεις of the Celtiberians; Strabo
-  censures others who spoke of one thousand πόλεις of the Iberians.
-  Such a number could only be made good by including large κῶμαι.
-
-  [968] Diodor. xx. 17, 18.
-
-Meanwhile the affairs of Agathokles at Syracuse had taken a turn
-unexpectedly favorable. He had left that city blocked up partially
-by sea and with a victorious enemy encamped near it; so that
-supplies found admission with difficulty. In this condition,
-Hamilkar, commander of the Carthaginian army, received from
-Carthage the messengers announcing their recent defeat in Africa;
-yet also bringing the brazen prow ornaments taken from the ships
-of Agathokles. He ordered the envoys to conceal the real truth,
-and to spread abroad news that Agathokles had been destroyed with
-his armament; in proof of which he produced the prow ornaments,—an
-undoubted evidence that the ships had really been destroyed. Sending
-envoys with these evidences into Syracuse, to be exhibited to
-Antander, and the ether authorities, Hamilkar demanded from them
-the surrender of the city, under promise of safety and favorable
-terms; at the same time marching his army close up to it, with
-the view of making an attack. Antander with others, believing the
-information and despairing of successful resistance, were disposed
-to comply; but Erymnon the Ætolian insisted on holding out until
-they had fuller certainty. This resolution Antander adopted. At the
-same time, mistrusting those citizens of Syracuse who were relatives
-or friends of the exiles without, he ordered them all to leave the
-city immediately, with their wives and families. No less than 8000
-persons were expelled under this mandate. They were consigned to the
-mercy of Hamilkar, and his army without; who not only suffered them
-to pass, but treated them with kindness. Syracuse was now a scene
-of aggravated wretchedness and despondency; not less from this late
-calamitous expulsion, than from the grief of those who believed that
-their relatives in Africa had perished with Agathokles. Hamilkar had
-brought up his battering-engines, and was preparing to assault the
-town, when Nearchus, the messenger from Agathokles, arrived from
-Africa after a voyage of five days, having under favor of darkness
-escaped, though only just escaped, the blockading squadron. From him
-the Syracusan government learnt the real truth, and the victorious
-position of Agathokles. There was no farther talk of capitulation;
-Hamilkar—having tried a partial assault, which was vigorously
-repulsed,—withdrew his army, and detached from it a reinforcement of
-5000 men to the aid of his countrymen in Africa.[969]
-
-  [969] Diodor. xx. 15, 16.
-
-During some months, he seems to have employed himself in partial
-operations for extending the Carthaginian dominion throughout
-Sicily. But at length he concerted measures with the Syracusan exile
-Deinokrates, who was at the head of a numerous body of his exiled
-countrymen, for a renewed attack upon Syracuse. His fleet already
-blockaded the harbor, and he now with his army, stated as 120,000
-men, destroyed the neighboring lands, hoping to starve out the
-inhabitants. Approaching close to the walls of the city, he occupied
-the Olympieion, or temple of Zeus Olympius, near the river Anapus and
-the interior coast of the Great Harbor. From hence—probably under the
-conduct of Deinokrates and the other exiles, well-acquainted with
-the ground—he undertook by a night-march to ascend the circuitous
-and difficult mountain track, for the purpose of surprising the
-fort called Euryalus, at the highest point of Epipolæ, and the
-western apex of the Syracusan lines of fortification. This was
-the same enterprise, at the same hour, and with the same main
-purpose, as that of Demosthenes during the Athenian siege, after
-he had brought the second armament from Athens to the relief of
-Nikias.[970] Even Demosthenes, though conducting his march with
-greater precaution than Hamilkar, and successful in surprising the
-fort of Euryalus, had been driven down again with disastrous loss.
-Moreover, since his time, this fort Euryalus, instead of being left
-detached, had been embodied by the elder Dionysius as an integral
-portion of the fortifications of the city. It formed the apex or
-point of junction for the two converging walls—one skirting the
-northern cliff, the other the southern cliff, of Epipolæ.[971]
-The surprise intended by Hamilkar—difficult in the extreme, if at
-all practicable—seems to have been unskilfully conducted. It was
-attempted with a confused multitude, incapable of that steady order
-requisite for night-movements. His troops, losing their way in the
-darkness, straggled, and even mistook each other for enemies; while
-the Syracusan guards from Euryalus, alarmed by the noise, attacked
-them vigorously and put them to the rout. Their loss, in trying
-to escape down the steep declivity, was prodigious; and Hamilkar
-himself, making brave efforts to rally them, became prisoner to the
-Syracusans. What lent peculiar interest to this incident, in the
-eyes of a pious Greek, was that it served to illustrate and confirm
-the truth of prophecy. Hamilkar had been assured by a prophet that
-he would sup that night in Syracuse; and this assurance had in part
-emboldened him to the attack, since he naturally calculated on
-entering the city as a conqueror.[972] He did indeed take his evening
-meal in Syracuse, literally fulfilling the augury. Immediately after
-it, he was handed over to the relatives of the slain, who first
-paraded him through the city in chains, then inflicted on him the
-worst tortures, and lastly killed him. His head was cut off and sent
-to Africa.[973]
-
-  [970] See Vol. VII. Ch. lx. p. 304 of this History.
-
-  [971] For a description of the fortifications added to Syracuse
-  by the elder Dionysius, see Vol. X. Ch. lxxxii. p. 499 of this
-  History.
-
-  [972] Diodor. xx. 29, 30. Cicero (Divinat. i. 24) notices this
-  prophecy and its manner of fulfilment; but he gives a somewhat
-  different version of the events preceding the capture of Hamilkar.
-
-  [973] Diodor. xx. 30. τὸν δ᾽ οὖν Ἁμίλκαν οἱ τῶν ἀπολωλότων
-  συγγενεῖς δεδεμένον ἀγαγόντες διὰ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ δειναῖς αἰκίαις
-  κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρησάμενοι, μετὰ τῆς ἐσχάτης ὕβρεως ἀνεῖλον.
-
-The loss and humiliation sustained in this repulse—together with the
-death of Hamilkar, and the discord ensuing between the exiles under
-Deinokrates and the Carthaginian soldiers—completely broke up the
-besieging army. At the same time, the Agrigentines, profiting by the
-depression both of Carthaginians and exiles, stood forward publicly,
-proclaiming themselves as champions of the cause of autonomous city
-government throughout Sicily, under their own presidency, against
-both the Carthaginians on one side, and the despot Agathokles on
-the other. They chose for their general a citizen named Xenodokus,
-who set himself with vigor to the task of expelling everywhere the
-mercenary garrisons which held the cities in subjection. He began
-first with Gela, the city immediately adjoining Agrigentum, found
-a party of the citizens disposed to aid him, and in conjunction
-with them, overthrew the Agathoklean garrison. The Geloans, thus
-liberated, seconded cordially his efforts to extend the like benefits
-to others. The popular banner proclaimed by Agrigentum proved so
-welcome, that many cities eagerly invited her aid to shake off the
-yoke of the soldiery in their respective citadels, and regain their
-free governments.[974] Enna, Erbessus, Echetla,[975] Leontini, and
-Kamarina, were all thus relieved from the dominion of Agathokles;
-while other cities were in like manner emancipated from the sway
-of the Carthaginians; and joined the Agrigentine confederacy.
-The Agathoklean government at Syracuse was not strong enough to
-resist such spirited manifestations. Syracuse still continued to be
-blocked up by the Carthaginian fleet; though the blockade was less
-efficacious, and supplies were now introduced more abundantly than
-before.[976]
-
-  [974] Diodor. xx. 31. διαβοηθείσης δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἀκραγαντίνων
-  ἐπιβολῆς κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν νῆσον, ἐνέπεσεν ὁρμὴ ταῖς πόλεσι πρὸς τὴν
-  ἐλευθερίαν.
-
-  [975] Enna is nearly in the centre of Sicily; Erbessus is not far
-  to the north-east of Agrigentum; Echetla is placed by Polybius
-  (i. 15) midway between the domain of Syracuse and that of
-  Carthage.
-
-  [976] Diodor. xx. 32.
-
-The ascendency of Agathokles was thus rather on the wane in Sicily:
-but in Africa, he had become more powerful than ever—not without
-perilous hazards which brought him occasionally to the brink of ruin.
-On receiving from Syracuse the head of the captive Hamilkar, he rode
-forth close to the camp of the Carthaginians, and held it up to their
-view in triumph; they made respectful prostration before it, but the
-sight was astounding and mournful to them.[977] While they were thus
-in despondency, however, a strange vicissitude was on the point of
-putting their enemy into their hands. A violent mutiny broke out in
-the camp of Agathokles at Tunês, arising out of a drunken altercation
-between his son Archagathus and an Ætolian officer named Lykiskus;
-which ended in the murder of the latter by the former. The comrades
-of Lykiskus rose in arms with fury to avenge him, calling for the
-head of Archagathus. They found sympathy with the whole army; who
-seized the opportunity of demanding their arrears of outstanding
-pay, chose new generals, and took regular possession of Tunês with
-its defensive works. The Carthaginians, informed of this outbreak,
-immediately sent envoys to treat with the mutineers, offering to them
-large presents and double pay in the service of Carthage. Their offer
-was at first so favorably entertained, that the envoys returned with
-confident hopes of success; when Agathokles, as a last resource,
-clothed himself in mean garb, and threw himself on the mercy of the
-soldiers. He addressed them in a pathetic appeal, imploring them not
-to desert him, and even drew his sword to kill himself before their
-faces. With such art did he manage this scene, that the feelings of
-the soldiers underwent a sudden and complete revolution. They not
-only became reconciled to him, but even greeted him with enthusiasm,
-calling on him to resume the dress and functions of general, and
-promising unabated obedience for the future.[978] Agathokles gladly
-obeyed the call, and took advantage of their renewed ardor to attack
-forthwith the Carthaginians; who, expecting nothing less, were
-defeated with considerable loss.[979]
-
-  [977] Diodor. xx. 33. οἱ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι, περιαλγεῖς γενόμενοι,
-  καὶ βαρβαρικῶς προσκυνήσαντες, etc.
-
-  [978] Compare the description in Tacitus, Hist. ii. 29, of the
-  mutiny in the Vitellian army commanded by Fabius Valens, at
-  Ticinum.
-
-  “Postquam immissis lictoribus, Valens coercere seditionem
-  cœptabat, ipsum invadunt (milites), saxa jaciunt, fugientem
-  sequuntur.—Valens, servili veste, apud decurionem equitum
-  tegebatur.” (Presently the feeling changes, by the adroit
-  management of Alphenus Varus, prefect of the camp)—then,
-  “silentio, patientia, postremo precibus et lacrymis, veniam
-  quærebant. Ut vero deformis et flens, et præter spem incolumis
-  Valens processit, gaudium, miseratio, favor: versi in lætitiam
-  (ut est vulgus utroque immodicum) laudantes gratantesque
-  circumdatum aquilis signisque, in tribunal ferunt.”
-
-  [979] Diodor. xx. 34.
-
-In spite of this check, the Carthaginians presently sent a
-considerable force into the interior, for the purpose of reconquering
-or regaining the disaffected Numidian tribes. They met with good
-success in this enterprise; but the Numidians were in the main
-faithless and indifferent to both the belligerents, seeking only
-to turn the war to their own profit. Agathokles, leaving his son
-in command at Tunês, followed the Carthaginians into the interior
-with a large portion of his army. The Carthaginian generals were
-cautious, and kept themselves in strong position. Nevertheless
-Agathokles felt confident enough to assail them in their camp; and
-after great effort, with severe loss on his own side, he gained an
-indecisive victory. This advantage however was countervailed by the
-fact, that during the action the Numidians assailed his camp, slew
-all the defenders, and carried off nearly all the slaves and baggage.
-The loss on the Carthaginian side fell most severely upon the Greek
-soldiers in their pay; most of them exiles under Klinon, and some
-Syracusan exiles. These men behaved with signal gallantry, and were
-nearly all slain, either during the battle or after the battle, by
-Agathokles.[980]
-
-  [980] Diodor. xx. 39.
-
-It had now become manifest, however, to this daring invader that
-the force of resistance possessed by Carthage was more than he
-could overcome—that though humbling and impoverishing her for the
-moment, he could not bring the war to a triumphant close; since
-the city itself, occupying the isthmus of a peninsula from sea to
-sea, and surrounded with the strongest fortifications, could not
-be besieged except by means far superior to his.[981] We have
-already seen, that though he had gained victories and seized rich
-plunder, he had not been able to provide even regular pay for his
-soldiers, whose fidelity was consequently precarious. Nor could he
-expect reinforcements from Sicily; where his power was on the whole
-declining, though Syracuse itself was in less danger than before.
-He therefore resolved to invoke aid from Ophellas at Kyrênê and
-despatched Orthon as envoy for that purpose.[982]
-
-  [981] Diodor. xx. 59. Ὁ δὲ τῆς πόλεως οὐκ ἦν κίνδυνος, ἀπροσίτου
-  τῆς πόλεως οὔσης διὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν καὶ τῆς θαλάττης
-  ὀχυρότητα.
-
-  [982] Diodor. xx. 40.
-
-To Kyrênê and what was afterwards called its Pentapolis (i. e. the
-five neighboring Grecian towns, Kyrênê, its port Apollonia, Barka,
-Teucheira, and Hesperides), an earlier chapter of this history has
-already been devoted.[983] Unfortunately information respecting
-them, for a century and more anterior to Alexander the Great, is
-almost wholly wanting. Established among a Libyan population, many
-of whom were domiciliated with the Greeks as fellow-residents, these
-Kyreneans had imbibed many Libyan habits in war, in peace, and in
-religion; of which their fine breed of horses, employed both for
-the festival chariot-matches and in battle, was one example. The
-Libyan tribes, useful as neighbors, servants, and customers,[984]
-were frequently also troublesome as enemies. In 413 B. C.
-we hear accidentally that Hesperides was besieged by Libyan tribes,
-and rescued by some Peloponnesian hoplites on their way to Syracuse
-during the Athenian siege.[985] About 401 B. C. (shortly
-after the close of the Peloponnesian war), the same city was again
-so hard pressed by the same enemies, that she threw open her
-citizenship to any Greek new-comer who would aid in repelling them.
-This invitation was accepted by several of the Messenians, just then
-expelled from Peloponnesus, and proscribed by the Spartans; they
-went to Africa, but, becoming involved in intestine warfare among
-the citizens of Kyrênê, a large proportion of them perished.[986]
-Except these scanty notices, we hear nothing about the Greco-Libyan
-Pentapolis in relation to Grecian affairs, before the time of
-Alexander. It would appear that the trade with the native African
-tribes, between the Gulfs called the Greater and Lesser Syrtis,
-was divided between Kyrênê (meaning the Kyrenaic Pentapolis) and
-Carthage—at a boundary point called the Altars of the Philæni,
-ennobled by a commemorative legend; immediately east of these Altars
-was Automala, the westernmost factory of Kyrênê.[987] We cannot doubt
-that the relations, commercial and otherwise, between Kyrênê and
-Carthage, the two great emporia on the coast of Africa, were constant
-and often lucrative—though not always friendly.
-
-  [983] See Vol. IV. Ch. xxvii. p. 29-49.
-
-  [984] See Isokrates, Or. iv. (Philipp.) s. 6, where he speaks of
-  Kyrênê as a spot judiciously chosen for colonization; the natives
-  near it being not dangerous, but suited for obedient neighbors
-  and slaves.
-
-  [985] Thucyd. vii. 50.
-
-  [986] Pausan. iv. 26; Diodor. xiv. 34.
-
-  [987] Strabo, xvii. p. 836; Sallust, Bell. Jugurth. p. 126.
-
-In the year 331 B. C., when the victorious Alexander overran Egypt,
-the inhabitants of Kyrênê sent to tender presents and submission
-to him, and became enrolled among his subjects.[988] We hear
-nothing more about them until the last year of Alexander’s life
-(324 B. C. to 323 B. C.). About that time, the exiles from Kyrênê
-and Barka, probably enough emboldened by the rescript of Alexander
-(proclaimed at the Olympic festival of 324 B. C., and directing
-that all Grecian exiles, except those guilty of sacrilege, should
-be recalled forthwith), determined to accomplish their return by
-force. To this end they invited from Krete an officer named Thimbron;
-who, having slain Harpalus after his flight from Athens (recounted
-in a previous chapter), had quartered himself in Krete, with the
-treasure, the ships, and the 6000 mercenaries, brought over from
-Asia by that satrap.[989] Thimbron willingly carried over his army
-to their assistance, intending to conquer for himself a principality
-in Libya. He landed near Kyrênê, defeated the Kyrenean forces with
-great slaughter, and made himself master of Apollonia, the fortified
-port of that city, distant from it nearly ten miles. The towns of
-Barka and Hesperides sided with him; so that he was strong enough to
-force the Kyreneans to a disadvantageous treaty. They covenanted to
-pay 500 talents,—to surrender to him half of their war-chariots for
-his ulterior projects—and to leave him in possession of Apollonia.
-While he plundered the merchants in the harbor, he proclaimed
-his intention of subjugating the independent Libyan tribes, and
-probably of stretching his conquests to Carthage.[990] His schemes
-were however frustrated by one of his own officers, a Kretan named
-Mnasikles; who deserted to the Kyreneans, and encouraged them to set
-aside the recent convention. Thimbron, after seizing such citizens of
-Kyrênê as happened to be at Apollonia, attacked Kyrênê itself, but
-was repulsed; and the Kyreneans were then bold enough to invade the
-territory of Barka and Hesperides. To aid them, Thimbron moved his
-quarters from Apollonia; but during his absence, Mnasikles contrived
-to surprise that valuable port; thus mastering at once his base of
-operations, the station for his fleet, and all the baggage of his
-soldiers. Thimbron’s fleet could not be long maintained without a
-harbor. The seamen, landing here and there for victuals and water,
-were cut off by the native Libyans, while the vessels were dispersed
-by storms.[991]
-
-  [988] Arrian, vii. 9, 12; Curtius, iv. 7, 9; Diodor. xvii. 49.
-  It is said that the inhabitants of Kyrênê (exact date unknown)
-  applied to Plato to make laws for them, but that he declined. See
-  Thrige, Histor. Cyrênês, p. 191. We should be glad to have this
-  statement better avouched.
-
-  [989] Diodor. xvii. 108, xviii. 19; Arrian, De Rebus; post
-  Alexandr. vi. apud Photium, Cod. 92; Strabo, xvii. p. 837.
-
-  [990] Diodor. xviii. 19.
-
-  [991] Diodor. xvii. 20.
-
-The Kyreneans, now full of hope, encountered Thimbron in the field,
-and defeated him. Yet though reduced to distress, he contrived
-to obtain possession of Teucheira; to which port he invoked as
-auxiliaries 2500 fresh soldiers, out of the loose mercenary bands
-dispersed near Cape Tænarus in Peloponnesus. This reinforcement
-again put him in a condition for battle. The Kyreneans on their
-side also thought it necessary to obtain succor, partly from the
-neighboring Libyans, partly from Carthage. They got together a force
-stated as 30,000 men, with which they met him in the field. But, on
-this occasion they were totally routed, with the loss of all their
-generals and much of their army. Thimbron was now in the full tide of
-success; he pressed both Kyrênê and the harbor so vigorously, that
-famine began to prevail, and sedition broke out among the citizens.
-The oligarchical men, expelled by the more popular party, sought
-shelter, some in the camp of Thimbron; some at the court of Ptolemy
-in Egypt.[992]
-
-  [992] Diodor. xviii. 21.
-
-I have already mentioned, that in the partition after the decease
-of Alexander, Egypt had been assigned to Ptolemy. Seizing with
-eagerness the opportunity of annexing to it so valuable a possession
-as the Kyrenaic Pentapolis, this chief sent an adequate force under
-Ophellas to put down Thimbron and restore the exiles. His success was
-complete. All the cities in the Pentapolis were reduced; Thimbron,
-worsted and pursued as a fugitive, was seized in his flight by
-some Libyans, and brought prisoner to Teucheira; the citizens of
-which place (by permission of the Olynthian Epikydes, governor for
-Ptolemy), first tortured him, and then conveyed him to Apollonia to
-be hanged. A final visit from Ptolemy himself regulated the affairs
-of the Pentapolis, which were incorporated with his dominions and
-placed under the government of Ophellas.[993]
-
-  [993] Arrian, De Rebus post Alex. vi. ap. Phot. Cod. 92; Diodor.
-  xviii. 21; Justin, xiii. 6, 20.
-
-It was thus that the rich and flourishing Kyrênê, an interesting
-portion of the once autonomous Hellenic world, passed like the rest
-under one of the Macedonian Diadochi. As the proof and guarantee of
-this new sovereignty, we find erected within the walls of the city,
-a strong and completely detached citadel, occupied by a Macedonian
-or Egyptian garrison (like Munychia at Athens), and forming the
-stronghold of the viceroy. Ten years afterwards (B. C. 312)
-the Kyreneans made an attempt to emancipate themselves, and besieged
-this citadel; but being again put down by an army and fleet which
-Ptolemy despatched under Agis from Egypt,[994] Kyrênê passed once
-more under the vice-royalty of Ophellas.[995]
-
-  [994] Diodor. xix. 79. Οἱ Κυρηναῖοι ... τὴν ἄκραν
-  περιεστρατοπέδευσαν, ὡς αὔτικα μάλα τὴν φρουρὰν ἐκβαλοῦντες, etc.
-
-  [995] Justin (xxii. 7, 4) calls Ophellas “rex Cyrenarum;” but it
-  is noway probable that he had become independent of Ptolemy—as
-  Thrige (Hist. Cyrênês, p. 214) supposes. The expression in
-  Plutarch (Demetrius, 14), Ὀφέλλᾳ τῷ ἄρξαντι Κυρήνης, does not
-  necessarily imply an independent authority.
-
-To this viceroy Agathokles now sent envoys, invoking his aid against
-Carthage. Ophellas was an officer of consideration and experience.
-He had served under Alexander, and had married an Athenian wife,
-Euthydikê,—a lineal descendant from Miltiades the victor of
-Marathon, and belonging to a family still distinguished at Athens.
-In inviting Ophellas to undertake jointly the conquest of Carthage,
-the envoys proposed that he should himself hold it when conquered.
-Agathokles (they said) wished only to overthrow the Carthaginian
-dominion in Sicily, being well aware that he could not hold that
-island in conjunction with an African dominion. To Ophellas,[996]
-such an invitation proved extremely seducing. He was already on
-the look out for aggrandizement towards the west, and had sent an
-exploring nautical expedition along the northern coast of Africa,
-even to some distance round and beyond the Strait of Gibraltar.[997]
-Moreover, to all military adventurers, both on sea and on land, the
-season was one of boundless speculative promise. They had before
-them not only the prodigious career of Alexander himself, but the
-successful encroachments of the great officers his successors. In
-the second distribution, made at Triparadeisus, of the Alexandrine
-empire, Antipater had assigned to Ptolemy not merely Egypt and
-Libya, but also an undefined amount of territory west of Libya, to
-be afterwards acquired;[998] the conquest of which was known to
-have been among the projects of Alexander, had he lived longer.
-To this conquest Ophellas was now specially called, either as the
-viceroy or the independent equal of Ptolemy, by the invitation
-of Agathokles. Having learnt in the service of Alexander not to
-fear long marches, he embraced the proposition with eagerness. He
-undertook an expedition from Kyrênê on the largest scale. Through
-his wife’s relatives, he was enabled to make known his projects at
-Athens, where, as well as in other parts of Greece, they found much
-favor. At this season, the Kassandrian oligarchies were paramount
-not only at Athens, but generally throughout Greece. Under the
-prevalent degradation and suffering, there was ample ground for
-discontent, and no liberty of expressing it; many persons therefore
-were found disposed either to accept army-service with Ophellas,
-or to enrol themselves in a foreign colony under his auspices. To
-set out under the military protection of this powerful chief—to
-colonize the mighty Carthage, supposed to be already enfeebled by the
-victories of Agathokles—to appropriate the wealth, the fertile landed
-possessions, and the maritime position, of her citizens—was a prize
-well calculated to seduce men dissatisfied with their homes, and not
-well informed of the intervening difficulties.[999]
-
-  [996] Diodor. xx. 40.
-
-  [997] From an incidental allusion in Strabo (xvii. p. 826), we
-  learn this fact—that Ophellas had surveyed the whole coast of
-  Northern Africa, to the straits of Gibraltar, and round the old
-  Phenician settlements on the western coast of modern Morocco.
-  Some eminent critics (Grosskurd among them) reject the reading in
-  Strabo—ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀφέλα (or Ὀφέλλα) περιπλοῦ, which is sustained by
-  a very great preponderance of MSS. But I do not feel the force of
-  their reasons; and the reading which they would substitute has
-  nothing to recommend it. In my judgment, Ophellas, ruling in the
-  Kyrenaica and indulging aspirations towards conquest westward,
-  was a man both likely to order, and competent to bring about, an
-  examination of the North African coast. The knowledge of this
-  fact may have induced Agathokles to apply to him.
-
-  [998] Arrian, De Rebus post Alex. ap. Photium, Cod. 92. Αἴγυπτον
-  μὲν γὰρ καὶ Λιβύην, καὶ τὴν ἐπέκεινα ταύτης τὴν πολλὴν, καὶ ὅ,τι
-  περ ἂν πρὸς τούτοις δ᾽ ὅριον ἐπικτήσηται πρὸς δυομένου ἡλίου,
-  Πτολεμαίου εἶναι.
-
-  [999] Diodor. xx. 40. πολλοὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων προθύμως ὑπήκουσαν εἰς
-  τὴν στρατείαν· οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων, ἔσπευδον
-  κοινωνῆσαι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, ἐλπίζοντες τήν τε κρατίστην τῆς Λιβύης
-  κατακληρουχήσειν, καὶ τὸν ἐν Καρχηδόνι διαρπάσειν πλοῦτον.
-
-  As to the great encouragement held out to settlers, when a new
-  colony was about to be founded by a powerful state, see Thucyd.
-  iii. 93, about Herakleia Trachinia—πᾶς γάρ τίς, Λακεδαιμονίων
-  οἰκιζόντων, θαρσαλέως ᾔει, βέβαιαν νομίζων τὴν πόλιν.
-
-Under such hopes, many Grecian colonists joined Ophellas at Kyrênê,
-some even with wives and children. The total number is stated at
-10,000. Ophellas conducted them forth at the head of a well appointed
-army of 10,000 infantry, 600 cavalry, and 100 war-chariots; each
-chariot carrying the driver and two fighting men. Marching with this
-miscellaneous body of soldiers and colonists, he reached in eighteen
-days the post of Automalæ—the westernmost factory of Kyrênê.[1000]
-From thence he proceeded westward along the shore between the two
-Syrtes, in many parts a sandy, trackless desert, without wood and
-almost without water (with the exception of particular points of
-fertility), and infested by serpents many and venomous. At one time,
-all his provisions were exhausted; he passed through the territory
-of the natives called Lotophagi, near the lesser Syrtis; where the
-army had nothing to eat except the fruit of the lotus, which there
-abounded.[1001] Ophellas met with no enemies; but the sufferings
-of every kind endured by his soldiers—still more of course by the
-less hardy colonists and their families—were most distressing. After
-miseries endured for more than two months, he joined Agathokles in
-the Carthaginian territory; With what abatement of number, we do not
-know, but his loss must have been considerable.[1002]
-
-  [1000] Diodor. xx. 41.
-
-  [1001] Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. iv. 3. p. 127, ed. Schneider.
-
-  The philosopher would hear this fact from some of the Athenians
-  concerned in the expedition.
-
-  [1002] Diodor. xx. 42. See the striking description of the
-  miseries of this same march, made by Cato and his Roman troops
-  after the death of Pompey, in Lucan, Pharsalia, ix. 382-940:—
-
-    “Vadimus in campos steriles, exustaque mundi.
-    Quà nimius Titan, et raræ in fontibus undæ,
-    Siccaque letiferis squalent serpentibus arva,
-    Durum iter.”
-
-  The entire march of Ophellas must (I think) have lasted longer
-  than two months; probably Diodorus speaks only of the more
-  distressing or middle portion of it when he says—κατὰ τὴν
-  ὁδοιπορίαν πλεῖον ἢ δύο μῆνας κακοπαθήσαντες, etc. (xx. 42).
-
-Ophellas little knew the man whose invitation and alliance he
-had accepted. Agathokles at first received him with the warmest
-protestations of attachment, welcoming the new-comers with profuse
-hospitality, and supplying to them full means of refreshment and
-renovation after their past sufferings. Having thus gained the
-confidence and favorable sympathies of all, he proceeded to turn it
-to his own purposes. Convening suddenly the most devoted among his
-own soldiers, he denounced Ophellas as guilty of plotting against
-his life. They listened to him with the same feelings of credulous
-rage as the Macedonian soldiers exhibited when Alexander denounced
-Philotas before them. Agathokles then at once called them to arms,
-set upon Ophellas unawares, and slew him with his more immediate
-defenders. Among the soldiers of Ophellas, this act excited horror
-and indignation, no less than surprise; but Agathokles at length
-succeeded in bringing them to terms, partly by deceitful pretexts,
-partly by intimidation: for this unfortunate army, left without any
-commander of fixed purpose, had no resource except to enter into
-his service.[1003] He thus found himself (like Antipater after the
-death of Leonnatus) master of a double army, and relieved from a
-troublesome rival. The colonists of Ophellas—more unfortunate still,
-since they could be of no service to Agathokles—were put by him on
-board some merchant vessels, which he was sending to Syracuse with
-spoil. The weather becoming stormy, many of these vessels foundered
-at sea,—some were driven off and wrecked on the coast of Italy—and a
-few only reached Syracuse.[1004] Thus miserably perished the Kyrenean
-expedition of Ophellas; one of the most commanding and powerful
-schemes, for joint conquest and colonization, that ever set out from
-any Grecian city.
-
-  [1003] Diodor. xx. 42; Justin. xxii. 7.
-
-  [1004] Diodor. xx. 44.
-
-It would have fared ill with Agathokles, had the Carthaginians
-been at hand, and ready to attack him in the confusion immediately
-succeeding the death of Ophellas. It would also have fared yet
-worse with Carthage, had Agathokles been in a position to attack
-her during the terrible sedition excited, nearly at the same time,
-within her walls by the general Bomilkar.[1005] This traitor (as
-has been already stated) had long cherished the design to render
-himself despot, and had been watching for a favorable opportunity.
-Having purposely caused the loss of the first battle—fought in
-conjunction with his brave colleague Hanno, against Agathokles—he
-had since carried on the war with a view to his own project (which
-explains in part the continued reverses of the Carthaginians); he
-now thought that the time was come for openly raising his standard.
-Availing himself of a military muster in the quarter of the city
-called Neapolis, he first dismissed the general body of the soldiers,
-retaining near him only a trusty band of 500 citizens, and 4000
-mercenaries. At the head of these, he then fell upon the unsuspecting
-city: dividing them into five detachments, and slaughtering
-indiscriminately the unarmed citizens in the streets, as well as in
-the great market-place. At first the Carthaginians were astounded
-and paralyzed. Gradually however they took courage, stood upon their
-defence against the assailants, combatted them in the streets and
-poured upon them missiles from the house-tops. After a prolonged
-conflict, the partisans of Bomilkar found themselves worsted, and
-were glad to avail themselves of the mediation of some elder
-citizens. They laid down their arms on promise of pardon. The promise
-was faithfully kept by the victors, except in regard to Bomilkar
-himself; who was hanged in the market-place, having first undergone
-severe tortures.[1006]
-
-  [1005] Diodor. xx. 43.
-
-  [1006] Diodor. xx. 44; Justin, xxii. 7. Compare the description
-  given by Appian (Punic. 128), of the desperate defence made by
-  the Carthaginians in the last siege of the city, against the
-  assault of the Romans, from the house-tops and in the streets.
-
-Though the Carthaginians had thus escaped from an extreme peril, yet
-the effects of so formidable a conspiracy weakened them for some time
-against their enemy without; while Agathokles on the other hand,
-reinforced by the army from Kyrênê, was stronger than ever. So elate
-did he feel, that he assumed the title of King;[1007] following
-herein the example of the great Macedonian officers, Antigonus,
-Ptolemy, Seleukus, Lysimachus, and Kassander; the memory of Alexander
-being now discarded, as his heirs had been already put to death.
-Agathokles, already master of nearly all the dependent towns east and
-south-east of Carthage, proceeded to carry his arms to the north-west
-of the city. He attacked Utica,—the second city next to Carthage
-in importance, and older indeed than Carthage itself—situated
-on the western or opposite shore of the Carthaginian Gulf, and
-visible from Carthage, though distant from it twenty-seven miles
-around the Gulf on land.[1008] The Uticans had hitherto remained
-faithful to Carthage, in spite of her reverses, and of defection
-elsewhere.[1009] Agathokles marched into their territory with such
-unexpected rapidity (he had hitherto been on the south-east of
-Carthage, and he now suddenly moved to the north-west of that city),
-that he seized the persons of three hundred leading citizens, who
-had not yet taken the precaution of retiring within the city. Having
-vainly tried to prevail on the Uticans to surrender, he assailed
-their walls, attaching in front of his battering engines the three
-hundred Utican prisoners; so that the citizens, in hurling missiles
-of defence, were constrained to inflict death on their own comrades
-and relatives. They nevertheless resisted the assault with unshaken
-resolution; but Agathokles found means to force an entrance through a
-weak part of the walls, and thus became master of the city. He made
-it a scene of indiscriminate slaughter, massacring the inhabitants,
-armed and unarmed, and hanging up the prisoners. He further captured
-the town of Hippu-Akra, about thirty miles north-west of Utica,
-which had also remained faithful to Carthage—and which now, after a
-brave defence, experienced the like pitiless treatment.[1010] The
-Carthaginians, seemingly not yet recovered from their recent shock,
-did not interfere, even to rescue these two important places; so that
-Agathokles, firmly established in Tunês as a centre of operations,
-extended his African dominion more widely than ever all round
-Carthage, both on the coast and in the interior; while he interrupted
-the supplies of Carthage itself, and reduced the inhabitants to great
-privations.[1011] He even occupied and fortified strongly a place
-called Hippagreta, between Utica and Carthage; thus pushing his posts
-within a short distance both east and west of her gates.[1012]
-
-  [1007] There are yet remaining coins—Ἀγαθοκλέος Βασιλέως—the
-  earliest Sicilian coins that bear the name of a prince
-  (Humphreys, Ancient Coins and Medals, p. 50).
-
-  [1008] Strabo, xvii. p. 832; Polyb. i. 73.
-
-  [1009] Polybius (i. 82) expressly states that the inhabitants
-  of Utica and of Hippu-Akra (a little further to the west than
-  Utica), remained faithful to Carthage throughout the hostilities
-  carried on by Agathokles. This enables us to correct the passage
-  wherein Diodorus describes the attack of Agathokles upon Utica
-  (xx. 54)—ἐπὶ μὲν Ἰτυκαίους ἐστράτευσεν ~ἀφεστηκότας~, ἄφνω δὲ
-  αὐτῶν τῇ πόλει προσπεσών, etc. The word ~ἀφεστηκότας~ here is
-  perplexing. It must mean that the Uticans had revolted _from
-  Agathokles_; yet Diodorus has not before said a word about the
-  Uticans, nor reported that they had either joined Agathokles,
-  or been conquered by him. Everything that Diodorus has reported
-  hitherto about Agathokles, relates to operations among the towns
-  east or south-east of Carthage.
-
-  It appears to me that the passage ought to stand—ἐπὶ μὲν
-  Ἰτυκαίους ἐστράτευσεν ~οὐκ ἀφεστηκότας~, _i. e._ from Carthage;
-  which introduces consistency into the narrative of Diodorus
-  himself, while it brings him into harmony with Polybius.
-
-  [1010] Diodor. xx. 54, 55. In attacking Hippu-Akra (otherwise
-  called Hippo-Zarytus, near the Promontorium Pulchrum, the
-  northernmost point of Africa), Agathokles is said to have got the
-  better in a naval battle—ναυμαχία περιγενόμενος. This implies
-  that he must have got a fleet superior to the Carthaginians even
-  in their own gulf; perhaps ships seized at Utica.
-
-  [1011] Diodor. xx. 59.
-
-  [1012] Appian distinctly mentions this place _Hippagreta_ as
-  having been fortified by Agathokles—and distinctly describes
-  it as being between Utica and Carthage (Punic. 110). It cannot
-  therefore be the same place as Hippu-Akra (or Hippo-Zarytus);
-  which was considerably further from Carthage than Utica was.
-
-In this prosperous condition of his African affairs, he thought the
-opportunity favorable for retrieving his diminished ascendency in
-Sicily; to which island he accordingly crossed over, with 2000 men,
-leaving the command in Africa to his son Archagathus. That young
-man was at first successful, and seemed even in course of enlarging
-his father’s conquests. His general Eumachus overran a wide range
-of interior Numidia, capturing Tokæ, Phellinê, Meschelæ, Akris, and
-another town bearing the same name of Hippu-Akra—and enriching his
-soldiers with a considerable plunder. But in a second expedition,
-endeavoring to carry his arms yet farther into the interior, he
-was worsted in an attack upon a town called Miltinê, and compelled
-to retreat. We read that he marched through one mountainous region
-abounding in wild cats—and another, in which there were a great
-number of apes, who lived in the most tame and familiar manner in
-the houses with men—being greatly caressed, and even worshipped as
-gods.[1013]
-
-  [1013] Diodor. xx. 57, 58. It is vain to attempt to identify
-  the places mentioned as visited and conquered by Eumachus. Our
-  topographical knowledge is altogether insufficient. This second
-  Hippu-Akra is supposed to be the same as Hippo-Regius; Tokæ may
-  be Tucca Terebinthina, in the south-eastern region or Byzakium.
-
-The Carthaginians however had now regained internal harmony and
-power of action. Their senate and their generals were emulous, both
-in vigor and in provident combinations, against the common enemy.
-They sent forth 30,000 men, a larger force than they had yet had in
-the field; forming three distinct camps, under Hanno, Imilkon, and
-Adherbal, partly in the interior, partly on the coast. Archagathus,
-leaving a sufficient guard at Tunês, marched to meet them,
-distributing his army in three divisions also; two, under himself
-and Æschrion, besides the corps under Eumachus in the mountainous
-region. He was however unsuccessful at all points. Hanno, contriving
-to surprise the division of Æschrion, gained a complete victory,
-wherein Æschrion himself with more than 4000 men were slain. Imilkon
-was yet more fortunate in his operations against Eumachus, whom he
-entrapped by simulated flight into an ambuscade, and attacked at such
-advantage, that the Grecian army was routed and cut off from all
-retreat. A remnant of them defended themselves for some time on a
-neighboring hill, but being without water, nearly all soon perished,
-from thirst, fatigue, and the sword of the conqueror.[1014]
-
-  [1014] Diodor. xx. 59, 60.
-
-By such reverses, destroying two-thirds of the Agathoklean army,
-Archagathus was placed in serious peril. He was obliged to
-concentrate his force in Tunês, calling in nearly all his outlying
-detachments. At the same time, those Liby-Phenician cities, and
-rural Libyan tribes, who had before joined Agathokles, now detached
-themselves from him when his power was evidently declining, and made
-their peace with Carthage. The victorious Carthaginian generals
-established fortified camps round Tunês, so as to restrain the
-excursions of Archagathus; while with their fleet they blocked up
-his harbor. Presently provisions became short, and much despondency
-prevailed among the Grecian army. Archagathus transmitted this
-discouraging news to his father in Sicily, with urgent entreaties
-that he would come to the rescue.[1015]
-
-  [1015] Diodor. xx. 61.
-
-The career of Agathokles in Sicily, since his departure from Africa,
-had been checkered, and on the whole unproductive. Just before his
-arrival in the island,[1016] his generals Leptines and Demophilus had
-gained an important victory over the Agrigentine forces commanded by
-Xenodokus, who were disabled from keeping the field. This disaster
-was a fatal discouragement both to the Agrigentines, and to the
-cause which they had espoused as champions—free and autonomous
-city-government with equal confederacy for self-defence, under the
-presidency of Agrigentum.[1017] The outlying cities confederate with
-Agrigentum were left without military protection, and exposed to the
-attacks of Leptines, animated and fortified by the recent arrival
-of his master Agathokles. That despot landed at Selinus—subdued
-Herakleia, Therma, and Kephaloidion, on or near the northern coast of
-Sicily—then crossed the interior of the island to Syracuse. In his
-march he assaulted Kentoripa, having some partisans within, but was
-repulsed with loss. At Apollonia,[1018] he was also unsuccessful in
-his first attempt; but being stung with mortification, he resumed the
-assault next day, and at length, by great efforts, carried the town.
-To avenge his loss, which had been severe, he massacred most of the
-citizens, and abandoned the town to plunder.[1019]
-
-  [1016] Diodor. xx. 56. Ἀγαθοκλῆς δὲ, τῆς ~μάχης ἄρτι~
-  γεγενημένης, καταπλεύσας τῆς Σικελίας εἰς Σελινοῦντα, etc.
-
-  [1017] Diodor. xx. 56. Οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἀκραγαντῖνοι ταύτῃ τῇ συμφορᾷ
-  περιπεσόντες, διέλυσαν ἑαυτῶν μὲν τὴν καλλίστην ἐπιβολὴν, τῶν δὲ
-  συμμάχων τὰς τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐλπίδας.
-
-  [1018] Apollonia was a town in the interior of the island,
-  somewhat to the north-east of Enna (Cicero, Verr. iii. 43).
-
-  [1019] Diodor. xx. 56.
-
-From hence he proceeded to Syracuse, which he now revisited after
-an absence of (apparently) more than two years in Africa. During
-all this interval, the Syracusan harbor had been watched by a
-Carthaginian fleet, obstructing the entry of provisions, and causing
-partial scarcity.[1020] But there was no blockading army on land;
-nor had the dominion of Agathokles, upheld as it was by his brother
-Antander and his mercenary force, been at all shaken. His arrival
-inspired his partisans and soldiers with new courage, while it
-spread terror throughout most parts of Sicily. To contend with the
-Carthaginian blockading squadron, he made efforts to procure maritime
-aid from the Tyrrhenian ports in Italy;[1021] while on land, his
-forces were now preponderant—owing to the recent defeat, and broken
-spirit, of the Agrigentines. But his prospects were suddenly checked
-by the enterprising move of his old enemy—the Syracusan exile
-Deinokrates; who made profession of taking up that generous policy
-which the Agrigentines had tacitly let fall—announcing himself as
-the champion of autonomous city-government, and equal confederacy,
-throughout Sicily. Deinokrates received ready adhesion from most of
-the cities belonging to the Agrigentine confederacy—all of them who
-were alarmed by finding that the weakness or fears of their presiding
-city had left them unprotected against Agathokles. He was soon at
-the head of a powerful army—20,000 foot, and 1500 horse. Moreover a
-large proportion of his army were not citizen militia, but practised
-soldiers; for the most part exiles, driven from their homes by
-the distractions and violences of the Agathoklean æra.[1022] For
-military purposes, both he and his soldiers were far more strenuous
-and effective than the Agrigentines under Xenodokus had been. He not
-only kept the field against Agathokles, but several times offered him
-battle, which the despot did not feel confidence enough to accept.
-Agathokles could do no more than maintain himself in Syracuse, while
-the Sicilian cities generally were put in security against his
-aggressions.
-
-  [1020] Diodor. xx. 62.
-
-  [1021] Diodor. xx. 61.
-
-  [1022] Diodor. xx. 57. καὶ πάντων τούτων ἐν φυγαῖς καὶ μελέταις
-  τοῦ πονεῖν συνεχῶς γεγονότων, etc.
-
-Amidst this unprosperous course of affairs in Sicily, Agathokles
-received messengers from his son, reporting the defeats in Africa.
-Preparing immediately to revisit that country, he was fortunate
-enough to obtain a reinforcement of Tyrrhenian ships of war, which
-enabled him to overcome the Carthaginian blockading squadron at
-the mouth of the Syracusan harbor. A clear passage to Africa was
-thus secured for himself, together with ample supplies of imported
-provisions for the Syracusans.[1023] Though still unable to combat
-Deinokrates in the field, Agathokles was emboldened by his recent
-naval victory to send forth Leptines with a force to invade the
-Agrigentines—the jealous rivals, rather than the allies, of
-Deinokrates. The Agrigentine army—under the general Xenodokus, whom
-Leptines had before defeated—consisted of citizen militia mustered
-on the occasion; while the Agathoklean mercenaries, conducted by
-Leptines, had made arms a profession, and were used to fighting
-as well as to hardships.[1024] Here as elsewhere in Greece, we
-find the civic and patriotic energy trampled down by professional
-soldiership, and reduced to operate only as an obsequious instrument
-for administrative details.
-
-  [1023] Diodor. xx. 61, 62.
-
-  [1024] Diodor. xx. 62.
-
-Xenodokus, conscious of the inferiority of his Agrigentine force,
-was reluctant to hazard a battle. Driven to this imprudence by the
-taunts of his soldiers, he was defeated a second time by Leptines,
-and became so apprehensive of the wrath of the Agrigentines, that he
-thought it expedient to retire to Gela. After a period of rejoicing,
-for his recent victories by land as well as by sea, Agathokles passed
-over to Africa, where he found his son, with the army at Tunês in
-great despondency and privation, and almost mutiny for want of
-pay. They still amounted to 6000 Grecian mercenaries, 6000 Gauls,
-Samnites, and Tyrrhenians—1500 cavalry—and no less than 6000 (if the
-number be correct) Libyan war-chariots. There were also a numerous
-body of Libyan allies; faithless time-servers, watching for the
-turn of fortune. The Carthaginians, occupying strong camps in the
-vicinity of Tunês, and abundantly supplied, awaited patiently the
-destroying effects of privation and suffering on their enemies. So
-desperate was the position of Agathokles, that he was compelled to go
-forth and fight. Having tried in vain to draw the Carthaginians down
-into the plain, he at length attacked them in the full strength of
-their entrenchments. But in spite of the most strenuous efforts, his
-troops were repulsed with great slaughter, and driven back to their
-camp.[1025]
-
-  [1025] Diodor. xx. 64; Justin, xxii. 8.
-
-The night succeeding this battle was a scene of disorder and panic in
-both camps; even in that of the victorious Carthaginians. The latter,
-according to the ordinances of their religion, eager to return their
-heartfelt thanks to the gods for this great victory, sacrificed to
-them as a choice offering the handsomest prisoners captured.[1026]
-During this process, the tent or tabernacle consecrated to the gods,
-close to the altar as well as to the general’s tent, accidentally
-took fire. The tents being formed by mere wooden posts, connected
-by a thatch of hay or straw both on roof and sides,—the fire spread
-rapidly, and the entire camp was burnt, together with many soldiers
-who tried to arrest the conflagration. So distracting was the terror
-occasioned by this catastrophe, that the whole Carthaginian army for
-the time dispersed; and Agathokles, had he been prepared, might have
-destroyed them. But it happened that at the same hour, his own camp
-was thrown into utter confusion by a different accident, rendering
-his soldiers incapable of being brought into action.[1027]
-
-  [1026] Diodor. xx. 65. See an incident somewhat similar (Herod.
-  vii. 180)—the Persians, in the invasion of Greece by Xerxes,
-  sacrificed the handsomest Grecian prisoner whom they captured on
-  board the first prize-ship that fell into their hands.
-
-  [1027] Diodor. xx. 66, 67.
-
-His position at Tunês had now become desperate. His Libyan allies had
-all declared against him, after the recent defeat. He could neither
-continue to hold Tunês, nor carry away his troops to Sicily; for
-he had but few vessels, and the Carthaginians were masters at sea.
-Seeing no resource, he resolved to embark secretly with his younger
-son Herakleides; abandoning Archagathus and the army to their fate.
-But Archagathus and the other officers, suspecting his purpose,
-were thoroughly resolved that the man who had brought them into
-destruction should not thus slip away and betray them. As Agathokles
-was on the point of going aboard at night, he found himself watched,
-arrested, and held prisoner, by the indignant soldiery. The whole
-town now became a scene of disorder and tumult, aggravated by the
-rumor that the enemy were marching up to attack them. Amidst the
-general alarm, the guards who had been set over Agathokles, thinking
-his services indispensable for defence, brought him out with his
-fetters still on. When the soldiers saw him in this condition,
-their sentiment towards him again reverted to pity and admiration,
-notwithstanding his projected desertion; moreover they hoped for his
-guidance to resist the impending attack. With one voice they called
-upon the guards to strike off his chains and set him free. Agathokles
-was again at liberty. But insensible to everything except his own
-personal safety, he presently stole away, leaped unperceived into a
-skiff, with a few attendants, but without either of his sons,—and was
-lucky enough to arrive, in spite of stormy November weather, on the
-coast of Sicily.[1028]
-
-  [1028] Diodor. xx. 69; Justin, xxii. 8. ... τὸ δὲ πλῆθος, ὡς
-  εἶδεν, εἰς ἔλεον ἐτράπη, καὶ πάντες ἐπεβόων ἀφεῖναι· ὁ δὲ λυθεὶς
-  καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἐμβὰς εἰς τὸ πορθμεῖον, ἔλαθεν ἐκπλεύσας κατὰ τὴν
-  δύσιν τῆς Πλειάδος, χειμῶνος ὄντος.
-
-So terrible was the fury of the soldiers, on discovering that
-Agathokles had accomplished his desertion, that they slew both his
-sons, Archagathus and Herakleides. No resource was left but to elect
-new generals, and make the best terms they could with Carthage. They
-were still a formidable body, retaining in their hands various other
-towns besides Tunês; so that the Carthaginians, relieved from all
-fear of Agathokles, thought it prudent to grant an easy capitulation.
-It was agreed that all the towns should be restored to the
-Carthaginians, on payment of 300 talents; that such soldiers as chose
-to enter into the African service of Carthage, should be received on
-full pay; but that such as preferred returning to Sicily should be
-transported thither, with permission to reside in the Carthaginian
-town of Solus (or Soluntum). On these terms the convention was
-concluded, and the army finally broken up. Some indeed among the
-Grecian garrisons, quartered in the outlying posts, being rash enough
-to dissent and hold out, were besieged and taken by the Carthaginian
-force. Their commanders were crucified, and the soldiers condemned to
-rural work as fettered slaves.[1029]
-
-  [1029] Diodor. xx. 69.
-
-Thus miserably terminated the expedition of Agathokles to Africa,
-after an interval of four years from the time of his landing. By
-the _vana mirantes_,[1030] who looked out for curious coincidences
-(probably Timæus), it was remarked, that his ultimate flight, with
-the slaughter of his two sons, occurred exactly on the same day of
-the year following his assassination of Ophellas.[1031] Ancient
-writers extol, with good reason, the bold and striking conception
-of transferring the war to Africa, at the very moment when he was
-himself besieged in Syracuse by a superior Carthaginian force.
-But while admitting the military resource, skill, and energy, of
-Agathokles, we must not forget that his success in Africa was
-materially furthered by the treasonable conduct of the Carthaginian
-general Bomilkar—an accidental coincidence in point of time. Nor
-is it to be overlooked, that Agathokles missed the opportunity
-of turning his first success to account, at a moment when the
-Carthaginians would probably have purchased his evacuation of Africa
-by making large concessions to him in Sicily.[1032] He imprudently
-persisted in the war, though the complete conquest of Carthage was
-beyond his strength—and though it was still more beyond his strength
-to prosecute effective war, simultaneously and for a long time, in
-Sicily and in Africa. The African subjects of Carthage were not
-attached to her; but neither were they attached to him;—nor, on the
-long run, did they do him any serious good. Agathokles is a man of
-force and fraud—consummate in the use of both. His whole life is a
-series of successful adventures, and strokes of bold ingenuity to
-extricate himself from difficulties; but there is wanting in him all
-predetermined general plan, or measured range of ambition, to which
-these single exploits might be made subservient.
-
-  [1030] Tacit. Annal. i. 9. “Multus hinc ipso de Augusto sermo,
-  plerisque _vana mirantibus_—quod idem dies accepti quondam
-  imperii princeps, et vitæ supremus—quod Nolæ in domo et cubiculo,
-  in quo pater ejus Octavius, vitam finivisset”, etc.
-
-  [1031] Diodor. xx. 70.
-
-  [1032] This is what Agathokles might have done, but did not
-  do. Nevertheless, Valerius Maximus (vii. 4, 1) represents him
-  as having actually done it, and praises his sagacity on that
-  ground. Here is an example how little careful these collectors of
-  anecdotes sometimes are about their facts.
-
-After his passage from Africa, Agathokles landed on the western
-corner of Sicily near the town of Egesta, which was then in alliance
-with him. He sent to Syracuse for a reinforcement. But he was hard
-pressed for money; he suspected, or pretended to suspect, the
-Egestæans of disaffection; accordingly, on receiving his new force,
-he employed it to commit revolting massacre and plunder in Egesta.
-The town is reported to have contained 10,000 citizens. Of these
-Agathokles caused the poorer men to be for the most part murdered;
-the richer were cruelly tortured, and even their wives tortured and
-mutilated, to compel revelations of concealed wealth; the children
-of both sexes were transported to Italy, and there sold as slaves to
-the Bruttians. The original population being thus nearly extirpated,
-Agathokles changed the name of the town to Dikæopolis, assigning
-it as a residence to such deserters as might join him.[1033] This
-atrocity, more suitable to Africa[1034] than Greece (where the
-mutilation of women is almost unheard of), was probably the way in
-which his savage pride obtained some kind of retaliatory satisfaction
-for the recent calamity and humiliation in Africa. Under the like
-sentiment, he perpetrated another deed of blood at Syracuse. Having
-learnt that the soldiers, whom he had deserted at Tunês, had after
-his departure put to death his two sons, he gave orders to Antander
-his brother (viceroy of Syracuse), to massacre all the relatives
-of those Syracusans who had served him in the African expedition.
-This order was fulfilled by Antander (we are assured) accurately
-and to the letter. Neither age or sex—grandsire or infant—wife or
-mother—were spared by the Agathoklean executioners. We may be sure
-that their properties were plundered at the same time; we hear of no
-mutilations.[1035]
-
-  [1033] Diodor. xx. 71. We do not know what happened afterwards
-  with this town under its new population. But the old name Egesta
-  was afterwards resumed.
-
-  [1034] Compare the proceedings of the Greco-Libyan princess
-  Pheretimê (of the Battiad family) at Barka (Herodot. iv. 202).
-
-  [1035] Diodor. xx. 72. Hippokrates and Epikydes—those Syracusans
-  who, about a century afterwards, induced Hieronymus of Syracuse
-  to prefer the Carthaginian alliance to the Roman—had resided
-  at Carthage for some time, and served in the army of Hannibal,
-  because their grandfather had been banished from Syracuse as one
-  concerned in killing Archagathus (Polyb. vii. 2).
-
-Still Agathokles tried to maintain his hold on the Sicilian towns
-which remained to him; but his cruelties as well as his reverses
-had produced a strong sentiment against him, and even his general
-Pasiphilus revolted to join Deinokrates. That exile was now at the
-head of an army stated at 20,000 men, the most formidable military
-force in Sicily; so that Agathokles, feeling the inadequacy of his
-own means, sent to solicit peace, and to offer tempting conditions.
-He announced his readiness to evacuate Syracuse altogether, and
-to be content, if two maritime towns on the northern coast of the
-island—Therma and Kephaloidion—were assigned to his mercenaries and
-himself. Under this proposition, Deinokrates, and the other Syracusan
-exiles, had the opportunity of entering Syracuse, and reconstituting
-the free city-government. Had Deinokrates been another Timoleon, the
-city might now have acquired and enjoyed another temporary sunshine
-of autonomy and prosperity; but his ambition was thoroughly selfish.
-As commander of this large army, he enjoyed a station of power and
-license such as he was not likely to obtain under the reconstituted
-city-government of Syracuse. He therefore evaded the propositions of
-Agathokles, requiring still larger concessions; until at length the
-Syracusan exiles in his own army (partly instigated by emissaries
-from Agathokles himself) began to suspect his selfish projects,
-and to waver in their fidelity to him. Meanwhile Agathokles, being
-repudiated by Deinokrates, addressed himself to the Carthaginians,
-and concluded a treaty with them, restoring or guaranteeing to them
-all the possessions that they had ever enjoyed in Sicily. In return
-for this concession, he received from them a sum of money, and a
-large supply of corn.[1036]
-
-  [1036] Diodor. xx. 78, 79. Some said that the sum of money paid
-  by the Carthaginians was 300 talents. Timæus stated it at 150
-  talents.
-
-Relieved from Carthaginian hostility, Agathokles presently ventured
-to march against the army of Deinokrates. The latter was indeed
-greatly superior in strength, but many of his soldiers were now
-lukewarm or disaffected, and Agathokles had established among them
-correspondences upon which he could rely. At a great battle fought
-near Torgium, many of them went over on the field to Agathokles,
-giving to him a complete victory. The army of Deinokrates was
-completely dispersed. Shortly afterwards a considerable body among
-them (4000 men, or 7000 men, according to different statements)
-surrendered to the victor on terms. As soon as they had delivered up
-their arms, Agathokles, regardless of his covenant, caused them to be
-surrounded by his own army, and massacred.[1037]
-
-  [1037] Diodor. xx. 89.
-
-It appears as if the recent victory had been the result of a secret
-and treacherous compact between Agathokles and Deinokrates; and as if
-the prisoners massacred by Agathokles were those of whom Deinokrates
-wished to rid himself as malcontents; for immediately after the
-battle, a reconciliation took place between the two. Agathokles
-admitted the other as a sort of partner in his despotism; while
-Deinokrates not only brought into the partnership all the military
-means and strong posts which he had been two years in acquiring, but
-also betrayed to Agathokles the revolted general Pasiphilus with the
-town of Gela occupied by the latter. It is noticed as singular, that
-Agathokles, generally faithless and unscrupulous towards both friends
-and enemies, kept up the best understanding and confidence with
-Deinokrates to the end of his life.[1038]
-
-  [1038] Diodor. xx. 90.
-
-The despot had now regained full power at Syracuse, together with
-a great extent of dominion in Sicily. The remainder of his restless
-existence was spent in operations of hostility or plunder against
-more northerly enemies—the Liparæan isles[1039]—the Italian cities
-and the Bruttians—the island of Korkyra. We are unable to follow
-his proceedings in detail. He was threatened with a formidable
-attack[1040] by the Spartan prince Kleonymus, who was invited by
-the Tarentines to aid them against the Lucanians and Romans. But
-Kleonymus found enough to occupy him elsewhere, without visiting
-Sicily. He collected a considerable force on the coast of Italy,
-undertook operations with success against the Lucanians, and even
-captured the town of Thurii. But the Romans, now pushing their
-intervention even to the Tarentine Gulf, drove him off and retook the
-town; moreover his own behavior was so tyrannical and profligate, as
-to draw upon him universal hatred. Returning from Italy to Korkyra,
-Kleonymus made himself master of that important island, intending to
-employ it as a base of operations both against Greece and against
-Italy.[1041] He failed however in various expeditions both in the
-Tarentine Gulf and the Adriatic. Demetrius Poliorketes and Kassander
-alike tried to conclude an alliance with him; but in vain.[1042]
-At a subsequent period, Korkyra was besieged by Kassander with a
-large naval and military force; Kleonymus then retired (or perhaps
-had previously retired) to Sparta. Kassander, having reduced the
-island to great straits, was on the point of taking it, when it was
-relieved by Agathokles with a powerful armament. That despot was
-engaged in operations on the coast of Italy against the Bruttians
-when his aid to Korkyra was solicited; he destroyed most part of the
-Macedonian fleet, and then seized the island for himself.[1043] On
-returning from this victorious expedition to the Italian coast, where
-he had left a detachment of his Ligurian and Tuscan mercenaries,
-he was informed that these mercenaries had been turbulent during
-his absence, in demanding the pay due to them from his grandson
-Archagathus. He caused them all to be slain, to the number of
-2000.[1044]
-
-  [1039] Diodor. xx. 101. This expedition of Agathokles against
-  the Lyparæan isles seems to have been described in detail by his
-  contemporary historian, the Syracusan Kallias: see the Fragments
-  of that author, in Didot’s Fragment. Hist. Græc. vol. ii. p. 383.
-  Fragm. 4.
-
-  [1040] Diodor. xx. 104.
-
-  [1041] Diodor. xx. 104; Livy, x. 2. A curious anecdote appears in
-  the Pseudo-Aristotle, De Mirabilibus (78) respecting two native
-  Italians, Aulus and Caius, who tried to poison Kleonymus at
-  Tarentum, but were detected and put to death by the Tarentines.
-
-  That Agathokles, in his operations on the coast of southern
-  Italy, found himself in conflict with the Romans, and that their
-  importance was now strongly felt—we may judge by the fact, that
-  the Syracusan Kallias (contemporary and historian of Agathokles)
-  appears to have given details respecting the origin and history
-  of Rome. See the Fragments of Kallias, ap. Didot, Hist. Græc.
-  Frag. vol. ii. p. 383; Fragm. 5—and Dionys. Hal. Ant. Rom. i. 72.
-
-  [1042] Diodor. xx. 105.
-
-  [1043] Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 2. p. 265.
-
-  [1044] Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 3. p. 266.
-
-As far as we can trace the events of the last years of Agathokles,
-we find him seizing the towns of Kroton and Hipponia in Italy,
-establishing an alliance with Demetrius Poliorketes,[1045] and giving
-his daughter Lanassa in marriage to the youthful Pyrrhus king of
-Epirus. At the age of seventy-two, still in the plenitude of vigor
-as well as of power, he was projecting a fresh expedition against
-the Carthaginians in Africa, with two hundred of the largest ships
-of war, when his career was brought to a close by sickness and by
-domestic enemies.
-
-  [1045] Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 4, 8, 11. p. 266-273.
-
-He proclaimed as future successor to his dominion, his son, named
-Agathokles; but Archagathus his grandson (son of Archagathus who had
-perished in Africa), a young prince of more conspicuous qualities,
-had already been singled out for the most important command, and
-was now at the head of the army near Ætna. The old Agathokles,
-wishing to strengthen the hands of his intended successor, sent his
-favored son Agathokles to Ætna, with written orders directing that
-Archagathus should yield up to him the command. Archagathus, noway
-disposed to obey, invited his uncle Agathokles to a banquet, and
-killed him; after which he contrived the poisoning of his grandfather
-the old despot himself. The instrument of his purpose was Mænon; a
-citizen of Egesta, enslaved at the time when Agathokles massacred
-most of the Egestæan population. The beauty of his person procured
-him much favor with Agathokles; but he had never forgotten, and
-had always been anxious to avenge, the bloody outrage on his
-fellow-citizens. To accomplish this purpose, the opportunity was
-now opened to him, together with a promise of protection, through
-Archagathus. He accordingly poisoned Agathokles, as we are told, by
-means of a medicated quill, handed to him for cleaning his teeth
-after dinner.[1046] Combining together the various accounts, it seems
-probable that Agathokles was at the time sick—that this sickness may
-have been the reason why he was so anxious to strengthen the position
-of his intended successor—and that his death was as much the effect
-of his malady as of the poison. Archagathus, after murdering his
-uncle, seems by means of his army to have made himself real master of
-the Syracusan power; while the old despot, defenceless on a sick bed,
-could do no more than provide for the safety of his Egyptian wife
-Theoxena and his two young children, by despatching them on shipboard
-with all his rich movable treasures to Alexandria. Having secured
-this object, amidst extreme grief on the part of those around, he
-expired.[1047]
-
-  [1046] Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 12. p. 276-278. Neither Justin (xxiii.
-  2) nor Trogus before him, (as it seems from the Prologue) alludes
-  to poison. He represents Agathokles as having died by a violent
-  distemper. He notices however the bloody family feud, and the
-  murder of the uncle by the nephew.
-
-  [1047] Justin (xxiii. 2) dwells pathetically on this last parting
-  between Agathokles and Theoxena. It is difficult to reconcile
-  Justin’s narrative with that of Diodorus; but on this point, as
-  far as we can judge, I think him more credible than Diodorus.
-
-The great lines in the character of Agathokles are well marked.
-He was of the stamp of Gelon and the elder Dionysius—a soldier of
-fortune, who raised himself from the meanest beginnings to the summit
-of political power—and who, in the acquisition as well as maintenance
-of that power, displayed an extent of energy, perseverance, and
-military resource, not surpassed by any one, even of the generals
-formed in Alexander’s school. He was an adept in that art at which
-all aspiring men of his age aimed—the handling of mercenary soldiers
-for the extinction of political liberty and security at home, and
-for predatory aggrandizement abroad. I have already noticed the
-opinion delivered by Scipio Africanus—that the elder Dionysius and
-Agathokles were the most daring, sagacious, and capable men of
-action within his knowledge.[1048] Apart from this enterprising
-genius, employed in the service of unmeasured personal ambition,
-we know nothing of Agathokles except his sanguinary, faithless,
-and nefarious dispositions; in which attributes also he stands
-pre-eminent, above all his known contemporaries, and above nearly
-all predecessors.[1049] Notwithstanding his often-proved perfidy, he
-seems to have had a joviality and apparent simplicity of manner (the
-same is recounted of Cæsar Borgia) which amused men and put them off
-their guard, throwing them perpetually into his trap.[1050]
-
-  [1048] Polyb. xv. 35. See above in this History, Vol. XI. Ch.
-  lxxxiii. p. 46.
-
-  [1049] Polybius (ix. 23) says that Agathokles, though cruel
-  in the extreme at the beginning of his career, and in the
-  establishment of his power, yet became the mildest of men after
-  his power was once established. The latter half of this statement
-  is contradicted by all the particular facts which we know
-  respecting Agathokles.
-
-  As to Timæus the historian, indeed (who had been banished from
-  Sicily by Agathokles, and who wrote the history of the latter
-  in five books), Polybius had good reason to censure him, as
-  being unmeasured in his abuse of Agathokles. For Timæus not only
-  recounted of Agathokles numerous acts of nefarious cruelty—acts
-  of course essentially public, and therefore capable of being
-  known—but also told much scandal about his private habits, and
-  represented him (which is still more absurd) as a man vulgar and
-  despicable in point of ability. See the Fragments of Timæus ap.
-  Histor. Græc. ed. Didot. Frag. 144-150.
-
-  All, or nearly all, the acts of Agathokles, as described in the
-  preceding pages, have been copied from Diodorus; who had as good
-  authorities before him as Polybius possessed. Diodorus does not
-  copy the history of Agathokles from Timæus; on the contrary,
-  he censures Timæus for his exaggerated acrimony and injustice
-  towards Agathokles, in terms not less forcibly than those which
-  Polybius employs (xxi. Fragm. p. 279). Diodorus cites Timæus by
-  name, occasionally and in particular instances: but he evidently
-  did not borrow from that author the main stream of his narrative.
-  He seems to have had before him other authorities—among them
-  some highly favorable to Agathokles—the Syracusan Kallias—and
-  Antander, brother of Agathokles (xxi. p. 278-282).
-
-  [1050] Diodor. xx. 63.
-
-Agathokles, however, though among the worst of Greeks, was yet
-a Greek. During his government of thirty-two years, the course
-of events in Sicily continued under Hellenic agency, without the
-preponderant intervention of any foreign power. The power of
-Agathokles indeed rested mainly on foreign mercenaries; but so had
-that of Dionysius and Gelon before him; and he as well as they,
-kept up vigorously the old conflict against the Carthaginian power
-in the island. Grecian history in Sicily thus continues down to the
-death of Agathokles; but it continues no longer. After his death,
-Hellenic power and interests become incapable of self-support,
-and sink into a secondary and subservient position, overridden or
-contended for by foreigners. Syracuse and the other cities passed
-from one despot to another, and were torn with discord arising out
-of the crowds of foreign mercenaries who had obtained footing among
-them. At the same time, the Carthaginians made increased efforts to
-push their conquests in the island, without finding any sufficient
-internal resistance; so that they would have taken Syracuse, and made
-Sicily their own, had not Pyrrhus king of Epirus (the son-in-law
-of Agathokles) interposed to arrest their progress. From this
-time forward, the Greeks of Sicily become a prize to be contended
-for—first between the Carthaginians and Pyrrhus—next, between the
-Carthaginians and Romans[1051]—until at length they dwindle into
-subjects of Rome; corn-growers for the Roman plebs, clients under the
-patronage of the Roman Marcelli, victims of the rapacity of Verres,
-and suppliants for the tutelary eloquence of Cicero. The historian of
-self-acting Hellas loses sight of them at the death of Agathokles.
-
-  [1051] The poet Theokritus (xvi. 75-80) expatiates on the bravery
-  of the Syracusan Hiero II., and on the great warlike power
-  of the Syracusans under him (B. C. 260-240), which
-  he represents as making the Carthaginians tremble for their
-  possessions in Sicily. Personally, Hiero seems to have deserved
-  this praise—and to have deserved yet more praise for his mild and
-  prudent internal administration of Syracuse. But his military
-  force was altogether secondary in the great struggle between Rome
-  and Carthage for the mastery of Sicily.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XCVIII.
-
-OUTLYING HELLENIC CITIES.
-
-  1 IN GAUL AND SPAIN.
-  2 ON THE COAST OF THE EUXINE.
-
-
-To complete the picture of the Hellenic world while yet in its
-period of full life, in freedom and self-action, or even during its
-decline into the half-life of a dependent condition—we must say a few
-words respecting some of its members lying apart from the general
-history, yet of not inconsiderable importance. The Greeks of Massalia
-formed its western wing; the Pontic Greeks (those on the shores of
-the Euxine), its eastern; both of them the outermost radiations of
-Hellenism, where it was always militant against foreign elements, and
-often adulterated by them. It is indeed little that we have the means
-of saying; but that little must not be left unsaid.
-
-In my third volume (ch. xxii. p. 397), I briefly noticed the
-foundation and first proceedings of Massalia (the modern Marseilles),
-on the Mediterranean coast of Gaul or Liguria. This Ionic city,
-founded by the enterprising Phokæans of Asia Minor, a little before
-their own seaboard was subjugated by the Persians, had a life and
-career of its own, apart from those political events which determined
-the condition of its Hellenic sisters in Asia, Peloponnesus,
-Italy, or Sicily. The Massaliots maintained their own relations of
-commerce, friendship or hostility with their barbaric neighbors, the
-Ligurians, Gauls, and Iberians, without becoming involved in the
-larger political confederacies of the Hellenic world. They carried
-out from their mother-city established habits of adventurous coast
-navigation and commercial activity. Their situation, distant from
-other Greeks and sustained by a force hardly sufficient even for
-defence, imposed upon them the necessity both of political harmony
-at home, and of prudence and persuasive agency in their mode of
-dealing with neighbors. That they were found equal to this necessity,
-appears sufficiently attested by the few general statements
-transmitted in respect to them; though their history in its details
-is unknown. Their city was strong by position, situated upon a
-promontory washed on three sides by the sea, well-fortified, and
-possessing a convenient harbor securely closed against enemies.[1052]
-The domain around it however appears not to have been large, nor
-did their population extend itself much into the interior. The land
-around was less adapted for corn than for the vine and the olive;
-wine was supplied by the Massaliots throughout Gaul.[1053] It was
-on shipboard that their courage and skill was chiefly displayed; it
-was by maritime enterprise that their power, their wealth, and their
-colonial expansion was obtained. In an age when piracy was common,
-the Massaliot ships and seamen were effective in attack and defence
-not less than in transport and commercial interchange; while their
-numerous maritime successes were attested by many trophies adorning
-the temples.[1054] The city contained docks and arsenals admirably
-provided with provisions, stores, arms, and all the various muniments
-of naval war.[1055] Except the Phenicians and Carthaginians, these
-Massaliots were the only enterprising mariners in the Western
-Mediterranean; from the year 500 B. C. downward, after the
-energy of the Ionic Greeks had been crushed by inland potentates. The
-Iberian and Gallic tribes were essentially landsmen, not occupying
-permanent stations on the coast, nor having any vocation for the
-sea; but the Ligurians, though chiefly mountaineers, were annoying
-neighbors to Massalia as well by their piracies at sea as from
-their depredations by land.[1056] To all these landsmen, however,
-depredators as they were, the visit of the trader soon made itself
-felt as a want, both for import and export; and to this want the
-Massaliots, with their colonies, were the only ministers, along the
-Gulfs of Genoa and Lyons, from Luna (the frontier of Tuscany) to
-the Dianium (Cape della Nao) in Spain.[1057] It was not until the
-first century before the Christian era that they were outstripped in
-this career by Narbon, and a few other neighbors, exalted into Roman
-colonies.
-
-  [1052] Cæsar, Bell. Gall. ii. 1; Strabo, iv. p. 179.
-
-  [1053] See Poseidonius ap. Athenæum, iv. p. 152.
-
-  [1054] Strabo, iv. p. 180.
-
-  [1055] Strabo (xii. p. 575) places Massalia in the same rank as
-  Kyzikus, Rhodes and Carthage; types of maritime cities highly and
-  effectively organized.
-
-  [1056] Livy, xl. 18; Polybius, xxx. 4.
-
-  [1057] The oration composed by Demosthenes πρὸς Ζηνόδεμιν,
-  relates to an affair wherein a ship, captain, and mate, all from
-  Massalia, are found engaged in the carrying trade between Athens
-  and Syracuse (Demosth. p. 382 _seq._).
-
-Along the coast on both sides of their own city, the Massaliots
-planted colonies, each commended to the protection, and consecrated
-by the statue and peculiar rites, of their own patron goddess, the
-Ephesian Artemis.[1058] Towards the east were Tauroentium, Olbia,
-Antipolis, Nikæa, and the Portus Monœki; towards the west, on the
-coast of Spain, were Rhoda, Emporiæ, Alônê, Hemeroskopium, and
-Artemisium or Dianium. These colonies were established chiefly on
-outlying capes or sometimes islets, at once near and safe; they were
-intended more as shelter and accommodation for maritime traffic,
-and as depots for trade with the interior,—than for the purpose of
-spreading inland, and including a numerous outlying population round
-the walls. The circumstances of Emporiæ were the most remarkable.
-That town was built originally on a little uninhabited islet off the
-coast of Iberia; after a certain interval, it became extended to the
-adjoining mainland, and a body of native Iberians were admitted to
-joint residence within the new-walled circuit there established. This
-new circuit however was divided in half by an intervening wall, on
-one side of which dwelt the Iberians, on the other side the Greeks.
-One gate alone was permitted, for intercommunication, guarded night
-and day by appointed magistrates, one of whom was perpetually on
-the spot. Every night, one third of the Greek citizens kept guard
-on the walls, or at least held themselves prepared to do so. How
-long these strict and fatiguing precautions were found necessary,
-we do not know; but after a certain time they were relaxed, and the
-intervening wall disappeared, so that Greeks and Iberians freely
-coalesced into one community.[1059] It is not often that we are
-allowed to see so much in detail the early difficulties and dangers
-of a Grecian colony. Massalia itself was situated under nearly
-similar circumstances among the rude Ligurian Salyes; we hear of
-these Ligurians hiring themselves as laborers to dig on the fields
-of Massaliot proprietors.[1060] The various tribes of Ligurians,
-Gauls, and Iberians extended down to the coast, so that there was no
-safe road along it, nor any communication except by sea, until the
-conquests of the Romans in the second and first century before the
-Christian era.[1061]
-
-  [1058] Brückner, Histor. Massiliensium, c. 7 (Göttingen).
-
-  [1059] Livy, xxxiv. 8; Strabo. iii. p. 160. At Massalia, it is
-  said that no armed stranger was ever allowed to enter the city,
-  without depositing his arms at the gate (Justin, xliii. 4).
-
-  This precaution seems to have been adopted in other cities also:
-  see Æneas, Poliorket. c. 30.
-
-  [1060] Strabo, iii. p. 165. A fact told to Poseidonius by a
-  Massaliot proprietor who was his personal friend.
-
-  In the siege of Massalia by Cæsar, a detachment of
-  Albici,—mountaineers not far from the town, and old allies or
-  dependents—were brought in to help in the defence (Cæsar, Bell.
-  G. i. 34).
-
-  [1061] Strabo, iv. p. 180.
-
-The government of Massalia was oligarchical, carried on chiefly
-by a Senate or Great Council of Six Hundred (called Timuchi),
-elected for life—and by a small council of fifteen, chosen among
-this larger body to take turn in executive duties.[1062] The public
-habits of the administrators are said to have been extremely
-vigilant and circumspect; the private habits of the citizens,
-frugal and temperate—a maximum being fixed by law for dowries and
-marriage-ceremonies.[1063] They were careful in their dealings
-with the native tribes, with whom they appear to have maintained
-relations generally friendly. The historian Ephorus (whose history
-closed about 340 B. C.) represented the Gauls as especially
-phil-hellenic;[1064] an impression which he could hardly have derived
-from any but Massaliot informants. The Massaliots (who in the first
-century before Christ were _trilingues_, speaking Greek, Latin, and
-Gallic[1065]) contributed to engraft upon these unlettered men a
-certain refinement and variety of wants, and to lay the foundation
-of that taste for letters which afterwards became largely diffused
-throughout the Roman Province of Gaul. At sea, and in traffic, the
-Phenicians and Carthaginians were their formidable rivals. This was
-among the causes which threw them betimes into alliance and active
-co-operation with Rome, under whose rule they obtained favorable
-treatment, when the blessing of freedom was no longer within their
-reach.
-
-  [1062] Strabo, iv. p. 181; Cicero, De Republ. xxvii. Fragm.
-  Vacancies in the senate seem to have been filled up from
-  meritorious citizens generally—as far as we can judge by a brief
-  allusion in Aristotle (Polit. vi. 7).
-
-  From another passage in the same work, it seems that the narrow
-  basis of the oligarchy must have given rise to dissensions (v.
-  6). Aristotle had included the Μασσαλιωτῶν πολιτεία in his lost
-  work Περὶ Πολιτειῶν.
-
-  [1063] Strabo, _l. c._ However, one author from whom Athenæus
-  borrowed (xii. p. 523), described the Massaliots as luxurious in
-  their habits.
-
-  [1064] Strabo, iv. p. 199. Ἔφορος δὲ ὑπερβάλλουσαν τῷ μεγέθει
-  λέγει τὴν Κελτικὴν, ὥστε ἧσπερ νῦν Ἰβηρίας καλοῦμεν ἐκείνοις τὰ
-  πλεῖστα προσνέμειν μέχρι Γαδείρων, ~φιλέλληνάς τε ἀποφαίνει τοὺς
-  ἀνθρώπους~, καὶ πολλὰ ἰδίως λέγει περὶ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐοικότα τοῖς
-  νῦν. Compare p. 181.
-
-  It is to be remembered that Ephorus was a native of the Asiatic
-  Kymê the immediate neighbor of Phokæa, which was the metropolis
-  of Massalia. The Massaliots never forgot or broke off their
-  connection with Phokæa: see the statement of their intercession
-  with the Romans on behalf of Phokæa (Justin, xxxvii. 1). Ephorus
-  therefore had good means of learning whatever Massaliot citizens
-  were disposed to communicate.
-
-  [1065] Varro, Antiq. Fragm. p. 350, ed. Bipont.
-
-Enough is known about Massalia to show that the city was a genuine
-specimen of Hellenism and Hellenic influences—acting not by force
-or constraint, but simply by superior intelligence and activity—by
-power of ministering to wants which must otherwise have remained
-unsupplied—and by the assimilating effect of a lettered civilization
-upon ruder neighbors. This is the more to be noticed as it contrasts
-strikingly with the Macedonian influences which have occupied so
-much of the present volume; force admirably organized and wielded
-by Alexander, yet still nothing but force. The loss of all details
-respecting the history of Massalia is greatly to be lamented;
-and hardly less, that of the writings of Pytheas, an intelligent
-Massaliotic navigator, who, at this early age (330-320 B.
-C.),[1066] with an adventurous boldness even more than Phokæan,
-sailed through the Pillars of Herakles and from thence northward
-along the coast of Spain, Gaul, Britain, Germany—perhaps yet farther.
-Probably no Greek except a Massaliot could have accomplished such a
-voyage; which in his case deserves the greater sympathy, as there
-was no other reward for the difficulties and dangers braved, except
-the gratification of an intelligent curiosity. It seems plain that
-the publication of his “Survey of the Earth”—much consulted by
-Eratosthenes, though the criticisms which have reached us through
-Polybius and Strabo dwell chiefly upon its mistakes, real or
-supposed—made an epoch in ancient geographical knowledge.
-
-  [1066] See the Fragmenta Pytheæ collected by Arfwedson, Upsal,
-  1824. He wrote two works—1. Γῆς Περιόδος. 2. Περὶ Ὠκεανοῦ.
-  His statements were greatly esteemed, and often followed, by
-  Eratosthenes; partially followed by Hipparchus; harshly judged
-  by Polybius, whom Strabo in the main follows. Even by those who
-  judge him most severely, Pytheas is admitted to have been a good
-  mathematician and astronomer (Strabo, iv. p. 201)—and to have
-  travelled extensively in person. Like Herodotus, he must have
-  been forced to report a great deal on hearsay; and all that
-  he could do was to report the best hearsay information which
-  reached him. It is evident that his writings made an epoch in
-  geographical inquiries; though they doubtless contained numerous
-  inaccuracies. See a fair estimate of Pytheas in Mannert, Geog.
-  der Gr. und Römer, Introd. i. p. 73-86.
-
-  The Massaliotic Codex of Homer, possessed and consulted among
-  others by the Alexandrine critics, affords presumption that
-  the celebrity of Massalia as a place of Grecian literature and
-  study (in which character it competed with Athens towards the
-  commencement of the Roman empire) had its foundations laid at
-  least in the third century before the Christian era.
-
-From the western wing of the Hellenic world, we pass to the
-eastern—the Euxine Sea. Of the Pentapolis on its western coast
-south of the Danube (Apollonia, Mesembria, Kallatis, Odessus,
-and probably Istrus)—and of Tyras near the mouth of the river so
-called (now Dniester)—we have little to record, though Istrus
-and Apollonia were among the towns whose political constitutions
-Aristotle thought worthy of his examination.[1067] But Herakleia on
-the south coast, and Pantikapæum or Bosporus between the Euxine and
-the Palus Mæotis (now Sea of Azof), are not thus unknown to history;
-nor can Sinôpê (on the south coast) and Olbia (on the north-west)
-be altogether passed over. Though lying apart from the political
-headship of Athens or Sparta, all these cities were legitimate
-members of the Hellenic brotherhood. All supplied spectators and
-competitors for the Pan-hellenic festivals—pupils to the rhetors and
-philosophers—purchasers, and sometimes even rivals, to the artists.
-All too were (like Massalia and Kyrênê) adulterated partially—Olbia
-and Bosporus considerably—by admixture of a non-hellenic element.
-
-  [1067] Aristotle, Politic. v. 2, 11; v. 5, 2.
-
-Of Sinôpê, and its three dependent colonies Kotyôra, Kerasus,
-and Trapezus, I have already said something,[1068] in describing
-the retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks. Like Massalia with its
-dependencies Antipolis, Nikæa, and others—Sinôpê enjoyed not merely
-practical independence, but considerable prosperity and local
-dignity, at the time when Xenophon and his companions marched through
-those regions. The citizens were on terms of equal alliance, mutually
-advantageous, with Korylas prince of Paphlagonia, on the borders of
-whose territory they dwelt. It is probable that they figured on the
-tribute list of the Persian king as a portion of Paphlagonia, and
-paid an annual sum; but here ended their subjection. Their behavior
-towards the Ten Thousand Greeks, pronounced enemies of the Persian
-king, was that of an independent city. Neither they, nor even the
-inland Paphlagonians, warlike and turbulent, were molested with
-Persian governors or military occupation.[1069] Alexander however
-numbered them among the subjects of Persia; and it is a remarkable
-fact, that envoys from Sinôpê were found remaining with Darius almost
-to his last hour, after he had become a conquered fugitive, and had
-lost his armies, his capitals, and his treasures. These Sinopian
-envoys fell into the hands of Alexander; who set them at liberty
-with the remark, that since they were not members of the Hellenic
-confederacy, but subjects of Persia—their presence as envoys near
-Darius was very excusable.[1070] The position of Sinôpê placed her
-out of the direct range of the hostilities carried on by Alexander’s
-successors against each other; and the ancient Kappadokian princes
-of the Mithridatic family (professedly descendants of the Persian
-Achæmenidæ),[1071] who ultimately ripened into the king of Pontus,
-had not become sufficiently powerful to swallow up her independence
-until the reign of Pharnakes, in the second century before Christ.
-Sinôpê then passed under his dominion; exchanging (like others)
-the condition of a free Grecian city for that of a subject of the
-barbaric kings of Pontus, with a citadel and mercenary garrison
-to keep her citizens in obedience. We know nothing however of the
-intermediate events.
-
-  [1068] See Vol. IX. Ch. lxxi. p. 129 _seqq._
-
-  [1069] See the remarkable life of the Karian Datames, by
-  Cornelius Nepos, which gives some idea of the situation of
-  Paphlagonia about 360-350 B. C. (cap. 7, 8). Compare
-  Xenoph. Hellenic. iv. 1, 4.
-
-  [1070] Arrian, iii. 24, 8; Curtius, vi. 5, 6.
-
-  [1071] Polybius, v. 43.
-
-Respecting the Pontic Herakleia, our ignorance is not so complete.
-That city—much nearer than Sinôpê to the mouth of the Thracian
-Bosporus, and distant by sea from Byzantium only one long day’s
-voyage of a rowboat—was established by Megarians and Bœotians on the
-coast of the Mariandyni. These natives were subdued, and reduced to
-a kind of serfdom; whereby they became slaves, yet with a proviso
-that they should never be sold out of the territory. Adjoining, on
-the westward, between Herakleia and Byzantium, were the Bithynian
-Thracians—villagers not merely independent, but warlike and fierce
-wreckers, who cruelly maltreated any Greeks stranded on their
-coast.[1072] We are told in general terms that the government of
-Herakleia was oligarchical;[1073] perhaps in the hands of the
-descendants of the principal original colonists, who partitioned
-among themselves the territory with its Mariandynian serfs, and who
-formed a small but rich minority among the total population. We hear
-of them as powerful at sea, and as being able to man, through their
-numerous serfs, a considerable fleet, with which they invaded the
-territory of Leukon prince of the Kimmerian Bosporus.[1074] They
-were also engaged in land-war with Mithridates, a prince of the
-ancient Persian family established as district rulers in Northern
-Kappadokia.[1075]
-
-  [1072] Xenoph. Anab. vi. 6, 2.
-
-  [1073] Aristot. Polit. v. 5, 2; v. 5, 5. Another passage in
-  the same work, however (v. 4, 2), says, that in Herakleia, the
-  democracy was subverted immediately after the foundation of the
-  colony, through the popular leaders; who committed injustice
-  against the rich. These rich men were banished, but collected
-  strength enough to return and subvert the democracy by force.
-
-  If this passage alludes to the same Herakleia (there were many
-  towns of that name), the government must have been originally
-  democratical. But the serfdom of the natives seems to imply an
-  oligarchy.
-
-  [1074] Aristot. Polit. vii. 5, 7; Polyæn. vi. 9, 3, 4; compare
-  Pseudo-Aristotle Œconomic. ii. 9.
-
-  The reign of Leukon lasted from about 392-352 B. C. The
-  event alluded to by Polyænus must have occurred at some time
-  during this interval.
-
-  [1075] Justin, xvi. 4.
-
-Towards 380-370 B. C., the Herakleots became disturbed by
-violent party-contentions within the city. As far as we can divine
-from a few obscure hints, these contentions began among the oligarchy
-themselves;[1076] some of whom opposed, and partially threw open,
-a close political monopoly—yet not without a struggle, in the
-course of which an energetic citizen named Klearchus was banished.
-Presently however the contest assumed larger dimensions; the plebs
-sought admission into the constitution, and are even said to have
-required abolition of debts with a redivision of the lands.[1077]
-A democratical constitution was established; but it was speedily
-menaced by conspiracies of the rich, to guard against which, the
-classification of the citizens was altered. Instead of three tribes,
-and four centuries, all were distributed anew into sixty-four
-centuries; the tribes being discontinued. It would appear that in the
-original four centuries, the rich men had been so enrolled as to form
-separate military divisions (probably their rustic serfs being armed
-along with them)—-while the three tribes had contained all the rest
-of the people; so that the effect of thus multiplying the centuries
-was, to divest the rich of their separate military enrolment, and to
-disseminate them in many different regiments along with a greater
-number of poor.[1078]
-
-  [1076] Aristot. v. 5, 2; 5, 10.
-
-  [1077] Justin, xvi. 4.
-
-  [1078] Æneas, Poliorket. c. 11. I have given what seems the most
-  probable explanation of a very obscure passage.
-
-  It is to be noted that the distribution of citizens into
-  centuries (ἑκατοστύες) prevailed also at Byzantium; see Inscript.
-  No. 2060 ap. Boeck. Corp. Inscr. Græc. p. 130. A citizen of
-  Olbia, upon whom the citizenship of Byzantium is conferred, is
-  allowed to enroll himself in any one of the ἑκατοστύες, that he
-  prefers.
-
-Still however the demands of the people were not fully granted, and
-dissension continued. Not merely the poorer citizens, but also the
-population of serfs—homogeneous, speaking the same language, and
-sympathizing with each other, like Helots or Penestæ—when once
-agitated by the hope of liberty, were with difficulty appeased.
-The government, though greatly democratized, found itself unable
-to maintain tranquillity, and invoked assistance from without.
-Application was made first, to the Athenian Timotheus—next, to the
-Theban Epaminondas; but neither of them would interfere—nor was
-there, indeed, any motive to tempt them. At length application was
-made to the exiled citizen Klearchus.
-
-This exile, now about forty years of age, intelligent, audacious and
-unprincipled, had passed four years at Athens partly in hearing the
-lessons of Plato and Isokrates—and had watched with emulous curiosity
-the brilliant fortune of the despot Dionysius at Syracuse, in whom
-both these philosophers took interest.[1079] During his banishment,
-moreover, he had done what was common with Grecian exiles; he had
-taken service with the enemy of his native city, the neighboring
-prince Mithridates,[1080] and probably enough against the city
-itself. As an officer, he distinguished himself much; acquiring
-renown with the prince and influence over the minds of soldiers.
-Hence his friends, and a party in Herakleia, became anxious to
-recall him, as moderator and protector under the grievous political
-discords prevailing. It was the oligarchical party who invited him
-to come back, at the head of a body of troops, as their auxiliary
-in keeping down the plebs. Klearchus accepted their invitation; but
-with the full purpose of making himself the Dionysius of Herakleia.
-Obtaining from Mithridates a powerful body of mercenaries, under
-secret promise to hold the city only as his prefect, he marched
-thither with the proclaimed purpose of maintaining order, and
-upholding the government. As his mercenary soldiers were soon found
-troublesome companions, he obtained permission to construct a
-separate stronghold in the city, under color of keeping them apart
-in the stricter discipline of a barrack.[1081] Having thus secured
-a strong position, he invited Mithridates into the city, to receive
-the promised possession; but instead of performing this engagement,
-he detained the prince as prisoner, and only released him on payment
-of a considerable ransom. He next cheated, still more grossly, the
-oligarchy who had recalled him; denouncing their past misrule,
-declaring himself their mortal enemy, and espousing the pretensions
-as well as the antipathies of the plebs. The latter willingly
-seconded him in his measures—even extreme measures of cruelty and
-spoliation—against their political enemies. A large number of the
-rich were killed, imprisoned, or impoverished and banished; their
-slaves or serfs, too, were not only manumitted by order of the new
-despot, but also married to the wives and daughters of the exiles.
-The most tragical scenes arose out of these forced marriages; many
-of the women even killed themselves, some after having first killed
-their new husbands. Among the exiles, a party, driven to despair,
-procured assistance from without, and tried to obtain by force
-readmittance into the city; but they were totally defeated by
-Klearchus, who after this victory became more brutal and unrelenting
-than ever.[1082]
-
-  [1079] Diodor. xv. 81. ἐζήλωσε μὲν τὴν Διονυσίου τοῦ Συρακοσίου
-  διαγωγὴν, etc. Memnon, Fragm. c. 1; Isokrates, Epist. vii.
-
-  It is here that the fragments of Memnon, as abstracted by Photius
-  (Cod. 224), begin. Photius had seen only eight books of Memnon’s
-  History of Herakleia (Books ix.-xvi. inclusive); neither the
-  first eight books (see the end of his Excerpta from Memnon),
-  nor those after the sixteenth, had come under his view. This
-  is greatly to be regretted, as we are thus shut out from the
-  knowledge of Heraklean affairs anterior to Klearchus.
-
-  It happens, not unfrequently, with Photius, that he does not
-  possess an entire work, but only parts of it; this is a curious
-  fact, in reference to the libraries of the ninth century A.
-  D.
-
-  The fragments of Memnon are collected out of Photius, together
-  with those of Nymphis and other Herakleotic historians, and
-  illustrated with useful notes and citations, in the edition of
-  Orelli; as well as by K. Müller, in Didot’s Fragm. Hist. Græc.
-  tom. iii. p. 525. Memnon carried his history down to the time
-  of Julius Cæsar, and appears to have lived shortly after the
-  Christian era. Nymphis (whom he probably copied) was much older;
-  having lived seemingly from about 300-230 B. C. (see the
-  few Fragmenta remaining from him, in the same work, iii. p. 12).
-  The work of the Herakleotic author Herodôrus seems to have been
-  altogether upon legendary matter (see Fragm. in the same work,
-  ii. p. 27). He was half a century earlier than Nymphis.
-
-  [1080] Suidas v. Κλέαρχος.
-
-  [1081] Polyænus, ii. 30, 1; Justin, xvi. 4. “A quibus revocatus
-  in patriam, per quos in arce collocatus fuerat”, etc.
-
-  Æneas (Poliorket. c. 12) cites this proceeding as an example of
-  the mistake made by a political party, in calling in a greater
-  number of mercenary auxiliaries than they could manage or keep in
-  order.
-
-  [1082] Justin, xvi. 4, 5; Theopompus ap. Athenæ. iii. p. 85.
-  Fragm. 200, ed. Didot.
-
-He was now in irresistible power; despot of the whole city, plebs as
-well as oligarchy. Such he continued to be for twelve years; during
-which he displayed great warlike energy against exterior enemies,
-together with unabated cruelty towards the citizens. He farther
-indulged in the most overweening insolence of personal demeanor,
-adopting an Oriental costume and ornaments, and proclaiming himself
-the son of Zeus—as Alexander the Great did after him. Amidst all
-these enormities, however, his literary tastes did not forsake him;
-he collected a library, at that time a very rare possession.[1083]
-Many were the conspiracies attempted by suffering citizens against
-this tyrant; but his vigilance baffled and punished all. At length
-two young men, Chion and Leonidas (they too having been among the
-hearers of Plato), found an opportunity to stab him at a Dionysiac
-festival. They, with those who seconded them, were slain by his
-guards, after a gallant resistance; but Klearchus himself died of the
-wound, in torture and mental remorse.[1084]
-
-  [1083] Memnon, c. 1. The seventh Epistle of Isokrates, addressed
-  to Timotheus son of Klearchus, recognizes generally this
-  character of the latter with whose memory Isokrates disclaims all
-  sympathy.
-
-  [1084] Memnon, c. 1; Justin, xvi. 5; Diodor. xvi 36.
-
-His death unfortunately brought no relief to the Herakleots. The two
-sons whom he left, Timotheus and Dionysius, were both minors; but his
-brother Satyrus, administering in their name, grasped the sceptre
-and continued the despotism, with cruelty not merely undiminished,
-but even aggravated and sharpened by the past assassination. Not
-inferior to his predecessor in energy and vigilance, Satyrus was in
-this respect different, that he was altogether rude and unlettered.
-Moreover he was rigidly scrupulous in preserving the crown for his
-brother’s children, as soon as they should be of age. To ensure to
-them an undisturbed succession, he took every precaution to avoid
-begetting children of his own by his wife.[1085] After a rule of
-seven years, Satyrus died of a lingering and painful distemper.
-
-  [1085] Memnon, c. 2. ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ φιλαδελφίᾳ τὸ πρῶτον ἠνέγκατο·
-  τὴν γὰρ ἀρχὴν τοῖς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παισὶν ἀνεπηρέαστον συντηρῶν,
-  ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον τῆς αὐτῶν κηδεμονίας λόγον ἐτίθετο, ὡς καὶ γυναικὶ
-  συνὼν, καὶ τότε λίαν στεργομένῃ, μὴ ἀνασχέσθαι παιδοποιῆσαι,
-  ἀλλὰ μηχανῇ πάσῃ γονῆς στέρησιν ἑαυτῷ δικάσαι, ὡς ἂν μήδ᾽ ὅλως
-  ὑπολίποι τινὰ ἐφεδρεύοντα τοῖς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παισίν.
-
-  In the Antigonid dynasty of Macedonia, we read that Demetrius,
-  son of Antigonus Gonatas, died leaving his son Philip a boy.
-  Antigonus called Doson, younger brother of Demetrius, assumed the
-  regency on behalf of Philip; he married the widow of Demetrius,
-  and had children by her; but he was so anxious to guard Philip’s
-  succession against all chance of being disturbed, that he
-  refused to bring up his own children—Ὁ δὲ παιδῶν γενομένων ἐκ
-  τῆς Χρυσηΐδος, οὐκ ἀνεθρέψατο, τὴν ἀρχὴν τῷ Φιλιππῷ περισώζων
-  (Porphyry, Fragm. ap. Didot, Fragm. Histor. Græc. vol. iii. p.
-  701).
-
-  In the Greek and Roman world, the father was generally considered
-  to have the right of determining whether he would or would not
-  bring up a new-born child. The obligation was only supposed to
-  commence when he accepted or sanctioned it, by taking up the
-  child.
-
-The government of Herakleia now devolved on Timotheus, who exhibited
-a contrast, alike marked and beneficent, with his father and uncle.
-Renouncing all their cruelty and constraint, he set at liberty
-every man whom he found in prison. He was strict in dispensing
-justice, but mild and even liberal in all his dealings towards the
-citizens. At the same time, he was a man of adventurous courage,
-carrying on successful war against foreign enemies, and making his
-power respected all round. With his younger brother Dionysius, he
-maintained perfect harmony, treating him as an equal and partner.
-Though thus using his power generously towards the Herakleots, he
-was, however, still a despot, and retained the characteristic marks
-of despotism—the strong citadel, fortified separately from the town,
-with a commanding mercenary force. After a reign of about nine years,
-he died, deeply mourned by every one.[1086]
-
-  [1086] Memnon, c. 3. The Epistle of Isokrates (vii.) addressed to
-  Timotheus in recommendation of a friend, is in harmony with this
-  general character, but gives no new information.
-
-  Diodorus reckons Timotheus as immediately succeeding Klearchus
-  his father—considering Satyrus simply as regent (xvi. 36).
-
-Dionysius, who succeeded him, fell upon unsettled times, full both
-of hope and fear; opening chances of aggrandizement, yet with many
-new dangers and uncertainties. The sovereignty which he inherited
-doubtless included, not simply the city of Herakleia, but also
-foreign dependencies and possessions in its neighborhood; for
-his three predecessors[1087] had been all enterprising chiefs,
-commanding a considerable aggressive force. At the commencement of
-his reign, indeed, the ascendency of Memnon and the Persian force
-in the north-western part of Asia Minor was at a higher pitch than
-ordinary; it appears too that Klearchus—and probably his successors
-also—had always taken care to keep on the best terms with the Persian
-court.[1088] But presently came the invasion of Alexander (334 B.
-C.), with the battle of the Granikus, which totally extinguished
-the Persian power in Asia Minor, and was followed, after no long
-interval, by the entire conquest of the Persian empire. The Persian
-control being now removed from Asia Minor—while Alexander with the
-great Macedonian force merely passed through it to the east, leaving
-viceroys behind him—new hopes of independence or aggrandizement
-began to arise among the native princes in Bithynia, Paphlagonia,
-and Kappadokia. The Bithynian prince even contended successfully
-in the field against Kalas, who had been appointed by Alexander as
-satrap in Phrygia.[1089] The Herakleot Dionysius, on the other hand,
-enemy by position of these Bithynians, courted the new Macedonian
-potentates, playing his political game with much skill in every way.
-He kept his forces well in hand, and his dominions carefully guarded;
-he ruled in a mild and popular manner, so as to preserve among the
-Herakleots the same feelings of attachment which had been inspired
-by his predecessor. While the citizens of the neighboring Sinôpê (as
-has been already related) sent their envoys to Darius, Dionysius kept
-his eyes upon Alexander; taking care to establish a footing at Pella,
-and being peculiarly assiduous in attentions to Alexander’s sister,
-the princess Kleopatra.[1090] He was the better qualified for this
-courtly service, as he was a man of elegant and ostentatious tastes,
-and had purchased from his namesake, the fallen Syracusan Dionysius,
-all the rich furniture of the Dionysian family, highly available for
-presents.[1091]
-
-  [1087] We hear of Klearchus as having besieged Astakus
-  (afterwards Nikomedia)—at the interior extremity of the
-  north-eastern indentation of the Propontis, called the Gulf of
-  Astakus (Polyænus, ii. 30, 3).
-
-  [1088] Memnon, c. 1.
-
-  [1089] Memnon, c. 20.
-
-  [1090] Memnon, c. 3.
-
-  [1091] Memnon, c. 3. See in this History, Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxv. p.
-  154.
-
-By the favor of Antipater and the regency at Pella, the Herakleotic
-despot was enabled both to maintain and extend his dominions, until
-the return of Alexander to Susa and Babylon in 324 B. C.
-All other authority was now superseded by the personal will of the
-omnipotent conqueror; who, mistrusting all his delegates—Antipater,
-the princesses, and the satraps—listened readily to complainants from
-all quarters, and took particular pride in espousing the pretensions
-of Grecian exiles. I have already recounted how in June 324 B.
-C., Alexander promulgated at the Olympic festival a sweeping
-edict, directing that in every Grecian city the exiles should be
-restored—by force, if force was required. Among the various Grecian
-exiles, those from Herakleia were not backward in soliciting his
-support, to obtain their own restoration, as well as the expulsion of
-the despot. As they were entitled, along with others, to the benefit
-of the recent edict, the position of Dionysius became one of extreme
-danger. He now reaped the full benefit of his antecedent prudence,
-in having maintained both his popularity with the Herakleots at
-home, and his influence with Antipater, to whom the enforcement of
-the edict was entrusted. He was thus enabled to ward off the danger
-for a time; and his good fortune rescued him from it altogether, by
-the death of Alexander in June 323 B. C. That event, coming
-as it did unexpectedly upon every one, filled Dionysius with such
-extravagant joy, that he fell into a swoon: and he commemorated it
-by erecting a statue in honor of Euthymia, or the tranquillizing
-goddess. His position however seemed again precarious, when the
-Herakleotic exiles renewed their solicitations to Perdikkas: who
-favored their cause, and might probably have restored them, if he had
-chosen to direct his march towards the Hellespont against Antipater
-and Kraterus, instead of undertaking the ill-advised expedition
-against Egypt, wherein he perished.[1092]
-
-  [1092] Memnon, c. 4.
-
-The tide of fortune now turned more than ever in favor of Dionysius.
-With Antipater and Kraterus, the preponderant potentates in his
-neighborhood, he was on the best terms; and it happened at this
-juncture to suit the political views of Kraterus to dismiss his
-Persian wife Amastris (niece of the late Persian king Darius,
-and conferred upon Kraterus by Alexander when he himself married
-Statira), for the purpose of espousing Phila daughter of Antipater.
-Amastris was given in marriage to Dionysius; for him, a splendid
-exaltation—attesting the personal influence which he had previously
-acquired. His new wife, herself a woman of ability and energy,
-brought to him a large sum from the regal treasure, as well as
-the means of greatly extending his dominion round Herakleia.
-Noway corrupted by this good fortune, he still persevered both in
-his conciliating rule at home, and his prudent alliances abroad,
-making himself especially useful to Antigonus. That great chief,
-preponderant throughout most parts of Asia Minor, was establishing
-his ascendency in Bithynia and the neighborhood of the Propontis,
-by founding the city of Antigonia in the rich plain adjoining the
-Askanian Lake.[1093] Dionysius lent effective maritime aid to
-Antigonus, in that war which ended by his conquest of Cyprus from the
-Egyptian Ptolemy (307 B. C.) To the other Ptolemy, nephew
-and general of Antigonus, Dionysius gave his daughter in marriage;
-and even felt himself powerful enough to assume the title of king,
-after Antigonus, Lysimachus, and the Egyptian Ptolemy had done the
-like.[1094] He died, after reigning thirty years with consummate
-political skill and uninterrupted prosperity—except that during the
-last few years he lost his health from excessive corpulence.[1095]
-
-  [1093] Strabo, xii. p. 565.
-
-  [1094] Memnon, c. 4: compare Diodor. xx. 53.
-
-  [1095] Nymphis, Fragm. 16. ap. Athenæum, xii. p. 549; Ælian, V.
-  H. ix. 13.
-
-Dionysius left three children under age—Klearchus, Oxathres and
-a daughter—by his wife Amastris; whom he constituted regent, and
-who, partly through the cordial support of Antigonus, maintained
-the Herakleotic dominion unimpaired. Presently Lysimachus, king
-of Thrace and of the Thracian Chersonese (on the isthmus of
-which he had founded the city of Lysimacheia), coveted this as a
-valuable alliance, paid his court to Amastris, and married her. The
-Herakleotic queen thus enjoyed double protection, and was enabled
-to avoid taking a part in the formidable conflict of Ipsus (300
-B. C.); wherein the allies Lysimachus, Kassander, Ptolemy,
-and Seleukus were victorious over Antigonus. The latter being
-slain, and his Asiatic power crushed, Lysimachus got possession
-of Antigonia, the recent foundation of his rival in Bithynia, and
-changed its name to Nikæa.[1096] After a certain time, however,
-Lysimachus became desirous of marrying Arsinoê, daughter of the
-Egyptian Ptolemy; accordingly, Amastris divorced herself from him,
-and set up for herself separately as regent of Herakleia. Her two
-sons being now nearly of age, she founded and fortified, for her
-own residence, the neighboring city of Amastris, about sixty miles
-eastward of Herakleia on the coast of the Euxine.[1097] These young
-men, Klearchus and Oxathres, assumed the government of Herakleia, and
-entered upon various warlike enterprises; of which we know only, that
-Klearchus accompanied Lysimachus in his expedition against the Getæ,
-sharing the fate of that prince, who was defeated and taken prisoner.
-Both afterwards obtained their release, and Klearchus returned to
-Herakleia; where he ruled in a cruel and oppressive manner, and even
-committed the enormity (in conjunction with his brother Oxathres) of
-killing his mother Amastris. This crime was avenged by her former
-husband Lysimachus; who, coming to Herakleia under professions of
-friendship (B. C. 286), caused Klearchus and Oxathres to be
-put to death, seized their treasure, and keeping separate possession
-of the citadel only, allowed the Herakleots to establish a popular
-government.[1098]
-
-  [1096] Strabo, xii. p. 565. So also Antioch, on the Orontes in
-  Syria, the great foundation of Seleukus Nikator, was established
-  on or near the site of another Antigonia, also previously founded
-  by Antigonus Monophthalmus (Strabo, xv. p. 750).
-
-  [1097] Strabo, xii. p. 544.
-
-  [1098] Memnon, c. 6.
-
-Lysimachus, however, was soon persuaded by his wife Arsinoê to make
-over Herakleia to her, as it had been formerly possessed by Amastris;
-and Arsinoê sent thither a Kymæan officer named Herakleides, who
-carried with him force sufficient to re-establish the former
-despotism, with its oppressions and cruelties. For other purposes
-too, not less mischievous, the influence of Arsinoê was all-powerful.
-She prevailed upon Lysimachus to kill his eldest son (by a former
-marriage) Agathokles, a young prince of the most estimable and
-eminent qualities. Such an atrocity, exciting universal abhorrence
-among the subjects of Lysimachus, enabled his rival Seleukus to
-attack him with success. In a great battle fought between these two
-princes, Lysimachus was defeated and slain—by the hand and javelin of
-a citizen of Herakleia, named Malakon.[1099]
-
-  [1099] Memnon, c. 7, 8.
-
-This victory transferred the dominions of the vanquished prince to
-Seleukus. At Herakleia too, its effect was so powerful, that the
-citizens were enabled to shake off their despotism. They at first
-tried to make terms with the governor Herakleides, offering him money
-as an inducement to withdraw. From him they obtained only an angry
-refusal; yet his subordinate officers of mercenaries, and commanders
-of detached posts in the Herakleotic territory, mistrusting their
-own power of holding out, accepted an amicable compromise with the
-citizens, who tendered to them full liquidation of arrears of pay,
-together with the citizenship. The Herakleots were this enabled
-to discard Herakleides, and regain their popular government. They
-signalized their revolution by the impressive ceremony of demolishing
-their Bastile—the detached fort or stronghold within the city, which
-had served for eighty-four years as the characteristic symbol, and
-indispensable engine, of the antecedent despotism.[1100] The city,
-now again a free commonwealth, was farther reinforced by the junction
-of Nymphis (the historian) and other Herakleotic citizens, who
-had hitherto been in exile. These men were restored, and welcomed
-by their fellow-citizens in full friendship and harmony; yet with
-express proviso, that no demand should be made for the restitution
-of their properties, long since confiscated.[1101] To the victor
-Seleukus, however, and his officer Aphrodisius, the bold bearing
-of the newly-emancipated Herakleots proved offensive. They would
-probably have incurred great danger from him, had not his mind been
-first set upon the conquest of Macedonia in the accomplishment of
-which he was murdered by Ptolemy Keraunus.
-
-  [1100] Memnon, c. 9; Strabo, xii. p. 542.
-
-  [1101] Memnon, c. 11.
-
-The Herakleots thus became again a commonwealth of free citizens,
-without any detached citadel or mercenary garrison; yet they lost,
-seemingly through the growing force and aggressions of some inland
-dynasts, several of their outlying dependencies—Kierus, Tium,
-and Amastris. The two former they recovered some time afterwards
-by purchase, and they wished also to purchase back Amastris; but
-Eumenes, who held it, hated them so much, that he repudiated their
-money, and handed over the place gratuitously to the Kappadokian
-chief Ariobarzanes.[1102] That their maritime power was at this time
-very great, we may see by the astonishing account given of their
-immense ships,—numerously manned, and furnished with many brave
-combatants on the deck—which fought with eminent distinction in the
-naval battle between Ptolemy Keraunus (murderer and successor of
-Seleukus) and Antigonus Gonatas.[1103]
-
-  [1102] Memnon, c. 16. The inhabitants of Byzantium also purchased
-  for a considerable sum the important position called the Ἱερὸν,
-  at the entrance of the Euxine on the Asiatic side (Polybius, iv.
-  50).
-
-  These are rare examples, in ancient history, of cities acquiring
-  territory or dependencies _by purchase_. Acquisitions were often
-  made in this manner by the free German, Swiss, and Italian cities
-  of mediæval Europe; but as to the Hellenic cities, I have not had
-  occasion to record many such transactions in the course of this
-  history.
-
-  [1103] Memnon, c. 13: compare Polyb. xviii. 34.
-
-It is not my purpose to follow lower down the destinies of Herakleia.
-It maintained its internal autonomy, with considerable maritime
-power, a dignified and prudent administration, and a partial, though
-sadly circumscribed, liberty of foreign action—until the successful
-war of the Romans against Mithridates (B. C. 69). In Asia Minor, the
-Hellenic cities on the coast were partly enabled to postpone the
-epoch of their subjugation, by the great division of power which
-prevailed in the interior; for the potentates, of Bithynia, Pergamus,
-Kappadokia, Pontus, Syria, were in almost perpetual discord—while
-all of them were menaced by the intrusion of the warlike and
-predatory Gauls, who extorted for themselves settlements in Galatia
-(B. C. 276). The kings, the enemies of civic freedom, were kept
-partially in check by these new and formidable neighbors,[1104]
-who were themselves however hardly less formidable to the Grecian
-cities on the coast.[1105] Sinôpê, Herakleia, Byzantium,—and even
-Rhodes, in spite of the advantage of an insular position,—isolated
-relics of what had once been an Hellenic aggregate, become from
-henceforward cribbed and confined by inland neighbors almost at their
-gates[1106]—dependent on the barbaric potentates, between whom they
-were compelled to trim, making themselves useful in turn to all. It
-was however frequent with these barbaric princes to derive their
-wives, mistresses, ministers, negotiators, officers, engineers,
-literati, artists, actors, and intermediate agents both for ornament
-and recreation—from some Greek city. Among them all, more or less
-of Hellenic influence became thus insinuated; along with the Greek
-language which spread its roots everywhere—even among the Gauls or
-Galatians, the rudest and latest of the foreign immigrants.
-
-  [1104] This is a remarkable observation made by Memnon, c. 19.
-
-  [1105] See the statement of Polybius, xxii. 24.
-
-  [1106] Contrast the independent and commanding position occupied
-  by Byzantium in 399 B. C., acknowledging no superior
-  except Sparta (Xenoph. Anab. vii. 1)—with its condition in the
-  third century B. C.—harassed and pillaged almost to
-  the gates of the town by the neighboring Thracians and Gauls,
-  and only purchased immunity by continued money payments: see
-  Polybius, iv. 45.
-
-Of the Grecian maritime towns in the Euxine south of the
-Danube—Apollonia, Mesembria, Odêssus, Kallatis, Tomi, and Istrus—five
-(seemingly without Tomi) formed a confederate Pentapolis.[1107] About
-the year 312 B. C., we hear of them as under the power of
-Lysimachus king of Thrace, who kept a garrison in Kallatis—probably
-in the rest also. They made a struggle to shake off his yoke,
-obtaining assistance from some of the neighboring Thracians and
-Scythians, as well as from Antigonus. But Lysimachus, after a contest
-which seems to have lasted three or four years, overpowered both
-their allies and them, reducing them again into subjection.[1108]
-Kallatis sustained a long siege, dismissing some of its ineffective
-residents; who were received and sheltered by Eumelus prince of
-Bosporus. It was in pushing his conquests yet farther northward, in
-the steppe between the rivers Danube and Dniester, that Lysimachus
-came into conflict with the powerful prince of the Getæ—Dromichætes;
-by whom he was defeated and captured, but generously released.[1109]
-I have already mentioned that the empire of Lysimachus ended with
-his last defeat and death by Seleukus—(281 B. C.). By his
-death, the cities of the Pontic Pentapolis regained a temporary
-independence. But their barbaric neighbors became more and more
-formidable, being reinforced seemingly by immigration of fresh
-hordes from Asia; thus the Sarmatians, who in Herodotus’s time were
-on the east of the Tanais, appear, three centuries afterwards, even
-south of the Danube. By these tribes—Thracians, Getæ, Scythians, and
-Sarmatians—the Greek cities of this Pentapolis were successively
-pillaged. Though renewed indeed afterwards, from the necessity
-of some place of traffic, even for the pillagers themselves—they
-were but poorly renewed, with a large infusion of barbaric
-residents.[1110] Such was the condition in which the exile Ovid found
-Tomi, near the beginning of the Christian era. The Tomitans were more
-than half barbaric, and their Greek not easily intelligible. The
-Sarmatian or Getic horse-bowmen, with their poisoned arrows, ever
-hovered near, galloped even up to the gates, and carried off the
-unwary cultivators into slavery. Even within a furlong of the town,
-there was no security either for person or property. The residents
-were clothed in skins, or leather; while the women, ignorant both of
-spinning and weaving, were employed either in grinding corn or in
-carrying on their heads the pitchers of water.[1111]
-
-  [1107] Strabo, vii. p. 319. Philip of Macedon defeated the
-  Scythian prince Atheas or Ateas (about 340 B. C.)
-  somewhere between Mount Hæmus and the Danube (Justin, ix. 2). But
-  the relations of Ateas with the towns of Istrus and Apollonia,
-  which are said to have brought Philip into the country, are very
-  difficult to understand. It is most probable that these cities
-  invited Philip as their defender.
-
-  In Inscription No. 2056 c. (in Boeckh’s Corp. Inscript. Græc.
-  part xi. p. 79), the five cities constituting the Pentapolis
-  are not clearly named. Boeckh supposes them to be Apollonia,
-  Mesembria, Odêssus, Kallatis, and Tomi; but Istrus seems more
-  probable than Tomi. Odêssus was on the site of the modern Varna
-  where the Inscription was found; greatly south of the modern town
-  of Odessa, which is on the site of another town _Ordêsus_.
-
-  An Inscription (2056) immediately preceding the above, also found
-  at Odêssus, contains a vote of thanks and honors to a certain
-  citizen of Antioch, who resided with ... (name imperfect), king
-  of the Scythians and rendered great service to the Greeks by his
-  influence.
-
-  [1108] Diodor. xix. 73; xx. 25.
-
-  [1109] Strabo, vii. p. 302-305; Pausanias, i. 9, 5.
-
-  [1110] Dion Chrysost. Orat. xxxvi. (Borysthenitica) p. 75, Reisk.
-  εἶλον δὲ καὶ ταύτην (Olbia) Γέται, καὶ τὰς ἄλλας τὰς ἐν τοῖς
-  ἀριστέροις τοῦ Πόντου πόλεις, μέχρι Ἀπολλωνίας· ὅθεν δὴ καὶ σφόδρα
-  ταπεινὰ τὰ πράγματα κατέστη τῶν ταύτῃ Ἑλλήνων· τῶν μὲν οὐκέτι
-  συνοικισθεισῶν πόλεων, τῶν δὲ φαυλῶς, καὶ τῶν πλείστων βαρβάρων
-  εἰς αὐτὰς συῤῥεόντων.
-
-  [1111] The picture drawn by Ovid, of his situation as an exile
-  at Tomi, can never fail to interest, from the mere beauty and
-  felicity of his expression; but it is not less interesting, as
-  a real description of Hellenism in its last phase, degraded and
-  overborne by adverse fates. The truth of Ovid’s picture is fully
-  borne out by the analogy of Olbia, presently to be mentioned. His
-  complaints run through the five books of the Tristia, and the
-  four books of Epistolæ ex Ponto (Trist. v. 10, 15).
-
-    “Innumeræ circa gentes fera bella minantur,
-      Quæ sibi non rapto vivere turpe putant.
-    Nil extra tutum est: tumulus defenditur ægre
-      Mœnibus exiguis ingenioque soli.
-    Cum minime credas, ut avis, densissimus hostis
-      Advolat, et prædam vix bene visus agit.
-    Sæpe intra muros clausis venientia portis
-      Per medias legimus noxia tela vias.
-    Est igitur rarus, qui colere audeat, isque
-      Hac arat infelix, hac tenet arma manu.
-    Vix ope castelli defendimur: et tamen intus
-      Mista facit Græcis barbara turba metum.
-    Quippe simul nobis habitat discrimine nullo
-      Barbarus, et tecti plus quoque parte tenet.
-    Quos ut non timeas, possis odisse, videndo
-      Pellibus et longâ corpora tecta comâ.
-    Hos quoque, qui geniti Graiâ creduntur ab urbe,
-      Pro patrio cultu Persica bracca tegit,” etc.
-
-  This is a specimen out of many others: compare Trist. iii. 10,
-  53; iv. 1, 67; Epist. Pont. iii. 1.
-
-  Ovid dwells especially upon the fact that there was more of
-  barbaric than of Hellenic speech at Tomi—“Graiaque quod Getico
-  victa loquela sono est” (Trist. v. 2, 68). Woollen clothing, and
-  the practice of spinning and weaving by the free women of the
-  family, were among the most familiar circumstances of Grecian
-  life; the absence of these feminine arts, and the use of skins or
-  leather for clothing, were notable departures from Grecian habits
-  (Ex Ponto, iii. 8):—
-
-    “Vellera dura ferunt pecudes; et Palladis uti
-      Arte Tomitanæ non didicere nurus.
-    Femina pro lanâ Cerealia munera frangit,
-      Suppositoque gravem vertice portat aquam.”
-
-By these same barbarians, Olbia also (on the right bank of the
-Hypanis or Bug near its mouth) became robbed of that comfort and
-prosperity which it had enjoyed when visited by Herodotus. In his
-day, the Olbians lived on good terms with the Scythian tribes in
-their neighborhood. They paid a stipulated tribute, giving presents
-besides to the prince and his immediate favorites; and on these
-conditions, their persons and properties were respected. The Scythian
-prince Skylês (son of an Hellenic mother from Istrus, who had
-familiarized him with Greek speech and letters) had built a fine
-house in the town, and spent in it a month, from attachment to Greek
-manners and religion, while his Scythian army lay near the gates
-without molesting any one.[1112] It is true, that this proceeding
-cost Skylês his life; for the Scythians would not tolerate their own
-prince in the practice of foreign religious rites, though they did
-not quarrel with the same rites when observed by the Greeks.[1113]
-To their own customs the Scythians adhered tenaciously, and those
-customs were often sanguinary, ferocious, and brutish. Still they
-were warriors, rather than robbers—they abstained from habitual
-pillage, and maintained with the Greeks a reputation for honesty and
-fair dealing, which became proverbial with the early poets. Such were
-the Scythians as seen by Herodotus (probably about 440 to 430 B. C.);
-and the picture drawn by Ephorus a century afterwards (about 340 B.
-C.), appears to have been not materially different.[1114] But after
-that time it gradually altered. New tribes seem to have come in—the
-Sarmatians out of the East—the Gauls out of the West; from Thrace
-northward to the Tanais and the Palus Mæotis, the most different
-tribes became intermingled—Gauls, Thracians, Getæ, Scythians,
-Sarmatians, etc.[1115] Olbia was in an open plain, with no defence
-except its walls and the adjoining river Hypanis, frozen over in the
-winter. The hybrid Helleno-Scythian race, formed by intermarriages of
-Greeks with Scythians—and the various Scythian tribes who had become
-partially sedentary cultivators of corn for exportation—had probably
-also acquired habits less warlike than the tribes of primitive
-barbaric type. At any rate, even if capable of defending themselves,
-they could not continue their production and commerce under repeated
-hostile incursions.
-
-  [1112] Herodot. iv. 16-18. The town was called _Olbia_ by its
-  inhabitants, but _Borysthenes_ usually by foreigners; though it
-  was not on the Borysthenes river (Dnieper), but on the right bank
-  of the Hypanis (Bug).
-
-  [1113] Herodot. iv. 76-80.
-
-  [1114] Strabo, vii. p. 302: Skymnus Chius, v. 112, who usually
-  follows Ephorus.
-
-  The rhetor Dion tells us (Orat. xxxvi. init.) that he went to
-  Olbia in order that he might _go through the Scythians to the
-  Getæ_. This shows that in his time (about A. D. 100)
-  the Scythians must have been between the Bug and Dniester—the
-  Getæ nearer to the Danube—just as they had been four centuries
-  earlier. But many new hordes were mingled with them.
-
-  [1115] Strabo, vii. p. 296-304.
-
-A valuable inscription remaining enables us to compare the Olbia (or
-Borysthenes) seen by Herodotus, with the same town in the second
-century B. C.[1116] At this latter period, the city was diminished
-in population, impoverished in finances, exposed to constantly
-increasing exactions and menace from the passing barbaric hordes,
-and scarcely able to defend against them even the security of its
-walls. Sometimes there approached the barbaric chief Saitapharnes
-with his personal suite, sometimes his whole tribe or horde in mass,
-called Saii. Whenever they came, they required to be appeased by
-presents, greater than the treasury could supply, and borrowed only
-from the voluntary help of rich citizens; while even these presents
-did not always avert ill treatment or pillage. Already the citizens
-of Olbia had repelled various attacks, partly by taking into pay
-a semi-Hellenic population in their neighborhood (Mix-Hellenes,
-like the Liby-Phenicians in Africa); but the inroads became more
-alarming, and their means of defence less, through the uncertain
-fidelity of these Mix-Hellenes, as well as of their own slaves—the
-latter probably barbaric natives purchased from the interior.[1117]
-In the midst of public poverty, it was necessary to enlarge and
-strengthen the fortifications; for they were threatened with the
-advent of the Gauls—who inspired such terror that the Scythians and
-other barbarians were likely to seek their own safety by extorting
-admission within the walls of Olbia. Moreover even corn was scarce,
-and extravagantly dear. There had been repeated failures in the
-produce of the lands around, famine was apprehended, and efforts were
-needed, greater than the treasury could sustain, to lay in a stock at
-the public expense. Among the many points of contrast with Herodotus,
-this is perhaps the most striking; for in his time, corn was the
-great produce and the principal export from Olbia; the growth had now
-been suspended, or was at least perpetually cut off, by increased
-devastation and insecurity.
-
-  [1116] This Inscription—No. 2058—in Boeckh’s Inscr. Græc. part
-  xi. p. 121 _seq._—is among the most interesting in that noble
-  collection. It records a vote of public gratitude and honor to
-  a citizen of Olbia named Protogenes, and recites the valuable
-  services which he as well as his father had rendered to the
-  city. It thus describes the numerous situations of difficulty
-  and danger from which he had contributed to extricate them. A
-  vivid picture is presented to us of the distress of the city.
-  The introduction prefixed by Boeckh (p. 86-89) is also very
-  instructive.
-
-  Olbia is often spoken of by the name of _Borysthenes_, which
-  name was given to it by foreigners, but not recognized by the
-  citizens. Nor was it even situated on the Borysthenes river; but
-  on the right or western bank of the Hypanis (Bug) river; not far
-  from the modern Oczakoff.
-
-  The date of the above Inscription is not specified, and has been
-  differently determined by various critics. Niebuhr assigns it
-  (Untersuchungen über die Skythen, etc. in his Kleine Schriften,
-  p. 387) to a time near the close of the second Punic war. Boeckh
-  also believes that it is not much after that epoch. The terror
-  inspired by the Gauls, even to other barbarians, appears to suit
-  the second century B. C. better than it suits a later
-  period.
-
-  The Inscription No. 2059 attests the great number of strangers
-  resident at Olbia; strangers from eighteen different cities, of
-  which the most remote is Miletus, the mother-city of Olbia.
-
-  [1117] On one occasion, we know not when, the citizens of Olbia
-  are said to have been attacked by one Zopyrion, and to have
-  succeeded in resisting him only by emancipating their slaves, and
-  granting the citizenship to foreigners (Macrobius, Saturnal. i.
-  11).
-
-After perpetual attacks, and even several captures, by barbaric
-neighbors—this unfortunate city, about fifty years before the
-Christian era, was at length so miserably sacked by the Getæ, as to
-become for a time abandoned.[1118] Presently, however, the fugitives
-partially returned, to re-establish themselves on a reduced scale.
-For the very same barbarians who had persecuted and plundered them,
-still required an emporium with a certain amount of import and
-export, such as none but Greek settlers could provide; moreover it
-was from the coast near Olbia, and from care of its inhabitants, that
-many of the neighboring tribes derived their supply of salt.[1119]
-Hence arose a puny after-growth of Olbia—preserving the name,
-traditions, and part of the locality, of the deserted city—by the
-return of a portion of the colonists with an infusion of Scythian or
-Sarmatian residents; an infusion indeed so large, as seriously to
-dishellenize both the speech and the personal names in the town.[1120]
-
-  [1118] Dion Chrys. (Or. xxxvi. p. 75), ἀεὶ μὲν πολεμεῖται,
-  πολλάκις δὲ καὶ ἑάλωκε, etc.
-
-  [1119] Dion Chrysost. Orat. xxxvi. (Borysthenit.) p. 75, 76,
-  Reisk.
-
-  [1120] See Boeckh’s Commentary on the language and personal names
-  of the Olbian Inscriptions, part xi. p. 108-116.
-
-To this second edition of Olbia, the rhetor Dion Chrysostom paid a
-summer visit (about a century after the Christian era), of which
-he has left a brief but interesting account. Within the wide area
-once filled by the original Olbia—the former circumference of which
-was marked by crumbling walls and towers—the second town occupied
-a narrow corner; with poor houses, low walls, and temples having
-no other ornament except the ancient statues mutilated by the
-plunderers. The citizens dwelt in perpetual insecurity, constantly
-under arms or on guard; for the barbaric horsemen, in spite of
-sentinels posted to announce their approach, often carried off
-prisoners, cattle, or property, from the immediate neighborhood
-of the gates. The picture drawn of Olbia by Dion confirms in a
-remarkable way that given of Tomi by Ovid. And what imparts to it
-a touching interest is, that the Greeks whom Dion saw contending
-with the difficulties, privations, and dangers of this inhospitable
-outpost, still retained the activity, the elegance, and the
-intellectual aspirations of their Ionic breed; in this respect much
-superior to the Tomitans of Ovid. In particular, they were passionate
-admirers of Homer; a considerable proportion of the Greeks of Olbia
-could repeat the Iliad from memory.[1121] Achilles (localized under
-the surname of Pontarches, on numerous islands and capes in the
-Euxine) was among the chief divine or heroic persons to whom they
-addressed their prayers.[1122] Amidst Grecian life, thus degraded
-and verging towards its extinction, and stripped even of the purity
-of living speech—the thread of imaginative and traditional sentiment
-thus continues without suspension or abatement.
-
-  [1121] Dion, Orat. xxxvi. (Borysthenit.), p. 78, Reiske. ... καὶ
-  τἄλλα μὲν οὐκέτι σαφῶς ἑλληνίζοντες, διὰ τὸ ἐν μέσοις οἰκεῖν τοῖς
-  βαρβάροις, ὅμως τήν γε Ἰλιάδα ὀλίγου πάντες ἴσασιν ἀπὸ στόματος.
-  I translate the words ὀλίγου πάντες with some allowance for
-  rhetoric.
-
-  The representation given by Dion of the youthful citizen of
-  Olbia—Kallistratus—with whom he conversed, is curious as a
-  picture of Greek manners in this remote land; a youth of eighteen
-  years of age, with genuine Ionic features, and conspicuous for
-  his beauty (εἶχε πολλοὺς ἐραστάς) a zealot for literature and
-  philosophy, but especially for Homer; clothed in the costume of
-  the place, suited for riding—the long leather trowsers, and short
-  black cloak; constantly on horseback for defence of the town, and
-  celebrated as a warrior even at that early age, having already
-  killed or made prisoners several Sarmatians (p. 77).
-
-  [1122] See Inscriptions, Nos. 2076, 2077, ap. Boeckh; and
-  Arrian’s Periplus of the Euxine, ap. Geogr. Minor. p. 21, ed.
-  Hudson.
-
-Respecting Bosporus or Pantikapæum (for both names denote the same
-city, though the former name often comprehends the whole annexed
-dominion), founded by Milesian settlers[1123] on the European side
-of the Kimmerian Bosporus (near Kertsch), we first hear, about
-the period when Xerxes was repulsed from Greece (480-479 B.
-C.). It was the centre of a dominion including Phanagoria,
-Kepi, Hermonassa, and other Greek cities on the Asiatic side of the
-strait; and is said to have been governed by what seems to have been
-an oligarchy—called the Archæanaktidæ, for forty-two years[1124]
-(480-438 B. C.).
-
-  [1123] Strabo, vii. p. 310.
-
-  [1124] Diodor. xii. 31.
-
-After them we have a series of princes standing out individually by
-name, and succeeding each other in the same family. Spartokus I. was
-succeeded by Seleukus; next comes Spartokus II.; then Satyrus I.
-(407-393 B. C.); Leukon (393-353 B. C.); Spartokus III. (353-348 B.
-C.); Parisades I. (348-310 B. C.); Satyrus II., Prytanis, Eumelus
-(310-304 B. C.); Spartokus IV. (304-284 B. C.); Parisades II.[1125]
-During the reigns of these princes, a connection of some intimacy
-subsisted between Athens and Bosporus; a connection not political,
-since the Bosporanic princes had little interest in the contentions
-about Hellenic hegemony—but of private intercourse, commercial
-interchange, and reciprocal good offices. The eastern corner of
-the Tauric Chersonesus, between Pantikapæum and Theodosia, was
-well-suited for the production of corn; while plenty of fish, as well
-as salt, was to be had in or near the Palus Mæotis. Corn, salted
-fish and meat, hides, and barbaric slaves in considerable numbers,
-were in demand among all the Greeks round the Ægean, and not least
-at Athens, where Scythian slaves were numerous;[1126] while oil and
-wine, with other products of more southern regions, were acceptable
-in Bosporus and the other Pontic ports. This important traffic seems
-to have been mainly carried on in ships and by capital belonging to
-Athens and other Ægean maritime towns; and must have been greatly
-under the protection and regulation of the Athenians, so long as
-their maritime empire subsisted. Enterprising citizens of Athens went
-to Bosporus (as to Thrace and the Thracian Chersonesus), to push
-their fortunes; merchants from other cities found it advantageous to
-settle as resident strangers or metics at Athens, where they were
-more in contact with the protecting authority, and obtained readier
-access to the judicial tribunals. It was probably during the period
-preceding the great disaster at Syracuse in 413 B. C., that Athens
-first acquired her position as a mercantile centre for the trade with
-the Euxine; which we afterwards find her retaining, even with reduced
-power, in the time of Demosthenes.
-
-  [1125] See Mr. Clinton’s Appendix on the Kings of Bosporus—Fast.
-  Hellen. App. c. 13. p. 280. etc.; and Boeckh’s Commentary on the
-  same subject, Inscript. Græc. part xi. p. 91 _seq._
-
-  [1126] Polybius (iv. 38) enumerates the principal articles of
-  this Pontic trade; among the exports τά τε δέρματα καὶ τὸ τῶν εἰς
-  τὰς δουλείας ἀγομένων σωμάτων πλῆθος, etc., where Schweighäuser
-  has altered ~δέρματα~ to ~θρέμματα~ seemingly on the authority
-  of one MS. only. I doubt the propriety of this change, as well
-  as the facts of any large exportation of live cattle from the
-  Pontus; whereas the exportation of hides was considerable: see
-  Strabo, xi. p. 493.
-
-  The Scythian public slaves or policemen of Athens are well known.
-  Σκύθαινα also is the name of a female slave (Aristoph. Lysistr.
-  184). Σκύθης, for the name of a slave, occurs as early as
-  Theognis, v. 826.
-
-  Some of the salted preparations from the Pontus were
-  extravagantly dear; Cato complained of a κεράμιον Ποντικῶν
-  ταρίχον as sold for 300 drachmæ (Polyb. xxxi. 24).
-
-How strong was the position enjoyed by Athens in Bosporus, during
-her unimpaired empire, we may judge from the fact, that Nymphæum
-(south of Pantikapæum, between that town and Theodosia) was among
-her tributary towns, and paid a talent annually.[1127] Not until
-the misfortunes of Athens in the closing years of the Peloponnesian
-war, did Nymphæum pass into the hands of the Bosporanic princes;
-betrayed (according to Æschines) by the maternal grandfather of
-Demosthenes, the Athenian Gylon; who however probably did nothing
-more than obey a necessity rendered unavoidable by the fallen
-condition of Athens.[1128] We thus see that Nymphæum, in the midst
-of the Bosporanic dominion, was not only a member of the Athenian
-empire, but also contained influential Athenian citizens, engaged
-in the corn-trade. Gylon was rewarded by a large grant of land at
-Kepi—probably other Athenians of Nymphæum were rewarded also—by
-the Bosporanic prince; who did not grudge a good price for such an
-acquisition. We find also other instances,—both of Athenian citizens
-sent out to reside with the prince Satyrus,—and of Pontic Greeks who,
-already in correspondence and friendship with various individual
-Athenians, consign their sons to be initiated in the commerce,
-society, and refinements of Athens.[1129] Such facts attest the
-correspondence and intercourse of that city, during her imperial
-greatness, with Bosporus.
-
-  [1127] Harpokration and Photius, v. Νυμφαῖον—from the ψηφίσματα
-  collected by Kraterus. Compare Boeckh, in the second edition of
-  his Staatshaushaltung der Athener, vol. ii. p. 658.
-
-  [1128] Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 78. c. 57. See my last preceding
-  Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxvii. p. 263.
-
-  [1129] Lysias, pro Mantitheo, Or. xvi. s. 4; Isokrates
-  (Trapezitic.), Or. xvii. s. 5. The young man, whose case
-  Isokrates sets forth, was sent to Athens by his father Sopæus,
-  a rich Pontic Greek (s. 52) much in the confidence of Satyrus.
-  Sopæus furnished his son with two ship-loads of corn, and with
-  money besides—and then despatched him to Athens ἅμα κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν
-  καὶ κατὰ θεωρίαν.
-
-The Bosporanic prince Satyrus was in the best relations with Athens,
-and even seems to have had authorized representatives there to
-enforce his requests, which met with very great attention.[1130]
-He treated the Athenian merchants at Bosporus with equity and
-even favor, granting to them a preference in the export of corn
-when there was not enough for all.[1131] His son Leukon not only
-continued the preference to Athenian exporting ships, but also
-granted to them remission of the export duty (of one-thirtieth
-part), which he exacted from all other traders. Such an exemption
-is reckoned as equivalent to an annual present of 13,000 medimni of
-corn (the medimnus being about 1⅓ bushel); the total quantity of
-corn brought from Bosporus to Athens in a full year being 400,000
-medimni.[1132] It is easy to see moreover that such a premium must
-have thrown nearly the whole exporting trade into the hands of
-Athenian merchants. The Athenians requited this favor by public votes
-of gratitude and honor, conferring upon Leukon the citizenship,
-together with immunity from all the regular burthens attaching to
-property at Athens. There was lying in that city money belonging
-to Leukon;[1133] who was therefore open (under the proposition of
-Leptines) to that conditional summons for exchange of properties,
-technically termed Antidosis. In his time, moreover, the corn-trade
-of Bosporus appears to have been farther extended; for we learn that
-he established an export from Theodosia as well as from Pantikapæum.
-His successor Parisades I. continuing to Athenian exporters of corn
-the same privilege of immunity from export duty, obtained from Athens
-still higher honors than Leukon; for we learn that his statue,
-together with those of two relatives, was erected in the agora, on
-the motion of Demosthenes.[1134] The connection of Bosporus with
-Athens was durable as well as intimate; its corn-trade being of high
-importance to the subsistence of the people. Every Athenian exporter
-was bound by law to bring his cargo in the first instance to Athens.
-The freighting and navigating of ships for that purpose, together
-with the advance of money by rich capitalists (citizens and metics)
-upon interest and conditions enforced by the Athenian judicature,
-was a standing and profitable business. And we may appreciate the
-value of equitable treatment, not to say favor, from the kings of
-Bosporus—when we contrast it with the fraudulent and extortionate
-behavior of Kleomenes, satrap of Egypt, in reference to the export of
-Egyptian corn.[1135]
-
-  [1130] Isokrates, Trapez. s. 5, 6. Sopæus, father of this
-  pleader, had incurred the suspicions of Satyrus in the Pontus,
-  and had been arrested; upon which Satyrus sends to Athens
-  to seize the property of the son, to order him home,—and if
-  he refused, then to require the Athenians to deliver him
-  up—ἐπιστέλλει δὲ τοῖς ἐνθάδε ἐπιδημοῦσιν ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου τά τε
-  χρήματα παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ κομίσασθαι, etc.
-
-  [1131] Isokrates, Trapezit. s. 71. Demosthenes also recognizes
-  favors from Satyrus—καὶ αὐτὸς (Leukon) καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι, etc.
-  (adv. Leptin. p. 467).
-
-  [1132] Demosth. adv. Leptin., p. 467.
-
-  [1133] Demosth. adv. Leptin., p. 469.
-
-  [1134] Demosth. adv. Phormion., p. 917; Deinarchus adv. Demosth.,
-  p. 34. The name stands Berisades as printed in the oration; but
-  it is plain that Parisades is the person designated. See Boeckh,
-  Introd. ad Inscr. No. 2056, p. 92.
-
-  Deinarchus avers, that Demosthenes received an annual present of
-  1000 modii of corn from Bosporus.
-
-  [1135] Demosthen. adv. Dionysodor. p. 1285.
-
-The political condition of the Greeks at Bosporus was somewhat
-peculiar. The hereditary princes (above enumerated), who ruled them
-substantially as despots, assumed no other title (in respect to
-the Greeks) than that of Archon. They paid tribute to the powerful
-Scythian tribes who bounded them on the European side, and even
-thought it necessary to carry a ditch across the narrow isthmus,
-from some point near Theodosia northward to the Palus Mæotis, as a
-protection against incursions.[1136] Their dominion did not extend
-farther west than Theodosia; this ditch was their extreme western
-boundary; and even for the land within it, they paid tribute. But
-on the Asiatic side of the strait, they were lords paramount for a
-considerable distance, over the feebler and less warlike tribes who
-pass under the common name of Mæotæ or Mæêtae—the Sindi, Toreti,
-Dandarii, Thatês, etc. Inscriptions, yet remaining, of Parisades I.
-record him as King of these various barbaric tribes, but as Archon of
-Bosporus and Theodosia.[1137] His dominion on the Asiatic side of the
-Kimmerian Bosporus, sustained by Grecian and Thracian mercenaries,
-was of considerable (though to us unknown) extent, reaching to
-somewhere near the borders of Caucasus.[1138]
-
-  [1136] Strabo, vii. p. 310, 311.
-
-  [1137] See Inscript. Nos. 2117, 2118, 2119, in Boeckh’s
-  Collection, p. 156.
-
-  In the Memorabilia of Xenophon (ii. 1, 10). Sokrates cites the
-  Scythians as an example of ruling people, and the Mæotæ as an
-  example of subjects. Probably this refers to the position of the
-  Bosporanic Greeks, who paid tribute to the Scythians, but ruled
-  over the Mæotæ. The name _Mæotæ_ seems confined to tribes on the
-  Asiatic side of the Palus Mæotis; while the Scythians were on the
-  European side of that sea. Sokrates and the Athenians had good
-  means of being informed about the situation of the Bosporani and
-  their neighbors on both sides. See K. Neumann, die Hellenen im
-  Skythenlande, b. ii. p. 216.
-
-  [1138] This boundary is attested in another Inscription No.
-  2104, of the same collection. Inscription No. 2103, seems to
-  indicate Arcadian mercenaries in the service of Leukon: about the
-  mercenaries, see Diodor. xx. 22.
-
-  Parisades I. is said to have been worshipped as a god, after his
-  death (Strabo, vii. p. 310).
-
-Parisades I. on his death left three sons—Satyrus, Prytanis, and
-Eumelus. Satyrus, as the eldest, succeeded; but Eumelus claimed the
-crown, sought aid without, and prevailed on various neighbors—among
-them a powerful Thracian king named Ariopharnes—to espouse his
-cause. At the head of an army said to consist of 20,000 horse and
-22,000 foot, the two allies marched to attack the territories of
-Satyrus, who advanced to meet them, with 2000 Grecian mercenaries,
-and 2000 Thracians of his own, reinforced by a numerous body of
-Scythian allies—20,000 foot, and 10,000 horse, and carrying with him
-a plentiful supply of provisions in waggons. He gained a complete
-victory, compelling Eumelus and Ariopharnes to retreat and seek
-refuge in the regal residence of the latter, near the river Thapsis;
-a fortress built of timber, and surrounded with forest, river, marsh,
-and rock, so as to be very difficult of approach. Satyrus, having
-first plundered the country around, which supplied a rich booty of
-prisoners and cattle, proceeded to assail his enemies in their almost
-impracticable position. But though he, and Meniskus his general of
-mercenaries, made the most strenuous efforts, and even carried some
-of the outworks, they were repulsed from the fortress itself; and
-Satyrus, exposing himself forwardly to extricate Meniskus, received
-a wound of which he shortly died—after a reign of nine months.
-Meniskus, raising the siege, withdrew the army to Gargaza; from
-whence he conveyed back the regal corpse to Pantikapæum.[1139]
-
-  [1139] Diodor. xx. 24 The scene of these military operations
-  (as far as we can pretend to make it out from the brief and
-  superficial narrative of Diodorus), seems to have been on the
-  European side of Bosporus; somewhere between the Borysthenes
-  river and the Isthmus of Perekop, in the territory called by
-  Herodotus _Hylæa_. This is Niebuhr’s opinion, which I think more
-  probable than that of Boeckh, who supposes the operations to have
-  occurred on the Asiatic territory of Bosporus. So far I concur
-  with Niebuhr; but his reasons for placing Dromichætes king of the
-  Getæ (the victor over Lysimachus), east of the Borysthenes, are
-  noway satisfactory.
-
-  Compare Niebuhr’s Untersuchungen über die Skythen, etc. (in
-  his Kleine Schriften, p. 380). with Boeckh’s Commentary on the
-  Sarmatian Inscriptions, Corp. Ins. Græc. part xi. p. 83-103.
-
-  The mention by Diodorus of a wooden fortress, surrounded by
-  morass and forest, is curious, and may be illustrated by the
-  description in Herodotus (iv. 108) of the city of the Budini.
-  This habit of building towns and fortifications of wood,
-  prevailed among the Slavonic population in Russia and Poland
-  until far down in the middle ages. See Paul Joseph Schaffarik,
-  Slavische Alterhümer, in the German translation of Wuttke, vol.
-  i. ch. 10 p. 192; also K. Neumann, Die Hellenen im Skythenlande,
-  p. 91.
-
-Prytanis, the next brother, rejecting an offer of partition tendered
-by Eumelus, assumed the sceptre, and marched forth to continue the
-struggle. But the tide of fortune now turned in favor of Eumelus;
-who took Gargaza with several other places, worsted his brother
-in battle, and so blocked him up in the isthmus near the Palus
-Mæotis, that he was forced to capitulate and resign his pretensions.
-Eumelus entered Pantikapæum as conqueror. Nevertheless, the defeated
-Prytanis, in spite of his recent covenant, made a renewed attempt
-upon the crown; wherein he was again baffled, forced to escape to
-Kêpi, and there slain. To assure himself of the throne, Eumelus put
-to death the wives and children of both his two brothers, Satyrus
-and Prytanis—together with all their principal friends. One youth
-alone—Parisades, son of Satyrus—escaped and found protection with the
-Scythian prince Agarus.
-
-Eumelus had now put down all rivals; yet his recent cruelties had
-occasioned wrath and disgust among the Bosporanic citizens. He
-convoked them in assembly, to excuse his past conduct, and promised
-good government for the future; at the same time guaranteeing to them
-their full civic constitution, with such privileges and immunities
-as they had before enjoyed, and freedom from direct taxation.[1140]
-Such assurances, combined probably with an imposing mercenary force,
-appeased or at least silenced the prevailing disaffection. Eumelus
-kept his promises so far as to govern in a mild and popular spirit.
-While thus rendering himself acceptable at home, he maintained an
-energetic foreign policy, and made several conquests among the
-surrounding tribes. He constituted himself a sort of protector
-of the Euxine, repressing the piracies of the Heniochi and Achæi
-(among the Caucasian mountains to the east) as well as of the
-Tauri in the Chersonesus (Crimea); much to the satisfaction of
-the Byzantines, Sinopians, and other Pontic Greeks. He received a
-portion of the fugitives from Kallatis, when besieged by Lysimachus,
-and provided for them a settlement in his dominions. Having thus
-acquired great reputation, Eumelus was in the full career of conquest
-and aggrandizement, when an accident terminated his life, after a
-reign of rather more than five years. In returning from Scythia to
-Pantikapæum, in a four-wheeled carriage (or waggon) and four with a
-tent upon it, his horses took fright and ran away. Perceiving that
-they were carrying him towards a precipice, he tried to jump out;
-but his sword becoming entangled in the wheel, he was killed on the
-spot.[1141] He was succeeded by his son Spartokus IV., who reigned
-twenty years (304-284 B. C.); afterwards came the son of
-Spartokus, Parisades II.; with whose name our information breaks
-off.[1142]
-
-  [1140] Diodor. xx. 24.
-
-  [1141] Diodor. xx. 25.
-
-  [1142] Diodor. xx. 100. Spartokus IV.—son of Eumelus—is
-  recognized in one Attic Inscription (No. 107), and various
-  Bosporanic (No. 2105, 2106, 2120) in Boeckh’s Collection.
-  Parisades II.—son of Spartokus—is recognized in another
-  Bosporanic Inscription, No. 2107—seemingly also in No. 2120 _b._
-
-This dynasty, the Spartokidæ, though they ruled the Greeks of
-Bosporus as despots by means of a foreign mercenary force—yet seem to
-have exercised power with equity and moderation.[1143] Had Eumelus
-lived, he might probably have established an extensive empire over
-the barbaric tribes on all sides of him. But empire over such
-subjects was seldom permanent; nor did his successors long maintain
-even as much as he left. We have no means of following their fortunes
-in detail; but we know that about a century B. C., the then
-reigning prince, Parisades IV., found himself so pressed and squeezed
-by the Scythians,[1144] that he was forced (like Olbia and the
-Pentapolis) to forego his independence; and to call in, as auxiliary
-or master, the formidable Mithridates Eupator of Pontus; from whom a
-new dynasty of Bosporanic kings began—subject however after no long
-interval, to the dominion and interference of Rome.
-
-  [1143] Strabo, vii. p. 310. Deinarchus however calls Parisades,
-  Satyrus, and Gorgippus, τοὺς ἐχθίστους τύραννους (adv. Demosth.
-  s. 44).
-
-  [1144] Strabo, vii. p. 310. οὐχ οἷός τε ὢν ἀντέχειν πρὸς τοὺς
-  βαρβάρους, φόρον πραττομένους μείζω τοῦ πρότερον, etc.
-
-These Mithridatic princes lie beyond our period; but the cities of
-Bosporus under the Spartokid princes, in the fourth century B.
-C., deserve to be ranked among the conspicuous features of the
-living Hellenic world. They were not indeed purely Hellenic, but
-presented a considerable admixture of Scythian or Oriental manners;
-analogous to the mixture of the Hellenic and Libyan elements at
-Kyrênê with its Battiad princes. Among the facts attesting the
-wealth and power of these Spartokid princes, and of the Bosporanic
-community, we may number the imposing groups of mighty sepulchral
-tumuli near Kertch (Pantikapæum); some of which have been recently
-examined, while the greater part still remain unopened. These
-spacious chambers of stone—enclosed in vast hillocks (Kurgans),
-cyclopian works piled up with prodigious labor and cost—have been
-found to contain not only a profusion of ornaments of the precious
-metals (gold, silver, and electron, or a mixture of four parts of
-gold to one of silver), but also numerous vases, implements, and
-works of art, illustrating the life and ideas of the Bosporanic
-population. “The contents of the tumuli already opened are so
-multifarious, that from the sepulchres of Pantikapæum alone, we might
-become acquainted with everything which served the Greeks either
-for necessary use, or for the decoration of domestic life.”[1145]
-Statues, reliefs and frescoes on the walls, have been found, on
-varied subjects both of war and peace, and often of very fine
-execution; besides these, numerous carvings in wood, and vessels
-of bronze or terra cotta; with necklaces, armlets, bracelets,
-rings, drinking cups, etc. of precious metal—several with colored
-beads attached.[1146] The costumes, equipment, and physiognomy
-represented, are indeed a mixture of Hellenic and barbaric; moreover,
-even the profusion of gold chains and other precious ornaments,
-indicates a tone of sentiment partially orientalized, in those for
-whom they were destined.
-
-  [1145] Neumann, Die Hellenen im Skythenlande, p. 503.
-
-  [1146] An account of the recent discoveries near Kertch or
-  Pantikapæum, will be found in Dubois de Montpéreux, Voyage
-  dans le Caucase, vol. v. p. 135 _seqq._; and in Neumann, Die
-  Hellenen im Skythenlande, pp. 483-533. The last-mentioned work
-  is peculiarly copious and instructive; relating what has been
-  done since Dubois’s travels, and containing abundant information
-  derived from the recent memoirs of the St. Petersburg Literary
-  Societies.
-
-  The local and special type, which shows itself so much on these
-  works of art, justifies the inference that they were not brought
-  from other Grecian cities, but executed by Grecian artists
-  resident at Pantikapæum (p. 507). Two marble statues, a man and
-  a woman, both larger than life, exhumed in 1850, are spoken of
-  with peculiar admiration (p. 491). Coins of the third and fourth
-  century B. C. have been found in several (p. 494, 495).
-  A great number of the so-called Etruscan vases have also been
-  discovered, probably fabricated from a species of clay still
-  existing in the neighborhood: the figures on these vases are
-  often excellent, with designs and scenes of every description,
-  religious, festal, warlike, domestic (p. 522). Many of the
-  sarcophagi are richly ornamented with carvings, in wood, ivory,
-  etc; some admirably executed (p. 521).
-
-  Unfortunately, the belief prevails, and has long prevailed,
-  among the neighboring population, that these tumuli contain
-  hidden treasures. One of the most striking among them—called the
-  Kul-Obo—was opened in 1830 by the Russian authorities. After
-  great pains and trouble, the means of entrance were discovered,
-  and the interior chamber was reached. It was the richest that
-  had ever been opened; being found to contain some splendid
-  golden ornaments, as well as many other relics. The Russian
-  officers placed a guard to prevent any one from entering it;
-  but the cupidity of the population of Kertch was so inflamed
-  by the report of the expected treasure being discovered, that
-  they forced the guard, broke into the interior, and pillaged
-  most of the contents (p. 509). The Russian authorities have been
-  generally anxious for the preservation and gradual excavation of
-  these monuments, but have had to contend against repugnance and
-  even rapacity on the part of the people near.
-
-  Dubois de Montpéreux gives an interesting description of the
-  opening of these tumuli near Kertch—especially of the Kul-Obo,
-  the richest of all, which he conceives to have belonged to one
-  of the Spartokid kings, and the decorations of which were the
-  product of Hellenic art:—
-
-  “Si l’on a enterré (he observes) un roi entouré d’un luxe
-  Scythique, ce sont des Græcs et des artistes de cette nation
-  qui ont travaillé à ses funerailles” (Voyage autour du Caucase,
-  pp. 195, 213, 227). Pantikapæum and Phanagoria (he says) “se
-  reconnoissent de loin à la foule de leurs tumulus” (p. 137).
-
-But the design as well as the execution comes clearly out of the
-Hellenic workshop; and there is good ground for believing, that in
-the fourth century B. C., Pantikapæum was the seat, not
-only of enterprising and wealthy citizens, but also of strenuous
-and well-directed artistic genius. Such manifestations of the
-refinements of Hellenism, in this remote and little-noticed city,
-form an important addition to the picture of Hellas as a whole,—prior
-to its days of subjection,—which it has been the purpose of this
-history to present.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-I have now brought down the history of Greece to the point of
-time marked out in the Preface to my First Volume—the close of
-the generation contemporary with Alexander—the epoch, from whence
-dates not only the extinction of Grecian political freedom and
-self-action, but also the decay of productive genius, and the
-debasement of that consummate literary and rhetorical excellence
-which the fourth century B. C. had seen exhibited in Plato
-and Demosthenes.[1147] The contents of this last Volume indicate but
-too clearly that Greece as a separate subject of history no longer
-exists; for one full half of it is employed in depicting Alexander
-and his conquests—ἄγριον αἰχμητὴν, κρατερὸν μήστωρα φόβοιο[1148]—that
-Non-Hellenic conqueror into whose vast possessions the Greeks are
-absorbed, with their intellectual brightness bedimmed, their spirit
-broken, and half their virtue taken away by Zeus—the melancholy
-emasculation inflicted (according to Homer) upon victims overtaken by
-the day of slavery.[1149]
-
-  [1147] How marked that degradation was, may be seen attested by
-  Dionysius of Halikarnassus, De Antiquis Oratoribus, pp. 445, 446,
-  Reiske—ἐν γὰρ δὴ τοῖς πρὸ ἡμῶν χρόνοις ἡ μὲν ἀρχαία καὶ φιλόσοφος
-  ῥητορικὴ προπηλακιζομένη καὶ δεινὰς ὕβρεις ὑπομένουσα κατελύετο,
-  ἀρξαμένη μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος τελευτῆς ἐκπνεῖν
-  καὶ μαραίνεσθαι κατ᾽ ὀλίγον, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἡλικίας μικροῦ
-  δεήσασα εἰς τέλος ἠφανίσθαι. Compare Dionys. De Composit. Verbor.
-  p. 29, 30, Reisk.; and Westermann, Geschichte der Griechischen
-  Beredtsamkeit, s. 75-77.
-
-  [1148] Hom. Iliad, vi. 97.
-
-  [1149] Hom. Odyss. xvii. 322.—
-
-    ἥμισυ γάρ τ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἀποαίνυται εὐρύοπα Ζεὺς
-    ἀνέρος, εὖτ᾽ ἄν μιν κατὰ δούλιον ἦμαρ ἕλῃσιν.
-
-One branch of intellectual energy there was, and one alone, which
-continued to flourish, comparatively little impaired, under the
-preponderance of the Macedonian sword—the spirit of speculation and
-philosophy. During the century which we have just gone through, this
-spirit was embodied in several eminent persons, whose names have been
-scarcely adverted to in this history. Among these names, indeed,
-there are two, of peculiar grandeur, whom I have brought partially
-before the reader, because both of them belong to general history
-as well as to philosophy; Plato, as citizen of Athens, companion
-of Sokrates at his trial, and counsellor of Dionysius in his
-glory—Aristotle, as the teacher of Alexander. I had at one time hoped
-to include in my present work a record of them as philosophers also,
-and an estimate of their speculative characteristics; but I find
-the subject far too vast to be compressed into such a space as this
-volume would afford. The exposition of the tenets of distinguished
-thinkers is not now numbered by historians, either ancient or modern,
-among the duties incumbent upon them, nor yet among the natural
-expectations of their readers; but is reserved for the special
-historian of philosophy. Accordingly, I have brought my history of
-Greece to a close, without attempting to do justice either to Plato
-or to Aristotle. I hope to contribute something towards supplying
-this defect, the magnitude of which I fully appreciate, in a separate
-work, devoted specially to an account of Greek speculative philosophy
-in the fourth century B. C.
-
-
-APPENDIX.
-
-ON ISSUS AND ITS NEIGHBORHOOD, AS CONNECTED WITH THE WAR.
-
-
-The exact battle-field of Issus cannot be certainly assigned, upon
-the evidence accessible to us. But it may be determined, within a few
-miles north or south; and what is even more important—the general
-features of the locality, as well as the preliminary movements of the
-contending armies, admit of being clearly conceived and represented.
-
-That the battle was fought in some portion of the narrow space
-intervening between the eastern coast of the Gulf of Issus and the
-western flank of Mount Amanus—that Alexander’s left and Darius’s
-right, rested on the sea, and their right and left respectively on
-the mountain—that Darius came upon Alexander unexpectedly from the
-rear, thus causing him to return back a day’s march from Myriandrus,
-and to reoccupy a pass which he had already passed through and
-quitted—these points are clearly given, and appear to me not open to
-question. We know that the river Pinarus, on which the battle was
-fought, was at a certain distance _south_ of Issus, the last town of
-Kilikia before entering Syria (Arrian, ii. 7. 2)—ἐς δὲ τὴν ὑστεραίαν
-προὐχώρει (Darius from Issus) ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν Πίναρον—Ritter
-erroneously states that Issus was _upon_ the river Pinarus, which
-he even calls _the Issus river_ (Erdkunde, Theil iv. Abth. 2. p.
-1797-1806). We know also that this river was at some distance _north_
-of the maritime pass called the Gates of Kilikia and Assyria, through
-which Alexander passed and repassed.
-
-But when we proceed, beyond these data (the last of them only vague
-and relative), to fix the exact battle-field, we are reduced to
-conjecture. Dr. Thirlwall, in an appendix to the sixth volume of his
-history, has collected and discussed very ably the different opinions
-of various geographers.
-
-To those whom he has cited, may be added—Mr. Ainsworth’s Essay on the
-Cilician and Syrian Gates (in the Transactions of the Geographical
-Society for 1837)—Mützel’s Topographical Notes on the third book of
-Quintus Curtius—and the last volume of Ritter’s Erdkunde, published
-only this year (1855), ch. xxvii. p. 1778 _seqq._
-
-We know from Xenophon that Issus was a considerable town close to
-the sea—two days’ march from the river Pyramus, and one day’s march
-northward of the maritime pass called the Gates of Kilikia and
-Syria. That it was near the north-eastern corner of the Gulf, may
-also be collected from Strabo, who reckons the shortest line across
-Asia Minor, as stretching from Sinôpê or Amisus _to Issus_—and who
-also lays down the Egyptian sea as having its northern termination
-_at Issus_ (Strabo, xiv. p. 677; xvi. p. 749). The probable site of
-Issus has been differently determined by different authors; Rennell
-(Illustrations of the Geography of the Anabasis, p. 42-48) places
-it near Oseler or Yusler; as far as I can judge, this seems too far
-distant from the head of the Gulf, towards the south.
-
-In respect to the maritime pass, called the Gates of Kilikia and
-Syria, there is much discrepancy between Xenophon and Arrian. It
-is evident that, in Xenophon’s time, this pass and the road of
-march through it lay between the mountains and the sea,—and that
-the obstructions (walls blocking up the passage), which he calls
-insurmountable by force, were mainly of artificial creation. But when
-Alexander passed, no walls existed. The artificial obstructions had
-disappeared during the seventy years between Xenophon and Alexander;
-and we can assign a probable reason why. In Xenophon’s time, Kilikia
-was occupied by the native prince Syennesis, who, though tributary,
-maintained a certain degree of independence even in regard to the
-Great King, and therefore kept a wall guarded by his own soldiers
-on his boundary towards Syria. But in Alexander’s time, Kilikia
-was occupied, like Syria, by a Persian satrap. Artificial boundary
-walls, between two conterminous satrapies under the same master, were
-unnecessary; and must even have been found inconvenient, during the
-great collective military operations of the Persian satraps against
-the revolted Evagoras of Cyprus (principally carried on from Kilikia
-as a base, about 380 B. C., Diodor. xv. 2)—as well as in the
-subsequent operations against the Phenician towns (Diodor. xvi. 42).
-Hence we may discern a reason why all artificial obstructions may
-have been swept away before the time of Alexander; leaving only the
-natural difficulties of the neighboring ground, upon which Xenophon
-has not touched.
-
-The spot still retained its old name—“The Gates of Kilikia and
-Syria”—even after walls and gates had been dispensed with. But that
-name, in Arrian’s description, designates a difficult and narrow
-point of the road _over hills and rocks_; a point which Major Rennell
-(Illustrations, p. 54) supposes to have been about a mile south of
-the river and walls described by Xenophon. However this may be, the
-precise spot designated by Xenophon seems probably to be sought
-about seven miles north of Scanderoon, near the ruins now known as
-Jonas’s Pillars (or Sakal Tutan), and the Castle of Merkes, where a
-river called _Merkes_, _Mahersy_, or _Kara-su_, flows across from the
-mountain to the sea. That this river is the same with the Kersus of
-Xenophon, is the opinion of Rennell, Ainsworth, and Mützel; as well
-as of Colonel Callier, who surveyed the country when accompanying
-the army of Ibrahim Pacha as engineer (cited by Ritter, Erdk. p.
-1792). At the spot here mentioned, the gulf indents eastward, while
-the western flank of Amanus approaches very close to it, and drops
-with unusual steepness towards it. Hence the road now followed does
-not pass between the mountain and the sea, but ascends over a portion
-of the mountain, and descends again afterwards to the low ground
-skirting the sea. Northward of Merkes, the space between the mountain
-and the sea gradually widens, towards Bayas. At some distance to the
-north of Bayas occurs the river now called Delle Tschai, which is
-considered I think with probability, to be the Pinarus, where the
-battle between Alexander and Darius was fought. This opinion however
-is not unanimous; Kinneir identifies the _Merkes_ with the Pinarus.
-Moreover, there are several different streams which cross the space
-between Mount Amanus and the sea. Des Monceaux notices six streams
-as having been crossed between the Castle of Merkes and Bayas; and
-five more streams between Bayas and Ayas (Mützel ad Curtium, p. 105).
-Which among these is the Pinarus, cannot be settled without more or
-less of doubt.
-
-Besides the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, noted by Xenophon and Arrian
-in the above passages, there are also other Gates called _the
-Amanian Gates_, which are spoken of in a perplexing manner. Dr.
-Thirlwall insists with propriety on the necessity of distinguishing
-the _maritime_ passes, between Mount Amanus and the sea—from the
-_inland_ passes, which crossed over the ridge of Mount Amanus
-itself. But this distinction seems not uniformly observed by ancient
-authors, when we compare Strabo, Arrian, and Kallisthenes. Strabo
-uses the phrase, _Amanian Gates_, twice (xiv. p. 676; xvi. p. 751);
-in both cases designating a _maritime pass_, and not a pass _over_
-the mountain,—yet designating one maritime pass in the page first
-referred to, and another in the second. In xiv. p. 676—he means by
-αἱ Ἀμανίδες πύλαι, the spot called by modern travellers Demir Kapu,
-between Ægæ and Issus, or between Mopsuestia and Issus; while in xvi.
-751—he means by the same words that which I have been explaining as
-the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, on the eastern side of the Gulf of
-Issus. In fact, Strabo seems to conceive as a whole the strip of
-land between Mount Amanus and the Gulf, beginning at Demir Kapu,
-and ending at the Gates of Kilikia and Syria—and to call both the
-beginning and the end of it by the same name—the Amanian Gates.
-But he does not use this last phrase to designate the passage over
-or across Mount Amanus; neither does Arrian; who in describing the
-march of Darius from Sochi into Kilikia, says (ii. 7, 1)—ὑπερβαλὼν
-δὴ τὸ ὄρος Δαρεῖος τὸ κατὰ τὰς πύλας τὰς Ἀμανικὰς καλουμένας, ὡς ἐπὶ
-Ἴσσον προῆγε, καὶ ἐγένετο κατόπιν Ἀλεξάνδρου λαθών. Here, let it be
-observed, we do not read ὑπερβαλὼν τὰς πύλας—nor can I think that the
-words mean, as the translator gives them—“transiit Amanum, _eundo per
-Pylas Amanicas_.” The words rather signify, that Darius “crossed
-over the mountain where it adjoined the Amanian Gates”—_i. e._ where
-it adjoined the strip of land skirting the Gulf, and lying between
-those two extreme points which Strabo denominates _Amanian Gates_.
-Arrian employs this last phrase more loosely than Strabo, yet still
-with reference to the maritime strip, and not to a _col_ over the
-mountain ridge.
-
-On the other hand, Kallisthenes (if he is rightly represented by
-Polybius, who recites his statement, not his words, xii. 17) uses the
-words _Amanian Gates_ to signify the passage by which Darius entered
-Kilikia—that is, the passage _over_ the mountain. That which Xenophon
-and Arrian call the _Gates of Kilikia and Syria_—and which Strabo
-calls _Amanian Gates_—is described by Polybius as τὰ στενὰ, καὶ τὰς
-λεγομένας ἐν τῇ Κιλικίᾳ πύλας.
-
-It seems pretty certain that this must have been Darius’s line of
-march, because he came down immediately upon Issus, and then marched
-forward to the river Pinarus. Had he entered Kilikia by the pass of
-Beylan, he must have passed the Pinarus _before_ he reached Issus.
-The positive grounds for admitting a practicable pass near the 37th
-parallel, are indeed called in question by Mützel (ad Curtium, p.
-102, 103), and are not in themselves conclusive; still I hold them
-sufficient, when taken in conjunction with the probabilities of the
-case. This pass was, however, we may suppose, less frequented than
-the maritime line of road through the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, and
-the pass of Beylan; which, as the more usual, was preferred both by
-the Cyreians and by Alexander.
-
-Respecting the march of Alexander, Dr. Thirlwall here starts a
-question, substantially to this effect: “Since Alexander intended
-to march through the pass of Beylan for the purpose of attacking
-the Persian camp at Sochi, what could have caused him to go to
-Myriandrus, which was more south than Beylan, and out of his road?”
-Dr. Thirlwall feels this difficulty so forcibly, that in order
-to eliminate it, he is inclined to accept the hypothesis of Mr.
-Williams, which places Myriandrus at Bayas, and the Kiliko-Syrian
-Gates at Demir-Kapu; an hypothesis which appears to me inadmissible
-on various grounds, and against which Mr. Ainsworth (in his Essay on
-the Cilician and Syrian Gates) has produced several very forcible
-objections.
-
-I confess that I do not feel the difficulty on which Dr. Thirlwall
-insists. When we see that Cyrus and the Ten Thousand went to
-Myriandrus, in their way to the pass of Beylan, we may reasonably
-infer that, whether that town was in the direct line or not, it was
-at least in the _usual_ road of march—which does not always coincide
-with the direct line. But to waive this supposition, however—let us
-assume that there existed another shorter road leading to Beylan
-without passing by Myriandrus—there would still be reason enough to
-induce Alexander to go somewhat out of his way, in order to visit
-Myriandrus. For it was an important object with him to secure the
-sea ports in his rear, in case of a possible reverse. Suppose him
-repulsed and forced to retreat—it would be a material assistance to
-his retreat, to have assured himself beforehand of Myriandrus as well
-as the other seaports. In the approaching months, we shall find him
-just as careful to make sure of the Phenician cities on the coast,
-before he marches into the interior to attack Darius at Arbela.
-
-Farther, Alexander, marching to attack Darius, had nothing to gain by
-haste, and nothing to lose by coming up to Sochi three days later. He
-knew that the enormous Persian host would not try to escape; it would
-either await him at Sochi, or else advance into Kilikia to attack him
-there. The longer he tarried, the more likely they were to do the
-latter, which was what he desired. He had nothing to lose therefore
-in any way, and some chance of gain, by prolonging his march to Sochi
-for as long a time as was necessary to secure Myriandrus. There is no
-more difficulty, I think, in understanding why he went to Myriandrus,
-than why he went westward from Tarsus (still more out of his line of
-advance) to Soli and Anchialus.
-
-It seems probable (as Rennell, p. 56, and others think), that the
-site of Myriandrus is now some distance inland; that there has been
-an accretion of new land and morass on the coast.
-
-The modern town of Scanderoon occupies the site of Ἀλεξανδρεία
-κατ᾽ Ἴσσον, founded (probably by order of Alexander himself) in
-commemoration of the victory of Issus. According to Ritter (p. 1791),
-“Alexander had the great idea of establishing there an emporium for
-the traffic of the East with Europe, as at the other Alexandria for
-the trade of the East with Egypt.” The importance of the site of
-Scanderoon, in antiquity, is here greatly exaggerated. I know no
-proof that Alexander had the idea which Ritter ascribes to him; and
-it is certain that his successors had no such idea; because they
-founded the great cities of Antioch and Seleukeia (in Pieria), both
-of them carrying the course of trade up the Orontes, and therefore
-diverting it away from Scanderoon. This latter town is only of
-importance as being the harbor of Aleppo; a city (Berœa) of little
-consequence in antiquity, while Antioch became the first city in the
-East, and Seleukeia among the first: see Ritter, p. 1152.
-
-
-END.
-
-
-
-
-INDEX
-
-
-  _Abantes_, iii. 165.
-
-  _Abdêra_, the army of Xerxes at, v. 42.
-
-  _Abrokomas_, ix. 27, 31.
-
-  _Abydos_, march of Xerxes to, v. 28;
-    revolt of, from Athens, viii. 94;
-    Athenian victory at, over the Peloponnesians, viii. 110;
-    Athenian victory over Pharnabazus at, viii. 121;
-    Derkyllidas at, ix. 310 _seq._;
-    Anaxibius and Iphikrates at, ix. 369 _seq._
-
-  _Achæan_ origin affected by Spartan kings, ii. 11;
-    league, xii. 391.
-
-  _Achæans_, various accounts of, i. 104, 105;
-    effect of the Dorian occupation of Peloponnesus on, ii. 12;
-    Homeric view of, ii. 12;
-    of Phthiôtis and Peloponnesus, ii. 275;
-    of Peloponnesus, ii. 284, 303.
-
-  _Achæmenes_, v. 96.
-
-  _Achæus_, i. 101, 199.
-
-  _Achaia_, ii. 269;
-    towns and territory of, ii. 465 _seq._;
-    Epaminondas in, B. C. 367, x. 266;
-    proceedings of the Thebans in B. C. 367, x. 268;
-    alliance of, with Sparta and Elis, B. C. 365, x. 313.
-
-  _Acharnæ_, Archidamus at, vi. 131 _seq._
-
-  _Achelôus_, i. 282.
-
-  _Achillêis_, the basis of the Iliad, ii. 175 _seq._
-
-  _Achillês_, i. 291 _seq._, 297 _seq._
-
-  _Achradina_, capture of, by Neon, xi. 157.
-
-  _Acropolis at Athens_, flight to, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 114;
-    capture of by Xerxes, v. 117 _seq._;
-    visit of the Peisistratids to, after its capture by Xerxes, v. 118;
-    inviolable reserve fund in, vi. 138 _seq._
-
-  _Ada_, queen of Karia, xii. 94, 99.
-
-  _Adeimantus_, of Corinth, and Themistoklês, at Salamis, v. 122, 124.
-
-  _Admêtus_ and Alkêstis, i. 113 _seq._
-
-  _Admêtus_ and Themisoklês, v. 283.
-
-  _Adranum_, Timoleon at, xi. 148, 156.
-
-  _Adrastus_, i. 256, _seq._, 268; iii. 34.
-
-  _Adrastus_, the Phrygian exile, iii. 152.
-
-  _Adrumetum_, captured by Agathokles, xii. 419.
-
-  _Æa_, i. 250 _seq._
-
-  _Æakid_ genealogy, i. 184 _seq._, 189.
-
-  _Æakus_, i. 184 _seq._
-
-  _Æêtês_, i. 115;
-    and the Argonauts, i. 231 _seq._;
-    and Circê, i. 251.
-
-  _Ægæ_, iii. 190.
-
-  _Ægean_, islands in, ii. 214;
-    the Macedonian fleet master of, xii. 141.
-
-  _Ægean_ islands, effect of the battle of Chæroneia on, xi. 504.
-
-  _Ægeids_ at Sparta, ii. 361.
-
-  _Ægeus_, i. 205; death of, i. 221.
-
-  _Ægialeus_, i. 82.
-
-  _Ægina_, i. 184;
-    war of, against Athens, at the instigation of the Thebans, iv. 171,
-      173, 315;
-    submission of, to Darius, iv. 315;
-    appeal of Athenians to Sparta against the Medism of, iv. 318;
-    attempted revolution at, by Nikodromus, v. 47 _seq._;
-    from B. C. 488 to 481, v. 47, 48 _seq._, 53;
-    and Athens, settlement of the feud between, v. 58;
-    removal of Athenians to, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 108;
-    Greek fleet at, in the spring of B. C. 479, v. 147;
-    war of Athens against, B. C. 459, v. 321;
-    subdued by Athens, v. 331;
-    expulsion of the Æginetans from, by the Athenians, vi. 136;
-    and Athens, B. C. 389, ix. 371 _seq._;
-    Gorgôpas in, ix. 373 _seq._;
-    Teleutias in, ix. 373, 376.
-
-  _Æginæan_ scale, ii. 319 _seq._, 325; iii. 171.
-
-  _Æqinetans_, and Thebans, i. 184;
-    and the hostages taken from them by Kleomenês and Leotychidês,
-      v. 46 _seq._;
-    pre-eminence of, at Salamis, v. 145;
-    at Thyrea, capture and death of, B. C. 424, vi. 366.
-
-  _Ægistheus_, i. 162 _seq._
-
-  _Ægospotami_, battle of, viii. 217 _seq._;
-    condition of Athens and her dependencies after the battle of,
-      viii. 223, 225, 227 _seq._
-
-  _Ægyptos_, i. 87.
-
-  _Æimnestus_ and Dionysius, x. 468.
-
-  _Æneadæ_ at Skêpsis, i. 316.
-
-  _Æneas_, i. 293, 315 _seq._
-
-  _Ænianes_, ii. 286.
-
-  _Æolic_ Greeks in the Trôad, i. 335;
-    emigration under the Pelopids, ii. 19;
-    Kymê, custom at, in cases of murder, ii. 94 _n._;
-    and Doric dialects, ii. 335;
-    cities in Asia, iii. 190 _seq._;
-    emigration, iii. 191, 193;
-    establishments near Mount Ida, iii. 195.
-
-  _Æolid line_, the first, i. 107 _seq._;
-    the second, i. 112 _seq._;
-    the third, i. 119 _seq._;
-    the fourth, i. 123 _seq._
-
-  _Æolis_, iii. 195;
-    the subsatrapy of, and Pharnabazus, ix. 206 _seq._
-
-  _Æolus_, i. 95 _seq._, 103.
-
-  _Æpytus_, i. 176.
-
-  _Æschinês_, at the battle of Tamynæ, xi. 342;
-    proceedings of, against Philip, after his capture of Olynthus,
-      xi. 366;
-    early history of, xi. 366;
-    as envoy of Athens in Arcadia, xi. 367;
-    desire of, for peace, B. C. 347, xi. 368;
-    and the embassies from Athens to Philip, xi. 381 _seq._, 406, 410,
-      413 _seq._, 422;
-    and the motion of Philokrates for peace and alliance with Philip,
-      xi. 391 _seq._;
-    fabrications of, about Philip, xi. 398, 408, 409, 412 _seq._;
-    visit of, to Philip in Phokis, xi. 422;
-    justifies Philip after his conquest of Thermopylæ, xi. 425;
-    corruption of, xi. 430 _seq._;
-    at the Amphiktyonic assembly at Delphi, B. C. 359, xi. 470 _seq._;
-    on the special Amphiktyonic meeting at Thermopylæ, xi. 479;
-    conduct of, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 506;
-    accusation against Ktesiphon by, xii. 286 _seq._;
-    exile of, xii. 293 _seq._
-
-  _Æschylus_, Promêtheus of, i. 78, 381 _n._;
-    his treatment of mythes, i. 379 _seq._;
-    Sophoklês, and Euripidês, viii. 317 _seq._
-
-  _Æsculapius_, i. 178 _seq._
-
-  _Æsôn_, death of, i. 114.
-
-  _Æsymnête_, iii. 19.
-
-  _Æthiopis_ of Arktinus, ii. 156.
-
-  _Æêthlius_, i. 99.
-
-  _Ætna_, foundation of the city of, v. 229;
-    second city of, v. 236;
-    reconquered by Duketius, vii. 123;
-    conquest of, by Dionysius, x. 468;
-    Campanians of, x. 497.
-
-  _Ætolia_, legendary settlement of, i. 137;
-    expedition of Demosthenes against, vi. 296 _seq._
-
-  _Ætolian_ genealogy, i. 138.
-
-  _Ætolians_, ii. 290;
-    rude condition of, ii. 292;
-    emigration of, into Peloponnesus, ii. 325 _seq._;
-    and Akarnanians, iii. 411;
-    and Peloponnesians under Eurylochus attack Naupaktus, xi. 291;
-    contest and pacification of, with Antipater, xii. 332;
-    Kassander’s attempt to check, xii. 370.
-
-  _Ætolo-Eleians_ and the Olympic games, ii. 317.
-
-  _Ætôlus_, i. 102, 103;
-    and Oxylus, i. 153.
-
-  _Africa_, circumnavigation of, by the Phenicians, iii. 283 _seq._;
-    expedition of Agathokles to, against Carthage, xii. 410 _seq._, 444.
-
-  _Agamêdês_ and Trophonius, i. 129.
-
-  _Agamemnôn_, pre-eminence of, i. 154 _seq._, 161 _seq._, 163;
-    and Orestes transferred to Sparta, i. 165;
-    and the Trojan expedition, i. 289, 293.
-
-  _Agaristê_ and Megaklês, iii. 38.
-
-  _Agasias_, ix. 145, 147 _seq._
-
-  _Agathokles_, first rise of, xii. 397;
-    distinction of, in the Syracusan expedition to Kroton, xii. 398;
-    retires from Syracuse to Italy, xii. 398;
-    exploits of, in Italy and Sicily, about B. C. 320, xii. 285;
-    first ascendency of, at Syracuse, xii. 399;
-    his readmission to Syracuse, xii. 400;
-    massacres the Syracusans, xii. 401 _seq._;
-    constituted despot of Syracuse, xii. 402;
-    his popular manners, and military success, xii. 404 _seq._;
-    and the Agrigentines, xii. 404, 406, 407;
-    and Deinokrates, xii. 407, 440, 446 _seq._;
-    massacre at Gela by, xii. 408;
-    defeat of, at the Himera, xii. 409;
-    expedition of, to Africa, xii. 410 _seq._, 444;
-    capture of Megalêpolis and Tunês by, xii. 414;
-    victory of, over Hanno and Bomilkar, xii. 416 _seq._;
-    operations of, on the eastern coast of Carthage, xii. 419 _seq._;
-    mutiny in the army of, at Tunês, xii. 426;
-    in Numidia, xii. 427;
-    and Ophellas, xii. 427, 431 _seq._;
-    capture of Utica by, xii. 436;
-    goes from Africa to Sicily, B. C. 306-305, xii. 438, 439;
-    in Sicily, B. C. 306-305, xii. 439 _seq._;
-    returns from Sicily to Africa, where he is defeated by the
-      Carthaginians, xii. 441;
-    deserts his army at Tunês, and they capitulate, xii. 443, 444;
-    barbarities of, at Egesta and Syracuse, after his African
-      expedition, xii. 445;
-    operations of, in Liparæ, Italy, and Korkyra, xii. 448;
-    last projects and death of, xii. 449 _seq._;
-    genius and character of, xii. 450 _seq._
-
-  _Agavê_ and Pentheus, i. 261 _seq._
-
-  _Agêma_, Macedonian, xii. 63.
-
-  _Agên_, the satiric drama, xii. 296 and _n._ 2.
-
-  _Agenôr_ and his offspring, i. 257.
-
-  _Agesandridas_, viii. 71, 74 _seq._
-
-  _Agesilaus_, character of, ix. 242, 246, 280;
-    nomination of, as king, ix. 244 _seq._;
-    popular conduct and partisanship of, ix. 246;
-    expedition of, to Asia, B. C. 397, ix. 257 _seq._;
-    humiliation of Lysander by, ix. 260 _seq._;
-    Tissaphernes breaks the truce with, ix. 261;
-    attacks of, on the satrapy of Pharnabazus, ix. 261, 273 _seq._;
-    his enrichment of his friends, ix. 262;
-    humanity of, ix. 263;
-    naked exposure of Asiatic prisoners by, ix. 265 _seq._;
-    at Ephesus, ix. 266;
-    victory of, near Sardis, ix. 267;
-    negotiations of, with Tithraustes, ix. 269;
-    appointed to command at sea and on land, ix. 269, 271;
-    efforts of, to augment his fleet, ix. 273;
-    and Spithridates, ix. 274;
-    and Pharnabazus, conference between, ix. 277 _seq._;
-    large preparations and recall of, from Asia, ix. 280, 286,
-      308 _seq._;
-    relations of Sparta with her neighbors and allies after the
-      accession of, ix. 284;
-    on the northern frontier of Bœotia, ix. 312;
-    victory of, at Koroneia, ix. 313 _seq._;
-    and Teleutias, capture of the Long Walls at Corinth, and of Lechæum
-      by, ix. 339 _seq._;
-    capture of Peiræum and Œnoê by, ix. 344, 345 _seq._;
-    and the Isthmian festival, ix. 344;
-    and the envoys from Thebes, ix. 346, 352;
-    and the destruction of the Lacedæmonian _mora_ by Iphikrates,
-      ix. 348, 352;
-    expedition of, against Akarnania, ix. 354;
-    and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 385 _seq._;
-    miso-Theban sentiment of, x. 28, 34;
-    his defence of Phœbidas, x. 62;
-    subjugation of Phlius by, x. 70 _seq._;
-    and the trial of Sphodrias, x. 100;
-    expeditions of, against Thebes, x. 127 _seq._;
-    and Epaminondas, at the congress at Sparta, B. C. 371, x. 170;
-    and the re-establishment of Mantinea, x. 205 _seq._;
-    feeling against, at Sparta, B. C. 371, x. 207;
-    march of, against Mantinea, x. 211 _seq._;
-    vigilant defence of Sparta by, against Epaminondas, x. 221, 330;
-    in Asia, B. C. 366, x. 294, 296;
-    in Egypt, x. 362 _seq._, and the independence of Mêssêne, x. 360;
-    death and character of, x. 363 _seq._
-
-  _Agesipolis_, ix. 356 _seq._; x. 35 _seq._, 67, 70.
-
-  _Agêtus_ and Aristo, iv. 326.
-
-  _Agis II._, invasion of Attica by, B. C. 425, vi. 313;
-    advance of, to Leuktra, B. C. 419, vii. 64;
-    invasion of Argos by, vii. 71 _seq._;
-    retirement of, from Argos, vii. 74 _seq._;
-    at the battle of Mantinea, B. C. 418, vii. 81 _seq._;
-    invasion of Attica by, vii. 288, 353;
-    movements of, after the Athenian disaster in Sicily, vii. 364;
-    applications from Eubœa and Lesbos to, B. C. 413, vii. 365;
-    overtures of peace from the Four Hundred to, viii. 44;
-    repulse of, by Thrasyllus, viii. 128;
-    fruitless attempt of, to surprise Athens, viii. 156;
-    invasions of Elis by, ix. 225 _seq._;
-    death of, ix. 241.
-
-  _Agis III._, ii. 387 _seq._, 127, 281 _seq._
-
-  _Aglaurion_, v. 117 _n._
-
-  _Agnonides_, xii. 351.
-
-  _Agones_ and festivals in honor of gods, i. 51.
-
-  _Agora_, Homeric, ii. 67 _seq._; and Boulê, ii. 75.
-
-  _Agoratus_, viii. 235, 240.
-
-  _Agrigentine_ generals, accusation and death of, x. 427.
-
-  _Agrigentines_, and Agathokles, xii. 404, 406, 425;
-    defeat of, by Leptines and Demophilus, xii. 440;
-    defeat of, by Leptines, xii. 441.
-
-  _Agrigentum_, iii. 366;
-    Phalaris of, iv. 378, v. 204;
-    and Syracuse, before B. C. 500, v. 205;
-    prisoners sent to, after the battle of Himera, v. 225;
-    and Syracuse, B. C. 446, vii. 126;
-    after the Theronian dynasty, vii. 127;
-    and Hannibal’s capture of Selinus, x. 408;
-    defensive preparations at, against Hannibal and Imilkon, x. 422;
-    strength, wealth, and population of, B. C. 406, x. 423 _seq._;
-    blockade and capture of, by the Carthaginians, x. 425 _seq._;
-    complaints against the Syracusan generals at, x. 427, 431,
-      433 _seq._;
-    declaration of, against Dionysius, xi. 6;
-    Timoleon and the fresh colonization of, xi. 187;
-    siege of, by Agathokles, xii. 406.
-
-  _Agylla_, plunder of the temple at, xi. 25.
-
-  _Agyrium_, Dionysius and Magon at, ix. 7.
-
-  _Agyrrhius_, ix. 368.
-
-  _Ajax_, son of Telamôn, i. 187, 299.
-
-  _Ajax_, son of Oïleus, i. 189, 305, 310.
-
-  _Akanthus_, iv. 25;
-    march of Xerxes to, v. 43;
-    induced by Brasidas to revolt from Athens, vi. 406 _seq._;
-    speech of Brasidas at, ix. 193 _seq._;
-    opposition of, to the Olynthian confederacy, x. 52 _seq._, 57.
-
-  _Akarnan_ and Amphoterus, i. 282.
-
-  _Akarnania_, Demosthenês in, B. C. 426, vi. 296;
-    expedition of Agesilaus against, ix. 354.
-
-  _Akarnanians_, ii. 292 _seq._, iii. 407 _seq._;
-    and Athens, alliance between, vi. 120;
-    under Demosthenês save Naupaktus, vi. 303;
-    and Amphilochians, pacific treaty of, with the Ambrakiots, vi. 311.
-
-  _Akastus_, wife of, and Pêleus, i. 114.
-
-  _Akesines_, crossed by Alexander, xii. 230.
-
-  _Akræ_ in Sicily, iii. 366.
-
-  _Akragas_, iii. 366.
-
-  _Akrisois_, Danaê and Perseus, i. 89 _seq._
-
-  _Akrotatus_, xii. 404.
-
-  _Aktæôn_, i. 260.
-
-  _Aktê_, Brasidas in, vi. 421.
-
-  _Akusilaus_, his treatment of mythes, i. 390.
-
-  _Alæsa_, foundation of, x. 469.
-
-  _Alalia_, Phokæan colony at, iv. 205.
-
-  _Alazônes_, iii. 239.
-
-  _Alcyone_ and Kêyx, i. 135.
-
-  _Alêtês_, ii. 9.
-
-  _Aleus_, i. 176.
-
-  _Alexander of Macedon_, and Greeks at Tempê, on Xerxes’s invasion,
-      v. 69;
-    embassy of, to Athens, v. 150 _seq._;
-    and the Athenians before the battle of Platæa, v. 151.
-
-  _Alexander the Great_, his visit to Ilium, i. 326, xii. 69;
-    successors of, and Ilium, i. 326;
-    comparison between the invasion of, and that of Xerxes, v. 240;
-    birth of, xi. 241;
-    at the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 500;
-    quarrels of, with his father, xi. 513, xii. 3;
-    accession of, xi. 517, xii. 1, 7;
-    character, education, and early political action of, xii. 2 _seq._;
-    uncertain position of, during the last year of Philip, xii. 5;
-    Amyntas put to death by, xii. 8;
-    march of, into Greece, B. C. 336, xii. 11;
-    chosen Imperator of the Greeks, xii. 13;
-    convention at Corinth under, B. C. 336, xii. 13;
-    authority claimed by, under the convention at Corinth, xii. 15;
-    violations of the convention at Corinth by, xii. 16 _seq._;
-    expedition of, into Thrace, xii. 22 _seq._, 25, _n._;
-    embassy of Gauls to, xii. 26;
-    victories of, over Kleitus and the Illyrians, xii. 27 _seq._;
-    revolt of Thebes against, xii. 29 _seq._;
-    march of, from Thrace to Thebes, xii. 36;
-    capture and destruction of Thebes by, xii. 37 _seq._;
-    demands the surrender of anti-Macedonian leaders at Athens, xii. 45;
-    at Corinth, B. C. 335, xii. 48;
-    and Diogenes, xii. 48;
-    reconstitution of Bœotia by, xii. 48;
-    Grecian history a blank in the reign of, xii. 50;
-    connection of his Asiatic conquests with Grecian history, xii. 50,
-      179 _seq._;
-    Pan-Hellenic pretences of, xii. 51;
-    analogy of his relation to the Greeks with those of Napoleon to the
-      Confederation of the Rhine, xii. 51, 52 _n._;
-    military endowments of, xii. 52;
-    military changes in Greece during the sixty years before the
-      accession of, xii. 53 _seq._;
-    measures of, before going to Asia, xii. 67;
-    his march to the Hellespont and passage to Asia, xii. 69, 78;
-    analogy of, to the Greek heroes, xii. 71;
-    review of his army in Asia, xii. 72;
-    Macedonian officers of his army in Asia, xii. 73;
-    Greeks in his service in Asia, xii. 74;
-    defensive preparation of Darius against, xii. 76;
-    victory of, at the Granikus, xii. 81 _seq._;
-    submission of the Asiatics to, after the battle of the Granikus,
-      xii. 89;
-    and Mithrines, xii. 90, 207;
-    capture of Ephesus by, xii. 90;
-    capture of Miletus by, xii. 92 _seq._;
-    debate of, with Parmenio at Miletus, xii. 92;
-    disbands his fleet, xii. 94;
-    capture of Halikarnassus by, xii. 94 _seq._;
-    conquest of Lykia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia by, xii. 99;
-    at Kelænæ, xii. 101;
-    cuts the Gordian knot, xii. 104;
-    refuses to liberate the Athenians captured at the Granikus,
-      xii. 105;
-    subjugation of Paphlagonia and Kappadokia by, xii. 111;
-    passes Mount Taurus and enters Tarsus, xii. 111 _seq._;
-    operations of, in Kilikia, xii. 113;
-    march of, from Kilikia to Myriandrus, xii. 114;
-    return of, from Myriandrus, xii. 117;
-    victory of, at Issus, xii. 118 _seq._;
-    his courteous treatment of Darius’s mother, wife and family,
-      xii. 124, 153;
-    his treatment of Greeks taken at Damascus, xii. 129;
-    in Phœnicia, xii. 130 _seq._, 150;
-    his correspondence with Darius, xii. 130, 140;
-    siege and capture of Tyre by, xii. 132 _seq._;
-    surrender of the princes of Cyprus to, xii. 138;
-    his march towards Egypt, xii. 141, 142, 145;
-    siege and capture of Gaza by, xii. 142 _seq._;
-    his cruelty to Batis, xii. 145;
-    in Egypt, xii. 146 _seq._;
-    crosses the Euphrates at Thapsakus, xii. 150;
-    fords the Tigris, xii. 151;
-    continence of, xii. 158 _n._ 2;
-    victory of, at Arbela, xii. 155 _seq._;
-    surrender of Susa and Babylon to, xii. 168;
-    his march from Susa to Persepolis, xii. 171;
-    at Persepolis, xii. 172 _seq._;
-    subjugation of Persis by, xii. 177;
-    at Ekbatana, xii. 181, 246 _seq._;
-    sends home the Thessalian cavalry, xii. 181;
-    pursues Darius into Parthia, xii. 181 _seq._;
-    disappointment of, in not taking Darius alive, xii. 186;
-    Asiatizing tendencies of, xii. 188, 215, 267;
-    at Hekatompylus, xii. 187;
-    in Hyrkania, xii. 188;
-    his treatment of the Grecian mercenaries and envoys with Darius,
-      xii. 188, 189;
-    in Aria and Drangiana, xii. 189 _seq._, 200;
-    Parmenio and Philotas put to death by, xii. 190 _seq._;
-    in Gedrosia, xii. 200, 236;
-    foundation of Alexandria ad Caucasum by, xii. 200;
-    in Baktria and Sogdiana, xii. 201 _seq._;
-    and Bessus, 12, 202, 208;
-    massacre of the Branchidæ by, xii. 203 _seq._;
-    at Marakanda, xii. 204, 207 _seq._;
-    and the Scythians, xii. 206, 213;
-    Kleitus killed by, xii. 208 _seq._, 213, 216 _seq._, 222 _seq._;
-    capture of the Sogdian rock and the rock of Choriênes by, xii. 214;
-    and Roxana, xii. 214, 215;
-    and Kallisthenes, conspiracy of royal pages against, xii. 221;
-    reduces the country between Hindoo Koosh and the Indus,
-      xii. 225 _seq._;
-    crosses the Indus and the Hydaspes, and defeats Porus,
-      xii. 227 _seq._, 228 _n._ 2, and _n._ 1 page 229;
-    conquests of, in the Punjab, xii. 227 _seq._;
-    refusal of his army to march farther, xii. 231;
-    voyage of, down the Hydaspes and the Indus, xii. 234;
-    wounded in attacking the Malli, xii. 234;
-    posts on the Indus established by, xii. 235;
-    his bacchanalian procession thro’ Karmania, xii. 236;
-    and the tomb of Cyrus the Great, xii. 237;
-    satraps of, xii. 239 _seq._;
-    discontents and mutiny of his Macedonian soldiers, xii. 241 _seq._;
-    Asiatic levies of, xii. 243;
-    sails down the Pasitigris and up the Tigris to Opis, xii. 243;
-    partial disbanding of his Macedonian soldiers by, xii. 245;
-    preparations of, for the conquest and circumnavigation of Asia,
-      xii. 245, 250;
-    his grief for the death of Hephæstion, xii. 247, 253;
-    extermination of the Kossæi by, xii. 248;
-    his last visit to Babylon, xii. 248 _seq._;
-    numerous embassies to, B. C. 323, xii. 248;
-    his sail on the Euphrates, xii. 250;
-    his incorporation of Persians in the Macedonian phalanx, xii. 251;
-    his despatch to Kleomenes, xii. 253;
-    forebodings and suspicion of, at Babylon, xii. 253, 254 _n._ 3;
-    illness and death of, xii. 254 _seq._;
-    rumored poisoning of, xii. 256 _n._ 2;
-    sentiments excited by the career and death of, xii. 258 _seq._;
-    probable achievements of, if he had lived longer, xii. 259 _seq._;
-    character of, as a ruler, xii. 261 _seq._;
-    absence of nationality in, xii. 264;
-    Livy’s opinion as to his chances, if he had attacked the Romans,
-      xii. 260;
-    unrivalled excellence of, as a military man, xii. 261;
-    not the intentional diffuser of Hellenic culture, xii. 265 _seq._;
-    cities founded in Asia by, xii. 267;
-    Asia not Hellenized by, xii. 269;
-    increased intercommunication produced by the conquests of,
-      xii. 272 _seq._;
-    his interest in science and literature, xii. 274;
-    state of the Grecian world when he crossed the Hellespont, xii. 275;
-    possibility of emancipating Greece during his earlier Asiatic
-      campaigns, xii. 276;
-    his rescript directing the recall of Grecian exiles,
-      xii. 310 _seq._;
-    his family and generals, after his death, xii. 319 _seq._;
-    partition of the empire of, xii. 319, 337;
-    list of projects entertained by, at the time of his death, xii. 320.
-
-  _Alexander_, son of Alexander the Great, xii. 333, 340, 342, 366, 367,
-      371.
-
-  _Alexander_, son of Polysperchon, xii. 366, 368, 369.
-
-  _Alexander_, son of Kassander, xii. 389.
-
-  _Alexander_, king of the Molossians, xii. 396 _seq._
-
-  _Alexander_, son of Amyntas, x. 248, 249.
-
-  _Alexander of Epirus_, marriage of, xi. 515.
-
-  _Alexander_, the Lynkestian, xi. 517 _seq._
-
-  _Alexander of Pheræ_, x. 248;
-    expeditions of Pelopidas against, x. 248, 263, 303, 307 _seq._,
-      309 _n._ 3;
-    seizure of Pelopidas and Ismenias by, x. 282 _seq._;
-    release of Pelopidas and Ismenias by, x. 285;
-    subdued by the Thebans, x. 309 _seq._;
-    naval hostilities of, against Athens, x. 370;
-    cruelties and assassination of, xi. 203 _seq._
-
-  _Alexandreia Trôas_, i. 326.
-
-  _Alexandria_ in Egypt, xii. 146;
-    ad Caucasum, xii. 200;
-    in Ariis, and in Arachosia, xii. 200 _n._ 4;
-    ad Jaxartem, xii. 205, 206.
-
-  _Alexandrine_ chronology from the return of the Herakleids to the
-      first Olympiad, ii. 304.
-
-  _Alexiklês_, viii. 64, 67, 68.
-
-  _Alkæus_, Herodotus’s mistake about, iii. 155 _n._;
-    his flight from battle, iii. 199;
-    opposition of, to Pittakus, iii. 199, iv., 90 _seq._;
-    collected works of, iv. 90 _n._ 4;
-    subjective character of his poetry, i. 363.
-
-  _Alkamenês_, son of Têleklus, ii. 420.
-
-  _Alkamenês_, appointment of, to go to Lesbos, vii. 365;
-    defeat and death of, vii. 369.
-
-  _Alkestis_ and Admêtus, i. 113 _seq._
-
-  _Alketas_, x. 139, 147 _n._, 153, xi. 54.
-
-  _Alkibiades_, reputed oration of Androkidês against, iv. 151, _n._ 3,
-      vi. 7, _n._ 2;
-    alleged duplication of the tribute-money of Athenian allies by,
-      vi. 7, _n._ 2;
-    at the battle of Delium, v. 397;
-    education and character of, vii. 30 _seq._;
-    and Sokratês, vii. 35 _seq._;
-    conflicting sentiments entertained towards, vii. 40;
-    attempts of, to revive his family tie with Sparta, vii. 42;
-    early politics of, vii. 42;
-    adoption of anti-Laconian politics by, vii. 43;
-    attempt of, to ally Argos with Athens, B. C. 420, vii. 43;
-    trick of, upon the Lacedæmonian envoys, vii. 46 _seq._;
-    display of, at the Olympic festival, vii. 53 _seq._, 59 _n._;
-    intra-Peloponnesian policy of, B. C. 419, vii. 62 _seq._;
-    expedition of, into the interior of Peloponnesus, B. C. 419,
-      vii. 63;
-    at Argos, B. C. 418, vii. 75, and B. C. 416, vii. 98;
-    and Nikias, projected contention of ostracism between,
-      vii. 104 _seq._;
-    his support of the Egestæan envoys at Athens, B. C. 416, vii. 146;
-    and the Sicilian expedition, vii. 148, 152 _seq._, 160 _seq._;
-    attack upon, in connection with the mutilation of the Hermæ,
-      vii. 175, 207 _seq._;
-    the Eleusinian mysteries and, vii. 175 _seq._, 211 _seq._;
-      viii. 150;
-    plan of action in Sicily proposed by, vii. 191;
-    at Messênê in Sicily, vii. 193;
-    at Katana, vii. 193;
-    recall of, to take his trial, vii. 195, 211 _seq._;
-    escape and condemnation of, vii. 211 _seq._, 235 _n._ 2;
-    at Sparta, vii. 235 _seq._;
-    Lacedæmonians persuaded by, to send aid to Chios, vii. 367;
-    expedition of, to Chios, vii. 370 _seq._;
-    revolt of Milêtus from Athens, caused by, vii. 375;
-    order from Sparta to kill, viii. 2;
-    escape of, to Tissaphernês, viii. 3;
-    advice of, to Tissaphernês, viii. 3;
-    acts as interpreter between Tissaphernês and the Greeks,
-      viii. 5 _seq._;
-    oligarchical conspiracy of, with the Athenian officers at Samos,
-      viii. 6 _seq._;
-    counter manœuvres of, against Phrynichus, viii. 12;
-    proposed restoration of, to Athens, viii. 12, 13;
-    negotiations of, with Peisander, viii. 15, 20 _seq._;
-    and the Athenian democracy at Samos, viii. 49 _seq._, 51, 52 _seq._;
-    at Aspendus, viii. 100;
-    return of, from Aspendus to Samos, viii. 116;
-    arrival of, at the Hellespont, from Samos, viii. 117;
-    arrest of Tissaphernês by, viii. 120;
-    escape of, from Sardis, viii. 120;
-    and the Athenian fleet, at the Bosphorus, viii. 126;
-    attack upon Chalkêdon by, viii. 126;
-    occupation of Chrysopolis by, viii. 127;
-    and Thrasyllus, at the Hellespont, viii. 130;
-    capture of Chalkêdon by, viii. 132;
-    and Pharnabazus, viii. 133;
-    proceedings of, in Thrace and Asia, B. C. 407, viii. 144;
-    return of, to Athens, B. C. 407, viii. 145 _seq._;
-    expedition of, to Asia, B. C. 407, viii. 150 _seq._;
-    dissatisfaction of the armament at Samos with, viii. 153;
-    accusations against, at Athens, B. C. 407, viii. 153;
-    alteration of sentiment towards, at Athens, B. C. 407,
-      viii. 156 _seq._;
-    and Nikias, different behavior of the Athenians towards, viii. 158;
-    dismissal of, from his command, B. C. 407, viii. 158;
-    at Ægospotami, viii. 217;
-    position and views of, in Asia, after the battle of Ægospotami,
-      viii. 313 _seq._;
-    assassination of, viii. 314 _seq._;
-    character of, viii. 316 _seq._
-
-  _Alkidas_, vi. 237, 239 _seq._, 266 _seq._
-
-  _Alkmæôn_, i. 278 _seq._
-
-  _Alkmæônids_, curse, trial, and condemnation of, iii. 82;
-    proceedings of, against Hippias, iv. 120;
-    rebuilding of Delphian temple by, iv. 121;
-    false imputation of treachery on at the battle of Marathon, iv. 356;
-    demand of Sparta for the expulsion of, vi. 97.
-
-  _Alkman_, iv. 77, 82, 85 _seq._
-
-  _Alkmênê_, i. 91.
-
-  _Allegorical_ interpretation of mythes, i. 418 _seq._, 425, 436.
-
-  _Allegory_ rarely admissible in the interpretation of mythes, i. 2.
-
-  _Alôids_, the, i. 136.
-
-  _Alos_, sanguinary rites at, i. 125.
-
-  _Althæa_ and the burning brand, i. 144.
-
-  _Althæmenês_, founder of Rhodes, ii. 30.
-
-  _Althæmenês_ and Katreus, i. 224.
-
-  _Alyattês_ and Kyaxarês, iii. 230;
-    war of, with Milêtus, iii. 255 _seq._;
-    sacrilege committed by, iii. 256;
-    long reign, death and sepulchre of, iii. 257.
-
-  _Amaltheia_, the horn of, i. 150.
-
-  _Amanus_, Mount, march of Darius to, xii. 115.
-
-  _Amasis_, iii. 328 _seq._;
-    death of, iv. 229.
-
-  _Amasis_ and Polykratês, iv. 241.
-
-  _Amastris_, xii. 467 _seq._
-
-  _Amazons_, legend of, i. 209 _seq._
-
-  _Ambrakia_, iii. 404, 405.
-
-  _Ambrakiots_, attack of, upon Amphilokian Argos, vi. 180;
-    attack of upon Akarnania, vi. 192 _seq._;
-    projected attack of, on Amphilochian Argos, vi. 302;
-    defeat of, at Olpæ, vi. 304;
-    Menedæus’s desertion of, vi. 305 _seq._;
-    Demosthenês’s victory over, vi. 307 _seq._;
-    pacific convention of, with the Akarnanians and Amphilochians,
-      vi. 311.
-
-  _Ambrysus_, re-fortification of, xi. 494.
-
-  _Ammon_, Alexander’s visit to the oracle of, xii. 147.
-
-  _Amnesty_ decreed by Solon, iii. 98;
-    proposed by Patrokleidês, viii. 225;
-    at Athens, B. C. 403, viii. 293, 299 _seq._
-
-  _Amompharetus_, v. 174 _seq._
-
-  _Amorgês_, vii. 375;
-    capture of, vii. 388.
-
-  _Amphiaraus_, i. 272, 275.
-
-  _Amphiktyon_, i. 98, 99, 103.
-
-  _Amphiktyonic assembly_, i. 100, ii. 243 _seq._, xi. 241;
-    condemnation of Sparta by, x. 202 _seq._;
-    accusation of Thebes against Sparta before, xi. 242;
-    accusation of Thebes against Phokis before, xi. 243;
-    resistance of Phokis to, xi. 244 _seq._;
-    sentence of, against the Phokians, and honors conferred upon Philip
-      by, xi. 425, 429;
-    at Delphi, B. C. 339, xi. 470 _seq._
-
-  _Amphiktyonies_, or exclusive religious partnerships, ii. 243 _seq._,
-      248.
-
-  _Amphiktyons_, punishment of the Kirrhæans by, iv. 61;
-    establishment of the Pythian games by, iv. 63;
-    violent measures of, against the Amphissians, xi. 474 _seq._
-
-  _Amphiktyony_ at Kalauria, i. 133.
-
-  _Amphilochian Argos_, Eurylochus’s projected attack upon, vi. 302.
-
-  _Amphilochians_ and Akarnanians, pacific treaty of, with the
-      Ambrakiots, vi. 211.
-
-  _Amphilochus_, i. 278;
-    wanderings of, i. 313.
-
-  _Amphiôn and Zethus_, i. 263 _seq._;
-    Homeric legend of, i. 257.
-
-  _Amphipolis_, foundation of, vi. 11 _seq._;
-    acquisition of, by Brasidas, vi. 406 _seq._;
-    proceedings of Brasidas in, vi. 420;
-    policy of Kleon and Nikias for the recovery of, vi. 457 _seq._;
-    Kleon’s expedition against, vi. 462 _seq._;
-    topography of, vi. 464 _seq._;
-    battle of, vi. 471 _seq._;
-    negotiations for peace after the battle of, vi. 489;
-    not restored to Athens, on the peace of, Nikias, vii. 4;
-    neglect of, by the Athenians, vii. 104, xi. 215;
-    claim of Athens to, x. 245 _seq._, 294;
-    Iphikrates at, x. 251, 299;
-    failure of Timotheus at, x. 301;
-    nine defeats of the Athenians at, x. 302 _n._ 2;
-    Kallisthenes at, x. 370;
-    Philip renounces his claim to, xi. 212;
-    siege and capture of, by Philip, xi. 232 _seq._;
-    Philip’s dealings with the Athenians respecting, xi. 235.
-
-  _Amphissa_, capture of, by Philip, xi. 497.
-
-  _Amphissians_, accusation of, against Athens, xi. 470 _seq._;
-    violent proceedings of the Amphiktyons against, xi. 473 _seq._
-
-  _Amphitryôn_, i. 91.
-
-  _Amphoterus_ and Akarnan, i. 283.
-
-  _Amyklæ_, ii. 327;
-    conquest of, ii. 419.
-
-  _Amykus_, i. 169.
-
-  _Amyntas_, and the Peisistratids, iv. 19.
-
-  _Amyntas, father of Philip_, x. 48 _seq._, 243 _seq._;
-    and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 50, 56, 58, 65;
-    and Iphikrates, x. 108;
-    and Athens, x. 243, 245;
-    death of, x. 243;
-    assistance of Iphikrates to the family of, x. 250.
-
-  _Amyntas_, son of Antiochus, xii. 9, 116, 125.
-
-  _Amyntas_, son of Perdikkas, xii. 8.
-
-  _Anaktorium_, iii. 402 _seq._, vi. 360.
-
-  _Anaphê_, i. 240.
-
-  _Anapus_, crossing of, by Dion, xi. 91.
-
-  _Anaxagoras_, vi. 101.
-
-  _Anaxandrides_, bigamy of, ii. 386.
-
-  _Anaxarchus_ of Abdera, xii. 213, 215, 217.
-
-  _Anaxibius_, ix. 150 _seq._, 156 _seq._;
-    in the Hellespont, ix. 369;
-    death of, ix. 371 _seq._
-
-  _Anaxikratês_, v. 335.
-
-  _Anaxilaus_, v. 211, 230.
-
-  _Anaximander_, iv. 381 _seq._
-
-  _Anaximenês_ of Lampsakus, i. 409.
-
-  _Andokidês_, reputed oration of, against Alkibiadês, iv. 151 _n._ 1,
-      vi. 6 _n._ 1;
-    de Mysteriis, iv. 123 _n._ 3;
-    and the mutilation of, the Hermæ, vii. 196, 200 _seq._
-
-  _Androgeos_, death of, i. 211.
-
-  _Androklus_, iii. 175.
-
-  _Andromachê_ and Helenus, i. 305.
-
-  _Andromachus_, xi. 146.
-
-  _Andrôn_, story of, respecting Krête, ii. 29.
-
-  _Andros_, siege of, by Themistoklês, v. 141;
-    siege of, by Alkibiadês and Konon, viii. 151.
-
-  _Animals_, worship of, in Egypt, iii. 319.
-
-  _Ankæus_, i. 177.
-
-  _Antalkidas_, embassy of, to Tiribazus, ix. 374 _seq._;
-    embassies of, to Persia, ix. 383, x. 157;
-    in the Hellespont, ix. 384;
-    the peace of, ix. 385 _seq._, x. 1 _seq._
-
-  _Antandrus_, expulsion of Arsakes from, viii. 114;
-    the Syracusans at, x. 386.
-
-  _Ante-Hellenic_ inhabitants of Greece, ii. 261;
-    colonies from Phœnicia and Egypt not probable, ii. 267.
-
-  _Antênôr_, i. 304, 315.
-
-  _Antigonê_, i. 276.
-
-  _Antigonus_ and Perdikkas, xii. 334;
-    and Eumenes, xii. 338;
-    great power of, xii. 367;
-    alliance of Kassander, Lysimachus and Ptolemy against, xii. 367,
-      372, 383, 387;
-    measures of, against Kassander, xii. 369, 370;
-    pacification of, with Kassander, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy, xii. 371;
-    Roxana and her son Alexander put to death by, xii. 371;
-    murders Kleopatra, sister of Alexander, xii. 372;
-    Athenian envoys sent to, xii. 380; death of, xii. 387.
-
-  _Antigonus_ Gonatas, xii. 390.
-
-  _Antilochus_, death of, i. 298.
-
-  _Antimachus_ of Kolophon, i. 268.
-
-  _Antiochus_ at Samos and Notium, viii. 152, 153.
-
-  _Antiochus_, the Arcadian, x. 280.
-
-  _Antiopê_, i. 257 _seq._
-
-  _Antipater_, embassy of, from Philip to Athens, xi. 386, 387, 390,
-      397, 401;
-    made viceroy of Macedonia, xii. 67, 68;
-    and Olympias, xii. 68, 254;
-    defeat of Agis by, xii. 284;
-    submission of all Greece to, xii. 285;
-    Grecian hostilities against, after Alexander’s death,
-      xii. 313 _seq._;
-    and Kraterus, xii. 321 _seq._, 335;
-    victory of, at Krannon, xii. 321, 322;
-    terms imposed upon Athens by, xii. 324 _seq._;
-    remodels the Peloponnesian cities, xii. 332;
-    contest and pacification of, with the Ætolians, xii. 332;
-    made guardian of Alexander’s family, xii. 337;
-    death of, xii. 338;
-    last directions of, xii. 339.
-
-  _Antipater_, son of Kassander, xii. 389.
-
-  _Antiphilus_, xii. 319, 321.
-
-  _Antiphon_, viii. 18, 30 _seq._, 57 _seq._, 78 _seq._
-
-  _Antiquity_, Grecian, a religious conception, i. 445;
-    stripped of its religious character by chronology, i. 446.
-
-  _Antisthenês_, at Kaunus, vii. 397.
-
-  _Antistrophê_, introduction of, iv. 89.
-
-  _Anytus_, viii. 130, 242.
-
-  _Aornos_, rock of, xii. 225 _n._ 2, 227.
-
-  _Apatê_, i. 7.
-
-  _Apaturia_, excitement at the, after the battle of Arginusæ,
-      viii. 193 _seq._
-
-  _Aphareus_, i. 168, 169.
-
-  _Apheidas_, i. 176.
-
-  _Aphepsion_, and Mantitheus, vii. 200.
-
-  _Aphetæ_, Persian fleet at, v. 97, 98, 101.
-
-  _Aphroditê_, i. 5, 52.
-
-  _Apis_, i. 83.
-
-  _Apodektæ_, iv. 137.
-
-  _Apollo_, i. 10;
-    legends of, i. 45 _seq._, 50;
-    worship and functions of, i. 49 _seq._, iii. 168;
-    and Laomedon, i. 57, 285;
-    and Hermês, i. 59;
-    types of, i. 61;
-    and Admêtus, i. 113;
-    and Korônis, i. 176;
-    Sminthius, i. 337;
-    evidence of the Homeric Hymn to, as to early Ionic life, iii. 168;
-    temple of at Klarus, iii. 184;
-    reply of Delphian to the remonstrance of Crœsus, iv. 189.
-
-  _Apollodôrus_, his genealogy of Hellên, i. 106 _seq._
-
-  _Apollodôrus_ and the Theôric fund, xi. 348.
-
-  _Apollokratês_, xi. 105, 107, 117.
-
-  _Apollonia_, iii. 402 _seq._;
-    and the Illyrians, iv. 6 _seq._;
-    and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 52.
-
-  _Apollonides_, xii. 142, 149.
-
-  _Apriês_, reign and death of, iii. 323 _seq._
-
-  _Apsyrtus_, i. 238.
-
-  _Arabia_, Alexander’s projects with regard to, xii. 245, 250.
-
-  _Arachosia_, Alexander in, xii. 200.
-
-  _Aradus_, surrender of, to Alexander xii. 130.
-
-  _Arbela_, battle of, xii. 155 _seq._
-
-  _Arbitration_ at Athens, v. 354.
-
-  _Arcadia_, ii. 299;
-    state of, B. C. 560, ii. 441 _seq._;
-    and Sparta, ii. 444 _seq._, v. 315;
-    proceedings in, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 204 _seq._;
-    invasions of, by Archidamus, x. 265, 310 _seq._;
-    mission of Epaminondas to, x. 288;
-    dissensions in, x. 322 _seq._;
-    embassy of Æschines to, xi. 368.
-
-  _Arcadians_, ii. 301, 433 seq;
-    sympathy of, with Messenians, ii. 427;
-    impulse of towards a Pan-Arcadian union, x. 208;
-    application of, to Athens and Thebes, for aid against Sparta,
-      x. 213;
-    Epaminondas and the consolidation of, x. 215;
-    energetic action and insolence of, x. 259 _seq._;
-    envoy to Persia from, x. 278, 280;
-    protest of, against the headship of Thebes, x. 281;
-    alliance of Athens with, x. 287;
-    and Eleians, x. 314 _seq._, 323;
-    occupation and plunder of Olympia by, x. 314, 320 _seq._;
-    celebration of the Olympic games by, x. 318 _seq._;
-    seizure of, at Tegea, by the Theban harmost, x. 324 _seq._
-
-  _Archagathus_, xii. 438, 439, 443.
-
-  _Archêgelês_, Apollo, i. 50.
-
-  _Archelaus_, x. 46 _seq._;
-    siege of Pydna by, viii. 118.
-
-  _Archeptolemus_, viii. 84 _seq._
-
-  _Archias_, œkist of Syracuse, iii. 363.
-
-  _Archias_, the Theban, x. 82, 85.
-
-  _Archias_, the Exile-Hunter, xii. 326 _seq._
-
-  _Archidamus II._, speech of, against war with Athens, vi. 80 _seq._;
-    invasions of Attica by, vii. 126 _seq._, 152, 221;
-    his expedition to Platæa, vi. 185 _seq._
-
-  _Archidamus III._, invasions of Arcadia by, x. 265, 316 _seq._;
-    and the independence of Messênê, x. 291, 360;
-    and Philomelus, xi. 254;
-    expedition of, against Megalopolis, xi. 306;
-    aid to the Phokians at Thermopylæ under, xi. 419, 421; xii. 281,
-      394.
-
-  _Archilochus_, i. 362; iv. 26, 73, 76 _seq._
-
-  _Archinus_, decrees of, viii. 299, 308.
-
-  _Architects_ at Athens, under Periklês, vi. 20.
-
-  _Architecture_, Grecian, between B. C. 600-550, iv. 98.
-
-  _Archonides_, x. 469.
-
-  _Archons_ after Kodrus, iii. 49;
-    the nine, iii. 75;
-    judges without appeal till after Kleisthenês, iii. 129;
-    effect of Kleisthenês’s revolution on, iv. 137 _seq._, 142 _seq._;
-    limited functions of, after the Persian war, v. 276;
-    limitation of the functions of, by Periklês, v. 355, 358, 365.
-
-  _Ardys_, iii. 223.
-
-  _Areopagus, senate of_, iii. 73;
-    and the Ephetæ, iii. 79;
-    and the Eumenides of Æschylus, iii. 80 _n._;
-    powers of, enlarged by Solon, iii. 122;
-    under the Solonian and Kleisthenean constitutions, iv. 141;
-    in early Athens, v. 352 _seq._;
-    oligarchical tendencies of, v. 354;
-    venerable character and large powers of, v. 359;
-    at variance with the growing democratic sentiment, B. C. 480-460,
-      v. 361;
-    a centre of action for the oligarchical party, v. 361;
-    power of, abridged by Periklês and Ephialtês, v. 366 _seq._
-
-  _Arês_, i. 10.
-
-  _Aretê_, xi. 55, 56, 82, 129.
-
-  _Argadeis_, iii. 50.
-
-  _Argæus_ and Philip, xi. 212.
-
-  _Arganthonius_ and the Phokæans, iv. 199.
-
-  _Argeian_ Demos, proceedings of, vii. 99.
-
-  _Argeian_ genealogies, i. 81.
-
-  _Argeians_, attempts of, to recover Thyrea, ii. 447;
-    defeat and destruction of, by Kleomenês, iv. 321;
-    trick of, with their callendar, vii. 65;
-    Epidaurus, vii. 69, 70, 88;
-    at the battle within the Long Walls of Corinth, ix. 333;
-    manœuvres of, respecting the holy truce, ix. 344;
-    and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 387;
-    and Mardonius, v. 157.
-
-  _Argês_, i. 5.
-
-  _Argilus_, acquisition of, by Brasidas, vi. 406 _seq._
-
-  _Arginusæ_, battle of, viii. 173 _seq._;
-    recall, impeachment, defence, and condemnation of the generals at
-      the battle of, viii. 181, 210;
-    inaction of the Athenian fleet after the battle of, viii. 215.
-
-  _Argô_, the, i. 231.
-
-  _Argonautic expedition_, i. 231 _seq._;
-    monuments of, i. 241 _seq._;
-    how and when attached to Kolchis, i. 251;
-    attempts to reconcile the, with geographical knowledge,
-      i. 254 _seq._;
-    continued faith in, i. 255;
-    Dr. Warton and M. Ginguené on the, i. 481 _n._
-
-  _Argos_, rise of, coincident with the decline of Mykênæ, i. 165;
-    occupation of, by the Dorians, ii. 6;
-    and neighboring Dorians greater than Sparta, in 776 B. C., ii. 307;
-    Dorian settlements in, ii. 308, 309, 311;
-    early ascendency of, ii. 312, 320;
-    subsequent decline of, ii. 321;
-    acquisitions of Sparta from, ii. 448 _seq._;
-    military classification at, ii. 460;
-    struggles of, to recover the headship of Greece, ii. 463 _seq._;
-    and Kleônæ, ii. 464;
-    victorious war of Sparta against, B. C. 496-5, iv. 221 _seq._;
-    prostration of, B. C. 496-5, iv. 324;
-    assistance of, to Ægina, v. 49;
-    neutrality of, on the invasion of Xerxes, v. 64 _seq._;
-    position of, on its alliance with Athens about B. C. 461,
-      v. 319 _seq._;
-    uncertain relations between Sparta and, B. C. 421, vii. 3;
-    position of, on the peace of Nikias, vii. 11 _seq._;
-    the Thousand-regiment at, vii. 11;
-    induced by the Corinthians to head a new Peloponnesian alliance,
-      B. C. 421, vii. 13;
-    joined by Matinea, vii. 14;
-    joined by the Corinthians, vii. 17, 19;
-    joined by Elis, vii. 19;
-    refusal of Tegea to join, vii. 20;
-    and Sparta, projected alliance between, vii. 24;
-    and Bœotia, projected alliance between, vii. 24 _seq._;
-    conclusion of a fifty years’ peace between Sparta and,
-      vii. 28 _seq._;
-    and Athens, alliance between, vii. 44, 51 _seq._;
-    embassy from, for alliance with Corinth, vii. 61;
-    attack of, upon Epidaurus, vii. 65, 69;
-    invasion of, by the Lacedæmonians and their allies, B. C. 418,
-      vii. 71 _seq._;
-    Alkibiadês at, B. C. 418, vii. 75;
-    political change at, through the battle of Mantinea, B. C. 418,
-      vii. 89 _seq._;
-    treaty of peace between Sparta and, B. C. 418, vii. 92 _seq._;
-    alliance between Sparta and, B. C. 418, vii. 94;
-    renounces alliance with Athens, Elis and Mantinea, vii. 94;
-    oligarchical revolution at, vii, 96, 97;
-    restoration of democracy at, vii. 100;
-    renewed alliance of, with Athens, vii. 101;
-    Alkibiadês at, B. C. 416, vii. 101;
-    Lacedæmonian intervention in behalf of the oligarchy at, vii. 101,
-      102;
-    envoys from, to the Athenian Demos at Samos, viii. 53;
-    alliance of, with Thebes, Athens, and Corinth, against Sparta,
-      ix. 284;
-    consolidation of Corinth with, ix. 332;
-    expedition of Agesipolis against, ix. 355 _seq._;
-    violent intestine feud at, x. 199 _seq._
-
-  _Argos, Amphilochian_, capture of, by Phormio, vi. 121;
-    attack of Ambrakiots on, vi. 180;
-    Eurylochus’s projected attack upon, vi. 302.
-
-  _Argus_, destruction of Argeians in the grove of, iv. 321.
-
-  _Aria_, Alexander in, xii. 189.
-
-  _Ariadnê_, i. 220 _seq._
-
-  _Ariæus_, flight of, after the battle of Kunaxa, ix. 47;
-    and Klearchus, ix. 52, 54;
-    and the Greeks after the battle of Kunaxa, ix. 54, 56, 62, 78.
-
-  _Aridæus_, Philip, xii. 319, 320, 334.
-
-  _Ariobarzanes_, intervention of, in Greece, x. 261;
-    revolt of, x. 294 _seq._;
-    at the Susian Gates, xii. 171;
-    death of, xii. 172.
-
-  _Arion_, iv. 78 _seq._
-
-  _Aristagoras_ and Megabatês, iv. 284;
-    revolt of, iv. 285 _seq._, 292;
-    application of, to Sparta, iv. 286 _seq._;
-    application of, to Athens, iv. 289;
-    march of, to Sardis, iv. 290;
-    desertion of the Ionic revolt by, iv. 296 _seq._
-
-  _Aristarchus_, the Athenian, viii. 82.
-
-  _Aristarchus_, the Lacedæmonian, ix. 164 _seq._
-
-  _Aristeidês_, constitutional change introduced by, iv. 145;
-    character of, iv. 338 _seq._;
-    elected general, iv. 341;
-    banishment of, by ostracism, v. 50;
-    and Themistoklês, rivalry between, v. 50, 273;
-    restoration of, from banishment, v. 110;
-    joins the Greek fleet at Salamis, v. 130;
-    slaughters the Persians at Psyttaleia, v. 136;
-    equitable assessment of, upon the allied Greeks, v. 264 _seq._;
-    popularity of, after the Persian war, v. 278;
-    death and poverty of, v. 289.
-
-  _Aristeus_, vi. 70, 73 _seq._ 182.
-
-  _Aristo_ and Agêtus, iv. 326.
-
-  _Aristocrats_, Grecian, bad morality of, vi. 287.
-
-  _Aristodêmus_, ii. 2 _seq._
-
-  _Aristodêmus_, king of Messenia, ii. 476.
-
-  _Aristodêmus Malakus_, iii. 359.
-
-  _Aristodêmus_, “the coward”, v. 94, 188.
-
-  _Aristodêmus_, the actor, xi. 373.
-
-  _Aristodikus_, iv. 201.
-
-  _Aristogeitôn_ and Harmodius, iv. 111 _seq._
-
-  _Aristoklês_ and Hipponoidas, vii. 85, 89.
-
-  _Aristokratês_, king of Orchomenus, ii. 428, 437.
-
-  _Aristokratês_, the Athenian, vii. 368.
-
-  _Aristomachê_, x. 480.
-
-  _Aristomenês_, ii. 421, 428 _seq._
-
-  _Aristonikus_ of Methymna, xii. 142, 149.
-
-  _Aristophanês_, viii. 327;
-    his reason for showing up Sokratês, viii. 408;
-    his attack upon the alleged impiety of Sokratês, i. 400 _n._;
-    and Kleon, vi. 482 _seq._, 488.
-
-  _Aristoteles_ the Spartan, xi. 2.
-
-  _Aristotle_ on Spartan women, ii. 387;
-    on the Spartan laws of property, ii. 408;
-    meaning of the word Sophist in, viii. 354;
-    formal logic of, viii. 429;
-    novelties ascribed to Sokratês by, viii. 424;
-    and Hermeias, xi. 441, 441 _n._;
-    instruction of Alexander by, xii. 3;
-    and Alexander, political views of, compared, xii. 265 _seq._
-
-  _Aristoxenus_, of Tarentum, xi. 154.
-
-  _Aristus_ and Nikoteles, x. 466.
-
-  _Arkas_ and Kallisto, i. 175.
-
-  _Arkesilaus_ the Second, iv. 40;
-    the Third, iv. 45 _seq._
-
-  _Arktinus_, Æthiopis of, ii. 156.
-
-  _Armenia_, the Ten Thousand Greeks in, ix. 95 _seq._
-
-  _Armenus_, i. 242.
-
-  _Arnold_, his edition of Thucydides, viii. 106 _n._
-
-  _Arrhibæus_, vi. 400, 440, 443 _seq._
-
-  _Arrian_ on the Amazons, i. 216 _seq._;
-    conjecture of, respecting Geryôn, i. 249;
-    on Darius’s plan against Alexander, xii. 110.
-
-  _Arsakes_ at Antandrus, viii. 114.
-
-  _Arsames_, xii. 112.
-
-  _Arsinoê_, xii. 469 _seq._
-
-  _Arsites_, xii. 78, 80.
-
-  _Art_, Grecian. iv. 98 _seq._
-
-  _Artabanus_, v. 8 _seq._
-
-  _Artabazus, Xerxes’s general_, siege of Potidæa and Olynthus by,
-      v. 142;
-    jealousy of, against Mardonius, v. 160;
-    conduct of, at and after the battle of Platæa, v. 180, 182;
-    and Pausanias, v. 254, 268.
-
-  _Artabazus, satrap of Daskylium_, xi. 230, 257, 300.
-
-  _Artabazus, Darius’s general_, xii. 183, 184, 188.
-
-  _Artaphernês, satrap of Sardis_, Hippias’s application to, iv. 277;
-    and Histiæus, iv. 298, 309;
-    proceedings of, after the conquest of Ionia, iv. 311;
-    and Datis, Persian armament under, iv. 329;
-    return of, to Asia, after the battle of Marathon, iv. 362.
-
-  _Artaphernês, the Persian envoy_, vi. 360 _seq._
-
-  _Artaxerxes Longimanus_, v. 285 _seq._, vi. 361 _seq._
-
-  _Artaxerxes Mnemon_, accession of, ix. 7;
-    and Cyrus the Younger, viii. 312; ix. 7, 42 _seq._;
-    at Kunaxa, ix. 42 _seq._, 48, 52;
-    death of, x. 366.
-
-  _Artayktês_, v. 198 _seq._
-
-  _Artemis_, i. 10;
-    worship of, in Asia, iii. 170.
-
-  _Artemis_ Limnatis, temple of, ii. 424.
-
-  _Artemisia_, v. 119, 133, 139.
-
-  _Artemisium_, resolution of Greeks to oppose Xerxes at, v. 71;
-    Greek fleet at, v. 79, 80, 97 _seq._;
-    sea-fight off, v. 99, 101;
-    retreat of the Greek fleet from, to Salamis, v. 102.
-
-  _Arthur_, romances of, i. 476.
-
-  _Artisans_, at Athens, iii. 136 _seq._
-
-  _Arts_, rudimentary state of, in Homeric and Hesiodic Greece, ii. 116.
-
-  _Aryandes_, Persian satrap of Egypt, iv. 47.
-
-  _Asia_, twelve Ionic cities in, iii. 172 _seq._;
-    Æolic cities in, iii. 190 _seq._;
-    collective civilization in, without individual freedom or
-      development, iii. 303;
-    state of, before the Persian monarchy, iv. 182;
-    conquests of Cyrus the Great in, iv. 209;
-    expedition of Greek fleet against, B. C. 478, v. 253;
-    Alkibiadês in, viii. 144, 153 _seq._, 311 _seq._;
-    expedition of Timotheus to, x. 252, 294 _seq._;
-    Agesilaus in, x. 294, 296;
-    measures of Alexander before going to, xii. 67;
-    passage of Alexander to, xii. 69;
-    review of Alexander’s army in, xii. 72;
-    cities founded by Alexander in, xii. 267;
-    Hellenized by the Diadochi, not by Alexander, xii. 269;
-    how far really Hellenized, xii. 270.
-
-  _Asia Minor_, Greeks in, ii. 235;
-    non-Hellenic people of, iii. 203, 205 _seq._;
-    features of the country of, iii. 205;
-    Phrygian music and worship among Greeks in, iii. 212;
-    predominance of female influence in the legends of, iii. 222;
-    Cimmerian invasion of, iii. 245 _seq._;
-    conquest of, by the Persians, iv. 201;
-    arrival of Cyrus the Younger in, viii. 135, 137.
-
-  _Asia, Upper_, Scythian invasion of, iii. 253.
-
-  _Asiatic_ customs and religion blended with Hellenic in the Trôad,
-      i. 338.
-
-  _Asiatic Dorians_, iii. 201, 202.
-
-  _Asiatic_ frenzy grafted on the joviality of the Grecian Dionysia,
-      i. 35.
-
-  _Asiatic Greece_, deposition of despots of, by Aristagoras, iv. 245.
-
-  _Asiatic Greeks_, conquest of, by Crœsus, iii. 259 _seq._;
-    state of, after Cyrus’s conquest of Lydia, iv. 198;
-    application of, to Sparta, B. C. 546, iv. 199;
-    alliance with, against Persia, abandoned by the Athenians, iv. 291;
-    successes of Persians against, iv. 294;
-    reconquest of, after the fall of Milêtus, iv. 306;
-    first step to the ascendency of Athens over, v. 198;
-    not tributary to Persia between B. C. 477 and 412, v. 339 _n._;
-    surrender of, to Persia, by Sparta, ix. 205;
-    and Tissaphernes, x. 206; ix. 207;
-    application of to Sparta for aid against Tissaphernes, ix. 207;
-    after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 26 _seq._;
-    Spartan project for the rescue of, x. 44.
-
-  _Asidates_, ix. 172.
-
-  _Askalaphus_ and Ialmenus, i. 130.
-
-  _Asklepiadês_ of Myrlea, legendary discoveries of, i. 247 _n._ 4.
-
-  _Asklêpiads_, i. 181.
-
-  _Asklêpius_, i. 178 _seq._
-
-  _Asopius_, son of Phormio, vi. 231.
-
-  _Asopus_, Greeks and Persians at, before the battle of Platæa,
-      v. 158 _seq._
-
-  _Aspasia_, vi. 98 _seq._
-
-  _Aspendus_, Phenician fleet at, B. C. 411, viii. 99, 100, 114;
-    Alkibiadês at, viii. 99;
-    Alkibiadês, return from, to Samos, viii. 116;
-    Alexander at, xii. 100.
-
-  _Aspis_, xii. 421.
-
-  _Assembly_, Spartan popular, ii. 345, 356;
-    Athenian judicial, iv. 137, 140 _seq._;
-    Athenian political, iv. 139.
-
-  _Assyria_, relations of, with Egypt, iii. 324.
-
-  _Assyrian_ kings, their command of human labor, iii. 302.
-
-  _Assyrians_ and Medes, iii. 224 _seq._, 290 _seq._;
-    contrasted with Phenicians, Greeks, and Egyptians, iii. 303;
-    and Phenicians, effect of, on the Greek mind, iii. 343 _seq._
-
-  _Astakus_, vi. 135, 141.
-
-  _Asteria_, i. 6.
-
-  _Asterius_, i. 220.
-
-  _Astræus_, i. 6; and Eôs, children of, i. 6.
-
-  _Astronomy_, physical, thought impious by ancient Greeks, i. 346 _n._;
-    and physics, knowledge of, among the early Greeks, ii. 114.
-
-  _Astyages_, story of, iv. 182 _seq._
-
-  _Astyanax_, death of, i. 305.
-
-  _Astyochus_, expedition of, to Ionia, vii. 383;
-    at Lesbos, vii. 384;
-    at Chios and the opposite coast, vii. 391;
-    accidental escape of, vii. 392;
-    and Pedaritus, vii. 393, 394;
-    and Tissaphernês, treaty between, vii. 395 _seq._;
-    mission of Lichas and others respecting, vii. 397;
-    victory of, over Charmînus, and junction with Antisthenês, vii. 397;
-    at Rhodes, viii. 94;
-    at Milêtus, viii. 97;
-    recall of, viii. 98.
-
-  _Atalanta_, i. 56, 145 _seq._
-
-  _Atarneus_, captured and garrisoned by Derkyllidas, ix. 219;
-    Hermeias of, xi. 441, and _n._ 3.
-
-  _Atê_, i. 7.
-
-  _Athamas_, i. 123 _seq._
-
-  _Athenagoras_, vii. 184 _seq._
-
-  _Athênê_, birth of, i. 10;
-    various representations of, i. 54;
-    her dispute with Poseidon, i. 56, 191;
-    Chalkiœkus, temple of, and Pausanias, v. 272;
-    Polias, reported prodigy in the temple of, on Xerxes’s approach,
-      v. 109.
-
-  _Athenian_, victims for the Minôtaur, i. 221;
-    ceremonies commemorative of the destruction of the Minôtaur, i. 223;
-    democracy, Kleisthenês, the real author of, iv. 139;
-    people, judicial attributes of, iv. 140;
-    nobles, early violence of, iv. 152;
-    energy, development of, after Kleisthenês’s revolution, iv. 176;
-    seamen, contrasted with the Ionians at Ladê, iv. 300;
-    dikasts, temper of, in estimating past services, iv. 372;
-    democracy, origin of the apparent fickleness of, iv. 375 _seq._;
-    envoy, speech of, to Gelo, v. 219;
-    parties and politics, effect of the Persian war upon, v. 274 _seq._;
-    empire, v. 290 _seq._, 304 _n._ 2, 346, vi. 398 _seq._, 44 _n._, 48;
-      viii. 281-290;
-    power, increase of, after the formation of the Delian confederacy,
-      v. 313;
-    auxiliaries to Sparta against the Helots, v. 317 _seq._;
-    democracy, consummation of, v. 380;
-    armament against Samos, under Periklês, Sophoklês, etc.,
-      vi. 26 _seq._;
-    private citizens, redress of the allies against, vi. 38;
-    assembly, speeches of the Korkyræan and Corinthian envoys to,
-      vi. 58 _seq._;
-    navel attack, vi. 63;
-    envoy, reply of, to the Corinthian envoy, at the Spartan assembly,
-      vi. 85 _seq._;
-    expedition to ravage Peloponnesus, B. C. 431, vi. 134;
-    armament to Potidæa and Chalkidic Thrace, B. C. 429, vi. 191;
-    assembly, debates in, respecting Mitylênê. vi. 244, 248 _seq._;
-    assembly, about the Lacedæmonian prisoners in Sphakteria,
-      vi. 328 _seq._;
-    assembly, on Demosthenes’ application for reinforcements to attack
-      Sphakteria, vi. 334 _seq._;
-    hoplites, at the battle of Amphipolis, vi. 477;
-    fleet, operations of, near Messênê and Rhegium, B. C. 425, vii. 133;
-    assembly and the expedition to Sicily, vii. 145, 147 _seq._, 279;
-    treasury, abundance in, B. C. 415, vii. 164;
-    fleet in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 302, 303 _seq._, 315 _seq._,
-      325 _seq._;
-    prisoners at Syracuse, vii. 344 _seq._;
-    fleet at Samos, B. C. 412, vii. 394;
-    democracy, securities in, against corruption, vii. 402;
-    assembly, vote of, in favor of oligarchical change, viii. 14;
-    assembly, at Kolônus, viii. 35;
-    democracy, reconstitution of, at Samos, viii. 46;
-    squadron, escape of from Sestos to Elæus, viii. 105;
-    fleet at Kynossêma, viii. 109 _seq._;
-    fleet at Abydos, viii. 117 _seq._;
-    fleet, concentration of, at Kardia, viii. 120;
-    fleet, at the Bosphorus, B. C. 410, viii. 127;
-    fleet at Arginusæ, viii. 170 _seq._;
-    assembly, debate in, on the generals at Arginusæ, viii. 178-186,
-      190-194;
-    fleet, inaction of, after the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 211;
-    fleet, removal of, from Samos to Ægospotami, viii. 215;
-    fleet, capture of, at Ægospotami, viii. 216 _seq._;
-    kleruchs and allies after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 223;
-    tragedy, growth of, viii. 317, 319;
-    mind, influence of comedy on, viii. 331 _seq._;
-    character not corrupted between B. C. 480 and 405, viii. 374 _seq._;
-    confederacy, new, B. C. 378, x. 192 _seq._;
-    and Theban cavalry, battle of, near Mantinea, B. C. 362,
-      x. 333 _seq._;
-    marine, reform in the administration of, by Demosthenês,
-      xi. 462 _seq._
-
-  _Athenians_ and the Hêrakleids, i. 94;
-    and Sigeium, i. 339;
-    and Samians, contrast between, iv. 247;
-    active patriotism of, between B. C. 500-400, iv. 178;
-    diminished active sentiment of, after the Thirty Tyrants, iv. 180;
-    alliance with Asiatic Greeks abandoned by, iv. 291;
-    Darius’s revenge against, iv. 297;
-    terror and sympathy of, on the capture of Milêtus, iv. 309;
-    appeal of, to Sparta, against the Medism of Ægina, iv. 318;
-    condition and character of, B. C. 490, iv. 334;
-    application of, to Sparta, before the battle of Marathon, iv. 341;
-    victory of, at Marathon, iv. 348 _seq._, 358;
-    alleged fickleness and ingratitude of, towards Miltiadês,
-      iv. 370 _seq._;
-    answers of the Delphian oracle to, on the eve of Xerxes’s invasion,
-      v. 59;
-    Pan-Hellenic patriotism of, on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 63 _seq._;
-    hopeless situation of, after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 106;
-    conduct of, on the approach of Xerxes, v. 107, _seq._;
-    victory of, at Salamis, v. 115, 132 _seq._;
-    honor awarded to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 146;
-    under Pausanias in Bœotia, v. 164;
-    and Alexander of Macedon, before the battle of Platæa, v. 170;
-    and Spartans at Platæa, v. 171, 174;
-    victory of, at Platæa, v. 179 _seq._;
-    and continental Ionians, after the battle of Mykalê, v. 199;
-    attack the Chersonese, B. C. 479, v. 200;
-    the leaders of Grecian progress after the battle of Salamis, v. 242;
-    rebuild their city after the battle of Platæa, v. 243;
-    effect of the opposition to the fortification of Athens upon,
-      v. 246;
-    induced by Themistoklês to build twenty new triremes annually,
-      v. 252;
-    activity of, in the first ten years of their hegemony,
-      v. 294 _seq._, 303;
-    renounce the alliance of Sparta, and join Argos and Thessaly,
-      v. 319 _seq._;
-    proceedings of, in Cyprus, Phœnicia, Egypt, and Megara, B. C. 460,
-      v. 321;
-    defeat the Æginetans, B. C. 459, v. 323;
-    defeat of at Tanagra, v. 328;
-    victory of, at Œnophyta, v. 331;
-    sail round Peloponnesus under Tolmidês, v. 331;
-    march against Thessaly, v. 334;
-    defeat and losses of, in Egypt, B. C. 460-455, v. 383;
-    victories of, at Cyprus, under Anaxikratês, v. 337;
-    defeat of, at Korôneia, v. 348;
-    personal activity of, after the reforms of Periklês and Ephialtês,
-      vi. 1;
-    settlements of, in the Ægean, during the Thirty years’ truce,
-      vi. 11;
-    pride of, in the empire of Athens, vi. 9;
-    decision of, respecting Corinth and Korkyra, vi. 62;
-    victory of near Potidæa, vi. 73;
-    blockade of Potidæa by, vi. 74;
-    counter-demand of, upon Sparta, for expiation of sacrilege, vi. 105;
-    final answer of, to the Spartans before the Peloponnesian war,
-      vi. 110;
-    expel the Æginetans from Ægina, B. C. 431, vi. 186;
-    ravage of the Megarid by, in the Peloponnesian war, vi. 137;
-    irritation of, at their losses from the plague and the
-      Peloponnesians, vi. 164;
-    energetic demonstration of, B. C. 428, vi. 226;
-    their feeling and conduct towards the revolted Mitylenæans,
-      vi. 249 _seq._, 255 _seq._;
-    and Lacedæmonians at Pylus, armistice between, vi. 324;
-    demands of, in return for the release of the Lacedæmonians in
-      Sphakteria, vi. 329;
-    and Bœotians, debate between, after the battle of Delium, B. C. 424,
-      vi. 393 _seq._;
-    discontent of, with Sparta, on the non-fulfilment of the peace of
-      Nikias, vii. 10;
-    recapture of Skiônê by, vii. 22;
-    and Amphipolis, vii. 104, xi. 215, 233 _seq._;
-    siege and capture of Mêlos by, vii. 109 _seq._;
-    treatment of Alkibiadês by, for his alleged profanation of the
-      mysteries, vii. 211 _seq._;
-    victory of, near the Olympieion at Syracuse, vii. 221 _seq._;
-    forbearance of, towards Nikias, vii. 227 _seq._;
-    not responsible for the failure of the Sicilian expedition,
-      B. C. 415, vii. 227 _n._;
-    defeat of, at Epipolæ, B. C. 414, vii. 277;
-    conduct of, on receiving Nikias’s despatch, B. C. 414, vii. 279,
-      280 _seq._;
-    victory of, in the harbor of Syracuse, B. C. 413, vii. 316;
-    and Syracusans, conflicts between, in the Great Harbor, vii. 291,
-      294 _seq._, 317 _seq._, 323 _seq._;
-    postponement of their retreat from Syracuse by an eclipse of the
-      moon, vii. 315;
-    blockade of, in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 319 _seq._, 329 _seq._;
-    and Corinthians near Naupaktus, vii. 358 _seq._;
-    resolutions of, after the disaster at Syracuse, vii. 362 _seq._;
-    suspicions of, about Chios, vii. 368;
-    defeat Alkamenês and the Peloponnesian fleet, vii. 369;
-    effect of the Chian revolt on, vii. 372;
-    harassing operations of, against Chios, B. C. 412, vii. 345 _seq._,
-      391, 393;
-    victory of, near Milêtus, B. C. 412, vii. 385, 387;
-    retirement of, from Milêtus, B. C. 412, vii. 388;
-    naval defeat of, near Eretria, B. C. 411, viii. 72 _seq._;
-    moderation of, on the deposition of the Thirty and the Four Hundred,
-      viii. 88 _seq._, 300 _seq._;
-    victory of, at Kyzikus, viii. 121;
-    convention of, with Pharnabazus, about Chalkêdon, viii. 132;
-    capture of Byzantium by, viii. 134;
-    different behavior of, towards Alkibiadês and Nikias, viii. 158;
-    victory of, at Arginusæ, viii. 173 _seq._;
-    remorse of, after the death of the generals at Arginusæ, viii. 205;
-    first proposals of, to Sparta after the battle of Ægospotami,
-      viii. 227;
-    repayment of the Lacedæmonians by, after the restoration of the
-      democracy, B. C. 403, viii. 305;
-    their treatment of Dorieus, ix. 272 _seq._;
-    restoration of the Long Walls at Corinth by, ix. 338;
-    and Evagoras of Cyprus, ix. 365, 375;
-    successes of Antalkidas against, ix. 344;
-    their alleged envy of distinguished generals, x. 108 _n._ 2;
-    and Alexander of Pheræ, x. 283;
-    project of, to seize Corinth, B. C. 366, x. 289;
-    and Charidemus in the Chersonese, B. C. 360-358, x. 377 _seq._;
-    the alliance of Olynthus rejected by, B. C. 358, xi. 236;
-    their remissness in assisting Methônê, xi. 260;
-    change in the character of, between B. C. 431 and 360, xi. 279;
-    prompt resistance of, to Philip at Thermopylæ, xi. 296;
-    expedition of, to Olynthus, B. C. 349, xi. 346;
-    capture of, at Olynthus, xi. 365, 372;
-    letters of Philip to, xi. 411, 416, 417;
-    and the Phokians at Thermopylæ, B. C. 374-346, xi. 418 _seq._;
-    letter of Philip to, declaring war, B. C. 340, xi. 456 _seq._;
-    refusal of, to take part in the Amphiktyonic proceedings against
-      Amphissa, xi. 478;
-    Philip asks the Thebans to assist in attacking, xi. 483 _seq._;
-    and Thebans, war of, against Philip in Phokis, xi. 493, 495 _seq._;
-    and Philip, peace of Demades between, xi. 507 _seq._;
-    their recognition of Philip as head of Greece, xi. 507, 511 _seq._;
-    captured at the Granikus, xii. 105;
-    champions of the liberation of Greece, B. C. 323, xii. 312;
-    helpless condition of, B. C. 302-301, xii. 385.
-
-  _Athens_, historical, impersonal authority of law in, ii. 81;
-    treatment of homicide in, ii. 92 _seq._;
-    military classification at, ii. 460;
-    meagre history of, before Drako, iii. 48;
-    tribunals for homicide at, iii. 77;
-    local superstitions at, about trial of homicide, iii. 79;
-    pestilence and suffering at, after the Kylonian massacre, iii. 82;
-    and Megara, war between, about Salamis, iii. 90 _seq._;
-    acquisition of Salamis by, iii. 91 _seq._;
-    state of, immediately before the legislation of Solon,
-      iii. 93 _seq._;
-    rights of property sacred at, iii. 105, 112 _seq._;
-    rate of interest free at, iii. 108;
-    political rights of Solon’s four classes at, iii. 120 _seq._;
-    democracy at, begins with Kleisthenês, iii. 127;
-    distinction between the democracy at, and Solon’s constitution,
-      iii. 131;
-    Solon’s departure from, iii. 147;
-    Solon’s return to, iii. 153;
-    connection of, with Thracian Chersonesus, under Peisistratus,
-      iv. 117 _seq._;
-    after the expulsion of Hippias, iv. 126;
-    introduction of universal admissibility to office at, iv. 145;
-    necessity for creating a constitutional morality at, in the time of
-      Kleisthenês, iv. 153;
-    application of, for alliance with Persia, iv. 165;
-    and Platæa, first connection between, iv. 166;
-    successes of, against Bœotians and Chalkidians, iv. 170;
-    war of Ægina against, iv. 173, 316;
-    application of Aristagoras to, iv. 289;
-    treatment of Darius’s herald at, iv. 316;
-    traitors at, B. C. 490, iv. 356, 358;
-    penal procedure at, iv. 368 _n._;
-    and Ægina war between, from B. C. 488 to 481, v. 47, 49 _seq._, 50,
-      53, 323;
-    first growth of the naval force of, v. 51;
-    fleet of, the salvation of Greece, v. 53;
-    and Sparta, no heralds sent from Xerxes to, v. 57;
-    Pan-Hellenic congress convened by, at the Isthmus of Corinth,
-      v. 58 _seq._;
-    and Ægina, occupation of, Xerxes, v. 109, 112 _seq._;
-    Mardonius at, v. 154 _seq._;
-    first step to the separate ascendancy of, over Asiatic Greeks,
-      v. 200;
-    conduct of, in the repulse of the Persians, v. 242;
-    Long Walls at, v. 244 _seq._, 322 _seq._, ix. 325 _seq._;
-    plans of Themistoklês for the naval aggrandizement of,
-      v. 249 _seq._;
-    increase of metics and commerce at, after the enlargement of Piræus,
-      v. 251;
-    headship of the allied Greeks transferred from Sparta to,
-      v. 256 _seq._;
-    and Sparta, first open separation between, v. 258 _seq._, 290;
-    proceedings of, on being made leader of the allied Greeks,
-      v. 263 _seq._;
-    stimulus to democracy at, from the Persian war, v. 275;
-    changes in the Kleisthenean constitution at, after the Persian war,
-      v. 275 _seq._;
-    long-sighted ambition imputed to, v. 293;
-    enforcing sanction of the confederacy of Delos exercised by, v. 298;
-    increasing power and unpopularity of among the allied Greeks,
-      v. 299 _seq._;
-    as guardian of the Ægean against piracy, between B. C. 476-466,
-      v. 304;
-    bones of Theseus conveyed to, v. 304, 305;
-    quarrel of, with Thasos, B. C. 465, v. 309, 311;
-    first attempt of, to found a city at Ennea Hodoi on the Strymon,
-      v. 310;
-    alliance of, with Megara, B. C. 461, v. 321;
-    growing hatred of Corinth and neighboring states to, B. C. 461,
-      v. 321;
-    war of, with Corinth, Ægina, etc., B. C. 459, v. 322 _seq._;
-    reconciliation between leaders and parties at, after the battle of
-      Tanagra, v. 329;
-    acquisition of Bœotia, Phokis, and Lokris by, v. 331;
-    and the Peloponnesians, five years’ truce between, v. 334;
-    and Persia, treaty between, B. C. 450, v. 335 _seq._;
-    fund of the confederacy transferred from Delos to, v. 343;
-    position and prospects of, about B. C. 448, v. 344 _seq._;
-    commencement of the decline of, v. 346 _seq._;
-    and Delphi, B. C. 452-447, v. 346;
-    loss of Bœotia by, v. 347 _seq._;
-    despondency at, after the defeat at Korôneia, v. 350;
-    and Sparta, thirty years’ truce between, v. 350;
-    and Megara, feud between, v. 351;
-    magistrates and Areopagus in early, v. 352;
-    increase of democratical sentiment at, between the time of
-      Aristeidês and of Periklês, v. 355;
-    choice of magistrates by lot at, v. 355;
-    oligarchical party at, v. 361;
-    maritime empire of, vi. 2 _seq._, viii. 281-293, ix. 199 _seq._;
-    maritime revenue of, vi. 5 _seq._, 6, _n._ 1, 36;
-    commercial relations of, in the Thirty years’ truce, vi. 11;
-    political condition of, between B. C. 445-431, vi. 15 _seq._;
-    improvements in the city of, under Periklês, vi. 20 _seq._,
-      23 _seq._;
-    Periklês’s attempt to convene a Grecian congress at, vi. 25;
-    application of the Samians to Sparta for aid against, vi. 29;
-    funeral ceremony of slain warriors at, vi. 31;
-    and her subject-allies, vi. 33 _seq._, 48;
-    and Sparta, confederacies of, vi. 49;
-    reinforcement from, to Korkyra against Corinth, vi. 57 _seq._, 67;
-    and Corinth, after the second naval battle between Corinth and
-      Korkyra, vi., 69 _seq._;
-    and Perdikkas, vi. 71 _seq._, 449, _seq._, vii. 96;
-    non-aggressive, between B. C. 445-431, vi. 76;
-    Megara prohibited from trading with, vi. 76;
-    hostility of the Corinthians to, after their defeat near Potidæa,
-      vi. 77;
-    discussion and decision of the Spartan assembly upon war with,
-      B. C. 431, vi. 79 _seq._;
-    position and prospects of, on commencing the Peloponnesian war,
-      vi. 94 _seq._, 113 _seq._, 121 _seq._;
-    requisitions addressed to, by Sparta, B. C. 431, vi. 97 _seq._,
-      106 _seq._;
-    assembly at, on war with Sparta, B. C. 431, vi. 108 _seq._;
-    conduct of, on the Theban night-surprise of Platæa, vi. 119 _seq._;
-    and the Akarnanians, alliance between, vi. 121;
-    crowding of population into, on Archidamus’s invasion of Attica,
-      vi. 129;
-    and Sicily, relations of, altered by the quarrel between Corinth and
-      Korkyra, vi. 130;
-    clamor at, on Archidamus’s ravage of Acharnæ, vi. 131;
-    measures for the permanent defence of, B. C. 431, vi. 138 _seq._;
-    alliance of Stitalkês with, vi. 141, 215 _seq._;
-    freedom of individual thought and action at, vi. 149 _seq._;
-    position of, at the time of Periklês’s funeral oration, vi. 152;
-    the plague at, vi. 154 _seq._, 293;
-    proceedings of, on learning the revolt of Mitylênê, vi. 223;
-    exhausted treasury of, B. C. 428, vi. 232;
-    new politicians at, after Periklês, vi. 245 _seq._;
-    revolutions at, contrasted with those at Korkyra, vi. 283;
-    political clubs at, vi. 290;
-    and the prisoners in Sphakteria vi. 325 _seq._, 353 _seq._,
-      vii. 6 _seq._;
-    fluctuation of feeling at, as to the Peloponnesian war, vi. 355;
-    and her Thracian subject-allies, vi. 405 _seq._;
-    and Brasidas’s conquests in Thrace, vi. 413;
-    and Sparta, one year’s truce between, B. C. 423, vi. 432 _seq._;
-    and Sparta, relations between, B. C. 423-422, vi. 449, 452 _seq._;
-    necessity for voluntary accusers at, vi. 486;
-    and Sparta, alliance between, B. C. 421, vii. 5;
-    application of Corinthians to, B. C. 421, vii. 20;
-    Lacedæmonian envoys at, about Panaktum and Pylus, B. C. 420,
-      vii. 29;
-    and Argos, alliance between, B. C. 420, vii. 43 _seq._;
-    convention of, with Argos, Mantineia, and Elis, B. C. 420,
-      vii. 49 _seq._;
-    policy of, attempted by Alkibiades, B. C. 419, vii. 62 _seq._;
-    attack of, upon Epidaurus, B. C. 419, vii. 64, 66;
-    and Sparta, relations between, B. C. 419, vii. 69;
-    and Argos, renewed alliance between, B. C. 417, vii. 101;
-    and Sparta, relations between, B. C. 416, vii. 103;
-    Sicilian expedition, vii. 132, 142, 144 _seq._, 163 _seq._,
-      364 _seq._;
-    mutilation of the Hermæ at, vii. 167 _seq._, 197 _seq._;
-    injurious effects of Alkibiadês’s banishment upon, B. C. 415,
-      vii. 216;
-    Nikias’s despatch to, for reinforcements, B. C. 414,
-      vii. 274 _seq._;
-    and Sparta, violation of the peace between, B. C. 414, vii. 286;
-    effects of the Lacedæmonian occupation of Dekeleia on,
-      vii. 354 _seq._;
-    dismissal of Thracian mercenaries from, 357 _seq._;
-    revolt of Chios, Erythræ, and Klazomenæ from, B. C. 412, vii. 371;
-    appropriation of the reserve fund at, vii. 373;
-    loss of Teos by, B. C. 412, vii. 374;
-    revolt of Lebedos and Eræ from, B. C. 412, vii. 375;
-    loss and recovery of Lesbos by, B. C. 412, vii. 384 _seq._;
-    recovery of Klazomenæ by, B. C. 412, vii. 384;
-    rally of, during the year after the disaster at Syracuse, viii. 1;
-    conspiracy of the Four Hundred at, viii. 1, 7 _seq._, 31 _seq._;
-    loss of Orôpus by, viii. 25;
-    arrival of the Paralus at, from Samos, viii. 30;
-    constitutional morality of, viii. 25;
-    restoration of democracy at, B. C. 411, viii. 69 _seq._, 77 _seq._,
-      81 _seq._, 89;
-    contrast between oligarchy at, and democracy at Samos, B. C. 411,
-      viii. 91 _seq._;
-    revolt of Byzantium from, B. C. 411, viii. 97;
-    revolt of Abydos and Lampsakus from, viii. 94;
-    revolt of Kyzikus from, viii. 112;
-    zeal of Pharnabazus against, viii. 113;
-    proposals of peace from Sparta to, B. C. 410, viii. 122 _seq._;
-    return of Alkibiadês to, B. C. 407, viii. 145 _seq._;
-    fruitless attempt of Agis to surprise, B. C. 407, viii. 150;
-    complaints at, against Alkibiadês, B. C. 407, viii. 152 _seq._;
-    conflicting sentiments at, caused by the battle of Arginusæ,
-      viii. 175;
-    alleged proposals of peace from Sparta to, after the battle of
-      Arginusæ, viii. 210;
-    condition of her dependencies, after the battle of Ægospotami,
-      viii. 213 _seq._;
-    oath of mutual harmony at, after the battle of Ægospotami,
-      viii. 225;
-    surrender of, to Lysander, viii. 226 _seq._;
-    return of oligarchical exiles to, B. C. 404, viii. 234;
-    oligarchical party at, B. C. 404, viii. 235;
-    imprisonment of Strombichidês and other democrats at, B. C. 404,
-      viii. 236;
-    the Thirty tyrants at, viii. 237, 240 _seq._, ix. 182 _seq._,
-      186 _seq._, 198;
-    Lacedæmonian garrison at, under Kallibius, viii. 242;
-    alteration of feeling in Greece after the capture of, by Lysander,
-      viii. 259, 264, 275;
-    restoration of Thrasybulus and the exiles to, viii. 279;
-    restoration of the democracy at, B. C. 403, viii. 280, 294, 295,
-      295 _seq._, 308 _seq._;
-    condition of, B. C. 405-403, viii. 293;
-    abolition of Hellenotamiæ and restriction of citizenship at
-      B. C. 403, viii. 310 _seq._;
-    development of dramatic genius at, between the time of Kleisthenês
-      and of Eukleidês, viii. 318 _seq._, 327 _seq._;
-    accessibility of the theatre at, viii. 321;
-    growth of rhetoric and philosophy at, viii. 338 _seq._;
-    literary and philosophical antipathy at, viii. 348;
-    enlargement of the field of education at, viii. 349;
-    sophists at, viii. 350 _seq._, 399;
-    banishment of Xenophon from, ix. 175;
-    Theban application to, for aid against Sparta, B. C. 395,
-      ix. 291 _seq._;
-    alliance of Thebes, Corinth, Argos and, against Sparta, ix. 301;
-    contrast between political conflicts at, and at Corinth,
-      ix. 330 _n._ 3;
-    alarm at, on the Lacedæmonian capture of the Long Walls at Corinth,
-      ix. 340;
-    and Ægina, B. C. 389, ix. 372 _seq._;
-    financial condition of, from B. C. 403 to 387, ix. 378 _seq._;
-    creation of the Theôric Board at, ix. 379;
-    property-taxes at, ix. 380 _n._;
-    and the peace of Antalkidas, x. 2, 12;
-    applications of, to Persia, B. C. 413, x. 7, 8;
-    and Evagoras, x. 18 _seq._;
-    naval competition of, with Sparta, after the peace of Antalkidas,
-      x. 42 _seq._;
-    and Macedonia, contrast between, x. 47;
-    Theban exiles at, after the seizure of the Kadmeia by Phœbidas,
-      x. 61, 80 _seq._;
-    condemnation of the generals at, who had favored the enterprise of
-      Pelopidas, x. 96;
-    contrast between judicial procedure at, and at Sparta, x. 102;
-    hostility of, to Sparta, and alliance with Thebes, B. C. 378,
-      x. 102 _seq._;
-    exertions of, to form a new maritime confederacy, B. C. 378,
-      x. 103 _seq._;
-    absence of Athenian generals from, x. 108 _n._ 2;
-    synod of new confederates at, B. C. 378, x. 112;
-    nature and duration of the Solonian census at, x. 113 _seq._;
-    new census at, in the archonship of Nausinikus, x. 115 _seq._;
-    symmories at, x. 117 _seq._;
-    financial difficulties of, B. C. 374, x. 133;
-    displeasure of, against Thebes, B. C. 374, x. 133, 159;
-    separate peace of, with the Lacedæmonians, B. C. 374, x. 137, 141;
-    disposition of, towards peace with Sparta, B. C. 372, x. 158, 164;
-    and the dealings of Thebes with Platæa and Thespiæ, B. C. 372,
-      x. 162 _seq._;
-    and the peace of, B. C. 371, x. 167, 172;
-    and Sparta, difference between in passive endurance and active
-      energy, x. 187;
-    the Theban victory at Leuktra not well received at, x. 189;
-    at the head of a new Peloponnesian land confederacy, B. C. 371,
-      x. 201;
-    application of Arcadians to, for aid against Sparta, B. C. 370,
-      x. 213;
-    application of Sparta, Corinth, and Phlius to, for aid against
-      Thebes, B. C. 369, x. 234 _seq._;
-    ambitious views of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 244 _seq._;
-    and Sparta, alliance between, B. C. 369, x. 253;
-    embassies from, to Persia, x. 278, 280, 293;
-    loss of Orôpus by, B. C. 366, x. 286;
-    alliance of, with Arcadia, B. C. 366, x. 288;
-    partial readmission of, to the Chersonese, B. C. 365, x. 295 _seq._;
-    and Kotys, x. 298 _seq._, 372, 373;
-    Theban naval operations against, under Epaminondas, x. 303 _seq._;
-    naval operations of Alexander of Pheræ against, x. 370;
-    and Miltokythes, x. 372;
-    restoration of the Chersonese to, B. C. 358, x. 379;
-    transmarine empire of, B. C. 358, x. 381;
-    condition of, B. C. 360-359, xi. 199;
-    proceedings of Philip towards, on his accession, xi. 212;
-    and Eubœa, xi. 217 _seq._, 340 _seq._;
-    surrender of the Chersonese to, B. C. 358, xi. 219;
-    revolt of Chios, Kos, Rhodes, and Byzantium from, B. C. 358,
-      xi. 220 _seq._, 231;
-    armaments and operations of, in the Hellespont, B. C. 357, xi. 224;
-    loss of power to, from the Social War, xi. 232;
-    Philip’s hostilities against, B. C. 358-356, xi. 237;
-    recovery of Sestos by, B. C. 353, xi. 257;
-    intrigues of Kersobleptes and Philip against, B. C. 353, xi. 258;
-    countenance of the Phokians by, B. C. 353, xi. 262;
-    applications of Sparta and Megalopolis to, B. C. 353, xi. 263, 290;
-    alarm about Persia at, B. C. 354, xi. 285;
-    Philip’s naval operations against, B. C. 351, xi. 304 _seq._;
-    and Olynthus, xi. 326, 331, 334, 345 _seq._, 365, 372;
-    and Philip overtures for peace between, B. C. 348 xi. 368 _seq._;
-    application of the Phokians to, for aid against Philip at
-      Thermopylæ, xi. 376 _seq._;
-    embassies to Philip from, xi. 379 _seq._; 401 _seq._, 422,
-      430 _seq._;
-    resolution of the synod of allies at, respecting Philip, xi. 388;
-    assemblies at, in the presence of the Macedonian envoys,
-      xi. 390 _seq._;
-    envoys from Philip to, xi. 386, 387, 390, 398, 401;
-    motion of Philokrates for peace and alliance between Philip and,
-      xi. 390 _seq._;
-    ratification of peace and alliance between Philip and,
-      xi. 398 _seq._, 429 _seq._;
-    alarm and displeasure at, on the surrender of Thermopylæ to Philip,
-      xi. 423;
-    professions of Philip to, after his conquest of Thermopylæ, xi. 425;
-    and the honors conferred upon Philip by the Amphiktyons, xi. 429;
-    and Philip, formal peace between, from B. C. 346 to 340, xi. 442;
-    mission of Python from Philip to, xi. 446;
-    and Philip, proposed amendments in the peace of, B. C. 346, between,
-      xi. 446 _seq._;
-    and Philip, disputes between, about the Bosporus and Hellespont,
-      xi. 450;
-    increased influence of Demosthenes at, B. C. 341-338, xi. 452;
-    services of Kalias the Chalkidian to, B. C. 341, xi. 452;
-    and Philip, declaration of war between, B. C. 340, xi. 455 _seq._;
-    votes of thanks from Byzantium and the Chersonese to, xi. 461;
-    accusation of the Amphissians against, at the Amphiktyonic assembly,
-      B. C. 339, xi. 470 _seq._;
-    and Thebes, unfriendly relations between, B. C. 339, xi. 484;
-    proceedings at, on Philip’s fortification of Elateia and application
-      to Thebes for aid, xi. 484 _seq._ 491;
-    and Thebes, alliance of, against Philip, B. C. 339, xi. 490;
-    Demosthenes crowned at, xi. 493, 495;
-    proceedings at, on the defeat at Chæroneia, xi. 502 _seq._;
-    lenity of Philip towards, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 505;
-    means of resistance at, after the battle of, Chæroneia, xi. 508;
-    honorary votes at, in favor of Philip, xi. 509;
-    sentiment at, on the death of Philip, xii. 10;
-    submission of, to Alexander, xii. 12;
-    conduct of, on Alexander’s violation of the convention at Corinth,
-      xii. 17 _seq._;
-    proceedings at, on the destruction of Thebes by Alexander, xii. 44;
-    Alexander demands the surrender of anti-Macedonian leaders at,
-      xii. 45;
-    pacific policy of, in Alexander’s time, xii. 277 _seq._;
-    position of parties at, during and after the anti-Macedonian
-      struggle of Agis, xii. 286;
-    submission of, to Antipater, xii. 322 _seq._;
-    state of parties at, on the proclamation of Polysperchon, xii. 345;
-    Kassander gets possession of, xii. 361; under Demetrius Phalereus,
-      xii. 362 _seq._;
-    census at, under Demetrius Phalereus, xii. 363;
-    Demetrius Poliorketes at, xii. 373 _seq._, 382, 384 _seq._, 388;
-    alteration of sentiment at, between B. C. 338 and 307, xii. 376;
-    in B. C. 501 and 307, contrast between, xii. 377;
-    restrictive law against philosophers at, B. C. 307, xii. 379;
-    embassy to Antigonus from, xii. 380;
-    political nullity of, in the generation after Demosthenes, xii. 392;
-    connection of, with Bosporus or Pantikapæum, xii. 480 _seq._
-
-  _Athos_, iv. 23;
-    colonies in, iv. 25;
-    Mardonius’s fleet destroyed near, iv. 314;
-    Xerxes’s canal through, v. 21 _seq._
-
-  _Atlas_, i. 6, 8, 9.
-
-  _Atossa_, iv. 252.
-
-  _Atreids_, i. 157.
-
-  _Atreus_, i. 155 _seq._
-
-  _Atropos_, i. 7.
-
-  _Attalus, the Macedonian_, xi. 513;
-    and Pausanias, xi. 515;
-    death of, xi. 518.
-
-  _Attalus, uncle of Kleopatra_, death of, xi. 8.
-
-  _Attic_ legends, i. 191 _seq._;
-    chronology. commencement of, iii. 49;
-    gentes, iii. 54 _seq._;
-    demes, iii. 63, 66, 68, iv. 133 _n._;
-    law of debtor and creditor, iii. 99, 109 _n._;
-    scale, ratio of, to the Æginæan and Euboic, iii. 171;
-    Dionysia, iv. 69.
-
-  _Attica_ original distribution of, i. 193;
-    division of, by Kekrops, i. 195;
-    obscurity of the civil condition of, before Solon, iii. 49;
-    alleged duodecimal division of, in early times, iii. 50;
-    four Ionic tribes in, iii. 50 _seq._;
-    original separation and subsequent consolidation of communities in,
-      iii. 69;
-    long continuance of the cantonal feeling in, iii. 70;
-    state of, after Solon’s legislation, iii. 154;
-    Spartan expeditions to, against Hippias, iv. 122;
-    Xerxes in, v. 111 _seq._;
-    Lacedæmonian invasion of, under Pleistoanax, v. 349;
-    Archidamus’s invasions of, vi. 129 _seq._, 154, 221;
-    Lacedæmonian invasion of, B. C. 427, vi. 239;
-    invasion of, by Agis, B. C. 413, vii. 288;
-    king Pausanias’s expedition to, viii. 275 _seq._
-
-  _Augê_, i. 177.
-
-  _Augeas_, i. 139.
-
-  _Aulis_, Greek forces assembled at, against Troy, i. 293 _seq._;
-    Agesilaus at, ix. 258.
-
-  _Ausonians_, iii. 355.
-
-  _Autoklês_ at the congress at Sparta, B. C. 371, x. 165;
-    in the Hellespont, x. 371 _seq._
-
-  _Autolykus_, i. 119.
-
-  _Azan_, i. 176.
-
-
-  B
-
-  _Babylon_, iii. 291 _seq._;
-    Cyrus’s capture of, iv. 213 _seq._;
-    revolt, and reconquest of, by Darius, iv. 231 _seq._;
-    Alexander at, xii. 168 _seq._, 248 _seq._;
-    Harpalus satrap of, xii. 240.
-
-  _Babylonian_ scale, ii. 319;
-    kings, their command of human labor, iii. 302.
-
-  _Babylonians_, industry of, iii. 300;
-    deserts and predatory tribes surrounding, iii. 304.
-
-  _Bacchæ_ of Euripides, i. 262 _n._
-
-  _Bacchiads_, ii. 307, iii. 2.
-
-  _Bacchic_ rites, i. 33, 34, 38.
-
-  _Bacchus_, birth of, i. 260;
-    rites of, i. 261.
-
-  _Bacon_ and Sokratês, viii. 450 _n._ 1;
-    on the Greek philosophers, viii. 454 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Bad_, meaning of, in early Greek writers, ii. 64;
-    double sense of the Greek and Latin equivalents of, iii. 45 _n._ 4.
-
-  _Bagæus_ and Orœtês, iv. 230.
-
-  _Bagoas_, xi. 439, 441, xii. 76, 237.
-
-  _Baktria_, Alexander in, xii. 201, 206, 215 _seq._
-
-  _Barbarian_, meaning of, ii. 276;
-    and Grecian military feeling, contrast between, vi. 446.
-
-  _Bards_, ancient Grecian, ii. 136, 143.
-
-  _Bardylis_, defeat of, by Philip, xi. 215.
-
-  _Barka_, modern observations of, iv. 32 _n._ 2, 36 _n._ 3, 37 _n._;
-    foundation of, iv. 42;
-    Persian expedition from Egypt against, iv. 48;
-    capture of, iv. 48;
-    submission of, to Kambysês, iv. 220.
-
-  _Basilids_, iii. 162 _n._ 4, 188.
-
-  _Batis_, governor of Gaza, xii. 144.
-
-  _Battus_, founder of Kyrênê, iv. 30 _seq._;
-    dynasty of, iv. 40 _seq._;
-    the Third, iv. 43.
-
-  _Bebrykians_, iii. 207, 208.
-
-  _Bellerophôn_, i. 121 _seq._
-
-  _Bêlus_, temple of, iii. 297.
-
-  _Bequest_, Solon’s law of, iii. 139.
-
-  _Berœa_, Athenian attack upon, vi. 76 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Bessus_, xii. 183 _seq._, 202, 206.
-
-  _Bias_, i. 91, 109 _seq._
-
-  _Bisaltæ_, the king of, iv. 21, v. 43.
-
-  _Bithynia_, Derkyllidas in, ix. 216.
-
-  _Bithynians_, iii. 207.
-
-  _Boar_, the Kalydônian, i. 147, 148 _seq._
-
-  _Bœotia_, affinities of, with Thessaly, ii. 18;
-    transition from mythical to historical, ii. 19;
-    cities and confederation of, ii. 295;
-    Mardonius in, v. 153, 161;
-    Pausanias’s march to, v. 168;
-    supremacy of Thebes in, restored by Sparta, v. 319, 326;
-    expedition of the Lacedæmonians into, B. C. 458, v. 326 _seq._;
-    acquisition of, by Athens, v. 331;
-    loss of, by Athens, v. 347 _seq._, 351 _n._;
-    scheme of Demosthenês and Hippokratês for invading, B. C. 424,
-      vi. 379;
-    and Argos, projected alliance between, B. C. 421, vii. 24 _seq._;
-    and Sparta, alliance between, B. C. 420, vii. 26;
-    and Eubœa, bridge connecting, viii. 112, 118;
-    Agesilaus on the northern frontier of, ix. 315;
-    expeditions of Kleombrotus to, x. 94 _seq._, 129;
-    expulsion of the Lacedæmonians from, by the Thebans, B. C. 374,
-      x. 135;
-    proceedings in, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 188;
-    retirement of the Spartans from, after the battle of Leuktra,
-      x. 190;
-    extinction of free cities in, by Thebes, xi. 201;
-    successes of Onomarchus in, xi. 293;
-    reconstitution of, by Alexander, xii. 48.
-
-  _Bœotian_ war, ix. 295 _seq._;
-    cities after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 29, 33.
-
-  _Bœotians_, ii. 14 _seq._ 293 _seq._;
-    and Chalkidians, successes of Athens against, iv. 171;
-    and Athenians, debate between, after the battle of Delium,
-      vi. 403 _seq._;
-    at peace during the One year’s truce between Athens and Sparta,
-      vi. 457;
-    repudiate the peace of Nikias, vi. 493, vii. 3;
-    refuse to join Argos, B. C. 421, vii. 16.
-
-  _Bϙtus_, genealogy of, i. 256 _n._ 2, ii. 18 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Bogês_, v. 295.
-
-  _Bomilkar_, xii. 416 _seq._, 435.
-
-  _Boreas_, i. 6, 199, 200.
-
-  _Bosporus_, Alkibiades and the Athenian fleet at the, viii. 125;
-    Autokles in the, x. 372;
-    disputes between Philip and Athens about, xi. 450.
-
-  _Bosporus_ or Pantikapæum, xii. 479 _seq._
-
-  _Bottiæans_, iv. 14, 19 _n._
-
-  _Boulê_, Homeric, ii. 65;
-    and Agora, ii. 74.
-
-  _Branchidæ_ and Alexander, xii. 202 _seq._
-
-  _Brasidas_, first exploit of, vi. 135;
-    and Knêmus, attempt of, upon Peiræus, vi. 211;
-    at Pylus, vi. 324;
-    sent with Helot and other Peloponnesian hoplites to Thrace, vi. 370;
-    at Megara, vi. 376 _seq._;
-    march of, through Thessaly to Thrace, vi. 399 _seq._;
-    and Perdikkas, relations between, vi. 400, 450, 443 _seq._;
-    prevails upon Akanthus to revolt from Athens, vi. 402 _seq._;
-    proceedings of, at Argilus, vi. 408, 409;
-    at Amphipolis, vi. 408 _seq._, 476 _seq._;
-    repelled from Eion, vi. 411;
-    capture of Lêkythus by, vi. 424;
-    revolt of Skiônê to, vi. 435 _seq._;
-    and Perdikkas, proceedings of, towards Arrhibæus, vi. 400, 440,
-      443 _seq._;
-    personal ascendency of, vi. 412, 425;
-    operations of, after his acquisition of Amphipolis, vi. 420;
-    surprises and takes Toronê, vi. 422;
-    acquisition of Mendê by, vi. 439;
-    retreat of, before the Illyrians, vi. 447 _seq._;
-    Lacedæmonian reinforcement to, vi. 449;
-    attempt of, upon Potidæa, vi. 450;
-    opposition of, to peace on the expiration of the One year’s truce,
-      vi. 455;
-    death and character of, vi. 473, 474, 479 _seq._;
-    speech of, at Akanthus, ix. 193 _seq._;
-    language of, contrasted with the acts of Lysander, ix. 194.
-
-  _Brazen_ race, the, i. 65.
-
-  _Brennus_, invasion of Greece by, xii. 390.
-
-  _Briarcus_, i. 5.
-
-  _Bribery_, judicial, in Grecian cities, v. 188.
-
-  _Brisêis_, i. 294.
-
-  _Bromias_, xi. 298.
-
-  _Brontês_, i. 5.
-
-  _Brundusium_, iii. 391.
-
-  _Brute_, the Trojan, i. 482 _seq._
-
-  _Bruttians_, xi. 10, 133.
-
-  _Bryant_, hypothesis on the Trojan war, i. 330 _n._ 1;
-    on Palæphatus, i. 418 _n._
-
-  _Bryas_, vii. 99.
-
-  _Budini_, iii. 244.
-
-  _Bukephalia_, xii. 229, 233.
-
-  _Bull_, Phalaris’s brazen, v. 205 _n._
-
-  _Bura_, destruction of, x. 157.
-
-  _Butadæ_, i. 197.
-
-  _Byblus_, surrender of, to Alexander, xii. 130.
-
-  _Byzantium_, iv. 27;
-    extension of the Ionic revolt to, iv. 291;
-    Pausanias at, v. 268, 280;
-    revolt of, from Athens, B. C. 411, viii. 97;
-    Klearchus, the Lacedæmonian, sent to, viii. 128;
-    capture of, by the Athenians, viii. 134;
-    mission of Cheirisophus to, ix. 125;
-    return of Cheirisophus from, ix. 144;
-    the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 154 _seq._;
-    revolt of, from Athens, B. C. 358, xi. 220 _seq._, 231;
-    mission of Demosthenes to, xi. 453;
-    siege of, by Philip, xi. 459;
-    vote of thanks from, to Athens, xi. 461;
-    Philip concludes peace with, xi. 461.
-
-
-  C.
-
-  _Calabrian_ peninsula, Dionysius’s projected wall across, xi. 43.
-
-  _Calycê_, i. 137.
-
-  _Campanians_, xi. 9;
-    of Ætna, x. 407.
-
-  _Canacê_, i. 136 _n._
-
-  _Carthage_, iii. 273;
-    foundation and dominion of, iii. 345 _seq._;
-    and Tyre, amicable relations of, iii. 348;
-    projected expedition of Kambysês against, iv. 220;
-    empire, power, and population of, x. 391 _seq._;
-    and her colonies, x. 394;
-    military force of, x. 396 _seq._;
-    political constitution of, x. 397 _seq._;
-    oligarchical system and sentiment at, x. 398 _seq._;
-    powerful families at, x. 400;
-    intervention of, in Sicily, B. C. 410, x. 401 _seq._;
-    and Dionysius, x. 469, 473, 481, 483;
-    distressat, on the failure of Imilkon’s expedition against Syracuse,
-      x. 511;
-    danger of, from her revolted Libyan subjects, B. C. 394, x. 511;
-    Dionysius renews the war with, xi. 41 _seq._;
-    Dionysius concludes an unfavorable peace with, xi. 42;
-    new war of Dionysius with, xi. 44;
-    danger from, to Syracuse, B. C. 344, xi. 134;
-    operations of Agathokles on the eastern coast of, xii. 419 _seq._;
-    sedition of Bomilkar at, xii. 435.
-
-  _Carthaginian_ invasion of Sicily, B. C. 480, v. 221 _seq._;
-    fleet, entrance of, into the Great Harbor of Syracuse, x. 498.
-
-  _Carthaginians_, and Phenicians, difference between the aims of,
-      iii. 275;
-    and Greeks, first known collision between, iii. 348;
-    peace of, with Gelo, after the battle of the Himera, v. 225;
-    and Egestæans, victory of, over the Selinuntines, x. 404;
-    blockade and capture of Agrigentum by, x. 405 _seq._;
-    plunder of Syracuse by, x. 482;
-    in Sicily, expedition of Dionysius against, x. 483 _seq._;
-    naval victory of, off Katana, x. 495;
-    before Syracuse, x. 499 _seq._, 506 _seq._;
-    defeat of, in the Great Harbor of Syracuse, x. 501;
-    in Sicily, frequency of pestilence among, xi. 1;
-    purchase the robe of the Lakinian Hêrê, xi. 23;
-    and Hipponium, xi. 43;
-    invade Sicily, B. C. 340, xi. 170, 171;
-    Timoleon’s victory over, at the Krimêsus, xi. 174 _seq._;
-    peace of Timoleon with, xi. 182;
-    their defence of Agrigentum against Agathokles, xii. 406 _seq._;
-    victory of, over Agathokles at the Himera, xii. 408 _seq._;
-    recover great part of Sicily from Agathokles, xii. 409;
-    expedition of Agathokles to Africa against, xii. 410 _seq._;
-    religious terror of after the defeat of Hanno and Bomilkar,
-      xii. 418;
-    success of, against Agathokles in Numidia, xii. 427;
-    victories of, over Archagathus, xii. 439;
-    Archagathus blocked up at Tunês by, xii. 439, 441;
-    victory of, over Agathokles near Tunês, xii. 442;
-    nocturnal panic in the camp of, near Tunês, xii. 442;
-    the army of Agathokles capitulate with, after his desertion,
-      xii. 443.
-
-  _Caspian_ Gates, xii. 182 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Castes_, Egyptian, iii. 314 _seq._
-
-  _Catalogue_ in the Iliad, i. 290 _seq._, ii. 157.
-
-  _Cato_ the elder, and Kleon, vi. 485 _n._, 486 _n._
-
-  _Census_, nature and duration of the Solonian, x. 113 _seq._;
-    in the archonship of Nausinikus, x. 114 _seq._
-
-  _Centaur_ Nessus, i. 151.
-
-  _Centimanes_, i. 8.
-
-  _Ceremonies_, religious, a source of mythes, i. 62, 63.
-
-  _Cestus_, iv. 57 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Chabrias_, defeat of Gorgôpas by, ix. 375;
-    proceedings of between B. C. 387-378, x. 105;
-    at Thebes, x. 127;
-    victory of, near Naxos, x. 130 _seq._;
-    at Corinth, x. 258;
-    in Egypt, x. 361, 362;
-    and Charidemus, x. 379;
-    death of, xi. 223.
-
-  _Chæreas_, viii. 30, 46.
-
-  _Chæroneia_, victory of the Thebans over Onomarchus at, xi. 257;
-    battle of, B. C. 338, xi. 498 _seq._
-
-  _Chaldæan_ priests and Alexander, xii. 249, 254.
-
-  _Chaldæans_, iii. 290 _seq._
-
-  _Chalkêdon_ and Alkibiadês, viii. 126, 132.
-
-  _Chalkideus_, expedition of, to Chios, vii. 370, 371 _seq._;
-    and Tissaphernes, treaty between, vii. 376;
-    defeat and death of, vii. 385.
-
-  _Chalkidians_, Thracian, iv. 22 _seq._, vi. 183, 396;
-    of Eubœa, successes of Athens against, iv. 170.
-
-  _Chalkidikê_, success of Timotheus in, x. 294;
-    three expeditions from Athens to, B. C. 349-348, xi. 334 _n._, 349;
-    success of Philip in, xi. 350 _seq._, 364.
-
-  _Chalkis_, iii. 164 _seq._; retirement of the Greek fleet to, on the
-      loss of three triremes, v. 80.
-
-  _Chalybes_, iii. 252, ix. 106 _seq._, 110.
-
-  _Champions_, select, change in Grecian opinions respecting, ii. 451.
-
-  _Chaonians_, iii. 413 _seq._
-
-  _Chaos_, i. 4;
-    and her offspring, i. 4.
-
-  _Chares_, assistance of, to Phlius, x. 272;
-    recall of, from Corinth, x. 287;
-    unsuccessful attempt of, to seize Corinth, x. 289;
-    in the Chersonese, B. C. 358, x. 379;
-    at Chios, xi. 374;
-    in the Hellespont, xi. 224;
-    accusation of Iphikrates and Timotheus by, xi. 226 _seq._;
-    and Artabazus, xi. 230;
-    conquest of Sestos by, xi. 258;
-    expedition of, to Olynthus, xi. 349;
-    at the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 502;
-    capitulation of, at Mitylênê, xii. 142.
-
-  _Charidemus_, x. 251;
-    and Iphikrates, x. 299;
-    and Timotheus, x. 300, 301;
-    and Kephisodotus, x. 374, 377;
-    and Kersobleptes, x. 376, 377;
-    and the Athenians in the Chersonese, B. C. 360-358, x. 377 _seq._;
-    and Miltokythes, x. 378;
-    his popularity and expedition to Thrace, xi. 307;
-    expedition of, to Chalkidikê, xi. 349;
-    put to death by Darius, xii. 108.
-
-  _Charidemus_ and Ephialtes, banishment of, xii. 46.
-
-  _Chariklês_, expedition of, to Peloponnesus, B. C. 413, vii. 288;
-    and Peisander, vii. 198.
-
-  _Charilaus_ and Lykurgus, ii. 344;
-    the Samian, iv. 249.
-
-  _Charites_, the, i. 10.
-
-  _Charitesia_, festival of, i. 128.
-
-  _Charlemagne_, legends of, i. 475.
-
-  _Charmandê_, dispute among the Cyreian forces near, ix. 35.
-
-  _Charmînus_, victory of Astyochus over, vii. 397.
-
-  _Charon_ the Theban, x. 81 _seq._
-
-  _Charondas_, iv. 417.
-
-  _Charopinus_, iv. 290.
-
-  _Cheirisophus_, ix. 80;
-    and Xenophon, ix. 92, 95, 106 _seq._;
-    at the Kentritês, ix. 99;
-    mission of, to Byzantium, ix. 125;
-    return of, from Byzantium, ix. 144;
-    elected sole general of the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 145;
-    death of, ix. 148.
-
-  _Chersonese_, Thracian, iv. 27;
-    connection of, with Athens under Peisistratus, iv. 117 _seq._;
-    attacked by the Athenians, B. C. 479, v. 201;
-    operations of Periklês in, vi. 10;
-    retirement of Alkibiadês to, B. C. 407, viii. 159;
-    fortification of, by Derkyllidas, ix. 218;
-    partial readmission of Athenians to, B. C. 365, x. 296 _seq._;
-    Epaminondas near, x. 301, 306;
-    Timotheus at, x. 302, 306, 368;
-    Ergophilus in the, x. 369 _seq._;
-    Kotys in the, x. 373;
-    Kephisodotus in the, x. 374;
-    Charidemus and the Athenians in the, x. 377 _seq._;
-    restoration of, to Athens, B. C. 358, x. 379, xi. 219;
-    Kersobleptes cedes part of, to Athens, xi. 258;
-    speech of Demosthenes on, xi. 451;
-    mission of Demosthenes to, xi. 453;
-    votes of thanks from, to Athens, xi. 461.
-
-  _Chians_ at Ladê, iv. 304;
-    activity of, in promoting revolt among the Athenian allies,
-      vii. 374;
-    expedition of, against Lesbos, vii. 382 _seq._;
-    improved condition of, B. C. 411, viii. 94.
-
-  _Chimæra_, the, i. 7.
-
-  _Chios_, foundation of, iii. 147;
-    Histiæus at, iv. 299;
-    an autonomous ally of Athens, vi. 2;
-    proceeding of Athenians at, B. C. 425, vi. 360;
-    application from, to Sparta, B. C. 413, vii. 365;
-    the Lacedæmonians persuaded by Alkibiadês to send aid to, vii. 367;
-    suspicions of the Athenians about, B. C. 412, vii. 368;
-    expedition of Chalkideus and Alkibiadês to, vii. 369 _seq._;
-    revolt of, from Athens, B. C. 412, vii. 371 _seq._;
-    expedition of Strombichidês to, vii. 374;
-    harassing operations of the Athenians against, B. C. 412,
-      vii. 385 _seq._, 391, 393;
-    prosperity of, between B. C. 480-412. vii. 387;
-    defeat of Pedaritus at, viii. 20;
-    removal of Mindarus from Milêtus to, viii. 101;
-    voyage of Mindarus from, to the Hellespont, viii. 102, 102 _n._;
-    revolution at, furthered by Kratesippidas, viii. 140;
-    escape of Eteonikus from Mitylenê to, viii. 175, 189;
-    Eteonikus at, viii. 211;
-    revolt of, from Athens, B. C. 358, xi. 220 _seq._, 231;
-    repulse of the Athenians at, B. C. 358, xi. 223;
-    acquisition of, by Memnon, xii. 105;
-    capture of, by Macedonian admirals, xii. 141.
-
-  _Chivalry_, romances of, i. 475 _seq._
-
-  _Chlidon_, x. 84.
-
-  _Chœrilus_, Näke’s comments on, ii. 137 _n._;
-    poem of, on the expedition of Xerxes into Greece, v. 39 _n._
-
-  _Choric_ training at Sparta and Krête, iv. 84 _seq._
-
-  _Choriênes_, Alexander’s capture of the rock of, xii. 214.
-
-  _Chorus_, the Greek, iv. 83;
-    improvements in, by Stesichorus, iv. 87.
-
-  _Chronicle_ of Turpin, the, i. 475.
-
-  _Chronological_ calculation destroys the religious character of
-      mythical genealogies, i. 446;
-    table from Clinton’s Fasti Hellenici, ii. 36 _seq._;
-    computations, the value of, dependent on the trustworthiness of the
-      genealogies, ii. 41;
-    evidence of early poets, ii. 45.
-
-  _Chronologists_, modern, ii. 37.
-
-  _Chronologizing_ attempts indicative of mental progress, ii. 56.
-
-  _Chronology_ of mythical events, various schemes of, ii. 34 _seq._;
-    Alexandrine, from the return of the Herakleids to the first
-      Olympiad, ii. 304;
-    of Egyptian kings from Psammetichus to Amasis, iii. 330 _n._ 2;
-    Egyptian, iii. 339 _seq._;
-    Grecian, between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars, v. 304 _n._ 2;
-    of the period between Philip’s fortification of Elateia and the
-      battle of Chæroneia, xi. 494 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Chrysaor_, i. 1, 7.
-
-  _Chryseis_, i. 294.
-
-  _Chrysippus_, i. 160.
-
-  _Chrysopolis_, occupation of, by the Athenians, viii. 127.
-
-  _Cimmerian_ invasion of Asia Minor, iii. 249 _seq._
-
-  _Cimmerians_, iii. 234;
-    driven out of their country by the Scythians, iii. 247 _seq._
-
-  _Circê_ and Æêtês, i. 252.
-
-  _Clinton’s_ Fasti Hellenici, chronological table from, ii. 36 _seq._;
-    opinion on the computations of the date of the Trojan war, ii. 39;
-    vindication of the genealogies, ii. 42 _seq._
-
-  _Coined_ money, first introduction of, into Greece, ii. 318.
-
-  _Comedy_, growth, development, and influence of, at Athens,
-      viii. 325 _seq._
-
-  _Comic_ poets, before Aristophanês, viii. 327;
-    writers, mistaken estimate of, as witnesses and critics,
-      viii. 332 _seq._
-
-  _Commemorative_ influence of Grecian rites, i. 454 _seq._
-
-  _Congress_ at Corinth, B. C. 421, vii. 13-15;
-    at Sparta, B. C. 421, vii. 24;
-    at Mantinea, B. C. 419, vii. 67 _seq._
-
-  _Conón_ on the legend of Kadmus, i. 258.
-
-  _Constitutional_ forms, attachment of the Athenians to, viii. 41;
-    morality, necessity for creating, in the time of Kleisthenês,
-      iv. 159.
-
-  _Corinth_, origin of, i. 119 _seq._;
-    Dorians, at, ii. 9;
-    early distinction of, ii. 113;
-    isthmus of, ii. 216;
-    Herakleid kings of, ii. 306;
-    Dorian settlers at, ii. 309;
-    despots at, iii. 39 _seq._;
-    great power of, under Periander, iii. 43;
-    Sikyôn and Megara, analogy of, iii. 47;
-    voyage from, to Gadês in the seventh and sixth centuries B. C.,
-      iii. 277;
-    relations of Korkyra with, iii. 404 _seq._;
-    and Korkyra, joint settlements of, iii. 405 _seq._;
-    relations between the colonies of, iii. 407;
-    decision of, respecting the dispute between Thebes and Platæa,
-      iv. 166;
-    protest of, at the first convocation at Sparta, iv. 175;
-    Pan-Hellenic congress at the Isthmus of, v. 57 _seq._;
-    rush of Peloponnesians to the Isthmus of, after the battle of
-      Thermopylæ, v. 106;
-    growing hatred of, to Athens, B. C. 461, v. 320;
-    operations of the Athenians in the Gulf of, B. C. 455, v. 332;
-    and Korkyra, war between, vi. 51 _seq._;
-    and Athens, after the naval battle between Corinth and Korkyra,
-      vi. 69 _seq._;
-    congress at, B. C. 421, vii. 13, 15 _seq._;
-    and Syracuse, embassy from, to Sparta, vii. 235;
-    synod at, B. C. 412, vii. 368;
-    altered feeling of, after the capture of Athens by Lysander,
-      viii. 259, 264, 275;
-    alliance of, with Thebes, Athens, and Argos, against Sparta,
-      ix. 301;
-    anti-Spartan allies at, ix. 302;
-    battle of, ix. 307 _seq._, 317;
-    Pharnabazus and the anti-Spartan allies at, ix. 320;
-    philo-Laconian party at, B. C. 392, ix. 328 _seq._;
-    _coup d’état_ of the government at, ix. 329;
-    contrast between political conflicts at, and at Athens,
-      ix. 330 _n._ 3;
-    and Argos, consolidation of, B. C. 392, ix. 332;
-    victor of the Lacedæmonians within the Long Walls at ix. 333 _seq._;
-    the Long Walls of, partly pulled down by the Lacedæmonians, ix. 335;
-    the Long Walls of, restored by the Athenians, and taken by Agesilaus
-      and Teleutias, ix. 345 _seq._;
-    and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 387, x. 12;
-    application of, to Athens, for aid against Thebes, x. 234 _seq._;
-    Iphikrates at, x. 237;
-    and the Persian rescript in favor of Thebes, x. 282;
-    project of the Athenians to seize, B. C. 366, x. 289;
-    peace of, with Thebes, B. C. 366, x. 290 _seq._;
-    application from Syracuse to, B. C. 344, xi. 134;
-    message from Hiketas to, xi. 143;
-    Dionysius the Younger at, xi. 151 _seq._;
-    reinforcement from, to Timoleon, xi. 152, 155, 157;
-    efforts of, to restore Syracuse, xi. 167, 168;
-    Philip chosen chief of the Greeks at the congress at, xi. 511;
-    convention at, under Alexander, B. C. 336, xii. 13 _seq._;
-    violations of the convention at, by Alexander, xii. 16 _seq._;
-    Alexander at, B. C. 335, xii. 48.
-
-  _Corinthian envoys_, speech of, to the Athenian assembly, in reply to
-      the Korkyræans, vi. 59;
-    speech of, to the Spartan assembly, against Athens, vi. 82 _seq._;
-    speech of, at the congress of allies at Sparta, vi. 93 _seq._
-
-  _Corinthian_ genealogy of Eumelus, i. 119 _seq._;
-
-  _Corinthian_ Gulf, naval conflicts of Corinthians and Lacedæmonians
-      in, ix. 326;
-    territory, Nikias’s expedition against, vi. 355 _seq._;
-    war, commencement of, ix. 301.
-
-  _Corinthians_, early commerce and enterprise of, iii. 1;
-    behavior of, at Salamis, v. 145;
-    defeated by Myronides, v. 324;
-    procure the refusal of the Samians’ application to Sparta for aid
-      against Athens, vi. 30, 50;
-    instigate Potidæa, the Chalkidians and Bottiæans to revolt from
-      Athens, vi. 65 _seq._;
-    defeat of, near Potidæa, vi. 73;
-    strive to excite war against Athens after their defeat near Potidæa,
-      vi. 78;
-    repudiate the peace of Nikias, vi. 493, vii. 2;
-    induce Argos to head a new Peloponnesian alliance, vii. 12;
-    hesitate to join Argos, vii. 16, 62;
-    join Argos, vii. 18;
-    application of, to the Bœotians and Athenians, B. C. 421, vii. 20;
-    and Karneia, vii. 308 _n._ 1;
-    and Athenians, naval battle between, near Naupaktus,
-      vii. 358 _seq._;
-    and Lacedæmonians, naval and land conflicts between, B. C. 393,
-      ix. 333 _seq._
-
-  _Courts_ of Requests, their analogy to Athenian dikasteries,
-      v. 399 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Creditor_ and debtor, law of, at Athens before Solon, iii. 95;
-    Roman law of, iii. 159.
-
-  _Criticisms_ on the first two volumes of this history, reply to,
-      i. 408 _n._
-
-  _Crœsus_ and Solon, alleged interview between, iii. 149 _seq._;
-    moral of Herodotus’s story about, iii. 153;
-    reign and conquests of, iii. 258 _seq._;
-    power and alliances of, iv. 182;
-    and Cyrus, war between, iv. 188 _seq._;
-    and the oracles, iv. 189, 190, 193;
-    solicits the alliance of Sparta, iv. 190;
-    fate of, impressive to the Greek mind, iv. 195.
-
-  _Cumæ_ in Campania, iii. 357 _seq._
-
-  _Cyclades_, ii. 214, iii. 163;
-    Themistoklês levies fines on, v. 141.
-
-  _Cycle_, epic, ii. 122 _seq._
-
-  _Cyclic_ poets, ii. 122 _seq._
-
-  _Cyclôpes_, i. 4, 5.
-
-  _Cyprus_, influence of Aphroditê upon, i. 5;
-    Solon’s visit to, iii. 148;
-    Phenicians and Greeks in, iii. 277;
-    extension of the Ionic revolt to, iv. 291;
-    subjugation of, by Phenicians and Persians, iv. 293;
-    conquest of, by the Turks in 1570, iv. 293 _n._;
-    expedition to, under Kimon, v. 335;
-    before and under Evagoras, x. 14 _seq._;
-    subjugation of, to the Persian king Ochus, xi. 437;
-    surrender of the princes of, to Alexander, xii. 137.
-
-  _Cyrenaica_, iv. 36 _n._ 3, 37 _n._
-
-  _Cyropædia_, Xenophon’s, iv. 183.
-
-  _Cyrus the Great_, early history and rise of, iv. 183 _seq._;
-    and Crœsus, war between, iv. 188 _seq._;
-    and the Lacedæmonians, iv. 199;
-    conquests of, in Asia, iv. 209;
-    capture of Babylon by, iv. 211 _seq._;
-    exploits and death of, iv. 215;
-    effects of his conquests upon the Persians, iv. 216 _seq._;
-    the tomb of, xii. 237.
-
-  _Cyrus the Younger_, arrival of, in Asia Minor, B. C. 408, viii. 135,
-      137;
-    Lysander’s visits to, at Sardis, viii. 140 _seq._, 214;
-    pay of the Peloponnesian fleet by, viii. 143;
-    and Kallikratidas, viii. 162;
-    entrusts his satrapy and revenues to Lysander, viii. 214;
-    and Artaxerxes Mnemon, viii. 312, ix. 8 _seq._;
-    youth and education of, ix. 5;
-    his esteem for the Greeks and hopes of the crown, ix. 6;
-    charge of Tissaphernes against, ix. 7;
-    strict administration and prudent behavior of, ix. 9;
-    forces of, collected at Sardis, ix. 11;
-    march of, from Sardis to Kunaxa, ix. 14 _seq._;
-    assistance of Epyaxa to, ix. 18;
-    review of his troops at Tyriæum, ix. 19;
-    and Syennesis, ix. 20;
-    at Tarsus, ix. 21 _seq._;
-    desertion of Xenias and Pasion from, ix. 28;
-    at Thapsakus, ix. 29 _seq._;
-    in Babylonia, ix. 35 _seq._;
-    speech of, to his Greek forces in Babylonia, ix. 36;
-    his conception of Grecian superiority, ix. 37;
-    his present to the prophet Silanus, ix. 40;
-    passes the undefended trench, ix. 41;
-    at Kunaxa, ix. 42 _seq._;
-    character of, ix. 49;
-    probable conduct of, towards Greece, if victorious at Kunaxa, ix. 51;
-    and the Asiatic Greeks, ix. 207.
-
-
-  D.
-
-  _Dædalus_, i. 225, 228 _seq._
-
-  _Dæmon_ of Sokratês, viii. 408 _seq._
-
-  _Dæmons_, i. 65, 67, 70 _seq._;
-    and gods, distinction between, i. 425 _seq._;
-    admission of, as partially evil beings, i. 427.
-
-  _Damascus_, capture of, by the Macedonians, xii. 128.
-
-  _Damasithymus_ of Kalyndus, v. 135.
-
-  _Danaê_, legend of, i. 90.
-
-  _Danaos_ and the Danaides, i. 88.
-
-  _Dancing_, Greek, iv. 85.
-
-  _Daphnæus_, at Agrigentum, x. 426 _seq._;
-    death of, x. 444.
-
-  _Dardanus_, son of Zeus, i. 285.
-
-  _Daric_, the golden, iv. 239 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Darius Hystaspes_, accession of, iv. 224 _seq._;
-    discontents of the satraps under, iv. 226 _seq._;
-    revolt of the Medes against, iv. 227 _n._;
-    revolt of Babylon against, iv. 230;
-    organization of the Persian empire by, iv. 233 _seq._;
-    twenty satrapies of, iv. 235 _seq._;
-    organizing tendency, coinage, roads, and posts of, iv. 238 _seq._;
-    and Sylosôn, iv. 240;
-    conquering dispositions of, iv. 252;
-    probable consequences of an expedition by, against Greece before
-      going against Scythia, iv. 260 _seq._;
-    invasion of Scythia by, iv. 262 _seq._;
-    his orders to the Ionians at the bridge over the Danube, iv. 269;
-    return of, to Susa from Scythia, iv. 280;
-    revenge of, against the Athenians, iv. 297;
-    preparations of, for invading Greece, iv. 314;
-    submission of Greeks to, before the battle of Marathon, iv. 315;
-    heralds of, at Athens and Sparta, iv. 316;
-    instructions of, to Datis and Artaphernês, iv. 329;
-    resolution of, to invade Greece a second time, v. 1;
-    death of, v. 2.
-
-  _Darius_, son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, x. 367.
-
-  _Darius Codomannus_, encouragement of anti-Macedonians in Greece by,
-      xii. 20;
-    his accession and preparations for defence against Alexander,
-      xii. 76;
-    irreparable mischief of Memnon’s death to, xii. 106;
-    change in the plan of, after Memnon’s death, xii. 107, 109;
-    puts Charidemus to death, xii. 108;
-    Arrian’s criticism on the plan of, against Alexander, xii. 110;
-    at Mount Amanus, xii. 115 _seq._;
-    advances into Kilikia, xii. 117;
-    at Issus before the battle, xii. 117;
-    defeat of, at Issus, xii. 118 _seq._;
-    capture of his mother, wife, and family by Alexander, xii. 124, 153;
-    his correspondence with Alexander, xii. 130, 140;
-    inaction of, after the battle of Issus, xii. 152;
-    defeat of, at Arbela, xii. 155 _seq._;
-    a fugitive in Media, xii. 178, 180;
-    pursued by Alexander into Parthia, xii. 182 _seq._;
-    conspiracy against, by Bessus and others, xii. 183 _seq._;
-    death of, xii. 185;
-    Alexander’s disappointment in not taking him alive, xii. 186;
-    funeral, fate, and conduct of, xii. 186.
-
-  _Darius Nothus_, ix. 2 _seq._;
-    death of, ix. 6.
-
-  _Daskon_, attack of Dionysius on the Carthaginian naval station at,
-      x. 508.
-
-  _Datames_, x. 360.
-
-  _Datis_, siege and capture of Eretria by, iv. 330 _seq._;
-    conquest of Karystus by, iv. 331;
-    Persian armament at Samos under, iv. 329;
-    conquest of Naxos and other Cyclades by, iv. 330 _seq._;
-    forbearance of, towards Delos, iv. 330;
-    at Marathon, iv. 333, 345 _seq._;
-    return of, to Asia, after the battle of Marathon, iv. 362.
-
-  _Debtor and creditor_, law of, at Athens before Solon, iii. 95;
-    Roman law of, iii. 159 _seq._
-
-  _Debtors_, Solon’s relief of, iii. 99;
-    treatment of, according to Gallic and Teutonic codes, iii. 110 _n._
-
-  _Debts_, the obligation of, inviolable at Athens, iii. 105, 113;
-    distinction between the principal and interest of, in an early
-      society, iii. 107.
-
-  _Defence_, means of, superior to those of attack in ancient Greece,
-      ii. 111.
-
-  _Deianeira_, i. 151.
-
-  _Deinokrates_, xii. 406, 407, 440, 446 _seq._
-
-  _Dêïokes_, iii. 227 _seq._
-
-  _Deities_ not included in the twelve great ones, i. 10;
-    of guilds or trades, i. 344.
-
-  _Dekamnichus_, x. 47.
-
-  _Dekarchies_ established by Lysander, ix. 184 _seq._, 194, 197.
-
-  _Dekeleia_, legend of, 159;
-    fortification of, by the Lacedæmonians, vii. 286, 288, 364;
-    Agis at, vii. 365, viii. 150.
-
-  _Delian Apollo_, i. 45.
-
-  _Delian festival_, iii. 167 _seq._;
-    early splendor and subsequent decline of, iv. 54;
-    revival of, B. C. 426, vi. 312.
-
-  _Delium_, Hippokratês’s march to, and fortification of, B. C. 424,
-      vi. 382 _seq._;
-    battle of, B. C. 424, vi. 389 _seq._;
-    siege and capture of, by the Bœotians, B. C. 424, vi. 396;
-    Sokratês and Alkibiadês at the battle of, vi. 397.
-
-  _Dêlos_, Ionic festival at, iii. 167, _seq._, iv. 54;
-    forbearance of Datis towards, iv. 330;
-    the confederacy of, v. 263 _seq._, 290 _seq._;
-    the synod of, v. 301, 302;
-    first breach of union in the confederacy of, v. 312;
-    revolt of Thasos from the confederacy of, v. 315;
-    transfer of the fund of the confederacy from, to Athens, v. 343;
-    transition of the confederacy of, into an Athenian empire, v. 343;
-    purification of, by the Athenians, vi. 312;
-    restoration of the native population to, B. C. 421, vii. 23.
-
-  _Delphi_, temple and oracle of, i. 48 _seq._, ii. 253;
-    oracle of, and the Battiad dynasty, iv. 41;
-    early state and site of, iv. 59;
-    growth of, iv. 62;
-    conflagration and rebuilding of the temple at, iv. 120 _seq._;
-    the oracle at, worked by Kleisthenês, iv. 122;
-    oracle of, and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 59 _seq._;
-    Xerxes’s detachment against, v. 417;
-    proceedings of Sparta and Athens at, B. C. 452-447, v. 346;
-    answer of the oracle of, to the Spartans on war with Athens,
-      B. C. 432, vi. 92;
-    reply of the oracle at, about Sokratês, viii. 412 _seq._;
-    Agesipolis and the oracle at, ix. 357;
-    claim of the Phokians to the presidency of the temple at,
-      xi. 245 _seq._;
-    Philomelus seizes and fortifies the temple at, xi. 247;
-    Philomelus takes part of the treasures in the temple at, xi. 252;
-    employment of the treasures in the temple at, by Onomarchus,
-      xi. 255;
-    Phayllus despoils the temple at, xi. 297;
-    peculation of the treasures at, xi. 375;
-    miserable death of all concerned in the spoliation of the temple at,
-      xi. 434;
-    relations of the Lokrians of Amphissa with, xi. 469;
-    Amphiktyonic meeting at, B. C. 339, xi. 470 _seq._
-
-  _Delphian Apollo_, reply of, to the remonstrance of Crœsus, iv. 189.
-
-  _Delphians_ and Amphiktyons, attack of, upon Kirrha, xi. 474.
-
-  _Delphinium_ at Athens, iii. 78 _n._
-
-  _Deluge_ of Deukaliôn, i. 96 _seq._
-
-  _Demades_, reproof of Philip by, xi. 505;
-    peace of, xi. 506 _seq._;
-    remark of, on hearing of Alexander’s death, xii. 257;
-    Macedonizing policy of, xii. 278;
-    and Phokion, embassy of, to Antipater, xii. 322;
-    death of, xii. 338.
-
-  _Demagogues_, iii. 18, 21, viii. 39 _seq._
-
-  _Demaratus_ and Kleomenês, iv. 325 _seq._;
-    conversations of, with Xerxes, v. 40, 86, 96;
-    advice of, to Xerxes after the death of Leonidas, v. 96.
-
-  _Demes, Attic_, iii. 63, 66, 68; iv. 132 _seq._
-
-  _Dêmêtêr_, i. 6, 7, 10;
-    foreign influence on the worship of, i. 24, 25;
-    how represented in Homer and Hesiod, i. 37;
-    Homeric hymn to, i. 38 _seq._;
-    legends of, differing from the Homeric hymn, i. 44;
-    Hellenic importance of, i. 44.
-
-  _Dêmêtrius_ of Skêpsis, on Ilium, i. 328.
-
-  _Demetrius Phalereus_, administration of, at Athens, xii. 362 _seq._;
-    retires to Egypt, xii. 374;
-    condemnation of, xii. 378.
-
-  _Demetrius Poliorketes_, at Athens, xii. 373 _seq._, 382, 383 _seq._,
-      388;
-    exploits of, B. C. 307-304, xii. 381;
-    his successes in Greece against Kassander, xii. 382;
-    march of, through Thessaly into Asia, xii. 386;
-    return of, from Asia to Greece, xii. 388;
-    acquires the crown of Macedonia, xii. 389;
-    Greece under, xii. 389;
-    captivity and death of, xii. 390.
-
-  _Demiurgi_, iii. 72.
-
-  _Demochares_, xii. 378, 380, 385, 392.
-
-  _Democracies_, Grecian, securities against corruption in, vii. 402.
-
-  _Democracy_, Athenian, iii. 128, 140; v. 380;
-    effect of the idea of, upon the minds of the Athenians,
-      iv. 179 _seq._;
-    at Athens, stimulus to, from the Persian war, v. 275;
-    reconstitution of, at Samos, viii. 46 _seq._;
-    restoration of, at Athens, B. C. 411, viii. 75 _seq._, 80 _seq._,
-      and B. C. 403, viii. 288, 300;
-    moderation of Athenian, viii. 92, 304 _seq._;
-    at Samos, contrasted with the oligarchy of the Four Hundred,
-      viii. 93 _seq._
-
-  _Democratical_ leaders at Athens, and the Thirty, viii. 240,
-      245 _seq._;
-    sentiment, increase of, at Athens, between B. C. 479-459, v. 355.
-
-  _Dêmokêdês_, romantic history of, iv. 253 _seq._
-
-  _Demônax_, reform of Kyrênê by, iv. 44;
-    constitution of, not durable, iv. 49.
-
-  _Demophantus_, psephism of, viii. 80.
-
-  _Demos_ at Syracuse, v. 206.
-
-  _Demosthenês the general_, in Akarnania, vi. 296;
-    expedition of, against Ætolia, vi. 296 _seq._;
-    saves Naupaktus, vi. 301;
-    goes to protect Amphilochian Argos, vi. 302;
-    his victory over Eurylochus at Olpæ, vi. 304 _seq._;
-    his triumphant return from Akarnania to Athens, vi. 312;
-    fortifies and defends Pylus, vi. 317 _seq._;
-    application of, for reinforcements from Athens, to attack
-      Sphakteria, vi. 334 _seq._;
-    victory of, in Sphakteria, vi. 341 _seq._;
-    attempt of, to surprise Megara and Nisæ, vi. 372 _seq._;
-    scheme of, for invading Bœotia, B. C. 424, vi. 379;
-    unsuccessful descent upon Bœotia by, vi. 380;
-    his evacuation of the fort at Epidaurus, vii. 97;
-    expedition of, to Sicily, vii. 289, 298, 303;
-    arrival of, at Syracuse, vii. 302, 304;
-    plans of, on arriving at Syracuse, vii. 306;
-    night attack of, upon Epipolæ, vii. 306 _seq._;
-    his proposals for removing from Syracuse, vii. 308 _seq._;
-    and Nikias, resolution of, after the final defeat in the harbor of
-      Syracuse, vii. 338;
-    capture and subsequent treatment of, vii. 341 _seq._, 347;
-    respect for the memory of, vii. 348;
-    death of, vii. 347.
-
-  _Demosthenes_, father of the orator, xi. 265.
-
-  _Demosthenes the orator_, first appearance of, as public adviser in
-      the Athenian assembly, xi. 263;
-    parentage and early youth of, xi. 263 _seq._;
-    and his guardians, xi. 265;
-    early rhetorical tendencies of, xi. 266;
-    training and instructors of, xi. 268 _seq._;
-    action and matter of, xi. 271;
-    first known as a composer of speeches for others, xi. 272;
-    speech of, against Leptines, xi. 272;
-    speech of, on the Symmories, xi. 285 _seq._;
-    exhortations of, to personal effort and sacrifice, xi. 289, 357;
-    recommendations of, on Sparta and Megalopolis, xi. 291;
-    first Philippic of, xi. 309 _seq._;
-    opponents of, at Athens, B. C. 351, xi. 318;
-    earliest Olynthiac of, xi. 327 _seq._;
-    practical effect of his speeches, xi. 329;
-    second Olynthiac of, xi. 331 _seq._;
-    allusions of, to the Theôric fund, xi. 334, 338;
-    third Olynthiac of, xi. 335 _seq._, 336;
-    insulted by Meidias, xi. 343;
-    reproached for his absence from the battle of Tamynæ, xi. 344;
-    serves as hoplite in Eubœa, and is chosen senator for,
-      B. C. 349-348, xi. 345;
-    order of the Olynthiacs of, xi. 358 _seq._;
-    and Æschines, on the negotiations with Philip, B. C. 347-346,
-      xi. 371 _n._, 378 _n._;
-    speaks in favor of peace, B. C. 347, xi. 372;
-    and the first embassy from Athens to Philip, xi. 380 _seq._, 386;
-    failure of, in his speech before Philip, xi. 382;
-    and the confederate synod at Athens respecting Philip, xi. 389 _n._,
-      390, 392 _n._ 3;
-    and the motion of Philokratês for peace and alliance with Philip,
-      xi. 391 _seq._;
-    and the exclusion of the Phokians from the peace and alliance
-      between Athens and Philip, xi. 400 _seq._;
-    and the second embassy from Athens to Philip, xi. 403, 405 _seq._,
-      412, 415;
-    and the third embassy from Athens to Philip, xi. 422;
-    charges of, against Æschines, xi. 431;
-    and the peace and alliance of Athens with Philip, B. C. 346,
-      xi. 432;
-    recommends acquiescence in the Amphiktyonic dignity of Philip,
-      xi. 435;
-    vigilance and warnings of, against Philip, after B. C. 246, xi. 444;
-    speech on the Chersonese and third Philippic of, xi. 451;
-    increased influence of, at Athens, B. C. 341-338, xi. 452;
-    mission of, to the Chersonese and, Byzantium, xi. 453;
-    vote of thanks to, at Athens, xi. 461;
-    reform in the administration of the Athenian marine by,
-      xi. 462 _seq._, 464 _n._;
-    his opposition to the proceedings of Æschines at the Amphiktyonic
-      meeting, B. C. 339, xi. 478;
-    on the special Amphiktyonic meeting at Thermopylæ, xi. 479;
-    advice of, on hearing of the fortification of Elateia by Philip,
-      xi. 486;
-    mission of, to Thebes, B. C. 339, xi. 488 _seq._;
-    crowned at Athens, xi. 493, 496;
-    at the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 498 _seq._, 501;
-    confidence shown to, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 503, 509;
-    conduct of, on the death of Philip, xii. 10;
-    correspondence of, with Persia, xii. 20 _seq._;
-    accusation against, respecting the revolt of Thebes against
-      Alexander, xii. 34;
-    position and policy of, in Alexander’s time, xii. 278 _seq._;
-    and Æschines, judicial contest between, xii. 286 _seq._;
-    accusation against, in the affair of Harpalus, xii. 294 _seq._;
-    recall of, from exile, xii. 314;
-    flight of, to Kalauria, xii. 322;
-    condemnation and death of, xii. 326 _seq._;
-    life and character of, xii. 328 _seq._
-
-  _Derdas_ at Olynthus, x. 65.
-
-  _Derkyllidas_, in Asia, ix. 209 _seq._, 219 _seq._, 255;
-    at Abydos and Sestos, ix. 320;
-    superseded by Anaxibius at Abydos, ix. 368.
-
-  _Despots_, in Greece, iii. 4, 18 _seq._;
-    at Sikyôn, iii. _seq._, 39;
-    at Corinth, iii. 41 _seq._;
-    of Asiatic Greece, deposition of, by Aristagoras, iv. 285;
-    Sicilian, v. 206, 233.
-
-  _Deukaliôn_, i. 96 _seq._
-
-  _Dexippus_, ix. 126, 149 _seq._; x. 423, 429, 444.
-
-  _Diadochi_, Asia Hellenized by, xii. 269.
-
-  _Diagoras_, prosecution of, vii. 208.
-
-  _Dialectics_, Grecian, iv. 87; viii. 338, 345 _seq._, 454 _seq._
-
-  _Dictators_ in Greece, iii. 19.
-
-  _Dido_, legend of, iii. 347.
-
-  _Digamma_ and the Homeric poems, ii. 147.
-
-  _Diitrephês_, vii. 356 _seq._
-
-  _Dikæus_, vision of, v. 118.
-
-  _Dikasteries_, not established by Solon, iii. 125;
-    Athenian, iv. 140 _seq._, v. 378 _seq._, 385, 393;
-    constitution of, by Periklês, v. 355 _seq._, 366;
-    working of, at Athens, v. 381 _seq._;
-    at Rhodes and other Grecian cities, v. 384 _n._ 2;
-    jurisdiction of, over the subject-allies of Athens, vi. 39 _seq._,
-      42, 43, 45.
-
-  _Dikasts_, oath of, at Athens, iii. 105, viii. 298;
-    Athenian iv. 141, 372;
-    under Periklês, v. 357, 366, 376 _seq._, 388.
-
-  _Dikon_ of Kaulonia, xi. 28.
-
-  _Dimnus_, xii. 191, 194.
-
-  _Diodôrus_, his historical versions of mythes, i. 413;
-    statement of, respecting the generals at Arginusæ, viii. 184.
-
-  _Diodotus_, speech of, vi. 254 _seq._
-
-  _Diogenes_ and Alexander, xii. 48.
-
-  _Diokleidês_, vii. 198, 204.
-
-  _Dioklês the Corinthian_, ii. 297.
-
-  _Dioklês the Syracusan_, the laws of, x. 389 _seq._;
-    aid to Himera under, x. 410, 412;
-    banishment of, x. 417.
-
-  _Dio Chrysostom’s_ attempt to historicise the legend of Troy, i. 321.
-
-  _Dio Chrysostom_ at Olbia, xii. 477 _seq._
-
-  _Diomêdês_, return of, from Troy, i. 316.
-
-  _Diomedon_, pursuit of Chians by, vii. 375;
-    at Teos and Lesbos, vii. 383;
-    at Milêtus and Chios, vii. 385 _seq._;
-    at Samos, viii. 28;
-    defeat of, by Kallikratidas, viii. 169.
-
-  _Dion_, his Dionysian connection, and character, xi. 58;
-    Plato, and the Pythagoreans, xi. 56 _seq._;
-    political views of, xi. 58 _seq._;
-    maintains the confidence of Dionysius the Elder to the last, xi. 61;
-    his visits to Peloponnesus and Athens, xi. 61;
-    conduct of, on the accession of Dionysius the Younger,
-      xi. 64 _seq._;
-    efforts of, to improve Dionysius the Younger, xi. 64 _seq._;
-    entreats Plato to visit Dionysius the Younger, xi. 69;
-    and Plato urge Dionysius the Younger to reform himself, xi. 73;
-    and Plato, intrigues of Philistus against, xi. 76;
-    alienation of Dionysius the Younger from, xi. 77;
-    banishment of, xi. 78;
-    property of, confiscated by Dionysius the Younger, xi. 82;
-    resolution of, to avenge himself on Dionysius the Younger, and free
-      Syracuse, xi. 82 _seq._, 85;
-    forces of, at Zakynthus, xi. 84, 87;
-    expedition of, against Dionysius the Younger, xi. 85 _seq._;
-    entry of, into Syracuse, B. C. 357, xi. 92 _seq._;
-    chosen general by the Syracusans, xi. 94;
-    captures Epipolæ and Euryalus, xi. 95;
-    blockade of Ortygia by, xi. 95, 98, 114;
-    negotiations of Dionysius the Younger with, xi. 97, 104;
-    victory of, over Dionysius the Younger, xi. 97 _seq._;
-    intrigues of Dionysius the Younger against, xi. 103;
-    suspicions of the Syracusans against, xi. 100, 193, 118;
-    and Herakleides, xi. 101, 103, 112, 115 _seq._, 121, 122;
-    deposition and retreat of, from Syracuse, xi. 105;
-    at Leontini, xi. 106, 108, 109;
-    repulse of Nepsius and rescue of Syracuse by, xi. 108 _seq._;
-    entry of, into Syracuse, B. C. 356, xi. 110;
-    entry of, into Ortygia, xi. 117;
-    conduct of, on his final triumph, xi. 118 _seq._;
-    his omission to grant freedom to Syracuse, xi. 119 _seq._;
-    opposition to, as dictator, xi. 121 _seq._;
-    tyranny, unpopularity and disquietude of, xi. 122 _seq._;
-    death and character of, xi. 123 _seq._;
-    and Timoleon, contrast between, xi. 195 _seq._
-
-  _Dionysia_, Attic, i. 31, iv. 69.
-
-  _Dionysiac_ festival at Athens, B. C. 349, xi. 343.
-
-  _Dionysius, Phôkæan_, iv. 305 _seq._, 309.
-
-  _Dionysius the Elder_, and Konon, ix. 325;
-    demonstration against, at Olympia, B. C. 384, x. 73 _seq._,
-      xi. 27 _seq._;
-    triremes of, captured by Iphikrates, x. 151;
-    first appearance of, at Syracuse, x. 420;
-    movement of the Hermokratean party to elevate, x. 432;
-    harangue of, against the Syracusan generals at Agrigentum,
-      x. 433 _seq._;
-    one of the generals of Syracuse, x. 434 _seq._;
-    first expedition of, to Gela, x. 438;
-    accusations of, against his colleagues, x. 439;
-    election of, as sole general, x. 440;
-    stratagem of, to obtain a body-guard, x. 441 _seq._;
-    establishes himself as despot at Syracuse, x. 444 _seq._, 454;
-    second expedition of, to Gela, x. 447 _seq._;
-    charges of treachery against, x. 451, 456;
-    mutiny of the Syracusan horsemen against, x. 451 _seq._;
-    and Imilkon, peace between, x. 455 _seq._;
-    sympathy of Sparta with, x. 457;
-    strong position of, after his peace with Imilkon, x. 457;
-    fortification and occupation of Ortygia by, x. 458 _seq._;
-    re-distribution of property by, x. 459 _seq._;
-    exorbitant exactions of, x. 461;
-    mutiny of the Syracusan soldiers against, x. 462 _seq._;
-    besieged in Ortygia, x. 462 _seq._;
-    strengthens his despotism, x. 466 _seq._;
-    conquers Ætna, Naxus, Katana, and Leontini, x. 467;
-    at Enna, x. 468;
-    resolution of, to make war upon Carthage, B. C. 400, x. 469;
-    additional fortifications at Syracuse by, x. 471 _seq._;
-    preparations of, for war with Carthage, B. C. 399-397, x. 473,
-      477 _seq._;
-    improved behavior of, to the Syracusans, B. C. 399, x. 473;
-    conciliatory policy of, towards the Greek cities, near the Strait
-      of Messênê, B. C. 399, x. 474 _seq._;
-    marriage of, with Doris and Aristomachê, x. 476, 480;
-    exhorts the Syracusan assembly to war against Carthage, x. 481;
-    permits the plunder of the Carthaginians at Syracuse, x. 482;
-    declares war against Carthage, B. C. 397, x. 483;
-    marches against the Carthaginians in Sicily, B. C. 397,
-      x. 483 _seq._;
-    siege and capture of Motyê by, x. 485 _seq._;
-    revolt of the Sikels from, x. 494;
-    provisions of, for the defence of Syracuse against the Carthaginians
-      B. C. 396, x. 494;
-    naval defeat of, near Katana, x. 495;
-    retreat of, from Katana to Syracuse, B. C. 395, x. 497;
-    Syracusan naval victory over the Carthaginians in the absence of,
-      x. 501;
-    speech of Theôdorus against, x. 501 _seq._;
-    discontent of the Syracusans with, B. C. 395, x. 501 _seq._;
-    and Pharakidas, x. 504;
-    attacks the Carthaginian camp before Syracuse and sacrifices his
-      mercenaries, x. 507;
-    success of, by sea and land against the Carthaginians before
-      Syracuse, x. 508;
-    secret treaty of, with Imilkon before Syracuse, x. 510;
-    and the Iberians, x. 510;
-    capture of Libyans by, x. 510;
-    difficulties of, from his mercenaries, xi. 2;
-    re-establishment of Messênê by, xi. 3;
-    conquests of, in the interior of Sicily, B. C., 394, xi. 4;
-    at Tauromenium, xi. 5, 8;
-    and the Sikels, B. C. 394-393, xi. 5, 6;
-    declaration of Agrigentum against, B. C. 393, xi. 6;
-    victory of, near Abakæna, xi. 6;
-    expedition of, against Rhegium, B. C. 393, xi. 7;
-    repulses Magon at Agyrium, xi. 7;
-    plans of against the Greek cities in southern Italy, xi. 8;
-    alliance of, with the Lucanians against the Italiot Greeks, xi. 11;
-    attack of, upon Rhegium, B. C. 390, xi. 11;
-    expedition of, against the Italian Greeks, B. C. 389, xi. 14 _seq._;
-    his capture and generous treatment of Italiot Greeks, xi. 15;
-    besieges and grants peace to Rhegium, xi. 16;
-    capture of Kaulonia and Hipponium by, xi. 7;
-    capture of Rhegium by, xi. 7, 18, 21;
-    cruelty of, to Phyton, xi. 19;
-    and Sparta, ascendancy of, B. C. 387, xi. 22;
-    capture of Kroton, by xi. 23;
-    schemes of for conquests in Epirus and Illyria, xi. 23;
-    plunders Latium, Etruria, and the temple of Agylla, xi. 25;
-    poetical compositions of, xi. 26;
-    dislike and dread of, in Greece, xi. 25, 30;
-    harshness of, to Plato, xi. 39;
-    new constructions and improvements by, at Syracuse, B. C. 387-383,
-      xi. 39;
-    renews the war wish Carthage, B. C. 383, xi. 41 _seq._;
-    disadvantageous peace of, with Carthage, B. C. 383, xi. 42;
-    projected wall of, across the Calabrian peninsula, xi. 43;
-    relations of, with Central Greece, B. C. 382-369, xi. 44;
-    war of, with Carthage, B. C. 368, xi. 44;
-    gains the tragedy prize at the Lenæan festival at Athens, xi. 46;
-    death and character of, xi. 46 _seq._, 62;
-    family left by, xi. 54, 62;
-    the good opinion of, enjoyed by Dion to the last, xi. 61;
-    drunken habits of his descendants, xi. 132.
-
-  _Dionysius the Younger_, age of, at his father’s death, xi. 55 _n._ 1;
-    accession and character of, xi. 63;
-    Dion’s efforts to improve, xi. 67 _seq._;
-    Plato’s visits to, xi. 69 _seq._, 80 _seq._;
-    Plato’s injudicious treatment of, xi. 73 _seq._;
-    his hatred and injuries to Dion, xi. 77, 78, 81 _seq._;
-    detention of Plato by, xi. 79;
-    Dion’s expedition against, xi. 85 _seq._;
-    weakness and drunken habits of, xi. 87;
-    absence of, from Syracuse, B. C. 357, xi. 89;
-    negotiations of, with Dion and the Syracusans, xi. 96, 104;
-    defeat of, by Dion, xi. 97 _seq._;
-    blockaded in Ortygia by Dion, xi. 98;
-    intrigues of, against Dion, xi. 101, 103;
-    his flight in Lokri, xi. 104;
-    return of, to Syracuse, xi. 133;
-    at Lokri, xi. 133;
-    his surrender of Ortygia to Timoleon, xi. 150;
-    at Corinth, xi. 151 _seq._
-
-  _Dionysius_ of the Pontic Herakleia, xii. 465 _seq._
-
-  _Dionysus_, worship of, i. 23, 24, 30, 33;
-    legend of, in the Homeric hymn to, i. 34;
-    alteration of the primitive Grecian idea of, i. 36 _seq._
-
-  _Diopeithes_, xi. 450.
-
-  _Dioskuri_, i. 172.
-
-  _Diphilus_ at Naupaktus, B. C. 413, vii. 358.
-
-  _Diphridas_, in Asia, ix. 363.
-
-  _Dirkê_, i. 263.
-
-  _Discussion_, growth of, among the Greeks, iv. 96.
-
-  _Dithyramb_, iv. 88.
-
-  _Dôdôna_, i. 396.
-
-  _Doloneia_, ii. 178, 189.
-
-  _Dolonkians_ and Miltiadês the first, iv. 117.
-
-  _Dorian cities_ in Peloponnesus about 450 B. C., ii. 298;
-    islands in the Ægean and the Dorians in Argolis, ii. 323;
-    immigration to Peloponnesus, ii. 303;
-    settlers at Argos and Corinth, ii. 308 _seq._, 311;
-    settlement in Sparta, ii. 328;
-    allotment of land at Sparta, ii. 416;
-    mode, the, ii. 433, iii. 212;
-    states, inhabitants of, iii. 31;
-    tribes at Sikyôn, names of, iii. 32, 35.
-
-  _Dorians_, early accounts of, 103 _seq._; ii. 2;
-    mythical title of, to the Peloponnesus, ii. 6;
-    their occupation of Argos, Sparta, Messenia, and Corinth, ii. 8, 9;
-    early Krêtan, ii. 310;
-    in Argolis and the Dorian islands in the Ægean, ii. 323;
-    of Sparta and Stenyklêrus, ii. 326 _seq._;
-    divided into three tribes, ii. 361;
-    Messenian, ii. 438;
-    Asiatic, iii. 201, 202;
-    of Ægina, iv. 172.
-
-  _Doric_ dialect, ii. 337 _seq._, iv. 87;
-    emigrations, ii. 25 _seq._
-
-  _Dorieus the Spartan Prince_, aid of, to Kinyps, iv. 39;
-    and the Krotoniates, iv. 415, 416;
-    Sicily, v. 207.
-
-  _Dorieus the Rhodian_, vii. 394, viii. 116, 117;
-    capture and liberation of, viii. 159;
-    treatment of, by the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, ix. 273 _seq._;
-    and Hermokrates in the Ægean, x. 385.
-
-  _Doris_, i. 102, ii. 289.
-
-  _Doris_, wife of Dionysius, x. 476, 480.
-
-  _Doriskus_, Xerxes at, v. 31 _seq._
-
-  _Dorkis_, v. 256, 257.
-
-  _Dôrus_, i. 99 _seq._
-
-  _Drako_ and his laws, iii. 73 _seq._
-
-  _Dramatic_ genius, development of, at Athens, viii. 317 _seq._
-
-  _Drangiana_, Alexander in, xii. 190 _seq._, 191.
-
-  _Drepanê_, i. 239.
-
-  _Dryopians_, settlements of, formed by sea, ii. 310.
-
-  _Dryopis_, ii. 289.
-
-  _Duketius_, the Sikel prince, iii. 374, vii. 122 _seq._
-
-  _Dymanes_, Hylleis, and Pamphyli, ii. 360.
-
-  _Dyrrachium_, iii. 407 _seq._
-
-
-  E.
-
-  _Earliest Greeks_, residences of, ii. 108 _seq._
-
-  _Early poets_, historical value of, ii. 45.
-
-  _Echemus_, i. 95, 177.
-
-  _Echidna_, i. 7.
-
-  _Eclipse_ of the sun in a battle between Medes and Lydians, iii. 231;
-    of the moon, B. C. 413, vii. 315;
-    of the moon, B. C. 333, xii. 151.
-
-  _Edda_, the, i. 479.
-
-  _Edessa_, the dynasty of, iv. 13, 17.
-
-  _Eetioneia_, fort at, viii. 57, 63; viii. 67.
-
-  _Egesta_, application of, to Athens, vii. 145 _seq._;
-    application of, to Carthage, x. 401 _seq._;
-    Syracusan attack upon, x. 489;
-    barbarities of Agathokles at, xii. 445.
-
-  _Egypt_, influence of, upon the religion of Greece, i. 24, 29, 31;
-    the opening of, to Grecian commerce, i. 365;
-    ante-Hellenic colonies from, to Greece not probable, ii. 267;
-    Solon’s visit to, iii. 148;
-    Herodotus’s account of, iii. 308 _seq._;
-    antiquity of, iii. 311;
-    peculiar physical and moral features of, iii. 311;
-    large town-population in, iii. 319;
-    profound submission of the people in, iii. 320, 321;
-    worship of animals in, iii. 322;
-    relations of, with Assyria, iii. 324;
-    archæology and chronology of, iii. 339 _seq._;
-    and Kyrênê, iv. 42;
-    Persian expedition from, against Barka, iv. 49;
-    Kambyses’s invasion and conquest of, iv. 219;
-    revolt and reconquest of, under Xerxes, v. 3;
-    defeat and losses of the Athenians in, v. 333;
-    unavailing efforts of Persia to reconquer, x. 13;
-    Agesilaus and Chabrias in, x. 362 _seq._;
-    reconquest of, by Ochus, xi. 439;
-    march of Alexander towards, xii. 141, 142, 145;
-    Alexander in, xii. 146 _seq._
-
-  _Egyptians_, ethnography of, iii. 264;
-    contrasted with Greeks, Phenicians, and Assyrians, iii. 304;
-    and Ethiopians, iii. 313;
-    effect of, on the Greek mind, iii. 343.
-
-  _Eileithyia_, i. 10.
-
-  _Eion_, capture of, by Kimon, v. 295 _seq._;
-    defended by Thucydidês against Brasidas, vi. 411;
-    Kleon at, vi. 471.
-
-  _Ekbatana_, foundation of, iii. 228;
-    Darius at, xii. 180;
-    Alexander at, xii. 181 _seq._, 246 _seq._;
-    Parmenio at, xii. 181, 196 _seq._
-
-  _Ekdikus_, expedition of, to Rhodes, ix. 363.
-
-  _Ekklesia_, Athenian, iv. 139.
-
-  _Elæa_, iii. 191.
-
-  _Elæus_, escape of the Athenian squadron from Sestos to, viii. 106;
-    Mindarus and Thrasyllus at, viii. 109, 113.
-
-  _Elateia_, re-fortification of, by Philip, xi. 483.
-
-  _Elatus_, i. 178.
-
-  _Elea_, Phôkæan colony at, iv. 206; vii. 127.
-
-  _Eleatic_ school, viii. 343 _seq._, 369.
-
-  _Elegiac_ verse of Kallinus, Tyrtæus, and Mimnermus, iv. 78.
-
-  _Eleian_ genealogy, i. 138, 141.
-
-  _Eleians_ excluded from the Isthmian games, i. 140;
-    and the Olympic games, ii. 10, 321;
-    and Pisatans, ii. 434, 439;
-    their exclusion of the Lacedæmonians from the Olympic festival,
-      vii. 57 _seq._;
-    desert the Argeian allies, vii. 76;
-    and Arcadians, X. 314 _seq._, 324;
-    exclusion of, from the Olympic festival, B. C. 364, x. 318 _seq._
-
-  _Elektra_ and Thaumas, progeny of, i. 7.
-
-  _Elektryôn_, death of, i. 92.
-
-  _Eleusinian_ mysteries, i. 38, 41, 43;
-    alleged profanation of, by Alkibiadês and others, vii. 175 _seq._,
-      211 _seq._;
-    celebration of, protected by Alkibiades, viii. 150.
-
-  _Eleusinians_, seizure and execution of by the Thirty at Athens,
-      viii. 267.
-
-  _Eleusis_, temple of, i. 40;
-    importance of mysteries to, i. 43;
-    early independence of, iii. 71;
-    retirement of the Thirty to, viii. 266;
-    capture of, viii. 274.
-
-  _Eleutheria_, institution of, at Platæa, v. 189.
-
-  _Elis_, genealogy of, i. 137, 139;
-    Oxylus and the Ætolians at, ii. 9;
-    Pisa, Triphylia, and Lepreum, ii. 39, 440;
-    formation of the city of, v. 315;
-    revolt of, from Sparta to Argos, vii. 18 _seq._;
-    and Lepreum, vii. 18;
-    and Sparta, war between, ix. 224 _seq._;
-    claim of, to Triphylia and the Pisatid, x. 260 _seq._, 313;
-    alienation of, from the Arcadians, x. 260;
-    alliance of, with Sparta and Achaia, x. 313.
-
-  _Elymi_, iii. 349.
-
-  _Emigrants_ to Iônia, the, ii. 21 _seq._
-
-  _Emigration_, early, from Greece, iii. 349.
-
-  _Emigrations_ consequent on the Dorian occupation of the Peloponnesus,
-      ii. 12;
-    Æolic, Ionic, and Doric, ii. 19 _seq._
-
-  _Empedoklês_, i. 424 _seq._, vii. 127, viii. 340.
-
-  _Emporiæ_, xii. 455.
-
-  _Endius_, viii. 122 _seq._
-
-  _Endymiôn_, stories of, i. 137.
-
-  _Eneti_, the, i. 319.
-
-  _England_, her government of her dependencies compared with the
-      Athenian empire, vi. 48 _n._
-
-  _Eniênes_, ii. 286.
-
-  _Enna_, Dionysius at, x. 468.
-
-  _Ennea Hodoi_, v. 310, vi. 12.
-
-  _Enômoties_, ii. 456 _seq._
-
-  _Entella_, Syracusan attack upon, x. 490, 497.
-
-  _Eos_, i. 6.
-
-  _Epaminondas_, and the conspiracy against the philo-Laconian oligarchy
-      at Thebes, x. 81, 87, 124 _seq._;
-    training and character of, x. 121 _seq._;
-    and Pelopidas, x. 121;
-    and Kallistratus, x. 164, 288;
-    and Agesilaus at the congress at Sparta, x. 167 _seq._, 173;
-    at Leuktra, x. 179;
-    and Orchomenus, x. 194;
-    proceedings and views of, after the battle of Leuktra,
-      x. 213 _seq._;
-    expeditions of, into Peloponnesus, x. 215 _seq._, x. 254 _seq._,
-      266 _seq._, 343 _seq._;
-    foundation of Megalopolis and Messênê by, x. 224 _seq._;
-    his retirement from Peloponnesus, x. 233;
-    his trial of accountability, x. 239 _seq._;
-    mildness of, x. 259;
-    and the Theban expedition to Thessaly, to rescue Pelopidas, x. 283,
-      285;
-    mission of, to Arcadia, x. 288;
-    Theban fleet and naval expedition under, x. 303 _seq._;
-    and Menekleidas, x. 268, 304 _seq._;
-    and the destruction of Orchomenus, x. 312;
-    and the arrest of Arcadians by the Theban harmost at Tegea,
-      x. 326 _seq._;
-    attempted surprise of Mantinea by the cavalry of, x. 332 _seq._;
-    at the battle of Mantinea, x. 335 _seq._;
-    death of, x. 346 _seq._, character of, x. 351 _seq._
-
-  _Epeians_, i. 138, 141 _seq._, ii. 12.
-
-  _Epeius_ of Panopeus, i. 302, 312.
-
-  _Epeunaktæ_, iii. 387.
-
-  _Ephesus_, iii. 180 _seq._;
-    capture of, by Crœsus, iii. 260;
-    defeat of Thrasyllus at, viii. 129;
-    Lysander at, viii. 152, 215;
-    capture of, by Alexander, xii. 90.
-
-  _Ephetæ_, iii. 77, 79 _seq._
-
-  _Ephialtês, the Alôid_, i. 136.
-
-  _Ephialtês, the general_, xii. 46, 95, 97.
-
-  _Ephialtês, the statesman_, v. 366, 372;
-    and Periklês, constitution of dikasteries by, v. 357 _seq._;
-    judicial reform of, v. 368.
-
-  _Ephors_, Spartan, ii. 350, 352 _seq._, 358, vii. 24;
-    appointment of, at Athens, viii. 236.
-
-  _Ephorus_, i. 409, ii. 369.
-
-  _Epic cycle_, ii. 122 _seq._
-
-  _Epic poems_, lost, ii. 121;
-    recited in public, not read in private, ii. 135;
-    variations in the mode of reciting, ii. 141 _seq._;
-    long, besides the Iliad and Odyssey, ii. 156.
-
-  _Epic poetry_ in early Greece, ii. 118 _seq._
-
-  _Epic poets_ and their dates, ii. 122.
-
-  _Epic_ of the middle ages, i. 481.
-
-  _Epical_ localities, transposition of, i. 245;
-    age preceding the lyrical, iv. 74.
-
-  _Epicharmus_, i. 376 _n._
-
-  _Epidamnus_, iii. 407 _seq._;
-    and the Illyrians, iv. 6 _seq._;
-    foundation of, vi. 51;
-    application of the democracy at, to Korkyra and Corinth, vi. 52;
-    attacked by the Korkyræans, vi. 53;
-    expeditions from Corinth to, vi. 53.
-
-  _Epidaurus_, attack of Argos and Athens upon, vii. 64, 68;
-    ravaged by the Argeians, vii. 69;
-    Lacedæmonian movements in support of, vii. 69;
-    attempts of the Argeians to storm, vii. 70;
-    operations of the Argeian allies near, vii. 90;
-    evacuation of the fort at, vii. 97.
-
-  _Epigoni_, the, i. 278, ii. 130 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Epimenides_, visit of, to Athens, i. 28.
-
-  _Epimenides of Krete_, iii. 87 _seq._
-
-  _Epimêtheus_, i. 6, 74.
-
-  _Epipolæ_, vii. 245;
-    intended occupation of, by the Syracusans, vii. 247;
-    occupation of, by the Athenians, vii. 247;
-    defeat of the Athenians at, vii. 272;
-    Demosthenês’s night-attack upon, vii. 305 _seq._;
-    capture of by Dion, xi. 95;
-    capture of, by Timoleon, xi. 160.
-
-  _Epirots_, ii. 233, iii. 351, 413 _seq._;
-    attack of, upon Akarnania, vi. 193 _seq._
-
-  _Epirus_, discouraging to Grecian colonization, iii. 417;
-    Dionysius’s schemes of conquest in, xi. 23;
-    government of Olympias in, xii. 394, 395 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Epistatês_, iv. 138.
-
-  _Epitadas_, vi. 334, 345 _seq._, 342.
-
-  _Epitadeus_, the Ephor, ii. 406.
-
-  _Epôdus_, introduction of, iv. 89.
-
-  _Epyaxa_, and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 18.
-
-  _Eræ_, revolt of, from Athens, vii. 375.
-
-  _Erasinides_, trial and imprisonment of, viii. 180.
-
-  _Eratosthenês_, viii. 248, 272, 292.
-
-  _Erechtheion_, restoration of, vi. 21.
-
-  _Erechtheus_, i. 191 _seq._, 198, 204.
-
-  _Eresus_, Thrasyllus at, viii. 101.
-
-  _Eretria_, iii. 164 _seq._, 170 _seq._;
-    assistance of, to the Milesians, iv. 290;
-    siege and capture of, by Datis, iv. 331 _seq._;
-    fate of captives taken by Datis at, iv. 362;
-    naval defeat of the Athenians near viii. 71 _seq._;
-    Phokion at, xi. 339 _seq._;
-    Philippizing faction at, xi. 449;
-    liberation of, xi. 452.
-
-  _Ergoklês_, ix. 368 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Ergophilus_, x. 369 _seq._
-
-  _Erichthonius_, i. 192, 196, 285.
-
-  _Eriphylê_, i. 272 _seq._
-
-  _Erôs_, i. 4;
-    and Aphrodite, function of, i. 5.
-
-  _Erytheia_, i. 249.
-
-  _Erythræ_, iii. 187, vii. 371.
-
-  _Eryx_, defeat of Dionysius at, xi. 46.
-
-  _Eryxô_ and Learchus, iv. 43.
-
-  _Eteokles_, i. 128, 267, 280.
-
-  _Eteonikus_, expulsion of, from Thasos, viii. 127;
-    at Mitylênê, viii. 170;
-    escape of, from Mitylênê to Chios, viii. 174, 190;
-    at Chios, viii. 211;
-    removal of, from Chios to Ephesus, viii. 213;
-    in Ægina, ix. 372, 375.
-
-  _Ethiopians_ and Egyptians, iii. 313.
-
-  _Etruria_, plunder of, by Dionysius, xi. 25.
-
-  _Euæphnus_ and Polycharês, ii. 426.
-
-  _Eubœa_, iii. 163 _seq._;
-    resolution of Greeks to oppose Xerxes at the strait on the north of,
-      v. 71;
-    advance of the Persian fleet to, v. 102;
-    revolt and reconquest of, by Periklês, v. 349;
-    application from, to Agis, vii. 364;
-    revolt of, from Athens, B. C. 411, viii. 73;
-    Peloponnesian fleet summoned from, by Mindarus, viii. 111;
-    bridge joining Bœotia and, viii. 112, 118;
-    rescued from Thebes by Athens, B. C. 358, xi. 216 _seq._;
-    revolt of, from Athens, B. C. 350-349, xi. 339 _seq._;
-    intrigues of Philip in, xi. 339;
-    expedition of Phokion to, B. C. 342, xi. 340 _seq._;
-    hostilities in, B. C. 349-348, xi. 345;
-    Philippizing factions in, B. C. 342, xi. 449;
-    expedition of Phokion to, B. C. 341, xi. 452.
-
-  _Eubœa in Sicily_, v. 215.
-
-  _Euboic scale_, ii. 319, 324, iii. 171.
-
-  _Euboic synod_, xi. 453.
-
-  _Eubulus_, xi. 277, 308, 366, 368, 394.
-
-  _Eudamidas_, x. 58, 65.
-
-  _Euemerus’s_ treatment of mythes, i. 411.
-
-  _Euenus_, i. 112.
-
-  _Eukleides_, archonship of, viii. 280, 309.
-
-  _Eukles_, vi. 407, 409, 413 _seq._
-
-  _Eumachus_, xii. 438, 439.
-
-  _Eumelus of Bosporus_, xii. 481 _seq._
-
-  _Eumelus the poet_, i. 120 _seq._
-
-  _Eumenes_, xii. 74;
-    and Hephæstion, xii. 246;
-    and Perdikkas, xii. 320;
-    victory of, over Kraterus and Neoptolemus, xii. 336 _seq._;
-    attempts of, to uphold Alexander’s dynasty in Asia, xii. 340 _seq._;
-    and Antigonus, xii. 337.
-
-  _Eumenides_, Æschylus’s, and the Areopagus, iii. 80 _n._
-
-  _Eumolpus_, i. 202 _seq._
-
-  _Eunomus_, ix. 374.
-
-  _Eupatridæ_, iii. 72 _seq._
-
-  _Euphaes_, ii. 426.
-
-  _Euphemus_, speech of, at Kamarina, vii. 231.
-
-  _Euphiletus_ and Melêtus, vii. 204.
-
-  _Euphræus_, xi. 206, 448.
-
-  _Euphrates_, Cyrus the Younger at, ix. 31;
-    the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 103;
-    Alexander at, xii. 150, 250.
-
-  _Euphron_, x. 269 _seq._
-
-  _Euripides_, faults imputed to, i. 389 _seq._;
-    story about the dramas of, and the Athenian prisoners in Sicily,
-      vii. 346;
-    number of tragedies by, viii. 319 _n._;
-    Æschylus and Sophokles, viii. 322 _seq._;
-    and Dekamnichus, x. 47.
-
-  _Euripides_, financial proposal of, ix. 380 _n._
-
-  _Euripus_, bridge across, viii. 112, 118.
-
-  _Eurôpa_, i. 218 _seq._, 527.
-
-  _Eurotas_, crossed by Epaminondas, x. 218.
-
-  _Euryalus_, Hamilkar’s attempt on, xii. 423.
-
-  _Eurybatês_, v. 49.
-
-  _Eurybiades_, v. 75, 120 _seq._
-
-  _Eurydike_, widow of Amyntas, x. 250.
-
-  _Eurydike_, granddaughter of Philip, xii. 333, 334, 337.
-
-  _Euryleon_, v. 207.
-
-  _Eurylochus_, vi. 301, 302, 304, 305.
-
-  _Eurymedon_, victories of the, v. 308.
-
-  _Eurymedon_ at Korkyra, vi. 274 _seq._;
-    and Sophokles, expedition of, to Korkyra and Sicily, vi. 316 _seq._,
-      360 _seq._;
-    at Pylus, vi. 322 _seq._, 333;
-    expeditions of, to Sicily, vii. 133, 136, 287;
-    return of, from Sicily to Athens, vii. 139.
-
-  _Eurynomê_ and Zeus, offspring of, i. 10.
-
-  _Euryptolemus_, viii. 177 _n._, 184, 197, 200 _seq._
-
-  _Eurypylus_, i. 301.
-
-  _Eurystheus_, i. 91, 92, 93, 94.
-
-  _Eurytos_, i. 139, 151.
-
-  _Eurytus_, v. 94.
-
-  _Eutæa_, Agesilaus at, B. C. 370, x. 211.
-
-  _Euthydemus_, Plato’s, viii. 392 _n._
-
-  _Euthykrates_ and Lasthenes, xi. 351, 352.
-
-  _Euxine_, Greek settlements on, iii. 236; iv. 27, ix. 121;
-    first sight of, by the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 111;
-    indigenous tribes on, ix. 122;
-    the Greeks on, and the Ten Thousand, ix. 123 _seq._;
-    Xenophon’s idea of founding a new city on the, ix. 132 _seq._
-
-  _Evadnê_, i. 278.
-
-  _Evagoras_, ix. 364, 374, x. 14 _seq._
-
-
-  F.
-
-  _Family_ tie, in legendary Greece, ii. 83;
-    rites in Greece, iii. 51.
-
-  _Fates_, i. 7;
-    and Crœsus, iv. 195 _seq._
-
-  _Ferdousi_, Persian epic of, i. 641.
-
-  _Festivals_, Grecian, i. 51, ii. 228, iv. 53, 67 _seq._, 71 _seq._;
-    at Athens, viii. 324.
-
-  _Fiction_, plausible, i. 435; ii. 51.
-
-  _Fictitious_ matter in Greek tradition, i. 433.
-
-  _Financial changes_, Kleisthenean, iv. 137.
-
-  _Five Thousand_, the, at Athens, viii. 31, 54 _n._, 61, 75 _n._ 1,
-      78 _seq._
-
-  _Flaying alive_ by Persians and Turks, iv. 293 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Fleece, Golden_, legend of, i. 123.
-
-  _Flute_, use of, in Sparta, iv. 87.
-
-  _Fortification_ of towns in early Greece, ii. 108 _seq._;
-    of the Grecian camp in the Iliad, ii. 186.
-
-  _Four Hundred_, the oligarchy of, viii. 30 _seq._
-
-  _Frenzy_, religious, of women, i. 30 _seq._
-
-  _Funeral_ ceremony at Athens over slain warriors, vi. 31;
-    orations, besides that of Periklês, vi. 142 _n._;
-    obsequies of Hephæstion, xii. 252, 254.
-
-  _Funerals_, Solon’s regulations about iii. 140.
-
-
-  G.
-
-  _Gadês_, iii. 271 _seq._;
-    voyage from Corinth to, in the seventh and sixth centuries B. C.,
-      iii. 277.
-
-  _Gæa_, i. 4, 6, 9.
-
-  _Gæsylus_, xi. 116.
-
-  _Games_, Olympic, i. 100, ii. 241 _seq._, 317 _seq._, iv. 55 _seq._;
-    Isthmian, i. 124, ii. 306 _n._ 1, iv. 65;
-    the four great Grecian, ii. 240, iv. 67, 80 _seq._;
-    Solon’s rewards to victors at, iii. 141;
-    Pythian, iv. 58, 64 _seq._;
-    Nemean, iv. 65.
-
-  _Gamori_, iii. 30;
-    at Syracuse, v. 206.
-
-  _Gargaphia_, fountain of, v. 165 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Gaugamela_, battle of, xii. 155 _seq._
-
-  _Gauls_, embassy of, to Alexander, xii. 28;
-    invasion of Greece by, xii. 390.
-
-  _Gaza_, capture of, by Alexander, xii. 142 _seq._
-
-  _Gedrosia_, Alexander in, xii. 200, 236.
-
-  _Gela_, v. 208; and Syracuse, before B. C. 500, v. 204;
-    Kleander of, v. 208;
-    Gelo, despot of, v. 213 _seq._;
-    congress of Sicilian cities at, vii. 137;
-    and Hannibal’s capture of Selinus, x. 408;
-    expeditions of Dionysius to, x. 438, 439, 447 _seq._;
-    capture of, by Imilkon, x. 447 _seq._;
-    Timoleon and the fresh colonization of, xi. 187;
-    Agathokles at, xii. 408.
-
-  _Geleontes_, iii. 51.
-
-  _Gelo_, v. 67, 204-239.
-
-  _Gelôni_, iii. 244.
-
-  _Gelonian_ dynasty, fall of, v. 233;
-    citizens of Syracuse, v. 234 _seq._
-
-  _Genealogies_, Grecian, i. 80 _seq._, 448;
-    Argeian, i. 81, mythical, i. 191, 445 _seq._;
-    Egyptian, i. 448;
-    Clinton’s vindication of, ii. 37 _seq._
-
-  _Genealogy_, Corinthian, of Eumelus, i. 120 _seq._;
-    of Orchomenos, i. 127 _seq._;
-    Eleian, i. 139;
-    Ætolian, i. 143;
-    Laconian, i. 168;
-    Messênian i. 171;
-    Arcadian, i. 173.
-
-  _Generals_, Kleisthenean, iv. 136.
-
-  _Gentes_, Attic, iii. 53 _seq._, 66 _seq._;
-    analogy between those of Greece and other nations, iii. 58 _seq._;
-    Grecian, patronymic names of, iii. 63;
-    difference between Grecian and Roman, iii. 65;
-    non-members of, under Solon, iii. 133.
-
-  _Geographical_ knowledge, Hesiodic and Homeric, ii. 114;
-    views of Alexander, xii. 232 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Geography_, fabulous, i. 245 _seq._;
-    Homeric, iii. 204;
-    of the retreat of the Ten Thousand, ix. 115 _seq._
-
-  _Geological_ features of Greece, ii. 215.
-
-  _Geomori_, iii. 30, 72.
-
-  _Gergis_, iii. 197;
-    Derkyllidas at, ix. 212.
-
-  _Gergithes_, iii. 197.
-
-  _German_ progress brought about by violent external influences,
-      i. 463;
-    mythes, i. 464.
-
-  _Gerontes_, ii. 66.
-
-  _Geronthræ_, conquest of, ii. 419.
-
-  _Geryôn_, i. 7, 249.
-
-  _Getæ_, Alexander’s defeat of, xii. 24.
-
-  _Gigantes_, birth of, i. 5, 9 _n._
-
-  _Gillus_, iv. 258.
-
-  _Giskon_, x. 401, 403 _n._, xi. 180.
-
-  _Glaukæ_, xii. 230.
-
-  _Glauke_, i. 117.
-
-  _Glaukon_, discourse of, in Plato’s Republic, viii. 391.
-
-  _Glaukus_, i. 224.
-
-  _Gnomic_, Greek poets, iv. 90 _seq._
-
-  _Gnomon_, whence obtained by the Greeks, iii. 345.
-
-  _Goddesses_, and gods, twelve great, i. 10.
-
-  _Gods_, Grecian, how conceived by the Greeks, i. 3 _seq._, 347 _seq._;
-    and dæmons, i. 425 _seq._;
-    and men, i. 449.
-
-  _Golden Fleece_, legend of, i. 123.
-
-  _Golden race_, the, i. 65.
-
-  _Gongylus_, the Corinthian, vii. 265, 271.
-
-  _Good_, etc., meaning of, in early Greek writers, ii. 64;
-    double sense of the Greek and Latin equivalents of, iii. 45 _n._ 4.
-
-  _Gordian knot_, Alexander cuts the, xii. 104.
-
-  _Gordium_, Alexander’s march from, xii. 111.
-
-  _Gordius_, legend of, iii. 217.
-
-  _Gorgias_ of Leontini, vii. 128, 132, viii. 369, 382.
-
-  _Gorgons_, i. 90.
-
-  _Gorgôpas_ at Ægina, ix. 373 _seq._
-
-  _Government_ of historical and legendary Greece, ii. 60 _seq._;
-    heroic, ii. 75;
-    earliest changes of, in Greece, iii. 4 _seq._;
-    kingly, iii. 5 _seq._;
-    change from monarchical to oligarchical in Greece, iii. 15 _seq._
-
-  _Governments_, Grecian, weakness of, iv. 152.
-
-  _Graces_, the, i. 10.
-
-  _Grææ_, i. 7.
-
-  _Græci_, ii. 269.
-
-  _Græcia_ Magna, iii. 399.
-
-  _Græco-Asiatic_ cities, xii. 271.
-
-  _Granikus_, battle of the, xii. 80 _seq._;
-    Athenians captured at the, xii. 105.
-
-  _Graphê Paranomôn_, v. 375 _seq._;
-    abolition of, B. C. 411, viii. 36.
-
-  _Grecian_ mythes, i. 51, 426 _seq._;
-    genealogies, i. 80 _seq._;
-    mythology, sources of our information on, i. 106;
-    intellect, expansive force of, i. 362;
-    progress between B. C. 700 and 500, i. 365 _seq._;
-    antiquity, i. 445, 448; genealogies, i. 447;
-    townsman, intellectual acquisitions of a, i. 458;
-    poetry, matchless, i. 463;
-    progress self-operated, i. 463;
-    mythology, how it would have been affected by the introduction of
-      Christianity, B. C. 500, i. 467;
-    mythes, proper treatment of, i. 487 _seq._;
-    computation of time, ii. 115 _n._ 2;
-    festivals, intellectual influence of, ii. 228;
-    history, first and second periods of, ii. 270 _seq._, iv. 52;
-    opinion, change in, on the decision of disputes by champions,
-      ii. 451;
-    states, growing communion of, between B. C. 600 and 547, ii. 461;
-    “faith”, iii. 115;
-    settlements on the Euxine, iii. 236;
-    marine and commerce, growth of, iii. 336;
-    colonies in Southern Italy, iii. 374 _seq._;
-    world about 560 B. C., iii. 398;
-    history, want of unity in, iv. 51, 52;
-    games, influence of, upon the Greek mind, iv. 70 _seq._;
-    art, beginnings and importance of, iv. 98 _seq._;
-    architecture, iv. 99;
-    governments, weakness of, iv. 152;
-    world, in the Thirty years’ truce, vi. 47;
-    and barbarian military feeling, contrast between, vi. 446;
-    youth, society and conversation of, vii. 33 _n._;
-    states, complicated relations among, B. C. 420, vii. 52, and
-      B. C. 366, x. 292;
-    philosophy, negative side of, viii. 345;
-    dialectics, their many-sided handling of subjects, viii. 454 _seq._;
-    states embassies from, at Pella, B. C. 346, xi. 404 _seq._;
-    captives, mutilated, at Persepolis, xii. 173;
-    history, bearing of Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns on,
-      xii. 179 _seq._;
-    mercenaries under Darius, xii. 183, 184, 188, 189;
-    envoys with Darius, xii. 189;
-    world, state of, B. C. 334, xii. 275;
-    exiles, Alexander’s rescript directing the recall of,
-      xii. 310 _seq._
-
-  _Greece_, legends of, originally isolated, afterwards thrown into
-      series, i. 105;
-    legendary and historical, state of society and manners in,
-      ii. 57-118;
-    subterranean course of rivers in, ii. 218;
-    difficulty of land communication in, ii. 220;
-    accessibility of, by sea, ii. 222;
-    islands and colonies of, ii. 224;
-    difference between the land-states and sea-states in, ii. 225;
-    effects of the configuration of, ii. 226 _seq._;
-    mineral and other productions of, ii. 229 _seq._;
-    climate of, ii. 232;
-    difference between the inhabitants of different parts of, ii. 233;
-    ante-Hellenic inhabitants of, ii. 261;;
-    discontinuance of kingship in, iii. 7;
-    anti-monarchical sentiment of, iii. 11 _seq._, iv. 176;
-    the voyage from, to Italy or Sicily, iii. 361;
-    seven wise men of, iv. 94 _seq._;
-    first advance of, towards systematic conjunction, iv. 174;
-    probable consequences of a Persian expedition against, before that
-      against Scythia, iv. 261 _seq._;
-    on the eve of Xerxes’s invasion, v. 57, 60;
-    first separation of, into two distinct parties, v. 262 _seq._, 290;
-    proceedings in central, between B. C. 470-464, v. 312;
-    state of feeling in, between B. C. 445-431, vi. 76;
-    bad morality of the rich and great in, vi. 284;
-    atmospherical disturbances in, B. C. 427, vi. 293;
-    warlike preparations in, during the winter of B. C. 414-413,
-      vii. 287;
-    alteration of feeling in, after the capture of Athens by Lysander,
-      viii. 259, 264, 275;
-    disgust in, at the Thirty at Athens, viii. 262;
-    degradation of, by the peace of Antalkidas, x. 2 _seq._, 10;
-    effect of the battle of Leuktra on, x. 184, 185, 193;
-    relations of Dionysius with, B. C. 382-369, xi. 44;
-    state of, B. C. 360-359, xi. 197;
-    decline of citizen-soldiership and increase of mercenaries in, after
-      the Peloponnesian war, xi. 280 _seq._;
-    effect of the peace and alliance between Philip and Athens upon,
-      xi. 430;
-    movements and intrigues of Philip throughout, after B. C. 346,
-      xi. 443 _seq._;
-    state of, on Alexander’s accession, xii. 1, 9 _seq._;
-    march of Alexander into, B. C. 336, xii. 11;
-    Macedonian interventions in, B. C. 336-335, xii. 16 _seq._;
-    terror in, on the destruction of Thebes by Alexander, xii. 43;
-    connection of Alexander with, history of, xii. 50 _seq._,
-      179 _seq._;
-    an appendage to Macedonia under Alexander, xii. 52;
-    military changes in, during the sixty years before Alexander’s
-      accession, xii. 53 _seq._;
-    possibility of emancipating, during Alexander’s earlier Asiatic
-      campaigns, xii. 276;
-    hopes raised in, by the Persian fleet and armies, B. C. 334-331,
-      xii. 276;
-    submission of, to Antipater, xii. 285;
-    effect of Alexander’s death on, xii. 311;
-    confederacy for liberating, after Alexander’s death,
-      xii. 311 _seq._;
-    Ptolemy of Egypt in, xii. 373;
-    success of Demetrius Poliorketes in, against Kassander, xii. 382;
-    under Demetrius Poliorketes and Antigonus Gonatas, xii. 390;
-    invasion of, by the Gauls, xii. 390;
-    of Polybius, xii. 391.
-
-  _Greece, Proper_, geography of, ii. 211 _seq._
-
-  _Greek_ forces against Troy, i. 289 _seq._;
-    language and the mythes, i. 351;
-    tradition, matter of, uncertified, i. 433;
-    language, various dialects of, ii. 238;
-    alphabet, origin of, iii. 344 _n._;
-    Latin and Oscan languages, iii. 354;
-    settlements, east of the Strymôn in Thrace, iv. 20;
-    settlements on the Euxine south of the Danube, iv. 27;
-    settlements in Libya, and the nomads, iv. 38;
-    cities, local festivals in, iv. 51, 67 _seq._;
-    lyric poetry, iv. 73, 90;
-    poetry about the middle of the seventh century B. C., iv. 74;
-    music, about the middle of the seventh century B. C., iv. 75;
-    poetry, after Terpander, iv. 77;
-    hexameter, new metres superadded to, iv. 79;
-    chorus, iv. 83, 87;
-    dancing, iv. 85;
-    mind, positive tendencies of, in the time of Herodotus,
-      iv. 105 _n._;
-    philosophy, in the sixth century B. C., 380 _seq._;
-    fleet at Artemisium, v. 79 _seq._, 83 _seq._;
-    fleet at Salamis, v. 111;
-    fleet at Mykalê, v. 193 _seq._;
-    fleet after the battle of Mykalê, v. 200 _seq._;
-    fleet, expedition of, against Asia, B. C. 478, v. 253;
-    generals and captains, slaughter of Cyreian, ix. 72 _seq._;
-    heroes, analogy of Alexander to the, xii. 71.
-
-  _Greeks_, return of, from Troy, i. 309 _seq._;
-    their love of antiquities, i. 353;
-    their distaste for a real history of the past, i. 359;
-    Homeric, ii. 92, 114;
-    in Asia Minor, ii. 235, iii. 212;
-    extra-Peloponnesian north of Attica in the first two centuries,
-      ii. 273 _seq._;
-    advance of, in government in the seventh and sixth centuries B. C.,
-      iii. 20;
-    musical modes of, iii. 212;
-    and Phenicians in Sicily and Cyprus, iii. 276;
-    contrasted with Egyptians, Assyrians, and Phenicians, iii. 304;
-    influence of Phenicians, Assyrians, and Egyptians on,
-      iii. 343 _seq._;
-    and Carthaginians, first known collision between, iii. 348;
-    Sicilian and Italian, monetary and statical scale of, iii. 369;
-    in Sicily, prosperity of, between B. C. 735-485, iii. 368 _seq._;
-    in Sicily and in Greece Proper, difference between, iii. 372;
-    Italian, between B. C. 700-500, iii. 392, 394, 398;
-    their talent for command over barbarians, iv. 17;
-    first voyage of, to Libya, iv. 29;
-    and Libyans at Kyrene, iv. 39;
-    political isolation of, iv. 51;
-    tendencies to political union among, after B. C. 560, iv. 52;
-    growth of union among, between B. C. 776-560, iv. 53;
-    rise of philosophy and dialectic among, iv. 96;
-    writing among, iv. 97;
-    Asiatic, after Cyrus’s conquest of Lydia, iv. 198;
-    Asiatic, application of, to Sparta, 546 B. C., iv. 199;
-    and Darius, before the battle of Marathon, iv. 315;
-    eminent, liable to be corrupted by success, iv. 375 _seq._;
-    and Persians, religious conception of history common to, v. 11;
-    northern, and Xerxes, v. 64, 69;
-    confederate, engagement of, against such as joined Xerxes, v. 70;
-    effect of the battle of Thermopylæ on, v. 105 _seq._;
-    and the battle of Salamis, v. 121 _seq._;
-    Medising, and Mardonius, v. 148;
-    Medising, at Platæa, v. 161;
-    at Platæa, v. 163 _seq._;
-    at Mykalê, v. 194 _seq._;
-    Asiatic, first step to the ascendancy of Athens over, v. 200;
-    Sicilian, early governments of, v. 206;
-    Sicilian, progress of, between the battle of Salamis and Alexander,
-      v. 241;
-    allied, oppose the fortification of Athens, v. 243 _seq._, 246;
-    allied, transfer the headship from Sparta to Athens, B. C. 477,
-      v. 260 _seq._;
-    allied, Aristeides assessment of, v. 263;
-    allied, under Athens, substitute money-payment for personal service,
-      v. 298 _seq._;
-    effect of the Athenian disaster in Sicily upon, vii. 363;
-    and Tissaphernes, Alkibiades acts as interpreter between,
-      viii. 4 _seq._;
-    Asiatic, surrender of, by Sparta to Persia, ix. 205;
-    Asiatic, and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 206;
-    Asiatic, and Tissaphernes, ix. 207;
-    the Ten Thousand, their position and circumstances, ix. 11;
-    Ten Thousand, at Kunaxa, ix. 42 _seq._;
-    Ten Thousand, after the battle of Kunaxa, ix. 52 _seq._;
-    Ten Thousand, retreat of, ix. 56-121, 181 _seq._;
-    Ten Thousand, after their return to Trapezus, ix. 121-180;
-    Asiatic, their application to Sparta for aid against Tissaphernes,
-      ix. 207;
-    in the service of Alexander in Asia, xii. 74;
-    unpropitious circumstances for, in the Lamian war, xii. 334;
-    Italian, pressed upon by enemies from the interior, xii. 394.
-
-  _Gurylls_, death of, x. 335.
-
-  _Guilds_, Grecian deities of, i. 344;
-    German and early English, iii. 60 _n._ 2;
-    compared with ancient political associations, viii. 16 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Gyges_, i. 5, iii. 219 _seq._
-
-  _Gylippus_, expedition of, to Syracuse, vii. 242, 265 _seq._,
-    275 _seq._, 298 _seq._, 323, 330 _seq._
-
-  _Gylon_, father of Kleobulê, the mother of Demosthenes,
-      xi. 261 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Gymnêsii_, iii. 35.
-
-  _Gyndês_, distribution of, into channels by Cyrus, iv. 212.
-
-
-  H.
-
-  _Hadês_, i. 6 _seq._, 7, 9.
-
-  _Hæmôn_ and Antigonê, i. 276.
-
-  _Haliartus_, Lysander at, ix. 294.
-
-  _Halikarnassus_, ii. 31, iii. 201;
-    capture of, by Alexander, xii. 94 _seq._
-
-  _Halonnesus_, dispute between Philip and the Athenians about,
-      xi. 449 _seq._
-
-  _Halys_, the, 207.
-
-  _Hamilkar_, defeat and death of, at Himera, v. 222 _seq._
-
-  _Hamilkar_, collusion of, with Agathokles, xii. 401;
-    superseded in Sicily by another general of the same name, xii. 403.
-
-  _Hamilkar_, victory of, at the Himera, xii. 408 _seq._;
-    attempt of, upon Syracuse, xii. 422;
-    defeat and death of, xii. 424.
-
-  _Hannibal_, expeditions of, to Sicily, x. 402-415, 421 _seq._
-
-  _Hanno_, silly fabrication of, xi. 158.
-
-  _Harmodius_ and Aristogeitôn, iv. 111 _seq._
-
-  _Harmosts_, Spartan, ix. 189 _seq._, 197, 201.
-
-  _Harpagus_, iv. 202, 207.
-
-  _Harpalus_, xii. 240, 294 _seq._
-
-  _Harpies_, the, i. 1, 266.
-
-  _Hêbê_, i. 10.
-
-  _Hectôr_, i. 286, 297.
-
-  _Hegemony_, Athenian, v. 291 _seq._
-
-  _Hegesippus_, xi. 446.
-
-  _Hegesistratus_, iv. 118, v. 191, xii. 90, 91.
-
-  _Hekabê_, i. 286.
-
-  _Hekatæus_ on Geryôn, i. 249;
-    on the Argonauts, i. 253;
-    and the mythes, i. 391;
-    and the Ionic revolt, iv. 284, 296.
-
-  _Hekatompylus_, Alexander at, xii. 188.
-
-  _Hekatoncheires_, the, i. 4, 5.
-
-  _Hekatonymus_ and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 129 _seq._
-
-  _Helen_, i. 161, 168, 169;
-    necklace of, i. 282;
-    and Paris, i. 287;
-    and Achilles, i. 294;
-    various legends of, i. 305 _seq._
-
-  _Helenus_ and Andromachê, i. 305.
-
-  _Heliæa_, iii. 128 _n._, iv. 137, 141 _seq._
-
-  _Heliasts_, iv. 141.
-
-  _Helikê_, destruction of, x. 157.
-
-  _Helios_, i. 6, 344.
-
-  _Helixus_, viii. 133.
-
-  _Hellanikus_, his treatment of mythes, i. 390;
-    contrasted with Saxo Grammaticus and Snorro Sturleson, i. 468.
-
-  _Hellas_, division of, i. 100;
-    proper, ii. 212;
-    mountain systems of, ii. 212 _seq._;
-    islands and colonies of, ii. 224;
-    most ancient, ii. 268;
-    first historical manifestation of, as an aggregate body, iv. 318.
-
-  _Hellê_ and Phryxus, i. 123.
-
-  _Hellên_ and his sons, i. 99 _seq._
-
-  _Hellênes_, i. 99, ii. 236 _seq._, 255 _seq._
-
-  _Hellenic_ religion and customs in the Trôad, i. 337;
-    cities, ii. 257.
-
-  _Hellênion_ at Naukratis, iii. 336.
-
-  _Hellenism_, definition of, xii. 270.
-
-  _Hellenotamiæ_, v. 265, viii. 310.
-
-  _Hellespont_, bridges of Xerxes over, v. 15 _seq._, 19 _n._;
-    crossed by Xerxes, v. 31;
-    retreating march of Xerxes to, v. 144 _seq._;
-    Grecian fleet at, B. C. 479, v. 200;
-    Strombichidês at, viii. 96;
-    Peloponnesian reinforcement to, B. C. 411, viii. 97;
-    Mindarus and Thrasyllus at, viii. 102, 109, 117;
-    Athenians and Peloponnesians at, after the battle of Kynossêma,
-      viii. 117;
-    Thrasyllus and Alkibiadês at, viii. 131;
-    Thrasybulus at, ix. 366;
-    Iphikrates at, ix. 369 _seq._;
-    Antalkidas at, ix. 384;
-    Epaminondas at, x. 301, 306;
-    Timotheus at, x. 301, 306, 368;
-    Autoklês at, x. 371 _seq._;
-    operations of the Athenians at, B. C. 357, xi. 224;
-    disputes between Athens and Philip about, xi. 450;
-    imprudence of the Persians in letting Alexander cross the, xii. 78.
-
-  _Helôris_, unsuccessful expedition of, xi. 5, 7, 15.
-
-  _Helots_, ii. 373 _seq._;
-    Pausanias and, v. 270;
-    revolt of, v. 315 _seq._;
-    at Ithômê, capitulation of, v. 333;
-    assassination of, vi. 368 _seq._;
-    Brasidean, vii. 21;
-    brought back to Pylus, vii. 71;
-    and the invasion of, Laconia by Epaminondas, x. 219;
-    establishment of, with the Messenians, x. 229 _seq._
-
-  _Helus_, conquered by Alkamenês, ii. 420.
-
-  _Hephæstion_, xii. 246, 247, 252, 254.
-
-  _Hephæstos_, i. 10, 58.
-
-  _Hêræon_ near Mykênæ, i. 165.
-
-  _Hêræon Teichos_, siege of, by Philip, xi. 307.
-
-  _Hêrakleia Pontica_, i. 241; xii. 460 _seq._;
-    the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 146.
-
-  _Hêrakleia in Italy_, iii. 384, vi. 14.
-
-  _Hêrakleia in Sicily_, v. 207;
-    Dion at, xi. 89, 90 _seq._
-
-  _Hêrakleia Trachinea_, vi. 90 _seq._; vii. 60, ix. 284, 302,
-      xi. 90 _seq._
-
-  _Hêrakleid_ kings of Corinth, ii. 307.
-
-  _Hêrakleides the Syracusan_, exile of, xi. 86;
-    victory of, over Philistus, xi. 100;
-    and Dion, xi. 101, 105, 110, 112 _seq._, 121;
-    victory of, over Nypsius, xi. 107;
-    death of, xi. 122.
-
-  _Hêrakleides_, governor of the Pontic Herakleia, xii. 469, 470.
-
-  _Hêrakleids_, i. 94, 95, ii. 1 _seq._;
-    Lydian dynasty of, iii. 222.
-
-  _Hêraklês_, i. 92 _seq._;
-    attack of, on Pylos, i. 110;
-    and Alkêstis, i. 113;
-    overthrows Orchomenos, i. 133;
-    death of, i. 151;
-    and Hylas, i. 234;
-    and Laomedôn, i. 286;
-    Tyrian temple of, iii. 269.
-
-  _Hêraklês_, son of Alexander, xii. 372.
-
-  _Hêrê_, i. 6, 7, 10, 58;
-    and Mykênæ, i. 165;
-    temple of, near Argos, burnt, vi. 451;
-    Lakinian, robe of, xi. 52.
-
-  _Herippidas_, ix. 285, 326, 339.
-
-  _Hermæ_, mutilation of, at Athens, vii. 167 _seq._, 199 _seq._
-
-  _Hermeias_ of Atarneus, xi. 441.
-
-  _Hermes_, i. 10, 58 _seq._
-
-  _Hermionê_, i. 163.
-
-  _Hermokratês_, at the congress at Gela, vii. 137;
-    and the Athenian armament, vii. 182;
-    recommendations of, after the battle near Olympieion, vii. 227;
-    speech of at Kamarina, vii. 229;
-    urges the Syracusans to attack the Athenians at sea, vii. 290;
-    postpones the Athenians’ retreat from Syracuse, vii. 330;
-    and Tissaphernês, vii. 390; viii. 98;
-    in the Ægean, x. 385 _seq._;
-    banishment of, x. 387 _seq._;
-    his return to Sicily, and death, x. 415 _seq._
-
-  _Hermokratean_ party, x. 432;
-    exiles, x. 438.
-
-  _Hermolaus_, xii. 221.
-
-  _Hermotybii_ and Kalasiries, iii. 316.
-
-  _Herodotus_, on Minôs, i. 228, 229;
-    on Helen and the Trojans, i. 308;
-    treatment of mythes by, i. 393 _seq._;
-    his view of Lykurgus, ii. 343;
-    his story of Solon and Crœsus, iii. 151 _seq._;
-    chronological mistakes of, iii. 154 _n._, 198 _n._ 3;
-    chronological discrepancies of, respecting Kyaxarês, iii. 232 _n._;
-    his description of Scythia, iii. 236 _seq._;
-    his account of Babylon, iii. 295 _seq._, 297 _n._ 2;
-    distinction between what he professes to have seen and heard,
-      iii. 309;
-    on the effects of despotism and democracy upon the Athenians,
-      iv. 178;
-    and Ktêsias, on Cyrus, iv. 185;
-    chronology of his life and authorship, iv. 277 _n._, v. 49 _n._;
-    his narrative of Darius’s march into Scythia, iv. 265 _seq._;
-    does not mention Pythagoras in connection with the war between
-      Sybaris and Kroton, iv. 416;
-    historical manner and conception of, v. 5, 11, _n._ 3;
-    his estimate of the number of Xerxes’s army, v. 36 _seq._;
-    doubts about the motives ascribed to Xerxes at Thermopylæ by, v. 87;
-    a proof of the accuracy of, v. 89 _n._;
-    on the movements of the Persian fleet before the battle of Salamis,
-      v. 132 _nn._
-
-  _Heroes_ appear with gods and men on mythes, i. 64;
-    Greek, at Aulis, i. 293 _seq._, 289;
-    Greek, analogy of Alexander to, xii. 70.
-
-  _Heroic_ race, i. 66, legends, i. 424.
-
-  _Hesiod_, theogony of, i. 3, 16, 20, 74;
-    family affairs of, i. 72;
-    Iapetids in, i. 73;
-    complaints of, against kings, ii. 73;
-    dark picture of Greece by, ii. 91.
-
-  _Hesiodic_ mythes traceable to Krête and Delphi, i. 15;
-    “Works and Days”, i. 66 _seq._;
-    philosophy, i. 367;
-    Greeks, ii. 114 _seq._;
-    epic, ii. 119.
-
-  _Hesionê_, i. 286.
-
-  _Hesperides_, dragon of, i. 7.
-
-  _Hesperides_, town of, iv. 32 _n._ 2, 42.
-
-  _Hestia_, i. 6, 7, 58.
-
-  _Hestiæa_ on Ilium, i. 329.
-
-  _Hetæræ_, vi. 100.
-
-  _Hetæries_, at Athens, vi. 290, viii. 15.
-
-  _Hexameter_, the ancient, i. 73;
-    new metres superadded to, iv. 75.
-
-  _Hierax_, ix. 373.
-
-  _Hiero of Syracuse_, v. 227 _seq._
-
-  _Hieromnêmôn_, ii. 246.
-
-  _Hiketas_, xi. 128;
-    and the Syracusans, xi. 134;
-    message of, to Corinth and to Timoleon, xi. 143, 144;
-    defeat of, at Adranum, xi. 148;
-    and Magon, xi. 156 _seq._, 159;
-    flight of, from Syracuse to Leontini, xi. 161;
-    capitulation of, with Timoleon, xi. 170;
-    invites the Carthaginians to invade Sicily, xi. 171;
-    defeat, surrender, and death of, xi. 181, 182.
-
-  _Himera_, iii. 367;
-    battle of, v. 221 _seq._;
-    treatment of, by Thêro, v. 228;
-    capture of, by Hannibal, x. 410 _seq._;
-    defeat of Agathokles at the, xii. 408 _seq._
-
-  _Hindoos_, rivers personified by, i. 342 _n._ 2;
-    their belief with regard to the small pox, i. 360 _n._;
-    belief of, in fabulous stories, i. 430 _n._;
-    expensiveness of marriage among, iii. 141 _n._ 2;
-    sentiment of, with regard to the discontinuance of sacrifices,
-      xii. 43 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Hindoo Koosh_, Alexander at, xii. 200;
-    Alexander reduces the country between the Indus and, xii. 224 _seq._
-
-  _Hindostan_, hoarding in, xii. 175 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Hipparchus_, ii. 153 _n._, iv. 111 _seq._
-
-  _Hipparinus_, son of Dionysius, xi. 130.
-
-  _Hippeis_, Solonian, iii. 118.
-
-  _Hippias_, of Elis, viii. 380 _seq._
-
-  _Hippias, Peisistratid_, iv. 111 _seq._, 120 _seq._, 281, 356 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Hippo_, iv. 385.
-
-  _Hippodameia_, i. 159.
-
-  _Hippodamus_, vi. 20.
-
-  _Hippokleidês_, iii. 39.
-
-  _Hippokratês the physician_, i. 373; viii. 426 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Hippokratês of Gela_, v. 213 _seq._
-
-  _Hippokratês, the Athenian general_, vi. 370 _seq._, 379, 382 _seq._,
-      388.
-
-  _Hippon_, xi. 184.
-
-  _Hipponikus_, iii. 102.
-
-  _Hipponium_, capture of, xi. 17;
-    re-establishment of, xi. 43.
-
-  _Hipponoidas_, vii. 85, 89.
-
-  _Histiæus_ and the bridge over the Danube, iv. 272;
-    and Myrkinus, iv. 273, 277;
-    detention of, at Susa, iv. 277;
-    and the Ionic revolt, iv. 284, 299 _seq._, 309.
-
-  _Historians_, treatment of mythes by, i. 391 _seq._
-
-  _Historical_ proof, positive evidence indispensable to, i. 430;
-    sense of modern times not to be applied to an unrecording age,
-      i. 432;
-    evidence, the standard of, raised with regard to England, but not
-      with regard to Greece, i. 485;
-    and legendary Greece compared, ii. 60 _seq._
-
-  _Historicizing_ innovations in the tale of Troy, i. 333;
-    of ancient mythes, i. 409 _seq._;
-    applicable to all mythes, or none, i. 422.
-
-  _History_, uninteresting to early Greeks, i. 359;
-    of England, how conceived down to the seventeenth century,
-      i. 482 _seq._;
-    and legend, Grecian, blank between, ii. 33 _seq._;
-    Grecian first period of, from B. C. 776 to 560, ii. 270, 273;
-    Grecian, second period of, from B. C. 560 to 300, ii. 270 _seq._;
-    religious conception of, common to Greeks and Persians, v. 10.
-
-  _Homer_ and Hesiod, mythology of, i. 12;
-    personality and poems of, ii. 127 _seq._
-
-  _Homeric Zeus_, i. 12;
-    hymns, i. 34, 37 _seq._, 45, 59, 60, iii. 168 _seq._;
-    legend of the birth of Hêraklês, i. 93 _seq._;
-    Pelops, i. 159;
-    gods, types of, i. 350;
-    age, mythical faith of, i. 359;
-    philosophy, i. 368;
-    account of the inhabitants of Peloponnesus, ii. 12;
-    Boulê and Agora, ii. 65 _seq._;
-    Greeks, social condition of, ii. 97 _seq._, 107;
-    Greeks, unity, idea of, partially revived, ii. 162 _seq._;
-    epoch, right conception of, ii. 174;
-    mode of fighting, ii. 457;
-    geography, iii. 204.
-
-  _Homêrids_, the poetical gens of, ii. 132.
-
-  _Homicide_, purification for, i. 25, 26;
-    mode of dealing with, in legendary and historical Greece,
-      ii. 93 _seq._;
-    tribunals for, at Athens, iii. 77;
-    Drake’s laws of, retained by Solon, iii. 134;
-    trial for and the senate of Areopagus, v. 368 _n._
-
-  _Homoioi_, Spartan, ii. 363, 418.
-
-  _Hoplêtes_, iii. 51.
-
-  _Hôræ_, the, i. 10.
-
-  _Horkos_, i. 7, 8.
-
-  _Horse_, the wooden, of Troy, i. 302, 309.
-
-  _Horsemen_ at Athens, after the restoration of the democracy,
-      B. C. 403, viii. 305.
-
-  _Hospitality_ in legendary Greece, ii. 84.
-
-  _Human_ sacrifices in Greece, i. 126 _seq._
-
-  _Hyakinthia_ and the Lacedæmonians, v. 153.
-
-  _Hyakinthus_, i. 168.
-
-  _Hyblæan Megara_, iii. 365.
-
-  _Hydarnês_, v. 88.
-
-  _Hydaspes_, Alexander at the, xii. 227 _seq._;
-    Alexander sails down the, xii. 333.
-
-  _Hydra_, the Lernæan, i. 7.
-
-  _Hydra_, sailors of, v. 51 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Hykkara_, capture of, vii. 216.
-
-  _Hylas_ and Hêraklês, i. 234.
-
-  _Hylleis_, ii. 360.
-
-  _Hyllus_, i. 94, 177.
-
-  _Hymns_, Homeric, i. 34, 37 _seq._, 45, 59, 60, iii. 168 _seq._;
-    at festival in honor of gods, i. 49.
-
-  _Hypaspistæ_, xii. 61.
-
-  _Hyperbolus_, iv. 151, vii. 108 _seq._, viii. 27.
-
-  _Hyperides_, xi. 509, xii. 298 _n._ 1, 305 _n._, 326, 327.
-
-  _Hyperiôn_, i. 5, 6.
-
-  _Hypermênes_, x. 146.
-
-  _Hypermnêstra_, i. 88.
-
-  _Hyphasis_, Alexander at, xii. 231.
-
-  _Hypomeiones_, Spartan, ii. 363, 418.
-
-  _Hyrkania_, Alexander in, xii. 166.
-
-
-  I.
-
-  _Ialmenos_ and Askalaphos, i. 130.
-
-  _Iapetids_ in Hesiod, i. 74.
-
-  _Iapetos_, i. 5, 6.
-
-  _Iapygians_, iii. 392.
-
-  _Iasus_, capture of, vii. 389.
-
-  _Iberia_ in Spain, iii. 275.
-
-  _Iberians_ and Dionysius, x. 510.
-
-  _Ida_ in Asia, iii. 195, 197.
-
-  _Ida_ in Crête, Zeus at, i. 6.
-
-  _Idanthyrsus_, iv. 267.
-
-  _Idas_, i. 169, 171.
-
-  _Idomenê_, Demosthenês at, vi. 306 _seq._
-
-  _Idrieus_, xi. 437.
-
-  _Ikarus_, i. 225.
-
-  _Iliad_ and the Trojan war, i. 297;
-    and Odyssey, date, structure, and authorship of, ii. 118-209.
-
-  _Ilium_, i. 286, 334 _seq._
-
-  _Illyria_, Dionysius’s schemes of conquest in, xi. 24.
-
-  _Illyrians_, different tribes of, iv. 1 _seq._;
-    retreat of Perdikkas and Brasidas before, vi. 447 _seq._;
-    victory of Philip over, xi. 214 _seq._;
-    defeat of, by Alexander, xii. 28 _seq._
-
-  _Ilus_, i. 285, 286.
-
-  _Imbros_, iv. 28, 278 _seq._
-
-  _Imilkon_ and Hannibal, invasion of Sicily by, x. 421 _seq._;
-    at Agrigentum, x. 425 _seq._;
-    at Gela, x. 447 _seq._;
-    and Dionysius, x. 454 _seq._;
-    at Motyê, x. 479, 490;
-    capture of Messênê by, 491 _seq._;
-    and the Campanians of Ætna, x. 497;
-    before Syracuse, x. 498 _seq._;
-    flight of, from Syracuse, x. 510;
-    miserable end of, x. 511.
-
-  _Inachus_, i. 82.
-
-  _Indus_, Alexander at, xii. 225 _seq._, 233 _seq._;
-    voyage of Nearchus from the mouth of, to that of the Tigris,
-      xii. 235, 237.
-
-  _Industry_, manufacturing, at Athens, iii. 136 _seq._
-
-  _Infantry_ and oligarchy, iii. 31.
-
-  _Inland_ and maritime cities contrasted, ii. 225.
-
-  _Inô_, i. 123 _seq._
-
-  _Inscriptions_, ii. 41.
-
-  _Interest_ on loans, iii. 107 _seq._, 159.
-
-  _Interpreters_, Egyptian, iii. 327.
-
-  _Io_, legend of, i. 84 _seq._
-
-  _Iôn_, i. 198, 204.
-
-  _Iônia_, emigrants to, ii. 24 _seq._;
-    conquest of, by Harpagus, iv. 202;
-    Mardonius’s deposition of despots in, iv. 312;
-    expedition of Astyochus to, vii. 382;
-    expedition of Thrasyllus to, viii. 129.
-
-  _Ionian_, the name a reproach, iii. 169.
-
-  _Ionians_, ii. 12, 13;
-    and Darius’s bridge over the Danube, iv. 271 _seq._;
-    abandonment of, by the Athenians, iv. 297;
-    at Ladê, iv. 301 _seq._;
-    at Mykalê, v. 192 _seq._, 197;
-    after the battle of Mykalê, v. 199.
-
-  _Ionic_ emigration, ii. 21, 24 _seq._, iii. 172;
-    tribes in Attica, iii. 50, 52 _seq._;
-    cities in Asia, iii. 172 _seq._, 260;
-    and Italic Greeks, iii. 398;
-    revolt, iv. 285 _seq._, 306 _n._ 2;
-    philosophers, iv. 378;
-    Sicilians and Athens, vii. 132;
-    alphabet and the Athenian laws, viii. 308.
-
-  _Iphigeneia_, i. 293.
-
-  _Iphiklos_, i. 110.
-
-  _Iphikrates_, destruction of a Lacedæmonian _mora_ by, ix. 327 _n._,
-      341 _n._, 348 _seq._;
-    military improvements and successes of, ix. 335 _seq._, 353;
-    defeat of Anaxibius by, ix. 370 _seq._;
-    proceedings of, between B. C. 387-378, x. 105 _seq._;
-    and Kotys, x. 106, 299, 369, 374;
-    expedition of, to Korkyra, x. 149 _seq._, 154 _n._;
-    and Timotheus, x. 149, 299, xi. 231 _seq._;
-    expedition of, to aid Sparta against Thebes, x. 237 _seq._;
-    in Thrace and Macedonia, x. 250 _seq._, 299;
-    in the Hellespont, xi. 224;
-    and Chares, xi. 224 _seq._
-
-  _Iphikrates the Younger_, xii. 129.
-
-  _Ipsus_, battle of, xii. 387.
-
-  _Iran_, territory of, iv. 184.
-
-  _Irasa_, iv. 31.
-
-  _Iris_, i. 7.
-
-  _Iron race_, the, i. 66.
-
-  _Isagoras_, iv. 126, 164 _seq._
-
-  _Ischagoras_, vi. 449.
-
-  _Ischolaus_, x. 217.
-
-  _Ischys_, i. 178.
-
-  _Isidas_, x. 332.
-
-  _Islands_ in the Ægean, ii. 234.
-
-  _Ismenias_ in the north of Bœotia, ix. 301;
-    and Leontiades, x. 59;
-    trial and execution of, x. 63.
-
-  _Ismenias_ and Pelopidas, x. 277 _seq._, 283, 285.
-
-  _Isokratês_, his treatment of mythes, i. 407 _n._ 2;
-    on the origin of Periœki, ii. 367;
-    panegyrical oration of, x. 44, 77;
-    the Plataic oration of, x. 163;
-    the Archidamus of, x. 228 _n._ 2, 229 _n._ 1, 291 _n._ 2;
-    his letter to Philip, xi. 282, 436.
-
-  _Issêdones_, iii. 245.
-
-  _Issus_, Alexander at, before the battle, xii. 114;
-    Darius at, before the battle, xii. 117;
-    battle of, xii. 118 _seq._;
-    inaction of Darius after the battle of, xii. 152;
-    and its neighborhood, as connected with the battle, xii. 491 _seq._
-
-  _Isthmian games_, i. 124, ii. 242, iv. 65 _seq._;
-    Eleians excluded from, i. 140, ii. 306 _n._;
-    B. C. 412, vii. 368;
-    and Agesilaus, ix. 344.
-
-  _Istônê_, Korkyræan fugitives at, vi. 278, 313, 357 _seq._
-
-  _Italia_, iii. 350.
-
-  _Italian_ Greeks, iii. 369, 392, 394 _seq._, xi. 7 _seq._, 133,
-      xii. 394.
-
-  _Italians_, iii. 369.
-
-  _Italy and Sicily_, early languages and history of, iii. 354 _n._
-
-  _Italy_, the voyage from Greece to, iii. 361;
-    Grecian colonies in, iii. 354, 360, 374 _seq._;
-    decline of Greek power in, after the fall of Sybaris, iv. 415;
-    Southern, affairs of, B. C. 382-369, xi. 43.
-
-  _Ithômê_, ii. 422, v. 316.
-
-
-  J.
-
-  _Jason_, i. 114 _seq._, 237 _seq._
-
-  _Jason of Pheræ_, x. 137 _seq._, 147 _n._, 153, 189 _seq._, 195 _seq._
-
-  _Jaxartes_, Alexander at the, xii. 204 _seq._
-
-  _Jocasta_, i. 266 _seq._
-
-  _Jurkæ_, iii. 245.
-
-  _Jury-trial_, characteristics of, exhibited in the Athenian
-      dikasteries, v. 385 _seq._
-
-
-  K.
-
-  _Kabala_, victory of Dionysius at, xi. 41.
-
-  _Kabeirichus_, x. 85.
-
-  _Kadmeia_, at Thebes, seizure of, by Phœbidas, x. 58 _seq._;
-    surrender of, by the Lacedæmonians, x. 88 _seq._
-
-  _Kadmus_, i. 257 _seq._
-
-  _Kalais_ and Zêtês, i. 199.
-
-  _Kalasiries_ and Hermotybii, iii. 316.
-
-  _Kalauria_, i. 56;
-    Amphiktyony at, i. 133;
-    the Athenian allied armament at, x. 148;
-    death of Demosthenes at, xii. 327 _seq._
-
-  _Kalchas_, wanderings and death of, i. 313.
-
-  _Kalê Aktê_, foundation of, vii. 125.
-
-  _Kallias_, treaty of, v. 336 _seq._
-
-  _Kallias, son of Kalliades_, vi. 70, 72.
-
-  _Kallias_ at the congress at Sparta, B. C. 371, x. 165.
-
-  _Kallias of Chalkis_, xi. 341 _seq._, 452.
-
-  _Kallibius, the Lacedæmonian_, viii. 242; ix. 188.
-
-  _Kallibius_ of Tegea, x. 209.
-
-  _Kalliklês_, in Plato, viii. 382 _seq._
-
-  _Kallikratidas_, viii. 160 _seq._, 263.
-
-  _Kallimachus_, the polemarch, iv. 341, 348.
-
-  _Kallinus_, iv. 73, 77.
-
-  _Kallipidæ_, iii. 239.
-
-  _Kallippus_, xi. 123 _seq._, 128 _seq._
-
-  _Kallirrhoe_, i. 7, 282.
-
-  _Kallisthenês, the historian_, i. 410.
-
-  _Kallisthenes, the general_, failure and condemnation of, x. 370,
-      xi. 423.
-
-  _Kallisthenes of Olynthus_, xii. 213, 216 _seq._, 222 _seq._
-
-  _Kallistô_, i. 175.
-
-  _Kallistratus_, x. 110, 164, _seq._, 172, 288, xi. 266.
-
-  _Kallixenus_, viii. 194 _seq._, 203, 205.
-
-  _Kalpê_, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 148 _seq._
-
-  _Kalydônian_ boar, i. 143, 146 _seq._
-
-  _Kamarina_, iii. 366;
-    restoration of, to independence, v. 237;
-    and the Athenians, vii. 194;
-    Athenian and Syracusan envoys at, vii. 229 _seq._;
-    neutral policy of, B. C. 415, vii. 233;
-    evacuation of, x. 450;
-    and Timoleon, xi. 187.
-
-  _Kambyses_, iv. 47, 218 _seq._
-
-  _Kandaulês_, iii. 220.
-
-  _Kannônus_, psephism of, viii. 197 _n._
-
-  _Kanôpic branch of the Nile_., opening of, to Greek traffic, iii. 327.
-
-  _Kapaneus_. i. 273, 278.
-
-  _Kappadokia_ subdued by Alexander, xii. 111.
-
-  _Kardia_, Athenian fleet at, viii. 120;
-    alliance of, with Philip, xi. 451;
-    Eumenes of, xii. 74.
-
-  _Karduchians_, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 95 _seq._
-
-  _Karia_, resistance of, to Daurisês, iv. 294.
-
-  _Karmania_, Alexander’s bacchanalian procession through, xii. 237.
-
-  _Karneian_ festival, ii. 306 _n._, v. 78.
-
-  _Karneius_ Apollo, i. 49.
-
-  _Karnus_, ii. 3.
-
-  _Karpathus_, ii. 31.
-
-  _Karystus_, iv. 331, v. 303.
-
-  _Kassander_, Alexander’s treatment of, xii. 254;
-    schemes of, on Antipater’s death, xii. 339;
-    and Polysperchon, war between, xii. 360;
-    gets possession of Athens, xii. 361;
-    in Peloponnesus, xii. 365;
-    defeat of Olympias by, xii. 366;
-    confederacy of, with Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleukus against
-      Antigonus, xii. 367, 372, 382, 387;
-    founds Kassandreia and restores Thebes, xii. 368;
-    and Alexander, son of Polysperchon, xii. 368, 369;
-    and the Ætolians, xii. 370;
-    measures of Antigonus against, xii. 369, 370;
-    great power of, in Greece, xii. 371;
-    Ptolemy, and Lysimachus, pacification of, with Antigonus, xii. 371;
-    compact of Polysperchon with, xii. 372, 381;
-    Ptolemy makes a truce with, xii. 373;
-    success of Demetrius Poliorketes in Greece against, xii. 382;
-    truce of, with Demetrius Poliorketes, xii. 387;
-    death of, xii. 389.
-
-  _Kassandra_. i. 287.
-
-  _Kastôr_ and Pollux, i. 169 _seq._
-
-  _Katabothra_, ii. 218.
-
-  _Katana_, iii. 364;
-    and Ætna, v. 236;
-    Alkibiadês at, vii. 194;
-    Nikias at, vii. 234;
-    conquest of, by Dionysius, x. 468;
-    Carthaginian naval victory near, x. 495;
-    Hiketas and Magon at, xi. 156.
-
-  _Katônakophori_, iii. 35.
-
-  _Katreus_ and Althæmenês, i. 224.
-
-  _Kaulonia_, iii. 384, xi. 14, 17;
-    Dikon of, xi. 28.
-
-  _Kaunus_, Antisthenês at, vii. 397.
-
-  _Käystru-Pedion_, march of Cyrus from Keramôn-Agora to, ix. 17 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Kebalinus_, xii. 191, 194.
-
-  _Kekrops_, i. 195 _seq._;
-    the second, i. 204.
-
-  _Kelænæ_, Alexander at, xii. 101.
-
-  _Keleos_, i. 38 _seq._, 196.
-
-  _Keleustes_, vi. 200 _n._
-
-  _Kenchreæ_, Peloponnesian fleet at, vii. 382.
-
-  _Kentrites_, the Ten Thousand Greeks at the, ix. 99 _seq._
-
-  _Kephallênia_, iii. 410, vi. 135, 141.
-
-  _Kephalus_, i. 195 _n._ 4, 198;
-    and Dionysius at Syracuse, xi. 167.
-
-  _Kephisodotus_, x. 374, 377.
-
-  _Kerasus_, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 127.
-
-  _Kersobleptes_, x. 366;
-    and Charidemus, x. 366, 378, 379;
-    intrigue of, against Athens, xi. 258;
-    and the peace and alliance between Athens and Philip,
-      xi. 396 _seq._;
-    defeat of, by Philip, xi. 443.
-
-  _Kertch_, tumuli near, xii. 487 _seq._
-
-  _Ketô_, i. 7.
-
-  _Keyx_ and Alcyone, i. 135.
-
-  _Kilikia_, Alexander in, xii. 113, 114;
-    Darius in, xii. 116.
-
-  _Kimon_ and Themistoklês, v. 278, 280;
-    capture of Skyros by, v. 304, 304 _n._ 2.;
-    victories of, at the Eurymedon, v. 308;
-    trial and acquittal of, v. 312, 365;
-    and the Spartan application for aid against the Helots, v. 318, 365;
-    recall of, from ostracism, v. 329;
-    death of, v. 335, 340;
-    political party of, v. 361;
-    and Periklês, v. 329, 362 _seq._, 371;
-    character of, v. 364;
-    ostracism of, v. 366.
-
-  _Kimonian_ treaty, the so-called, v. 337 _seq._
-
-  _Kinadon_, conspiracy and character of, ix. 251 _seq._
-
-  _King_, the, in legendary Greece, ii. 61 _seq._, 74 _seq._;
-    the, in historical Greece, ii. 76;
-    English theory of a, iii. 13.
-
-  _Kings_, Egyptian, iii. 321, 330 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Kingship_, discontinuance of, in Greece generally, ii. 76, iii. 8;
-    in mediæval and modern Europe, iii. 8 _seq._
-
-  _Kinyps_ and Dorieus, iv. 36.
-
-  _Kirrha_, iv. 60 _n._, 61 _seq._, xi. 468 _seq._, 474.
-
-  _Kirrhæans_, punishment of, iv. 62 _seq._
-
-  _Kissidas_, x. 265.
-
-  _Klarus_, temple of Apollo at, iii. 185.
-
-  _Klazomenæ_, iii. 188, vii. 372, 384, 391.
-
-  _Kleander_ of Gela, v. 207.
-
-  _Kleander the Lacedæmonian_, ix. 149 _seq._, 152, 154, 165, xii. 197.
-
-  _Kleandridas_, vi. 14.
-
-  _Kleandridês_, v. 349.
-
-  _Klearchus the Lacedæmonian_, at the Hellespont, viii. 96;
-    at Byzantium, viii. 128;
-    and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 8, 22 _seq._;
-    and Menon’s soldiers, ix. 35;
-    and Ariæus, ix. 52;
-    and Tissaphernes, ix. 63, 70 _seq._
-
-  _Klearchus of the Pontic Herakleia_, xii. 461 _seq._
-
-  _Klearidas_, vi. 450, 470, 472, vii. 3.
-
-  _Kleinas_, iii. 102.
-
-  _Kleisthenês of Sikyôn_, i. 279, ii. 129, iii. 32 _seq._
-
-  _Kleisthenês the Athenian_, revolution in Attic tribes by,
-      iii. 63, 67;
-    and the oracle at Delphi, iv. 121;
-    retirement and recall of, iv. 164, 165;
-    development of Athenian energy after, iv. 176;
-    changes in the constitution of, after the Persian war, v. 275.
-
-  _Kleïppidês_, vi. 224 _seq._
-
-  _Kleitarchus_, xi. 450, 452.
-
-  _Kleitus the Illyrian_, xii. 28 _seq._
-
-  _Kleitus, Alexander’s general_, xii. 85, 208 _seq._
-
-  _Kleobulê_, mother of Demosthenes, xi. 263.
-
-  _Kleobûlus_ and Xenarês, vii. 24 _seq._
-
-  _Kleokritus_, viii. 270.
-
-  _Kleombrotus_, x. 94 _seq._, 129, 136, 176 _seq._, 180 _seq._
-
-  _Kleomenês I._, his expeditions to Athens, iv. 122, 164 _seq._;
-    and Aristagoras, iv. 287;
-    defeat of Argeians by, iv. 320 _seq._;
-    return of, without attacking Argos, iv. 321;
-    trial of, iv. 323;
-    and the Æginetans, iv. 325, 328;
-    and Demaratus, iv. 325 _seq._;
-    violent proceedings and death of, v. 45.
-
-  _Kleomenês III._, ii. 349, 350.
-
-  _Kleomenês, Alexander’s satrap_, xii. 241, 253, 253 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Kleon the Athenian_, first mention of, by Thucydidês, vi. 244;
-    policy and character of, vi. 246, 480 _seq._;
-    and Mitylênê, vi. 249 _seq._;
-    political function of, vi. 290, 292;
-    and the prisoners in Sphakteria, vi. 329 _seq._;
-    expedition of, to Pylus, vi. 336 _seq._;
-    warlike influence of, vi. 355, 457 _seq._;
-    at Amphipolis, vi. 462 _seq._, 467 _seq._;
-    capture of Torônê by, vi. 463;
-    at Eion, vi. 463;
-    Thucydidês’s treatment of, vi. 479, 483 _seq._;
-    and Aristophanês, vi. 481 _seq._, 485.
-
-  _Kleon, of Halikarnassus_, ix. 237, 300.
-
-  _Kleônæ_ and Argos, ii. 464, iv. 65 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Kleonikê_ and Pausanias, v. 255.
-
-  _Kleonymus_, xii. 448, 449.
-
-  _Kleopatra, wife of Philip_, xi. 513 _seq._, 518 _n._ 2,
-      xii. 4 _seq._, 8.
-
-  _Kleopatra, daughter of Philip_, xi. 514, xii. 321, 372.
-
-  _Kleophon_, viii. 123.
-
-  _Kleopus_, iii. 228.
-
-  _Kleruchies, Athenian_, revival of B. C. 365, vi. 31 _n._,
-      x. 296 _seq._
-
-  _Kleruchs, Athenian_, in Chalkis, iv. 170;
-    in Lesbos, vi. 257;
-    after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 223.
-
-  _Klonas_, musical improvements of, iv. 75.
-
-  _Klothô_, i. 7.
-
-  _Klymenê_, i. 6.
-
-  _Klytæmnêstra_, i. 162, 168.
-
-  _Knêmus_, vi. 193 _seq._, 202, 213.
-
-  _Knidus_, settlement of, ii. 31;
-    maritime contests near, B. C. 412 vii. 394;
-    Antisthenês and Astyochus at, vii. 397;
-    the battle of, ix. 283;
-    and Agesilaus, ix. 312;
-    reverses of Sparta after the battle of, 317.
-
-  _Knights at Athens_, viii. 305, ix. 183.
-
-  _Knôpus_, iii. 187.
-
-  _Kodrids_, i. 112.
-
-  _Kodrus_, ii. 24;
-    archons after, iii. 48.
-
-  _Kœnus_, xii. 194, 195, 232.
-
-  _Kœos_, i. 5, 7.
-
-  _Kœratadus_, viii. 134, iv. 160, 163.
-
-  _Kôês_, iv. 270, 273, 285.
-
-  _Kokalus_, i. 225 _seq._
-
-  _Kôlæus_, his voyage to Tartêssus, iii. 279.
-
-  _Kôlakretæ_, iv. 137.
-
-  _Kolchians_ and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 112, 126.
-
-  _Kolchis_, and the Argonautic expedition, i. 241, 255.
-
-  _Kolônus_, Athenian assembly at, viii. 35.
-
-  _Kolophôn_, iii. 184 _seq._
-
-  _Konipodes_, iii. 35.
-
-  _Konon_ at Naupaktus, vii. 358;
-    at Andros, viii. 151;
-    appointment of, to succeed Alkibiadês, viii. 159;
-    at Samos, 160;
-    at Mitylênê, viii. 166 _seq._;
-    escape of, from Ægospotami, viii. 219;
-    renewed activity of, ix. 255, 269;
-    at Rhodes, ix. 270;
-    visit of, to the Persian court, ix. 280 _seq._;
-    and Pharnabazus, ix. 281, 318, 321 _seq._;
-    rebuilds the Long Walls of Athens, ix. 322;
-    large plans of, ix. 325;
-    sent as envoy to Tiribazus, ix. 359;
-    arrest of, ix. 361;
-    long absence of, from Athens, x. 108 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Kopaïs_, lake of, i. 132.
-
-  _Korkyra_ and the Argonauts, i. 243;
-    early inhabitants of, iii. 402;
-    relations of, with Corinth, iii. 403 _seq._;
-    relations of, with Epirus, iii. 405;
-    and Corinth, joint settlements of, iii. 405 _seq._;
-    commerce of, iii. 409;
-    and Corinth, disputes between, vi. 51 _seq._;
-    application of the Epidamnian democracy to, vi. 52;
-    and Corinth, hostilities between, vi. 55, 63 _seq._;
-    and Corinth, decision of the Athenians between, vi. 62;
-    oligarchical violence at, vi. 270 _seq._;
-    vengeance of the victorious Demos at, B. C. 427, vi. 275 _seq._;
-    Nikostratus and Alkidas at, vi. 282;
-    revolutions at, contrasted with those at Athens, vi. 283;
-    distress at, B. C. 425, vi. 313;
-    expedition of Eurymedon and Sophoklês to, vi. 313 _seq._,
-      357 _seq._;
-    muster of the Athenian armament at, vii. 180;
-    Demosthenês’s voyage from, to Sicily, vii. 301;
-    renewed troubles at, viii. 118;
-    Lacedæmonian expedition against, x. 142 _seq._;
-    expedition of Iphikrates to, x. 149 _seq._;
-    Kleonymus and Agathokles in, xii. 449.
-
-  _Korkyræan_ envoys, speech of, to the Athenian assembly,
-      vi. 58 _seq._;
-    captives return home from Corinth, vi. 266 _seq._;
-    oligarchical fugitives at Istônê, vi. 278, 313, 357.
-
-  _Korkyræans_, and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 66;
-    attack Epidamnus, vi. 53;
-    remonstrate with the Corinthians and Peloponnesians, vi. 54;
-    seek the alliance of Athens, vi. 56 _seq._
-
-  _Korôbius_ and the foundation of Kyrênê, iv. 30.
-
-  _Korôneia_, Athenian defeat at, v. 348;
-    Theban victory at, ix. 312 _seq._, 317.
-
-  _Korônis_ and Asklêpius, i. 178.
-
-  _Korynephori_, iii. 35.
-
-  _Kôs_, settlement of, ii. 30;
-    capture of, by Astyochus, vii. 397;
-    revolt of, from Athens, xi. 220 _seq._, 231.
-
-  _Kossæi_, xii. 248.
-
-  _Kottas_, i. 5.
-
-  _Kottyphus_, xi. 475, 479, 480.
-
-  _Kotyôra_, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 126 _seq._
-
-  _Kotys_ and Iphikrates, x. 106, 299, 369, 373;
-    and Athens, x. 228 _seq._, 372, 373;
-    and Timotheus, x. 301, 368;
-    and Miltokythes, x. 372;
-    capture of Sestos by, x. 373;
-    assassination of, x. 375.
-
-  _Kranaus_, i. 196.
-
-  _Krannon_, battle of, xii. 321.
-
-  _Kraterus_ and Philôtas, xii. 192 _seq._;
-    and Antipater, xii. 320 _seq._, 335;
-    death of, xii. 336.
-
-  _Kratês_, comedy of, viii. 328.
-
-  _Kratesippidas_, viii. 128, 138.
-
-  _Kratinus_, viii. 327, 332 _n._
-
-  _Kreôn, king of Thêbes_, i. 117, 276.
-
-  _Kreôn, archon at Athens_, iii. 48.
-
-  _Kresphontês_, ii. 2 _seq._, 331 _n._
-
-  _Krêtan_ settlements on the Gulf of Tarentum, i. 330;
-    and Phrygian worship, iii. 215.
-
-  _Krêtans_ and Minôs, i. 229;
-    in the time of Homer, ii. 102;
-    and Xerxes, v. 66.
-
-  _Krête_, migrations of Dorians to, ii. 30;
-    early Dorians in, ii. 310;
-    Periœki in, ii. 364 _n._ 3;
-    Phalækus in, xi. 433.
-
-  _Krêthêis_ and Pêleus, i. 114.
-
-  _Krêtheus_, descendants of, i. 113.
-
-  _Kreüsa_, i. 198, 204.
-
-  _Krimêsus_, Timoleon’s victory over the Carthaginians at the,
-      xi. 174 _seq._
-
-  _Krios_, i. 5, 6.
-
-  _Krissa_, iv. 59 _seq._
-
-  _Kritias_ and Sokratês, vii. 36 _seq._;
-    return of, to Athens, viii. 233 _seq._;
-    and Theramenês, viii. 237 _seq._, 245 _seq._;
-    death of, viii. 290.
-
-  _Krius_, iv. 325, 328.
-
-  _Krommyon_, capture of, ix. 335;
-    recovery of, ix. 353.
-
-  _Kromnus_, capture of Lacedæmonians at, x. 316 _seq._
-
-  _Kronium_, Dionysius at, xi. 41.
-
-  _Kronos_, i. 5 _seq._, 8.
-
-  _Krotôn_, foundation, territory, and colonies of, iii. 376 _seq._;
-    fall of, iii. 392;
-    maximum power of, iii. 394;
-    citizens and government of, iii. 399;
-    and Pythagoras, iv. 401 _seq._;
-    and Sybaris, iv. 413 _seq._;
-    capture of, by Dionysius, xi. 22;
-    expedition from Syracuse to, xii. 397.
-
-  _Krypteia_, ii. 378.
-
-  _Kteatos_ and Eurytos, i. 141.
-
-  _Ktêsias_ and Herodotus on Cyrus, iv. 185;
-    on Darius, iv. 264.
-
-  _Ktesiphon_, xi. 371, xii. 286 _seq._
-
-  _Kunaxa_, battle of, ix. 42 _seq._
-
-  _Kurêtes_, ceremonies of, i. 31.
-
-  _Kyaxarês_, iii. 231, 254.
-
-  _Kydonta_, vi. 203.
-
-  _Kyknus_, i. 294.
-
-  _Kylôn the Athenian_, attempted usurpation of, iii. 81 _seq._
-
-  _Kylôn of Krotôn_, iv. 409.
-
-  _Kyllyrii_ at Syracuse, v. 206.
-
-  _Kymæans_ and Pactyas, iv. 201.
-
-  _Kymê_, iii. 190;
-    Alkibiadês at, viii. 153.
-
-  _Kynegeirus_, iv. 350.
-
-  _Kynossêma_, battle of, viii. 109 _seq._
-
-  _Kynurians_, ii. 303;
-    in Argolis, ii. 451.
-
-  _Kypselus_, iii. 40;
-    fall of the dynasty of, iii. 43.
-
-  _Kyrênê_, foundation of, iv. 29 _seq._;
-    situation, fertility and prosperity of, iv. 31 _seq._;
-    and the Libyans, iv. 35 _seq._, 42 _seq._;
-    second migration of Greeks to, iv. 41;
-    and Egypt, iv. 42;
-    reform of, by Demônax, iv. 43;
-    Periœki at, iv. 45;
-    third immigration to, iv. 46;
-    submission of, to Kambysês, iv. 220;
-    history of, from about B. C. 450 to 306, xii. 428 _seq._;
-    Ophellas, viceroy of, xii. 431 _seq._
-
-  _Kythera_, capture of, by the Athenians, vi. 365 _seq._
-
-  _Kytinium_, occupation of, by Philip, xi. 498.
-
-  _Kyzikus_ and the Argonauts, i. 234;
-    revolt of, from Athens, viii. 112;
-    siege of, by Mindarus, viii. 120;
-    battle of, viii. 121.
-
-
-  L.
-
-  _Labdalum_, vii. 248, 269.
-
-  _Lacedæmonian_ envoys to Persia, B. C. 430, vi. 181;
-    embassy to Athens about the prisoners in Sphakteria, vi. 325 _seq._;
-    reinforcement to Brasidas in Chalkidikê, vi. 449;
-    envoys at the congress at Corinth, B. C. 421, vii. 15;
-    envoys at Athens, about Panaktum and Pylus, vii. 29;
-    embassy to Athens, against the alliance of Athens with Argos,
-      vii. 44 _seq._;
-    army, vii. 79, 81 _n._ 2;
-    assembly, speech of Alkibiadês in, vii. 237 _seq._;
-    fleet under Agesandridas, viii. 66, 71;
-    fleet victory of, near Eretria, viii. 72 _seq._;
-    _mora_, destruction of a, by Iphikrates, ix. 350 _seq._;
-    auxiliaries to the Phokians at Thermopylæ, xi. 419, 421.
-
-  _Lacedæmonians_ and Cyrus the Great, iv. 199;
-    attack of, upon Polykratês, iv. 243;
-    and Themistoklês, v. 149, 278, 280;
-    and Mardonius’s offer of peace to the Athenians, v. 151 _seq._;
-    invoke the aid of their allies against the Helots, v. 316;
-    dismiss their Athenian auxiliaries against the Helots,
-      v. 317 _seq._;
-    expedition of, into Bœotia, B. C. 458, v. 327 _seq._;
-    victory of, at Tanagra, v. 328;
-    proceedings of, on Phormio’s victory over the Peloponnesian fleet
-      near Rhium, vi. 202;
-    proceedings of, for the recovery of Pylus, vi. 319, 320 _seq._;
-    occupation of Sphakteria by, vi. 320, 347;
-    blockade of, in Sphakteria, vi. 324 _seq._, 333 _seq._, 342 _seq._;
-    offers of peace from, after the capture of Sphakteria, vi. 353;
-    assassination of Helots by, vi. 368 _seq._;
-    and the Peace of Nikias, vii. 3;
-    liberate the Arcadian subjects of Mantinea, and plant Helots at
-      Lepreum, vii. 21;
-    exclusion of, from the Olympic festival, vii. 57 _seq._;
-    detachment of, to reinforce Epidaurus, B. C. 419, vii. 70;
-    and their allies, invasions of Argos by, vii. 71 _seq._, 102;
-    Gylippus sent to Syracuse by, vii. 242;
-    fortification of Dekeleia by, vii. 288, 354;
-    and the Four Hundred, viii. 65;
-    recapture of Pylus by, viii. 131;
-    defeat of, at Arginusæ, viii. 173 _seq._;
-    repayment of, by the Athenians, after the restoration of the
-      democracy, B. C. 403, viii. 305;
-    assassination of Alkibiadês demanded by, viii. 313;
-    the Cyreians under, ix. 170, 174, 208, 217, 318;
-    and Dorieus, ix. 271 _seq._;
-    and Corinthians, conflicts between, B. C. 393, ix. 326 _seq._;
-    victory of, within the Long Walls of Corinth, ix. 333 _seq._;
-    and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 56;
-    seizure of the Kadmeia at Thebes by, x. 60 _seq._;
-    trial and execution of Ismenias by, x. 64;
-    their surrender of the Kadmeia at Thebes, x. 88 _seq._;
-    defeat of, at Tegyra, x. 134;
-    expulsion of, from Bœotia, B. C. 374, x. 135;
-    at Kromnus, x. 316 _seq._;
-    at Mantinea, B. C. 362, x. 329, 335, 338, 340 _seq._;
-    and Alexander, xii. 13.
-
-  _Lachês_, expedition to Sicily under, vii. 132.
-
-  _Lachesis_, i. 7.
-
-  _Laconia_, genealogy of, i. 168;
-    population of, ii. 362;
-    gradual conquest of, ii. 417;
-    modern, ii. 418 _n._ 3, 454 _n._;
-    invasions of, by Epaminondas, x. 215 _seq._, 330 _seq._;
-    western, abstraction of, from Sparta, x. 226 _seq._
-
-  _Ladê_, combined Ionic fleet at, iv. 300 _seq._;
-    victory of Persian fleet at, iv. 304.
-
-  _Laius_ and Œdipus, i. 265.
-
-  _Lakes_ and marshes of Greece, ii. 219.
-
-  _Lamachus_, vii. 148, 190 _seq._, 256.
-
-  _Lamia_, Antipater at, xii. 315 _seq._
-
-  _Lamian_ war, xii. 315 _seq._, 334.
-
-  _Lampsakus_, revolt of, viii. 94;
-    recovery of, by Strombichidês, viii. 96.
-
-  _Language_, Greek, dialects of, ii. 239.
-
-  _Lanikê_, xii. 208.
-
-  _Laocoôn_, i. 303.
-
-  _Laomedôn_, i. 57, 285.
-
-  _Laphystios_, Zeus, i. 127.
-
-  _Laphystius_ and Timoleon, xi. 192.
-
-  _Larissa_, Asiatic, iii. 191 _n._ 1, 192.
-
-  _Lash_, use of, by Xerxes, v. 24, 31.
-
-  _Lasthenes_ and Euthykrates, xi. 351, 352.
-
-  _Latin_, Oscan, and Greek languages, iii. 354.
-
-  _Latium_, emigration from Arcadia to, iii. 351 _n._ 3;
-    plunder of, by Dionysius, xi. 25.
-
-  _Latins_, Œnotrians and Epirots, relationship of, iii. 351.
-
-  _Latona_ and Zeus, offspring of, i. 10.
-
-  _Laurium_, mines of, v. 55 _seq._
-
-  _Laws_, authority of, in historical Athens, ii. 81;
-    of Solon, iii. 131 _seq._;
-    of Zaleukus, iii. 382;
-    and psephisms, distinction between, v. 373;
-    enactment and repeal of, at Athens, v. 373 _seq._
-
-  _Layard’s_ “Nineveh and its Remains”, iii. 305.
-
-  _Learchus_ and Eryxô, iv. 43.
-
-  _Lebedos_, revolt of, from Athens, vii. 383.
-
-  _Lechæum_, capture of, by the Lacedæmonians, ix. 345 _n._ 1, 348.
-
-  _Leda_, and Tyndareus, i. 168 _seq._
-
-  _Legend_ of Dêmêtêr, i. 39 _seq._;
-    of the Delphian oracle, i. 45;
-    of Pandôra, i. 75 _n._ 4, 76;
-    of Io, i. 84 _seq._;
-    of Hêraklês, i. 93 _seq._;
-    Argonatic, i. 234 _n._ 3, 245 _seq._, 255 _seq._;
-    of Troy, i. 289 _seq._;
-    of the Minyæ from Lemnos, ii. 27;
-    and history, Grecian, blank between, ii. 31 _seq._
-
-  _Legendary_ Greece, social state of, ii. 57-118;
-    poems of Greece, value of, ii. 55 _seq._
-
-  _Legends_, mystic, i. 32 _seq._;
-    of Apollo, i. 45 _seq._;
-    of Greece, originally isolated, afterwards thrown into series,
-      i. 105;
-    of Mêdea and Jasôn, i. 118 _n._;
-    change of feeling with regard to, i. 186;
-    Attic, i. 191;
-    ancient, deeply rooted in the faith of the Greeks, i. 217, 348;
-    of Thebes, i. 256 _seq._;
-    divine, allegorized, heroic historicized, i. 424;
-    of saints, i. 469 _seq._;
-    of Asia Minor, iii. 227.
-
-  _Lekythus_, capture of, by Brasidas, vi. 425.
-
-  _Leleges_, ii. 264.
-
-  _Lelex_, i. 172.
-
-  _Lemnos_ and the Argonauts, i. 233;
-    early condition of, iv. 28;
-    conquest of, by Otanês, iv. 278;
-    Miltiadês at, iv. 279 _seq._
-
-  _Lending_ houses, iii. 162.
-
-  _Leokrates_, xi. 504.
-
-  _Leon_ and Diomedon, vii. 385 _seq._; viii. 28.
-
-  _Leon the Spartan_, viii. 20, 94.
-
-  _Leon_, mission of, to Persia, x. 278, 280.
-
-  _Leonidas_ at Thermopylæ, v. 76 _seq._, 89 _seq._
-
-  _Leonnatus_, xii. 317, 321.
-
-  _Leontiades_, the oligarchy under, x. 29 _n._;
-    conspiracy of, x. 58 _seq._;
-    at Sparta, x. 62;
-    Thebes under, x. 79, 80;
-    conspiracy against, x. 81 _seq._;
-    death of, x. 86.
-
-  _Leontini_, iii. 364;
-    intestine dissention at, vii. 140;
-    Demos at, apply to Athens, vii. 142, 143;
-    Dionysius at, B. C. 396, x. 442, 468, 492;
-    the mercenaries of Dionysius at, xi. 2;
-    Philistus at, xi. 99;
-    Dion at, xi. 106, 108, 109;
-    Hiketas at, xi. 160, 170;
-    surrender of, to Timoleon, xi. 182.
-
-  _Leosthenes the admiral_, x. 370.
-
-  _Leosthenes the general_, xii. 311, 313 _seq._
-
-  _Leotychides the Prokleid_, ii. 430;
-    chosen king of Sparta, iv. 326;
-    and Æginetan hostages, iv. 328, v. 46;
-    at Mykalê, v. 193;
-    banishment of, v. 259.
-
-  _Leotychides, son of Agis II._, ix. 242, 244.
-
-  _Lepreum_ and Elis, ii. 440, vii. 18;
-    Brasidean Helots at, vii. 21.
-
-  _Leptines, brother of Dionysius_, x. 489, 491, 495, xi. 13, 33, 42.
-
-  _Leptines the Athenian_, xi. 272.
-
-  _Leptines, general of Agathokles_, xii. 434, 441.
-
-  _Lesbians_, their application to Sparta, vi. 76.
-
-  _Lesbos_, early history of, iii. 193 _seq._;
-    autonomous ally of Athens, vi. 2;
-    Athenian kleruchs in, vi. 257;
-    application from, to Agis, vii. 365;
-    expedition of the Chians against, vii. 382 _seq._;
-    Thrasyllus at, viii. 102;
-    Kallikratidas in, viii. 166;
-    Thrasybulus in, ix. 166;
-    Memnon in, xii. 105;
-    recovery of, by Macedonian admirals, xii. 141.
-
-  _Lethe_, i. 7.
-
-  _Letô_, i. 6, 10.
-
-  _Leukas_, iii. 404 _seq._
-
-  _Leukon_ of Bosporus, xii. 481.
-
-  _Leukothea_, the temple of, i. 242.
-
-  _Leuktra_, the battle of, x. 176 _seq._;
-    treatment of Spartans defeated at, x. 192 _seq._;
-    extension of Theban power after the battle of, x. 193;
-    proceedings in Peloponnesus after the battle of, x. 198, 242;
-    position of Sparta after the battle of, x. 201;
-    proceedings in Arcadia after the battle of, x. 204 _seq._;
-    proceedings and views of Epaminondas after the battle of,
-      x. 213 _seq._
-
-  _Libya_, first voyages of Greeks to, iv. 29;
-    nomads of, iv. 38 _seq._;
-    expedition of Kambyses against, iv. 220.
-
-  _Libyans_ and Greeks at Kyrênê, iv. 39 _seq._;
-    and Dionysius, x. 510.
-
-  _Liby-Phœnicians_, x. 332.
-
-  _Lichas_ and bones of Orestes, ii. 447;
-    and the Olympic festival, iv. 72 _n._ 2, vii. 53 _n._, 59;
-    mission of to Milêtus, vii. 397, 398, viii. 98.
-
-  _Lilybæum_, defeat of Dionysius near, xi. 45.
-
-  _Limos_, i. 7, 10, _n._ 6.
-
-  _Lion_, the Nemean, i. 7.
-
-  _Lissus_, foundation of, xi. 24.
-
-  _Livy_, his opinion as to the chances of Alexander, if he had attacked
-      the Romans, xii. 260;
-    on the character of Alexander, xii. 265 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Lixus_ and Tingis, iii. 273 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Loans_ on interest, iii. 109, 159.
-
-  _Localities_, epical, i. 245.
-
-  _Lochages_, Spartan, ii. 459.
-
-  _Lochus_, Spartan, ii. 458 _seq._;
-    Macedonian, xii. 60.
-
-  _Logographers_ and ancient mythes, i. 377, 390 _seq._
-
-  _Lokri, Epizephrian_, early history of, iii. 379 _seq._;
-    and Dionysius, x. 476, xi. 17, 21, 23;
-    Dionysius the Younger at, xi. 105, 132 _seq._
-
-  _Lokrian_ coast opposite Eubœa, Athenian ravage of, vi. 136.
-
-  _Lokrians_, ii. 287;
-    Ozolian, ii. 290;
-    Italian, iii. 380 _seq._, iv. 172 _n._;
-    of Opus and Leonidas, v. 76;
-    and Phokians, xi. 251, 253;
-    of Amphissa, xi. 469.
-
-  _Lokris_ and Athens, v. 331.
-
-  _Long Walls_ at Megara, v. 324;
-    at Athens, v. 325 _seq._, 327, 331, vi. 20, viii. 231,
-      ix. 328 _seq._;
-    at Corinth, ix. 340 _seq._
-
-  _Lucanians_, xi. 9 _seq._, 132.
-
-  _Lucretius_ and ancient mythes, i. 430 _n._
-
-  _Lydia_, early history of, iii. 220 _seq._
-
-  _Lydian_ music and instruments, iii. 212, 219;
-    monarchy, iii. 262, iv. 191 _seq._
-
-  _Lydians_, iii. 215 _seq._, 219, iv. 198.
-
-  _Lykæus_, Zeus, i. 174.
-
-  _Lykambes_ and Archilochus, iv. 81.
-
-  _Lykaôn_ and his fifty sons, i. 173 _seq._
-
-  _Lykia_, conquest of, by Alexander, xii. 99.
-
-  _Lykidas_, the Athenian senator, v. 155.
-
-  _Lykomedes_, x. 259 _seq._, 281, 288.
-
-  _Lykophrôn, son of Periander_, iii. 42.
-
-  _Lykophrôn, despot of Pheræ_, xi. 261, 292, 294.
-
-  _Lykurgus the Spartan_, laws and discipline of, ii. 337-349, 381-421.
-
-  _Lykurgus the Athenian_, xii. 278, 378.
-
-  _Lykus_, i. 204; and Dirkê, i. 263.
-
-  _Lynkeus_ and Idas, i. 172.
-
-  _Lyre_, Hermes the inventor of, i. 59.
-
-  _Lyric poetry_, Greek, ii. 136, iv. 73, 93.
-
-  _Lysander_, appointments of, as admiral, viii. 138 _n._, 212;
-    character and influence of, viii. 139, ix. 309;
-    and Cyrus the Younger, viii. 140 _seq._, 214, 215;
-    factions organized by, in the Asiatic cities, viii. 143;
-    at Ephesus, viii. 152, 212;
-    victory of, at Notium, viii. 153;
-    superseded by Kallikratidas, viii. 162;
-    revolution at Milêtus by the partisans of, viii. 213;
-    operations of, after the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 215 _seq._;
-    victory of, at Ægospotami, viii. 217 _seq._;
-    proceedings of, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 222;
-    at Athens, viii. 226 _seq._, 237;
-    conquest of Samos by, viii. 238;
-    triumphant return of, to Sparta, viii. 238;
-    ascendency and arrogance of, after the capture of Athens, viii. 261,
-      ix. 204, 236 _seq._;
-    opposition to, at Sparta, viii. 262, ix. 204;
-    contrasted with Kallikratidas, viii. 263;
-    expedition of, against Thrasybulus, viii. 274;
-    dekarchies established by, ix. 184 _seq._, 197;
-    contrasted with Brasidas, ix. 195;
-    recall and temporary expatriation of, ix. 205;
-    introduction of gold and silver to Sparta by, ix. 230 _seq._;
-    intrigues of, to make himself king, ix. 237, 239 _seq._, 300;
-    and Agesilaus, ix. 242 _seq._, 257, 260 _seq._;
-    and the Bœotian war, ix. 292, 295;
-    death of, ix. 296.
-
-  _Lysias_, seizure of, by the Thirty at Athens, viii. 248;
-    speech of, against Phormisius’s disfranchising proposition,
-      viii. 294;
-    proposed citizenship of, viii. 309;
-    oration of, against Ergoklês, ix. 367;
-    oration of, at Olympia, B. C. 384, x. 73 _seq._;
-    panegyrical oration of, xi. 29 _seq._, 35 _n._
-
-  _Lysikles_, vi. 232.
-
-  _Lysikles, general at Chæoroneia_, xi. 502.
-
-  _Lysimachus_, confederacy of, with Kassander, Ptolemy, and Seleukus,
-      against Antigonus, xii. 367, 372, 383;
-    Kassander, Ptolemy, and Seleukus, pacification of, with Antigonus,
-      xii. 371;
-    and Amastris, xii. 468;
-    and Arsinoê, xii. 469 _seq._;
-    death of, xii. 470;
-    and the Pentapolis on the south-west coast of the Euxine, xii. 472.
-
-
-  M.
-
-  _Macedonia_, Mardonius in, iv. 313;
-    Perdikkas and Brasidas in, vi. 449, 453 _seq._;
-    increasing power of, from B. C. 414, x. 44;
-    and Athens, contrasted, x. 47;
-    kings of, after Archelaus, x. 48;
-    state of, B. C. 370, x. 248, 249;
-    Iphikrates in, x. 250 _seq._;
-    Timotheus in, x. 300;
-    government of, xi. 210 _seq._;
-    military condition of, under Philip, xi. 282 _seq._, xii. 55 _seq._;
-    and conquered Greece, xii. 1, 52;
-    and the Greeks, on Alexander’s accession, xii. 9;
-    Antipater, viceroy of, xii. 67, 68;
-    and Sparta, war between, xii. 281 _seq._;
-    Grecian confederacy against, after Alexander’s death,
-      xii. 313 _seq._;
-    Kassander in, xii. 366;
-    Demetrius Poliorketes acquires the crown of, xii. 389.
-
-  _Macedonian_ dynasty, iv. 12, 13;
-    envoys at Athens, xi. 387, 390, 398;
-    phalanx, xi. 501, xii. 59 _seq._, 251;
-    interventions in Greece, B. C. 336-335, xii. 16 _seq._;
-    pike, xii. 57, 101 _seq._;
-    troops, xii. 61 _seq._;
-    officers of Alexander’s army in Asia, xii. 72;
-    fleet, master of the Ægean, xii. 141;
-    soldiers of Alexander, mutiny of, xii. 242 _seq._
-
-  _Macedonians_, ii. 233, iv. 1 _n._, 8 _seq._;
-    conquered by Megabazus, iv. 276;
-    poverty and rudeness of, xi. 283;
-    military aptitude of, xii. 67;
-    small loss of, at the battle of the Granikus, xii. 86.
-
-  _Machaôn_ and Podaleirius, i. 180.
-
-  _Mæandrius_, iv. 245 _seq._
-
-  _Mæonians_ and Lydians, iii. 219.
-
-  _Magians_, massacre of, after the assassination of Smerdis, iv. 225.
-
-  _Magistrates_ of early Athens, v. 352 _seq._;
-    Athenian, from the time of Periklês, v. 355, 357, 366 _seq._
-
-  _Magna Græcia_, iii. 399.
-
-  _Magnesia_, iii. 179, 192; Xerxes’s fleet near, v. 84 _seq._;
-    on the Pagasæan Gulf, xi. 304 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Magnetes_, Thessalian and Asiatic, ii. 285.
-
-  _Magon_, off Katana, x. 495;
-    near Abakæna, xi. 6;
-    at Agyrium, xi. 7;
-    death of, xi. 41.
-
-  _Magon_ and Hiketas, xi. 156 _seq._;
-    death of, xi. 171.
-
-  _Maia_ and Zeus, offspring of, i. 10.
-
-  _Makrônes_ and the Ten Thousand, ix. 112.
-
-  _Malians_, ii. 282.
-
-  _Malli_, xii. 234.
-
-  _Mallus_, Alexander at, xii. 114.
-
-  _Mamerkus_ and Timoleon, xi. 180 _seq._
-
-  _Manetho_ and the Sothiac period, iii. 339 _seq._
-
-  _Mania_, sub-satrap of Æolis, ix. 214 _seq._
-
-  _Mantinea_ and Tegea, ii. 442 _seq._, vi. 452, vii. 14;
-    and Sparta, ii. 444, vii. 20, 94, x. 35 _seq._;
-    and Argos, vii. 19;
-    congress at, vii. 81 _seq._;
-    battle of, B. C. 418, vii. 81 _seq._;
-    expedition of Agesipolis to, x. 36 _seq._;
-    and the river Ophis, x. 36 _n._ 2;
-    re-establishment of, x. 205 _seq._;
-    march of Agesilaus against, x. 211 _seq._;
-    muster of Peloponnesian enemies to Thebes at, x. 329;
-    attempted surprise of, by the cavalry of Epaminondas, x. 332 _seq._;
-    battle of, B. C. 362, x. 335 _seq._, 357;
-    peace concluded after the battle of, x. 350.
-
-  _Mantineans_ and the Pan-Arcadian union, x. 322 _seq._;
-    opposition of to Theban intervention, x. 326.
-
-  _Mantinico-Tegeatic_ plain, x. 338.
-
-  _Mantitheus_ and Aphepsion, vii. 200 _seq._
-
-  _Mantô_, iii. 184.
-
-  _Marakanda_, Alexander at, xii. 204, 207 _seq._
-
-  _Marathon_, battle of, iv. 342-360.
-
-  _Marathus_ surrenders to Alexander, xii. 130.
-
-  _Mardi_ and Alexander, xii. 178, 188.
-
-  _Mardonius_, in Ionia, iv. 313;
-    in Thrace and Macedonia, iv. 315;
-    fleet of, destroyed near Mount Athos, iv. 314;
-    urges Xerxes to invade Greece, v. 3 _seq._, 7;
-    advice of, to Xerxes after the battle of Salamis, v. 138;
-    forces left with, in Thessaly, v. 141;
-    and Medizing Greeks, after Xerxes’s retreat, v. 148;
-    in Bœotia, v. 149, 158 _seq._;
-    offers of peace to Athens by, v. 150 _seq._, 154;
-    at Athens, v. 154;
-    and his Phokiôn contingent, v. 161;
-    on the Asôpus, v. 167;
-    at Platæa, v. 169 _seq._
-
-  _Marine_, military, unfavorable to oligarchy, iii. 31.
-
-  _Maritime_ and inland cities contrasted, ii. 225.
-
-  _Marpessa_ and Idas, i. 172.
-
-  _Marriage_ in legendary Greece, ii. 83;
-    among the Spartans, ii. 386;
-    among the Hindoos, iii. 141 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Marshes_ and lakes of Greece, ii. 219.
-
-  _Marsyas_, iii. 213, 213 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Masistes_, v. 199.
-
-  _Masistius_, v. 164.
-
-  _Maskames_, v. 295.
-
-  _Massagetæ_, iii. 245.
-
-  _Massalia_, iii. 280, 348, 400 _seq._, xii. 453 _seq._
-
-  _Mausôlus_ and the Social War, xi. 222.
-
-  _Mazæus_ at Thapsakus, xii. 150;
-    at the battle of Arbela, xii. 164, 165;
-    surrender of Babylon by, xii. 168;
-    appointed satrap of Babylon by Alexander, xii. 169.
-
-  _Mazares_, iv. 200 _seq._
-
-  _Medea_ and the Argonauts, i. 237 _seq._
-
-  _Medes_, early history of, iii. 224 _seq._;
-    and Persians, iv. 183, 224 _seq._
-
-  _Media_, the wall of, iii. 304 _n._ 2, ix. 63, 65 _n._;
-    Darius a fugitive in, xii. 178, 180.
-
-  _Medius_, xii. 254.
-
-  _Medus_, i. 205 _n._ 4, 242.
-
-  _Medusa_, i. 7, 90.
-
-  _Megabates_, iv. 283, 284.
-
-  _Megabazus_, iv. 275, 276.
-
-  _Megabyzus_, v. 333.
-
-  _Megaklês_, iii. 37 _n._, 38, 82.
-
-  _Megalêpolis_, capture of, by Agathokles, xii. 414.
-
-  _Megalopolis_, foundation of, ii. 448, x. 224 _seq._, 233 _n._ 6;
-    the centre of the Pan-Arcadian confederacy, x. 232;
-    disputes at, x. 358;
-    and Sparta, xi. 198, 263, 290, 300 _seq._
-
-  _Megapenthes_ and Perseus, i. 90.
-
-  _Megara_, early history of, iii. 2, 44 _seq._;
-    Corinth and Sikyôn, analogy of, iii. 47;
-    and Athens, iii. 90 _seq._, v. 321, 348, 351 _n._, 352, vi. 76,
-      370 _seq._;
-    Long Walls at, v. 322;
-    Brasidas at, vi. 375 _seq._;
-    revolution at, vi. 378 _seq._;
-    Philippizing faction at, xi. 449.
-
-  _Megara in Sicily_, iii. 365, v. 215.
-
-  _Megarian Sicily_, iii. 365.
-
-  _Megarians_ under Pausanias, and Persian cavalry under Masistius,
-      v. 164;
-    repudiate the peace of Nikias, vi. 493, vii. 2;
-    refuse to join Argos, vii. 16;
-    recovery of Nisea by, viii. 131.
-
-  _Megarid_, Athenian ravage of, in the Peloponnesian war, vi. 137.
-
-  _Meidias of Skepsis_, ix. 213 _seq._
-
-  _Meidias the Athenian_, xi. 343, 343 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Meilaniôn_ and Atalanta, i. 149.
-
-  _Meilichios_, meaning of, ix. 171 _n._
-
-  _Melampus_, i. 33, 109, 398, v. 89.
-
-  _Melannippus_ and Tydeus, i. 274, 279.
-
-  _Melanthus_, ii. 23.
-
-  _Meleager_, legend of, i. 143 _seq._
-
-  _Meleagrides_, i. 145.
-
-  _Melesippus_, vi. 126.
-
-  _Melian_ nymphs, i. 5.
-
-  _Melissus_, vi. 28, viii. 341, 343.
-
-  _Melkarth_, temple of, iii. 269.
-
-  _Melon_, x. 81 _seq._, 88.
-
-  _Melos_, settlement of, ii. 28;
-    expedition against, under Nikias, vi. 295;
-    capture of, vii. 109 _seq._;
-    Antisthenês at, vii. 396.
-
-  _Memnôn, son of Tithônus_, i. 298.
-
-  _Memnôn the Rhodian_, operations of, between Alexander’s accession and
-      landing in Asia, xii. 49, 77;
-    and Mentor, xii., 75;
-    advice of, on Alexander’s landing in Asia, xii. 78;
-    made commander-in-chief of the Persians, xii. 92;
-    at Halikarnassus, xii. 95 _seq._;
-    his progress with the Persian fleet, and death, xii. 105 _seq._;
-    change in the plan of Darius after his death, xii. 107, 109.
-
-  _Memphis_, Alexander at, xii. 146.
-
-  _Men_, races of, in “Works and Days”, i. 64 _seq._
-
-  _Mende_, and Athens, vi. 441 _seq._
-
-  _Menedæus_, and the Ambrakiots, vi. 305 _seq._
-
-  _Menekleidas_ and Epaminondas, x. 268, 305 _seq._
-
-  _Menekles_, viii. 203.
-
-  _Menelaus_, i. 162 _seq._, iii. 269 _n._ 4.
-
-  _Menestheus_, i. 312, ii. 22.
-
-  _Menœkeus_, i. 274.
-
-  _Menœtius_, i. 6, 8.
-
-  _Menon the Thessalian_, ix. 30, 71.
-
-  _Menon the Athenian_, x. 373.
-
-  _Mentor the Rhodian_, xi. 439 _seq._, xii. 75.
-
-  _Mercenary_ soldiers, multiplication of, in Greece after the
-      Peloponnesian war, xi. 281 _seq._
-
-  _Mermnads_, Lydian dynasty of, iii. 221.
-
-  _Meroe_, connection of, with Egyptian institutions, iii. 313.
-
-  _Messapians_, iii. 391;
-    and Tarentines, xii. 394.
-
-  _Messene_, foundation of, ii. 422, iii. 366;
-    foundation of, by Epaminondas, x. 225, 233 _n._ 6, 261;
-    and Sparta, x. 290, 350, xi. 198, 263, 290.
-
-  _Messene, in Sicily_, chorus sent to Rhegium from, iv. 53 _n._;
-    re-colonization of, by Anaxilaus, v. 213;
-    Laches at, vii. 134;
-    Athenian fleet near, vii. 136;
-    Alkibiades at, vii. 193;
-    Nikias at, vii. 223;
-    and Dionysius, x. 474 _seq._, xi. 3;
-    Imilkon at, x. 492 _seq._;
-    and Timoleon, xi. 158.
-
-  _Messenia_, Dorian settlements in, ii. 8, 311.
-
-  _Messenian_ genealogy, i. 172; wars, ii. 421-438;
-    victor proclaimed at Olympia, B. C. 368, x. 262.
-
-  _Messenians_ and Spartans, early proceedings of, ii. 328;
-    expelled by Sparta, ix. 229, xi. 3;
-    plan of Epaminondas for the restoration of, x. 214.
-
-  _Messenians in Sicily_, defeated by Naxians and Sikels, vii. 135.
-
-  _Metaneira_, i. 38.
-
-  _Metapontium_, iii. 386.
-
-  _Methana_, Athenian Garrion at, vi. 451.
-
-  _Methône_, iv. 23;
-    Philip at, xi. 260.
-
-  _Methône in Peloponnesus_, Athenian assault upon, vi. 134.
-
-  _Methymna_, vi. 222, 225;
-    Kallikratidas at, viii. 164.
-
-  _Metics_, and the Thirty at Athens, viii. 247.
-
-  _Metis_ and Zeus, daughter of, i. 9.
-
-  _Metrodorus_, i. 419, 444 _n._
-
-  _Metropolis_, relation of a Grecian, to its colonies, vi. 60 _n._
-
-  _Midas_, iii. 209, 217.
-
-  _Middle ages_, monarchy in, iii. 8 _seq._
-
-  _Mikythus_, v. 230, 231, 238.
-
-  _Milesian_ colonies in the Troad, i. 339.
-
-  _Milesians_ and Lichas, viii. 98;
-    and Kallikratidas, viii. 164.
-
-  _Miletus_, early history of, iii. 176 _seq._;
-    and Alyattês, iii. 255 _seq._;
-    and Crœsus, iii. 258;
-    sieges of, by the Persians, iv. 290, 305;
-    Histiæus of, iv. 273 _seq._, 277, 280, 284, 298 _seq._;
-    Phrynichus’s tragedy on the capture of, iv. 309;
-    exiles from, at Zanklê, v. 211 _seq._;
-    and Samos, dispute between, vi. 26;
-    revolt of, from Athens, vii. 375, 385, 387 _seq._;
-    Tissaphernes at, vii. 376, 399;
-    Lichas at, vii. 399;
-    Peloponnesian fleet at, viii. 25, 94, 95 _seq._, 99;
-    revolution at, by the partisans of Lysander, viii. 213;
-    capture of, by Alexander, xii. 92 _seq._
-
-  _Military_ array of legendary and historical Greece, ii. 106 _seq._;
-    divisions not distinct from civil in any Grecian cities but Sparta,
-      ii. 456;
-    force of early oligarchies, iii. 31;
-    order, Egyptian, iii. 316;
-    arrangements, Kleisthenean, iv. 136.
-
-  _Miltas_, xi. 88.
-
-  _Miltiades the First_, iv. 117.
-
-  _Miltiades the Second_, iv. 119;
-    and the bridge over the Danube, iv. 271, 274 _n._ 2;
-    his retirement from the Chersonese, iv. 274;
-    capture of Lemnos and Imbros by, iv. 278;
-    escape of, from Persian pursuit, iv. 307;
-    adventures and character of, iv. 334 _seq._;
-    elected general, 490 B. C., iv. 341;
-    and the battle of Marathon, iv. 343 _seq._;
-    expedition of, against Paros, iv. 363;
-    disgrace, punishment, and death of, iv. 365 _seq._
-
-  _Milto_, ix. 47.
-
-  _Miltokythes_, x. 372, 378.
-
-  _Milton_ on the early series of British kings, i. 484;
-    his treatment of British fabulous history, i. 487.
-
-  _Mimnermus_, iv. 82.
-
-  _Mindarus_, supersedes Astyochus, viii. 98;
-    deceived by Tissaphernês, viii. 99;
-    removal of, from Milêtus to Chios, viii. 181;
-    eludes Thrasyllus and reaches the Hellespont, viii. 102, 103 _n._;
-    at the Hellespont, viii. 109;
-    Peloponnesian fleet summoned from Eubœa by, viii. 111;
-    siege of Kyzikus by, viii. 121;
-    death of, viii. 121.
-
-  _Mineral_ productions of Greece, ii. 229.
-
-  _Minôa_, capture of, by Nikias, vi. 285.
-
-  _Minôs_, i. 219 _seq._
-
-  _Minôtaur_, the, i. 220 _seq._
-
-  _Minyæ_, i. 130, ii. 26 _seq._
-
-  _Minyas_, i. 128 _seq._
-
-  _Miraculous_ legends, varied interpretation of, i. 472 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Mistake_ of ascribing to an unrecording age the historical sense of
-      modern times, i. 432.
-
-  _Mitford_, his view of the anti-monarchical sentiment of Greece,
-      iii. 12 _seq._
-
-  _Mithridates the Persian_, ix. 87 _seq._
-
-  _Mithridates of Pontus_, xii. 463.
-
-  _Mithrines_, xii. 90, 207.
-
-  _Mitylenæan_ envoys, speech of, to the Peloponnesians at Olympia,
-      vi. 226 _seq._;
-    prisoners sent to Athens by Pachês, vi. 243, 255.
-
-  _Mityleneans_ at Sigeium, i. 339.
-
-  _Mitylênê_, iii. 193; political dissensions and poets of, iii. 198;
-    revolt of, from Athens, vi. 221 _seq._;
-    blockade of, by Pachês, vi. 237 _seq._;
-    and the Athenian assembly, vi. 244, 246 _seq._;
-    loss and recovery of, by Athens, B. C. 412, vii. 383, 384;
-    Kallikratidas at, viii. 167 _seq._;
-    removal of Kallikratidas from, viii. 170;
-    Eteonikus at, viii. 170, 174, 189;
-    blockade of, by Memnon, xii. 105;
-    surrender of, by Chares, xii. 142.
-
-  _Mnassippus_, expedition of, to Korkyra, x. 142 _seq._
-
-  _Mnêmosynê_, i. 5, 10.
-
-  _Mnesiphilus_, v. 122.
-
-  _Mœræ_, and Crœsus, iv. 194 _seq._
-
-  _Mœris_, lake of, iii. 322 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Molionids_, the, i. 140.
-
-  _Molossian_ kingdom of Epirus, xii. 395.
-
-  _Molossians_, iii. 413 _seq._
-
-  _Molossus_, i. 189.
-
-  _Mômus_, i. 7.
-
-  _Monarchy_, in mediæval and modern Europe, iii. 8 _seq._;
-    aversion to, in Greece, after the expulsion of Hippias, iv. 176.
-
-  _Money_, coined, not known to Homeric or Hesiodic Greeks, ii. 116;
-    coined, first introduction of, into Greece, ii. 320.
-
-  _Money-lending_ at Florence in the middle ages, iii. 109 _n._;
-    and the Jewish law, iii. 111 _n._;
-    and ancient philosophers, iii. 113.
-
-  _Money-standard_, Solon’s debasement of, iii. 100;
-    honestly maintained at Athens after Solon, iii. 114.
-
-  _Monsters_, offspring of the gods, i. 11.
-
-  _Monstrous_ natures associated with the gods, i. 1.
-
-  _Monts de Piété_, iii. 162.
-
-  _Monuments_ of the Argonautic expedition, i. 241 _seq._
-
-  _Moon_, eclipse of, B. C. 413, vii. 315;
-    eclipse of, B. C. 331, xii. 151.
-
-  _Mopsus_, iii. 184.
-
-  _Mora_, Spartan, ii. 458 _seq._;
-    destruction of a Spartan, by Iphikrates, ix. 351 _seq._
-
-  _Moral_ and social feeling in legendary Greece, ii. 79.
-
-  _Moralizing_ Greek poets, iv. 91 _seq._
-
-  _Mosynæki_, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 128.
-
-  _Mothakes_, ii. 418.
-
-  _Motyê_, capture of, by Dionysius, x. 485 _seq._;
-    recapture of, by Imilkon, x. 490.
-
-  _Motyum_, Duketius at, vii. 123.
-
-  _Mountainous_ systems of Greece, ii. 212 _seq._
-
-  _Müller_ on Sparta as the Dorian type, ii. 342.
-
-  _Multitude_, sentiment of a, compared with that of individuals,
-      ix. 279.
-
-  _Munychia_ and Peiræus, Themistoklês’ wall round, v. 249;
-    Menyllus in, xii. 326, 339;
-    Nikanor in, xii. 339, 345.
-
-  _Muse_, inspiration and authority of the, i. 355.
-
-  _Muses_, the, i. 10.
-
-  _Music_, ethical effect of old Grecian, ii. 433;
-    Greek, improvements in, about the middle of the seventh century
-      B. C., iv. 77;
-    comprehensive meaning of, among the ancient Greeks, viii. 349.
-
-  _Musical_ modes of the Greeks, iii. 212.
-
-  _Musicians_, Greek, in the seventh century B. C., iv. 76 _n._
-
-  Μῦθος, i. 356, 432 _n._, 458.
-
-  _Mutilated_ Grecian captives at Persepolis, xii. 173.
-
-  _Mutilation_ of dead bodies in legendary and historical Greece,
-      ii. 92;
-    of Bessus, xii. 206.
-
-  _Mutiny_ at Athens immediately before Solon’s legislation, iii. 93.
-
-  _Mygdonia_, iii. 210.
-
-  _Mykalê_, Pan-Ionic festival at, iii. 177;
-    the battle of, v. 191 _seq._
-
-  _Mykalêssus_, massacre at, vii. 357 _seq._
-
-  _Myknæ_, i. 90 _seq._
-
-  _Myriandrus_, Alexander’s march from Kilikia to, xii. 114;
-    Alexander’s return from, xii. 117.
-
-  _Myrkinus_, iv. 273, 296.
-
-  _Myrmidons_, origin of, i. 184.
-
-  _Myrôn_, iii. 32.
-
-  _Myrônidês_, v. 323, 331.
-
-  _Myrtilus_, i. 159.
-
-  _Mysia_, the Ten Thousand Greeks in, ix. 172 _seq._
-
-  _Mysians_, iii. 196, 205 _seq._, 209.
-
-  _Mysteries_, principal Pan-Hellenic, i. 28, 38, 41, 43, v. 209 _n._;
-    and mythes, i. 496.
-
-  _Mystic_ legends, connection of, with Egypt, i. 32;
-    legends, contrast of, with Homeric hymns, i. 34;
-    brotherhoods, iii. 87.
-
-  _Mythe_ of Pandôra and Prometheus, now used in “Works and Days”,
-      i. 71;
-    meaning of the word, i. 356.
-
-  _Mythes_, how to be told, i. 2;
-    Hesiodic, traceable to Krête and Delphi, i. 15;
-    Grecian, origin of, i. 4, 52, 61 _seq._, 340 _seq._;
-    of the gods, discrepancies in, i. 53 _n._, 54;
-    contain gods, heroes and men, i. 64;
-    formed the entire mental stock of the early Greeks, i. 340, 359;
-    difficulty of regarding them in the same light as the ancients did,
-      i. 341;
-    Grecian, adapted to the personifying and patriotic tendencies of the
-      Greeks, i. 344 _seq._;
-    Grecian, beauty of, i. 351;
-    Grecian, how to understand properly, i. 351 _seq._;
-    how regarded by superior men in the age of Thucydides, i. 375;
-    accommodated to a more advanced age, i. 376 _seq._;
-    treatment of, by poets and logographers, i. 377 _seq._;
-    treatment of, by historians, i. 391 _seq._;
-    historicised, i. 409 _seq._;
-    treatment of, by philosophers, i. 418 _seq._;
-    allegorized, i. 419 _seq._;
-    semi-historical interpretation of, i. 433;
-    allegorical theory of, i. 436;
-    connection of, with mysteries, i, 436;
-    supposed ancient meaning of, i. 438;
-    Plato on, i. 441 _seq._, 420;
-    recapitulation of remarks on, i. 450 _seq._;
-    familiarity of the Greeks with, i. 456 _seq._;
-    bearing of, on Grecian art, i. 459 _seq._;
-    German, i. 363;
-    Grecian, proper treatment of, i. 487 _seq._;
-    Asiatic, iii. 221.
-
-  _Mythical_ world, opening of, i. 1;
-    sentiment in “Works and Days”, i. 68 _seq._;
-    geography, i. 246 _seq._;
-    faith in the Homeric age, i. 357;
-    genealogies, i. 445 _seq._;
-    age, gods and men undistinguishable in, i. 449;
-    events, relics of, i. 457;
-    account of the alliance between the Hêrakleids and Dorians, ii. 2;
-    races of Greece, ii. 19.
-
-  _Mythology_, Grecian, sources of our information on, i. 106;
-    German, Celtic, and Grecian, i. 462, 463;
-    Grecian, how it would have been affected by the introduction of
-      Christianity, B. C. 500, i. 467.
-
-  _Mythopæic_ faculty, stimulus to, i. 351;
-    age, the, i. 361;
-    tendencies, by what causes enfeebled, i. 361 _seq._;
-    tendencies in modern Europe, i. 469 _seq._
-
-  _Myûs_, iii. 172.
-
-
-  N.
-
-  _Napoleon_, analogy between his relation to the confederation of the
-      Rhine, and that of Alexander to the Greeks, xii. 51.
-
-  _Nature_, first regarded as impersonal, i. 368.
-
-  _Naukraries_, iii. 52, 65.
-
-  _Naukratis_, iii. 327, 335 _seq._
-
-  _Naupaktus_, origin of the name, ii. 3;
-    Pharmio’s victory near, vi. 206 _seq._;
-    Eurylochus’s attack upon, vi. 301;
-    Demosthenês at, vi. 301;
-    naval battle at, B. C. 413, vii. 358 _seq._
-
-  _Nausinikus_, census in the archonship of, x. 115 _seq._
-
-  _Naval_ attack, Athenian, vi. 63.
-
-  _Naxians_ and Sikels, defeat of Messenians by, vii. 135.
-
-  _Naxos_, early power of, iii. 165;
-    expedition of Aristagoras against, iv. 282 _seq._;
-    Datis at, iv. 330;
-    revolt and reconquest of, v. 307.
-
-  _Naxos in Sicily_, iii. 363, vii. 193, x. 468.
-
-  _Nearchus_, voyages of, xii. 233, 235, 237, 238.
-
-  _Nebuchadnezzar_, iii. 333.
-
-  _Necklaces_ of Eriphylê and Helen, i. 287 _seq._
-
-  _Nectanebus_, xi. 440.
-
-  _Negative_ side of Grecian philosophy, viii. 345.
-
-  _Neileus_, or _Nêleus_, i. 109, ii. 24, iii. 173.
-
-  _Nekôs_, iii. 329 _seq._
-
-  _Nektanebis_, x. 362, 366.
-
-  _Nêleids_ down to Kodrus, i. 111.
-
-  _Nêleus_ and Pelias, i. 107 _seq._
-
-  _Nemean_ lion, the, i. 7;
-    games, ii. 461, iv. 65 _seq._
-
-  _Nemesis_, i. 7.
-
-  _Neobulê_ and Archilochus, iv. 81.
-
-  _Neon the Cyreian_, ix. 136 _seq._, 147.
-
-  _Neon the Corinthian_, xi. 156 _seq._
-
-  _Neoptolemus, son of Achilles_, i. 188, 300, 305.
-
-  _Neoptolemus the actor_, xi. 373.
-
-  _Nephelê_, i. 123 _seq._
-
-  _Nereas_, i. 7.
-
-  _Nereids_, i. 7.
-
-  _Nessus_, the centaur, i. 150.
-
-  _Nestor_, i. 110.
-
-  _Niebelungen_ Lied, i. 479.
-
-  _Nikæa_ on the Hydaspes, xii. 229, 233.
-
-  _Nikanor_, xii. 339, 354 _seq._
-
-  _Nikias_, at Minôa, vi. 285;
-    position and character of, vi. 285 _seq._;
-    and Kleon, vi. 287 _seq._, 457 _seq._;
-    at Mêlos, vi. 295;
-    in the Corinthian territory, vi. 355 _seq._;
-    at Mendê and Skiônê, vi. 441 _seq._;
-    peace of, vi. 490 _seq._ vii. 1 _seq._;
-    and the Spartans taken at Sphakteria, vii. 6 _seq._;
-    embassy of, to Sparta, vii. 44;
-    and Alkibiadês, vii. 104 _seq._, viii. 158;
-    appointed commander of the Sicilian expedition, B. C. 415, vii. 148;
-    speeches and influence of, on the Sicilian expedition, B. C. 415,
-      vii. 148 _seq._, 155, 159;
-    his plan of action in Sicily, vii. 191;
-    dilatory proceedings of, in Sicily, vii. 219, 225, 258 _seq._;
-    stratagem of, for approaching Syracuse, vii. 221;
-    at the battle near the Olympeion at Syracuse, vii. 220;
-    measures of, after his victory near the Olympeion at Syracuse,
-      vii. 223;
-    at Messênê in Sicily, vii. 223;
-    forbearance of the Athenians towards, vii. 225 _seq._;
-    at Katana, vii. 234;
-    in Sicily in the spring of B. C. 414, vii. 243;
-    his neglect in not preventing Gylippus’s approach to Sicily and
-      Syracuse, vii. 263 _seq._, 266 _seq._;
-    fortification of Cape Plenimyrium by, vii. 270;
-    at Epipolæ, vii. 272;
-    despatch of, to Athens for reinforcements, vii. 275 _seq._,
-      281 _seq._;
-    opposition of, to Demosthenês’s proposals for leaving Syracuse,
-      vii. 308 _seq._;
-    consent of, to retreat from Syracuse, vii. 313;
-    exhortations of, before the final defeat of the Athenians in the
-      harbor of Syracuse, vii. 321 _seq._;
-    and Demosthenês, resolution of, after the final defeat in the harbor
-      of Syracuse, vii. 330;
-    exhortations of, to the Athenians on their retreat from Syracuse,
-      vii. 333 _seq._;
-    and his division, surrender of, to Gylippus, vii. 343 _seq._,
-      347 _n._ 2;
-    and Demosthenês, treatment of, by their Syracusan conquerors,
-      vii. 346;
-    disgrace of, at Athens after his death, vii. 348;
-    opinion of Thucydidês about, vii. 349;
-    opinion and mistake of the Athenians about, vii. 351 _seq._
-
-  _Nikodromus_, v. 47.
-
-  _Nikoklês_, x. 26.
-
-  _Nikomachus the Athenian_, viii. 307 _seq._
-
-  _Nikomachus the Macedonian_, xii. 191, 194.
-
-  _Nikostratus_, vi. 271 _seq._, 440 _seq._
-
-  _Nikoteles_, x. 466.
-
-  _Nile_, the, iii. 309.
-
-  _Nineveh_, or _Ninus_, siege of, iii. 233;
-    capture of, iii. 255;
-    and Babylon, iii. 290;
-    site of, iii. 294 _n._ 2;
-    and its remains, iii. 305.
-
-  _Nine Ways_, nine defeats of the Athenians at the, x. 302 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Ninon_ and Kylon, iv. 409.
-
-  _Niobê_, i. 158.
-
-  _Nisæa_, alleged capture of, by Peisistratus, iii. 154 _n._;
-    connected with Megara by “Long Walls”, v. 324;
-    surrender of, to the Athenians, vi. 375 _seq._;
-    recovery of, by the Megarians, viii. 131.
-
-  _Nisus_, i. 205, 221.
-
-  _Nobles_, Athenian, early violence of, iv. 152.
-
-  _Nomads_, Libyan, iv. 35 _seq._
-
-  _Nomios_ Apollo, i. 61.
-
-  _Nomophylakes_, v. 371.
-
-  _Nomothetæ_, iii. 123, 125, v. 372, viii. 296.
-
-  _Non-Amphiktyonic_ races, ii. 270.
-
-  _Non-Hellenic_ practices, ii. 256.
-
-  _Non-Olympiads_, ii. 435.
-
-  _Notium_, iii. 183;
-    Pachês at, vi. 242;
-    recolonized from Athens, vi. 243;
-    battle of, viii. 153.
-
-  _Notus_, i. 6.
-
-  _Numidia_, Agathokles and the Carthaginians in, xii. 427.
-
-  _Nymphæum_, xi. 264, _n._ 1, xii. 480.
-
-  _Nymphs_, i. 5, 7.
-
-  _Nypsius_, xi. 107, 109, 111.
-
-  _Nyx_, i. 4, 6.
-
-
-  O.
-
-  _Oarus_, fortresses near, iv. 266.
-
-  _Oath_ of mutual harmony at Athens, after the battle of Ægospotami,
-      viii. 225.
-
-  _Obæ_ ar Obês, ii. 361.
-
-  _Ocean_, ancient belief about, iii. 286 _n._
-
-  _Oceanic_ nymphs, i. 6.
-
-  _Oceanus_, i. 5, 6, 8.
-
-  _Ochus_, x. 367, xi. 437 _seq._, xii. 75 _seq._
-
-  _Odeon_, building of, vi. 31.
-
-  _Odes_ at festivals in honor of gods, i. 52.
-
-  _Odin_ and other gods degraded into men, i. 466.
-
-  _Odrysian_ kings, vi. 215 _seq._
-
-  _Odysseus_, i. 290;
-    and Palamêdês, i. 294;
-    and Ajax, i. 299;
-    steals away the Palladium, i. 302;
-    return of, from Troy, i. 309;
-    final adventures and death of, i. 314 _seq._;
-    at the agora in the second book of the Iliad, ii. 70 _seq._
-
-  _Odyssey_ and Iliad, date, structure, authorship and character of,
-      ii. 118-209.
-
-  _Œchalia_, capture of, i. 151.
-
-  _Œdipus_, i. 265 _seq._
-
-  _Œneus_ and his offspring, i. 143 _seq._
-
-  _Œnoê_, vi. 127, viii. 83, ix. 353.
-
-  _Œnomaus_ and Pelops, i. 158.
-
-  _Œnônê_, i. 301 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Œnophyta_, Athenian victory at, v. 331.
-
-  _Œnotria_, iii. 350 _seq._
-
-  _Œnotrians_, iii. 351, 375, 393.
-
-  _Œta_, path over Mount, v. 78.
-
-  _Œtæi_, ii. 213.
-
-  _Office_, admissibility of Athenians citizens to, iv. 113.
-
-  _Ogygês_, i. 194.
-
-  _Okypetê_, i. 7.
-
-  _Olbia_, xii. 474 _seq._
-
-  _Oligarchical_ government, change from monarchical to, in Greece,
-      iii. 15 _seq._;
-    party at Athens, v. 365, viii. 235 _seq._, 300 _seq._;
-    Greeks, corruption of, vii. 401;
-    conspiracy at Samos, viii. 6 _seq._, 26 _seq._;
-    conspiracy at Athens, viii. 15, 31 _seq._;
-    exiles, return of, to Athens, viii. 232.
-
-  _Oligarchies_ in Greece, iii. 17, 29, 30, 31.
-
-  _Oligarchy_, conflict of, with despotism, iii. 28;
-    vote of the Athenian assembly in favor of, viii. 14;
-    establishment of, in Athenian allied cities, viii. 34;
-    of the Four Hundred, viii. 36 _seq._, 45 _seq._, viii. 75, 88 _seq._
-
-  _Olive trees_, sacred, near Athens, iii. 135 _n._ 2, vi. 267 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Olpæ_, Demosthenes’s victory at, vi. 303 _seq._
-
-  _Olympia_, Agesipolis, and the oracle at, ix. 356;
-    Lysias at, x. 73 _seq._;
-    panegyrical oration of Isokrates at, x. 77;
-    occupation of, by the Arcadians, x. 315, 322;
-    topography of, x. 319 _n._ 2;
-    plunder of, by the Arcadians, x. 322 _seq._
-
-  _Olympias_, xi. 262, 512, 516, 519;
-    and Antipater, xii. 68, 254, 256 _n._ 2;
-    intrigues of, after Alexander’s death, xii. 333;
-    return of, from Epirus to Macedonia, xii. 340 _seq._, 366;
-    death of, xii. 366;
-    Epirus governed by, xii. 395 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Olympic_ games, and Aëthlius, i. 100;
-    origin of, i. 140;
-    presidency of, ii. 10, 317 _seq._;
-    nature and importance of, ii. 241, 242;
-    the early point of union between Spartans, Messenians, and Eleians,
-      ii. 334;
-    and the Delian festival, iv. 54;
-    celebrity, history and duration of, iv. 55 _seq._;
-    interference of, with the defence of Thermopylæ, v. 77;
-    and the Karneia, v. 77 _n._;
-    conversation of Xerxes on, v. 113;
-    of the 90th Olympiad, vii. 52 _seq._;
-    celebration of, by the Arcadians and Pisatans, x. 318 _seq._;
-    legation of Dionysius to, xi. 28 _seq._
-
-  _Olympieion_ near Syracuse, battle of, vii. 219 _seq._
-
-  _Olympus_, ii. 211.
-
-  _Olympus, the Phrygian_, iii. 213 _n._, iv. 75.
-
-  _Olynthiac_, the earliest, of Demosthenês, xi. 327 _seq._;
-    the second, of Demosthenês, xi. 331 _seq._;
-    the third, of Demosthenês, xi. 335 _seq._
-
-  _Olynthiacs_ of Demosthenês, order of, xi. 358 _seq._
-
-  _Olynthian_ confederacy, x. 50 _seq._, 68, 381, xi. 324;
-    war, xi. 325-363.
-
-  _Olynthus_, iv. 24;
-    capture and re-population of, by Artabazus, v. 149;
-    increase of, by Perdikkas, vi. 69;
-    expedition of Eudamidas against, x. 58;
-    Teleutias at, x. 65 _seq._;
-    Agesipolis at, x. 67;
-    submission of, to Sparta, x. 68;
-    alliance of, rejected by the Athenians, xi. 236;
-    alliance of, with Philip, xi. 236 _seq._;
-    secedes from the alliance of Philip, and makes peace with Athens,
-      xi. 319;
-    hostility of Philip to, xi. 320;
-    Philip’s half-brothers flee to, xi. 321;
-    intrigues of Philip in, xi. 321;
-    attack of Philip upon, xi. 325, 381;
-    alliance of, with Athens, xi. 326;
-    renewed application of, to Athens, against Philip, xi. 331;
-    assistance from Athens to, B. C. 350, xi. 334;
-    three expeditions from Athens to, B. C. 349-348, xi. 334 _n._, 349;
-    expedition of Athenians to, B. C. 349, xi. 346, 347;
-    capture of, by Philip, xi. 350 _seq._, 364, 365, 372.
-
-  _Oneirus_, i. 7, ii. 185.
-
-  _Oneium_, Mount, Epaminondas at, x. 254.
-
-  _Onesilus_, iv. 292 _seq._
-
-  _Onomakles_, viii. 84 _seq._
-
-  _Onamakritus_, v. 3.
-
-  _Onomarchus_, and the treasures in the temple at Delphi, xi. 255;
-    successes of, 256, 293;
-    at Chæroneia, xi. 257;
-    power of the Phokians under, xi. 261;
-    aid to Lykophron by, xi. 293;
-    death of, xi. 294.
-
-  _Ophellas_, xii. 428, 431 _seq._
-
-  _Ophis_, the, x. 36.
-
-  _Opici_, iii. 353.
-
-  _Opis_, Alexander’s voyage to, xii. 243.
-
-  _Oracle at Delphi_, legend of, i. 41;
-    and the Krêtans, i. 226 _n._ 2;
-    and the Battiad dynasty, iv. 43;
-    answers of, on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 60 _seq._
-
-  _Oracles_, consultation and authority of, among the Greeks, ii. 255;
-    in Bœotia consulted by Mardonius, v. 149.
-
-  _Orations_, funeral, of Periklês, vi. 31, 144 _seq._
-
-  _Orchomenians_, i. 313.
-
-  _Orchomenus_, ante-historical, i. 130 _seq._;
-    and Thêbes, i. 135, v. 159 _n._ 4, x. 194.
-
-  _Orchomenus_, early historical, ii. 273;
-    capitulation of, B. C. 418, vii. 75;
-    revolt of, from Thebes to Sparta, ix. 293;
-    and the Pan-Arcadian union, x. 209, 210;
-    destruction of, x. 311.
-
-  _Oreithyia_, i. 199.
-
-  _Orestês_, i. 163 _seq._;
-    and Agamemnôn transferred to Sparta, i. 165.
-
-  _Orestês_, bones of, ii. 447.
-
-  _Oreus_, xi. 449, 452.
-
-  _Orgies_, post-Homeric, i. 27.
-
-  _Orœtês_, iv. 226, 245.
-
-  _Orontês the Persian nobleman_, ix. 36, 40 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Orontês_, the Persian satrap, x. 22, 24.
-
-  _Orôpus_, vi. 383 _n._ 2, viii. 25, x. 286.
-
-  _Orphans_ in legendary and historical Greece, ii. 91.
-
-  _Orpheotelestæ_, iii. 87.
-
-  _Orpheus_, i. 21, 22.
-
-  _Orphic_ Theogony, i. 16 _seq._;
-    egg, i. 18;
-    life, the, i. 23;
-    brotherhood, i. 34.
-
-  _Orsines_, xii. 237.
-
-  _Orthagoridæ_, iii. 33 _seq._
-
-  _Orthros_, i. 7.
-
-  _Ortygês_, iii. 187.
-
-  _Ortygia_, iii. 363;
-    fortification and occupation of, by Dionysius, x. 458 _seq._;
-    Dionysius besieged in, x. 462 _seq._;
-    blockade of, by Dion, xi. 95, 98, 114;
-    sallies of Nypsius from, xi. 107, 109, 111;
-    Dion’s entry into, xi. 117;
-    surrender of, to Timoleon, xi. 150 _seq._;
-    advantage of, to Timoleon, xi. 155;
-    siege of, by Hiketas and Magon, xi. 156 _seq._;
-    Timoleon’s demolition of the Dionysian works in, xi. 165;
-    Timoleon erects courts of justice in, xi. 165.
-
-  _Oscan_, Latin and Greek languages, iii. 354.
-
-  _Oscans_, iii. 353.
-
-  _Ossa_ and Pelion, ii. 214.
-
-  _Ostracism_, similarity of, to Solon’s condemnation of neutrality in
-      sedition, iii. 145, 147 _seq._, vii. 108 _seq._;
-    of Hyperbolus, iv. 151, vii. 101 _seq._;
-    of Kimon, v. 366;
-    of Thucydidês, son of Melêsias, vi. 19;
-    projected contention of, between Nikias and Alkibiadês,
-      vii. 106 _seq._;
-    at Syracuse, vii. 122.
-
-  _Otanês_, iv. 223, 249 _seq._, 277.
-
-  _Othryadês_, ii. 449.
-
-  _Othrys_, ii. 213 _seq._
-
-  _Otos_ and Ephialtês, i. 136.
-
-  _Ovid_ at Tomi, xii. 474 _n._
-
-  _Oxus_ crossed by Alexander, xii. 201.
-
-  _Oxylus_, i. 153, ii. 4, 9.
-
-  _Oxythemis Korônæus_, ii. 332 _n._ 2.
-
-
-  P.
-
-  _Pachês_, at Mitylênê, vi. 226, 237 _seq._;
-    at Notium, vi. 242;
-    pursues the fleet of Alkidas to Patmos, vi. 241;
-    sends Mitylenæan prisoners to Athens, vi. 243;
-    crimes and death of, vi. 258.
-
-  _Pæonians_, iv. 15;
-    conquest of, by Megabazus, iv. 276;
-    victory of Philip over, xi. 214.
-
-  _Pagasæ_, conquest of, by Philip, xi. 295;
-    importance of the Gulf of, to Philip, xi. 303.
-
-  _Pagondas_, vi. 384 _seq._
-
-  _Paktyas, the Lydian_, iv. 200 _seq._
-
-  _Palæmon_ and Inô, i. 124.
-
-  _Palæphatus_, his treatment of mythes, i. 415 _seq._
-
-  _Palamêdês_, i. 294.
-
-  _Palikê_, foundation of, vii. 123.
-
-  _Palladium_, capture of, i. 302.
-
-  _Pallakopas_, xii. 250.
-
-  _Pallas_, i. 6, 8.
-
-  _Pallas, son of Pandiôn_, i. 205.
-
-  _Pallênê_, i. 318, iv. 24.
-
-  _Palus Mæotis_, tribes east of, iii. 242.
-
-  _Pammenes_, expedition of, to Megalopolis, x. 359, xi. 257, 299.
-
-  _Pamphyli_, Hylleis, and Dymanes, ii. 360.
-
-  _Pamphylia_, conquest of, by Alexander, xii. 99.
-
-  _Panaktum_, vii. 24, 29.
-
-  _Pan-Arcadian Ten Thousand_, x. 232, 322.
-
-  _Pan-Arcadian union_, x. 208 _seq._, 321 _seq._
-
-  _Pandiôn_, i. 196.
-
-  _Pandiôn, son of Phineus_, i. 199.
-
-  _Pandiôn II._, i. 204.
-
-  _Pandôra_, i. 71, 76 _seq._
-
-  _Pan-Hellenic_ proceeding, the earliest approach to, iv. 50;
-    feeling, growth of, between B. C. 776-560, iv. 51;
-    character of the four great games, iv. 67;
-    congress at the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 57 _seq._;
-    patriotism of the Athenians on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 62;
-    union under Sparta after the repulse of Xerxes, v. 260;
-    schemes and sentiment of Periklês, vi. 18;
-    pretences of Alexander, xii. 51.
-
-  _Pan-Ionic_ festival and Amphiktyony in Asia, iii. 177.
-
-  _Panoptês_, Argos, i. 84.
-
-  _Pantaleôn_, ii. 434.
-
-  _Pantikapæum_, xii. 479 _seq._, 487.
-
-  _Pantitês_, story of, v. 94 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Paphlagonia_, submission of, to Alexander, xii. 111.
-
-  _Paphlagonians_, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 144.
-
-  _Paragraphê_, viii. 299.
-
-  _Parali_, at Samos, viii. 29.
-
-  _Paralus_, arrival of, at Athens from Samos, viii. 30.
-
-  _Paranomôn_, Graphê, v. 375 _seq._, viii. 36.
-
-  _Parasang_, length of, ix. 14 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Paris_, i. 286 _seq._, 301.
-
-  _Parisades I._, xii. 482.
-
-  _Parmenidês_, viii. 343, 344 _n._
-
-  _Parmenio_, embassy of, from Philip to Athens, xi. 386, 388, 389, 398,
-      401;
-    operations of, in Asia Minor against Memnon, xii. 49;
-    debate of, with Alexander at Milêtus, xii. 92;
-    captures Damascus, xii. 128;
-    at the battle of Arbela, xii. 158, 159, 164, 165;
-    invested with the chief command at Ekbatana, xii. 181;
-    family of, xii. 190;
-    alleged conspiracy and assassination of, xii. 196 _seq._
-
-  _Paropamisadæ_, subjugation of, by Alexander, xii. 200.
-
-  _Paros_, Theramenês at, viii. 118.
-
-  _Partheniæ_, iii. 387.
-
-  _Parthenon_, vi. 21, 22;
-    records of offerings in, xi. 249 _n._, 252 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Parthia_, Darius pursued by Alexander into, xii. 182 _seq._
-
-  _Partition of lands_ ascribed to Lykurgus, ii. 380, 393 _seq._,
-      401 _seq._;
-    proposed by Agis, iii. 399, 401.
-
-  _Parysatis, wife of Darius Nothus_, ix. 61, 72.
-
-  _Parysatis, daughter of Darius Nothus_, xii. 241.
-
-  _Pasimêlus_, ix. 331 _seq._
-
-  _Pasion_, and Xenias, ix. 28.
-
-  _Pasiphaë_ and the Minôtaur, i. 220.
-
-  _Pasippidas_, banishment of, viii. 128.
-
-  _Patizeithês_, conspiracy of, iv. 223.
-
-  _Patrokleidês_, amnesty proposed by, viii. 224.
-
-  _Patroklus_, treatment of, in the Iliad, ii. 177.
-
-  _Patronymic_ names of demes, iii. 63 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Patrôus_ Apollo, i. 50.
-
-  _Pattala_, xii. 235 _n._ 4.
-
-  _Pausanias, the historian_, on the Achæans, i. 104;
-    his view of mythes, i. 414;
-    his history of the Bœotians between the siege of Troy and the Return
-      of the Hêrakleids, ii. 16;
-    his account of the Messenian wars, ii. 425 _seq._, 428 _seq._;
-    on Iphikrates at Corinth, B. C. 369, x. 238 _n._
-
-  _Pausanias, the Spartan regent_, at the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 165;
-    at Platæa, v. 168 _seq._, 177 _seq._;
-    misconduct of, after the battle of Platæa, v. 178 _seq._, 181;
-    conduct of, after losing the command of the Greeks, v. 269;
-    detection and death of, v. 272 _seq._;
-    and Themistoklês, v. 273, 282.
-
-  _Pausanias the Spartan king_, and Lysander, viii. 262;
-    his expedition to Attica, viii. 275 _seq._;
-    his attack upon Peiræus, viii. 276;
-    his pacification between the Ten at Athens and the exiles at
-      Peiræus, viii. 277 _seq._;
-    in Bœotia, ix. 295 _seq._;
-    condemnation of, ix. 297 _seq._;
-    and the democratical leaders of Mantinea, x. 37.
-
-  _Pausanias the Macedonian_, x. 249, xi. 515 _seq._
-
-  _Pedaritus_, vii. 399, 391, viii. 19.
-
-  _Pedieis_, iii. 93.
-
-  _Pedigrees_, mythical, connect _gentes_, i. 193.
-
-  _Pegasus_, i. 4, 122.
-
-  _Peiræum_, Athenian victory near, vii. 369;
-    defeat of the Athenian fleet near, vii. 381;
-    capture of, by Agesilaus, ix. 343, 345 _seq._;
-    recovery of, by Iphikrates, ix. 353.
-
-  _Peiræus_, fortification of, by Themistoklês, v. 249 _seq._;
-    and Athens, Long Walls between, v. 324 _seq._, viii. 229,
-      ix. 333 _seq._;
-    improvements at, under Periklês, vi. 20;
-    departure of the armament for Sicily from, vii. 181;
-    walls built at, by the Four Hundred, viii. 63;
-    approach of the Lacedæmonian fleet under Agesandridas to,
-      viii. 66, 71;
-    Thrasybulus at, viii. 272 _seq._;
-    king Pausanias’s attack upon, viii. 276;
-    attack of Teleutias on, ix. 377 _seq._;
-    attempt of Sphodrias to surprise, x. 98 _seq._;
-    seizure of, by Nikanor, xii. 346.
-
-  _Peisander_, and the mutilation of the Hermæ, vii. 200;
-    and the conspiracy of the Four Hundred, viii. 8, 12, 13 _seq._, 21,
-      26, 33 _seq._;
-    statements respecting, viii. 32 _n._;
-    punishment of, viii. 88.
-
-  _Peisander, the Lacedæmonian admiral_, ix. 274, 283.
-
-  _Peisistratids_, and Thucydidês iv. 112 _n._ 2;
-    fall of the dynasty of, iv. 122;
-    with Xerxes in Athens, v. 115 _seq._
-
-  _Peisistratus_, iii. 153 _seq._, iv. 102 _seq._, 117.
-
-  _Peithias, the Korkyræan_, vi. 268 _seq._
-
-  _Pelasgi_, ii. 261 _seq._;
-    in Italy, iii. 351;
-    of Lemnos and Imbros, iv. 277.
-
-  _Pelasgikon_, oracle about the, vi. 129 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Pelasgus_, i. 173.
-
-  _Pêleus_, i. 114, 187 _seq._
-
-  _Pelias_, i. 108 _seq._, 114 _seq._
-
-  _Pelion_ and Ossa, ii. 214.
-
-  _Pella_, embassies from Grecian states at, B. C. 346, xi. 404 _seq._;
-    under Philip, xii. 66.
-
-  _Pellênê_, i. 318;
-    and Phlius, x. 271.
-
-  _Pelopidas_, escape of, to Athens, x. 61;
-    conspiracy of, against the philo-Laconian rulers at Thebes,
-      x. 81 _seq._;
-    slaughter of Leontiades by, x. 86;
-    and Epaminondas, x. 121;
-    victory of, at Tegyra, x. 134;
-    in Thessaly, x. 249, 263, 283 _seq._, 303, 307 _seq._;
-    and Philip, x. 249 _n._ 2, 264;
-    and Alexander of Pheræ, x. 282 _seq._;
-    death of, x. 308.
-
-  _Pelopidas_, i. 153 _seq._, 160.
-
-  _Peloponnesian_ war, its injurious effects upon the Athenian empire,
-      vi. 46;
-    war, commencement of, vi. 103-153;
-    fleet, Phormio’s victories over, vi. 196 _seq._, 203 _seq._;
-    war, agreement of the Peloponnesian confederacy at the commencement
-      of, vii. 19 _n._;
-    allies, synod of, at Corinth, B. C. 412, vii. 368;
-    fleet of under Theramenês, vii. 387 _seq._;
-    fleet at Rhodes, vii. 400 _seq._, viii. 94;
-    fleet, return of, from Rhodes to Milêtus, viii. 25;
-    fleet discontent in, Milêtus, viii. 95, 97 _seq._;
-    fleet, capture of, at Kyzikus, viii. 121;
-    fleet, pay of, by Cyrus, viii. 143;
-    confederacy, assembly of, at Sparta, B. C. 404, viii. 228;
-    confederacy, Athens at the head of, B. C. 371, x. 201;
-    allies of Sparta after the Peloponnesian war, xi. 280.
-
-  _Peloponnesians_, immigrant, ii. 303;
-    conduct of, after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 106;
-    and Mardonius’s approach, v. 154 _seq._;
-    and the fortification of Athens, v. 243 _seq._, 247;
-    five years’ truce of, with Athens, v. 334;
-    position and views of, in commencing the Peloponnesian war,
-      vi. 94 _seq._, 113, 124 _seq._;
-    invasions of Attica, by, under Archidamus, vi. 126 _seq._, 154;
-    slaughter of neutral prisoners by, vi. 182;
-    and Ambrakiots attack Akarnania, vi. 194 _seq._;
-    application of revolted Mitylenæans to, vi. 226 _seq._;
-    and Ætolians attack Naupaktus, vi. 301;
-    and Tissaphernês, vii. 387, 395 _seq._, viii. 4, 21 _seq._, 113 _seq._;
-    defeat of, at Kynossêma, viii. 109 _seq._;
-    at Abydos, viii. 117;
-    aid of Pharnabazus to, viii. 126;
-    letters of Philip to, xi. 492.
-
-  _Peloponnesus_, eponym of, i. 154;
-    invasion and division of, by the Hêrakleids, ii. 4;
-    mythical tide of the Dorians to, ii. 6;
-    extension of Pindus through, ii. 212;
-    distribution of, about B. C. 450, ii. 299 _seq._;
-    difference between the distribution, B. C. 450 and 776, ii. 302;
-    population of, which was believed to be indigenous, ii. 303;
-    southern inhabitants of, before the Dorian invasion, ii. 337;
-    events in, during the first twenty years of the Athenian hegemony,
-      v. 315 _seq._;
-    voyage of Tolmidês round, v. 331;
-    ravages of, by the Athenians, vi. 135, 164;
-    political relations in, B. C. 421, vii. 23;
-    expedition of Alkibiadês into the interior of, vii. 63;
-    expedition of Konon and Pharnabazus to, ix. 322;
-    circumnavigation of, by Timotheus, x. 132;
-    proceedings in, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 198, 242;
-    expedition of Epaminondas to, x. 215 _seq._, 254 _seq._, 266 _seq._,
-      328 _seq._;
-    state of, B. C. 362, x. 313 _seq._;
-    visits of Dion to, xi. 61;
-    disunion of, B. C. 360-359, xi. 199;
-    affairs of, B. C. 354-352, xi. 290 _seq._;
-    war in, B. C. 352-351, xi. 299;
-    intervention of Philip in, after B. C. 346, xi. 443;
-    expedition of Philip to, xi. 511;
-    Kassander and Polysperchon in, xii. 360, 365;
-    Kassander and Alexander, son of Polysperchon, in, xii. 368, 369.
-
-  _Pelops_, i. 154 _seq._
-
-  _Pelusium_, Alexander at, xii. 146.
-
-  _Penal_ procedure at Athens, iv. 366 _n._
-
-  _Penestæ_, Thessalian, ii. 279 _seq._
-
-  _Pentakosiomedimni_, iii. 117.
-
-  _Pentapolis_ on the south-west coast of the Euxine, xii. 458, 472.
-
-  _Pentekontêrs_, Spartan, ii. 459.
-
-  _Pentekostys_, i. 458.
-
-  _Penthesileia_, ii. 209, 298.
-
-  _Pentheus_ and Agavê, i. 262 _seq._
-
-  _Perdikkas I._, iv. 17.
-
-  _Perdikkas II._, relations and proceedings of, towards Athens,
-      vi. 67 _seq._, 71, 141, 370, 448 _seq._, vii. 96, 104;
-    and Sitalkês, xi. 217, 220;
-    application of, to Sparta, vi. 398;
-    and Brasidas, relations between, vi. 369, 448, 450 _seq._;
-    joins Sparta and Argos, vii. 96;
-    death of, x. 46.
-
-  _Perdikkas, brother of Philip_, x. 300, 301, 370, 382, xi. 205 _seq._
-
-  _Perdikkas, Alexander’s general_, xii. 256, 319, 333 _seq._, 337.
-
-  _Pergamum_, i. 286 _n._ 5, 324.
-
-  _Pergamus_, custom in the temple of Asklêpius at, i. 301 _n._ 4.
-
-  _Pergamus in Mysia_, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 172 _seq._
-
-  _Periander, the Corinthian despot_, power and character of,
-      iii. 41 _seq._
-
-  _Perikles_, difference between the democracy after, and the
-      constitution of Kleisthenês, iv. 148;
-    effect of, on constitutional morality, iv. 163;
-    at the battle of Tanagra, v. 328;
-    expeditions of, to Sikyon and Akarnania, v. 332;
-    policy of, B. C. 450, v. 342;
-    reconquest of Eubœa by, v. 349;
-    and Ephialtês, constitution of dikasteries by, v. 355 _seq._;
-    and Kimon, v. 362 _seq._;
-    public life and character of, v. 362 _seq._;
-    and Ephialtês, judicial reform of, v. 355 _seq._, 366 _seq._;
-    real nature of the constitutional changes effected by,
-      v. 367 _seq._;
-    commencement of the ascendancy of, v. 370;
-    and Kimon, compromise between, v. 329, 371;
-    his conception of the relation between Athens and her allies, vi. 4;
-    and Athenian kleruchs by, vi. 10;
-    and Thucydidês, son of Melêsias, vi. 15 _seq._;
-    Pan-Hellenic schemes and sentiment of, vi. 18;
-    city-improvements at Athens under, vi. 20 _seq._, 23 _seq._;
-    sculpture at Athens under, vi. 22;
-    attempt of, to convene a Grecian congress at Athens, vi. 25;
-    Sophoklês, etc., Athenian armament under, vi. 27 _seq._;
-    funeral orations of, vi. 31, 143 _seq._;
-    demand of the Spartans for his banishment, vi. 97, 105;
-    indirect attacks of his political opponents upon, vi. 98 _seq._;
-    his family relations, and connection with Aspasia, vi. 101, 102;
-    charge of peculation against, vi. 103 _seq._;
-    stories of his having caused the Peloponnesian war, vi. 104 _n._;
-    speech of, before the Peloponnesian war, vi. 107 _seq._;
-    and the ravages of Attica by Archidamus, vi. 128 _seq._;
-    last speech of, xii. 165 _seq._;
-    accusation and punishment of, vi. 168 _seq._;
-    old age and death of, vi. 170 _seq._;
-    life and character of, vi. 172 _seq._;
-    new class of politicians at Athens after, vi. 171 _seq._;
-    and Nikias compared, vi. 287.
-
-  _Perriklymenos_, i. 112 _seq._
-
-  _Perinthus_, iv. 27;
-    and Athens, viii. 126, xi. 461;
-    siege of, by Philip, xi. 454, 458.
-
-  _Periœki_, ii. 364 _seq._, 369, 371 _n._ 2;
-    Libyan, iv. 40, 42, 45.
-
-  _Pêrô_, Bias and Melampus, i. 110 _seq._
-
-  _Perseid_ dynasty, i. 91.
-
-  _Persephonê_, i. 10;
-    mysteries of, v. 208 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Persepolis_, Alexander’s march from Susa to, xii. 170 _seq._;
-    Alexander at, xii. 172 _seq._, 237;
-    Alexander’s return from India to, xii. 237.
-
-  _Persês_, i. 6.
-
-  _Perseus_, exploits of, i. 89 _seq._
-
-  _Persia_, application of Athens for alliance with, iv. 165;
-    state of, on the formation of the confederacy of Delos, v. 267;
-    treatment of Themistoklês in, v. 284 _seq._;
-    operations of Athens and the Delian confederacy against,
-      v. 303 _seq._;
-    and Athens, treaty between, B. C. 450, v. 335 _seq._;
-    Asiatic Greeks not tributary to, between B. C. 477-412,
-      v. 337 _n._ 2;
-    surrender of the Asiatic Greeks by Sparta to, ix. 205;
-    and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 385 _seq._, x. 2 _seq._, 158;
-    applications of Sparta and Athens to, x. 5 _seq._;
-    hostility of, to Sparta after the battle of Ægospotami, x. 8;
-    unavailing efforts of, to reconquer Egypt, x. 13;
-    and Evagoras, x. 20 _seq._;
-    Spartan project against, for the rescue of the Asiatic Greeks,
-      x. 44;
-    application of Thebes to, x. 277 _seq._;
-    embassy from Athens to, B. C. 366, x. 293;
-    state of, B. C. 362, x. 360, 366;
-    alarm at Athens about, B. C. 354, xi. 285;
-    projected invasion of, by Philip, xi. 511 _seq._;
-    correspondence of Demosthenes with, xii. 20 _seq._;
-    accumulation of royal treasures in, xii. 175 _n._ 3;
-    roads in, xii. 180 _n._
-
-  _Persian_ version of the legend of Io, i. 86;
-    noblemen, conspiracy of, against the false Smerdis, iv. 223 _seq._;
-    empire, organization of, by Darius Hystaspês, iv. 233 _seq._;
-    envoys to Macedonia, iv. 276;
-    armament against Cyprus, iv. 292;
-    force against Milêtus, iv. 299;
-    fleet at Ladê, iv. 304;
-    fleet and Asiatic Greeks, iv. 307;
-    armament under Datis, iv. 329 _seq._, 345;
-    fleet before the battle of Salamis, v. 85 _seq._, 99 _seq._, 113,
-      119, 125, 127 _nn._;
-    army, march of, from Thermopylæ to Attica, v. 114 _seq._;
-    fleet at Salamis, v. 130 _seq._;
-    fleet after the battle of Salamis, v. 137, 147;
-    army under Mardonius, v. 154 _seq._;
-    fleet at Mykalê, v. 191;
-    army at Mykalê, v. 193;
-    army, after the defeat at Mykalê, v. 198;
-    war effect of, upon Athenian political sentiment, v. 274;
-    kings, from Xerxes to Artaxerxes Mnemon, vi. 362 _seq._;
-    cavalry, and the retreating Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 89 _seq._;
-    empire, distribution of, into satrapies and subsatrapies, ix. 209;
-    preparations for maritime war against Sparta, B. C. 397, ix. 255,
-      268;
-    king, Thebans obtain money from, xi. 302;
-    forces in Phrygia on Alexander’s landing, xii. 75, 78;
-    Gates, Alexander at, xii. 171;
-    fleet and armies, hopes raised in Greece by, B. C. 334-331,
-      xii. 276.
-
-  _Persians_, condition of, at the rise of Cyrus the Great, iv. 187;
-    conquests of, under Cyrus the Great, iv. 209, 216 _seq._;
-    the first who visited Greece, iv. 257 _seq._;
-    conquest of Thrace by, under Darius Hystaspês, iv. 273;
-    successes of, against the revolted coast of Asia Minor, iv. 289;
-    attempts of, to disunite the Ionians at Ladê, iv. 300;
-    narrow escape of Miltiadês from, iv. 307;
-    cruelties of, at Milêtus, iv. 308;
-    attempted revolt of Thasos from, iv. 314;
-    at Marathon, iv. 333, 345 _seq._;
-    after the battle of Marathon, iv. 351, 352;
-    change of Grecian feeling towards, after the battle of Marathon,
-      iv. 355;
-    their religious conception of history, v. 10;
-    at Thermopylæ, v. 83, 85 _seq._;
-    in Psyttaleia, v. 128, 136;
-    at Salamis, v. 131 _seq._;
-    at Platæa, v. 163 _seq._;
-    at Mykalê, v. 197;
-    between Xerxes and Darius Codomannus, v. 241;
-    necessity of Grecian activity against, after the battles of Platæa
-      and Mykalê, v. 296;
-    mutilation inflicted by, ix. 9;
-    heralds from, to the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 52;
-    impotence and timidity of, ix. 75;
-    imprudence of, in letting Alexander cross the Hellespont, xii. 78;
-    defeat of, at the Granikus, xii. 80 _seq._;
-    defeat of, at Issus, xii. 118 _seq._;
-    incorporation of, in the Macedonian phalanx, xii. 251.
-
-  _Persis_, subjugation of, by Alexander, xii. 177;
-    Alexander’s return from India to, xii. 237.
-
-  _Personages_, quasi-human, in Grecian mythology, i. 342 _seq._
-
-  _Personal_ ascendency of the king in legendary Greece, ii. 61;
-    feeling towards the gods, the king, or individuals in legendary
-      Greece, ii. 80 _seq._;
-    sympathies the earliest form of social existence, ii. 84.
-
-  _Personalities_, great predominance of, in Grecian legend, ii. 74.
-
-  _Personality_ of divine agents in mythes, i. 2.
-
-  _Personification_, tendency of the ancient Greeks to, i. 342 _seq._;
-    of the heavenly bodies by Boiocalus, the German chief, i. 345 _n._
-
-  _Pestilence_ and suffering at Athens after the Kylonian massacre,
-      iii. 84.
-
-  _Petalism_ at Syracuse, iv. 163, vii. 122.
-
-  _Peuke_, xii. 23, 25 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Peukestes_, xii. 234, 238.
-
-  _Pezetæri_, xii. 59.
-
-  _Phæax_, expedition of, to Sicily, vii. 143.
-
-  _Phalækus_ succeeds to the command of the Phokians, xi. 301;
-    decline of the Phokians under, xi. 374, 418;
-    opposition to, in Phokis, xi. 375;
-    opposition of, to aid from Athens to Thermopylæ, xi. 376;
-    position of, at Thermopylæ, xi. 375, 418 _seq._;
-    death of, xi. 434.
-
-  _Phalanthus_, œkist of Tarentum, iii. 387 _seq._
-
-  _Phalanx_, Macedonian, xi. 501, xii. 57 _seq._, 251.
-
-  _Phalaris_, iv. 378, v. 204.
-
-  _Phalerium_, Xerxes at, v. 118.
-
-  _Phalinus_, ix. 52.
-
-  _Phanes_, and Zeus, i. 18.
-
-  _Phanosthenes_, viii. 159.
-
-  _Pharakidas_, x. 504 _seq._
-
-  _Pharax_, ix. 270, 271 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Pharax the officer of Dionysius_, xi. 115, 116, 133.
-
-  _Pharis_, conquest of, ii. 420.
-
-  _Pharnabazus_ and Tissaphernês, embassy from, to Sparta, vii. 366;
-    and Derkyllidas, viii. 94;
-    and Athens, viii. 114, 125;
-    Athenian victory over, viii. 130;
-    convention of, about Chalkêdon, viii. 132;
-    and Alkibiades, viii. 133, 311 _seq._;
-    and Greek envoys, viii. 135, 137;
-    after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 311;
-    and Anaxibius, ix. 154, 166;
-    and Lysander, ix. 204;
-    and the subsatrapy of Æolis, ix. 210 _seq._;
-    and Agesilaus, ix. 269, 279 _seq._;
-    and Konon, ix. 283, 322, 325 _seq._;
-    and Abydos, ix. 324;
-    and the anti-Spartan allies at Corinth, ix. 327;
-    and the Syracusans, x. 386;
-    anti-Macedonian efforts of, xii. 127;
-    capture of, with his force, at Chios, xii. 142.
-
-  _Pharsalus_, Polydamas of, x. 137 _seq._;
-    and Halus, xi. 411.
-
-  _Phaselis_, Alexander at, xii. 100.
-
-  _Phayllus_, xi. 293, 297 _seq._, 301.
-
-  _Pheidias_, vi. 23, 102.
-
-  _Pheidôn the Temenid_, ii. 314;
-    claims and projects of, as representative of Hêraklês, ii. 316;
-    and the Olympic games, ii. 316 _seq._;
-    coinage and scale of, ii. 318 _seq._, 323 _seq._;
-    various descriptions of, ii. 320.
-
-  _Pheidôn, one of the Thirty_, viii. 271, 293.
-
-  _Phenicia_, ante-Hellenic colonies from, to Greece not probable,
-      ii. 262 _seq._;
-    situation and cities of, iii. 267;
-    reconquest of, by Darius Nothus, xi. 438, 440 _n._ 3;
-    Alexander in, xii. 130 _seq._, 150.
-
-  _Phenician_ version of the legend of Io, i. 86;
-    colonies, iii. 271 _seq._;
-    fleet at Aspendus, viii. 99, 100, 114;
-    towns, surrender of, to Alexander, xii. 130, 132.
-
-  _Phenicians_ in Homeric times, ii. 103 _seq._;
-    historical, iii. 204, 289, 303, 308, 342 _seq._;
-    and Persians, subjugation of Cyprus by, iv. 293;
-    and Persians at Milêtus, iv. 300 _seq._;
-    and Persians, reconquest of Asiatic Greeks by, iv. 307;
-    and the cutting through Athos, v. 24;
-    and Greeks in Sicily, v. 207;
-    in Cyprus, x. 14 _seq._
-
-  _Pheræ, Jason of_, x. 138 _seq._, x. 147 _n._, 153, 189 _seq._,
-      195 _seq._
-
-  _Pheræ, Alexander of_, x. 248, xi. 202 _seq._;
-    despots of, xi. 202 _seq._;
-    Philip and the despots of, xi. 261, 292, 294 _seq._;
-    Philip takes the oath of alliance with Athens at, xi. 417;
-    Alexander of, and Pelopidas, 256, 277 _seq._, 297, 301 _seq._;
-    Alexander of, subdued by the Thebans, x. 309 _seq._;
-    hostilities of Alexander of, against Athens, x. 369.
-
-  _Pherekydes_, i. 390, iv. 390.
-
-  _Phretime_, iv. 45 _seq._
-
-  _Philæus_, eponym of an Attic dême, i. 189.
-
-  _Philaidæ_, origin of, i. 189.
-
-  _Philip of Macedon_, detained as a hostage at Thebes, x. 249 _n._ 1,
-      263, xi. 207 _seq._;
-    accession of, x. 382, xi. 212 _seq._;
-    as subordinate governor in Macedonia, xi. 207, 208;
-    position of, on the death of Perdikkas, xi. 209;
-    capture of Amphipolis by, xi. 232 _seq._;
-    his alliance with Olynthus and hostilities against Athens,
-      xi. 236 _seq._;
-    capture of Pydna and Potidæa by, xi. 237 _seq._;
-    increased power of, B. C. 358-356, xi. 239;
-    marriage of, with Olympias, xi. 240;
-    intrigue of, with Kersobleptes against Athens, xi. 158;
-    his activity, and conquest of Methônê, xi. 259 _seq._;
-    and the despots of Pheræ, xi. 261, 292 _seq._;
-    development of Macedonian military force under, xi. 282 _seq._;
-    and Onomarchus, xi. 293;
-    conquest of Pheræ and Pagasæ by, xi. 295;
-    checked at Thermopylæ by the Athenians, xi. 296;
-    power and attitude of, B. C. 352-351, xi. 322;
-    naval power and operations of, B. C. 351, xi. 297 _seq._;
-    in Thrace, B. C. 351, xi. 301;
-    hostility of, to Olynthus, B. C. 351-350, xi. 320;
-    flight of his half-brothers to Olynthus, xi. 321;
-    intrigues of, in Olynthus, xi. 322;
-    destruction of the Olynthian confederacy by, xi. 324, 325, 331,
-      350 _seq._, 364;
-    Athenian expedition to Olynthus against, xi. 334;
-    intrigues of, in Eubœa, xi. 339;
-    and Athens, overtures for peace between, B. C. 348, xi. 369 _seq._;
-    Thebans invoke the aid of, against the Phokians, xi. 375;
-    and Thermopylæ, xi. 377, 407, 410, 416, 421, 424;
-    embassies from Athens to, xi. 375 _seq._, 401 _seq._, 422;
-    envoys to Athens from, xi. 386, 387, 390, 398, 401;
-    synod of allies at Athens about, xi. 388;
-    peace and alliance between Athens, and, xi. 390 _seq._, 409,
-      429 _seq._, 442, 446 _seq._;
-    fabrications of Æschines and Philokrates about, xi. 398, 408, 409,
-      412 _seq._;
-    in Thrace, xi. 402, 404, 450 _seq._;
-    letter of, taken by Æschines to Athens, xi. 410, 416;
-    surrender of Phokis to, xi. 421;
-    declared sympathy of, with the Thebans, B. C. 346, xi. 421;
-    visit of Æschines to, in Phokis, xi. 423;
-    admitted into the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 425;
-    ascendancy of, B. C. 346, xi. 428 _seq._;
-    named president of the Pythian festival, xi. 428;
-    position of, after the Sacred War, xi. 434;
-    letter of Isokrates to, xi. 436;
-    movements of, after B. C. 346, xi. 443 _seq._;
-    warnings of Demosthenês against, after B. C. 346, xi. 444;
-    mission of Python from, to Athens, xi. 446;
-    and Athens, dispute between about Halonnesus, xi. 448 _seq._;
-    and Kardia, xi. 450;
-    and Athens, disputes between, about the Bosporus and Hellespont,
-      xi. 450;
-    at Perinthus and the Chersonese, xi. 454, 458 _seq._;
-    and Athens, declaration of war between, xi. 454 _seq._;
-    makes peace with Byzantium, Chios, and other islands, attacks the
-      Scythians, and is defeated by the Triballi, xi. 461;
-    and the Amphissians, xi. 480 _seq._, 497;
-    re-fortification of Elateia by, xi. 482, 484 _seq._;
-    application of, to Thebes for aid in attacking the Athenians,
-      xi. 483 _seq._, 489;
-    alliance of Athens and Thebes against, xi. 490 _seq._, 593 _seq._;
-    letters of, to the Peloponnesians for aid, xi. 492;
-    victory of, at Chæroneia, xi. 497 _seq._, 505;
-    military organization of, xi. 501, xii. 56 _seq._;
-    and the Athenians, peace of Demades between, xi. 507 _seq._;
-    honorary votes at Athens in favor of, xi. 509;
-    expedition of, into Peloponnesus, xi. 510;
-    at the congress at Corinth, xi. 511;
-    preparations of, for the invasion of Persia, xi. 512;
-    repudiates Olympias, and marries Kleopatra, xi. 512;
-    and Alexander, dissensions between, xi. 513;
-    assassination of, xi. 514 _seq._, xii. 6 _seq._;
-    character of, xi. 519 _seq._;
-    discord in the family of, xii. 4;
-    military condition of Macedonia before, xii. 55.
-
-  _Philip Aridæus_, xii. 319, 334.
-
-  _Philippi_, foundation of, xi. 241.
-
-  _Philippics_ of Demosthenes, xi. 309 _seq._, 445, 451.
-
-  _Philippizing_ factions in Megara and Eubœa, xi. 448.
-
-  _Philippus, the Theban polemarch_, x. 82, 85.
-
-  _Philippus, Alexander’s physician_, xii. 113.
-
-  _Philiskus_, x. 261.
-
-  _Philistides_, xi. 449, 452.
-
-  _Philistus_, his treatment of mythes, i. 410;
-    banishment of, xi. 33;
-    recall of, xi. 67;
-    intrigues of, against Plato and Dion, xi. 76;
-    tries to intercept Dion in the Gulf of Tarentum, xi. 89;
-    at Leontini, xi. 99;
-    defeat and death of, xi. 100.
-
-  _Philokrates_, motion of, to allow Philip to send envoys to Athens,
-      xi. 371;
-    motion of, to send envoys to Philip, xi. 379;
-    motion of, for peace and alliance with Philip, xi. 390 _seq._, 416;
-    fabrications of, about Philip, xi. 398, 408, 409, 412;
-    impeachment and condemnation of, xi. 433.
-
-  _Philoktetes_, i. 301, 310.
-
-  _Philolaus_ and Dioklês, ii. 297.
-
-  _Philomela_, i. 196 _seq._
-
-  _Philomelus_, xi. 245;
-    seizes the temple at Delphi, xi. 248;
-    and Archidamus, xi. 247;
-    and the Pythia at Delphi, xi. 250;
-    successful battles of, with the Lokrians, xi. 251;
-    defeat and death of, xi. 255;
-    takes part of the treasures in the temple at Delphi, xi. 252.
-
-  _Philonomus_ and the Spartan Dorians, ii. 327.
-
-  _Philosophers_, mythes allegorized by, i. 418 _seq._
-
-  _Philosophy_, Homeric and Hesiodic, i. 368;
-    Ionic, i. 372 _n._ 2;
-    ethical and social among the Greeks, iv. 76.
-
-  _Philotas_, alleged conspiracy, and execution of, xii. 190 _seq._,
-      197 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Philoxenus_ and Dionysius, xi. 26.
-
-  _Phineus_, i. 199, 235.
-
-  _Phlegyæ_, the, i. 128.
-
-  _Phlius_, return of philo-Laconian exiles to, x. 42;
-    intervention of Sparta with, x. 70;
-    surrender of, to Agesilaus, x. 70 _seq._;
-    application of, to Athens, x. 234 _seq._;
-    fidelity of, to Sparta, x. 257, 270;
-    invasion of, by Euphron, x. 270;
-    and Pellênê, x. 271;
-    assistance of Chares to, x. 272;
-    and Thebes, x. 290 _seq._
-
-  _Phœbe_, i. 5, 6.
-
-  _Phœbidas_, at Thebes, x. 58 _seq._, 62, 63, 128.
-
-  _Phœnissæ_ of Phrynichus, v. 138 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Phœnix_, i. 257.
-
-  _Phôkæa_, foundation of, iii. 188;
-    surrender of, to Harpagus, iv. 203;
-    Alkibiadês at, viii. 152.
-
-  _Phôkæan_ colonies at Atalia and Elea, iv. 206.
-
-  _Phôkæans_, exploring voyages of, iii. 281;
-    effects of their exploring voyages upon Grecian knowledge and fancy,
-      iii. 282;
-    emigration of, iv. 205 _seq._
-
-  _Phokian_ defensive wall at Thermopylæ, ii. 283;
-    townships, ravage of, by Xerxes’s army, v. 114.
-
-  _Phokians_, ii. 288;
-    application of Leonidas to, v. 76;
-    at Leuktra, x. 181, 182;
-    and the presidency of the temple at Delphi, xi. 245 _seq._;
-    Thebans strive to form a confederacy against, xi. 251;
-    take the treasures of the temple at Delphi, xi. 252, 255, 297, 374;
-    war of, with the Lokrians, Thebans, and Thessalians, xi. 254;
-    under Onomarchus, xi. 261, 293;
-    under Phayllus, xi. 297 _seq._;
-    under Phalækus, xi. 374, 418;
-    Thebans invoke the aid of Philip against, xi. 375;
-    application of, to Athens, xi. 376;
-    exclusion of, from the peace and alliance between Philip and Athens,
-      xi. 396 _seq._, 411;
-    envoys from, to Philip, xi. 404, 406;
-    motion of Philokrates about, xi. 416;
-    at Thermopylæ, xi. 418 _seq._;
-    treatment of, after their surrender to Philip, xi. 425 _seq._;
-    restoration of, by the Thebans and Athenians, xi. 493.
-
-  _Phokion_, first exploits of, x. 131;
-    character and policy of, xi. 273 _seq._, 308, xii. 278, 311,
-      357 _seq._;
-    in Eubœa, xi. 340 _seq._, 452;
-    at Megara, xi. 449;
-    in the Propontis, xi. 460;
-    and Alexander’s demand that the anti-Macedonian leaders at Athens
-      should be surrendered, xii. 46, 47;
-    and Demades, embassy of, to Antipater, xii. 322;
-    at Athens under Antipater, xii. 324;
-    and Nikanor, xii. 339, 346 _seq._;
-    and Alexander, son of Polysperchon, xii. 348;
-    condemnation and death of, xii. 349 _seq._;
-    altered sentiment of the Athenians towards, after his death,
-      xii. 357.
-
-  _Phokis_, acquisition of, by Athens, v. 331;
-    loss of, by Athens, v. 348;
-    invasion of, by the Thebans, B. C. 374, x. 136;
-    accusation of Thebes against, before the Amphiktyonic assembly,
-      xi. 243;
-    resistance of, to the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 246 _seq._;
-    Philip in, xi. 421, 482, 492 _seq._
-
-  _Phôkus_, i. 185.
-
-  _Phokylidês_, iv. 92.
-
-  _Phorkys_ and Kêtô, progeny of, i. 7.
-
-  _Phormio_ at Potidæa, vi. 74;
-    at Amphilochian Argos, vi. 121;
-    at Naupaktus, vi. 180;
-    his victories over the Peloponnesian fleet, vi. 199 _seq._,
-      206 _seq._;
-    in Akarnania, vi. 213;
-    his later history, vi. 277 _n._
-
-  _Phormisius_, disfranchising proposition of, viii. 294.
-
-  _Phorôneus_, i. 82, 83.
-
-  _Phraortês_, iii. 228.
-
-  _Phratries_, iii. 52 _seq._, 63;
-    and gentes, non-members of, iii. 133.
-
-  _Phrikônis_, iii. 192.
-
-  _Phrygia_, Persian forces in, on Alexander’s landing, xii. 75, 78;
-    submission of, to Alexander, xii. 89.
-
-  _Phrygian_ influence on the religion of the Greeks, i. 26, 28;
-    music and worship, iii. 213 _seq._
-
-  _Phrygians_ and Trojans, i. 335;
-    and Thracians, iii. 210, 213;
-    ethnical affinities and early distribution of, iii. 209 _seq._
-
-  _Phrynichus the tragedian_, his capture of Milêtus, iv. 309;
-    his Phœnissæ, v. 138, _n._ 1.
-
-  _Phrynichus the commander_, at Milêtus, vii. 388;
-    and Amorgês, vii. 389 _n._ 1;
-    and Alkibiadês, viii. 10 _seq._;
-    deposition of, viii. 15;
-    and the Four Hundred, viii. 11, 58 _seq._;
-    assassination of, viii. 66, 85, _n._;
-    decree respecting the memory of, viii. 85.
-
-  _Phrynon_, xi. 370.
-
-  _Phryxus_ and Hellê, i. 123 _seq._
-
-  _Phthiôtis_ and Deukalion, i. 96.
-
-  Φύσις, first use of, in the sense of _nature_, i. 368.
-
-  _Phyê-Athênê_, iv. 104.
-
-  _Phylarch_, Athenian, ii. 461.
-
-  _Phylê_, occupation of, by Thrasybulus, viii. 265.
-
-  _Phyllidas_ and the conspiracy against the philo-Laconian oligarchy at
-      Thebes, x. 81 _seq._
-
-  _Physical_ astronomy thought impious by ancient Greeks, i. 346 _n._;
-    science, commencement of, among the Greeks, i. 368.
-
-  _Phytalids_, their tale of Dêmêtêr, i. 44.
-
-  _Phyton_, xi. 18 _seq._
-
-  _Pierians_, original seat of, iv. 14.
-
-  _Piété, Monts de_, iii. 162.
-
-  Πῖλοι of the Lacedæmonians in Sphakteria, vi. 344 _n._
-
-  _Pinarus_, Alexander and Darius on the, xii. 118 _seq._
-
-  _Pindar_, his treatment of mythes, i. 378 _seq._
-
-  _Pindus_, ii. 211 _seq._
-
-  _Piracy_ in early Greece, ii. 90, 113.
-
-  _Pisa_ and Ellis, relations of, ii. 439.
-
-  _Pisatans_ and the Olympic games, ii. 318, 434, ix. 228,
-      x. 318 _seq._;
-    and Eloians, ii. 434, 439.
-
-  _Pisatic_ sovereignty of Pelops, i. 157.
-
-  _Pisidia_, conquest of, by Alexander, xii. 99.
-
-  _Pissuthnes_, vi. 26, 28, ix. 8.
-
-  _Pitane_, iii. 190.
-
-  _Pittakus_, power and merit of, iii. 198 _seq._
-
-  _Plague at Athens_, vi. 154 _seq._;
-    revival of, vi. 293.
-
-  _Platæa_, and Thebes, disputes between, iv. 166;
-    and Athens, first connection of, iv. 165;
-    battle of, v. 164 _seq._;
-    revelation of the victory of, at Mykalê the same day, v. 194;
-    night-surprise of, by the Thebans, vi. 114 _seq._;
-    siege of, by Archidamus, vi. 188 _seq._;
-    surrender of, to the Lacedæmonians, vi. 264 _seq._;
-    restoration of, by Sparta, x. 30 _seq._;
-    capture of, by the Thebans, x. 159 _seq._
-
-  _Platæans_ at Marathon, iv. 248.
-
-  _Plato_, his treatment of mythes, i. 441;
-    on the return of the Hêrakleids, ii. 6;
-    on homicide, ii. 96 _n._;
-    his Republic and the Lykurgean institutions, ii. 390;
-    and the Sophists, viii. 345-399;
-    and Xenophon, evidence of, about Sokratês, viii. 403 _seq._,
-      444 _n._, 450 _n._;
-    his extension and improvement of the formal logic founded by
-      Sokratês, viii. 429;
-    purpose of his dialogues, viii. 453;
-    incorrect assertions in the Menexenus of, ix. 360 _n._;
-    the letters of, x. 435 _n._ 1;
-    and Dionysius the Elder, xi. 38, 60;
-    and Dion, xi. 39, 57 _seq._, 69, 84;
-    and Dionysius the Younger, xi. 52, 69-80;
-    Dion, and the Pythagoreans, xi. 56 _seq._;
-    statements and advice of, on the condition of Syracuse,
-      xi. 130 _seq._;
-    and the kings of Macedonia, xi. 206.
-
-  _Plausible fiction_, i. 435, ii. 51.
-
-  _Pleistoanax_, v. 349, 429 _seq._
-
-  _Plemmyrium_, vii. 270, 290 _seq._
-
-  _Plutarch_ and Lykurgus, ii. 337, 343, 403 _seq._;
-    on the ephor Epitadeus, ii. 405;
-    and Herodotus, iv. 202 _n._, v. 6 _n._ 2;
-    on Periklês, vi. 172.
-
-  _Plutarch of Eretria_, xi. 340 _seq._
-
-  _Plyntêria_, viii. 144.
-
-  _Podaleirus_ and Machaôn, i. 180.
-
-  _Podarkês_, birth of, i. 110.
-
-  _Poems_, lost epic, ii. 120;
-    epic, recited in public, not read in private, ii. 135.
-
-  _Poetry_, Greek, transition of, from the mythical past to the positive
-      present, i. 349;
-    epic, ii. 117 _seq._;
-    epic, Homeric and Hesiodic, ii. 118;
-    didactic and mystic hexameter, ii. 119;
-    lyric and choric, intended for the ear, ii. 137;
-    Greek, advances of, within a century and a half after Terpander,
-      iv. 77.
-
-  _Poets_ inspired by the Muse, i. 355;
-    iambic, elegiac, and lyric, predominance of the present in, i. 363;
-    and logographers, their treatment of mythes, i. 377 _seq._;
-    early, chronological evidence of, ii. 45 _seq._;
-    epic, and their probable dates, ii. 122;
-    cyclic, ii. 123 _seq._;
-    gnomic or moralizing, iv. 91 _seq._
-
-  _Polemarch_, Athenian, iii. 74.
-
-  _Polemarchs_, Spartan, ii. 459.
-
-  _Polemarchus_, viii. 248.
-
-  _Political clubs_ at Athens, viii. 15.
-
-  _Politicians_, new class of, at Athens, after Periklês, vi. 245 _seq._
-
-  _Pollis_, defeat of, by Chabrias, x. 130.
-
-  _Pollux_ and Castor, i. 171 _seq._
-
-  _Polyarchus_, xi. 154.
-
-  _Polybiades_, x. 68.
-
-  _Polybius_, his transformation of mythes to history, i. 412;
-    perplexing statement of, respecting the war between Sybaris and
-      Kroton, iv. 416;
-    the Greece of, xii. 318.
-
-  _Polychares_, and Euæphnus, ii. 426.
-
-  _Polydamas of Pharsalus_, x. 137 _seq._
-
-  _Polydamas the Macedonian_, xii. 197.
-
-  _Polydamidas_, at Mendê, vi. 440 _seq._
-
-  _Polykrates of Samos_, iv. 241 _seq._
-
-  _Polykrates the Sophist_, harangue of, on the accusation against
-      Sokratês, viii. 478 _n._
-
-  _Polynikes_, i. 267, 269 _seq._, 273, 280.
-
-  _Polyphron_, x. 248.
-
-  _Polysperchon_, appointed by Antipater as his successor, xii. 339;
-    plans of, xii. 340;
-    edict of, at Pella, xii. 343 _seq._;
-    Phokion and Agnonides heard before, xii. 351 _seq._;
-    and Kassander, xii. 360, 372, 382;
-    flight of, Ætalia, xii. 367.
-
-  _Polystratus_, one of the Four Hundred, viii. 68 _n._ 1, 69 _n._, 78,
-      88.
-
-  _Polyxena_, death of, i. 305.
-
-  _Polyzelus_ and Hiero, v. 228.
-
-  _Pompey_ in Colchis, i. 243.
-
-  _Pontic Greeks_, xii. 458 _seq._
-
-  _Pontic Herakleia_, xii. 460-471.
-
-  _Pontus_ and Gæa, children of, i. 7.
-
-  _Popular belief_ in ancient mythes, i. 424, 427.
-
-  _Porus_, xii. 227 _seq._
-
-  _Poseidôn_, i. 6, 9, 56;
-    prominence of, in Æolid legends, i. 110;
-    Erechtheus, i. 192, 193;
-    and Athênê, i. 195;
-    and Laomedôn, i. 285.
-
-  _Positive_ evidence indispensable to historical proof, i. 429.
-
-  _Positive_ tendencies of the Greek mind in the time of Herodotus,
-      iv. 105 _n._
-
-  _Post-Homeric_ poems on the Trojan war, i. 297.
-
-  _Potidæa_ and Artabazus, v. 149;
-    relations of, with Corinth and Athens, vi. 67;
-    designs of Perdikkas and the Corinthians upon, vi. 68;
-    revolt of, from Athens, vi. 69 _seq._;
-    Athenian victory near, vi. 73;
-    blockade of, by the Athenians, vi. 74, 140, 164, 182;
-    Brasidas’s attempt upon, vi. 150;
-    capture of, by Philip and the Olynthians, xi. 238.
-
-  _Prasiæ_, expedition of Pythodôrus to, vii. 285.
-
-  _Praxitas_, ix. 327 _n._ 1, 333 _seq._
-
-  _Priam_, i. 285, 292 _n._ 5, 304.
-
-  _Priene_, iii. 172, 178, vi. 26.
-
-  _Priests_, Egyptian, iii. 314.
-
-  _Primitive_ and historical Greece, ii. 57-118.
-
-  _Private property_, rights of, at Athens, viii. 304.
-
-  _Probability_ alone not sufficient for historical proof, i. 429.
-
-  _Pro-Bouleutic Senate_, Solon’s, iii. 121.
-
-  _Probûli_, board of, vii. 362.
-
-  _Prodikus_, viii. 370, 380 _seq._
-
-  _Prœtos_ and his daughters, i. 88 _seq._
-
-  _Proknê_, i. 197 _seq._
-
-  _Prokris_, i. 198.
-
-  _Promêtheus_, i. 6;
-    and Zeus, i. 63, 76, 79 _seq._;
-    and Pandora, i. 75;
-    and Epimêtheus, i. 75;
-    Æschylus’s, i. 382 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Property_, rights of, at Athens, iii. 106, 114 _seq._
-
-  _Prophecies_, Sibylline, i. 338.
-
-  _Propontis_, Phokion in, xi. 460.
-
-  _Propylæa_, building of, vi. 21, 23 _n._ 4.
-
-  _Prose writing_ among the Greeks, iv. 97.
-
-  _Protagoras_, viii. 376, 379 _seq._, 389 _seq._, 392 _n._
-
-  _Protesilaus_, i. 290, v. 201.
-
-  _Prothoüs_, x. 176.
-
-  _Proxenus of Tegea_, x. 209.
-
-  _Prytaneium_, Solon’s regulations about, iii. 143.
-
-  _Prytanes_, iv. 138.
-
-  _Prytanies_, iv. 138.
-
-  _Prytanis_, xii. 485.
-
-  _Psammenitus_, iv. 219.
-
-  _Psammetichus I._, iii. 325 _seq._
-
-  _Psammetichus_ and Tamos, x. 13.
-
-  _Psammis_, iii. 333.
-
-  _Psephism_, Demophantus’s democratical, viii. 81.
-
-  _Psephisms_ and laws, distinction between, v. 373.
-
-  _Psyttaleia_, Persian troops in, v. 128, 136.
-
-  _Ptolemy of Alôrus_, x. 249, 250;
-    and Pelopidas, x. 263;
-    assassination of, x. 300.
-
-  _Ptolemy of Egypt_, attack of Perdikkas on, xii. 335;
-    alliance of, with Kassander, Lysimachus and Seleukus against
-      Antigonus, xii. 367, 372, 383, 387;
-    proclamations of, to the Greeks, xii. 369;
-    Lysimachus and Kassander, pacification of, with Antigonus, xii. 371;
-    in Greece, xii. 373.
-
-  _Ptolemy, nephew of Antigonus_, xii. 370.
-
-  _Public speaking_, its early origin and intellectual effects,
-      ii. 77 _seq._
-
-  _Punjab_, Alexander’s conquests in the, xii. 227 _seq._
-
-  _Purification_ for homicide, i. 25, 26.
-
-  _Pydna_, siege of, by Archestratus, vi. 70;
-    siege of, by Archelaus, viii. 118;
-    and Philip, xi. 236, 237.
-
-  _Pylæ_, in Babylonia, ix. 36 _n._ 2., 43 _n._
-
-  _Pylagoræ_, ii. 247.
-
-  _Pylians_, ii. 12, 335.
-
-  _Pylus_, attack of Hêraklês on, i. 110;
-    long independence of, ii. 331 _n._ 2;
-    occupation and fortification of, by the Athenians, vi. 317 _seq._;
-    armistice concluded at, vi. 324, 332;
-    Kleon’s expedition to, vi. 365 _seq._;
-    cession of, demanded by the Lacedæmonians, vii. 29;
-    helots brought back to, by the Athenians, vii. 70;
-    recapture of, by the Lacedæmonians, viii. 131.
-
-  _Pyramids_, Egyptian, iii. 321.
-
-  _Pyrrha_ and Deukaliôn, i. 96.
-
-  _Pyrrho_ and Sokratês, viii. 489 _n._
-
-  _Pyrrhus, son of Achilles_, i. 188.
-
-  _Pyrrhus, king of Epirus_, and Antipater, son of Kassander, xii. 389.
-
-  _Pythagoras, the philosopher_, i. 367 _seq._, iv. 390-411, 416.
-
-  _Pythagoras, the Ephesian despot_, iii. 182.
-
-  _Pythagorean order_, iv. 395, 403 _seq._, 416.
-
-  _Pythagoreans_, logical distinction of genera and species unknown to,
-      viii. 427 _n._ 2;
-    Plato, and Dion, xi. 57 _seq._
-
-  _Pytheas_, xii. 457.
-
-  _Pythia_, the, at Delphi, and Philomelus, xi. 250.
-
-  _Pythian Apollo_, i. 47.
-
-  _Pythian games_, ii. 240, 243, iv. 58, 63 _seq._, iv. 65,
-      x. 137 _n._ 1, 195, xi. 428.
-
-  _Pythius, the Phrygian_, v. 27.
-
-  _Pythodôrus_, vii. 133, 139, 285.
-
-  _Python_, mission of, to Athens, xi. 446.
-
-  _Pythonikus_, vii. 175, 197.
-
-
-  Q
-
-  _Quadriremes_, x. 479.
-
-  _Quinqueremes_, v. 47 _n._ 2, x. 479.
-
-
-  R
-
-  _Races_ of men in “Works and Days”, i. 64 _seq._
-
-  _Religious_ ceremonies a source of mythes, i. 62, 63, 451 _seq._;
-    views paramount in the Homeric age, i. 357;
-    views, opposition of, to scientific, among the Greeks, i. 358,
-      370 _seq._;
-    festivals, Grecian, iv. 53, 67 _seq._, xi. 353;
-    associations, effect of, on early Grecian art, iv. 99.
-
-  _Reply_ to criticisms on the first two volumes of this history,
-      i. 408 _n._
-
-  _Rhadamanthus_ and Minôs, i. 219.
-
-  _Rhapsodes_, ii. 129, 137 _seq._
-
-  _Rhea_, i. 5, 6.
-
-  _Rhegians_ and Tarentines, expedition of, against the Iapygians,
-      v. 238.
-
-  _Rhegium_, iii. 383;
-    the chorus sent from Messênê to, iv. 53 _n._ 1;
-    and Athens, vii. 128 _n._ 3;
-    the Athenian fleet near, B. C. 425, vii. 134;
-    progress of the Athenian armament for Sicily to, vii. 181;
-    discouragement of the Athenians at, vii. 190;
-    relations of, with Dionysius, B. C. 399, x. 474 _seq._;
-    and Dionysius, xi. 5, 71, 11, 16 _seq._;
-    and Dionysius the Younger, xi. 133;
-    Timoleon at, xi. 144 _seq._
-
-  _Rhetoric_, v. 402, viii. 335, 339, 346 _seq._
-
-  _Rhetors_ and sophists, v. 402 _seq._
-
-  _Rhetra_, the primitive constitutional, ii. 344 _n._ 2, 345 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Rhetræ_, the Three Lykurgean, ii. 355 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Rhienus_ and the second Messenian war, ii. 430.
-
-  _Rhium_, Phormio in the Gulf at, vi. 196 _seq._
-
-  _Rhodes_, founder of, ii. 30;
-    dikasteries at, v. 384 _n._ 2;
-    and the Olympic games, vii. 52 _n._ 4;
-    the Peloponnesian fleet at, vii. 399, 400 _seq._, viii. 94, ix. 368,
-      373;
-    Dorieus at, viii. 116;
-    revolt of, from Sparta, ix. 271;
-    revolt of, from Athens, xi. 220 _seq._;
-    siege of, by Demetrius Poliorketes, xii. 381.
-
-  _Rhodians_ and the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 504.
-
-  _Rhodôpis_, iii. 337 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Rhœkus_ of Samos, iv. 100.
-
-  _Rhœsakes_, xii. 84.
-
-  _Rites_, post-Homeric, i. 27, 28;
-    ecstatic, i. 30 _seq._
-
-  _Rivers_, mythical personages identified with, i. 342 _n._ 2;
-    of Greece, ii. 217.
-
-  _Robbery_, violent, how regarded in Greece and Europe, ii. 111 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Romances_ of chivalry, i. 475, ii. 156 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Roman kings_, authority of, ii. 68 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Roman law_ of debtor and creditor, iii. 159 _seq._
-
-  _Romans_, respect of, for Illium, i. 327;
-    belief of, with regard to earthquakesi. 400 _n._;
-    dislike of, to paijudicial pleading, viii. 361 _n._ 2;
-    embassy from, to Alexander, xii. 248 _n._ 2;
-    Livy’s opinion as to the chances of Alexander, if he had attacked
-      the, xii. 260.
-
-  _Rome_, reduction of the rate of interest at, iii. 112 _n._ 1;
-    debasement of coin at, iii. 114;
-    new tables at, iii. 115 _n._ 2;
-    law of debtor and creditor at, iii. 159 _seq._;
-    political associations at, viii, 16 _n._ 2;
-    and Carthage, treaties between, x. 392 _n._
-
-  _Roxana_, xii. 214, 215, 319, 333, 367, 371.
-
-
-  S.
-
-  _Sacred games_, Solon’s rewards to victors at, iii. 141;
-    objects, Greek view of material connection with, iii. 84 _n._ 1.,
-      260.
-
-  _Sacred War_, the first, iv. 63 _seq._, v. 346;
-    the second, xi. 241 _seq._, 374, 421 _seq._;
-    position of Philip after the second, xi. 434;
-    the third, xi. 467.
-
-  _Sacrifices_, i. 62;
-    human, in Greece, i. 126 _seq._
-
-  _Sacrilege_, French legislation upon, vii. 212 _n._
-
-  _Sadyattês_, iii. 253.
-
-  _Saga_, the, Ampère on, i. 357 _n._
-
-  _Sage_, a universal manifestation of the human mind, i. 461.
-
-  _Sagen-poesie_, applied as a standard to the Iliad and Odyssey,
-      ii. 162.
-
-  _Sagra_, date of the battle at, iv. 411 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Saints_, legends of, i. 469 _seq._
-
-  _Sakadas_, iv. 89.
-
-  _Salæthus_, vi. 237 _seq._
-
-  _Salamis_, the serpent of, i. 186;
-    war between Athens and Megara about, iii. 98 _seq._;
-    retreat of the Greek fleet from Artemisium to, v. 102, 107;
-    the battle of, v. 104-147;
-    Persian and Greek fleets after the battle of, v. 147;
-    migration of Athenians to, on Mardonius’s approach, v. 154;
-    seizure of prisoners at, by the Thirty Tyrants at Athens, viii. 267.
-
-  _Salamis in Cyprus_, i. 189, x. 14 _seq._
-
-  _Salmoneus_, i. 108.
-
-  _Samian exiles_, application of, to Sparta, iv. 242;
-    attack of, on Siphnos, iv. 244;
-    at Zanklê, v. 211.
-
-  _Samians_ and Athenians, contrast between, iv. 247;
-    slaughter of, by Otanês, iv. 249;
-    at Ladê, iv. 304;
-    migration of, to Sicily, iv. 305;
-    transfer of the fund of the confederacy from Delos to Athens
-      proposed by, v. 343;
-    application of, to Sparta for aid against Athens, vi. 29.
-
-  _Samnites_, xi. 8.
-
-  _Samos_, foundation of, iii. 173;
-    condition of, on the accession of Darius Hystaspês, iv. 240;
-    Lacedæmonians and Polykratês at, iv. 243;
-    Persian armament under Datis at, iv. 329;
-    Persian fleet at, after the battle of Salamis, v. 147, 192;
-    Greek fleet moves to the rescue of, from the Persians, v. 192;
-    an autonomous ally of Athens, vi. 2;
-    revolt of, from the Athenians, vi. 25 _seq._, 29;
-    and Milêtus, dispute between, about Priênê, vi. 26;
-    Athenian armament against, under Periklês, Sophoklês, etc.,
-      vi. 27 _seq._;
-    blockaded, vi. 28;
-    government of, after its capture by Periklês, vi. 30;
-    democratical revolution at, vii. 377 _seq._;
-    powerful Athenian fleet at, B. C. 412, vii. 386;
-    oligarchical conspiracy at, viii. 7 _seq._, 25 _seq._;
-    embassy from the Four Hundred to, viii. 44, 52 _seq._, 55;
-    Athenian democracy reconstituted at, viii. 46 _seq._;
-    the Athenian democracy at, and Alkibiadês, viii. 49 _seq._;
-    eagerness of the Athenian democracy at, to sail to Peiræus,
-      viii. 52, 54;
-    envoys from Argosto the Athenian Demos at, viii. 57;
-    Athenian democracy at, contrasted with the oligarchy of the Four
-      Hundred, viii. 92 _seq._;
-    Strombichidês’s arrival at, from the Hellespont, viii. 96;
-    Alkibiadês’s return from Aspendus to, viii. 115;
-    Alkibiadês sails from, to the Hellespont, viii. 116;
-    Alkibiadês at, B. C. 407, viii. 155;
-    Alkibiadês leaves Antiochus in command at, viii. 153;
-    dissatisfaction of the armament at, with Alkibiadês, viii. 154;
-    Konon at, viii. 160;
-    Lysander at, viii. 223, 237;
-    conquest of, by Timotheus, x. 294, 297 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Samothracians_, exploit of, at Salamis, v. 135.
-
-  _Sangala_, capture of, by Alexander, xii. 231.
-
-  _Sapphô_, i. 363, iv. 90 _seq._
-
-  _Sardinia_, proposition of Bias for a Pan-Ionic emigration to, iv. 207.
-
-  _Sardis_, iii. 220;
-    capture of, by Cyrus, iv. 192;
-    march of Aristagoras to, and burning of, iv. 290;
-    march of Xerxes to, and collection of his forces at, v. 14;
-    march of Xerxes from, v. 27;
-    retirement of the Persian army to, after their defeat at Mykalê,
-      v. 198
-    Alkibiadês’s imprisonment at, and escape from, viii. 119, 120;
-    forces of Cyrus the Younger collected at, ix. 8;
-    march of Cyrus the Younger from, to Kunaxa, ix. 11 _seq._;
-    victory of Agesilaus near, ix. 267;
-    surrender of, to Alexander, xii. 89.
-
-  _Sarissa_, xii. 57, 101 _seq._
-
-  _Sarmatians_, iii. 243.
-
-  _Sarpêdôn_, i. 219.
-
-  _Sataspes_, iii. 285, 288 _n._
-
-  _Satrapies_ of Darius Hystaspes, iv. 235 _seq._
-
-  _Satraps_ under Darius Hystaspes, discontents of, iv. 226 _seq._;
-    of Alexander, xii. 239 _seq._
-
-  _Satyrus of Herakleia_, xii. 564.
-
-  _Satyrus I._ of Bosporus, xi. 264 _n._ 1, xii. 481.
-
-  _Satyrus the actor_, xi. 270, 364.
-
-  _Satyrus II._ of Bosporus, xii. 484.
-
-  _Saxo Grammaticus_ and Snorro Sturleson contrasted with Pherekydes and
-      Hellanikus, i. 468.
-
-  _Scales_ Æginæan and Euboic, ii. 319 _seq._, 325;
-    Æginæan, Euboic and Attic, iii. 171.
-
-  _Scandinavian_ mythical genealogies, i. 465 _n._ 3;
-    and Teutonic epic, i. 479 _seq._
-
-  _Scardus_, ii. 212.
-
-  _Science_, physical, commencement of, among the Greeks, i. 367.
-
-  _Scientific_ views, opposition of, to religions, among the Greeks,
-      i. 359-370 _seq._
-
-  _Scission_ between the superior men and the multitude among the Greeks,
-      i. 375.
-
-  _Sculpture_ at Athens, under Periklês, vi. 22.
-
-  _Scurrility_ at festivals, iv. 80 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Scylla_, i. 1, 221.
-
-  _Scythia_, iii. 235;
-    Darius’s invasion of, iv. 263 _seq._
-
-  _Scythians_, iii. 233 _seq._, xii. 475;
-    invasion of Asia Minor and Upper Asia by, iii. 245 _seq._;
-    strong impression produced by, upon Herodotus’s imagination, iv. 268;
-    attack of Philip on, xi. 462;
-    and Alexander, xii. 206, 214.
-
-  _Secession_ of the mythical races of Greece, ii. 19.
-
-  _Seisachtheia_, or debtors’ relief-law of Solon, iii. 99 _seq._
-
-  _Selene_, i. 6, 346 _n._
-
-  _Seleukus_, alliance of, with Kassander, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy
-      against Antigonus, xii. 367, 372, 383, 387;
-    Kassander, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy, pacification of, with Antigonus,
-      xii. 371;
-    and the Pontic Hêrakleia, xii. 470;
-    death of, xii. 470.
-
-  _Selinuntines_, defeat of, by the Egestæans and Carthaginians, x. 404.
-
-  _Selinus_, iii. 367;
-    and Egesta, vii. 145, x. 401, 404;
-    application of, to Syracuse, x. 404;
-    capture of, by Hannibal, x. 405 _seq._;
-    abandonment of, by the rest of Sicily, x. 408;
-    Hermokrates at, x. 417.
-
-  _Selli_, ii. 268.
-
-  _Selymbria_, viii. 126, 133, xi. 455 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Selymbris_, iv. 27.
-
-  _Semele_, i. 259.
-
-  _Semi-historical_ interpretation of ancient mythes, i. 433.
-
-  _Senate_ and Agora subordinate in legendary, paramount in historical
-      Greece, ii. 76;
-    Spartan, ii. 345, 357;
-    of Areopagus, iii. 73;
-    powers of, enlarged by Solon, iii. 122;
-    of Four Hundred, Solon’s, iii. 121;
-    of Five Hundred, iv. 137;
-    at Athens, expulsion of, by the Four Hundred, viii. 39.
-
-  _Senators_, addition to the oath of Athenian, viii. 298.
-
-  _Sentiment_, mingled ethical and mythical, in “Works and Days”,
-      i. 69 _seq._
-
-  _Sepias Akte_, Xerxes’s fleet at, v. 83 _seq._
-
-  _Servitude_, temporary, of the gods, i. 57, 113 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Sestos_, capture of, B. C. 479, v. 202 _seq._;
-    escape of the Athenian squadron from, to Elæus, viii. 105;
-    Derkyllidas at, ix. 320;
-    capture of, by Kotys, x. 373;
-    surrender of, to Athens, B. C. 358, x. 379 _n._;
-    conquest of, by Chares, xi. 257.
-
-  _Seuthes_, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 154, 169 _seq._
-
-  _Seven chiefs_ against Thebes, the, i. 274.
-
-  _Seven wise men_ of Greece, iv. 95 _seq._
-
-  _Sibyl_, the Erythræan, i. 28.
-
-  _Sibylline_ prophecies, i. 28, 338.
-
-  _Sicilian_ Greeks, prosperity of, between B. C. 735 and 485,
-      iii. 367 _seq._;
-    Greeks, peculiarity of their monetary and statical scale, iii. 369;
-    comedy, iii. 373;
-    Greeks, early governments of, v. 206;
-    Greeks, and Phenicians, v. 207;
-    cities, B. C. 431, vii. 127, 131;
-    and Italian Dorians, aid expected from, by Sparta, vii. 129;
-    cities, general peace between, B. C. 424, vii. 138;
-    aid to Syracuse, B. C. 413, vii. 295.
-
-  _Sicily_, Phenicians and Greeks in, iii. 276;
-    ante-Hellenic population of, iii. 350, 361, 372;
-    and Italy, early languages and history of, iii. 354 _n._;
-    and Italy, date of earliest Grecian colony in, iii. 356;
-    rapid multiplication of Grecian colonies in, after B. C. 735,
-      iii. 360;
-    the voyage from Greece to, iii. 361;
-    spot where the Greeks first landed in, iii. 361;
-    Megarian, iii. 365;
-    subcolonies from, iii. 366;
-    Sikel or Sikan caverns in, iii. 368 _n._;
-    mixed population of, iii. 369;
-    difference between Greeks in, and those in Greece Proper,
-      iii. 372;
-    despots in, about B. C. 500, v. 204;
-    Carthaginian invasion of, B. C. 480, v. 220;
-    expulsion of despots from, B. C. 465, v. 233;
-    after the expulsion of the despots, B. C. 465, v. 234, 236 _seq._,
-      vii. 118;
-    return of Duketius to, vii. 122;
-    intellectual movement in, between B. C. 461-416, vii. 127;
-    relations of, to Athens and Sparta, altered by the quarrel between
-      Corinth and Korkyra, vii. 129;
-    Dorians attack the Ionians in, about B. C. 427, vii. 131;
-    Ionic cities in, solicit aid from Athens, against the Dorians,
-      B. C. 427, vii. 132;
-    Athenian expedition to, B. C. 427, vii. 133;
-    Athenian expedition to, B. C. 425, vii. 133;
-    Athenian expedition to, B. C. 422, vii. 142;
-    Athenian expedition to, B. C. 415, vii. 148-162, 179-191, 217-278;
-    Athenian expedition to, B. C. 413, vii. 279-287, 288-353;
-    effect of the Athenian disaster in, upon all Greeks, vii. 363;
-    intervention of Carthage in, B. C. 410, x. 401 _seq._;
-    invasion of, by Hannibal, B. C. 409, x. 405 _seq._;
-    abandonment of Selinus by the Hellenic cities of, B. C. 409, x. 408;
-    Hannibal’s return from, B. C. 409, x. 415;
-    return of Hermokrates to, x. 415;
-    invasion of, by Hannibal and Imilkon, x. 422 _seq._;
-    southern, depressed condition of, B. C. 405, x. 457;
-    expedition of Dionysius against the Carthaginians in, x. 483 _seq._;
-    frequency of pestilence among the Carthaginians in, xi. 1;
-    Dionysius’s conquests in the interior of, B. C. 394, xi. 4;
-    condition of, B. C. 353-344, xi. 130;
-    voyage of Timoleon to, xi. 143 _seq._;
-    invasion of, by the Carthaginians, B. C. 340, xi. 170;
-    Timoleon in, xi. 170-195;
-    expedition to, under Giskon, xi. 180;
-    Agathokles in, xii. 439 _seq._;
-    ceases to be under Hellenic agency after Agathokles, xii. 451.
-
-  _Sidon_, iii. 265;
-    conquest of, by Darius Nothus, xi. 438;
-    surrender of, to Alexander, xii. 130.
-
-  _Sidus_, capture of, by the Lacedæmonians, ix. 335;
-    recovery of, by Iphikrates, ix. 353.
-
-  _Siege of Troy_, i. 284-306.
-
-  _Sigeium_, Mitylenæan at, i. 339;
-    and Peisistratus, iv. 117.
-
-  _Sikans_, iii. 349, 351 _n._ 3, 369.
-
-  _Sikel_ prince, Duketius, iii. 374.
-
-  _Sikels_, iii. 349;
-    in Italy, iii. 351, 375;
-    migration of, from Italy to Sicily, iii. 353 _n._ 2;
-    in Sicily, iii. 367, x. 494, xi. 5, 6.
-
-  _Sikinnus_, v. 126, 140, 313 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Sikyôn_, origin of, i. 120 _seq._;
-    early condition of, iii. 4;
-    despots at, iii. 32 _seq._, 38;
-    classes of people at, iii. 35;
-    names of Dorion and non-Dorion tribes at, iii. 34, 37;
-    Corinth, and Megara, analogy of, iii. 47;
-    Athenian attacks upon, v. 332;
-    Spartan and Argeian expedition against, vii. 97;
-    desertion of, from Sparta to Thebes, x. 257;
-    intestine dissensions at, B. C. 367-366, x. 269 _seq._;
-    Euphron at, x. 269 _seq._, 272, 273.
-
-  _Silanus the prophet_, ix. 40, 133 _seq._
-
-  _Silphium_, iv. 33.
-
-  _Silver race_, the, i. 65.
-
-  _Simon_, i. 304.
-
-  _Simonidês of Keôs_, epigram of, on the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 104;
-    mediation of, between Hiero and Thero, v. 227.
-
-  _Simonidês of Amorgus_, poetry of, i. 463, iv. 73, 82.
-
-  _Sinôpe_ and the Amazons, i. 212 _n._ 3;
-    date of the foundation of, iii. 249 _n._ 3;
-    Perikles’s expedition to, vi. 10;
-    and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 129 _seq._, 144;
-    long independence of, xii. 459;
-    envoys from with Darius, xii. 459.
-
-  _Siphnus_, iii. 166;
-    attack of Samian exiles on, iv. 244.
-
-  _Sirens_, the, i. 1.
-
-  _Siris_, or Herakleia, iii. 384.
-
-  _Sisygambis_, xii. 124, 164, 171.
-
-  _Sisyphus_, i. 118 _seq._
-
-  _Sitalkes_, vi. 141, 215 _seq._
-
-  _Sithonia_, iv. 24, 25.
-
-  _Sittake_, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 65.
-
-  _Skalds_, Icelandic, songs of, ii. 150 _n._ 2, ii. 157 _n._
-
-  _Skedasus_, x. 178.
-
-  _Skepsis_, Derkyllidas at, ix. 213.
-
-  _Skillus_, Xenophon at, ix. 176 _seq._
-
-  _Skiône_, revolt of, from Athens to Brasidas, vi. 435 _seq._;
-    dispute about, after the One year’s truce between Athens and Sparta,
-      vi. 437;
-    blockade of, by the Athenians, B. C. 423, vi. 442;
-    capture of, by the Athenians, B. C. 421, vii. 22.
-
-  _Skiritæ_, vii. 80, 84, x. 233.
-
-  _Skylax_, iv. 237, 283, x. 227 _n._ 6.
-
-  _Skyllêtium_, iii. 384.
-
-  _Skyros_, conquest of, by Kimon, v. 303.
-
-  _Skytalism_ at Argos, x. 200 _seq._
-
-  _Skythês_ of Zanklê, v. 211 _seq._
-
-  _Skythini_, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 110.
-
-  _Slavery_ of debtors in Attica before Solon, iii. 94.
-
-  _Slaves_ in legendary Greece, ii. 97 _seq._
-
-  _Smerdis_, iv. 221 _seq._
-
-  _Sminthian Apollo_, i. 50, 337.
-
-  _Smyrna_, iii. 182, 189.
-
-  _Social War_, xi. 220, 231.
-
-  _Socratic philosophers_, their unjust condemnation of rhapsodes,
-      ii. 139.
-
-  _Socratici viri_, viii. 403 _n._
-
-  _Sogdian rock_, capture of, by Alexander, xii. 214.
-
-  _Sogdiana_, Alexander in, xii. 202 _seq._, 207.
-
-  _Sôkratês_, his treatment of the discrepancy between scientific and
-      religious views, i. 370;
-    treatment of, by the Athenians, i. 374 _seq._;
-    alleged impiety of, attacked by Aristophanês, i. 401 _n._;
-    and the sophists, v. 404, vii. 35 _n._ 2; viii. 387 _n._, 400,
-      441 _n._;
-    at the battle of Delium, vi. 396;
-    and Alkibiadês, vii. 35 _seq._;
-    and Kritias, vii. 35 _seq._;
-    at the Athenian assembly, on the generals at Arginusæ, vii. 200;
-    and the Thirty, viii. 244, 257;
-    and Parmenidês, viii. 346 _n._;
-    dislike of, to teaching for pay, viii. 342;
-    life, character, philosophy, teaching, and death of, viii. 400-496.
-
-  _Solemnities_ and games, i. 106.
-
-  _Soli_ in Cyprus, iii. 148.
-
-  _Sollium_, Athenian capture of, vi. 135.
-
-  _Soloeis_, Cape, iii. 272 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Solon_ and the Iliad, ii. 152 _n._ 2;
-    civil condition of Attica before, iii. 48;
-    life, character, laws, and constitution of, iii. 88-159.
-
-  _Sophokles_, his Œdipus, i. 270;
-    his treatment of mythes, i. 379 _seq._, 385;
-    Periklês, etc., Athenian armament under, against Samos,
-      vi. 27 _seq._;
-    number of tragedies by, viii. 319 _n._;
-    Æschylus and Euripidês, viii. 332;
-    and Herodotus, viii. 323 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Sophokles_ and Eurymedon, expeditions of, to Sicily and Korkyra,
-      vi. 313 _seq._, 357 _seq._, vii. 133, 136, 139.
-
-  _Sôsis_, xi. 104.
-
-  _Sosistratus_, xii. 394, 388, 405.
-
-  _Sothiac period_ and Manetho, iii. 340 _seq._
-
-  _Sparta_ and Mykênæ, i. 165 _seq._;
-    occupation of, by the Dorians, ii. 311, 326 _seq._, 360;
-    and the disunion of Greek towns, ii. 259;
-    not strictly a city, ii. 261;
-    inferior to Argos and neighboring Dorians, B. C. 776, ii. 307, 312;
-    first historical view of, ii. 323;
-    not the perfect Dorian type, ii. 341;
-    pair of kings at, ii. 349;
-    classification of the population at, ii. 348 _seq._;
-    syssitia and public training at, ii. 380 _seq._;
-    partition of lands at, ascribed to Lykurgus, ii. 393-415;
-    progressive increase of, ii. 417;
-    and Lepreum, ii. 440;
-    Argos, and Arcadia, relations of, ii. 443 _n._ 2;
-    and Mantinea, ii. 444;
-    and Arcadia, ii. 445 _seq._;
-    and Tegea, ii. 446 _seq._;
-    bones of Orestês taken to, ii. 447;
-    acquisitions of, towards Argos, ii. 450 _seq._;
-    extensive possessions and power of by, B. C. 540, ii. 453 _seq._;
-    military institutions of, ii. 456 _seq._;
-    recognized superiority of, ii. 461, iv. 242, 318;
-    peculiar government of, iii. 6;
-    alleged intervention of, with the Nemean and Isthmian games,
-      iv. 66 _n._;
-    exclusive character of her festivals, iv. 69;
-    musical and poetical tendencies at, iv. 83 _seq._, 86 _n._ 1;
-    choric training at, iv. 84 _seq._;
-    first appearance of, as head of Peloponnesian allies, iv. 169,
-      174 _seq._;
-    preparations at, for attacking Athens, after the failure of
-      Kleomenês, iv. 173 _seq._;
-    and Crœsus, iv. 190;
-    and Asiatic Greeks, iv. 199, iv. 207, 208;
-    and Samian exiles, iv. 242;
-    and Aristagoras, iv. 287 _seq._;
-    treatment of Darius’s herald at, iv. 317;
-    appeal of Athenians to, against the Medism of Ægina, iv. 318;
-    war of, against Argos, B. C. 496-5, iv. 320 _seq._;
-    no heralds sent from Xerxes to, v. 57;
-    Pan-Hellenic congress convened by, at the Isthmus of Corinth,
-      v. 57 _seq._;
-    leaves Athens undefended against Mardonius, v. 153 _seq._;
-    headship of the allied Greeks transferred from, to Athens,
-      v. 261 _seq._;
-    and Athens, first open separation between, v. 263, 265 _seq._, 290;
-    secret promise of, to the Thasians, to invade Attica, v. 312;
-    restores the supremacy of Thebes in Bœotia, v. 313, 331;
-    and the rest of Peloponnesus, between B. C. 477-457, v. 314;
-    earthquake and revolt of Helots at, B. C. 464, v. 315 _seq._;
-    Athenian auxiliaries to, against the Helots, v. 316 _seq._;
-    Athenians renounce the alliance of, B. C. 464, v. 319;
-    and Athens, five years’ truce between, v. 334;
-    and Delphi, B. C. 452-447, v. 346;
-    and Athens, thirty years’ truce between, v. 350;
-    application of Samians to, vi. 29;
-    imperial, compared with imperial Athens, vi. 39, ix. 187 _seq._;
-    and her subject-allies, vi. 41;
-    and Athens, confederacies of, vi. 46;
-    promise of, to the Potidæans, to invade Attica, vi. 69;
-    application of the Lesbians to, vi. 76;
-    assembly at, before the Peloponnesian war, vi. 78 _seq._;
-    relations of, with her allies, vi. 79;
-    congress of allies at, B. C. 432, vi. 92 _seq._;
-    requisitions addressed to Athens by, B. C. 431, vi. 97 _seq._,
-      105 _seq._;
-    efforts of, to raise a naval force on commencing the Peloponnesian
-      war, vi. 125;
-    and the Mitylenæans, vi. 226 _seq._;
-    despatches from Artaxerxes to, vi. 360 _seq._;
-    and Athens one year’s truce between, B. C. 423, vi. 437 _seq._, 453,
-      457 _seq._;
-    and the Peace of Nikias, vii. 2, 9;
-    and Argos, uncertain relations between, B. C. 421, vii. 3;
-    and Athens, alliance between, B. C. 421, vii. 5;
-    revolt of Elis from, vii. 17 _seq._;
-    congress at, B. C. 421, vii. 24;
-    and Bœotia, alliance between, B. C. 420, vii. 26;
-    and Argos, fifty years’ peace between, vii. 28 _seq._;
-    embassy of Nikias to, vii. 44;
-    and Athens, relations between, B. C. 419, vii. 70;
-    and the battle of Mantinea, B. C. 418, vii. 86;
-    and Argos, peace and alliance between, B. C. 418, vii. 92 _seq._;
-    submission of Mantinea to, vii. 95;
-    and Athens, relations between, B. C. 416, vii. 103;
-    and Sicily, relations of, altered by the quarrel between Corinth and
-      Korkyra, vii. 129;
-    aid expected from the Sicilian Dorians by, B. C. 431, vii. 130;
-    embassy from Syracuse and Corinth to, B. C. 415, vii. 235 _seq._;
-    Alkibiadês at, vii. 236 _seq._, viii. 2;
-    and Athens, violation of the peace between, B. C. 414, vii. 285;
-    resolution of, to fortify Dekeleia and send a force to Syracuse,
-      B. C. 414, vii. 286;
-    application from Chios to, vii. 365;
-    embassy from Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus to, vii. 366;
-    embassy from the Four Hundred to, viii. 63, 84;
-    proposals of peace from, to Athens, B. C. 410, viii. 122 _seq._;
-    alleged proposals of peace from, to Athens, after the battle of
-      Argenusæ, viii. 210;
-    first proposals of Athens to, after the battle of Ægospotami,
-      viii. 226;
-    embassies of Theramenês to, viii. 227, 228;
-    assembly of the Peloponnesian confederacy at, B. C. 404, viii. 228;
-    terms of peace granted to Athens by, B. C. 404, viii. 229;
-    triumphant return of Lysander to, viii. 238;
-    and her allies, after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 259;
-    oppressive dominion of after the capture of Athens by Lysander,
-      viii. 260;
-    opposition to Lysander at, viii. 262;
-    pacification by, between the Ten at Athens and the exiles at Peiræus,
-      viii. 278;
-    empire of, contrasted with her promises of liberty, ix. 191 _seq._;
-    change in the language and plans of, towards the close of the
-      Peloponnesian war, ix. 194;
-    and the Thirty at Athens, ix. 197;
-    opportunity lost by, for organizing a stable confederacy throughout
-      Greece, ix. 199 _seq._;
-    alienation of the allies of, after the battle of Ægospotami,
-      ix. 223 _seq._;
-    and Elis, war between, ix. 225 _seq._;
-    refuses to restore the Olympic presidency to the Pisatans, ix. 229;
-    expels the Messenians from Peloponnesus, ix. 229;
-    introduction of gold and silver to, by Lysander, ix. 230 _seq._;
-    in B. C. 432 and after B. C. 404, contrast between, ix. 232;
-    position of kings at, ix. 238 _seq._;
-    conspiracy of Kinadon at, ix. 247 _seq._;
-    Persian preparations for maritime war against, B. C. 397, ix. 255,
-      270;
-    revolt of Rhodes from, ix. 271;
-    relations of, with her neighbors and allies, after the accession of
-      Agesilaus, ix. 284;
-    and Hêrakleia Trachynia, ix. 285, 302;
-    and Timokrates, ix. 286 _seq._;
-    and Thebes, war between, B. C. 395, ix. 289 _seq._;
-    alliance of Thebes, Athens, Corinth, and Argos against, ix. 301;
-    proceedings of, against Thebes, Athens, Corinth, and Argos, ix. 303,
-      305 _seq._;
-    consequences of the battles of Corinth, Knidus, and Korôneia to,
-      ix. 317 _seq._;
-    hostility of, to partial land confederacies in Greece, ix. 361;
-    congress at, on the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 386;
-    and the peace of Antalkidas, x. 2 _seq._, 9 _seq._, 28;
-    applications of, for Persian aid, x. 5 _seq._;
-    and Persia after the battle of Ægospotami, x. 8;
-    and Grecian autonomy, x. 11 _seq._, 28;
-    miso-Theban proceedings of, after the peace of Antalkidas,
-      x. 28 _seq._;
-    restores Platæa, x. 30 _seq._;
-    oppressive conduct of towards Mantinea, B. C. 386, x. 35 _seq._;
-    mischievous influence of, after the peace of Antalkidas,
-      x. 40 _seq._;
-    naval competition of Athens with, after the peace of Antalkidas,
-      x. 42 _seq._;
-    and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 52 _seq._, 57, 65 _seq._;
-    and the surprise of Thebes by Phœbidas, x. 61 _seq._;
-    and Phlius, x. 70;
-    ascendency and unpopularity of, B. C. 379, x. 72 _seq._;
-    Xenophon on the conduct of, between B. C. 387-379, x. 77;
-    effect of the revolution at Thebes, B. C. 379, on, x. 93;
-    trial of Sphodrias at, x. 100 _seq._;
-    war declared by Athens against, B. C. 378, x. 102;
-    separate peace of Athens with, B. C. 374, x. 137, 141;
-    and Polydamas, x. 137 _seq._;
-    decline of the power of, between B. C. 382-374, x. 140;
-    discouragement of, by her defeat at Korkyra and by earthquakes,
-      B. C. 372, x. 157;
-    disposition of Athens to peace with, B. C. 372, x. 158, 165;
-    general peace settled at, B. C. 371, x. 165 _seq._, 174, 198;
-    effect of the news of the defeat at Leuktra on, x. 186;
-    and Athens, difference between in passive endurance and active
-      energy, x. 188;
-    reinforcements from, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 188;
-    treatment of defeated citizens on their return from Leuktra,
-      x. 192 _seq._;
-    and Thebes, alleged arbitration of the Achæans between, after the
-      battle of Leuktra, x. 199 _n._;
-    position of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 201;
-    and the Amphiktyonic assembly, x. 202 _seq._, xi. 242;
-    feeling against Agesilaus at, B. C. 371, x. 207;
-    hostile approaches of Epaminondas to, x. 218 _seq._, 330 _seq._;
-    abstraction of Western Laconia from, x. 226 _seq._;
-    application of, to Athens for aid against Thebes, B. C. 369,
-      x. 234 _seq._;
-    and Athens, alliance between, B. C. 369, x. 253;
-    reinforcement from Syracuse in aid of, x. 258;
-    peace of her allies with Thebes, x. 290 _seq._;
-    alliance of Elis and Achaia with, B. C. 365, x. 313;
-    and Dionysius, x. 457, 505, xi. 22;
-    degradation of, B. C. 360-359, xi. 197 _seq._;
-    countenance of the Phokians by, B. C. 353, xi. 262;
-    plans of, against Megalopolis and Messênê, B. C. 353, ix. 263, 290;
-    decline in military readiness among the Peloponnesian allies of,
-      after the Peloponnesian war, xi. 280;
-    ineffectual campaign of, against Megalopolis, xi. 299 _seq._;
-    envoys from, to Philip, xi. 405, 409;
-    envoys from, with Darius, xii. 189;
-    anti-Macedonian policy of, after Alexander’s death, xii. 281 _seq._
-
-  _Spartan_ kings, ii. 11, 76, 353 _seq._;
-    senate, assembly, and ephors, ii. 349 _seq._;
-    popular assembly, ii. 357;
-    constitution, ii. 359 _seq._;
-    government, secrecy of, ii. 378;
-    discipline, ii. 381 _seq._;
-    women, ii. 383 _seq._;
-    law and practice of succession, erroneous suppositions about,
-      ii. 409 _seq._;
-    arbitration of the dispute between Athens and Megan about Salamis,
-      iii. 92;
-    expeditions against Hippias, iv. 122;
-    empire, commencement of, ix. 181, 184 _seq._, 188 _seq._;
-    empire, Theopompus on, ix. 195 _n._;
-    allies at the battle of Leuktra, x. 182.
-
-  _Spartans_, and Pheidôn, ii. 318;
-    and Messenians, early proceedings of, ii. 329;
-    local distinctions among, ii. 361;
-    the class of, ii. 361 _seq._;
-    and Helots, ii. 373 _seq._;
-    marriage among, ii. 385; their ignorance of letters, ii. 390 _n._ 3;
-    musical susceptibilities of, ii. 433;
-    and the second Messenian war, ii. 434, 437;
-    careful training of, when other states had none, ii. 455;
-    and the battle of Marathon, iv. 342, 358;
-    unwillingness of, to postpone or neglect festivals, v. 77;
-    at Platæa, v. 157, 166 _seq._;
-    and the continental Ionians after the battle of Mykalê, v. 193;
-    and the fortification of Athens, v. 243 _seq._;
-    favorable answer of the oracle at Delphi to, on war with Athens,
-      B. C. 432, vi. 91;
-    final answer of the Athenians to, before the Peloponnesian war,
-      vi. 106;
-    their desire for peace, to regain the captives from Sphakteria,
-      vi. 428 _seq._;
-    and Thebans, at the battle of Korôneia, ix. 317;
-    project of, for the rescue of the Asiatic Greeks, x. 44;
-    miso-Theban impulse of, B. C. 371, x. 175;
-    confidence and defeat of, at Leuktra, x. 179 _seq._;
-    retirement of, from Bœotia after the battle of Leuktra, x. 190;
-    refusal of, to acknowledge the independence of Messênê, x. 290, 350;
-    and Dion, xi. 61.
-
-  _Sparti_, i. 259, 261.
-
-  _Spartokidæ_, xii. 479 _seq._
-
-  _Speaking_, public, its early origin and intellectual effects,
-      ii. 77 _seq._
-
-  _Sperthiês_ and Bulis, vi. 182 _n._
-
-  _Speusippus_, indictment of, by Leogoras, vii. 206 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Sphakteria_, locality of, vi. 314;
-    occupation of, by the Lacedæmonians, vi. 320, 346;
-    blockade of Lacedæmonians in, vi. 324, 332 _seq._;
-    Lacedæmonian embassy to Athens for the release of the prisoners in,
-      vi. 324 _seq._;
-    Demosthenês’s application for reinforcements to attack,
-      vi. 334 _seq._;
-    condition of, on the attack by Demosthenês and Kleon, vi. 340;
-    victory of Demosthenês and Kleon over Lacedæmonians in,
-      vi. 341 _seq._;
-    surrender of Lacedæmonians in, vi. 345 _seq._;
-    arrival of prisoners from, at Athens, vi. 351;
-    restoration of prisoners taken at, vii. 6 _seq._;
-    disfranchisement of restored prisoners from, vii. 22.
-
-  _Sphendaleis_, Attic deme of, v. 158 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Sphinx_, the, i. 7, 266.
-
-  _Spodrias_, attempt of, to surprise Peiræus, x. 98 _seq._
-
-  _Spitamenes_, xii. 207, 213, 214.
-
-  _Spithridates_, and the Lacedæmonians, ix. 260, 274 _seq._
-
-  _Stables_, the Augean, i. 139.
-
-  _Stageira_, iv. 25.
-
-  _Standard_ of historical evidence raised with regard to England, but
-      not with regard to Greece, i. 484.
-
-  _Stasippus_, x. 209.
-
-  _Statira_, xii. 124, 154, 241.
-
-  _Statues_, Greek, identified with the beings they represented, i. 460.
-
-  _Stenyklêrus_, Dorians of, ii. 328.
-
-  _Steropês_, i. 5.
-
-  _Stesichorus, the lyric poet_, and Helen, i. 307 _seq._;
-    dialect of, iv. 78 _seq._
-
-  _Stesiklês_, x. 144, 147 _n._
-
-  _Sthenelaïdas_, the ephor, vi. 90 _seq._
-
-  _Story_ of striking off the overtopping ears of corn, iii. 24 _n._
-
-  _Strabo_ on the Amazons, i. 214;
-    his version of the Argonautic expedition, i. 255;
-    on Old and New Ilium, i. 329 _seq._;
-    his transformation of mythes to history, i. 413.
-
-  _Strangers_, supplication of, ii. 79 _n._;
-    reception of, in legendary Greece, ii. 85.
-
-  _Stratêgi_, Kleisthenean, iv. 136;
-    enlarged functions of Athenian, after the Persian war, v. 276.
-
-  _Stratolas_, x. 320.
-
-  _Stratus_, attack of Peloponnesians, Ambrakiots and Epirots upon,
-      B. C. 429, vi. 194.
-
-  _Strelitzes_, suppression of the revolt of, by Peter the Great,
-      iv. 232 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Strombichidês_, pursuit of Chalkideus and Alkibiadês by, vii. 371;
-    expedition of, to Chios, vii. 374, 390, 392;
-    removal of, from Chios to the Hellespont, viii. 94;
-    arrival of, at Samos, from the Hellespont, viii. 95;
-    and other Athenian democrats, imprisonment of, viii. 236;
-    trial and execution of, viii. 240 _seq._
-
-  _Strophê_, introduction of, iv. 89.
-
-  _Struthas_, victory of, over Thimbron, ix. 362.
-
-  _Strymôn_, Greek settlements east of, in Thrace, iv. 25;
-    Xerxes’s bridges across the, v. 25.
-
-  _Styx_, i. 7, 8.
-
-  _Styx_, rocks near, ii. 301 _n._
-
-  _Subterranean_, course of rivers in Greece, ii. 219.
-
-  _Succession_, Solon’s laws of, iii. 139.
-
-  _Suli_, iii. 418.
-
-  _Suppliants_, reception of, in legendary Greece, ii. 85.
-
-  _Supplication_ of strangers, ii. 79 _n._
-
-  _Susa_, sum found in by Alexander the Great, iv. 236 _n._;
-    Pharnabazus conveys Greek escorts towards, viii. 135;
-    Alexander at, xii. 168, 238;
-    Alexander’s march from, to Persepolis, xii. 246 _seq._
-
-  _Susia_, xii. 189.
-
-  _Susian Gates_, Alexander at, xii. 171.
-
-  _Syagrus_, reply of, to Gelôn, i. 167.
-
-  _Sybaris_, foundation, territory and colonies of, iii. 376 _seq._;
-    fall of, iii. 392, 399, iv. 413 _seq._;
-    maximum power of, iii. 394 _seq._;
-    and Krotôn, war between, iv. 412.
-
-  _Sybarites_, character of, iii. 394 _seq._;
-    defeat of, by the Krotoniates, iv. 413;
-    descendants of, at Thurii, vi. 13.
-
-  _“Sybaritic tales”_, iii. 394.
-
-  _Syennesis of Kilikia_, and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 18.
-
-  _Sylosôn_, iv. 248 _seq._
-
-  _Symmories_ at Athens, x. 117 _seq._;
-    speech of Demosthenês on the, xi. 285 _seq._
-
-  _Symplêgades_, the, i. 235.
-
-  _Syntagma_, Macedonian, xii. 60.
-
-  _Syracusan_ assembly, on the approaching Athenian expedition,
-      B. C. 415, vii. 183 _seq._;
-    ships, improvements in, to suit the narrow harbor, vii. 297;
-    squadron under Hermokrates against Athens in the Ægean,
-      x. 385 _seq._;
-    generals at Agrigentum, complaints against, x. 427, 431;
-    generals at Agrigentum, speech of Dionysius against, x. 433 _seq._;
-    horsemen, mutiny of, against Dionysius, x. 451 _seq._;
-    soldiers mutiny of, against Dionysius, x. 462 _seq._
-
-  _Syracusans_, confidence and proceedings of, after the capture of
-      Plemmyrium, B. C. 413, vii. 293 _seq._;
-    and Athenians, conflicts between, in the Great Harbor, vii. 294,
-      299 _seq._, 316 _seq._, 324 _seq._;
-    defeat of the Athenian night attack upon Epipolæ by, vii. 305 _seq._;
-    their blockade of the Athenians in the harbor, vii. 318;
-    captured by Thrasyllus, viii. 129;
-    delay of, in aiding Selinus, B. C. 409, x. 404, 408;
-    improvement in Dionysius’s behavior towards, B. C. 399, x. 473;
-    victory of, over the Carthaginians in the great Harbor, x. 501;
-    negotiations of Dionysius the Younger with Dion and the, xi. 96;
-    defeat of Dionysius the Younger, by Dion and the, xi. 97 _seq._;
-    application from, to Dion at Leontini, xi. 108;
-    gratitude of, to Dion, xi. 112;
-    opposition of, to Dion as dictator, xi. 121 _seq._;
-    application of, to Hiketas and Corinth, B. C. 344, x. 134 _seq._;
-    and Timoleon, application of, to Corinth, xi. 167.
-
-  _Syracuse_, foundation of, iii. 363;
-    petalism or ostracism at, iv. 162;
-    inferior to Agrigentum and Gela, before B. C. 500, v. 204;
-    in B. C. 500, v. 205;
-    increased population and power of, under Gelo, v. 214 _seq._;
-    prisoners awarded to, after the battle of Himera, v. 225;
-    topography of, B. C. 465, v. 235 _n._;
-    fall of the Gelonian dynasty at, v. 235 _seq._;
-    Gelonian citizens of, v. 237 _seq._;
-    reaction against despotism at, after the fall of the Gelonian
-      dynasty, v. 240;
-    political dissensions and failure of ostracism at, vii. 122;
-    foreign exploits of, B. C. 452, vii. 123;
-    Duketius at, vii. 124;
-    and Agrigentum, hostilities between, B. C. 446, vii. 125;
-    conquests and ambitious schemes of, B. C. 440, vii. 126;
-    incredulity and contempt at, as to the Athenian armament for Sicily,
-      B. C. 415, vii. 182;
-    quiescence of the democracy at, vii. 183 _n._;
-    preparations at, on the approach of the Athenian armament at,
-      B. C. 415, vii. 190;
-    empty display of the Athenian armament at, B. C. 415, vii. 194;
-    increased confidence at, through Nikias’s inaction, B. C. 415,
-      vii. 218;
-    landing of Nikias and his forces in the Great Harbor of, B. C. 415,
-      vii. 219;
-    defensive measures of, after the battle near the Olympieion,
-      vii. 228;
-    embassy from, to Corinth and Sparta, B. C. 415, vii. 235;
-    local condition and fortifications of, in the spring of B. C. 414,
-      vii. 244;
-    localities outside the walls of, vii. 245;
-    possibilities of the siege of, B. C. 415 and 414, vii. 245;
-    siege of, B. C. 414, vii. 248 _seq._;
-    battle near, B. C. 414, vii. 255 _seq._;
-    entrance of the Athenian fleet into the Great Harbor at, B. C. 414,
-      vii. 256;
-    approach of Gylippus to, vii. 262 _seq._;
-    arrival of Gylippus and Gongylus at, vii. 265;
-    expedition to, under Demosthenês B. C. 413, vii. 289;
-    Athenian victory in the harbor of, B. C. 413, vii. 291;
-    defeat of a Sicilian reinforcement to, B. C. 413, vii. 295;
-    disadvantages of the Athenian fleet in the harbor of, vii. 296;
-    arrival of Demosthenês at, vii. 301, 303;
-    philo-Athenians at, during the siege, vii. 311 _n._;
-    increase of force and confidence in, after the night attack upon
-      Epipolæ, vii. 314;
-    postponement of the Athenians’ retreat from, by an eclipse of the
-      moon, vii. 315;
-    number and variety of forces engaged at, vii. 318;
-    postponement of the Athenians’ retreat from, by Hermokratês,
-      vii. 330;
-    retreat of the Athenians from, vii. 331 _seq._;
-    number and treatment of Athenian prisoners at, vii. 344 _seq._;
-    topography of, and the operations during the Athenian siege,
-      vii. 401 _seq._;
-    rally of Athens during the year after the disaster at, viii. 1;
-    reinforcement from, in aid of Sparta, B. C. 368, x. 258;
-    after the destruction of the Athenian armament, x. 383, 389 _seq._;
-    and the quarrel between Selinus and Egesta, B. C. 410, x. 403 _seq._;
-    embassy from, to Hannibal, at Selinus, x. 409;
-    aid from, to Himera, against Hannibal, x. 410, 411;
-    attempts of Hermokrates to enter, x. 416 _seq._;
-    first appearance of Dionysius at, x. 420;
-    discord at, B. C. 407, x. 421;
-    reinforcement from, to Agrigentum, x. 426;
-    movement of the Hermokratean party at, to raise Dionysius to power,
-      x. 432;
-    Dionysius one of the generals at, 434 _seq._;
-    return of the Hermokratean exiles to, x. 436;
-    return of Dionysius from Gela, to, B. C. 405, x. 429;
-    establishment of Dionysius as despot at, x. 444 _seq._, 454;
-    re-distribution of property at, by Dionysius, x. 459 _seq._;
-    locality of, x. 470;
-    additional fortifications at, by Dionysius, x. 471 _seq._;
-    plunder of Carthaginians at, by permission of Dionysius, x. 482;
-    provisions of Dionysius for the defence of, against the
-      Carthaginians, B. C. 396, x. 494;
-    retreat of Dionysius from, to Katana, B. C. 395, x. 497;
-    siege of, by Imilkon, x. 498 _seq._;
-    Carthaginians before, x. 498 _seq._, 506 _seq._;
-    exultation at, over the burning of the Carthaginian fleet at Daskon,
-      x. 509;
-    new constructions and improvements by Dionysius at, xi. 39;
-    feeling at, towards Dionysius the Younger and Dion, B. C. 357,
-      xi. 86;
-    Dion’s march from Herakleia to, xi. 90;
-    Timokrates, governor of, xi. 92 _seq._;
-    Dion’s entries into, B. C. 357 and B. C. 356, xi. 92 _seq._, 110;
-    flight of Dionysius the Younger from, to Lokri, xi. 104;
-    rescue of, by Dion, xi. 108 _seq._;
-    condition of, B. C. 353-344, xi. 129 _seq._;
-    return of Dionysius the Younger to, xi. 132;
-    first arrival of Timoleon at, xi. 149;
-    return of Timoleon from Adranum to, xi. 158;
-    flight of Magon from, xi. 159 _seq._;
-    Timoleon’s temptations and conduct on becoming master of,
-      xi. 163 _seq._;
-    Timoleon’s recall of exiles to, xi. 166;
-    desolate condition of, on coming into the hands of Timoleon,
-      xi. 166, 167;
-    efforts of Corinth to reconstitute, xi. 167, 168;
-    influx of colonists to, on the invitation of Corinth and Timoleon,
-      xi. 169;
-    Timoleon marches from, against the Carthaginians, xi. 172 _seq._;
-    Timoleon lays down his power at, xi. 185;
-    great influence of Timoleon at, after his resignation, xi. 186, 193;
-    residence of Timoleon at, xi. 190;
-    Timoleon in the public assembly of, xi. 190 _seq._;
-    the constitution established by Timoleon at, exchanged for a
-      democracy, xii. 393;
-    expedition from, to Krotôn, about B. C. 320, xii. 397;
-    revolutions at, about B. C. 320, xii. 399, 400;
-    massacre at, by Agathokles in collusion with Hamilkar,
-      xii. 401 _seq._;
-    Agathokles constituted despot of, xii. 402;
-    Hamilkar’s unsuccessful attempt to take, xii. 422 _seq._;
-    barbarities of Agathokles at, after his African expedition, xii. 446.
-
-  _Syrians_, not distinguished from Assyrians in Greek authors,
-      iii. 290 _n._
-
-  _Syrphax_, xii. 90.
-
-  _Syssitia_, or public mess at Sparta, ii. 381.
-
-
-  T.
-
-  _Tachos_, x. 361 _seq._
-
-  _Tagus_, Thessalian, ii. 281.
-
-  _Talôs_, i. 240.
-
-  _Tamos_, x. 13.
-
-  _Tamynæ_, Phokion’s victory at, xi. 341;
-    Demosthenes reproached for his absence from the battle of, xi. 344.
-
-  _Tanagra_, battle of, v. 328;
-    reconciliation of leaders and parties at Athens, after the battle
-      of, v. 329.
-
-  _Tantalus_, i. 157.
-
-  _Taochi_, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 109 _seq._
-
-  _Taphians_ in Homer’s time, ii. 102.
-
-  _Taranto_, fishery at, iii. 389 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Tarentines_ and Rhegians, expedition of, against the Iapygians,
-      v. 238;
-    and Mesapians, xii. 394.
-
-  _Tarentum_, foundation of cities in the Gulf of, i. 230;
-    Greek settlements on the Gulf of, iii. 384;
-    foundation and position of, iii. 387 _seq._
-
-  _Tarsus_, origin of, i. 85 _n._, iii. 277;
-    Cyrus the Younger at, ix. 20 _seq._;
-    Alexander at, xii. 112.
-
-  _Tartarus_, i. 4, 8, 9.
-
-  _Tartessus_, iii. 274;
-    not visited by Greeks before B. C. 630, iii. 277;
-    Kôlæus’s voyage to, iii. 278.
-
-  _Tauri_ in the Crimea, iii. 245.
-
-  _Tauromenium_, iii. 362;
-    commencement of, x. 493;
-    repulse of Dionysius at, xi. 5;
-    capture of, by Dionysius, xi. 8;
-    Timoleon at, xi. 146.
-
-  _Taurus_, xii. 182 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Taurus, Mount_, Alexander at, xii. 111.
-
-  _Taxiarch_, ii. 460.
-
-  _Taxila_, Alexander at, xii. 227.
-
-  _Tearless Battle_, the, x. 265 _seq._
-
-  _Tegea_ and Mantinea, ii. 443 _seq._, vi. 452, vii. 13;
-    and Sparta, ii. 447 _seq._;
-    bones of Orestês taken from, ii. 448;
-    refusal of, to join Argos, B. C. 421, vii. 19;
-    plans of the Argeian allies against, B. C. 418, vii. 76;
-    march of Agis to the relief of, B. C. 418, vii. 77;
-    revolution at, B. C. 370, x. 209;
-    seizure of Arcadians at, by the Theban harmost, x. 324 _seq._;
-    Epaminondas at, B. C. 362, x. 329, 330, 333, 335 _seq._;
-    march of Epaminondas from, B. C. 362, x. 333 _seq._
-
-  _Tegyra_, victory of Pelopidas at, x. 134.
-
-  _Teian_ inscriptions, iii. 186 _n._
-
-  _Telamôn_, i. 189 _seq._
-
-  _Telegonus_, i. 315.
-
-  _Têlekus_, conquests of, ii. 421;
-    death of, ii. 425.
-
-  _Teleontes_, iii. 51.
-
-  _Têlephus_, i. 177, 292.
-
-  _Teleutius_ and Agesilaus, capture of the Long Walls at Corinth, and of
-      Lechæum by, ix. 339 _seq._;
-    expedition of, to Rhodes, ix. 364, 368;
-    at Ægina, ix. 373, 376;
-    attack of, on the Peiræus, ix. 377 _seq._;
-    at Olynthus, x. 65 _seq._
-
-  _Têlinês_, iv. 106 _n._, v. 208 _seq._
-
-  _Telys, of Sybaris_, iv. 412 _seq._
-
-  _Temenion_ and Solygeius, ii. 309.
-
-  _Temenus_, Kresphontês, and Aristodêmus, ii. 2 _seq._;
-    and Kresphontês, family of, lowest in the series of subjects for
-      heroic drama, ii. 10.
-
-  _Temnos_, situation of, iii. 191 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Tempe_, remarks of Herodotus on the legend of, i. 400;
-    Delphian procession to, ii. 275 _n._ 2;
-    Grecian army sent to defend, against Xerxes, v. 68;
-    abandonment of the defence of, against Xerxes, v. 69 _seq._
-
-  _Temple of Eleusis_ built by order of Dêmêtêr, i. 40.
-
-  _Tenedos_, continental settlements of, iii. 195;
-    recovery of, by Macedonian admiralty, xii. 141.
-
-  _Ten_, appointment of the, at Athens, viii. 271;
-    measures of the, at Athens, viii. 272;
-    peace between the, at Athens, and Thrasybulus, viii. 279 _seq._;
-    treatment of the, at Athens, B. C. 403, viii. 293.
-
-  _Ten generals_ appointed to succeed Alkibiadês, viii. 159.
-
-  _Tennes_, the Sidonian prince, xi. 438.
-
-  _Ten Thousand Greeks_, position and circumstances of, ix. 11;
-    commencement of their retreat, ix. 52;
-    Persian heralds to, on commencing their retreat, ix. 52;
-    negotiations and convention of Tissaphernes with, ix. 59 _seq._;
-    quarrel of, with Ariæus, ix. 63;
-    retreating march of, under Tissaphernes, ix. 63 _seq._;
-    at the Tigris, ix. 65 _seq._;
-    at the Greater Zab, ix. 69;
-    summoned by Ariæus to surrender, ix. 76;
-    distress of, after the seizure of the generals, ix. 76;
-    new generals appointed by, ix. 80;
-    great ascendency of Xenophon over, ix. 83 _seq._;
-    crossing of the Great Zab by, ix. 88;
-    harassing attacks of the Persian cavalry on, ix. 88 _seq._;
-    retreat of, along the Tigris, ix. 90 _seq._;
-    and the Karduchians, ix. 96 _seq._;
-    at the Kentritês, ix. 100 _seq._;
-    in Armenia, ix. 102 _seq._;
-    and the Chalybes, ix. 107 _seq._;
-    and the Taochi, ix. 107 _seq._;
-    and the Skythine, ix. 110;
-    first sight of the Euxine by, ix. 111;
-    and the Makrônes, ix. 112;
-    and the Kolchians, ix. 112, 127;
-    at Trapezus, ix. 113, 124 _seq._;
-    geography of the retreat of, ix. 115 _seq._;
-    feelings of the Greeks on the Euxine towards, ix. 123 _seq._;
-    leave Trapezus, ix. 127;
-    at Kerasus, ix. 127;
-    march of, to Kotyôra, ix. 128;
-    at Kotyôra, ix. 129 _seq._;
-    and the Paphlagonians, ix. 144;
-    sail to Sinopê, ix. 144;
-    at Herakleia, ix. 146;
-    at Kalpê, ix. 147;
-    and Kleander, ix. 149 _seq._, 164;
-    and Anaxibius, ix. 154 _seq._, 163;
-    and Seuthes, ix. 154, 165 _seq._;
-    after leaving Byzantium, ix. 163 _seq._;
-    and Aristarchus, ix. 164 _seq._;
-    under the Lacedæmonians, ix. 168, 173, 206, 214;
-    in Mysia, ix. 172 _seq._;
-    Xenophon’s farewell of, ix. 175;
-    effects of their retreat on the Greek mind, ix. 179 _seq._
-
-  _Ten Thousand_, the Pan-Arcadian, x. 232.
-
-  _Teôs_, foundation of, iii. 185;
-    inscriptions of, iii. 186 _n._;
-    emigration from, on the conquest of Harpagus, iv. 203;
-    loss of, to Athens, B. C. 412, vii. 383;
-    capture of, by the Lacedæmonians, viii. 154.
-
-  _Tereus_, i. 196.
-
-  _Terpander_, ii. 141;
-    musical improvements of, iv. 75.
-
-  _Tethys_, i. 5, 6.
-
-  _Teukrians_, the, i. 335;
-    and Mysians, ethnical affinities and migrations of, iii. 208 _seq._
-
-  _Teukrus_, i. 189.
-
-  _Teukrus, the metic_, vii. 195, 197, 205 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Teuthrania_ mistaken by the Greeks for Troy, i. 292.
-
-  _Teutonic and Scandinavian epic_, its analogy with the Grecian,
-      i. 479 _seq._;
-    points of distinction between the Grecian and, i. 481.
-
-  _Thais_ and the burning of the palace of Persepolis, xii. 176 _n._ 3.
-
-  _Thales_, Xenophanês, and Pythagoras, i. 367 _seq._;
-    predictions ascribed to, ii. 116;
-    alleged prediction of an eclipse of the sun by, iii. 231 _n._ 3;
-    suggestion of, respecting the twelve Ionic cities in Asia, iii. 259;
-    philosophy and celebrity of, iv. 381 _seq._
-
-  _Thaletas_, iv. 83, 86.
-
-  _Thamyris_, analogy between the story of, and that of Marsyas,
-      iii. 214.
-
-  _Thanatos_, i. 7.
-
-  _Thapsakus_, Cyrus the Younger end his forces at, ix. 29 _seq._;
-    Alexander crosses the Euphrates at, xii. 150.
-
-  _Thasos_, island of, iv. 25;
-    attempted revolt of, from the Persians, iv. 313;
-    contribution levied by Xerxes on, v. 42;
-    revolt of, from the confederacy of Delos, v. 310;
-    blockade and conquest of, B. C. 464-463, v. 312;
-    application of, to Sparta, for aid against Athens, v. 312;
-    expulsion of the Lacedæmonians from, viii. 127;
-    reduction of, by Thrasyllus, viii. 144;
-    slaughter at, by Lysander, viii. 222.
-
-  _Thaumas_, i. 7.
-
-  _Theagenes of Rhegium_, the first to allegorize mythical narratives,
-      v. i. 418.
-
-  _Theagenes, despot of Megara_, iii. 44.
-
-  _Theagenes of Thasus_, statue of, 17, v. _n._ 2.
-
-  _Theatre_, Athenian, accessibility of, to the poorest citizens,
-      viii. 320.
-
-  _Thebaïd_ of Antimachus, i. 268.
-
-  _Thebaïs_, the Cyclic, i. 268;
-    ascribed to Homer, ii. 129.
-
-  _Theban_ contingent of Leonidas, doubts about, v. 91, 95;
-    leaders put to death after the battle of Platæa, v. 187;
-    prisoners in the night-surprise at Platæa, slaughter of,
-      vi. 118 _seq._;
-    military column, depth of, vi. 386, 390;
-    band of Three Hundred, vi. 387;
-    exiles at Athens, x. 61, 80 _seq._
-
-  _Thebans_ and Æginetans, i. 184;
-    against the seven chiefs, i. 273;
-    application of, to Ægina, for assistance against Athens, iv. 172;
-    and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 76;
-    defeated by the Athenians at Platæa, v. 179;
-    night-surprise of Platæa by, B. C. 431, vi. 114 _seq._;
-    capture of, in the night-surprise of Platæa, vi. 116 _seq._;
-    captured in the night-surprise of Platæa, slaughter of,
-      vi. 118 _seq._;
-    opposition of, to peace with Athens, B. C. 404, viii. 229 _n._;
-    humiliation of Agesilaus by, ix. 256;
-    application of, to Athens for aid against Sparta, B. C. 395,
-      ix. 291 _seq._;
-    at the battle of Corinth, ix. 306 _n._;
-    and Spartans at the battle of Korôneia, ix. 315;
-    and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 386;
-    expulsion of the Lacedæmonians from Bœotia by, B. C. 374, x. 135;
-    invasion of Phokis by, B. C. 374, x. 136;
-    discouragement and victory of, at Leuktra, x. 177 _seq._;
-    and allies, invasion of Laconia by, B. C. 370, x. 215 _seq._;
-    displeasure of, with Epaminondas, B. C. 367, x. 268;
-    expeditions of, to Thessaly, to rescue Pelopidas, x. 283, 303 _seq._;
-    destruction of Orchomenus by, x. 311;
-    under Pammenes, expedition of, to Megalopolis, x. 359;
-    extinction of free cities in Bœotia by, xi. 201;
-    exertions of, to raise a confederacy against the Phokians, B. C. 356,
-      ix. 251;
-    Lokrians and Thessalians, war of, against the Phokians, B. C. 355,
-      xi. 254;
-    assistance under Pammenes sent by, to Artabazus, xi. 257, 299;
-    assistance of, to Megalopolis against Sparta, B. C. 352-351,
-      xi. 299 _seq._;
-    obtain money from the Persian king, B. C. 350-349, xi. 302;
-    invoke the aid of Philip to put down the Phokians, xi. 375;
-    Philip declares his sympathy with, B. C. 346, xi. 421;
-    invited by Philip to assist in an attack upon Attica, B. C. 339,
-      xi. 483 _seq._;
-    and Athenians, war of, against Philip in Phokis, xi. 493, 494 _seq._;
-    revolt of, against Alexander, xii. 29 _seq._
-
-  _Thêbê_, xi. 204 _seq._
-
-  _Thebes_ and Orchomenos, i. 135;
-    legends of, i. 256 _seq._;
-    how founded by Kadmus, i. 258;
-    five principal families at, i. 259;
-    foundation of, by Amphiôn, i. 263;
-    poems on the sieges of, i. 266;
-    sieges of, i. 269 _seq._;
-    the seven chiefs against, i. 273 _seq._;
-    repulse of the seven chiefs against, i. 274 _seq._;
-    the seven chiefs against death of all but Adrastus, i. 276;
-    the seven chiefs against, burial of the fallen, i. 277;
-    second siege of, i. 279, 280;
-    early legislation of, ii. 297;
-    and Platæa, disputes between, iv. 166;
-    summoned to give up its leaders after the battle of Platæa, v. 186;
-    discredit of, for its _Medism_, v. 314;
-    supremacy of, in Bœotia restored by Sparta, v. 314, 327;
-    mastery of Athens over, B. C. 456, v. 331;
-    reinforcements from, in support of the night-surprise at Platæa,
-      vi. 114 _seq._;
-    hard treatment of Thespiæ by, B. C. 423, vi. 452;
-    altered feeling of, after the capture of Athens by Lysander,
-      viii. 259, 264, 275;
-    and Sparta, war between, B. C. 395, ix. 289 _seq._;
-    revolt of Orchomenos from, to Sparta, ix. 293;
-    alliance of, with Athens, Corinth, and Argos, against Sparta,
-      ix. 301;
-    increased importance of, B. C. 395, ix. 301;
-    alarm at, and proposals of peace from, on the Lacedæmonian capture of
-      the Long Walls at Corinth, ix. 341;
-    envoys from, to Agesilaus, ix. 347, 352;
-    and the peace of Antalkidas, x. 12;
-    proceedings of Sparta against, after the peace of Antalkidas,
-      x. 28 _seq._;
-    seizure of the Kadmeia at, by Phœbidas, x. 58 _seq._;
-    government of, B. C. 382, x. 59 _n._ 1;
-    under Leontiades and other philo-Laconian oligarchs, x. 79 _seq._;
-    conspiracy against the philo-Laconian oligarchy at, x. 81 _seq._;
-    alliance of, with Athens, B. C. 378, x. 102;
-    state of, after the revolution of, B. C. 379, x. 119;
-    the Sacred Band at, x. 120;
-    expeditions of Agesilaus against, B. C. 378 and 377, x. 127 _seq._;
-    displeasure of Athens against, B. C. 474, x. 134, 158;
-    dealings of, with Platæa and Thespiæ, B. C. 372, x. 159 _seq._;
-    exclusion of, from the peace of B. C. 371, x. 167 _seq._;
-    increased power of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 193;
-    and Sparta, alleged arbitration of the Achæans between, after the
-      battle of Leuktra, x. 199 _n._;
-    influence of, in Thessaly, B. C. 369, x. 248;
-    alienation of the Arcadians from, B. C. 368, x. 259 _seq._;
-    assassination of Euphron at, x. 273 _seq._;
-    application of, to Persia, B. C. 367, x. 277 _seq._;
-    Persian rescript in favor of, x. 278 _seq._;
-    protest of the Arcadians against the headship of, x. 281;
-    peace of Corinth, Epidaurus an Phlius with, B. C. 366, x. 290 _seq._;
-    opposition of the Mantineans and other Arcadians to, B. C. 362,
-      x. 326;
-    power of, B. C. 360-359, xi. 200 _seq._;
-    Philip at, xi. 207 _seq._;
-    Eubœa rescued from, by Athens, B. C. 358, xi. 217 _seq._;
-    accusation of, against Sparta before the Amphiktyonic assembly,
-      xi. 243;
-    accusation of, against Phokis before the Amphiktyonic assembly,
-      xi. 243;
-    the Phokians countenanced by Athens and Sparta as rivals of, xi. 262;
-    envoys to Philip from, B. C. 346, xi. 405, 408;
-    and Athens, unfriendly relations between, B. C. 339, xi. 484;
-    mission of Demosthenês to, B. C. 339, xi. 486 _seq._;
-    and Athens, alliance of, against Philip, B. C. 339, xi. 490;
-    severity of Philip towards, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 505;
-    march of Alexander from Thrace to, xii. 36;
-    capture and destruction of, by Alexander, xii. 37 _seq._;
-    restored by Kassander, xii. 441.
-
-  _Thebes in Egypt_, iii. 312.
-
-  _Theft_, laws of, at Athens, iii. 142.
-
-  _Theia_, i. 5.
-
-  _Themis_, i. 5, 10.
-
-  _Themistoklês_, character of, iv. 337 _seq._;
-    and Aristeidês, rivalry between, v. 50, 273;
-    change of Athens from a land-power to a sea-power proposed by, v. 52;
-    long-sighted views of, in creating a navy at Athens, v. 53,
-      293 _n._ 2;
-    and the Laurian mines, v. 54;
-    his explanation of the answer of the Delphian oracle on Xerxes’s
-      invasion, v. 61;
-    prevails upon the Greeks to stay and fight at Artemisium,
-      v. 97 _seq._;
-    inscribed invitations of, to the Ionians under Xerxes, v. 102;
-    activity and resource of, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 110;
-    opposes the removal of the Greek fleet from Salamis to the isthmus
-      of Corinth, v. 121 _seq._;
-    and Eurybiadês at Salamis, v. 123 _n._;
-    and Adeimantus of Corinth, at Salamis, v. 122, 125;
-    his message to Xerxes before the battle of Salamis, v. 126;
-    his message to Xerxes after the battle of Salamis, v. 139;
-    levies fines on the Cyclades, v. 141;
-    honors rendered to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 146;
-    alleged proposal of, to burn all the Grecian ships except the
-      Athenian, v. 203 _n._ 2;
-    stratagem of, respecting the fortification of Athens, v. 244 _seq._;
-    plans of, for the naval aggrandizement of Athens, v. 248 _seq._;
-    persuades the Athenians to build twenty new triremes annually,
-      v. 252;
-    and Pausanias, v. 273, 282;
-    opponents and corruption of, after the Persian war, v. 278 _seq._;
-    and Timokreon, v. 278;
-    first accusation of treason against, v. 280;
-    two accusations of treason against, v. 280 _n._ 1;
-    ostracism of, v. 281, 282 _n._ 1;
-    second accusation of treason against, v. 382;
-    flight and adventures of, on charge of _Medism_, v. 283 _seq._;
-    and Admêtus, v. 283;
-    and Artaxerxes Longimanus, v. 285 _seq._;
-    in Persia, v. 285 _seq._;
-    rewards and death of, v. 287 _seq._
-
-  _Theodôrus of Samos_, iv. 98 _n._
-
-  _Theodôrus the Syracusan_, speech of, against Dionysius, x. 501 _seq._
-
-  _Theognis_, iii. 44, iv. 92.
-
-  _Theogony_ of the Greeks not a cosmogony, i. 2;
-    of Hesiod, i. 3;
-    Orphic, i. 17 _seq._;
-    Hesiodic and Orphic, compared, i. 20 _seq._;
-    Hesiodic legend of Pandôra in, i. 75.
-
-  _Theoklês_, the founder of Naxos, in Sicily, iii. 361;
-    expels the Sikels from Leontini and Katana, iii. 363.
-
-  _Theology_, triple, of the pagan world, i. 439.
-
-  _Theophrastus_, the phytologist, i. 360 _n._;
-    his treatment of mythes, i. 412.
-
-  _Theopompus, the Spartan king_, ii. 424 _nn._
-
-  _Theopompus, the historian_, on the Spartan empire, ix. 195 _n._
-
-  _Theôric Board_ at Athens, creation of, ix. 379.
-
-  _Theôric Fund_, allusions of Demosthenês to, xi. 334, 338;
-    motion of Apollodorus about, xi. 348;
-    not appropriated to war purposes till just before the battle of
-      Chæroneia, xi. 353;
-    true character of, xi. 353 _seq._;
-    attempt of the Athenian property-classes to evade direct taxation by
-      recourse to, xi. 357;
-    application of, to military purposes, xi. 492.
-
-  _Theôrikon_, viii. 321.
-
-  _Theôrs_, ii. 243.
-
-  _Thêra_, ii. 27;
-    foundation of Kyrênê from, iv. 29 _seq._
-
-  _Theramenês_, Peloponnesian fleet under, vii. 388;
-    statement of, respecting the Four Hundred, viii. 13 _n._ 2;
-    expedition of, to the Hellespont, viii. 118;
-    accusation of the generals at Arginusæ by, viii. 181 _seq._;
-    probable conduct of, at Arginusæ, viii. 185 _seq._, 187 _n._;
-    first embassy of, to Sparta, viii. 227;
-    second embassy of, to Sparta, viii. 228;
-    and the executions by the Thirty, viii. 241, 242, 245;
-    and Kritias, dissentient views of, viii. 241 _seq._, 249;
-    exasperation of the majority of the Thirty against, viii. 249;
-    denunciation of, by Kritias in the senate, viii. 249;
-    reply of, to Kritins’s denunciation in the senate, viii. 251;
-    condemnation and death of, vii. 253 _seq._
-
-  _Theramenês_ the Athenian, viii. 19;
-    his opposition to the Four Hundred, viii. 58 _seq._;
-    his impeachment of the embassy of the Four Hundred to Sparta,
-      viii. 84 _seq._
-
-  _Therimachus_, ix. 366.
-
-  _Therma_, Xerxes’s movements from, to Thermopylæ, v. 83;
-    capture of, by Archestratus, vi. 70.
-
-  _Thermaic Gulf_, original occupants on, iv. 13.
-
-  _Thermopylæ_, Greeks north of, in the first two centuries, ii. 274;
-    Phokian defensive wall at, ii. 283;
-    resolution of Greeks to defend against Xerxes, v. 71;
-    the pass of, v. 73 _seq._;
-    path over Mount Œta avoiding, v. 73;
-    movements of Xerxes from Therma to, v. 83;
-    impressions of Xerxes about the defenders at, v. 86;
-    repeated Persian attacks upon, repulsed, v. 87;
-    debate among the defenders of, when the Persians approached their
-      rear, v. 89;
-    manœuvres ascribed to Xerxes respecting the dead at, v. 103;
-    numbers slain at, on both sides, v. 103;
-    inscriptions commemorative of the battle at, v. 104;
-    effect of the battle of, on the Greeks and Xerxes, v. 105 _seq._;
-    conduct of the Peloponnesians after the battle of, v. 106;
-    hopeless situation of the Athenians after the battle of, v. 106;
-    Onomarchus at, xi. 256;
-    Philip checked at, by the Athenians, xi. 296;
-    position of Phalækus at, B. C. 347-346, xi. 374, 418;
-    application of the Phokians to Athens for aid against Philip at,
-      B. C. 347, xi. 376;
-    importance of, to Philip and Athens, B. C. 347, xi. 378;
-    march of Philip to, B. C. 346, xi. 407 _seq._;
-    plans of Philip against, B. C. 346, xi. 410;
-    letters of Philip inviting the Athenians to join him at, xi. 417;
-    Phokians at, B. C. 347-346, xi. 418 _seq._;
-    surrender of, to Philip, xi. 421;
-    professions of Philip after his conquest of, xi. 424;
-    special meeting of the Amphiktyous at, B. C. 339, xi. 479.
-
-  _Thermus_, ii. 291.
-
-  _Thêro of Agrigentum_ and Gelo, v. 220 _seq._;
-    and Hiero, v. 228;
-    severe treatment of Himeræans by, v. 228;
-    death of, v. 230.
-
-  _Thersander_, the Orchomenian, at the Theban banquet to Mardonius,
-      v. 160.
-
-  _Thersitês_, i. 298, ii. 70 _seq._
-
-  _Therseium_ at Athens, v. 306.
-
-  _Thêseus_, i. 169, 207 _seq._;
-    and the Minôtaur, i. 223;
-    obtains burial for the fallen chiefs against Thêbes, i. 277;
-    the political reforms of, ii. 21;
-    and Menestheus, ii. 22;
-    restoration of the sons of, to his kingdom, ii. 23;
-    consolidation of Attica by, iii. 69;
-    bones of, conveyed to Athens, v. 304.
-
-  _Thesmoi_, iii. 76.
-
-  _Thesmophoria_, festival of, i. 44.
-
-  _Thesmothetæ_, iii. 74.
-
-  _Thespiæ_, hard treatment of, by Thebes, B. C. 423, vi. 452;
-    severity of Thebes towards, B. C. 372, x. 162.
-
-  _Thespian_ contingent of Leonidas, v. 91.
-
-  _Thespians_, distress of, caused by Xerxes’s invasion, v. 91 _n._ 1;
-    at the battle of Leuktra, x. 180;
-    expulsion of, from Bœotia, after the buds of Leuktra, x. 195.
-
-  _Thespis_ and Solon, story of, iii. 146.
-
-  _Thesprotians_, iii. 414 _seq._
-
-  _Thessalian_ cities, disorderly confederacy of, ii. 282;
-    and Athenian cavalry, skirmishes of, with Archidamus, vi. 134;
-    cavalry sent home by Alexander, xii. 181.
-
-  _Thessalians_, migration of, from Thesprôtis to Thessaly, ii. 14;
-    non-Hellenic character of, ii. 15;
-    and their dependants in the first two centuries, ii. 274 _seq._;
-    character and condition of, ii. 276 _seq._;
-    and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 67, 69;
-    alliance of, with Athens and Argos, about B. C. 461, v. 320;
-    Thebans, and Lokrians, war of, with the Phokians, B. C. 355, xi. 254.
-
-  _Thessalus_, son of Kimon, impeachment of Alkibiadês by, vii. 210.
-
-  _Thessaly_, affinities of, with Bœotia, ii. 17;
-    quadruple division of, ii. 281;
-    power of, when united, ii. 283;
-    Athenian march against, B. C. 454, v. 382;
-    Brasidas’s march through, to Thrace, vi. 399 _seq._;
-    Lacedæmonian reinforcements to Brasidas prevented from passing
-      through, vi. 449;
-    state of, B. C. 370, x. 248;
-    influence of Thebes in, B. C. 369, x. 248;
-    expedition of Pelopidas to, B. C. 369, x. 248;
-    expedition of Pelopidas to, B. C. 368, x. 263;
-    expeditions of Pelopidas to, x. 264 _n._ 2;
-    mission of Pelopidas to, B. C. 366, x. 282;
-    expedition of Pelopidas to, B. C. 363, x. 303, 307 _seq._;
-    despots of, xi. 202 _seq._;
-    first expedition of Philip into, against the despots of Pheræ,
-      xi. 261, 292, 295 _n._ 2;
-    second expedition of Philip into, against the despots of Pheræ,
-      xi. 292;
-    victory of Leosthenes over Antipater in, xii. 315.
-
-  _Thêtes_ in legendary Greece, ii. 100;
-    in Attica immediately before Solon’s legislation, iii. 94 _seq._;
-    mutiny of, iii. 97.
-
-  _Thetis_ and Pêleus, i. 187.
-
-  _Thimbron_, expedition of, to Asia, ix. 208;
-    defeat and death of, ix. 362, xii. 429 _seq._
-
-  _Thirlwall’s_ opinion on the partition of land ascribed to Lykurgus,
-      ii. 401 _seq._, 404, 407 _seq._
-
-  _Thirty at Athens_, nomination of, viii. 236;
-    proceedings of, viii. 239 _seq._;
-    executions by, viii. 240 _seq._, 243 _seq._, 247 _seq._;
-    discord among, viii. 243;
-    three thousand hoplites nominated by, viii. 246;
-    disarming of hoplites by, viii. 247;
-    murders and spoliations by, viii. 247, 256;
-    tyranny of, after the death of Theramenês, viii. 256;
-    intellectual teaching forbidden by, viii. 257;
-    and Sokratês, viii. 258;
-    growing insecurity of, viii. 259;
-    disgust in Greece at the enormities of, viii. 262;
-    repulse and defeat of, by Thrasybulus at Phylê, viii. 265;
-    seizure and execution of prisoners at Eleusis and Salamis by,
-      viii. 267;
-    defeat of, by Thrasybulus at Peiræus, viii. 269 _seq._;
-    deposition of, viii. 271;
-    reaction against, on the arrival of king Pausanias, viii. 275;
-    flight of the survivors of the, viii. 280;
-    treatment of, B. C. 403, viii. 292;
-    oppression and suffering of Athens under the, ix. 185;
-    Athens rescued from the, ix. 185;
-    the knights or horsemen supporters of the, ix. 186;
-    Athens under the, a specimen of the Spartan empire, ix. 187;
-    compared with the Lysandrian Dekarchies, ix. 188;
-    and Kallibius, ix. 188;
-    put down by the Athenians themselves, ix. 198.
-
-  _Thorax_ and Xenophon, ix. 134 _seq._
-
-  _Thrace_, Chalkidic colonies in, iv. 22 _seq._;
-    Greek settlements east of the Strymôn in, iv. 25;
-    conquest of, by the Persians under Darius, iv. 273;
-    and Macedonia, march of Mardonius into, iv. 373;
-    contributions levied by Xerxes on towns in, v. 41;
-    Brasidas’s expedition to, vi. 370, 397 _seq._;
-    war continued in, the one year’s truce between Athens and Sparta,
-      vi. 438;
-    Alkibiadês and Thrasybulus in, B. C. 407, viii. 144;
-    Iphikrates in, between B. C. 387-378, x. 106 _seq._;
-    Iphikrates in, B. C. 368-365, x. 250 _seq._;
-    Philip in, B. C. 351, xi. 306, and B. C. 346, xi. 402, 404, and
-      B. C. 342-341, xi. 450 _seq._;
-    Alexander’s expedition into, xii. 22 _seq._;
-    march of Alexander from, to Thebes, xii. 36.
-
-  _Thracian_ influence upon Greece, i. 31;
-    race in the north of Asia Minor, iii. 207;
-    Chersonesus, iv. 27;
-    subject-allies of Athens not oppressed by her, vi. 404 _seq._;
-    mercenaries under Diitrephês, vii. 356 _seq._
-
-  _Thracians_ in the time of Herodotus and Thucydides, ii. 88;
-    and Phrygians, affinities between, iii. 208 _seq._, 212;
-    affinities and migrations of, iii. 208 _seq._;
-    numbers and abode of, iv. 15;
-    general character of, iv. 15 _seq._;
-    Asiatic characteristics of, iv. 17;
-    venality of, vi. 217 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Thrasius_, xi. 173, 180.
-
-  _Thrasybulus of Syracuse_, v. 232 _seq._
-
-  _Thrasybulus, the Athenian_, speech of, at Samos, viii. 47;
-    efforts of, at Samoa, in favor of Alkibiadês, viii. 50;
-    in Thrace, viii. 144;
-    accusation of the generals at Arginusæ by, viii. 182 _seq._;
-    flight of, from Attica, viii. 242;
-    occupation of Phylê, and repulse and defeat of the Thirty by,
-      viii. 265;
-    occupation of Peiræus by, viii. 268;
-    victory of, over the Thirty at Peiræus, viii. 269 _seq._;
-    increasing strength of, at Peiræus, vii. 273;
-    straitened condition of, in Peiræus, viii. 274;
-    at Peiræus, king Pausanias’s attack upon, viii. 276;
-    and the Ten at Athens, peace between, viii. 277;
-    and the exiles, restoration of, to Athens, viii. 279;
-    assistance of, to Evander and others, viii. 306 _n._ 2;
-    honorary reward to, viii. 309;
-    aid to the Thebans by, ix. 295;
-    acquisitions of, in the Hellespont and Bosporus, ix. 366;
-    victory of, in Lesbos, ix. 367;
-    death and character of, ix. 367.
-
-  _Thrasydæus_, v. 226;
-    cruel government, defeat, and death of, v. 228, ix. 223, 226.
-
-  _Thrasyklês_ and Strombichidês, expedition of, to Chios, vii. 374.
-
-  _Thrasyllus_, vii. 73, 74;
-    at Samos, B. C. 411, viii. 46, 48;
-    at Lesbos, viii. 101;
-    eluded by Mindarus, viii. 102;
-    at Elæus, viii. 109;
-    repulse of Agis by, viii. 128;
-    expedition of, to Ionia, viii. 129;
-    and Alkibiadês, at the Hellespont, viii. 130.
-
-  _Thrasylochus_ and Demosthenês, xi. 268 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Thrasymachus_, rhetorical precepts of, viii. 370;
-    doctrine of, in Plato’s Republic, viii. 390 _seq._
-
-  _Three thousand_, nominated the Thirty at Athens, viii. 246.
-
-  _Thucydidês_, altered intellectual and ethical standard in the age of,
-      i. 366;
-    his treatment of ancient mythes, i. 391, 405 _seq._;
-    his version of the Trojan war, i. 405 _seq._;
-    on the dwellings of the earliest Greeks, ii. 109;
-    his date for the return of the Herakleids, ii. 13;
-    silence of, on the treaty between Athens and Persia, v. 336;
-    descent of, vi. 12 _n._ 2;
-    various persons named, vi. 28 _n._ 2;
-    his division of the year, vi. 114 _n._ 2;
-    his judgment respecting Periklês, vi. 173, 176;
-    first mention of Kleon by, vi. 244;
-    reflections of, on the Korkyræan massacre, B. C. 427, vi. 278 _seq._;
-    structure of his history, vi. 309 _n._;
-    judgment of, on Kleon’s success at Pylus, vi. 347 _seq._;
-    on Kythêra, vi. 364 _n._;
-    and the capitulation of Amphipolis to Brasidas, vi. 409, 410,
-      412 _seq._;
-    banishment of, vi. 413 _seq._;
-    on Kleon’s views and motives in desiring war, B. C. 422,
-      vi. 456 _seq._, 459;
-    passages of, on the battle of Amphipolis, vi. 405 _nn._, 466 _n._,
-      468 _n._;
-    feelings of, towards Brasidas and Kleon, vi. 474;
-    treatment of Kleon by, vi. 474, 477 _seq._;
-    dialogue set forth by, between the Athenian envoys and Executive
-      Council of Mêlos, vii. 109 _seq._, 115 _seq._;
-    his favorable judgment of the Athenians at the restoration of the
-      democracy, B. C. 411, viii. 90 _seq._;
-    study of, by Demosthenes, xi. 269.
-
-  _Thucydides, son of Melesias_, v. 342;
-    rivalry of, with Periklês, vi. 15 _seq._;
-    ostracised, vi. 19;
-    history of, after his ostracism, vi. 28 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Thurians_, defeat of, by the Lucanians, xi. 13.
-
-  _Thurii_, foundation of, vi. 13 _seq._;
-    few Athenian settlers at, vi. 15;
-    revolution at, B. C. 413, x. 384.
-
-  _Thyania_, surprise of, by the Phliasians and Chares, x. 272.
-
-  _Thyestean banquet_, the, i. 162.
-
-  _Thyestes_, i. 161 _seq._
-
-  _Thymochares_, defeat of, near Eretria, viii. 72 _seq._
-
-  _Thymodes_, xii. 116, 125.
-
-  _Thynians_, iii. 207.
-
-  _Thyrea_, conquest of, ii. 449;
-    capture of, by Nikias, B. C. 424, vi. 366;
-    stipulation about, between Sparta and Argos, B. C. 420, vii. 27.
-
-  _Thyssagetæ_, iii. 244.
-
-  _Tigris_, the Ten Thousand Greeks at the, ix. 64 _seq._;
-    retreat of the Ten Thousand along the, ix. 88 _seq._;
-    forded by Alexander, xii. 151;
-    voyage of Nearchus from the mouth of the Indus to that of the,
-      xii. 235, 236;
-    Alexander’s voyage up the, to Opis, xii. 243.
-
-  _Tilphusios Apollo_, origin of the name, i. 48.
-
-  _Timæus’s_ treatment of mythes, i. 410.
-
-  _Timagoras_, his mission to Persia, and execution, x. 278, 280,
-      280 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Timandra_, i. 168.
-
-  _Timarchus_, decree of, xi. 368, 369 _n._
-
-  _Timasion_, and Xenophon, ix. 134 _seq._
-
-  _Time_, Grecian computation of, ii. 115 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Timegenidas_, death of, v. 187.
-
-  _Timocracy_ of Solon, iii. 120 _seq._
-
-  _Timokrates, the Rhodian_, ix. 286 _seq._
-
-  _Timokrates, of Syracuse_, xi. 92 _seq._
-
-  _Timokreon_ and Themistoklês, v. 279.
-
-  _Timolaus_, speech of, ix. 304.
-
-  _Timoleon_, appointment of, to aid Syracuse, xi. 136, 142;
-    life and character of, before B. C. 344, xi. 136 _seq._;
-    and Timophanes, xi. 136 _seq._;
-    preparations of, for his expedition to Syracuse, xi. 143;
-    voyage of, from Corinth to Sicily, xi. 143 _seq._;
-    message from Hiketas to, xi. 144;
-    at Rhegium, xi. 144 _seq._;
-    at Tauromenium, xi. 146;
-    at Adranum, xi. 148, 156;
-    first arrival of, at Syracuse, xi. 149;
-    surrender of Ortygia to, xi. 150 _seq._;
-    reinforcement from Corinth to, xi. 152, 155, 157;
-    admiration excited by the successes of, xi. 152, 162;
-    advantage of Ortygia to, xi. 155;
-    return of, from Adranum to Syracuse, xi. 158;
-    Messênê declares in favor of, xi. 158;
-    capture of Epipolæ by, xi. 160;
-    favor of the gods towards, xi. 161, 179, 181;
-    ascribes his successes to the gods, xi. 163;
-    temptations and conduct of, on becoming master of Syracuse,
-      xi. 163 _seq._;
-    demolition of the Dionysian stronghold in Ortygia by, xi. 165;
-    erection of courts of justice at Syracuse by, xi. 166;
-    recall of exiles to Syracuse, by, xi. 166;
-    capitulation of Hiketas with, at Leontini, xi. 170;
-    puts down the despots in Sicily, xi. 170, 180 _seq._;
-    march of, from Syracuse against the Carthaginians, xi. 172 _seq._;
-    and Thrasius, xi. 172, 180;
-    victory of, over the Carthaginians at the Krimêsus, xi. 174 _seq._;
-    and Mamerkus, xi. 180 _seq._;
-    partial defeats of his troops, xi. 180;
-    victory of, over Hiketas at the Damurias, xi. 181;
-    surrender of Leontini and Hiketas to, xi. 182;
-    peace of, with the Carthaginians, xi. 182;
-    capture of Messênê and Hippon by, xi. 184;
-    lays down his power at Syracuse, xi. 185;
-    great influence of, after his resignation at Syracuse, xi. 186, 193;
-    and the immigration of new Greek settlers into Sicily,
-      xi. 188 _seq._;
-    residence of, at Syracuse, xi. 190;
-    in the public assembly at Syracuse, xi. 190 _seq._;
-    uncorrupted moderation and public spirit of, xi. 192;
-    freedom and prosperity in Sicily, introduced by, xi. 193;
-    death and obsequies of, xi. 194;
-    and Dion, contrast between, xi. 196 _seq._;
-    the constitution established at Syracuse by, exchanged for an
-      oligarchy, xii. 393.
-
-  _Timomachus_ in the Hellespont, x. 373.
-
-  _Timophanes_ and Timoleon, xi. 136 _seq._
-
-  _Timotheus, son of Konon_, x. 110;
-    circumnavigation of Peloponnesus by, x. 132;
-    at Zakynthus, x. 141;
-    appointment of, to aid Korkyra, B. C. 373, x. 144;
-    delay of, in aiding Korkyra, x. 146 _seq._, 147 _n._;
-    and Iphikrates, x. 149, 288, 299 _n._ 2;
-    trial and acquittal of, x. 153 _seq._, 154 _n._;
-    expedition of, to Asia Minor, B. C. 366, x. 252, 294 _seq._;
-    and Charidemus, x. 299, 300;
-    successes of, in Macedonia and Chalkidikê, B. C. 365-364, x. 300;
-    failure of, at Amphipolis, B. C. 364, x. 301;
-    and Kotys, x. 302;
-    in the Chersonese, B. C. 363, x. 302, 306, 368;
-    in the Hellespont, B. C. 357, xi. 224;
-    accusation of, by Chares, xi. 226 _seq._, 228 _n._ 4;
-    arrogance and unpopularity of, xi. 227;
-    exile and death of, xi. 229.
-
-  _Timotheus, of the Pontic Herakleia_, xii. 465.
-
-  _Tiribazus_ and The Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 99, 102;
-    embassy of Antalkidas, Konon, and others to, ix. 359 _seq._;
-    and Antalkidas at, Susa, ix. 383;
-    and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 385;
-    and Orontes, x. 22, 23.
-
-  _Tisamenus, son of Orestes_, ii. 4, 7, 8 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Tisamenus, the Athenian_, decree of, viii. 295.
-
-  _Tisiphonus_, despot at Pheræ, xi. 205.
-
-  _Tissaphernes_ and Pharnabazus, embassy from, to Sparta, B. C. 413,
-      vii. 366;
-    and Chalkideus, treaty between, vii. 376;
-    first treaty of, with the Peloponnesians, vii. 376;
-    payment of the Peloponnesian fleet by, vii. 389;
-    and Astyochus, treaty between, vii. 395 _seq._;
-    second treaty of, with the Peloponnesians, vii. 395 _seq._;
-    and Lichas, at Milêtus, vii. 398;
-    double-dealing and intrigues of, with the Peloponnesian fleet,
-      vii. 398, 400 _seq._;
-    escape and advice of Alkibiades, to, viii. 3 _seq._;
-    and the Greeks, Alkibiadês acts as interpreter between, viii. 5;
-    reduction of pay to the Peloponnesian fleet by, viii. 5;
-    third treaty of, with the Peloponnesians, viii. 23 _seq._;
-    envoy from, to Sparta, B. C. 411, viii. 98;
-    false promises of, to Mindarus, viii. 99;
-    and the Phenician fleet at Aspendus, viii. 99, 100, 111;
-    and the Peloponnesians at the Hellespont, viii. 110 _seq._;
-    Alkibiadês arrested by, viii. 120;
-    charge of, against Cyrus the Younger, ix. 7;
-    negotiations and convention of, with the Ten Thousand Greeks,
-      ix. 59 _seq._;
-    retreating march of the Ten Thousand under, ix. 63 _seq._;
-    treachery of, towards Klearchus and other Greeks, ix. 70 _seq._;
-    plan of, against the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 75;
-    attack of, on the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 90;
-    and the Asiatic Greeks, ix. 206;
-    and Derkyllidas, ix. 209, 219 _seq._;
-    and Agesilaus, ix. 261, 267;
-    death of, ix. 268.
-
-  _Titanides_, the, i. 4.
-
-  _Titans_, the, i. 4, 5, 8;
-    the Orphic, i. 17.
-
-  Τίθεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα, meaning of, vi. 114 _n._ 3, 356 _n._ 2, 373 _n._,
-      385 _n._ 2, 387 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Tithraustes_ supersedes Tissaphernes, and opens negotiations with
-      Agesilaus, ix. 268;
-    sends an envoy to Greece against Sparta, ix. 286 _seq._;
-    victory of Chares and Artabazus over, xi. 231.
-
-  _Tolmidês_, voyage of, round Peloponnesus, v. 333;
-    defeat and death of, v. 348.
-
-  _Tomi_, legendary origin of the name, i. 238 _n._ 3, xii. 473.
-
-  _Topographical_ impossibilities in the legend of Troy no obstacles to
-      its reception, i. 332;
-    criticisms inapplicable to the legend of Troy, i. 333.
-
-  _Torgium_, victory of Agathokles over Deinokrates at, xii. 447.
-
-  _Torônê_, surprise and capture of, by Brasidas, vi. 422;
-    capture of, by Kleon, vi. 462.
-
-  _Torrhêbia_, iii. 223.
-
-  _Torture_, use of, to elicit truth, vii. 201 _n._
-
-  _Town-occupations_, encouragement to, at Athens, iii. 136.
-
-  _Towns_, fortification of, in early Greece, ii. 108 _seq._
-
-  _Trades_, Grecian deities of, i. 342.
-
-  _Tradition, Greek_, matter of, uncertified, i. 433;
-    fictitious matter in, does not imply fraud, i. 434.
-
-  _Træzen_, removal of Athenians to, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 108.
-
-  _Tragedies_, lost, of Promêtheus, i. 78 _n._ 2.
-
-  _Tragedy_, Athenian, growth of, viii. 318;
-    Athenian, abundant production of, viii. 319;
-    Athenians, effect of, on the public mind, viii. 321;
-    Grecian, ethical sentiment in, viii. 336.
-
-  _Trapezus_, legendary origin of, i. 175;
-    date of the foundation of, iii. 252 _n._ 2;
-    the Ten Thousand at, xi. 111, 120 _seq._;
-    departure of the Ten Thousand from, ix. 127.
-
-  _Trench_ of Artaxerxes from the Euphrates to the wall of Media, ix. 40,
-      42 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Triballi_, defeat of Philip by, xi. 462;
-    victory of Alexander over, xii. 23.
-
-  _Tribes_ and demes of Kleisthenês, iv. 132 _seq._
-
-  _Tribute_ of the subject-allies of Athens, vi. 5 _n._ 1, 6 _n._ 1.
-
-  _Trierarchic_ reform of Demosthenês, xi. 462 _seq._
-
-  _Trinakria_, town of, vii. 125.
-
-  _Triphylia_, Minyæ in, ii. 27;
-    and Elis, ii. 442, x. 260, 313.
-
-  _Triphylians_, ii. 303.
-
-  _Triple_ theology of the pagan world, i. 439;
-    partition of past time by Varro, i. 488.
-
-  _Tripolis_, iii. 268.
-
-  _Trireme_, equipment of a, vi. 200 _n._
-
-  _Tritantæchmês_, exclamation of, on the Greeks and the Olympic games,
-      v. 113.
-
-  _Tritôn_ and the Argonauts, i. 239.
-
-  _Tritônis_, Lake, iv. 35 _n._ 1;
-    prophecies about, iv. 39.
-
-  _Trittyes_, iii. 52, 67 _n._
-
-  _Trôad_, the, i. 334.
-
-  _Trôas Alexandreia_, i. 328.
-
-  _Trôas historical_, and the Teukrians, i. 334.
-
-  _Trojan war_, Thucydidês’s version of, i. 405 _seq._;
-    the date of, ii. 38, 54.
-
-  _Trojans_, allies of, i. 293;
-    new allies of, i. 298;
-    and Phrygians, i. 335.
-
-  _Trophonius_ and Agamêdês, i. 130.
-
-  _Trôs_, i. 285.
-
-  _Troy_, legend of, i. 284-340.
-
-  _Tunês_, capture of, by Agathokles, xii. 414;
-    mutiny in the army of Agathokles at, xii. 426;
-    Archagathus blocked up by the Carthaginians at, xii. 439, 442;
-    the Carthaginians over Agathokles near, xii. 442;
-    nocturnal panic in the Carthaginian camp near, xii. 442;
-    Agathokles deserts his army at, and they capitulate, xii. 443, 444.
-
-  _Turpin_, chronicle of, i. 475.
-
-  _Tychê_, near Syracuse, vii. 245.
-
-  _Tydeus_, i. 152, 271.
-
-  _Tyndareus_, and Lêda, i. 168 _seq._
-
-  _Tyndarion_, vii. 121.
-
-  _Tyndaris_, foundation of, xi. 4.
-
-  _Types_, manifold, of the Homeric gods, i. 349.
-
-  _Typhaôn_ and Echidna, offspring of, i. 7.
-
-  _Typhôeus_, i. 9.
-
-  _Tyre_, iii. 266 _seq._;
-    siege and subjugation of, by Nebuchadnezzar, iii. 332;
-    and Carthage, amicable relations between, iii. 348;
-    siege and capture of, by Alexander, xii. 132 _seq._
-
-  _Tyrô_, different accounts of, i. 107.
-
-  _Tyrrhenians_, O. Müller’s view of the origin of, iii. 180.
-
-  _Tyrtæus_ and the first Messenian war, ii. 422, 424, 427;
-    efficiency of, in the second Messenian war, ii. 431 _seq._;
-    poetry of, iv. 82;
-    age and metres of, iv. 78.
-
-
-  U.
-
-  _Uranos_, i. 4, 5.
-
-  _Usury_ and the Jewish law, iii. 111 _n._
-
-  _Utica_, iii. 271;
-    capture of, by Agathokles, xii. 437.
-
-  _Uxii_, conquest of, by Alexander, xii. 170.
-
-
-  V.
-
-  _Varro’s_ triple division of pagan theology, i. 439;
-    his triple partition of past time, i. 488.
-
-  _Veneti_, the, i. 319.
-
-  _Villagers_ regarded as inferiors by Hellens, ii. 259, 263.
-
-  _Villages_ numerous in early Greece, ii. 261.
-
-  _Volsunga Saga_, i. 479.
-
-
-  W.
-
-  _War_, the first sacred, iv. 62 _seq._, v. 346;
-    the social, xi. 220, 231;
-    the second sacred, xi. 241 _seq._, 374, 421 _seq._;
-    the third sacred. xi. 468.
-
-  _Wise men_ of Greece, seven, iv. 94 _seq._
-
-  _Wolf’s_ Prolegomena to Homer, ii. 142;
-    his theory on the composition of the Iliad and Odyssey,
-      ii. 150 _seq._
-
-  _Women_, Solon’s laws respecting, iii. 140.
-
-  _Wooden horse_ of Troy, the, i. 303, 309.
-
-  _“Works and Days”_, races of men in, i. 64 _seq._;
-    differs from the Theogony and Homer, i. 66;
-    mingled ethical and mythical sentiment in, i. 67 _seq._;
-    the earliest didactic poem, i. 69;
-    personal feeling pervading, i. 71;
-    probable age of, i. 72;
-    legend of Pandôra in, i. 76;
-    general feeling of the poet in, i. 77;
-    on women, i. 77.
-
-  _Writing_, unknown to Homeric and Hesiodic Greeks, ii. 116;
-    few traces of, long after the Homeric age, ii. 142;
-    among the Greeks, iv. 97.
-
-
-  X.
-
-  _Xanthippus_ and Miltiadês, iv. 357, 365.
-
-  _Xanthippus son of Periklês_, vi. 100.
-
-  _Xenarês_ and Kleobulus, the anti-Athenian ephors, vii. 24 _seq._
-
-  _Xenias_ and Pasion, desertion of Cyrus by, ix. 28.
-
-  _Xenodokus_, xii. 425, 439, 441.
-
-  _Xenokrates_, embassy of, to Antipater, xii. 323, 324, 332.
-
-  _Xenophanes_, his condemnation of ancient legends, i. 397;
-    Thalês, and Pythagoras, i. 367 _seq._;
-    his treatment of ancient mythes, i. 418;
-    philosophy and school of, iv. 387 _seq._
-
-  _Xenophôn_, his treatment of ancient mythes, i. 410;
-    on Spartan women, ii. 388, 389 _n._ 1;
-    his Cyropædia, iii. 229 _n._ 2; iv. 183;
-    his version of Cyrus’s capture of Babylon, iv. 213 _n._;
-    on the dikasteries, vi. 42, 46 _n._ 2;
-    and Plato, evidence of, about Sokratês, viii. 409 _seq._, 448 _n._ 3;
-    the preceptorial and positive exhortation of Sokrates exhibited by,
-      viii. 450;
-    remarks of, on the accusation against Sokrates, viii. 473;
-    on the condemnation of Sokrates, viii. 482;
-    and his joining of the Cyreian army, ix. 12;
-    length of the parasang in, ix. 14 _n._ 3;
-    dream of, after the seizure of the generals, ix. 77;
-    address of, to the captains of the Ten Thousand, after the seizure of
-      the generals, ix. 78;
-    chosen a general of the Ten Thousand, ix. 80;
-    first speech of, to the Ten Thousand, after being chosen a general,
-      ix. 81 _seq._;
-    great ascendancy acquired by, over the Ten Thousand, ix. 83 _seq._;
-    and Cheirisophus, ix. 92, 96, 106, 107;
-    prowess of, against the Persians, ix. 92 _seq._;
-    in the mountains of the Karduchians, ix. 95 _seq._;
-    at the Kentritês, ix. 100 _seq._;
-    propositions of, to the Ten Thousand at Trapezus, ix. 125;
-    his idea of founding a new city on the Euxine, ix. 132 _seq._;
-    charges against, and speeches of, at Kotyôra, ix. 139 _seq._;
-    offered the sole command of the Ten Thousand, ix. 195;
-    at Herakleia and Kalpê, ix. 146 _seq._;
-    and Kleander, ix. 153, 155;
-    at Byzantium, ix. 154;
-    and Anaxibius, ix. 164, 165 _seq._;
-    takes leave of the Ten Thousand, ix. 164;
-    rejoins the Ten Thousand, ix. 165;
-    and Aristarchus, ix. 166;
-    and Seuthes, ix. 154, 167 _seq._;
-    his poverty and sacrifice to Zeus Meilichios, ix. 171 _seq._;
-    at Pergamus in Mysia, ix. 172 _seq._;
-    takes his second farewell of the Ten Thousand, ix. 174;
-    and the Cyreian army under the Lacedæmonians, ix. 174, 208, 314, 317;
-    banishment of, by the Athenians, ix. 174, 175 _n._ 3;
-    at Skillus, ix. 176 _seq._;
-    later life of, ix. 177;
-    and Deinarchus, ix. 178 _n._ 3;
-    on the conduct of Sparta between B. C. 387-379, x. 77;
-    partiality of, to Sparta in his Hellenica, x. 230 _n._;
-    on the results of the battle of Mantinea, x. 350.
-
-  _Xerxes_, chosen as successor to Darius, v. 2;
-    instigated to the invasion of Greece, v. 3;
-    resolves to invade Greece, v. 4;
-    deliberation and dreams of, respecting the invasion of Greece,
-      v. 6 _seq._;
-    vast preparations of, for the invasion of Greece, v. 13 _seq._;
-    march of, to Sardis, and collection of his forces there, v. 14;
-    throws two bridges across the Hellespont, v. 15;
-    wrath of, on the destruction of his bridges across the Hellespont,
-      v. 16;
-    punishment of the Hellespont by, v. 16 _seq._;
-    second bridges of, over the Hellespont, v. 18 _seq._;
-    ship-canal of, across the isthmus of Mount Athos, v. 22 _seq._;
-    bridges of, across the Strymôn, v. 25;
-    demands of, sent to Greece before his invasion, v. 25, 56;
-    and the mare which brought forth a hare, v. 25 _n._;
-    march of, from Sardis, v. 25;
-    and Pythius, the Phrygian, v. 27;
-    march of, to Abydos, v. 28;
-    respect shown to Ilium by, v. 29;
-    crossing of the Hellespont by, v. 29 _seq._;
-    march of, to Doriskus, v. 31;
-    review and muster of the forces of, at Doriskus, v. 31, 40;
-    numbering of the army of, at Doriskus, v. 33;
-    number of the army of, v. 33 _seq._;
-    conversations of, with Demaratus, v. 40, 86, 96;
-    march of, from Doriskus along Thrace, v. 41 _seq._;
-    crosses the Strymôn and marches to Akanthus, v. 43;
-    march of, to Therma, v. 44;
-    favorable prospects of, on reaching the boundary of Hellas, v. 44;
-    preparations of, known beforehand in Greece, v. 56;
-    heralds of, obtain submission from many Grecian cities, v. 57;
-    alarm and mistrust in Greece on the invasion of, v. 59;
-    unwillingness or inability of northern Greeks to resist, v. 64;
-    inability of Gelon to join in resisting the invasion of, v. 67;
-    the Thessalians and the invasion of, v. 67;
-    Grecian army sent to defend Tempê against, v. 68;
-    abandonment of the defence of Tempê against, v. 69 _seq._;
-    submission of northern Greeks to, after the retreat from Tempê,
-      v. 69;
-    engagement of confederate Greeks against, such as joined, v. 70;
-    first encounter of the fleet of, with that of the Greeks, v. 79;
-    movements of, from Therma to Thermopylæ, v. 82;
-    movements of the fleet of, from Therma to Thermopylæ, v. 82 _n._ 3;
-    destruction of the fleet of, by storm at Magnesia, v. 84 _seq._;
-    delay of, with his land force near Trachis, v. 86 _seq._;
-    impressions of, about the defenders at Thermopylæ, v. 87;
-    at Thermopylæ, doubts about the motives ascribed by Herodotus to,
-      v. 87;
-    the mountain-path avoiding Thermopylæ revealed to, v. 88;
-    impressions of, after the combat with Leonidas, v. 95;
-    Demaratus’s advice to, after the death of Leonidas, v. 96;
-    manœuvres ascribed to, respecting the dead at Thermopylæ, v. 103;
-    losses of, repaired after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 105;
-    abandonment of Attica on the approach of, v. 107 _seq._;
-    occupation of Attica and Athens by, v. 111;
-    conversation of, with Arcadians, on the Olympic games, v. 113;
-    detachment of, against Delphi, v. 114;
-    capture of the Acropolis at Athens by, v. 116 _seq._;
-    number of the fleet of, at Salamis, v. 118 _n._ 3;
-    reviews his fleet at Phalêrum, and calls a council of war, v. 119;
-    resolution of, to fight at Salamis, v. 119;
-    Themistoklês’s message to, before the battle of Salamis, v. 127;
-    surrounds the Greeks at Salamis, v. 128 _seq._;
-    and the fleets at Salamis, position of, v. 131;
-    story of three nephews of, at Salamis, v. 132 _n._;
-    fears of, after the battle of Salamis, v. 138;
-    resolves to go back to Asia after the battle of Salamis,
-      v. 139 _seq._;
-    sends his fleet to Asia after the battle of Salamis, v. 139;
-    Mardonius’s proposal to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 140;
-    Themistoklês’s message to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 141;
-    retreating march of, to the Hellespont, v. 142 _seq._;
-    and Artayktês, v. 202;
-    causes of the repulse of, from Greece, v. 240;
-    comparison between the invasion of, and that of Alexander, v. 241;
-    death of, ix. 2.
-
-  _Xuthus_, i. 99 _seq._, 103;
-     and Kreüsa, i. 204.
-
-
-  Z.
-
-  _Zab, the Great_, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 69 _seq._;
-    crossed by the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 88.
-
-  _Zagreus_, i. 18, 19 _n._
-
-  _Zakynthus_, iii. 410;
-    Timotheus at, x. 141;
-    forces of Dion mustered at, xi. 84, 87;
-    Dion’s voyage from, to Herakleia, xi. 88.
-
-  _Zaleukus_, iii. 382.
-
-  _Zalmoxis_, i. 448.
-
-  _Zanklê_, iii. 365;
-    fate of, v. 211 _seq._
-
-  _Zariaspa_, Alexander at, xii. 206.
-
-  _Zêlos_, i. 8.
-
-  _Zeno of Elea_, viii. 341, 344, 345.
-
-  _Zephyrus_, i. 6.
-
-  _Zêtês_ and Kalais, i. 199.
-
-  _Zethus_ and Amphiôn, Homeric legend of, i. 257, 263 _seq._
-
-  _Zeugitæ_, iii. 118;
-    Boeckh’s opinion on the pecuniary qualification of, iii. 119 _n._
-
-  _Zeus_, i. 3, 7, 8 _seq._, 12;
-    Homeric, i. 13;
-    account of, in the Orphic Theogony, i. 18;
-    mythical character, names, and functions, i. 61 _seq._;
-    origin of the numerous mythes of, i. 62;
-    and Promêtheus, i. 63, 75;
-    and Danaê, i. 90;
-    and Alkmênê, i. 93;
-    and Ægina, i. 184;
-    and Eurôpa, i. 257;
-    and Ganymêdês, i. 285;
-    in the fourth book of the Iliad different from Zeus in the first and
-      eighth, ii. 190;
-    fluctuation of Greek opinion on the supremacy of, iv. 196 _n._
-
-  _Zeus Ammon_, Alexander’s visit to the oracle of, xii. 147.
-
-  _Zeus Laphystios_, i. 127.
-
-  _Zeus Lykæus_, i. 174.
-
-  _Zeus Meilichios_, Xenophon’s sacrifice to, ix. 171 _seq._
-
-  _Zopyrus_, iv. 231.
-
-
-
-
-
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-<pre>
-
-Project Gutenberg's History of Greece, Volume 12 (of 12), by George Grote
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
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-www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll
-have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
-this ebook.
-
-
-
-Title: History of Greece, Volume 12 (of 12)
-
-Author: George Grote
-
-Release Date: November 26, 2019 [EBook #60786]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF GREECE, VOLUME 12 ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Henry Flower, Ramon Pajares Box and the Online
-Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
-file was produced from images generously made available
-by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
-
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-</pre>
-
-
-<div class="front">
-  <hr class="full" />
-  <p><a href="#tnote">Transcriber's note</a></p>
-  <p><a href="#ToC">Table of Contents</a></p>
-  <p><a href="#Index">Index</a></p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="screenonly">
-  <hr class="chap" />
-  <div class="figcenter">
-    <img src="images/cover.jpg"
-         alt="Book cover" />
-  </div>
-  <hr class="chap" />
-</div>
-
-<div class="tit pt3">
-  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_i">[p. i]</span></p>
-  <h1 class="g1">HISTORY OF GREECE.</h1>
-
-  <p class="large mt2"><small>BY</small><br />
-  <span class="g1">GEORGE GROTE, <span class="smcap">Esq.</span></span></p>
-
-  <p class="large g1 mt2">VOL. XII.</p>
-
-  <p class="xs mt4">REPRINTED FROM THE SECOND LONDON EDITION.</p>
-
-  <p class="medium mt2">NEW YORK:<br />
-  <span class="g1">HARPER &amp; BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,</span><br />
-  <span class="small g1">329 <small>AND</small> 331 <small>PEARL STREET.</small></span><br />
-  <span class="large g1">1875.</span></p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="aftit">
-  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ii">[p. ii]</span></p>
-  <div class="figcenter">
-    <img src="images/ill_a002b.jpg"
-         alt="Map of African territory of Carthage" />
-    <p class="caption">
-      <span class="x_link"><a href="images/ill_a002bx.jpg"><img
-        src="images/xpnd.jpg"
-        alt="Enlarge"
-        title="Enlarge" /></a>&nbsp;</span>
-      AFRICAN TERRITORY OF CARTHAGE.
-    </p>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="aftit">
-  <div class="figcenter">
-    <img src="images/ill_a002d.jpg"
-         alt="Plan to illustrate the Battle of Issus" />
-    <p class="caption">
-      <span class="x_link"><a href="images/ill_a002dx.jpg"><img
-        src="images/xpnd.jpg"
-        alt="Enlarge"
-        title="Enlarge" /></a>&nbsp;</span>
-      PLAN to illustrate the BATTLE <small>OF</small> ISSUS.
-    </p>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter" id="ToC">
-  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iii">[p. iii]</span></p>
-  <h2 class="nobreak">CONTENTS.<br />
-  <span class="large">VOL. XII.</span></h2>
-  <hr class="sep" />
-</div>
-
-<div class="contents">
-
-<p class="chap">CHAPTER XCI.</p>
-
-<p class="subchap">FIRST PERIOD OF THE REIGN OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT —
-SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF&nbsp;THEBES.</p>
-
-<p class="mt1">State of Greece at Alexander’s accession — dependence
-on the Macedonian kings. — Unwilling subjection of the Greeks
-— influence of Grecian intelligence on Macedonia. — Basis of
-Alexander’s character — not Hellenic. — Boyhood and Education
-of Alexander. — He receives instruction from Aristotle. — Early
-political action and maturity of Alexander — his quarrels with his
-father. Family discord. — Uncertainty of Alexander’s position during
-the last year of Philip. — Impression produced by the sudden death
-of Philip. — Accession of Alexander — his energy and judgment.
-— Accomplices of Pausanias are slain by Alexander — Amyntas and
-others are slain by him also. — Sentiment at Athens on the death of
-Philip — language of Demosthenes — inclination to resist Macedonia,
-yet without overt act. — Discontent in Greece — but no positive
-movement. — March of Alexander into Greece — submission of Athens.
-— Alexander is chosen Imperator of the Greeks in the convention at
-Corinth — continued refusal of concurrence by Sparta. — Conditions
-of the vote thus passed — privileges granted to the cities. —
-Authority claimed by Alexander under the convention — degradation
-of the leading Grecian states. — Encroachments and tyranny of the
-Macedonian officers in Greece — complaints of the orators at Athens.
-— Violations of the convention at sea by Macedonian officers.
-— Language of the complaining Athenians — they insist only on
-strict observance of the convention. Boldness of their language. —
-Encouragements held out by Persia to the Greeks. — Correspondence
-of Demosthenes with Persia — justifiable and politic. — March of
-Alexander into Thrace. He forces his way over Mount Hæmus. — His
-victory over the Triballi. — He crosses the Danube, defeats the Getæ,
-and returns back. — Embassy of Gauls to Alexander. His self-conceit.
-— Victories of Alexander over Kleitus and the Illyrians. — The
-Thebans declare their independence against Macedonia. — They are
-encouraged by Alexander’s long absence in Thrace, and by reports
-of his death. — The Theban exiles from Athens get possession of
-Thebes. — They besiege the Macedonians in the Kadmeia, and entreat
-aid from other Greeks. Favorable sympathies shown towards them,
-but no positive aid. — Chances of Thebes and liberation, not
-unfavorable. — Rapid march and unexpected arrival of Alexander
-with his army before Thebes. His good fortune as to the time<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_iv">[p. iv]</span> of hearing the news. —
-Siege of Thebes. Proclamation of Alexander. Determination of the
-Thebans to resist. — Capture of Thebes by assault. Massacre of the
-population. — Thebes is razed; the Theban captives sold as slaves;
-the territory distributed among the neighboring cities. — The Kadmeia
-is occupied as a Macedonian Military post. Retribution upon the
-Thebans from Orchomenus and Platæa. — Sentiments of Alexander, at
-the time and afterwards, respecting the destruction of Thebes. —
-Extreme terror spread throughout Greece. Sympathy of the Athenians
-towards the Theban exiles. — Alexander demands the surrender of the
-chief anti-Macedonian leaders at Athens. Memorable debate at Athens.
-The demand refused. — Embassy of the Athenians to Alexander. He is
-persuaded to acquiesce in the refusal, and to be satisfied with the
-banishment of Charidemus and Ephialtes. — Influence of Phokion in
-obtaining these milder terms — his increased ascendency at Athens.
-— Alexander at Corinth — obedience of the Grecian synod — interview
-with the philosopher Diogenes. — Reconstitution of Orchomenus and
-Platæa. Return of Alexander to Pella. — Military operations of
-Parmenio in Asia Minor against Memnon.</p>
-
-<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_91">1-49</a></p>
-
-
-<p class="chap">CHAPTER XCII.</p>
-
-<p class="subchap">ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER.</p>
-
-<p class="mt1">During Alexander’s reign, the history of Greece is
-nearly a blank. To what extent the Asiatic projects of Alexander
-belonged to Grecian history. — Pan-hellenic pretences set up by
-Alexander. The real feeling of the Greeks was adverse to his success.
-— Analogy of Alexander’s relation to the Greeks — with those of the
-Emperor Napoleon to the Confederation of the Rhine. — Greece an
-appendage, but a valuable appendage, to Macedonia. — Extraordinary
-military endowments and capacity of Alexander. — Changes in Grecian
-warfare, antecedent and contributory to the military organization of
-Macedonia. — Macedonian military condition before Philip. Good and
-firm cavalry: poor infantry. — Philip re-arms and reorganizes the
-infantry. Long Macedonian pike or sarissa. — Macedonian phalanx — how
-armed and arrayed. — It was originally destined to contend against
-the Grecian hoplites as organized by Epaminondas. — Regiments and
-divisions of the phalanx — heavy-armed infantry. — Light infantry of
-the line — Hypaspistæ, or Guards. — Light troops generally — mostly
-foreigners. — Macedonian cavalry — its excellence — how regimented.
-— The select Macedonian Body-guards. The Royal Pages. — Foreign
-auxiliaries — Grecian hoplites — Thessalian cavalry — Pæonians —
-Illyrians — Thracians, etc. — Magazines, war-office, and depôt, at
-Pella. — Macedonian aptitudes — purely military — military pride
-stood to them in lieu of national sentiment. — Measures of Alexander
-previous to his departure for Asia. Antipater left as viceroy at
-Pella. — March of Alexander to the Hellespont. Passage across to
-Asia. — Visit of Alexander to Ilium. — Analogy of Alexander to the
-Greek heroes. — Review and total of the Macedonian army in Asia. —
-Chief Macedonian officers. — Greeks in Alexander’s service — Eumenes
-of Kardia. — Persian forces — Mentor and Memnon the Rhodians. —
-Succession of the Persian crown — Ochus — Darius Codomannus. —
-Preparations of Darius for defence. — Operations of Memnon before
-Alexander’s arrival. — Superiority of the<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_v">[p. v]</span> Persians at sea: their imprudence in
-letting Alexander cross the Hellespont unopposed. — Persian force
-assembled in Phrygia, under Arsites and others. — Advice of Memnon,
-to avoid fighting on land, and to employ the fleet for aggressive
-warfare in Macedonia and Greece. — Arsites rejects Memnon’s advice,
-and determines to fight. — The Persians take post on the river
-Granikus. — Alexander reaches the Granikus, and resolves to force
-the passage at once, in spite of the dissuasion of Permenio. —
-Disposition of the two armies. — Battle of the Granikus. — Cavalry
-battle. — Personal danger of Alexander. His life saved by Kleitus.
-Complete victory of Alexander. Destruction of the Grecian infantry on
-the side of the Persians. — Loss of the Persians — numbers of their
-leading men slain. — Small loss of the Macedonians. — Alexander’s
-kindness to his wounded soldiers, and severe treatment of the Grecian
-prisoners. — Unskilfulness of the Persian leaders. Immense impression
-produced by Alexander’s victory. — Terror and submission of the
-Asiatics to Alexander. Surrender of the strong fortress of Sardis. —
-He marches from Sardis to the coast. Capture of Ephesus. — He finds
-the first resistance at Miletus. — Near approach of the Persian
-fleet. Memnon is made commander-in-chief of the Persians. — The
-Macedonian fleet occupies the harbor of Miletus, and keeps out the
-Persians. Alexander declines naval combat. His debate with Parmenio.
-— Alexander besieges Miletus. Capture of the city. — The Persian
-fleet retires to Halikarnassus. Alexander disbands his own fleet. —
-March of Alexander to Halikarnassus. Ada queen of Karia joins him.
-Strong garrison, and good defensive preparation, at Halikarnassus.
-— Siege of Halikarnassus. Bravery of the garrison, under Ephialtes
-the Athenian. — Desperate sally of Ephialtes — at first successful,
-but repulsed — he himself is slain. — Memnon is forced to abandon
-Halikarnassus, and withdraw the garrison by sea, retaining only
-the citadel. Alexander enters Halikarnassus. — Winter campaign
-of Alexander along the southern coast of Asia Minor. — Alexander
-concludes his winter campaign at Gordium. Capture of Kelænæ. —
-Appendix on the Macedonian Sarissa.</p>
-
-<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_92">49-104</a></p>
-
-
-<p class="chap">CHAPTER XCIII.</p>
-
-<p class="subchap">SECOND AND THIRD ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER —
-BATTLE OF ISSUS — SIEGE OF&nbsp;TYRE.</p>
-
-<p class="mt1">Alexander cuts the Gordian knot. — He refuses the
-liberation of the Athenian prisoners. — Progress of Memnon and
-the Persian fleet — they acquire Chios and a large part of Lesbos
-— they besiege Mitylene. Death of Memnon. Capture of Mitylene. —
-Hopes excited in Greece by the Persian fleet, but ruined by the
-death of Memnon. — Memnon’s death an irreparable mischief to Darius.
-— Change in Darius’s plan caused by this event. He resolves to
-take the offensive on land. His immense land-force. — Free speech
-and sound judgment of Charidemus. He is put to death by Darius. —
-Darius abandoned Memnon’s plans, just at the time when he had the
-best defensive position for executing them with effect. — Darius
-recalls the Grecian mercenaries from the fleet. — Criticism of
-Arrian on Darius’s plan. — March of Alexander from Gordium through
-Paphlagonia and Kappadokia. — He arrives at the line of Mount Taurus
-— difficulties of the pass. — Conduct of Arsames, the Persian
-satrap.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">[p. vi]</span> Alexander
-passes Mount Taurus without the least resistance. He enters Tarsus.
-— Dangerous illness of Alexander. His confidence in the physician
-Philippus, who cures him. — Operations of Alexander in Kilikia. —
-March of Alexander out of Kilikia, through Issus, to Myriandrus.
-— March of Darius from the interior to the eastern side of Mount
-Amanus. Immense numbers of his army: great wealth and ostentation in
-it: the treasure and baggage sent to Damascus. — Position of Darius
-on the plain eastward of Mount Amanus. He throws open the mountain
-passes, to let Alexander come through and fight a pitched battle.
-— Impatience of Darius at the delay of Alexander in Kilikia. He
-crosses Mount Amanus to attack Alexander in the defiles of Kilikia.
-— He arrives in Alexander’s rear, and captures Issus. — Return of
-Alexander from Myriandrus: his address to his army. — Position of the
-Macedonian army south of the river Pinarus. — Position of the Persian
-army north of the Pinarus. — Battle of Issus. — Alarm and immediate
-flight of Darius — defeat of the Persians. — Vigorous and destructive
-pursuit by Alexander — capture of the mother and wife of Darius.
-— Courteous treatment of the regal female prisoners by Alexander.
-— Complete dispersion of the Persian army — Darius recrosses the
-Euphrates — escape of some Perso-Grecian mercenaries. — Prodigious
-effect produced by the victory of Issus. — Effects produced in
-Greece by the battle of Issus. Anti-Macedonian projects crushed. —
-Capture of Damascus by the Macedonians, with the Persian treasure
-and prisoners. Capture and treatment of the Athenian Iphikrates.
-Altered relative position of Greeks and Macedonians. — Alexander
-in Phenicia. Aradus, Byblus, and Sidon open their gates to him. —
-Letter of Darius soliciting peace and the restitution of the regal
-captives. Haughty reply of Alexander. — Importance of the voluntary
-surrender of the Phenician towns to Alexander. — Alexander appears
-before Tyre — readiness of the Tyrians to surrender, yet not without
-a point reserved — he determines to besiege the city. — Exorbitant
-dispositions and conduct of Alexander. — He prepares to besiege Tyre
-— situation of the place. — Chances of the Tyrians — their resolution
-not unreasonable. — Alexander constructs a mole across the strait
-between Tyre and the mainland. The project is defeated. — Surrender
-of the princes of Cyprus to Alexander — He gets hold of the main
-Phenician and Cyprian fleet. — He appears before Tyre with a numerous
-fleet, and blocks up the place by sea. — Capture of Tyre by storm
-— desperate resistance by the citizens. — Surviving males, 2000 in
-number, hanged by order of Alexander — The remaining captives sold.
-— Duration of the siege for seven months. Sacrifice of Alexander to
-Herakles. — Second letter from Darius to Alexander, who requires
-unconditional submission. — The Macedonian fleet overpowers the
-Persian and becomes master of the Ægean with the islands. — March
-of Alexander towards Egypt — siege of Gaza. — His first assaults
-fail — he is wounded — he erects an immense mound round the town. —
-Gaza is taken by storm, after a siege of two months. — The garrison
-are all slain, except the governor Batis, who becomes prisoner,
-severely wounded. — Wrath of Alexander against Batis, whom he causes
-to be tied to a chariot, and dragged round the town. — Alexander
-enters Egypt, and occupies it without resistance — He determines on
-founding Alexandria. — His visit to the temple and oracle of Ammon.
-The oracle proclaims him to be the son of Zeus. — Arrangements made by
-Alexander at Memphis. — Grecian prisoners brought from the Ægean. —
-He proceeds to Phenicia — message from Athens. Splendid festivals.
-Reinforcements sent to Antipater. — He marches to the Euphrates —
-crosses it without opposition at Thapsakus. — March across from
-the Euphrates to the Ti<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">[p.
-vii]</span>gris. Alexander fords the Tigris above Nineveh, without
-resistance. — Eclipse of the moon. Alexander approaches near the
-army of Darius in position. — Inaction of Darius since the defeat
-at Issus. — Paralyzing effect upon him produced by the captivity
-of his mother and wife. — Good treatment of the captive females by
-Alexander — necessary to keep up their value as hostages. — Immense
-army collected by Darius, in the plains eastward of the Tigris — near
-Arbela. — He fixes the spot for encamping and awaiting the attack
-of Alexander — in a level plain near Gaugamela. — His equipment and
-preparation — better arms — numerous scythed chariots — elephants.
-— Position and battle array of Darius. — Preliminary movements of
-Alexander — discussions with Parmenio and other officers. His careful
-reconnoitring in person. — Dispositions of Alexander for the attack —
-array of the troops. — Battle of Arbela. — Cowardice of Darius — he
-sets the example of flight — defeat of the Persians. — Combat on the
-Persian right between Mazæus and Parmenio. Flight of the Persian host
-— energetic pursuit by Alexander. — Escape of Darius. Capture of the
-Persian camp, and of Arbela. — Loss in the battle. Completeness of
-the victory. Entire and irreparable dispersion of the Persian army.
-— Causes of the defeat — cowardice of Darius. Uselessness of his
-immense numbers. — Generalship of Alexander. — Surrender of Babylon
-and Susa, the two great capitals of Persia. Alexander enters Babylon.
-Immense treasures acquired in both places. — Alexander acts as king
-of Persia, and nominates satraps. He marches to Susa. He remodels
-the divisions of his army. — Alexander marches into Persis proper —
-he conquers the refractory Uxii, in the intermediate mountains. —
-Difficult pass called the Susian Gates, on the way to Persepolis.
-Ariobarzanes the satrap repulses Alexander, who finds means to turn
-the pass, and conquer it. — Alexander enters Persepolis. Mutilated
-Grecian captives. — Immense wealth, and national monuments of every
-sort, accumulated in Persepolis. — Alexander appropriates and
-carries away the regal treasures, and then gives up Persepolis to be
-plundered and burnt by the soldiers. — Alexander rests his troops,
-and employs himself in conquering the rest of Persis. — Darius a
-fugitive in Media.</p>
-
-<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_93">104-178</a></p>
-
-
-<p class="chap">CHAPTER XCIV.</p>
-
-<p class="subchap">MILITARY OPERATIONS AND CONQUESTS OF
-ALEXANDER, AFTER HIS WINTER QUARTERS IN PERSIS, DOWN TO HIS DEATH
-AT&nbsp;BABYLON.</p>
-
-<p class="mt1">The first four Asiatic campaigns of Alexander — their
-direct bearing and importance in reference to Grecian history. —
-His last seven years, farther eastward, had no similar bearing upon
-Greece. — Darius at Ekbatana — seeks escape towards Baktria, when
-he hears of Alexander approaching. — Alexander enters Ekbatana —
-establishes there his depôt and base of operations. — Alexander sends
-home the Thessalian cavalry — necessity for him now to pursue a more
-desultory warfare. — Alexander pursues Darius to the Caspian Gates,
-but fails in overtaking him. — Conspiracy formed against Darius by
-Bessus and others, who seize his person. — Prodigious efforts of
-Alexander to overtake and get possession of Darius. He surprises the
-Persian corps, but Bessus puts Darius to death. — Disappointment
-of Alexander when he missed taking<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_viii">[p. viii]</span> Darius alive. Regal funeral bestowed
-upon Darius. His fate and conduct. — Repose of Alexander and his army
-at Hekatompylus in Parthia. Commencing alteration in his demeanor. He
-becomes Asiatized and despotic. — Gradual aggravation of these new
-habits, from the present moment. — Alexander conquers the mountains
-immediately south of the Caspian. He requires the Greek mercenaries
-to surrender at discretion. Envoys from Sparta and other Greek
-cities brought to him — how treated. — March of Alexander farther
-Eastward — his successes in Asia and Drangiana. — Proceedings against
-Philotas, son of Parmenio, in Drangiana. Military greatness and
-consideration of the family. — Revelation of an intended conspiracy
-made by Kebalinus to Philotas, for the purpose of being communicated
-to Alexander. Philotas does not mention it to Alexander. It is
-communicated to the latter through another channel. — Alexander is at
-first angry with Philotas, but accepts his explanation, and professes
-to pass over the fact. — Ancient grudge against Philotas — advantage
-taken of the incident to ruin him. — Kraterus and others are jealous
-of Parmenio and Philotas. Alexander is persuaded to put them both
-to death. — Arrest of Philotas. Alexander accuses him before the
-assembled soldiers. He is condemned. — Philotas is put to the
-torture, and forced to confess, both against himself and Parmenio. —
-Parmenio is slain at Ekbatana, by order and contrivance of Alexander.
-Mutiny of the soldiers when they learn the assassination of Parmenio
-— appeased by the production of Alexander’s order. — Fear and disgust
-produced by the killing of Parmenio and Philotas. — Conquest of
-the Paropamisadæ, etc. Foundation of Alexandria <i>ad Caucasum</i>. —
-Alexander crosses the Hindoo-Koosh, and conquers Baktria. Bessus
-is made prisoner. — Massacre of the Branchidæ and their families,
-perpetrated by Alexander in Sogdiana. — Alexander at Marakanda and
-on the Jaxartes. — Foundation of Alexandria <i>ad Jaxartem</i>. Limit
-of march northward. — Alexander at Zariaspa in Baktria — he causes
-Bessus to be mutilated and slain. — Farther subjugation of Baktria
-and Sogdiana. Halt at Marakanda. — Banquet at Marakanda. — Character
-and position of Kleitus. — Boasts of Alexander and his flatterers —
-repugnance of Macedonian officers felt but not expressed. — Scene
-at the banquet — vehement remonstrance of Kleitus. — Furious wrath
-of Alexander — he murders Kleitus. — Intense remorse of Alexander,
-immediately after the deed. — Active and successful operations of
-Alexander in Sogdiana. — Capture of two inexpugnable positions —
-the Sogdian rock — the rock of Choriênes. Passion of Alexander for
-Roxana. — Alexander at Baktra — marriage with Roxana. His demand for
-prostration or worship from all. — Public harangue of Anaxarchus
-during a banquet, exhorting every one to render this worship. —
-Public reply of Kallisthenes, opposing it. Character and history
-of Kallisthenes. — The reply of Kallisthenes is favorably heard by
-the guests — the proposition for worship is dropped. — Coldness and
-disfavor of Alexander towards Kallisthenes. — Honorable frankness and
-courage of Kallisthenes. — Kallisthenes becomes odious to Alexander.
-— Conspiracy of the royal pages against Alexander’s life — it is
-divulged — they are put to torture, but implicate no one else; they
-are put to death. — Kallisthenes is arrested as an accomplice —
-antipathy manifested by Alexander against him and against Aristotle
-also. — Kallisthenes is tortured and hanged. — Alexander reduces the
-country between the Hindoo-Koosh and the Indus. — Conquest of tribes
-on the right bank of the Indus — the rock of Aornos. — Alexander
-crosses the Indus — forces the passage of the Hydaspes, defeating
-Porus — generous treatment of Porus. — His farther conquests in the
-Punjab. Sangala the last of them. — He reaches the Hyphasis<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">[p. ix]</span> (Sutledge), the farthest
-of the rivers of the Punjab. His army refuses to march farther. —
-Alexander returns to the Hydaspes. — He constructs a fleet and sails
-down the Hydaspes and the Indus. Dangerous wound of Alexander in
-attacking the Malli. — New cities and posts to be established on
-the Indus — Alexander reaches the ocean — effect of the first sight
-of tides. — March of Alexander by land westward through the desert
-of Gedrosia — sufferings and losses in the army. — Alexander and
-the army come back to Persis. — Conduct of Alexander at Persepolis.
-Punishment of the satrap Orsines. — He marches to Susa — junction
-with the fleet under Nearchus, after it had sailed round from the
-mouth of the Indus. — Alexander at Susa as Great King. Subjects of
-uneasiness to him — the satraps — the Macedonian soldiers. — Past
-conduct of the satraps — several of them are punished by Alexander
-— alarm among them all — flight of Harpalus. — Discontents of the
-Macedonian soldiers with the Asiatizing intermarriages promoted by
-Alexander. — Their discontent with the new Asiatic soldiers levied
-and disciplined by Alexander. — Interest of Alexander in the fleet,
-which sails up the Tigris to Opis. — Notice of partial discharge
-to the Macedonian soldiers — they mutiny — wrath of Alexander —
-he disbands them all. — Remorse and humiliation of the soldiers
-— Alexander is appeased — reconciliation. — Partial disbanding —
-body of veterans placed under command of Kraterus to return — New
-projects of conquests contemplated by Alexander — measures for
-enlarging his fleet. — Visit to Ekbatana — death of Hephæstion —
-violent sorrow of Alexander. — Alexander exterminates the Kossæi.
-— March of Alexander to Babylon. Numerous embassies which met him
-on the way. — Alexander at Babylon — his great preparations for the
-circumnavigation and conquest of Arabia. — Alexander on shipboard, on
-the Euphrates and in the marshes adjoining. His plans for improving
-the navigation and flow of the river. — Large reinforcements arrive,
-Grecian and Asiatic. New array ordered by Alexander, for Macedonians
-and Persians in the same files and companies. — Splendid funeral
-obsequies of Hephæstion. — General feasting and intemperance in the
-army. Alexander is seized with a dangerous fever. Details of his
-illness. — No hope of his life. Consternation and grief in the army.
-Last interview with his soldiers. His death — Effect produced on the
-imagination of contemporaries by the career and death of Alexander.
-— Had Alexander lived, he must have achieved things greater still.
-— Question raised by Livy, about the chances of Alexander if he had
-attacked the Romans. — Unrivalled excellence as a military man. —
-Alexander as a ruler, apart from military affairs — not deserving
-of esteem. — Alexander would have continued the system of the
-Persian empire, with no other improvement except that of a strong
-organization. — Absence of nationality in Alexander — purpose of
-fusing the different varieties of mankind into one common type of
-subjection. — Mistake of supposing Alexander to be the intentional
-diffuser of Greek civilization. His ideas compared with those of
-Aristotle. — Number of new cities founded in Asia by Alexander. — It
-was not Alexander, but the Diadochi after him, who chiefly hellenized
-Asia. — How far Asia was ever really hellenized — the great fact was,
-that the Greek language became universally diffused. — Greco-Asiatic
-cities. — Increase of the means of communication between various
-parts of the world. — Interest of Alexander in science and
-literature — not great.</p>
-
-<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_94">178-274</a></p>
-
-
-<p class="chap"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">[p.
-x]</span>CHAPTER XCV.</p>
-
-<p class="subchap">GRECIAN AFFAIRS FROM THE LANDING OF ALEXANDER IN
-ASIA TO THE CLOSE OF THE LAMIAN WAR.</p>
-
-<p class="mt1">State of the Grecian world when Alexander crossed
-the Hellespont. — Grecian spirit might have been called into action
-if the Persians had played their game well. — Hopes raised in
-Greece, first by the Persian fleet in the Ægean, next by the two
-great Persian armies on land. — Public acts and policy at Athens
-— decidedly pacific. — Phokion and Demades were leading ministers
-at Athens — they were of macedonizing politics. — Demosthenes and
-Lykurgus, though not in the ascendent politically, are nevertheless
-still public men of importance. Financial activity of Lykurgus. —
-Position of Demosthenes — his prudent conduct — Anti-Macedonian
-movement from Sparta — King Agis visits the Persian admirals in the
-Ægean. His attempts both in Krete and in the Peloponnesus. — Agis
-levies an army in Peloponnesus, and makes open declaration against
-Antipater. — Agis, at first partially successful, is completely
-defeated by Antipater, and slain. — Complete submission of all
-Greece to Antipater — Spartan envoys sent up to Alexander in Asia.
-— Untoward result of the defensive efforts of Greece — want of
-combination. — Position of parties at Athens during the struggle
-of Agis — reaction of the macedonizing party after his defeat. —
-Judicial contest between Æschines and Demosthenes. Preliminary
-circumstances as to the proposition of Ktesiphon, and the indictment
-by Æschines. — Accusatory harangue of Æschines, nominally against
-the proposition of Ktesiphon, really against the political life of
-Demosthenes. — Appreciation of Æschines, on independent evidence,
-as an accuser of Demosthenes. — Reply of Demosthenes — oration De
-Coronâ. — Funeral oration of extinct Grecian freedom. — Verdict of
-the Dikasts — triumph of Demosthenes — exile of Æschines. — Causes
-of the exile of Æschines — he was the means of procuring coronation
-for Demosthenes. — Subsequent accusation against Demosthenes,
-in the affair of Harpalus. — Flight of Harpalus to Athens — his
-previous conduct and relations with Athens. — False reports conveyed
-to Alexander, that the Athenians had identified themselves with
-Harpalus. — Circumstances attending the arrival of Harpalus at Sunium
-— debate in the Athenian assembly — promises held out by Harpalus —
-the Athenians seem at first favorably disposed towards him. — Phokion
-and Demosthenes both agree in dissuading the Athenians from taking up
-Harpalus. — Demand by Antipater for the surrender of Harpalus — the
-Athenians refuse to comply, but they arrest Harpalus and sequestrate
-his treasure for Alexander. — Demosthenes moves the decree for
-arrest of Harpalus, who is arrested, but escapes. — Conduct of
-Demosthenes in regard to the treasure of Harpalus — deficiency of
-the sum counted and realized, as compared with the sum announced by
-Harpalus. — Suspicions about this money — Demosthenes moves that
-the Areopagus shall investigate the matter — the Areopagites bring
-in a report against Demosthenes himself, with Demades and others,
-as guilty of corrupt appropriation. Demosthenes is tried on this
-charge, condemned, and goes into exile. — Was Demosthenes guilty of
-such corrupt appropriation? Circumstances as known in the case. —
-Demosthenes could not have received the money from Harpalus, since
-he opposed him from first to last. — Had Demosthenes the means of
-embez<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">[p. xi]</span>zling, after
-the money had passed out of the control of Harpalus? Answer in the
-negative. Accusatory speech of Deinarchus — virulent invective
-destitute of facts. — Change of mind respecting Demosthenes, in the
-Athenean public, in a few months. — Probable reality of the case,
-respecting the money of Harpalus, and the sentence of the Areopagus.
-— Rescript of Alexander to the Grecian cities, directing that the
-exiles should be recalled in each. — Purpose of the rescript — to
-provide partisans for Alexander in each of the cities. Discontents
-in Greece. — Effect produced in Greece, by the death of Alexander.
-The Athenians declare themselves champions of the liberation of
-Greece, in spite of Phokion’s opposition. — The Ætolians and many
-other Greeks join the confederacy for liberation — activity of
-the Athenian Leosthenes as General. — Athenian envoys sent round
-to invite co-operation from the various Greeks. — Assistance lent
-to the Athenian envoys by Demosthenes, though in exile. — He is
-recalled to Athens, and receives an enthusiastic welcome. — Large
-Grecian confederacy against Antipater — nevertheless without Sparta.
-Bœotia strongly in the Macedonian interest. Leosthenes with the
-confederate army marches into Thessaly. — Battle in Thessaly —
-victory of Leosthenes over Antipater, who is compelled to throw
-himself into Lamia, and await succors from Asia — Leosthenes forms
-the blockade of Lamia: he is slain. — Misfortune of the death of
-Leosthenes. Antiphilus is named in his place. Relaxed efforts of
-the Grecian army. — Leonnatus, with a Macedonian army from Asia,
-arrives in Thessaly. His defeat and death. — Antipater escapes from
-Lamia, and takes the command. — War carried on by sea between the
-Macedonian and Athenian fleets. — Reluctance of the Greek contingents
-to remain on long-continued service. The army in Thessaly is thinned
-by many returning home. — Expected arrival of Kraterus to reinforce
-Antipater. Relations between the Macedonian officers. — State of the
-regal family, and of the Macedonian generals and soldiery, after
-the death of Alexander. — Philip Aridæus is proclaimed king: the
-satrapies are distributed among the principal officers. — Perdikkas
-the chief representative of central authority, assisted by Eumenes
-of Kardia. — List of projects entertained by Alexander at the time
-of his death. The generals dismiss them as too vast. — Plans of
-Leonnatus and Kleopatra. — Kraterus joins Antipater in Macedonia
-with a powerful army. Battle of Krannon in Thessaly. Antipater gains
-a victory over the Greeks though not a complete one. — Antiphilus
-tries to open negotiations with Antipater, who refuses to treat
-except with each city singly. Discouragement among the Greeks. Each
-city treats separately. Antipater grants favorable terms to all,
-except Athenians and Ætolians. Antipater and his army in Bœotia —
-Athens left alone and unable to resist. Demosthenes and the other
-anti-Macedonian orators take flight. Embassy of Phokion, Xenokrates,
-and others to Antipater. — Severe terms imposed upon Athens by
-Antipater. — Disfranchisement and deportation of the 12,000 poorest
-Athenian citizens. — Hardship suffered by the deported poor of Athens
-— Macedonian garrison placed in Munychia. — Demosthenes, Hyperides,
-and others, are condemned to death in their absence. Antipater sends
-officers to track and seize the Grecian exiles. He puts Hyperides
-to death. — Demosthenes in sanctuary at Kalauria — Archias with
-Thracian soldiers comes to seize him — he takes poison, and dies. —
-Miserable condition of Greece — life and character of Demosthenes.
-— Dishonorable position of Phokion at Athens under the Macedonian
-occupation.</p>
-
-<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_95">275-331</a></p>
-
-
-<p class="chap"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">[p.
-xii]</span>CHAPTER XCVI.</p>
-
-<p class="subchap">FROM THE LAMIAN WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE HISTORY OF
-FREE HELLAS AND&nbsp;HELLENISM.</p>
-
-<p class="mt1">Antipater purges and remodels the Peloponnesian
-cities. He attacks the Ætolians, with a view of departing them
-across to Asia. His presence becomes necessary in Asia: he concludes
-a pacification with the Ætolians. — Plans of Perdikkas — intrigues
-with the princesses at Pella. — Antigonus detects the intrigues,
-and reveals them to Antipater and Kraterus. — Unpropitious turn of
-fortune for the Greeks, in reference to the Lamian war. — Antipater
-and Kraterus in Asia — Perdikkas marches to attack Ptolemy in Egypt,
-but is killed by a mutiny of his own troops. Union of Antipater,
-Ptolemy, Antigonus, etc. New distribution of the satrapies, made at
-Triparadeisus. — War between Antigonus and Eumenes in Asia. Energy
-and ability of Eumenes. He is worsted and blocked up in Nora. —
-Sickness and death of Antipater. The Athenian orator Demades is put
-to death in Macedonia — Antipater sets aside his son Kassander, and
-names Polysperchon viceroy. Discontent and opposition of Kassander.
-— Kassander sets up for himself, gets possession of Munychia, and
-forms alliance with Ptolemy and Antigonus against Polysperchon.
-Plans of Polysperchon — alliance with Olympias in Europe, and
-with Eumenes in Asia — enfranchisement of the Grecian cities. —
-Ineffectual attempts of Eumenes to uphold the imperial dynasty in
-Asia: his gallantry and ability: he is betrayed by his own soldiers,
-and slain by Antigonus. — Edict issued by Polysperchon at Pella,
-in the name of the imperial dynasty — subverting the Antipatrian
-oligarchies in the Grecian cities, restoring political exiles, and
-granting free constitutions to each. — Letters and measures of
-Polysperchon to enforce the edict. State of Athens: exiles returning:
-complicated political parties: danger of Phokion. — Negotiations
-of the Athenians with Nikanor, governor of Munychia for Kassander.
-— Nikanor seizes Peiræus by surprise. Phokion, though forewarned,
-takes no precautions against it. — Mischief to the Athenians, as
-well as to Polysperchon, from Nikanor’s occupation of Peiræus;
-culpable negligence, and probable collusion, of Phokion. — Arrival
-of Alexander (son of Polysperchon): his treacherous policy to
-the Athenians; Kassander reaches Peiræus. — Intrigues of Phokion
-with Alexander — he tries to secure for himself the protection of
-Alexander against the Athenians. — Return of the deported exiles
-to Athens — public vote passed in the Athenian assembly against
-Phokion and his colleagues. Phokion leaves the city, is protected
-by Alexander, and goes to meet Polysperchon, in Phokis. — Agnonides
-and others are sent as deputies to Polysperchon, to accuse Phokion
-and to claim the benefit of the regal edict. — Agnonides and Phokion
-are heard before Polysperchon — Phokion and his colleagues are
-delivered up as prisoners to the Athenians. Phokion is conveyed
-as prisoner to Athens, and brought for trial before the assembly.
-Motion of his friends for exclusion of non-qualified persons. —
-Intense exasperation of the returned exiles against Phokion — grounds
-for that feeling. — Phokion is condemned to death — vindictive
-manifestation against him in the assembly, furious and unanimous.
-— Death of Phokion and his four colleagues. — Alteration of the
-sentiment of the Athenians towards Phokion, not long afterwards.
-Honors shown<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiii">[p. xiii]</span>
-to his memory. — Explanation of this alteration. Kassander gets
-possession of Athens and restores the oligarchical or Phokionic
-party. — Life and character of Phokion. — War between Polysperchon
-and Kassander, in Attica and Peloponnesus. Polysperchon is repulsed
-in the siege of Megalopolis, and also defeated at sea. — Increased
-strength of Kassander in Greece — he gets possession of Athens. —
-Restoration of the oligarchical government at Athens, though in a
-mitigated form, under the Phalerean Demetrius. — Administration of
-the Phalerean Demetrius at Athens, in a moderate spirit. Census
-taken of the Athenian population — Kassander in Peloponnesus — many
-cities join him — the Spartans surround their city with walls. —
-Feud in the Macedonian imperial family — Olympias puts to death
-Philip Aridæus and Eurydikê — she reigns in Macedonia: her bloody
-revenge against the partisans of Antipater. — Kassander passes into
-Macedonia — defeats Olympias, and becomes master of the country —
-Olympias is besieged in Pydna, captured, and put to death. — Great
-power of Antigonus in Asia. Confederacy of Kassander, Lysimachus,
-Ptolemy, and Seleukus against him. — Kassander founds Kassandreia,
-and restores Thebes. — Measures of Antigonus against Kassander — he
-promises freedom to the Grecian cities — Ptolemy promises the like.
-Great power of Kassander in Greece. — Forces of Antigonus in Greece.
-Considerable success against Kassander. — Pacification between the
-belligerents. Grecian autonomy guaranteed in name by all. Kassander
-puts to death Roxana and her child. — Polysperchon espouses the
-pretensions of Herakles, son of Alexander, against Kassander. He
-enters into compact with Kassander, assassinates the young prince,
-and is recognized as ruler of Southern Greece. — Assassination
-of Kleopatra, last surviving relative of Alexander the Great, by
-Antigonus. — Ptolemy of Egypt in Greece — after some successes, he
-concludes a truce with Kassander. Passiveness of the Grecian cities.
-— Sudden arrival of Demetrius Poliorketes in Peiræus. The Athenians
-declare in his favor. Demetrius Phalereus retires to Egypt. Capture
-of Munychia and Megara. — Demetrius Poliorketes enters Athens in
-triumph. He promises restoration of the democracy. Extravagant votes
-of flattery passed by the Athenians towards him. Two new Athenian
-tribes created. — Alteration of tone and sentiment in Athens, during
-the last thirty years. — Contrast of Athens as proclaimed free by
-Demetrius Poliorketes, with Athens after the expulsion of Hippias.
-— Opposition made by Demochares, nephew of Demosthenes, to these
-obsequious public flatteries. — Demetrius Phalereus condemned in his
-absence. Honorable commemoration of the deceased orator Lykurgus.
-Restrictive law passed against the philosophers — they all leave
-Athens. The law is repealed next year, and the philosophers return
-to Athens. — Exploits of Demetrius Poliorketes. His long siege of
-Rhodes. Gallant and successful resistance of the citizens. — His
-prolonged war, and ultimate success in Greece, against Kassander. —
-Return of Demetrius Poliorketes to Athens — his triumphant reception
-— memorable Ithyphallic hymn addressed to him. — Helpless condition
-of the Athenians — proclaimed by themselves. — Idolatry shown to
-Demetrius at Athens. He is initiate in the Eleusinian mysteries,
-out of the regular season. — March of Demetrius into Thessaly — he
-passes into Asia and joins Antigonus — great battle of Ipsus, in
-which the four confederates completely defeat Antigonus, who is
-slain and his Asiatic power broken up and partitioned. — Restoration
-of the Kassandrian dominion in Greece. Lachares makes himself
-despot at Athens, under Kassander. Demetrius Poliorketes returns,
-and expels Lachares. He garrisons Peiræus and Munychia. — Death of
-Kassander. Bloody feuds among his family.<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_xiv">[p. xiv]</span> — Demetrius acquires the crown of
-Macedonia. — Antigonus Gonatas (son of Demetrius) master of Macedonia
-and Greece. Permanent rule of the Antigonid dynasty in Macedonia,
-until the conquest of that country by the Romans. — Spirit of the
-Greeks broken — isolation of the cities from each other by Antigonus.
-— The Greece of Polybius cannot form a subject of history by itself,
-but only as an appendage to foreign neighbors. — Evidence of the
-political nullity of Athens — public decree in honor of Demochares —
-what acts are recorded as his titles to public gratitude.</p>
-
-<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_96">331-393</a></p>
-
-
-<p class="chap">CHAPTER XCVII.</p>
-
-<p class="subchap">SICILIAN AND ITALIAN GREEKS — AGATHOKLES.</p>
-
-<p class="mt1">Constitution established by Timoleon at Syracuse —
-afterwards exchanged for an oligarchy. — Italian Greeks — pressed
-upon by enemies from the interior — Archidamus king of Sparta slain
-in Italy. — Growth of the Molossian kingdom of Epirus, through
-Macedonian aid — Alexander the Molossian king brother of Olympias. —
-The Molossian Alexander crosses into Italy to assist the Tarentines.
-His exploits and death. — Assistance sent by the Syracusans to Kroton
-— first rise of Agathokles. — Agathokles distinguishes himself in
-the Syracusan expedition — he is disappointed of honors — becomes
-discontented and leaves Syracuse. — He levies a mercenary force —
-his exploits as general in Italy and Sicily. — Change of government
-at Syracuse — Agathokles is recalled — his exploits against the
-exiles — his dangerous character at home. — Farther internal changes
-at Syracuse — recall of the exiles — Agathokles readmitted — swears
-amnesty and fidelity. — Agathokles, in collusion with Hamilkar, arms
-his partisans at Syracuse, and perpetuates a sanguinary massacre of
-the citizens. — Agathokles is constituted sole despot of Syracuse.
-— His popular manners, military energy, and conquests. Progress of
-Agathokles in conquering Sicily. The Agrigentines take alarm and
-organize a defensive alliance against him. — They invite the Spartan
-Akrotatus to command — his bad conduct and failure. — Sicily the only
-place in which a glorious Hellenic career was open. Peace concluded
-by Agathokles with the Agrigentines — his great power in Sicily. —
-He is repulsed from Agrigentum — the Carthaginians send an armament
-to Sicily against him. — Position of the Carthaginians between Gela
-and Agrigentum — their army reinforced from home. — Operations of
-Agathokles against them — his massacre of citizens at Gela. — Battle
-of the Himera, between Agathokles and the Carthaginians. — Total
-defeat of Agathokles by the Carthaginians. — The Carthaginians
-recover a large part of Sicily from Agathokles. His depressed
-condition at Syracuse. — He conceives the plan of attacking the
-Carthaginians in Africa. — His energy and sagacity in organizing this
-expedition. His renewed massacre and spoliation. — He gets out of
-the harbor, in spite of the blockading fleet. Eclipse of the sun. He
-reaches Africa safely. — He burns his vessels — impressive ceremony
-for affecting this, under vow to Demeter. — Agathokles marches
-into the Carthaginian territory — captures Tunês — richness and
-cultivation of the country. — Consternation at Carthage — the city
-force marches out against him — Hanno and Bomilkar named generals.
-— Inferior numbers of Agatho<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xv">[p.
-xv]</span>kles — his artifices to encourage the soldiers. — Treachery
-of the Carthaginian general Bomilkar — victory of Agathokles. —
-Conquests of Agathokles among the Carthaginian dependencies on the
-eastern coast — Religious terror and distress of the Carthaginians.
-Human sacrifice. — Operations of Agathokles on the eastern coast of
-Carthage — capture of Neapolis, Adrumetum, Thapsus, etc. — Agathokles
-fortifies Aspis — undertakes operations against the interior country
-— defeats the Carthaginians again. — Proceedings of Hamilkar before
-Syracuse — the city is near surrendering — he is disappointed, and
-marches away from it. — Renewed attack of Hamilkar upon Syracuse — he
-tries to surprise Euryalus, but is totally defeated, made prisoner,
-and slain. — The Agrigentines stand forward as champions of Sicilian
-freedom against Agathokles and the Carthaginians. — Mutiny in the
-army of Agathokles at Tunês — his great danger, and address in
-extricating himself. — Carthaginian army sent to act in the interior
-— attacked by Agathokles with some success — his camp is pillaged by
-the Numidians. — Agathokles invites the aid of Ophellas from Kyrênê.
-— Antecedent circumstances of Kyrênê. Division of coast between
-Kyrênê and Carthage. — Thimbron with the Harpalian mercenaries is
-invited over to Kyrênê by exiles. His checkered career, on the whole
-victorious, in Libya. — The Kyrenæans solicit aid from the Egyptian
-Ptolemy, who sends Ophellas thither. Defeat and death of Thimbron.
-Kyrenaica annexed to the dominions of Ptolemy, under Ophellas as
-viceroy. — Position and hopes of Ophellas. He accepts the invitation
-of Agathokles. He collects colonists from Athens and other Grecian
-cities. — March of Ophellas, with his army, and his colonists, from
-Kyrênê to the Carthaginian territory — sufferings endured in the
-march. — Perfidy of Agathokles — he kills Ophellas — gets possession
-of his army — ruin and dispersion of the colonists. — Terrible
-sedition at Carthage — Bomilkar tries to seize the supreme power — he
-is overthrown and slain. — Farther successes of Agathokles in Africa
-— he captures Utica, Hippo-Zarytus, and Hippagreta. — Agathokles
-goes to Sicily, leaving Archagathus to command in Africa. Successes
-of Archagathus in the interior country. — Redoubled efforts of the
-Carthaginians — they gain two great victories over Archagathus.
-— Danger of Archagathus — he is blocked up by the Carthaginians
-at Tunis. — Agathokles in Sicily. His career at first prosperous.
-Defeat of the Agrigentines. — Activity of Agathokles in Sicily —
-Deinokrates in great force against him. — Agrigentine army under
-Xenodokus — opposed to the mercenaries of Agathokles — superiority
-of the latter. — Defeat of Xenodokus by Leptines — Agathokles passes
-over into Africa — bad state of his army there — he is defeated by
-the Carthaginians. — Nocturnal panic and disorder in both camps. —
-Desperate condition of Agathokles — he deserts his army and escapes
-to Sicily. — The deserted army kill the two sons of Agathokles, and
-capitulate with the Carthaginians. — African expedition of Agathokles
-— boldness of the first conception — imprudently pushed and persisted
-in. — Proceedings of Agathokles in Sicily — his barbarities at Egesta
-and Syracuse. — Great mercenary force under Deinokrates in Sicily —
-Agathokles solicits peace from him, and is refused — he concludes
-peace with Carthage. — Battle of Torgium — victory of Agathokles
-over Deinokrates. — Accommodation and compact between Agathokles and
-Deinokrates. — Operations of Agathokles in Liparæ, Italy, and Korkyra
-— Kleonymus of Sparta. — Last projects of Agathokles — mutiny of his
-grandson Archagathus — sickness, poisoning, and death of Agathokles.
-— Splendid genius of action and resource — nefarious dispositions
-— of Agathokles. — Hellenic agency in Sicily continues during the
-life of Agathokles, but becomes then subordinate to preponderant
-foreigners.</p>
-
-<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_97">393-452</a></p>
-
-
-<p class="chap"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvi">[p.
-xvi]</span>CHAPTER XCVIII.</p>
-
-<p class="subchap">OUTLYING HELLENIC CITIES. — 1. IN GAUL AND SPAIN.
-— 2. ON THE COAST OF THE EUXINE.</p>
-
-<p class="mt1">Massalia—its situation and circumstances.—Colonies
-planted by Massalia—Antipolis, Nikæa, Rhoda, Emporiæ—peculiar
-circumstances of Emporiæ.—Oligarchical government of Massalia—prudent
-political administration.—Hellenizing influence of Massalia in the
-West—Pytheas, the navigator and geographer.—Pontic Greeks—Pentapolis
-on the south-west coast.—Sinôpê—its envoys present with Darius in
-his last days—maintains its independence for some time against
-the Mithridatic princes—but become subject to them ultimately—The
-Pontic Herakleia—oligarchical government—the native Mariandyni
-reduced to serfs.—Political discord at Herakleia—banishment of
-Klearchus—partial democracy established.—Continued political
-troubles at Herakleia—assistance invoked from without.—Character and
-circumstances of Klearchus—he makes himself despot of Herakleia—his
-tyranny and cruelty.—He continues despot for twelve years—he is
-assassinated at a festival.—Satyrus becomes despot—his aggravated
-cruelty—his military vigor.—Despotism of Timotheus, just and mild—his
-energy and ability.—Despotism of Dionysius—his popular and vigorous
-government—his prudent dealing with the Macedonians, during the
-absence of Alexander in the East.—Return of Alexander to Susa—he
-is solicited by the Herakleotic exiles—anger of Dionysius, averted
-by the death of Alexander.—Prosperity and prudence of Dionysius—he
-marries Amastris—his favor with Antigonus—his death.—Amastris
-governs Herakleia—marries Lysimachus—is divorced from him—Klearchus
-and Oxathres kill Amastris—are killed by Lysimachus.—Arsinoê
-mistress of Herakleia. Defeat and death of Lysimachus. Power of
-Seleukus.—Herakleia emancipated from the despots, and a popular
-government established—recall of the exiles—bold bearing of
-the citizens towards Seleukus—death of Seleukus.—Situation and
-management of Herakleia as a free government—considerable naval
-power.—Prudent administration of Herakleia, as a free city,
-among the powerful princes of Asia Minor—general condition and
-influence of the Greek cities on the coast.—Grecian Pentapolis on
-the south-west of the Euxine—Ovid at Tomi.—Olbia—in the days of
-Herodotus and Ephorus—increased numbers, and multiplied inroads of
-the barbaric hordes.—Olbia in later days—decline of security and
-production.—Olbia pillaged and abandoned—afterwards renewed.—Visit
-of Dion the Rhetor—Hellenic tastes and manners—ardent interest in
-Homer.—Bosporus or Pantikapæum.—Princes of Bosporus—relations between
-Athens and Bosporus.—Nymphæum among the tributary cities under the
-Athenian empire—how it passed under the Bosporanic princes.—Alliance
-and reciprocal good offices between the Bosporanic princes Satyrus,
-Leukon, etc. and the Athenians. Immunities of trade granted to the
-Athenians.—Political condition of the Greeks of Bosporus—the princes
-called themselves archons—their empire over barbaric tribes.—Family
-feuds among the Bosporanic princes—war between Satyrus and<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_xvii">[p. xvii]</span> Eumelus—death
-of Satyrus II.—Civil war between Prytanis and Eumelus—victory
-of Eumelus—he kills the wives, children, and friends, of his
-brother.—His victorious reign and conquests—his speedy death.—Decline
-of the Bosporanic dynasty, until it passed into the hands of
-Mithridates Eupator.—Monuments left by the Spartokid princes of
-Bosporus—sepulchral tumuli near Kertch (Pantikapæum).—Appendix on the
-Localities near Issus.</p>
-
-<p class="toright"><a href="#Chap_98">453-495</a></p>
-
-
-<p class="index"><span class="smcap">Index</span></p>
-
-<p class="toright"><a href="#Index">497</a></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="aftit" id="Map">
-  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xviii">[Pg xviii]</span></p>
-  <div class="figcenter">
-    <img src="images/ill_a018b.jpg"
-         alt="Map shewing the marches of Alexander" />
-    <p class="caption">
-      <span class="x_link"><a href="images/ill_a018bx.jpg"><img
-        src="images/xpnd.jpg"
-        alt="Enlarge"
-        title="Enlarge" /></a>&nbsp;</span>
-      MAP SHEWING THE MARCHES OF ALEXANDER.
-    </p>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_91">
-  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[p. 1]</span></p>
-  <p class="falseh1 g1">HISTORY OF GREECE.</p>
-  <hr class="sep" />
-  <h2 class="nobreak"><span class="g1">CHAPTER XCI.</span><br />
-    FIRST PERIOD OF THE REIGN OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT — SIEGE
-    AND CAPTURE OF&nbsp;THEBES.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">My</span> last preceding volume
-ended with the assassination of Philip of Macedon, and the accession
-of his son Alexander the Great, then twenty years of age.</p>
-
-<p>It demonstrates the altered complexion of Grecian history, that
-we are now obliged to seek for marking events in the succession to
-the Macedonian crown, or in the ordinances of Macedonian kings. In
-fact, the Hellenic world has ceased to be autonomous. In Sicily,
-indeed, the free and constitutional march, revived by Timoleon,
-is still destined to continue for a few years longer; but all the
-Grecian cities south of Mount Olympus have descended into dependents
-of Macedonia. Such dependence, established as a fact by the battle
-of Chæroneia and by the subsequent victorious march of Philip over
-Peloponnesus, was acknowledged in form by the vote of the Grecian
-synod at Corinth. While even the Athenians had been compelled to
-concur in submission, Sparta alone, braving all consequences,
-continued inflexible in her refusal. The adherence of Thebes was not
-trusted to the word of the Thebans, but ensured by the Macedonian
-garrison established in her citadel, called the Kadmeia. Each
-Hellenic city, small and great,—maritime, inland, and insular—(with
-the single exception of Sparta), was thus enrolled as a separate unit
-in the list of subject-allies attached to the imperial headship of
-Philip.</p>
-
-<p>Under these circumstances, the history of conquered Greece<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[p. 2]</span> loses its separate course,
-and becomes merged in that of conquering Macedonia. Nevertheless,
-there are particular reasons which constrain the historian of Greece
-to carry on the two together for a few years longer. First, conquered
-Greece exercised a powerful action on her conqueror—“Græcia capta
-ferum victorem cepit”. The Macedonians, though speaking a language
-of their own, had neither language for communicating with others,
-nor literature, nor philosophy, except Grecian and derived from
-Greeks. Philip, while causing himself to be chosen chief of Hellas,
-was himself not only partially hellenized, but an eager candidate
-for Hellenic admiration. He demanded the headship under the declared
-pretence of satisfying the old antipathy against Persia. Next, the
-conquests of Alexander, though essentially Macedonian, operated
-indirectly as the initiatory step of a series of events, diffusing
-Hellenic language (with some tinge of Hellenic literature) over
-a large breadth of Asia,—opening that territory to the better
-observation, in some degree even to the superintendence, of
-intelligent Greeks—and thus producing consequences important in many
-ways to the history of mankind. Lastly, the generation of free Greeks
-upon whom the battle of Chæroneia fell, were not disposed to lie
-quiet if any opportunity occurred for shaking off their Macedonian
-masters. The present volume will record the unavailing efforts made
-for this purpose, in which Demosthenes and most of the other leaders
-perished.</p>
-
-<p>Alexander (born in July 356 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), like
-his father Philip, was not a Greek, but a Macedonian and Epirot,
-partially imbued with Grecian sentiment and intelligence. It is true
-that his ancestors, some centuries before, had been emigrants from
-Argos; but the kings of Macedonia had long lost all trace of any
-such peculiarity as might originally have distinguished them from
-their subjects. The basis of Philip’s character was Macedonian, not
-Greek: it was the self-will of a barbarian prince, not the <i>ingenium
-civile</i>, or sense of reciprocal obligation and right in society with
-others, which marked more or less even the most powerful members of
-a Grecian city, whether oligarchical or democratical. If this was
-true of Philip, it was still more true of Alexander, who inherited
-the violent temperament and headstrong will of his furious Epirotic
-mother Olympias.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[p. 3]</span>A kinsman of
-Olympias, named Leonidas, and an Akarnanian named Lysimachus,
-are mentioned as the chief tutors to whom Alexander’s
-childhood was entrusted.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1"
-class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Of course the Iliad of Homer was among
-the first things which he learnt as a boy. Throughout most of his
-life, he retained a passionate interest in this poem, a copy of
-which, said to have been corrected by Aristotle, he carried with
-him in his military campaigns. We are not told, nor is it probable,
-that he felt any similar attachment for the less warlike Odyssey.
-Even as a child, he learnt to identify himself in sympathy with
-Achilles,—his ancestor by the mother’s side, according to the Æakid
-pedigree. The tutor Lysimachus won his heart by calling himself
-Phœnix—Alexander, Achilles—and Philip, by the name of Peleus. Of
-Alexander’s boyish poetical recitations, one anecdote remains, both
-curious and of unquestionable authenticity. He was ten years old,
-when the Athenian legation, including both Æschines and Demosthenes,
-came to Pella to treat about peace. While Philip entertained them at
-table, in his usual agreeable and convivial manner, the boy Alexander
-recited for their amusement certain passages of poetry which he had
-learnt—and delivered, in response with another boy, a dialogue out
-of one of the Grecian dramas.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2"
-class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
-
-<p>At the age of thirteen, Alexander was placed under the instruction
-of Aristotle, whom Philip expressly invited for the purpose, and
-whose father Nikomachus had been both friend and physician of
-Philip’s father Amyntas. What course of study Alexander was made to
-go through, we unfortunately cannot state. He enjoyed the teaching of
-Aristotle for at least three years, and we are told that he devoted
-himself to it with ardor, contracting a strong attachment to his
-preceptor. His powers of addressing an audience, though not so well
-attested as those of his father, were always found sufficient for his
-purpose: moreover, he retained, even in the midst of his fatiguing
-Asiatic campaigns, an interest in Greek literature and poetry.</p>
-
-<p>At what precise moment, during the lifetime of his father,
-Alexander first took part in active service, we do not know.
-It<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[p. 4]</span> is said that
-once, when quite a youth, he received some Persian envoys during
-the absence of his father; and that he surprised them by the
-maturity of his demeanor, as well as by the political bearing and
-pertinence of his questions.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3"
-class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Though only sixteen years of age, in 340
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, he was left at home as regent
-while Philip was engaged in the sieges of Byzantium and Perinthus.
-He put down a revolt of the neighboring Thracian tribe called Mædi,
-took one of their towns, and founded it anew under the title of
-Alexandria; the earliest town which bore that name, afterwards
-applied to so many other towns planted by him. In the march of
-Philip into Greece (338 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>),
-Alexander took part, commanded one of the wings at the battle of
-Chæroneia, and is said to have first gained the advantage on his side
-over the Theban sacred band.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4"
-class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
-
-<p>Yet notwithstanding such marks of confidence and coöperation,
-other incidents occurred producing bitter animosity between the
-father and the son. By his wife Olympias, Philip had as offspring
-Alexander and Kleopatra: by a Thessalian mistress named Philinna, he
-had a son named Aridæus (afterwards called Philip Aridæus:) he had
-also daughters named Kynna (or Kynanê) and Thessalonikê. Olympias,
-a woman of sanguinary and implacable disposition, had rendered
-herself so odious to him, that he repudiated her, and married a new
-wife named Kleopatra. I have recounted in the preceding volume<a
-id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> the
-indignation felt by Alexander at this proceeding, and the violent
-altercation which occurred during the conviviality of the marriage
-banquet; where Philip actually snatched his sword, threatened his
-son’s life, and was only prevented from executing the threat by
-falling down through intoxication. After this quarrel, Alexander
-retired from Macedonia, conducting his mother to her brother
-Alexander king of Epirus. A son was born to Philip by Kleopatra.
-Her brother or uncle Attalus acquired high favor. Her kinsmen
-and partisans generally were also pro<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_5">[p. 5]</span>moted, while Ptolemy, Nearchus, and other
-persons attached to Alexander, were banished.<a id="FNanchor_6"
-href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>
-
-<p>The prospects of Alexander were thus full of uncertainty and
-peril, up to the very day of Philip’s assassination. The succession
-to the Macedonian crown, though transmitted in the same family,
-was by no means assured as to individual members; moreover, in
-the regal house of Macedonia<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7"
-class="fnanchor">[7]</a> (as among the kings called Diadochi, who
-acquired dominion after the death of Alexander the Great), violent
-feuds and standing mistrust between father, sons, and brethren, were
-ordinary phænomena, to which the family of the Antigonids formed an
-honorable exception. Between Alexander and Olympias on the one side,
-and Kleopatra with her son and Attalus on the other, a murderous
-contest was sure to arise. Kleopatra was at this time in the
-ascendent; Olympias was violent and mischievous; and Philip was only
-forty-seven years of age. Hence the future threatened nothing<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[p. 6]</span> but aggravated
-dissension and difficulties for Alexander. Moreover his strong
-will and imperious temper, eminently suitable for supreme command,
-disqualified him from playing a subordinate part, even to his own
-father. The prudence of Philip, when about to depart on his Asiatic
-expedition, induced him to attempt to heal these family dissensions
-by giving his daughter Kleopatra in marriage to her uncle Alexander
-of Epirus, brother of Olympias. It was during the splendid marriage
-festival, then celebrated at Ægæ, that he was assassinated—Olympias,
-Kleopatra, and Alexander, being all present, while Attalus was in
-Asia, commanding the Macedonian division sent forward in advance,
-jointly with Parmenio. Had Philip escaped this catastrophe, he
-would doubtless have carried on the war in Asia Minor with quite as
-much energy and skill as it was afterwards prosecuted by Alexander:
-though we may doubt whether the father would have stretched out to
-those ulterior undertakings which, gigantic and far-reaching as
-they were, fell short of the insatiable ambition of the son. But
-successful as Philip might have been in Asia, he would hardly have
-escaped gloomy family feuds; with Alexander as a mutinous son, under
-the instigations of Olympias,—and with Kleopatra on the other side,
-feeling that her own safety depended upon the removal of regal or
-quasi-regal competitors.</p>
-
-<p>From such formidable perils, visible in the distance, if not
-immediately impending, the sword of Pausanias guaranteed both
-Alexander and the Macedonian kingdom. But at the moment when the
-blow was struck, and when the Lynkestian Alexander, one of those
-privy to it, ran to forestall resistance and place the crown on the
-head of Alexander the Great<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8"
-class="fnanchor">[8]</a>—no one knew what to expect from the
-young prince thus suddenly exalted at the age of twenty years.
-The sudden death of Philip in the fulness of glory and ambitious
-hopes, must have produced the strongest impression, first upon the
-festive crowd assembled,—next throughout Macedonia,—lastly, upon
-the foreigners whom he had reduced to dependence, from the Danube
-to the borders of Pæonia. All these dependencies were held only
-by the fear<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[p. 7]</span> of
-Macedonian force. It remained to be proved whether the youthful son
-of Philip was capable of putting down opposition and upholding the
-powerful organization created by his father. Moreover Perdikkas,
-the elder brother and predecessor of Philip, had left a son named
-Amyntas, now at least twenty-four years of age, to whom many looked
-as the proper successor.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9"
-class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>
-
-<p>But Alexander, present and proclaimed at once by his friends,
-showed himself both in word and deed, perfectly competent to the
-emergency. He mustered, caressed, and conciliated, the divisions
-of the Macedonian army and the chief officers. His addresses
-were judicious and energetic, engaging that the dignity of the
-kingdom should be maintained unimpaired,<a id="FNanchor_10"
-href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> and that even the
-Asiatic projects already proclaimed should be prosecuted with as much
-vigor as if Philip still lived.</p>
-
-<p>It was one of the first measures of Alexander to celebrate with
-magnificent solemnities the funeral of his deceased father. While
-the preparations for it were going on, he instituted researches
-to find out and punish the accomplices of Pausanias. Of these
-indeed, the most illustrious person mentioned to us—Olympias—was
-not only protected by her position from punishment, but retained
-great ascendency over her son to the end of his life. Three
-other persons are mentioned by name as accomplices—brothers and
-persons of good family from the district of Upper Macedonia called
-Lynkêstis—Alexander, Heromenes, and Arrhabæus, sons of Aëropus.
-The two latter were put to death, but the first of the three was
-spared, and even promoted to important charges, as a reward for
-his useful forwardness in instantly saluting Alexander king.<a
-id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Others
-also, we know not how many, were executed; and Alexander seems
-to have imag<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[p. 8]</span>ined
-that there still remained some undetected.<a id="FNanchor_12"
-href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> The Persian king
-boasted in public letters,<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13"
-class="fnanchor">[13]</a> with how much truth we cannot say, that he
-too had been among the instigators of Pausanias.</p>
-
-<p>Among the persons slain about this time by Alexander, we may
-number his first-cousin and brother-in-law Amyntas—son of Perdikkas
-(the elder brother of the deceased Philip): Amyntas was a boy when
-his father Perdikkas died. Though having a preferable claim to
-the succession, according to usage, he had been put aside by his
-uncle Philip, on the ground of his age and of the strenuous efforts
-required on commencing a new reign. Philip had however given in
-marriage to this Amyntas his daughter (by an Illyrian mother) Kynna.
-Nevertheless, Alexander now put him to death,<a id="FNanchor_14"
-href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> on accusation of
-conspiracy: under what precise circumstances, does not appear—but
-probably Amyntas (who besides being the son of Philip’s elder
-brother, was at least twenty-four years of age, while Alexander
-was only twenty) conceived himself as having a better right to the
-succession, and was so conceived by many others. The infant son
-of Kleopatra by Philip is said to have been killed by Alexander,
-as a rival in the succession; Kleopatra herself was afterwards
-put to death by Olympias during his absence, and to his regret.
-Attalus, also, uncle of Kleopatra and joint commander of the
-Macedonian army in Asia, was assassinated under the private<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[p. 9]</span> orders of Alexander,
-by Hekatæus and Philotas.<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15"
-class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Another Amyntas, son of Antiochus
-(there seems to have been several Macedonians named Amyntas) fled
-for safety into Asia:<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16"
-class="fnanchor">[16]</a> probably others, who felt themselves
-to be objects of suspicion, did the like—since by the Macedonian
-custom, not merely a person convicted of high treason, but all
-his kindred along with him, were put to death.<a id="FNanchor_17"
-href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p>
-
-<p>By unequivocal manifestations of energy and address, and by
-despatching rivals or dangerous malcontents, Alexander thus speedily
-fortified his position on the throne at home. But from the foreign
-dependents of Macedonia—Greeks, Thracians, and Illyrians—the like
-acknowledgment was not so easily obtained. Most of them were disposed
-to throw off the yoke; yet none dared to take the initiative of
-moving, and the suddenness of Philip’s death found them altogether
-unprepared for combination. By that event the Greeks were discharged
-from all engagement, since the vote of the confederacy had elected
-him personally as Imperator. They were now at liberty, in so far
-as there was any liberty at all in the proceeding, to elect any
-one else, or to abstain from reëlecting at all, and even to let
-the confederacy expire. Now it was only under constraint and
-intimidation, as was well known both in Greece and Macedonia, that
-they had conferred this dignity even on Philip—who had earned it
-by splendid exploits, and had proved himself the ablest captain
-and politician of the age. They were by no means inclined to
-transfer it to a youth like Alexander, until he had shown himself
-capable of bringing the like coercion to bear, and extorting the
-same submission. The wish to break loose from Macedonia, widely
-spread throughout the Grecian cities, found open expression from
-Demosthenes and others in the assembly at Athens. That orator (if
-we are to believe his rival Æschines), having received private
-intelligence of the assassination of Philip,<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_10">[p. 10]</span> through certain spies of Charidemus,
-before it was publicly known to others—pretended to have had it
-revealed to him in a dream by the gods. Appearing in the assembly
-with his gayest attire, he congratulated his countrymen on the death
-of their greatest enemy, and pronounced high encomiums on the brave
-tyrannicide of Pausanias, which he would probably compare to that of
-Harmodius and Aristogeiton.<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18"
-class="fnanchor">[18]</a> He depreciated the abilities of Alexander,
-calling him Margites (the name of a silly character in one of the
-Homeric poems), and intimating that he would be too much distracted
-with embarrassments and ceremonial duties at home, to have leisure
-for a foreign march.<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19"
-class="fnanchor">[19]</a> Such, according to Æschines, was the
-language of Demosthenes on the first news of Philip’s death. We
-cannot doubt that the public of Athens, as well as Demosthenes, felt
-great joy at an event which seemed to open to them fresh chances
-of freedom, and that the motion for a sacrifice of thanksgiving,<a
-id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> in
-spite of Phokion’s opposition, was readily adopted. But though the
-manifestation of sentiment at Athens was thus anti-Macedonian,
-exhibiting aversion to the renewal of that obedience which had
-been recently promised to Philip, Demosthenes did not go so
-far as to declare any positive hostility.<a id="FNanchor_21"
-href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> He tried to open
-communication with the Persians in Asia Minor, and also, if we may
-believe Diodorus, with the Macedonian commander in Asia Minor,
-Attalus. But neither of the two missions was successful. Attalus sent
-his letter to Alexander; while the Persian king,<a id="FNanchor_22"
-href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> probably relieved
-by the death of Philip from immediate fear of Macedonian power,
-despatched a peremptory refusal to Athens, intimating that he would
-furnish no more money.<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23"
-class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[p. 11]</span>Not merely
-in Athens, but in other Grecian States also, the death of Philip
-excited aspirations for freedom. The Lacedæmonians, who, though
-unsupported, had stood out inflexibly against any obedience to
-him, were now on the watch for new allies; while the Arcadians,
-Argeians, and Eleians, manifested sentiments adverse to Macedonia.
-The Ambrakiots expelled the garrison placed by Philip in their
-city; the Ætolians passed a vote to assist in restoring those
-Akarnanian exiles whom he had banished.<a id="FNanchor_24"
-href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> On the other hand,
-the Thessalians manifested unshaken adherence to Macedonia. But
-the Macedonian garrison at Thebes, and the macedonizing Thebans
-who now governed that city,<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25"
-class="fnanchor">[25]</a> were probably the main obstacles to any
-combined manifestation in favor of Hellenic autonomy.</p>
-
-<p>Apprised of these impulses prevalent throughout the Grecian world,
-Alexander felt the necessity of checking them by a demonstration
-immediate, as well as intimidating. The energy and rapidity of his
-proceedings speedily overawed all those who had speculated on his
-youth, or had adopted the epithets applied to him by Demosthenes.
-Having surmounted, in a shorter time than was supposed possible,
-the difficulties of his newly-acquired position at home, he marched
-into Greece at the head of a formidable army, seemingly about two
-months after the death of Philip. He was favorably received by
-the Thessalians, who passed a vote constituting Alexander head
-of Greece in place of his father Philip; which vote was speedily
-confirmed by the Amphiktyonic assembly, convoked at Thermopylæ.
-Alexander next advanced to Thebes, and from thence over the isthmus
-of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[p. 12]</span> Corinth into
-Peloponnesus. The details of his march we do not know; but his
-great force, probably not inferior to that which had conquered
-at Chæroneia, spread terror everywhere, silencing all except his
-partisans. Nowhere was the alarm greater than at Athens. The
-Athenians recollecting both the speeches of their orators and the
-votes of their assembly,—offensive at least, if not hostile, to the
-Macedonians—trembled lest the march of Alexander should be directed
-against their city, and accordingly made preparation for standing
-a siege. All citizens were enjoined to bring in their families and
-properties from the country, insomuch that the space within the
-walls was full both of fugitives and of cattle.<a id="FNanchor_26"
-href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> At the same time, the
-assembly adopted, on the motion of Demades, a resolution of apology
-and full submission to Alexander: they not only recognized him as
-chief of Greece, but conferred upon him divine honors, in terms even
-more emphatic than those bestowed on Philip.<a id="FNanchor_27"
-href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> The mover, with other
-legates, carried the resolution to Alexander, whom they found at
-Thebes, and who accepted their submission. A young speaker named
-Pytheas is said to have opposed the vote in the Athenian assembly.<a
-id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>
-Whether Demosthenes did the like—or whether, under the feeling of
-disappointed anticipations and overwhelming Macedonian force, he
-condemned himself to silence,—we cannot say. That he did not go
-with Demades on the mission to Alexander, seems a matter of course,
-though he is said to have been appointed by public vote to do so,
-and to have declined the duty. He accompanied the legation as far
-as Mount Kithæron, on the frontier, and then returned to Athens.<a
-id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> We
-read with astonishment that Æschines and his other enemies<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[p. 13]</span> denounced this step as a
-cowardly desertion. No envoy could be so odious to Alexander, or so
-likely to provoke refusal for the proposition which he carried, as
-Demosthenes. To employ him in such a mission would have been absurd;
-except for the purpose probably intended by his enemies, that he
-might be either detained by the conqueror as an expiatory victim,<a
-id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> or
-sent back as a pardoned and humiliated prisoner.</p>
-
-<p>After displaying his force in various portions of Peloponnesus,
-Alexander returned to Corinth, where he convened deputies from the
-Grecian cities generally. The list of those cities which obeyed
-the summons is not before us, but probably it included nearly all
-the cities of Central Greece. We know only that the Lacedæmonians
-continued to stand aloof, refusing all concurrence. Alexander asked
-from the assembled deputies the same appointment which the victorious
-Philip had required and obtained two years before—the hegemony or
-headship of the Greeks collectively for the purpose of prosecuting
-war against Persia.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31"
-class="fnanchor">[31]</a> To the request of a prince at the head
-of an irresistible army, one answer only was admissible. He was
-nominated Imperator with full powers, by land and sea. Overawed by
-the presence and sentiment of Macedonian force, all acquiesced in
-this vote except the Lacedæmonians.</p>
-
-<p>The convention sanctioned by Alexander was probably the same
-as that settled by and with his father Philip. Its grand and
-significant feature was, that it recognized Hellas as a confederacy
-under the Macedonian prince as imperator, president, or<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[p. 14]</span> executive head and arm.
-It crowned him with a legal sanction as keeper of the peace within
-Greece, and conqueror abroad in the name of Greece. Of its other
-conditions, some are made known to us by subsequent complaints; such
-conditions as, being equitable and tutelary towards the members
-generally, the Macedonian chief found it inconvenient to observe,
-and speedily began to violate. Each Hellenic city was pronounced,
-by the first article of the convention, to be free and autonomous.
-In each, the existing political constitution was recognized as it
-stood; all other cities were forbidden to interfere with it, or
-to second any attack by its hostile exiles.<a id="FNanchor_32"
-href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> No new despot was
-to be established; no dispossessed despot was to be restored.<a
-id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Each
-city became bound to discourage in every other, as far as possible,
-all illegal violence—such as political executions, confiscation,
-spoliation, redivision of land or abolition of debts, factious
-manumission of slaves, etc.<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34"
-class="fnanchor">[34]</a> To each was guaranteed freedom of
-navigation; maritime capture was prohibited, on pain of enmity from
-all.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>
-Each was forbidden to send armed vessels into the harbor of any
-other, or to build vessels or engage seamen there.<a id="FNanchor_36"
-href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> By each, an oath was
-taken to observe these conditions, to declare war against all who
-violated them, and to keep them inscribed on a commemorative column.
-Provision seems to have been<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[p.
-15]</span> made for admitting any additional city<a id="FNanchor_37"
-href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> on its subsequent
-application, though it might not have been a party to the original
-contract. Moreover, it appears that a standing military force,
-under Macedonian orders, was provided to enforce observance of the
-convention; and that the synod of deputies was contemplated as
-likely to meet periodically.<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38"
-class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p>
-
-<p>Such was the convention, in so far as we know its terms, agreed to
-by the Grecian deputies at Corinth with Alexander; but with Alexander
-at the head of an irresistible army. He proclaimed it as the “public
-statute of the Greeks”,<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39"
-class="fnanchor">[39]</a> constituting a paramount obligation, of
-which he was the enforcer, binding on all, and authorizing him to
-treat all transgressors as rebels. It was set forth as counterpart
-of, and substitute for, the convention of Antalkidas, which we shall
-presently see the officers of Darius trying to revive against him—the
-headship of Persia against that of Macedonia. Such is the melancholy
-degradation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[p. 16]</span> of
-the Grecian World, that its cities have no alternative except to
-choose between these two foreign potentates—or to invite the help
-of Darius, the most distant and least dangerous, whose headship
-could hardly be more than nominal, against a neighbor sure to be
-domineering and compressive, and likely enough to be tyrannical. Of
-the once powerful Hellenic chiefs and competitors—Sparta, Athens,
-Thebes—under each of whom the Grecian world had been upheld as an
-independent and self-determining aggregate, admitting the free
-play of native sentiment and character, under circumstances more
-or less advantageous—the two last are now confounded as common
-units (one even held under garrison) among the subject allies of
-Alexander; while Sparta preserves only the dignity of an isolated
-independence.</p>
-
-<p>It appears that during the nine months which succeeded the
-swearing of the convention, Alexander and his officers (after his
-return to Macedonia) were active, both by armed force and by mission
-of envoys, in procuring new adhesions and in re-modelling the
-governments of various cities suitably to their own views. Complaints
-of such aggressions were raised in the public assembly of Athens,
-the only place in Greece where any liberty of discussion still
-survived. An oration, pronounced by Demosthenes, Hyperides, or one
-of the contemporary, anti-Macedonian politicians (about the spring
-or early summer of 335 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>),<a
-id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>
-imparts to us some idea both of the Macedonian interventions steadily
-going on, and of the unavailing remonstrances raised against them
-by individual Athenian citizens. At the time of this oration, such
-remonstrances had already been often repeated. They were always
-met by the macedonizing Athenians with peremptory declarations
-that the convention must be observed.<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_17">[p. 17]</span> But in reply, the remonstrants urged,
-that it was unfair to call upon Athens for strict observance of
-the convention, while the Macedonians and their partisans in the
-various cities were perpetually violating it for their own profit.
-Alexander and his officers (affirms this orator) had never once
-laid down their arms since the convention was settled. They had
-been perpetually tampering with the governments of the various
-cities, to promote their own partisans to power.<a id="FNanchor_41"
-href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> In Messênê, Sikyon,
-and Pellênê, they had subverted the popular constitutions, banished
-many citizens, and established friends of their own as despots. The
-Macedonian force, destined as a public guarantee to enforce the
-observance of the convention, had been employed only to overrule
-its best conditions, and to arm the hands of factious partisans.<a
-id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>
-Thus Alexander in his capacity of Imperator, disregarding all
-the restraints of the convention, acted as chief despot for the
-maintenance of subordinate despots in the separate cities.<a
-id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>
-Even at Athens, this imperial authority had rescinded sentences of
-the dikastery, and compelled the adoption of measures contrary to
-the laws and constitution.<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44"
-class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p>
-
-<p>At sea, the wrongful aggressions of Alexander or his officers had
-been not less manifest than on land. The convention, guaranteeing
-to all cities the right of free navigation, distinctly forbade each
-to take or detain vessels belonging to any other. Nevertheless the
-Macedonians had seized, in the Hellespont, all the merchantmen
-coming out with cargoes from the Euxine, and<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_18">[p. 18]</span> carried them into Tenedos, where they
-were detained, under various fraudulent pretences, in spite of
-remonstrances from the proprietors and cities whose supply of
-corn was thus intercepted. Among these sufferers, Athens stood
-conspicuous; since consumers of imported corn, ship-owners, and
-merchants, were more numerous there than elsewhere. The Athenians,
-addressing complaints and remonstrances without effect, became at
-length so incensed, and perhaps uneasy about their provisions,
-that they passed a decree to equip and despatch 100 triremes,
-appointing Menestheus (son of Iphikrates) admiral. By this strenuous
-manifestation, the Macedonians were induced to release the detained
-vessels. Had the detention been prolonged, the Athenian fleet would
-have sailed to extort redress by force; so that, as Athens was more
-than a match for Macedon on sea, the maritime empire of the latter
-would have been overthrown, while even on land much encouragement
-would have been given to malcontents against it.<a id="FNanchor_45"
-href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> Another incident had
-occurred, less grave than this, yet still dwelt upon by the orator
-as an infringement of the convention, and as an insult to Athenians.
-Though an express article of the convention prohibited armed ships
-of one city from entering the harbor of another, still a Macedonian
-trireme had been sent into Pieræus to ask permission that smaller
-vessels might be built there for Macedonian account. This was
-offensive to a large proportion of Athenians, not only as violating
-the convention, but as a manifest step towards<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_19">[p. 19]</span> employing the nautical equipments and
-seamen of Athens for the augmentation of the Macedonian navy.<a
-id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p>
-
-<p>“Let those speakers who are perpetually admonishing us to observe
-the convention (the orator contends), prevail on the imperial chief
-to set the example of observing it on his part. I too impress upon
-you the like observance. To a democracy nothing is more essential
-than scrupulous regard to equity and justice.<a id="FNanchor_47"
-href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> But the convention
-itself enjoins all its members to make war against transgressors; and
-pursuant to this article, you ought to make war against Macedon.<a
-id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> Be
-assured that all Greeks will see that the war is neither directed
-against them nor brought on by your fault.<a id="FNanchor_49"
-href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> At this juncture,
-such a step for the maintenance of your own freedom as well
-as Hellenic freedom generally, will be not less opportune and
-advantageous than it is just.<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50"
-class="fnanchor">[50]</a> The time is come for shaking off
-your disgraceful submission to others, and your oblivion of
-our own past dignity.<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51"
-class="fnanchor">[51]</a> If you encourage me, I am prepared to
-make a formal motion—To declare war against the violators of the
-convention, as the convention itself directs.”<a id="FNanchor_52"
-href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p>
-
-<p>A formal motion for declaring war would have brought upon<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[p. 20]</span> the mover a prosecution
-under the Graphê Paranomôn. Accordingly, though intimating clearly
-that he thought the actual juncture (what it was, we do not know)
-suitable, he declined to incur such responsibility without seeing
-beforehand a manifestation of public sentiment sufficient to give
-him hopes of a favorable verdict from the Dikastery. The motion was
-probably not made. But a speech so bold, even though not followed
-up by a motion, is in itself significant of the state of feeling
-in Greece during the months immediately following the Alexandrine
-convention. This harangue is only one among many delivered in the
-Athenian assembly, complaining of Macedonian supremacy as exercised
-under the convention. It is plain that the acts of Macedonian
-officers were such as to furnish ample ground for complaint; and the
-detention of all the trading ships coming out of the Euxine, shows
-us that even the subsistence of Athens and the islands had become
-more or less endangered. Though the Athenians resorted to no armed
-interference, their assembly at least afforded a theatre where public
-protest could be raised and public sympathy manifested.</p>
-
-<p>It is probable too that at this time Demosthenes and the other
-anti-Macedonian speakers were encouraged by assurances and subsidies
-from Persia. Though the death of Philip, and the accession of an
-untried youth of twenty, had led Darius to believe for the moment
-that all danger of Asiatic invasion was past, yet his apprehensions
-were now revived by Alexander’s manifested energy, and by the renewal
-of the Grecian league under his supremacy.<a id="FNanchor_53"
-href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> It was apparently
-during the spring of 335 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, that Darius sent
-money to sustain the anti-Macedonian party at Athens and elsewhere.
-Æschines affirms, and Deinarchus afterwards repeats (both of them
-orators hostile to Demosthenes)—That about this time, Darius sent
-to Athens 300 talents, which the Athenian people refused, but which
-Demosthenes took, reserving however 70 talents out of the sum for
-his own private purse: That public inquiry was afterwards instituted
-on the subject. Yet nothing is alleged as having been made out;<a
-id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> at
-least Demosthenes was neither condemned, nor<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_21">[p. 21]</span> even brought (as far as appears) to
-any formal trial. Out of such data we can elicit no specific fact.
-But they warrant the general conclusion, that Darius, or the
-satraps in Asia Minor, sent money to Athens in the spring of 335
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, and letters or emissaries to excite
-hostilities against Alexander.</p>
-
-<p>That Demosthenes, and probably other leading orators, received
-such remittances from Persia, is no evidence of that personal
-corruption which is imputed to them by their enemies. It is no
-way proved that Demosthenes applied the money to his own private
-purposes. To receive and expend it in trying to organize combinations
-for the enfranchisement of Greece, was a proceeding which he would
-avow as not only legitimate but patriotic. It was aid obtained from
-one foreign prince to enable Hellas to throw off the worse dominion
-of another. At this moment, the political interests of Persia
-coincided with that of all Greeks who aspired to freedom. Darius
-had no chance of becoming master of Greece; but his own security
-prescribed to him to protect her from being made an appendage of the
-Macedonian kingdom, and his means of doing so were at this moment
-ample, had they been efficaciously put forth. Now the purpose of a
-Greek patriot would be to preserve the integrity and autonomy of
-the Hellenic world against all foreign interference. To invoke the
-aid of Persia against Hellenic enemies,—as Sparta had done both
-in the Peloponnesian war and at the peace of Antalkidas, and as
-Thebes and Athens had followed her example in doing afterwards—was
-an unwarrantable proceeding: but to invoke the same aid against the
-dominion of another foreigner, at once nearer and more formidable,
-was open to no blame on the score either of patriotism or policy.
-Demosthenes had vainly urged his countrymen to act with energy
-against Philip,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[p. 22]</span> at
-a time when they might by their own efforts have upheld the existing
-autonomy both for Athens and for Greece generally. He now seconded
-or invited Darius, at a time when Greece single-handed had become
-incompetent to the struggle against Alexander, the common enemy
-both of Grecian liberty and of the Persian empire. Unfortunately
-for Athens as well as for himself, Darius, with full means of
-resistance in his hands, played his game against Alexander even with
-more stupidity and improvidence than Athens had played hers against
-Philip.</p>
-
-<p>While such were the aggressions of Macedonian officers in the
-exercise of their new imperial authority, throughout Greece and the
-islands—and such the growing manifestations of repugnance to it at
-Athens—Alexander had returned home to push the preparations for his
-Persian campaign. He did not however think it prudent to transport
-his main force into Asia, until he had made his power and personal
-ascendency felt by the Macedonian dependencies, westward, northward,
-and north-eastward of Pella—Illyrians, Pæonians, and Thracians.
-Under these general names were comprised a number<a id="FNanchor_55"
-href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> of distinct tribes, or
-nations, warlike and for the most part predatory. Having remained
-unconquered until the victories of Philip, they were not kept in
-subjection even by him without difficulty: nor were they at all
-likely to obey his youthful successor, until they had seen some
-sensible evidence of his personal energy.</p>
-
-<p>Accordingly, in the spring, Alexander put himself at the head of
-a large force, and marched in an easterly direction from Amphipolis,
-through the narrow Sapæan pass between Philippi and the sea.<a
-id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> In
-ten days’ march he reached the difficult mountain path over which
-alone he could cross Mount Hæmus (Balkan.) Here he found a body of
-the free Thracians and of armed merchants of the country, assembled
-to oppose his progress; posted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[p.
-23]</span> on the high ground with waggons in their front, which
-it was their purpose to roll down the steep declivity against the
-advancing ranks of the Macedonians. Alexander eluded this danger
-by ordering his soldiers either to open their ranks, so as to let
-the waggons go through freely—or where there was no room for such
-loose array, to throw themselves on the ground with their shields
-closely packed together and slanting over their bodies; so that the
-waggons, dashing down the steep and coming against the shields, were
-carried off the ground, and made to bound over the bodies of the men
-to the space below. All the waggons rolled down without killing a
-single man. The Thracians, badly armed, were then easily dispersed
-by the Macedonian attack, with the loss of 1500 men killed, and
-all their women and children made prisoners.<a id="FNanchor_57"
-href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> The captives and
-plunder were sent back under an escort to be sold at the seaports.</p>
-
-<p>Having thus forced the mountain road, Alexander led his army
-over the chain of Mount Hæmus, and marched against the Triballi: a
-powerful Thracian tribe,—extending (as far as can be determined)
-from the plain of Kossovo in modern Servia northward towards the
-Danube,—whom Philip had conquered, yet not without considerable
-resistance and even occasional defeat. Their prince Syrmus had
-already retired with the women and children of the tribe into an
-island of the Danube called Peukê, where many other Thracians had
-also sought shelter. The main force of the Triballi took post in
-woody ground on the banks of the rivet Zyginus, about three days’
-march from the Danube. Being tempted however, by an annoyance from
-the Macedonian light-armed, to emerge from their covered position
-into the open plain, they were here attacked by Alexander with his
-cavalry and infantry, in close combat, and completely defeated.
-Three thousand of them were slain, but the rest mostly<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[p. 24]</span> eluded pursuit by means
-of the wood, so that they lost few prisoners. The loss of the
-Macedonians was only eleven horsemen and forty foot slain; according
-to the statement of Ptolemy, son of Lagus, then one of Alexander’s
-confidential officers, and afterwards founder of the dynasty of
-Greco-Egyptian kings.<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58"
-class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p>
-
-<p>Three days’ march, from the scene of action, brought Alexander to
-the Danube, where he found some armed ships which had been previously
-ordered to sail (probably with stores of provision) from Byzantium
-round by the Euxine and up the river. He first employed these ships
-in trying to land a body of troops on the island of Peukê; but his
-attempt was frustrated by the steep banks, the rapid stream, and the
-resolute front of the defenders on shore. To compensate for this
-disappointment, Alexander resolved to make a display of his strength
-by crossing the Danube and attacking the Getæ; tribes, chiefly
-horsemen armed with bows,<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59"
-class="fnanchor">[59]</a> analogous to the Thracians in habits and
-language. They occupied the left bank of the river, from which their
-town was about four miles distant. The terror of the Macedonian
-successes had brought together a body of 4000 Getæ, visible from
-the opposite shore, to resist any crossing. Accordingly Alexander
-got together a quantity of the rude boats (hollowed out of a single
-trunk) employed for transport on the river, and caused the tent-skins
-of the army to be stuffed with hay in order to support rafts. He
-then put himself on shipboard during the night, and contrived to
-carry across the river a body of 4000 infantry, and 1500 cavalry;
-landing on a part of the bank where there was high standing wheat and
-no enemy’s post. The Getæ, intimidated not less by this successful
-passage than by the excellent array of Alexander’s army, hardly
-stayed to sustain a charge of cavalry, but hastened to abandon
-their poorly fortified town and retire father away from the river.
-Entering the town without resistance, he destroyed it, carried away
-such movables as he found, and then returned to the river without
-delay. Before he quitted the northern bank, he offered sacrifice
-to Zeus the Preserver—to Hêraklês—and to the god Ister (Danube)
-himself, whom he thanked for having shown himself not impassable.<a
-id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>
-On<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[p. 25]</span> the very same
-day, he recrossed the river to his camp; after an empty demonstration
-of force, intended to prove that he could do what neither his father
-nor any Grecian army had ever yet done, and what every one deemed
-impossible—crossing the greatest of all known rivers without a bridge
-and in the face of an enemy.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61"
-class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[p. 26]</span>The terror
-spread by Alexander’s military operations was so great, that not
-only the Triballi, but the other autonomous Thracians around, sent
-envoys tendering presents or tribute, and soliciting peace. Alexander
-granted their request. His mind being bent upon war with Asia, he
-was satisfied with having intimidated these tribes so as to deter
-them from rising during his absence. What conditions he imposed,
-we do not know, but he accepted the presents.<a id="FNanchor_62"
-href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p>
-
-<p>While these applications from the Thracians were under debate,
-envoys arrived from a tribe of Gauls occupying a distant mountainous
-region westward towards the Ionic Gulf. Though strangers to
-Alexander, they had heard so much of the recent<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_27">[p. 27]</span> exploits, that they came with demands to
-be admitted to his friendship. They were distinguished both for tall
-stature and for boastful language. Alexander readily exchanged with
-them assurances of alliance. Entertaining them at a feast, he asked,
-in the course of conversation, what it was that they were most afraid
-of, among human contingencies? They replied, that they feared no man,
-nor any danger, except only, lest the heaven should fall upon them.
-Their answer disappointed Alexander, who had expected that they would
-name him, as the person of whom they were most afraid; so prodigious
-was his conceit of his own exploits. He observed to his friends that
-these Gauls were swaggerers. Yet if we attend to the sentiment rather
-than the language, we shall see that such an epithet applies with
-equal or greater propriety to Alexander himself. The anecdote is
-chiefly interesting as it proves at how early an age the exorbitant
-self-esteem, which we shall hereafter find him manifesting, began.
-That after the battle of Issus he should fancy himself superhuman, we
-can hardly be astonished; but he was as yet only in the first year of
-his reign, and had accomplished nothing beyond his march into Thrace
-and his victory over the Triballi.</p>
-
-<p>After arranging these matters, he marched in a south-westerly
-direction into the territory of the Agriânes and the other Pæonians,
-between the rivers Strymon and Axius in the highest portion of their
-course. Here he was met by a body of Agriânes under their prince
-Langarus, who had already contracted a personal friendship for him
-at Pella before Philip’s death. News came that the Illyrian Kleitus,
-son of Bardylis, who had been subdued by Philip, had revolted at
-Pelion (a strong post south of lake Lychnidus, on the west side of
-the chain of Skardus and Pindus, near the place where that chain
-is broken by the cleft called the Klissura of Tzangon or Devol<a
-id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>)—and
-that the western Illyrians, called Taulantii, under their prince
-Glaukias, were on the march to assist him. Accordingly Alexander
-proceeded thither forthwith, leaving Langarus to deal with the
-Illyrian tribe Autariatæ, who had threatened to oppose his progress.
-He<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[p. 28]</span> marched
-along the bank and up the course of the Erigon, from a point near
-where it joins the Axius.<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64"
-class="fnanchor">[64]</a> On approaching Pelion, he found the
-Illyrians posted in front of the town and on the heights around,
-awaiting the arrival of Glaukias their promised ally. While Alexander
-was making his dispositions for attack, they offered their sacrifices
-to the gods: the victims being three boys, three girls, and three
-black rams. At first they stepped boldly forward to meet him, but
-before coming to close quarters, they turned and fled into the town
-with such haste that the slain victims were left lying on the spot.<a
-id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Having
-thus driven in the defenders, Alexander was preparing to draw a wall
-of circumvallation round the Pelion, when he was interrupted by
-the arrival of Glaukias with so large a force as to compel him to
-abandon the project. A body of cavalry, sent out from the Macedonian
-camp under Philotas to forage, were in danger of being cut off by
-Glaukias, and were only rescued by the arrival of Alexander himself
-with a reinforcement. In the face of this superior force, it was
-necessary to bring off the Macedonian army, through a narrow line of
-road along the river Eordaikus, where in some places there was only
-room for four abreast, with hill or marsh everywhere around. By a
-series of bold and skilful manœuvres, and by effective employment of
-his battering-train or projectile machines to protect the rear-guard,
-Alexander completely baffled<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[p.
-29]</span> the enemy, and brought off his army without loss.<a
-id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>
-Moreover these Illyrians, who had not known how to make use of such
-advantages of position, abandoned themselves to disorder as soon
-as their enemy had retreated, neglecting all precautions for the
-safety of their camp. Apprised of this carelessness, Alexander made
-a forced night-march back, at the head of his Agrianian division
-and light troops supported by the remaining army. He surprised the
-Illyrians in their camp before daylight. The success of this attack
-against a sleeping and unguarded army was so complete, that the
-Illyrians fled at once without resistance. Many were slain or taken
-prisoners; the rest, throwing away their arms, hurried away homeward,
-pursued by Alexander for a considerable distance. The Illyrian prince
-Kleitus was forced to evacuate Pelion, which place he burned, and
-then retired into the territory of Glaukias.<a id="FNanchor_67"
-href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p>
-
-<p>Just as Alexander had completed this victory over Kleitus and
-the Taulantian auxiliaries, and before he had returned home, news
-reached him of a menacing character. The Thebans had declared
-themselves independent of him, and were besieging his garrison in the
-Kadmeia.</p>
-
-<p>Of this event, alike important and disastrous to those who stood
-forward, the immediate antecedents are very imperfectly known to
-us. It has already been remarked that the vote of submission on the
-part of the Greeks to Alexander as Imperator, during the preceding
-autumn, had been passed only under the intimidation of a present
-Macedonian force. Though the Spartans alone had courage to proclaim
-their dissent, the Athenians, Arcadians, Ætolians, and others,
-were well known even to Alexander himself, as ready to do the like
-on any serious reverse to the Macedonian arms.<a id="FNanchor_68"
-href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> Moreover the energy
-and ability displayed by Alexander had taught the Persian king that
-all danger to himself was not removed by the death of Philip, and
-induced him either to send, or to promise, pecuniary aid to the
-anti-Macedonian Greeks. We have already noticed the manifestation
-of anti-Macedonian sentiment at Athens—proclaimed by several of
-the most eminent orators—Demosthenes, Lykur<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_30">[p. 30]</span>gus, Hyperides, and others; as well as by
-active military men like Charidemus and Ephialtes,<a id="FNanchor_69"
-href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> who probably spoke
-out more boldly when Alexander was absent on the Danube. In other
-cities, the same sentiment doubtless found advocates, though
-less distinguished; but at Thebes, where it could not be openly
-proclaimed, it prevailed with the greatest force.<a id="FNanchor_70"
-href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> The Thebans suffered
-an oppression from which most of the other cities were free—the
-presence of a Macedonian garrison in their citadel; just as they
-had endured, fifty years before, the curb of a Spartan garrison
-after the fraud of Phœbidas and Leontiades. In this case, as in the
-former, the effect was to arm the macedonizing leaders with absolute
-power over their fellow-citizens, and to inflict upon the latter
-not merely the public mischief of extinguishing all free speech,
-but also multiplied individual insults and injuries, prompted by
-the lust and rapacity of rulers, foreign as well as domestic.<a
-id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> A
-number of Theban citizens, among them the freest and boldest spirits,
-were in exile at Athens, receiving from the public indeed nothing
-beyond a safe home, but secretly encouraged to hope for better
-things by Demosthenes and the other anti-Macedonian leaders.<a
-id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> In
-like manner, fifty years before, it was at Athens, and from private
-Athenian citizens, that the Thebans Pelopidas and Mellon had found
-that sympathy which enabled them to organize their daring conspiracy
-for rescuing Thebes from the Spartans. That enterprise,<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[p. 31]</span> admired throughout Greece
-as alike adventurous, skilful, and heroic, was the model present to
-the imagination of the Theban exiles, to be copied if any tolerable
-opportunity occurred.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the feeling in Greece, during the long absence of
-Alexander on his march into Thrace and Illyria; a period of four or
-five months, ending at August 335 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> Not only
-was Alexander thus long absent, but he sent home no reports of his
-proceedings. Couriers were likely enough to be intercepted among the
-mountains and robbers of Thrace; and even if they reached Pella,
-their despatches were not publicly read, as such communications
-would have been read to the Athenian assembly. Accordingly we are
-not surprised to hear that rumors arose of his having been defeated
-and slain. Among these reports, both multiplied and confident, one
-was even certified by a liar who pretended to have just arrived
-from Thrace, to have been an eye-witness of the fact, and to have
-been himself wounded in the action against the Triballi, where
-Alexander had perished.<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73"
-class="fnanchor">[73]</a> This welcome news, not fabricated, but too
-hastily credited, by Demosthenes and Lykurgus,<a id="FNanchor_74"
-href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> was announced to the
-Athenian assembly. In spite of doubts expressed by Demades and
-Phokion, it was believed not only by the Athenians and the Theban
-exiles there present, but also by the Arcadians, Eleians, Ætolians
-and other Greeks. For a considerable time, through the absence<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[p. 32]</span> of Alexander, it remained
-uncontradicted, which increased the confidence in its truth.</p>
-
-<p>It was upon the full belief in this rumor, of Alexander’s defeat
-and death, that the Grecian cities proceeded. The event severed
-by itself their connection with Macedonia. There was neither son
-nor adult brother to succeed to the throne: so that not merely the
-foreign ascendency, but even the intestine unity, of Macedonia,
-was likely to be broken up. In regard to Athens, Arcadia, Elis,
-Ætolia, etc., the anti-Macedonian sentiment was doubtless vehemently
-manifested, but no special action was called for. It was otherwise
-in regard to Thebes. Phœnix, Prochytes, and other Theban exiles at
-Athens, immediately laid their plan for liberating their city and
-expelling the Macedonian garrison from the Kadmeia. Assisted with
-arms and money by Demosthenes and other Athenian citizens, and
-invited by their partisans at Thebes, they suddenly entered that
-city in arms. Though unable to carry the Kadmeia by surprise, they
-seized in the city, and put to death, Amyntas, a principal Macedonian
-officer, with Timolaus, one of the leading macedonizing Thebans.<a
-id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>
-They then immediately convoked a general assembly of the Thebans,
-to whom they earnestly appealed for a vigorous effort to expel
-the Macedonians, and reconquer the ancient freedom of the city.
-Expatiating upon the misdeeds of the garrison and upon the
-oppressions of those Thebans who governed by means of the garrison,
-they proclaimed that the happy moment of liberation had now arrived,
-through the recent death of Alexander. They doubtless recalled the
-memory of Pelopidas, and the glorious enterprise, cherished by
-all Theban patriots, whereby he had rescued the city from Spartan
-occupation, forty-six years before. To this appeal the Thebans
-cordially responded. The assembly passed a vote, declaring severance
-from Macedonia, and autonomy of Thebes—and naming as Bœotarchs some
-of the returned exiles, with others of the same party, for the
-purpose of energetic measures against the garrison in the Kadmeia.<a
-id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>
-
-<p>Unfortunately for Thebes, none of these new Bœotarchs were men
-of the stamp of Epaminondas, probably not even of Pelopi<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[p. 33]</span>das. Yet their scheme,
-though from its melancholy result it is generally denounced as
-insane, really promised better at first than that of the anti-Spartan
-conspirators in 380 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> The
-Kadmeia was instantly summoned; hopes being perhaps indulged,
-that the Macedonian commander would surrender it with as little
-resistance as the Spartan harmost had done. But such hopes were
-not realized. Philip had probably caused the citadel to be both
-strengthened and provisioned. The garrison defied the Theban
-leaders, who did not feel themselves strong enough to give orders
-for an assault, as Pelopidas in his time was prepared to do, if
-surrender had been denied.<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77"
-class="fnanchor">[77]</a> They contented themselves with drawing
-and guarding a double line of circumvallation round the Kadmeia, so
-as to prevent both sallies from within and supplies from without.<a
-id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> They
-then sent envoys in the melancholy equipment of suppliants, to
-the Arcadians and others, representing that their recent movement
-was directed, not against Hellenic union, but against Macedonian
-oppression and outrage, which pressed upon them with intolerable
-bitterness. As Greeks and freemen, they entreated aid to rescue them
-from such a calamity. They obtained much favorable sympathy, with
-some promise and even half-performance. Many of the leading orators
-at Athens—Demosthenes, Lykurgus, Hyperides, and others—together
-with the military men Charidemus and Ephialtes—strongly urged their
-countrymen to declare in favor of Thebes and send aid against
-the Kadmeia. But the citizens generally, following Demades and
-Phokion, waited to be better assured both of Alexander’s death
-and of its consequences, before they would incur the hazard
-of open hostility against Macedonia, though they seem to have
-declared sympathy with the Theban revolution.<a id="FNanchor_79"
-href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> Demosthenes farther
-went as envoy into Peloponnesus, while the Macedonian Antipater
-also sent round urgent applications to the Peloponnesian cities,
-requiring their contingents, as members of the confederacy under
-Alexander, to act against Thebes. The eloquence of Demosthenes,
-backed by his money, or by Persian money administered through<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[p. 34]</span> him, prevailed on the
-Peloponnesians to refuse compliance with Antipater and to send no
-contingents against Thebes.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80"
-class="fnanchor">[80]</a> The Eleians and Ætolians held out general
-assurances favorable to the revolution at Thebes, while the
-Arcadians even went so far as to send out some troops to second it,
-though they did not advance beyond the isthmus.<a id="FNanchor_81"
-href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p>
-
-<p>Here was a crisis in Grecian affairs, opening new possibilities
-for the recovery of freedom. Had the Arcadians and other Greeks
-lent decisive aid to Thebes—had Athens acted even with as much
-energy as she did twelve years afterwards during the Lamian war,
-occupying Thermopylæ with an army and a fleet—the gates of Greece
-might well have been barred against a new Macedonian force, even
-with Alexander alive and at its head. That the struggle of Thebes
-was not regarded at the time, even by macedonizing Greeks, as
-hopeless, is shown by the subsequent observations both of Æschines
-and Deinarchus at Athens. Æschines (delivering five years afterwards
-his oration against Ktesiphon) accuses Demosthenes of having by his
-perverse backwardness brought about the ruin of Thebes. The foreign
-mercenaries forming part of the garrison of the Kadmeia were ready
-(Æschines affirms) to deliver up that fortress, on receiving five
-talents: the Arcadian generals would have brought up their troops
-to the aid of Thebes, if nine or ten talents had been paid to
-them—having repudiated the solicitations of Antipater. Demosthenes
-(say these two orators) having in his possession 300 talents from the
-Persian king, to instigate anti-Macedonian movements in Greece, was
-supplicated by the Theban envoys to furnish money for these purposes,
-but refused the request, kept the money for himself, and thus
-prevented both the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[p. 35]</span>
-surrender of the Kadmeia and the onward march of the Arcadians.<a
-id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>
-The charge here advanced against Demosthenes appears utterly
-incredible. To suppose that anti-Macedonian movements counted
-for so little in his eyes, is an hypothesis belied by his whole
-history. But the fact that such allegations were made by Æschines
-only five years afterwards, proves the reports and the feelings of
-the time—that the chances of successful resistance to Macedonia on
-the part of the Thebans were not deemed unfavorable. And when the
-Athenians, following the counsels of Demades and Phokion, refused
-to aid Thebes or occupy Thermopylæ—they perhaps consulted the
-safety of Athens separately, but they receded from the generous
-and Pan-hellenic patriotism which had animated their ancestors
-against Xerxes and Mardonius.<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83"
-class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Thebans, though left in this ungenerous isolation, pressed
-the blockade of the Kadmeia, and would presently have reduced the
-Macedonian garrison, had they not been surprised by the awe-striking
-event—Alexander arriving in person at Onchêstus in Bœotia, at the
-head of his victorious army. The first news of his being alive was
-furnished by his arrival at Onchêstus. No<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_36">[p. 36]</span> one could at first believe the fact.
-The Theban leaders contended that it was another Alexander, the
-son of Aëropus, at the head of a Macedonian army of relief.<a
-id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p>
-
-<p>In this incident we may note two features, which characterized
-Alexander to the end of his life; matchless celerity of movement,
-and no less remarkable favor of fortune. Had news of the Theban
-rising first reached him while on the Danube or among the distant
-Triballi,—or even when embarrassed in the difficult region round
-Pelion,—he could hardly by any effort have arrived in time to save
-the Kadmeia. But he learnt it just when he had vanquished Kleitus and
-Glaukias, so that his hands were perfectly free—and also when he was
-in a position peculiarly near and convenient for a straight march
-into Greece without going back to Pella. From the pass of Tschangon
-(or of the river Devol), near which Alexander’s last victories were
-gained, his road lay southward, following downwards in part the
-higher course of the river Haliakmon, through Upper Macedonia or the
-regions called Eordæa and Elymeia which lay on his left, while the
-heights of Pindus and the upper course of the river Aous, occupied
-by the Epirots called Tymphæi and Parauæi, were on the right. On the
-seventh day of march, crossing the lower ridges of the Cambunian
-mountains (which separate Olympus from Pindus and Upper Macedonia
-from Thessaly), Alexander reached the Thessalian town of Pelinna. Six
-days more brought him to the Bœotian Onchestus.<a id="FNanchor_85"
-href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> He was already within
-Thermopylæ, before any Greeks were aware that he was in march, or
-even that he was alive. The question about occupying Thermopylæ by
-a Grecian force was thus set aside. The difficulty of forcing that
-pass, and the necessity of forestalling Athens in it by stratagem or
-celerity, was present to the mind of Alexander, as it had been to
-that of Philip in his expedition of 346 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>,
-against the Phokians.</p>
-
-<p>His arrival, in itself a most formidable event, told with double
-force on the Greeks from its extreme suddenness. We can<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[p. 37]</span> hardly doubt that both
-Athenians and Thebans had communications at Pella—that they looked
-upon any Macedonian invasion as likely to come from thence—and that
-they expected Alexander himself (assuming him to be still living,
-contrary to their belief) back in his capital before he began any
-new enterprise. Upon this hypothesis—in itself probable, and such as
-would have been realized if Alexander had not already advanced so far
-southward at the moment when he received the news<a id="FNanchor_86"
-href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>—they would at least
-have known beforehand of his approach, and would have had the option
-of a defensive combination open. As it happened, his unexpected
-appearance in the heart of Greece precluded all combinations, and
-checked all idea of resistance.</p>
-
-<p>Two days after his arrival in Bœotia, he marched his army round
-Thebes, so as to encamp on the south side of the city; whereby he
-both intercepted the communication of the Thebans with Athens, and
-exhibited his force more visibly to the garrison in the Kadmeia.
-The Thebans, though alone and without hope of succor, maintained
-their courage unshaken. Alexander deferred the attack for a day
-or two, in hopes that they would submit; he wished to avoid an
-assault which might cost the lives of many of his soldiers, whom he
-required for his Asiatic schemes. He even made public proclamation,<a
-id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>
-demanding the surrender of the anti-Macedonian leaders Phœnix
-and Prochytes, but offering to any other Theban who chose to
-quit the city, permission to come and join him on the terms of
-the convention sworn in the preceding autumn. A general assembly
-being convened, the macedonizing Thebans enforced the prudence
-of submission to an irresistible force. But the leaders recently
-returned from exile, who had headed the rising, warmly opposed this
-proposition, contending for resistance to the death. In them, such
-resolution may not be wonderful, since (as Arrian<a id="FNanchor_88"
-href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> remarks) they had
-gone too far to hope for lenity. As it appears however that the
-mass of citizens deliberately adopted the same resolution, in<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[p. 38]</span> spite of strong
-persuasion to the contrary,<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89"
-class="fnanchor">[89]</a> we see plainly that they had already
-felt the bitterness of Macedonian dominion, and that sooner than
-endure a renewal of it, sure to be yet worse, coupled with the
-dishonor of surrendering their leaders—they had made up their
-minds to perish with the freedom of their city. At a time when the
-sentiment of Hellas as an autonomous system was passing away, and
-when Grecian courage was degenerating into a mere instrument for the
-aggrandizement of Macedonian chiefs, these countrymen of Epaminondas
-and Pelopidas set an example of devoted self-sacrifice in the cause
-of Grecian liberty, not less honorable than that of Leonidas at
-Thermopylæ, and only less esteemed because it proved infructuous.</p>
-
-<p>In reply to the proclamation of Alexander, the Thebans made
-from their walls a counter-proclamation, demanding the surrender
-of his officers Antipater and Philotas, and inviting every one to
-join them, who desired, in concert with the Persian king and the
-Thebans, to liberate the Greeks and put down the despot of Hellas.<a
-id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Such
-a haughty defiance and retort incensed Alexander to the quick.
-He brought up his battering engines and prepared everything for
-storming the town. Of the murderous assault which followed, we find
-different accounts, not agreeing with each other, yet not wholly
-irreconcilable. It appears that the Thebans had erected, probably
-in connection with their operations against the Kadmeia, an outwork
-defended by a double palisade. Their walls were guarded by the least
-effective soldiers, metics and liberated slaves; while their best
-troops were bold enough to go forth in front of the gates and give
-battle. Alexander divided his army into three divisions; one under
-Perdikkas and Amyntas, against the outwork—a second, destined to
-combat the Thebans who sallied out—and a third, held in reserve.
-Between the second of these three divisions, and the Thebans in front
-of the gates, the battle was so obstinately contested, that success
-at one time seemed doubtful, and Alexander was forced to order up
-his reserve. The first Macedonian success was gained by Perdikkas,<a
-id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> who,
-aided by the division of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[p.
-39]</span> Amyntas and also by the Agrianian regiment and the bowmen
-carried the first of the two outworks, as well as a postern gate
-which had been left unguarded. His troops also stormed the second
-outwork, though he himself was severely wounded and borne away to
-the camp. Here the Theban defenders fled back<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_40">[p. 40]</span> into the city, along the hollow way
-which led to the temple of Herakles, pursued by the light troops, in
-advance of the rest. Upon these men, however, the Thebans presently
-turned, repelling them with the loss of Eurybotas their commanding
-officer and seventy men slain. In pursuing these bowmen, the ranks
-of the Thebans became somewhat disordered, so that they were unable
-to resist the steady charge of the Macedonian guards and heavy
-infantry coming up in support. They were broken, and pushed back
-into the city; their rout being rendered still more complete by a
-sally of the Macedonian garrison out of the Kadmeia. The assailants
-being victorious on this side, the Thebans who were maintaining
-the combat without the gates were compelled to retreat, and the
-advancing Macedonians forced their way into the town along with
-them. Within the town, however, the fighting still continued; the
-Thebans resisting in organized bodies as long as they could; and when
-broken, still resisting even single-handed. None of the military
-population sued for mercy; most of them were slain in the streets;
-but a few cavalry and infantry cut their way out into the plain and
-escaped. The fight now degenerated into a carnage. The Macedonians
-with their Pæonian contingents were incensed with the obstinate
-resistance; while various Greeks serving as auxiliaries—Phokians,
-Orchomenians, Thespians, Platæans,—had to avenge ancient and grievous
-injuries endured from Thebes. Such furious feelings were satiated
-by an indiscriminate massacre of all who came in their way, without
-distinction of age or sex—old men, women, and children, in houses
-and even in temples. This<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[p.
-41]</span> wholesale slaughter was accompanied of course by all
-the plunder and manifold outrage with which victorious assailants
-usually reward themselves.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92"
-class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p>
-
-<p>More than five hundred Macedonians are asserted to have
-been slain, and six thousand Thebans. Thirty thousand captives
-were collected.<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93"
-class="fnanchor">[93]</a> The final destiny of these captives, and
-of Thebes itself, was submitted by Alexander to the Orchomenians,
-Platæans, Phokians, and other Grecian auxiliaries in the assault.
-He must have known well beforehand what the sentence of such judges
-would be. They pronounced, that the city of Thebes should be
-razed to the ground: that the Kadmeia alone should be maintained,
-as a military post with Macedonian garrison: that the Theban
-territory should be distributed among the allies themselves: that
-Orchomenus and Platæa should be rebuilt and fortified: that all
-the captive Thebans, men, women, and children, should be sold
-as slaves—excepting only priests and priestesses, and such as
-were connected by recognized ties of hospitality with Philip or
-Alexander, or such as had been <i>proxeni</i> of the Macedonians; that
-the Thebans who had escaped should be proclaimed outlaws, liable to
-arrest and death, wherever they were found; and that every Grecian
-city should be interdicted from harboring them.<a id="FNanchor_94"
-href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p>
-
-<p>This overwhelming sentence, in spite of an appeal for
-lenity by a Theban<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95"
-class="fnanchor">[95]</a> named Kleadas, was passed by the Grecian
-auxiliaries of Alexander, and executed by Alexander himself, who
-made but one addition to the excepting clauses. He left the house of
-Pindar standing, and spared the descendants of the poet. With these
-reserves, Thebes was effaced from the earth. The Theban territory
-was partitioned among the reconstituted cities of Orchomenus and
-Platæa. Nothing, except the Macedonian military post at the Kadmeia,
-remained to mark the place where the chief of the Bœotian confederacy
-had once stood. The captives were all sold, and are said to have
-yielded 440 talents; large prices being offered by bidders from
-feelings of hostility towards<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[p.
-42]</span> the city.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96"
-class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Diodorus tells us that this sentence was
-passed by the general synod of Greeks. But we are not called upon to
-believe that this synod, subservient though it was sure to be when
-called upon to deliberate under the armed force of Alexander, could
-be brought to sanction such a ruin upon one of the first and most
-ancient Hellenic cities. For we learn from Arrian that the question
-was discussed and settled only by the Grecian auxiliaries who had
-taken part with Alexander;<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97"
-class="fnanchor">[97]</a> and that the sentence therefore represents
-the bitter antipathies of the Orchomenians, Platæans, etc. Without
-doubt, these cities had sustained harsh and cruel treatment from
-Thebes. In so far as they were concerned, the retribution upon
-the Thebans was merited. Those persons, however, who (as Arrian
-tells us) pronounced the catastrophe to be a divine judgment upon
-Thebes for having joined Xerxes against Greece<a id="FNanchor_98"
-href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> a century and a half
-before,—must have forgotten that not only the Orchomenians, but
-even Alexander of Macedon, the namesake and predecessor of the
-destroying conqueror, had served in the army of Xerxes along with the
-Thebans.</p>
-
-<p>Arrian vainly endeavors to transfer from Alexander to the minor
-Bœotian towns the odium of this cruel destruction—unparalleled in
-Grecian history (as he himself says), when we look to the magnitude
-of the city; yet surpassed in the aggregate by the subversion,
-under the arms of Philip, of no less than thirty-two free Chalkidic
-cities, thirteen years before. The known antipathy of these Bœotians
-was invoked by Alexander to color an infliction which satisfied at
-once his sentiment, by destroying an enemy who defied him—and his
-policy, by serving as a terrific example to keep down other Greeks.<a
-id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>
-But<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[p. 43]</span> though such
-were the views which governed him at the moment, he came afterwards
-to look back upon the proceeding with shame and sorrow. The shock to
-Hellenic feeling, when a city was subverted, arose not merely from
-the violent extinction of life, property, liberty, and social or
-political institutions—but also from the obliteration of legends and
-the suppression of religious observances, thus wronging and provoking
-the local gods and heroes. We shall presently find Alexander himself
-sacrificing at Ilium,<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100"
-class="fnanchor">[100]</a> in order to appease the wrath of Priam,
-still subsisting and efficacious, against himself and his race,
-as being descended from Neoptolemus the slayer of Priam. By his
-harsh treatment of Thebes, he incurred the displeasure of Dionysus,
-the god of wine, said to have been born in that city, and one of
-the principal figures in Theban legend. It was to inspirations
-of the offended Dionysus that Alexander believed himself to owe
-that ungovernable drunken passion under which he afterwards killed
-Kleitus, as well as the refusal of his Macedonian soldiers to follow
-him farther into India.<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101"
-class="fnanchor">[101]</a> If Alexander in after days thus<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[p. 44]</span> repented of his own act,
-we may be sure that the like repugnance was felt still more strongly
-by others; and we can understand the sentiment under which, a few
-years after his decease, the Macedonian Kassander, son of Antipater,
-restored the destroyed city.</p>
-
-<p>At the time, however, the effect produced by the destruction of
-Thebes was one of unmitigated terror throughout the Grecian cities.
-All of them sought to make their peace with the conqueror. The
-Arcadian contingent not only returned home from the Isthmus, but even
-condemned their leaders to death. The Eleians recalled their chief
-macedonizing citizens out of exile into ascendency at home. Each
-tribe of Ætolians sent envoys to Alexander, entreating forgiveness
-for the manifestations against him. At Athens, we read with surprise
-that on the very day when Thebes was assaulted and taken, the great
-festival of Eleusinian Dêmêtêr, with its multitudinous procession
-of votaries from Athens to Eleusis, was actually taking place, at
-a distance of two days’ march from the besieged city. Most Theban
-fugitives who contrived to escape, fled to Attica as the nearest
-place of refuge, communicating to the Athenians their own distress
-and terror. The festival was forthwith suspended. Every one hurried
-within the walls of Athens,<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102"
-class="fnanchor">[102]</a> carrying with him his movable property
-into a state of security. Under the general alarm prevalent, that
-the conqueror would march directly into Attica, and under the hurry
-of preparation for defence,—the persons both most alarmed and most
-in real danger were, of course, Demosthenes, Lykurgus, Charidemus,
-and those others who had been loudest in speech against Macedonia,
-and had tried to prevail on the Athenians to espouse openly the
-cause of Thebes. Yet notwithstanding such terror of consequences
-to themselves, the Athenians afforded shelter and sympathy to the
-miserable Theban fugitives. They continued to do this even when they
-must have known that they were contravening the edict of proscription
-just sanctioned by Alexander.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[p. 45]</span>Shortly
-afterwards, envoys arrived from that monarch with a menacing
-letter, formally demanding the surrender of eight or ten leading
-citizens of Athens—Demosthenes, Lykurgus, Hyperides, Polyeuktus,
-Mœroklês, Diotimus,<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103"
-class="fnanchor">[103]</a> Ephialtes, and Charidemus. Of these
-the first four were eminent orators, the last two military men;
-all strenuous advocates of an anti-Macedonian policy. Alexander
-in his letter denounced the ten as the causes of the battle of
-Chæroneia, of the offensive resolutions which had been adopted at
-Athens after the death of Philip, and even of the recent hostile
-proceedings of the Thebans.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104"
-class="fnanchor">[104]</a> This momentous summons, involving the
-right of free speech and public debate at Athens, was submitted to
-the assembly. A similar demand had just been made upon the Thebans,
-and the consequences of refusal were to be read no less plainly in
-the destruction of their city than in the threats of the conqueror.
-That even under such trying circumstances, neither orators nor
-people failed in courage—we know as a general fact; though we have
-not the advantage (as Livy had in his time) of reading the speeches
-made in the debate.<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105"
-class="fnanchor">[105]</a> Demosthenes, insisting that the fate of
-the citizens generally could not be severed from that of the specific
-victims, is said to have recounted in the course of his speech,
-the old fable—of the wolf requiring the sheep to make over to him
-their protecting dogs, as a condition of peace—and then, devouring
-the unprotected sheep forthwith. He, and those demanded along with
-him, claimed the protection of the people,<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_46">[p. 46]</span> in whose cause alone they had incurred
-the wrath of the conqueror. Phokion on the other hand—silent at
-first, and rising only under constraint by special calls from the
-popular voice—contended that there was not force enough to resist
-Alexander, and that the persons in question must be given up. He
-even made appeal to themselves individually, reminding them of the
-self-devotion of the daughters of Erechtheus, memorable in Attic
-legend—and calling on them to surrender themselves voluntarily for
-the purpose of perverting public calamity He added, that he (Phokion)
-would rejoice to offer up either himself, or his best friend, if
-by such sacrifice he could save the city.<a id="FNanchor_106"
-href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> Lykurgus, one of
-the orators whose extradition was required, answered this speech
-of Phokion with vehemence and bitterness; and the public sentiment
-went along with him, indignantly repudiating Phokion’s advice. By
-a resolute patriotism highly honorable at this trying juncture, it
-was decreed that the persons demanded should not be surrendered.<a
-id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p>
-
-<p>On the motion of Demades, an embassy was sent to Alexander,
-deprecating his wrath against the ten, and engaging to punish them
-by judicial sentence, if any crime could be proved against them.
-Demades, who is said to have received from Demosthenes a bribe of
-five talents, undertook this mission. But Alexander was at first
-inexorable; refusing even to hear the envoys, and persisting in
-his requisition. It was only by the intervention of a second
-embassy, headed by Phokion, that a remission of terms was obtained.
-Alexander was persuaded to withdraw his requisition, and to be
-satisfied with the banishment of Charidemus and Ephialtes, the two
-anti-Macedonian military leaders. Both of them accordingly, and
-seemingly other Athenians with them, passed into Asia, where they
-took service under Darius.<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108"
-class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[p. 47]</span>It was indeed no
-part of Alexander’s plan to undertake a siege of Athens, which might
-prove long and difficult, since the Athenians had a superior naval
-force, with the sea open to them, and the chance of effective support
-from Persia. When therefore he saw, that his demand for the ten
-orators would be firmly resisted, considerations of policy gradually
-overcame his wrath, and induced him to relax.</p>
-
-<p>Phokion returned to Athens as the bearer of Alexander’s
-concessions, thus relieving the Athenians from extreme anxiety and
-peril. His influence—already great and of long standing, since for
-years past he had been perpetually re-elected general—became greater
-than ever, while that of Demosthenes and the other anti-Macedonian
-orators must have been lowered. It was no mean advantage to
-Alexander, victorious as he was, to secure the incorruptible
-Phokion as leader of the macedonizing party at Athens. His projects
-against Persia were mainly exposed to failure from the possibility
-of opposition being raised against him in Greece by the agency of
-Persian money and ships. To keep Athens out of such combinations, he
-had to rely upon the personal influence and party of Phokion, whom he
-knew to have always dissuaded her from resistance to the ever-growing
-aggrandizement of his father Philip. In his conversation with<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[p. 48]</span> Phokion on the intended
-Asiatic expedition, Alexander took some pains to flatter the pride of
-Athens by describing her as second only to himself, and as entitled
-to the headship of Greece, in case any thing should happen to him.<a
-id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>
-Such compliments were suitable to be repeated in the Athenian
-assembly: indeed the Macedonian prince might naturally prefer the
-idea of Athenian headship to that of Spartan, seeing that Sparta
-stood aloof from him, an open recusant.</p>
-
-<p>The animosity of Alexander being appeased, Athens resumed her
-position as a member of the confederacy under his imperial authority.
-Without visiting Attica, he now marched to the Isthmus of Corinth,
-where he probably received from various Grecian cities deputations
-deprecating his displeasure, and proclaiming their submission to
-his imperial authority. He also probably presided at a meeting of
-the Grecian synod, where he would dictate the contingents required
-for his intended Asiatic expedition in the ensuing spring. To
-the universal deference and submission which greeted him, one
-exception was found—the Cynic philosopher Diogenes, who resided at
-Corinth, satisfied with a tub for shelter, and with the coarsest
-and most self-denying existence. Alexander approached him with
-a numerous suite, and asked him if he wished for anything; upon
-which Diogenes is said to have replied,—“Nothing, except that you
-would stand a little out of my sunshine.” Both the philosopher and
-his reply provoked laughter from the bystanders, but Alexander
-himself was so impressed with the independent and self-sufficing
-character manifested, that he exclaimed,—“If I were not Alexander,
-I would be Diogenes.”<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110"
-class="fnanchor">[110]</a></p>
-
-<p>Having visited the oracle of Delphi, and received or extorted
-from the priestess<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111"
-class="fnanchor">[111]</a> an answer bearing favorable promise for
-his Asiatic schemes, he returned to Macedonia before the winter.
-The most important permanent effect of his stay in Greece was the
-reconstitution of Bœotia; that is, the destruction of Thebes, and the
-reconstitution of Orchomenus, Thespiæ, and Platæa, dividing between
-them the Theban territory; all guarded and<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_49">[p. 49]</span> controlled by a Macedonian garrison in
-the Kadmeia. It would have been interesting to learn some details
-about this process of destruction and restitution of the Bœotian
-towns; a process not only calling forth strong manifestations of
-sentiment, but also involving important and difficult questions to
-settle. But unfortunately we are not permitted to know anything
-beyond the general fact.</p>
-
-<p>Alexander left Greece for Pella in the autumn of 335
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, and never saw it again.</p>
-
-<p>It appears, that during this summer, while he was occupied in
-his Illyrian and Theban operations, the Macedonian force under
-Parmenio in Asia had had to contend against a Persian army, or Greek
-mercenaries, commanded by Memnon the Rhodian. Parmenio, marching into
-Æolis, besieged and took Grynium; after which he attacked Pitanê,
-but was compelled by Memnon to raise the siege. Memnon even gained
-a victory over the Macedonian force under Kallas in the Troad,
-compelling them to retire to Rhœteum. But he failed in an attempt to
-surprise Kyzikus, and was obliged to content himself with plundering
-the adjoining territory.<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112"
-class="fnanchor">[112]</a> It is affirmed that Darius was engaged
-this summer in making large preparations, naval as well as military,
-to resist the intended expedition of Alexander. Yet all that we hear
-of what was actually done implies nothing beyond a moderate force.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_92">
-  <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCII.<br />
-    ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">A year</span> and some months
-had sufficed for Alexander to make a first display of his energy
-and military skill, destined for achievements yet greater; and to
-crush the growing aspirations<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[p.
-50]</span> for freedom among Greeks on the south, as well as among
-Thracians on the north, of Macedonia. The ensuing winter was employed
-in completing his preparations; so that early in the spring of 334
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, his army destined for the
-conquest of Asia was mustered between Pella and Amphipolis, while his
-fleet was at hand to lend support.</p>
-
-<p>The whole of Alexander’s remaining life—from his crossing the
-Hellespont in March or April 334 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, to his
-death at Babylon in June 323 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, eleven
-years and two or three months—was passed in Asia, amidst unceasing
-military operations, and ever-multiplied conquests. He never lived
-to revisit Macedonia; but his achievements were on so transcendent a
-scale, his acquisitions of territory so unmeasured, and his thirst
-for farther aggrandizement still so insatiate, that Macedonia sinks
-into insignificance in the list of his possessions. Much more do the
-Grecian cities dwindle into outlying appendages of a newly-grown
-Oriental empire. During all these eleven years, the history of Greece
-is almost a blank, except here and there a few scattered events.
-It is only at the death of Alexander that the Grecian cities again
-awaken into active movement.</p>
-
-<p>The Asiatic conquests of Alexander do not belong directly and
-literally to the province of an historian of Greece. They were
-achieved by armies of which the general, the principal officers,
-and most part of the soldiers, were Macedonian. The Greeks who
-served with him were only auxiliaries, along with the Thracians and
-Pæonians. Though more numerous than all the other auxiliaries, they
-did not constitute, like the Ten Thousand Greeks in the army of the
-younger Cyrus, the force on which he mainly relied for victory.
-His chief-secretary, Eumenes of Kardia, was a Greek, and probably
-most of the civil and intellectual functions connected with the
-service were also performed by Greeks. Many Greeks also served
-in the army of Persia against him, and composed indeed a larger
-proportion of the real force (disregarding mere numbers) in the army
-of Darius than in that of Alexander. Hence the expedition becomes
-indirectly incorporated with the stream of Grecian history by the
-powerful auxiliary agency of Greeks on both sides—and still more,
-by its connection with previous projects, dreams, and legends, long
-antecedent to the aggrandizement of Macedon—as<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_51">[p. 51]</span> well as by the character which Alexander
-thought fit to assume. To take revenge on Persia for the invasion
-of Greece by Xerxes, and to liberate the Asiatic Greeks, had been
-the scheme of the Spartan Agesilaus, and of the Pheræan Jason; with
-hopes grounded on the memorable expedition and safe return of the
-Ten Thousand. It had been recommended by the rhetor Isokrates, first
-to the combined force of Greece, while yet Grecian cities were free,
-under the joint headship of Athens and Sparta—next, to Philip of
-Macedon as the chief of united Greece, when his victorious arms had
-extorted a recognition of headship, setting aside both Athens and
-Sparta. The enterprising ambition of Philip was well pleased to be
-nominated chief of Greece for the execution of this project. From him
-it passed to his yet more ambitious son.</p>
-
-<p>Though really a scheme of Macedonian appetite and for Macedonian
-aggrandizement, the expedition against Asia thus becomes thrust
-into the series of Grecian events, under the Pan-hellenic pretence
-of retaliation for the long past insults of Xerxes. I call it a
-<i>pretence</i>, because it had ceased to be a real Hellenic feeling, and
-served now two different purposes; first, to ennoble the undertaking
-in the eyes of Alexander himself, whose mind was very accessible
-to religious and legendary sentiment, and who willingly identified
-himself with Agamemnon or Achilles, immortalized as executors of the
-collective vengeance of Greece for Asiatic insult—next, to assist in
-keeping the Greeks quiet during his absence. He was himself aware
-that the real sympathies of the Greeks were rather adverse than
-favorable to his success.</p>
-
-<p>Apart from this body of extinct sentiment, ostentatiously
-rekindled for Alexander’s purposes, the position of the Greeks in
-reference to his Asiatic conquests was very much the same as that of
-the German contingents, especially those of the Confederation of the
-Rhine, who served in the grand army with which the Emperor Napoleon
-invaded Russia in 1812. They had no public interest in the victory of
-the invader, which could end only by reducing them to still greater
-prostration. They were likely to adhere to their leader as long as
-his power continued unimpaired, but no longer. Yet Napoleon thought
-himself entitled to reckon upon them as if they had been Frenchmen,
-and to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[p. 52]</span> denounce
-the Germans in the service of Russia as traitors who had forfeited
-the allegiance which they owed to him. We find him drawing the same
-pointed distinction between the Russian and the German prisoners
-taken, as Alexander made between Asiatic and Grecian prisoners. These
-Grecian prisoners the Macedonian prince reproached as guilty of
-treason against the proclaimed statute of collective Hellas, whereby
-he had been declared general, and the Persian king a public enemy.<a
-id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p>
-
-<p>Hellas, as a political aggregate, has now ceased to exist, except
-in so far as Alexander employs the name for his own purposes.
-Its component members are annexed as appendages, doubtless of
-considerable value, to the Macedonian kingdom. Fourteen years before
-Alexander’s accession, Demosthenes, while instigating the Athenians
-to uphold Olynthus against Philip, had told them<a id="FNanchor_114"
-href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>—“The Macedonian
-power, considered as an appendage,<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_53">[p. 53]</span> is of no mean value; but by itself,
-it is weak and full of embarrassments.” Inverting the position of
-the parties, these words represent exactly what Greece herself
-had become, in reference to Macedonia and Persia, at the time of
-Alexander’s accession. Had the Persians played their game with
-tolerable prudence and vigor, his success would have been measured by
-the degree to which he could appropriate Grecian force to himself,
-and withhold it from his enemy.</p>
-
-<p>Alexander’s memorable and illustrious manifestations, on which
-we are now entering, are those, not of the ruler or politician, but
-of the general and the soldier. In this character his appearance
-forms a sort of historical epoch. It is not merely in soldier-like
-qualities—in the most forward and even adventurous bravery—in
-indefatigable personal activity, and in endurance as to hardship
-and fatigue,—that he stands pre-eminent; though these qualities
-alone, when found in a king, act so powerfully on those under his
-command, that they suffice to produce great achievements, even
-when combined with generalship not surpassing the average of his
-age. But in generalship, Alexander was yet more above the level of
-his contemporaries. His strategic combinations, his employment of
-different descriptions of force conspiring towards one end, his
-long-sighted plans for the prosecution of campaigns, his constant
-foresight and resource against new difficulties, together with
-rapidity of movement even in the worst country—all on a scale of
-prodigious magnitude—are without parallel in ancient history. They
-carry the art of systematic and scientific welfare to a degree of
-efficiency, such as even successors trained in his school were unable
-to keep up unimpaired.</p>
-
-<p>We must recollect however that Alexander found the Macedonian
-military system built up by Philip, and had only to apply and enlarge
-it. As transmitted to him, it embodied the accumulated result and
-matured fruit of a series of successive improvements, applied by
-Grecian tacticians to the primitive Hellenic arrangements. During
-the sixty years before the accession of<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_54">[p. 54]</span> Alexander, the art of war had been
-conspicuously progressive—to the sad detriment of Grecian political
-freedom. “Everything around us (says Demosthenes addressing the
-people of Athens in 342 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>),
-has been in advance for some years past—nothing is like what it
-was formerly—but nowhere is the alteration and enlargement more
-conspicuous than in the affairs of war. Formerly, the Lacedæmonians
-as well as other Greeks did nothing more than invade each other’s
-territory, during the four or five summer months, with their native
-force of citizen hoplites: in winter they stayed at home. But now we
-see Philip in constant action, winter as well as summer, attacking
-all around him, not merely with Macedonian hoplites, but with
-cavalry, light infantry, bowmen, foreigners of all descriptions,
-and siege-batteries.”<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115"
-class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p>
-
-<p>I have in my last two volumes dwelt upon this progressive change
-in the character of Grecian soldiership. At Athens, and in most other
-parts of Greece, the burghers had become averse to hard and active
-military service. The use of arms had passed mainly to professional
-soldiers, who, without any feeling of citizenship, served wherever
-good pay was offered, and became immensely multiplied, to the
-detriment and danger of Grecian society.<a id="FNanchor_116"
-href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Many of these
-mercenaries were lightly armed—peltasts served in combination
-with the hoplites.<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117"
-class="fnanchor">[117]</a> Iphikrates greatly improved and partly
-re-armed the peltasts; whom he employed conjointly with hoplites so
-effectively as to astonish his contemporaries.<a id="FNanchor_118"
-href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> His innovation was
-farther developed by the great<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[p.
-55]</span> military genius of Epaminondas; who not only made
-infantry and cavalry, light-armed and heavy-armed, conspire to one
-scheme of operations, but also completely altered the received
-principles of battle-manœuvring, by concentrating an irresistible
-force of attack on one point of the enemy’s line, and keeping the
-rest of his own line more on the defensive. Besides these important
-improvements, realized by generals in actual practice, intelligent
-officers like Xenophon embodied the results of their military
-experience in valuable published criticisms.<a id="FNanchor_119"
-href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> Such were the lessons
-which the Macedonian Philip learnt and applied to the enslavement of
-those Greeks, especially of the Thebans, from whom they were derived.
-In his youth, as a hostage at Thebes, he had probably conversed
-with Epaminondas, and must certainly have become familiar with the
-Theban military arrangements. He had every motive, not merely from
-ambition, of conquest, but even from the necessities of defence, to
-turn them to account: and he brought to the task military genius and
-aptitude of the highest order. In arms, in evolutions, in engines,
-in regimenting, in war-office arrangements, he introduced important
-novelties; bequeathing to his successors the Macedonian military
-system, which, with improvements by his son, lasted until the
-conquest of the country by Rome, near two centuries afterwards.</p>
-
-<p>The military force of Macedonia, in the times anterior to<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[p. 56]</span> Philip, appears to have
-consisted, like that of Thessaly, in a well-armed and well-mounted
-cavalry, formed from the substantial proprietors of the country—and
-in a numerous assemblage of peltasts or light infantry (somewhat
-analogous to the Thessalian Penestæ): these latter were the rural
-population, shepherds or cultivators, who tended sheep and cattle, or
-tilled the earth, among the spacious mountains and valleys of Upper
-Macedonia. The Grecian towns near the coast, and the few Macedonian
-towns in the interior, had citizen-hoplites better armed; but
-foot-service was not in honor among the natives, and the Macedonian
-infantry in their general character were hardly more than a rabble.
-At the period of Philip’s accession, they were armed with nothing
-better than rusty swords and wicker shields, noway sufficient to make
-head against the inroads of their Thracian and Illyrian neighbors;
-before whom they were constantly compelled to flee for refuge
-up into the mountains.<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120"
-class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Their condition was that of a poor
-herdsman, half-naked or covered only with hides, and eating from
-wooden platters: not much different from that of the population
-of Upper Macedonia three centuries before, when first visited by
-Perdikkas the ancestor of the Macedonian kings, and when the wife of
-the native prince baked bread with her own hands.<a id="FNanchor_121"
-href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> On the other hand,
-though the Macedonian infantry was thus indifferent, the cavalry of
-the country<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[p. 57]</span> was
-excellent, both in the Peloponnesian war, and in the war carried
-on by Sparta against Olynthus more than twenty years afterwards.<a
-id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>
-These horsemen, like the Thessalians, charged in compact order,
-carrying as their principal weapon of offence, not javelins to be
-hurled, but the short thrusting-pike for close combat.</p>
-
-<p>Thus defective was the military organization which Philip found.
-Under his auspices it was cast altogether anew. The poor and hardy
-Landwehr of Macedonia, constantly on the defensive against predatory
-neighbors, formed an excellent material for soldiers, and proved
-not intractable to the innovations of a warlike prince. They were
-placed under constant training in the regular rank and file of heavy
-infantry: they were moreover brought to adopt a new description
-of arm, not only in itself very difficult to manage, but also
-comparatively useless to the soldier when fighting single-handed,
-and only available by a body of men in close order, trained to
-move or stand together. The new weapon, of which we first hear the
-name in the army of Philip, was the sarissa—the Macedonian pike or
-lance. The sarissa was used both by the infantry of his phalanx,
-and by particular regiments of his cavalry; in both cases it was
-long, though that of the phalanx was much the longer of the two.
-The regiments of cavalry called Sarissophori or Lancers were a sort
-of light-horse, carrying a long lance, and distinguished from the
-heavier cavalry intended for the shock of hand combat, who carried
-the xyston or short pike. The sarissa of this cavalry may have been
-fourteen feet in length, as long as the Cossack pike now is; that of
-the infantry in phalanx was not less than twenty-one feet long. This
-dimension is so prodigious and so unwieldy, that we should hardly
-believe it, if it did not come attested by the distinct assertion of
-an historian like Polybius.</p>
-
-<p>The extraordinary reach of the sarissa or pike constituted
-the prominent attribute and force of the Macedonian phalanx. The
-phalangites were drawn up in files generally sixteen deep, each
-called a Lochus; with an interval of three feet between each two
-soldiers from front to rear. In front stood the lochage, a<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[p. 58]</span> man of superior strength,
-and of tried military experience. The second and third men in the
-file, as well as the rearmost man who brought up the whole, were also
-picked soldiers, receiving larger pay than the rest. Now the sarissa,
-when in horizontal position, was held with both hands (distinguished
-in this respect from the pike of the Grecian hoplite, which occupied
-only one hand, the other being required for the shield), and so held
-that it projected fifteen feet before the body of the pikeman; while
-the hinder portion of six feet so weighted as to make the pressure
-convenient in such division. Hence, the sarissa of the man standing
-second in the file, projected twelve feet beyond the front rank;
-that of the third man, nine feet; these of the fourth and fifth
-ranks, respectively six feet and three feet. There was thus presented
-a quintuple series of pikes by each file, to meet an advancing
-enemy. Of these five, the three first would be decidedly of greater
-projection, and even the fourth of not less projection, than the
-pikes of Grecian hoplites coming up as enemies to the charge. The
-ranks behind the fifth, while serving to sustain and press onward
-the front, did not carry the sarissa in a horizontal position, but
-slanted it over the shoulders of those before them, so as to break
-the force of any darts or arrows which might be shot over head from
-the rear ranks of the enemy.<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123"
-class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p>
-
-<p>The phalangite (soldier of the phalanx) was farther provided
-with a short sword, a circular shield of rather more than two
-feet in diameter, a breast-piece, leggings, and a kausia or
-broad-brimmed-hat—the head-covering common in the Macedonian army.
-But the long pikes were in truth the main weapons of defence as well
-as of offence. They were destined to contend against the charge
-of Grecian hoplites with the one-handed pike and heavy shield;
-especially against the most formidable manifestation of that force,
-the deep Theban column organized by Epaminondas. This was what Philip
-had to deal with, at his accession, as the irresistible infantry
-of Greece, bearing down everything before it by thrust of pike and
-propulsion of shield. He provided the means of vanquishing it,
-by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[p. 59]</span> training his
-poor Macedonian infantry to the systematic use of the long two-handed
-pike. The Theban column, charging a phalanx so armed, found
-themselves unable to break into the array of protended pikes, or to
-come to push of shield. We are told that at the battle of Chæroneia,
-the front rank Theban soldiers, the chosen men of the city, all
-perished on the ground; and this is not wonderful, when we conceive
-them as rushing, by their own courage as well as by the pressure upon
-them from behind, upon a wall of Pikes double the length of their
-own. We must look at Philip’s phalanx with reference to the enemies
-before him, not with reference to the later Roman organization,
-which Polybius brings into comparison. It answered perfectly the
-purposes of Philip, who wanted mainly to stand the shock in front,
-thus overpowering Grecian hoplites in their own mode of attack. Now
-Polybius informs us, that the phalanx was never once beaten, in front
-and on ground suitable for it; and wherever the ground was fit for
-hoplites, it was also fit for the phalanx. The inconveniences of
-Philip’s array, and of the long pikes, arose from the incapacity of
-the phalanx to change its front or keep its order on unequal ground;
-but such inconveniences were hardly less felt by Grecian hoplites.<a
-id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Macedonian phalanx, denominated the Pezetæri<a
-id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>
-or Foot Companions of the King, comprised the general body of
-native<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[p. 60]</span> infantry,
-as distinguished from special <i>corps d’armée</i>. The largest division
-of it which we find mentioned under Alexander, and which appears
-under the command of a general of division, is called a Taxis. How
-many of these Taxeis there were in all, we do not know; the original
-Asiatic army of Alexander (apart from what he left at home) included
-six of them, coinciding apparently with the provincial allotments
-of the country: Orestæ, Lynkestæ, Elimiotæ, Tymphæi, etc.<a
-id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>
-The writers on tactics give us a systematic scale of distribution
-(ascending from the lowest unit, the Lochus of sixteen men, by
-successive multiples of two, up to the quadruple phalanx of 16,384
-men) as pervading the Macedonian army. Among these divisions,
-that which stands out as most fundamental and constant, is the
-Syntagma, which contained sixteen Lochi. Forming thus a square of
-sixteen men in front and depth, or 256 men, it was at the same
-time a distinct aggregate or permanent battalion, having attached
-to it five supernumeraries, an ensign, a rear-man, a trumpeter,
-a herald, and an attendant or orderly.<a id="FNanchor_127"
-href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> Two of these
-Syntagmas composed a body of 512 men, called a Pentakosiarchy,
-which in Philip’s time is said to have been the ordinary regiment,
-acting together under a separate command; but several of these
-were doubled by Alexander when he reorganized his army at Susa,<a
-id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>
-so as to form regiments of 1024 men, each under its Chiliarch, and
-each comprising four Syntagmas. All this systematic distribution
-of the Macedonian military force when at home, appears to have
-been arranged by the genius of Philip. On actual foreign service,
-no numerical precision could be observed; a regiment or a division
-could not always contain the same fixed num<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_61">[p. 61]</span>ber of men. But as to the array, a depth
-of sixteen, for the files of the phalangites, appears to have been
-regarded as important and characteristic,<a id="FNanchor_129"
-href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> perhaps essential to
-impart a feeling of confidence to the troops. It was a depth much
-greater than was common with Grecian hoplites, and never surpassed by
-any Greeks except the Thebans.</p>
-
-<p>But the phalanx, though an essential item, was yet only one among
-many, in the varied military organization introduced by Philip. It
-was neither intended, nor fit, to act alone; being clumsy in changing
-front to protect itself either in flank or rear, and unable to adapt
-itself to uneven ground. There was another description of infantry
-organized by Philip called the Hypaspists—shield-bearers or Guards;<a
-id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>
-originally few in number, and employed for personal defence of the
-prince—but afterwards enlarged into several distinct <i>corps d’armée</i>.
-These Hypaspists or Guards were light infantry of the line;<a
-id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>
-they were hoplites, keeping regular array and intended for close
-combat, but more lightly armed, and more fit for diversities of
-circumstance and position, than the phalanx. They seem to have
-fought with the one-handed pike and shield, like the Greeks; and
-not to have carried the two-handed phalangite pike or sarissa. They
-occupied a sort of intermediate place between the heavy infantry of
-the phalanx properly so called—and the peltasts and light troops
-generally. Alexander in his later campaigns had them distributed
-into Chiliarchies (how the distribution stood earlier, we have no
-distinct information), at least three in number, and probably more.<a
-id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>
-We find them employed by him in forward<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_62">[p. 62]</span> and aggressive movements; first his
-light troops and cavalry begin the attack; next, the hypaspists
-come to follow it up; lastly, the phalanx is brought up to support
-them. The hypaspists are used also for assault of walled places, and
-for rapid night marches.<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133"
-class="fnanchor">[133]</a> What was the total number of them,
-we do not know.<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134"
-class="fnanchor">[134]</a></p>
-
-<p>Besides the phalanx, and the hypaspists or Guards, the
-Macedonian army as employed by Philip and Alexander included a
-numerous assemblage of desultory or irregular troops, partly native
-Macedonians, partly foreigners, Thracians, Pæonians, etc. They were
-of different descriptions; peltasts, darters, and bowmen. The best
-of them appear to have been the Agriânes, a Pæonian tribe expert in
-the use of the javelin. All of them were kept in vigorous movement
-by Alexander, on the flanks and in front of his heavy infantry, or
-intermingled with his cavalry,—as well as for pursuit after the enemy
-was defeated.</p>
-
-<p>Lastly, the cavalry in Alexander’s army was also admirable—at
-least equal, and seemingly even superior in efficiency, to
-his best infantry.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135"
-class="fnanchor">[135]</a> I have already mentioned that cavalry
-was the choice native force of Macedonia, long before the
-reign of Philip; by whom it had been extended and improved.<a
-id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>
-The heavy cavalry, wholly or chiefly composed of native Macedonians,
-was known by the denomination of the Companions. There was besides
-a new and lighter variety of cavalry, apparently introduced by
-Philip, and called the Sarissophori, or Lancers, used like Cossacks
-for advanced posts or scouring the country. The sarissa which they
-carried was probably much shorter than that<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_63">[p. 63]</span> of the phalanx; but it was long, if
-compared with the xyston or thrusting pike used by the heavy cavalry
-for the shock of close combat. Arrian, in describing the army of
-Alexander at Arbêla, enumerates eight distinct squadrons of this
-heavy cavalry—or cavalry of the Companions; but the total number
-included in the Macedonian army at Alexander’s accession, is not
-known. Among the squadrons, several at least (if not all) were
-named after particular towns or districts of the country—Bottiæa,
-Amphipolis, Apollonia, Anthemus, etc.;<a id="FNanchor_137"
-href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> there was one or
-more, distinguished as the Royal Squadron—the Agêma or leading body
-of cavalry—at the head of which Alexander generally charged, himself
-among the foremost of the actual combatants.<a id="FNanchor_138"
-href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></p>
-
-<p>The distribution of the cavalry into squadrons was that
-which Alexander found at his accession; but he altered it,
-when he remodelled the arrangements of his army (in 330
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), at Susa, so as to subdivide the
-squadron into two Lochi, and to establish the Lochus for the
-elementary division of cavalry, as it had always been of infantry.<a
-id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> His
-reforms went thus to cut down the primary body of cavalry from the
-squadron to the half-squadron or Lochus, while they tended to bring
-the infantry together into larger bodies—from cohorts of 500 each to
-cohorts of 1000 men each.</p>
-
-<p>Among the Hypaspists or Guards, also, we find an Agêma or chosen
-cohort, which was called upon oftener than the rest to begin the
-fight. A still more select corps were, the Body-Guards; a small
-company of tried and confidential men, individ<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_64">[p. 64]</span>ually known to Alexander, always attached
-to his person, and acting as adjutants or as commanders for special
-service. These Body-Guards appear to have been chosen persons
-promoted out of the Royal Youths or Pages; an institution first
-established by Philip, and evincing the pains taken by him to bring
-the leading Macedonians into military organization as well as into
-dependence on his own person. The Royal Youths, sons of the chief
-persons throughout Macedonia, were taken by Philip into service,
-and kept in permanent residence around him for purposes of domestic
-attendance and companionship. They maintained perpetual guard of
-his palace, alternating among themselves the hours of daily and
-nightly watch; they received his horse from the grooms, assisted
-him to mount, and accompanied him if he went to the chase: they
-introduced persons who came to solicit interviews, and admitted
-his mistresses by night through a special door. They enjoyed the
-privilege of sitting down to dinner with him, as well as that of
-never being flogged except by his special order.<a id="FNanchor_140"
-href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> The precise number
-of the company we do not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[p.
-65]</span> know; but it must have been not small, since fifty of
-these youths were brought out from Macedonia at once by Amyntas
-to join Alexander and to be added to the company at Babylon.<a
-id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> At
-the same time the mortality among them was probably considerable;
-since, in accompanying Alexander, they endured even more than
-the prodigious fatigues which he imposed upon himself.<a
-id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>
-The training in this corps was a preparation first for becoming
-Body-guards of Alexander,—next, for appointment to the great and
-important military commands. Accordingly, it had been the first
-stage of advancement to most of the Diadochi, or great officers of
-Alexander, who after his death carved kingdoms for themselves out of
-his conquests.</p>
-
-<p>It was thus that the native Macedonian force was enlarged and
-diversified by Philip, including at his death—1. The phalanx,
-Foot-companions, or general mass of heavy infantry, drilled to
-the use of the long two-handed pike or sarissa—2. The Hypaspists,
-or lighter-armed corps of foot-guards—3. The Companions, or heavy
-cavalry, the ancient indigenous force consisting of the more opulent
-or substantial Macedonians—4. The lighter cavalry, lancers, or
-Sarissophori.—With these were joined foreign auxiliaries of great
-value. The Thessalians, whom Philip had partly subjugated and
-partly gained over, furnished him with a body of heavy cavalry not
-inferior to the native Macedonian. From various parts of Greece he
-derived hoplites, volunteers taken into his pay, armed with the
-full-sized shield and one-handed pike. From the warlike tribes of
-Thracians, Pæonians, Illyrians, etc., whom he had subdued around
-him, he levied contingents of light troops of various descriptions,
-peltasts, bowmen, darters, etc., all excellent in their way, and
-eminently serviceable to his combinations, in conjunction with<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[p. 66]</span> the heavier masses.
-Lastly, Philip had completed his military arrangements by organizing
-what may be called an effective siege-train for sieges as well as
-for battles; a stock of projectile and battering machines, superior
-to anything at that time extant. We find this artillery used by
-Alexander in the very first year of his reign, in his campaign
-against the Illyrians.<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143"
-class="fnanchor">[143]</a> Even in his most distant Indian marches,
-he either carried it with him, or had the means of constructing new
-engines for the occasion. There was no part of his military equipment
-more essential to his conquests. The victorious sieges of Alexander
-are among his most memorable exploits.</p>
-
-<p>To all this large, multifarious, and systematized array of
-actual force, are to be added the civil establishments, the depôts,
-magazines of arms, provision for remounts, drill officers and
-adjutants, etc., indispensable for maintaining it in constant
-training and efficiency. At the time of Philip’s accession, Pella
-was an unimportant place;<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144"
-class="fnanchor">[144]</a> at his death, it was not only strong as
-a fortification and place of deposit for regal treasure, but also
-the permanent centre, war-office, and training quarters, of the
-greatest military force then known. The military registers as well as
-the traditions of Macedonian discipline were preserved there until
-the fall of the monarchy.<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145"
-class="fnanchor">[145]</a> Philip had employed his life in organizing
-this powerful instrument of dominion. His revenues, large as they
-were, both from mines and from tributary conquests, had been
-exhausted in the work, so that he had left at his decease a debt
-of 500 talents. But his son Alexander found the instrument ready
-made, with excellent officers, and trained veterans for the front
-ranks of his phalanx.<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146"
-class="fnanchor">[146]</a></p>
-
-<p>This scientific organization of military force, on a large scale
-and with all the varieties of arming and equipment made to co<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[p. 67]</span>-operate for one end, is
-the great fact of Macedonian history. Nothing of the same kind and
-magnitude had ever before been seen. The Macedonians, like Epirots
-and Ætolians, had no other aptitude or marking quality except
-those of soldiership. Their rude and scattered tribes manifest no
-definite political institutions and little sentiment of national
-brotherhood; their union was mainly that of occasional fellowship
-in arms under the king as chief. Philip the son of Amyntas was the
-first to organize this military union into a system permanently and
-efficaciously operative, achieving by means of it conquests such as
-to create in the Macedonians a common pride of superiority in arms,
-which served as substitute for political institutions or nationality.
-Such pride was still farther exalted by the really superhuman career
-of Alexander. The Macedonian kingdom was nothing but a well-combined
-military machine, illustrating the irresistible superiority of the
-rudest men, trained in arms and conducted by an able general, not
-merely over undisciplined multitudes, but also over free, courageous,
-and disciplined, citizenship with highly gifted intelligence.</p>
-
-<p>During the winter of 335-334 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, after the
-destruction of Thebes and the return of Alexander from Greece to
-Pella, his final preparations were made for the Asiatic expedition.
-The Macedonian army with the auxiliary contingents destined for this
-enterprise were brought together early in the spring. Antipater, one
-of the oldest and ablest officers of Philip, was appointed to act as
-viceroy of Macedonia during the king’s absence. A military force,
-stated at 12,000 infantry and 1500 cavalry,<a id="FNanchor_147"
-href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> was left with him
-to keep down the cities of Greece, to resist aggressions from the
-Persian fleet, and to repress discontents at home. Such discontents
-were likely to be instigated by leading Macedonians or pretenders
-to the throne, especially as Alexander had no direct heir: and
-we are told that Antipater and Parmenio advised postponement of
-the expedition until the young king could leave behind him an
-heir of his own lineage.<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148"
-class="fnanchor">[148]</a> Alexander overruled these representations;
-yet he did not disdain to lessen the perils at home by putting
-to death such men as he principally<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_68">[p. 68]</span> feared or mistrusted, especially the
-kinsmen of Philip’s last wife Kleopatra.<a id="FNanchor_149"
-href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> Of the dependent
-tribes around, the most energetic chiefs accompanied his army into
-Asia, either by their own preference or at his requisition. After
-these precautions, the tranquillity of Macedonia was entrusted
-to the prudence and fidelity of Antipater, which were still
-farther ensured by the fact that three of his sons accompanied the
-king’s army and person.<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150"
-class="fnanchor">[150]</a> Though unpopular in his deportment,<a
-id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>
-Antipater discharged the duties of his very responsible position
-with zeal and ability; notwithstanding the dangerous enmity of
-Olympias, against whom he sent many complaints to Alexander when in
-Asia, whilst she on her side wrote frequent but unavailing letters
-with a view to ruin him in the esteem of her son. After a long
-period of unabated confidence, Alexander began during the last years
-of his life to dislike and mistrust Antipater. He always treated
-Olym<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[p. 69]</span>pias with
-the greatest respect; trying however to restrain her from meddling
-with political affairs, and complaining sometimes of her imperious
-exigencies and violence.<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152"
-class="fnanchor">[152]</a></p>
-
-<p>The army intended for Asia, having been assembled at Pella,
-was conducted by Alexander himself first to Amphipolis, where it
-crossed the Strymon; next along the road near the coast to the river
-Nestus and to the towns of Abdêra and Maroneia; then through Thrace
-across the rivers Hebrus and Melas; lastly, through the Thracian
-Chersonese to Sestos. Here it was met by his fleet, consisting
-of 160 triremes, with a number of trading vessels besides;<a
-id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>
-made up in large proportions from contingents furnished by Athens
-and Grecian cities.<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154"
-class="fnanchor">[154]</a> The passage of the whole army, infantry,
-cavalry, and machines, on ships, across the strait from Sestos
-in Europe to Abydos in Asia,—was superintended by Parmenio, and
-accomplished without either difficulty or resistance. But Alexander
-himself, separating from the army at Sestos, went down to Elæus at
-the southern extremity of the Chersonese. Here stood the chapel and
-sacred precinct of the hero Protesilaus, who was slain by Hektor;
-having been the first Greek (according to the legend of the Trojan
-war) who touched the shore of Troy. Alexander, whose imagination
-was then full of Homeric reminiscences, offered sacrifice to the
-hero, praying that his own disembarkation might terminate more
-auspiciously.</p>
-
-<p>He then sailed across in the admiral’s trireme, steering with
-his own hand, to the landing place near Ilium called the Harbor
-of the Achæans. At mid-channel of the strait, he sacrificed a
-bull, with libations out of a golden goblet, to Poseidon and the
-Nereids. Himself too in full armor, he was the first (like Pro<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[p. 70]</span>tesilaus) to tread the
-Asiatic shore; but he found no enemy like Hektor to meet him. From
-hence, mounting the hill on which Ilium was placed, he sacrificed
-to the patron-goddess Athênê; and deposited in her temple his own
-panoply, taking in exchange some of the arms said to have been worn
-by the heroes in the Trojan war, which he caused to be carried by
-guards along with him in his subsequent battles. Among other real or
-supposed monuments of this interesting legend, the Ilians showed to
-him the residence of Priam with its altar of Zeus Herkeios, where
-that unhappy old king was alleged to have been slain by Neoptolemus.
-Numbering Neoptolemus among his ancestors, Alexander felt himself
-to be the object of Priam’s yet unappeased wrath; and accordingly
-offered sacrifice to him at the same altar, for the purpose of
-expiation and reconciliation. On the tomb and monumental column of
-Achilles, father of Neoptolemus, he not only placed a decorative
-garland, but also went through the customary ceremony of anointing
-himself with oil and running naked round it: exclaiming how much
-he envied the lot of Achilles, who had been blest during life with
-a faithful friend, and after death, with a great poet to celebrate
-his exploits. Lastly, to commemorate his crossing, Alexander erected
-permanent altars, in honor of Zeus, Athênê, and Hêraklês; both on
-the point of Europe which his army had quitted, and on that of
-Asia where it had landed.<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155"
-class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[p. 71]</span>The proceedings
-of Alexander, on the ever-memorable site of Ilium, are interesting
-as they reveal one side of his imposing character—the vein of
-legendary sympathy and religious sentiment wherein alone consisted
-his analogy with the Greeks. The young Macedonian prince had
-nothing of that sense of correlative right and obligation, which
-characterized the free Greeks of the city-community. But he was in
-many points a reproduction of the heroic Greeks,<a id="FNanchor_156"
-href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> his warlike ancestors
-in legend, Achilles and Neoptolemus, and others of that Æakid race,
-unparalleled in the attributes of force—a man of violent impulse
-in all directions, sometimes generous, often vindictive—ardent in
-his individual affections both of love and hatred, but devoured
-especially by an inextinguishable pugnacity, appetite for conquest,
-and thirst for establishing at all cost his superiority of force over
-others—“Jura negat sibi nata, nihil non arrogat armis”—taking pride,
-not simply in victorious generalship and direction of the arms of
-soldiers, but also in the personal forwardness of an Homeric chief,
-the foremost to encounter both danger and hardship. To dispositions
-resembling those of Achilles, Alexander indeed added one attribute
-of a far higher order. As a general, he surpassed his age in
-provident and even long-sighted combinations. With all his exuberant
-courage and sanguine temper, nothing was ever omitted in the way of
-systematic military precaution. Thus much be borrowed, though with
-many improvements of his own, from Grecian intelligence as applied
-to soldiership. But the character and dispositions, which he took
-with him to Asia, had the features, both striking and repulsive, of
-Achilles, rather than those of Agesilaus or Epaminondas.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[p. 72]</span>The army, when
-reviewed on the Asiatic shore after its crossing, presented a total
-of 30,000 infantry, and 4500 cavalry, thus distributed:—</p>
-
-<table class="tsxc mt1" summary="Army of Alexander">
-  <tr>
-    <td colspan="2" class="tdc pt1"><span class="smcap">Infantry.</span></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdl pt05">Macedonian phalanx and hypaspists</td>
-    <td class="tdrb pt05">12,000</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdl2">Allies</td>
-    <td class="tdrb">7,000</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdl2">Mercenaries</td>
-    <td class="tdrb bb">5,000</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdl pt05">Under the command of Parmenio</td>
-    <td class="tdrb pt05">24,000</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdl">Odryssians, Triballi (both Thracians), and Illyrians</td>
-    <td class="tdrb">5,000</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdl">Agriânes and archers</td>
-    <td class="tdrb bb">1,000</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdrb pt05">Total Infantry</td>
-    <td class="tdrb pt05">30,000</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td colspan="2" class="tdc pt1"><span class="smcap">Cavalry.</span></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdl pt05">Macedonian heavy—under Philotas son of Parmenio</td>
-    <td class="tdrb pt05">1,500</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdl">Thessalian (also heavy)—under Kallas</td>
-    <td class="tdrb">1,500</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdl">Miscellaneous Grecian—under Erigyius</td>
-    <td class="tdrb">600</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdl">Thracian and Pæonian (light)—under Kassander</td>
-    <td class="tdrb bb">900</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdrb pt05">Total Cavalry</td>
-    <td class="tdrb pt05">4,500</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p class="mt1">Such seems the most trustworthy enumeration
-of Alexander’s first invading army. There were however other
-accounts, the highest of which stated as much as 43,000 infantry
-with 4000 cavalry.<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157"
-class="fnanchor">[157]</a> Besides these troops, also, there must
-have been an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[p. 73]</span>
-effective train of projectile machines and engines, for battles and
-sieges, which we shall soon find in operation. As to money, the
-military chest of Alexander, exhausted in part by profuse donatives
-to his Macedonian officers,<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158"
-class="fnanchor">[158]</a> was as poorly furnished as that of
-Napoleon Buonaparte on first entering Italy for his brilliant
-campaign of 1796. According to Aristobulus, he had with him only
-seventy talents; according to another authority, no more than the
-means of maintaining his army for thirty days. Nor had he even been
-able to bring together his auxiliaries, or complete the outfit of his
-army, without incurring a debt of 800 talents, in addition to that
-of 500 talents contracted by his father Philip.<a id="FNanchor_159"
-href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> Though Plutarch<a
-id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>
-wonders at the smallness of the force with which Alexander
-contemplated the execution of such great projects, yet the fact
-is, that in infantry he was far above any force which the Persians
-had to oppose him;<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161"
-class="fnanchor">[161]</a> not to speak of comparative discipline
-and organization, surpassing even that of the Grecian mercenaries,
-who formed the only good infantry in the Persian service; while his
-cavalry, though inferior as to number, was superior in quality and in
-the shock of close combat.</p>
-
-<p>Most of the officers exercising important command in Alexander’s
-army were native Macedonians. His intimate personal friend
-Hephæstion, as well as his body-guards Leonnatus and Lysimachus,
-were natives of Pella: Ptolemy the son of Lagus, and Pithon, were
-Eordians from Upper Macedonia; Kraterus and Perdikkas, from the
-district of Upper Macedonia called Orestis;<a id="FNanchor_162"
-href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Antipater with
-his son Kassander, Kleitus son of Drôpides, Parmenio with his two
-sons Philôtas and Nikanor,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[p.
-74]</span> Seleukus, Kœnus, Amyntas, Philippus (these two last names
-were borne by more than one person), Antigonus, Neoptolemus,<a
-id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>
-Meleager, Peukestes, etc., all these seem to have been native
-Macedonians. All or most of them had been trained to war under
-Philip, in whose service Parmenio and Antipater, especially, had
-occupied a high rank.</p>
-
-<p>Of the many Greeks in Alexander’s service, we hear of few in
-important station. Medius, a Thessalian from Larissa, was among
-his familiar companions; but the ablest and most distinguished of
-all was Eumenes, a native of Kardia in the Thracian Chersonese.
-Eumenes, combining an excellent Grecian education with bodily
-activity and enterprise, had attracted when a young man the notice
-of Philip and had been appointed as his secretary. After discharging
-these duties for seven years until the death of Philip, he was
-continued by Alexander in the post of chief secretary during the
-whole of that king’s life.<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164"
-class="fnanchor">[164]</a> He conducted most of Alexander’s
-correspondence, and the daily record of his proceedings, which was
-kept under the name of the Royal Ephemerides. But though his special
-duties were thus of a civil character, he was not less eminent as
-an officer in the field. Occasionally entrusted with high military
-command, he received from Alexander signal recompenses and tokens of
-esteem. In spite of these great qualities—or perhaps in consequence
-of them—he was the object of marked jealousy and dislike<a
-id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>
-on the part of the Macedonians,—from Hephæstion the friend, and
-Neoptolemus the chief armor-bearer, of Alexander, down to the
-principal soldiers of the phalanx. Neoptolemus despised Eumenes as an
-unwarlike penman. The contemptuous pride with which Macedonians had
-now come to look down on Greeks, is a notable characteristic of the
-victorious army of Alexander, as well as a new feature in history;
-retorting the ancient Hellenic sentiment in which Demosthenes,
-a few years before, had indulged towards the Macedonians.<a
-id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[p. 75]</span>Though Alexander
-has been allowed to land in Asia unopposed, an army was already
-assembled under the Persian satraps within a few days’ march of
-Abydos. Since the reconquest of Egypt and Phenicia, about eight or
-nine years before, by the Persian king Ochus, the power of that
-empire had been restored to a point equal to any anterior epoch since
-the repulse of Xerxes from Greece. The Persian successes in Egypt
-had been achieved mainly by the arms of Greek mercenaries, under the
-conduct and through the craft of the Rhodian general Mentor; who,
-being seconded by the preponderant influence of the eunuch Bagôas,
-confidential minister of Ochus, obtained not only ample presents,
-but also the appointment of military commander on the Hellespont
-and the Asiatic seaboard.<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167"
-class="fnanchor">[167]</a> He procured the recall of his brother
-Memnon, who with his brother-in-law Artabazus had been obliged to
-leave Asia from unsuccessful revolt against the Persians, and had
-found shelter with Philip.<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168"
-class="fnanchor">[168]</a> He farther subdued, by force or by fraud,
-various Greek and Asiatic chieftains on the Asiatic coast; among
-them, the distinguished Hermeias, friend of Aristotle, and master of
-the strong post of Atarneus.<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169"
-class="fnanchor">[169]</a> These successes of Mentor seem to have
-occurred about 343 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> He, and his
-brother Memnon after him, upheld vigorously the authority of the
-Persian king in the regions near the Hellespont. It was probably
-by them that troops were sent across the strait both to rescue the
-besieged town of Perinthus from Philip, and to act against that
-prince in other parts of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[p.
-76]</span> Thrace;<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170"
-class="fnanchor">[170]</a> that an Asiatic chief, who was intriguing
-to facilitate Philip’s intended invasion of Asia, was seized and
-sent prisoner to the Persian court; and that envoys from Athens,
-soliciting aid against Philip, were forwarded to the same place.<a
-id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a></p>
-
-<p>Ochus, though successful in regaining the full extent of
-Persian dominion, was a sanguinary tyrant, who shed by wholesale
-the blood of his family and courtiers. About the year 338
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, he died, poisoned by the eunuch Bagôas,
-who placed upon the throne Arses, one of the king’s sons, killing
-all the rest. After two years, however, Bagôas conceived mistrust of
-Arses, and put him to death also, together with all his children;
-thus leaving no direct descendant of the regal family alive. He then
-exalted to the throne one of his friends named Darius Codomannus
-(descended from one of the brothers of Artaxerxes Memnon), who
-had acquired glory, in a recent war against the Kadusians, by
-killing in single combat a formidable champion of the enemy’s
-army. Presently, however, Bagôas attempted to poison Darius also;
-but the latter, detecting the snare, forced him to drink the
-deadly draught himself.<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172"
-class="fnanchor">[172]</a> In spite of such murders and change in the
-line of succession, which Alexander afterwards reproached to Darius<a
-id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>—the
-authority of Darius seems to have been recognized, without any
-material opposition, throughout all the Persian empire.</p>
-
-<p>Succeeding to the throne in the early part of
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 336, when Philip was organizing the
-projected invasion of Persia, and when the first Macedonian
-division under Parmenio and Attalus was already making war in
-Asia—Darius prepared measures of defence at home, and tried to
-encourage anti-Macedonian movements in Greece.<a id="FNanchor_174"
-href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> On the assassination
-of Philip by Pausanias, the Persian king publicly proclaimed himself
-(probably untruly) as having instigated the deed, and alluded in
-contemptuous terms<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[p. 77]</span>
-to the youthful Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175"
-class="fnanchor">[175]</a> Conceiving the danger from Macedonia
-to be past, he imprudently slackened his efforts and withheld his
-supplies during the first months of Alexander’s reign, when the
-latter might have been seriously embarrassed in Greece and in
-Europe by the effective employment of Persian ships and money. But
-the recent successes of Alexander in Thrace, Illyria, and Bœotia,
-satisfied Darius that the danger was not past, so that he resumed
-his preparations for defence. The Phenician fleet was ordered
-to be equipped: the satraps in Phrygia and Lydia got together a
-considerable force, consisting in part of Grecian mercenaries; while
-Memnon, on the seaboard, was furnished with the means of taking 5000
-of these mercenaries under his separate command.<a id="FNanchor_176"
-href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></p>
-
-<p>We cannot trace with any exactness the course of these events,
-during the nineteen months between Alexander’s accession and his
-landing in Asia (August 336 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>,
-to March or April 334 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>) We
-learn generally that Memnon was active and even aggressive on
-the north-eastern coast of the Ægean. Marching northward from
-his own territory (the region of Assus or Atarneus skirting the
-Gulf of Adramyttium<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177"
-class="fnanchor">[177]</a>) across the range of Mount Ida, he came
-suddenly upon the town of Kyzikus on the Propontis. He failed,
-however, though only by a little, in his attempt to surprise
-it, and was forced to content himself with a rich booty from
-the district around.<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178"
-class="fnanchor">[178]</a> The Macedonian generals Parmenio and
-Kallas had crossed into Asia with bodies of troops. Parmenio,
-acting in Æolis, took Grynium, but was compelled by Memnon to raise
-the siege of Pitanê; while Kallas, in the Troad, was attacked,
-defeated, and compelled to retire to Rhœteium.<a id="FNanchor_179"
-href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p>
-
-<p>We thus see that during the season preceding the landing of
-Alexander, the Persians were in considerable force, and Mem<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[p. 78]</span>non both active and
-successful even against the Macedonian generals, on the region
-north-east of the Ægean. This may help to explain that fatal
-imprudence, whereby the Persians permitted Alexander to carry over
-without opposition his grand army into Asia, in the spring of 334
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> They possessed ample means of
-guarding the Hellespont, had they chosen to bring up their fleet,
-which, comprising as it did the force of the Phenician towns,
-was decidedly superior to any naval armament at the disposal of
-Alexander. The Persian fleet actually came into the Ægean a few weeks
-afterwards. Now Alexander’s designs, preparations, and even intended
-time of march, must have been well known not merely to Memnon, but
-to the Persian satraps in Asia Minor, who had got together troops to
-oppose him. These satraps unfortunately supposed themselves to be a
-match for him in the field, disregarding the pronounced opinion of
-Memnon to the contrary, and even overruling his prudent advice by
-mistrustful and calumnious imputations.</p>
-
-<p>At the time of Alexander’s landing, a powerful Persian force
-was already assembled near Zeleia in the Hellespontine Phrygia,
-under command of Arsites the Phrygian satrap, supported by several
-other leading Persians—Spithridates (satrap of Lydia and Ionia),
-Pharnakes, Atizyes, Mithridates, Rhomithres, Niphates, Petines,
-etc. Forty of these men were of high rank (denominated kinsmen of
-Darius), and distinguished for personal valor. The greater number
-of the army consisted of cavalry, including Medes, Baktrians,
-Hyrkanians, Kappadokians, Paphlagonians, etc.<a id="FNanchor_180"
-href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> In cavalry they
-greatly outnumbered Alexander; but their infantry was much
-inferior in number,<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181"
-class="fnanchor">[181]</a> composed however, in large proportion, of
-Grecian mercenaries. The Persian total is given by Arrian as 20,000
-cavalry, and nearly 20,000 mercenary foot; by Diodorus as 10,000
-cavalry, and 100,000 infantry; by Justin even at 600,000. The numbers
-of Arrian are the more credible; in those of Diodorus, the total of
-infantry is certainly much above the truth—that of cavalry probably
-below it.</p>
-
-<p>Memnon, who was present with his sons and with his own<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[p. 79]</span> division, earnestly
-dissuaded the Persian leaders from hazarding a battle. Reminding
-them that the Macedonians were not only much superior in infantry,
-but also encouraged by the leadership of Alexander—he enforced the
-necessity of employing their numerous cavalry to destroy the forage
-and provisions, and if necessary, even towns themselves—in order to
-render any considerable advance of the invading force impracticable.
-While keeping strictly on the defensive in Asia, he recommended that
-aggressive war should be carried into Macedonia; that the fleet
-should be brought up, a powerful land-force put aboard, and strenuous
-efforts made, not only to attack the vulnerable points of Alexander
-at home, but also to encourage active hostility against him from the
-Greeks and other neighbors.<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182"
-class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p>
-
-<p>Had this plan been energetically executed by Persian arms and
-money, we can hardly doubt that Antipater in Macedonia would speedily
-have found himself pressed by serious dangers and embarrassments,
-and that Alexander would have been forced to come back and protect
-his own dominions; perhaps prevented by the Persian fleet from
-bringing back his whole army. At any rate, his schemes of Asiatic
-invasion must for the time have been suspended. But he was rescued
-from this dilemma by the ignorance, pride, and pecuniary interests
-of the Persian leaders.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[p.
-80]</span> Unable to appreciate Alexander’s military superiority,
-and conscious at the same time of their own personal bravery, they
-repudiated the proposition of retreat as dishonorable, insinuating
-that Memnon desired to prolong the war in order to exalt his own
-importance in the eyes of Darius. This sentiment of military dignity
-was farther strengthened by the fact, that the Persian military
-leaders, deriving all their revenues from the land, would have been
-impoverished by destroying the landed produce. Arsites, in whose
-territory the army stood, and upon whom the scheme would first
-take effect, haughtily announced that he would not permit a single
-house in it to be burnt.<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183"
-class="fnanchor">[183]</a> Occupying the same satrapy as Pharnabazus
-had possessed sixty years before, he felt that he would be reduced to
-the same straits as Pharnabazus under the pressure of Agesilaus—“of
-not being able to procure a dinner in his own country”.<a
-id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> The
-proposition of Memnon was rejected, and it was resolved to await the
-arrival of Alexander on the banks of the river Granikus.</p>
-
-<p>This unimportant stream, commemorated in the Iliad, and
-immortalized by its association with the name of Alexander, takes
-its rise from one of the heights of Mount Ida near Skêpsis,<a
-id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>
-and flows northward into the Propontis, which it reaches at a
-point somewhat east of the Greek town of Parium. It is of no great
-depth: near the point where the Persians encamped, it seems to have
-been fordable in many places; but its right bank was somewhat high
-and steep, thus offering obstruction to an enemy’s attack. The
-Persians, marching forward from Zeleia, took up a position near the
-eastern side of the Granikus, where the last declivities of Mount
-Ida descend into the plain of Adrasteia, a Greek city situated
-between Priapus and Parium.<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186"
-class="fnanchor">[186]</a></p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile Alexander marched onward towards this position,
-from Arisbê (where he had reviewed his army)—on the first<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[p. 81]</span> day to Perkôtê, on the
-second to the river Praktius, on the third to Hermôtus; receiving
-on his way the spontaneous surrender of the town of Priapus. Aware
-that the enemy was not far distant, he threw out in advance a body of
-scouts under Amyntas, consisting of four squadrons of light cavalry
-and one of the heavy Macedonian (Companion) cavalry. From Hermôtus
-(the fourth day from Arisbê) he marched direct towards the Granikus,
-in careful order, with his main phalanx in double files, his cavalry
-on each wing, and the baggage in the rear. On approaching the river,
-he made his dispositions for immediate attack, though Parmenio
-advised waiting until the next morning. Knowing well, like Memnon on
-the other side, that the chances of a pitched battle were all against
-the Persians, he resolved to leave them no opportunity of decamping
-during the night.</p>
-
-<p>In Alexander’s array, the phalanx or heavy infantry formed the
-central body. The six Taxeis or divisions, of which it consisted,
-were commanded (reckoning from right to left) by Perdikkas, Kœnus,
-Amyntas son of Andromenes, Philippus, Meleager, and Kraterus.<a
-id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>
-Immediately on the right of the phalanx, were the hypaspistæ,
-or light infantry, under Nikanor son of Parmenio—then the light
-horse or lancers, the Pæonians, and the Apolloniate squadron of
-Companion-cavalry commanded by the Ilarch Sokrates, all under
-Amyntas son of Arrhibæus—lastly the full body of Companion-cavalry,
-the bowmen, and the Agrianian darters, all under Philôtas
-(son of Parmenio), whose division formed the extreme right.<a
-id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>
-The left flank of the phalanx<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[p.
-82]</span> was in like manner protected by three distinct divisions
-of cavalry or lighter troops—first, by the Thracians, under
-Agathon—next, by the cavalry of the allies, under Philippus, son
-of Menelaus—lastly, by the Thessalian cavalry, under Kallas,
-whose division formed the extreme left. Alexander himself took
-the command of the right, giving that of the left to Parmenio; by
-right and left are meant the two halves of the army, each of them
-including three Taxeis or divisions of the phalanx with the cavalry
-on its flank—for there was no recognized centre under a distinct
-command. On the other side of the Granikus, the Persian cavalry
-lined the bank. The Medes and Baktrians were on their right, under
-Rheomithres—the Paphlagonians and Hyrkanians in the centre, under
-Arsites and Spithridates—on the left were Memnon and Arsamenes,
-with their divisions.<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189"
-class="fnanchor">[189]</a> The Persian infantry, both Asiatic and
-Grecian, were kept back in reserve; the cavalry alone being relied
-upon to dispute the passage of the river.</p>
-
-<p>In this array, both parties remained for some time, watching each
-other in anxious silence.<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190"
-class="fnanchor">[190]</a> There being no firing or smoke, as with
-modern armies, all the details on each side were clearly visible
-to the other; so that the Persians easily recognized Alexander
-himself on the Macedonian right from the splendor of his armor and
-military costume, as well as from the respectful demeanor of those
-around him. Their principal leaders accordingly thronged to their
-own left, which they reinforced with the main strength of their
-cavalry, in order to oppose him personally. Presently he addressed
-a few words of encouragement to the troops, and gave the order for
-advance. He directed the first attack to be made by the squadron of
-Companion-cavalry whose turn it was on that day to take the lead—(the
-squadron of Apollonia, of which Sokrates was captain—commanded on
-this day by Ptolemæus son of Philippus) supported by the light horse
-or Lancers, the Pæonian darters (infantry), and one division of<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[p. 83]</span> regularly armed infantry,
-seemingly hypaspistæ.<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191"
-class="fnanchor">[191]</a> He then himself entered the river, at
-the head of the right half of the army, cavalry and infantry, which
-advanced under sound of trumpets and with the usual war-shouts.
-As the occasional depths of water prevented a straightforward
-march with one uniform line, the Macedonians slanted their course
-suitably to the fordable spaces; keeping their front extended so as
-to approach the opposite bank as much as possible in line, and not
-in separate columns with flanks exposed to the Persian cavalry.<a
-id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> Not
-merely the right under Alexander, but also the left under Parmenio,
-advanced and crossed in the same movement and under the like
-precautions.</p>
-
-<p>The foremost detachment under Ptolemy and Amyntas, on reaching the
-opposite bank, encountered a strenuous resistance, concentrated as it
-was here upon one point. They found Memnon and his sons with the best
-of the Persian cavalry immediately in their front; some on the summit
-of the bank, from whence they hurled down their javelins—others
-down at the water’s-edge, so as to come to closer quarters. The
-Macedonians tried every effort to make good their landing, and push
-their way by main force through the Persian horse, but in vain.
-Having both lower ground and insecure footing, they could make no
-impression, but were thrust back with some loss, and retired upon the
-main body which Alexander was now bringing across. On his approaching
-the shore, the same struggle was renewed around his person with
-increased fervor on both sides. He was himself<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_84">[p. 84]</span> among the foremost, and all near him were
-animated by his example. The horsemen on both sides became jammed
-together, and the contest was one of physical force and pressure by
-man and horse; but the Macedonians had a great advantage in being
-accustomed to the use of the strong close-fighting pike, while the
-Persian weapon was the missile javelin. At length the resistance
-was surmounted, and Alexander with those around him, gradually
-thrusting back the defenders, made good their way up the high bank
-to the level ground. At other points the resistance was not equally
-vigorous. The left and centre of the Macedonians, crossing at the
-same time on all practicable spaces along the whole line, overpowered
-the Persians stationed on the slope, and got up to the level ground
-with comparative facility.<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193"
-class="fnanchor">[193]</a> Indeed no cavalry could possibly stand
-on the bank to offer opposition to the phalanx with its array of
-long pikes, wherever this could reach the ascent in any continuous
-front. The easy crossing of the Macedonians at other points helped to
-constrain those Persians, who were contending with Alexander himself
-on the slope, to recede to the level ground above.</p>
-
-<p>Here again, as at the water’s edge, Alexander was foremost in
-personal conflict. His pike having been broken, he turned to a
-soldier near him—Aretis, one of the horseguards who generally aided
-him in mounting his horse—and asked for another. But this man,
-having broken his pike also, showed the fragment to Alexander,
-requesting him to ask some one else; upon which the Corinthian
-Demaratus, one of the Companion-cavalry close at hand, gave him
-his weapon instead. Thus armed anew, Alexander spurred his horse
-forward against Mithridates (son-in-law<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_85">[p. 85]</span> of Darius), who was bringing up a column
-of cavalry to attack him, but was himself considerably in advance
-of it. Alexander thrust his pike into the face of Mithridates, and
-laid him prostrate on the ground: he then turned to another of the
-Persian leaders, Rhœsakes, who struck him a blow on the head with his
-scymetar, knocked off a portion of his helmet, but did not penetrate
-beyond. Alexander avenged this blow by thrusting Rhœsakes through
-the body with his pike.<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194"
-class="fnanchor">[194]</a> Meanwhile a third Persian leader,
-Spithridates, was actually close behind Alexander, with hand and
-scymetar uplifted to cut him down. At this critical moment, Kleitus
-son of Dropides—one of the ancient officers of Philip, high in
-the Macedonian service—struck with full force at the uplifted arm
-of Spithridates and severed it from the body, thus preserving
-Alexander’s life. Other leading Persians, kinsmen of Spithridates,
-rushed desperately on Alexander, who received many blows on his
-armor, and was in much danger. But the efforts of his companions
-near were redoubled, both to defend his person and to second his
-adventurous daring. It was on that point that the Persian cavalry
-was first broken. On the left of the Macedonian line, the Thessalian
-cavalry also fought with vigor and success;<a id="FNanchor_195"
-href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> and the light-armed
-foot, intermingled with Alexander’s cavalry generally, did great
-damage to the enemy. The rout of the Persian cavalry, once begun,
-speedily became general. They fled in all directions, pursued by the
-Macedonians.</p>
-
-<p>But Alexander and his officers soon checked this ardor of pursuit,
-calling back their cavalry to complete his victory. The Persian
-infantry, Asiatics as well as Greeks, had remained without movement
-or orders, looking on the cavalry battle which had just disastrously
-terminated. To them Alexander immediately turned his attention.<a
-id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> He
-brought up his phalanx and hypaspistæ to attack them in front, while
-his cavalry assailed on all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[p.
-86]</span> sides their unprotected flanks and rear; he himself
-charged with the cavalry, and had a horse killed under him. His
-infantry alone was more numerous than they, so that against such
-odds the result could hardly be doubtful. The greater part of these
-mercenaries, after a valiant resistance, were cut to pieces on the
-field. We are told that none escaped, except 2000 made prisoners, and
-some who remained concealed in the field among the dead bodies.<a
-id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a></p>
-
-<p>In this complete and signal defeat, the loss of the Persian
-cavalry was not very serious in mere number—for only 1000 of them
-were slain. But the slaughter of the leading Persians, who had
-exposed themselves with extreme bravery in the personal conflict
-against Alexander, was terrible. There were slain not only
-Mithridates, Rhœsakes, and Spithridates, whose names have been
-already mentioned,—but also Pharnakes, brother-in-law of Darius,
-Mithrobarzanes satrap of Kappadokia, Atizyes, Niphates, Petines,
-and others; all Persians of rank and consequence. Arsites, the
-satrap of Phrygia, whose rashness had mainly caused the rejection of
-Memnon’s advice, escaped from the field, but died shortly afterwards
-by his own hand, from anguish and humiliation.<a id="FNanchor_198"
-href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> The Persian or
-Perso-Grecian infantry, though probably more of them individually
-escaped than is implied in Arrian’s account, was as a body
-irretrievably ruined. No force was either left in the field, or could
-be afterwards reassembled in Asia Minor.</p>
-
-<p>The loss on the side of Alexander is said to have been very
-small. Twenty-five of the Companion-cavalry, belonging to the
-division under Ptolemy and Amyntas, were slain in the first
-unsuccessful attempt to pass the river. Of the other cavalry, sixty
-in all were slain; of the infantry, thirty. This is given to us
-as the entire loss on the side of Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_199"
-href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> It is only the
-number of killed; that of the wounded is not stated; but assuming
-it to be ten times the number of killed, the total of both together
-will<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[p. 87]</span> be 1265.<a
-id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>
-If this be correct, the resistance of the Persian cavalry, except
-near that point where Alexander himself and the Persian chiefs came
-into conflict, cannot have been either serious or long protracted.
-But when we add farther the contest with the infantry, the smallness
-of the total assigned for Macedonian killed and wounded will appear
-still more surprising. The total of the Persian infantry is stated
-at nearly 20,000, most part of them Greek mercenaries. Of these only
-2000 were made prisoners; nearly all the rest (according to Arrian)
-were slain. Now the Greek mercenaries were well armed, and not likely
-to let themselves be slain with impunity; moreover Plutarch expressly
-affirms that they resisted with desperate valor, and that most of
-the Macedonian loss was incurred in the conflict against them. It
-is not easy therefore to comprehend how the total number of slain
-can be brought within the statement of Arrian.<a id="FNanchor_201"
-href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a></p>
-
-<p>After the victory, Alexander manifested the greatest solicitude
-for his wounded soldiers, whom he visited and consoled in person.
-Of the twenty-five Companions slain, he caused brazen statues, by
-Lysippus, to be erected at Dium in Macedonia, where they were still
-standing in the time of Arrian. To the surviving relatives of all
-the slain he also granted immunity from taxation and from personal
-service. The dead bodies were honorably buried, those of the enemy
-as well as of his own soldiers. The two thousand Greeks in the
-Persian service who had become his prisoners, were put in chains,
-and transported to Macedonia, there to work as slaves; to which
-treatment Alexander condemned them on the ground that they had taken
-arms on behalf of the foreigner against Greece, in contravention of
-the general vote passed by the synod at Corinth. At the same time,
-he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[p. 88]</span> sent to Athens
-three hundred panoplies selected from the spoil, to be dedicated
-to Athênê in the acropolis with this inscription—“Alexander son of
-Philip, and the Greeks, except the Lacedæmonians (<i>present these
-offerings</i>), out of the spoils of the foreigners inhabiting Asia.”<a
-id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>
-Though the vote to which Alexander appealed represented no existing
-Grecian aspiration, and granted only a sanction which could not
-be safely refused, yet he found satisfaction in clothing his own
-self-aggrandizing impulse under the name of a supposed Pan-hellenic
-purpose: which was at the same time useful, as strengthening his
-hold upon the Greeks, who were the only persons competent, either
-as officers or soldiers, to uphold the Persian empire against him.
-His conquests were the extinction of genuine Hellenism, though
-they diffused an exterior varnish of it, and especially the Greek
-language, over much of the Oriental world. True Grecian interests lay
-more on the side of Darius than of Alexander.</p>
-
-<p>The battle of the Granikus, brought on by Arsites and the other
-satraps contrary to the advice of Memnon, was moreover so unskilfully
-fought by them, that the gallantry of their infantry, the most
-formidable corps of Greeks that had ever been in the Persian service,
-was rendered of little use. The battle, properly speaking, was fought
-only by the Persian cavalry;<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203"
-class="fnanchor">[203]</a> the infantry was left to be surrounded and
-destroyed afterwards.</p>
-
-<p>No victory could be more decisive or terror-striking than that
-of Alexander. There remained no force in the field to oppose him.
-The impression made by so great a public catastrophe was enhanced
-by two accompanying circumstances; first, by the number of Persian
-grandees who perished, realizing almost the wailings of Atossa,
-Xerxes, and the Chorus, in the Persæ of Æschylus,<a id="FNanchor_204"
-href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> after the battle of
-Salamis—next, by the chivalrous and successful prowess of Alexander
-himself, who, emulating the Homeric Achilles, not only rushed
-foremost into the <i>mélée</i>, but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[p.
-89]</span> killed two of these grandees with his own hand. Such
-exploits, impressive even when we read of them now, must at the
-moment when they occurred have acted most powerfully upon the
-imagination of contemporaries.</p>
-
-<p>Several of the neighboring Mysian mountaineers, though mutinous
-subjects towards Persia, came down to make submission to him, and
-were permitted to occupy their lands under the same tribute as they
-had paid before. The inhabitants of the neighboring Grecian city
-of Zeleia, whose troops had served with the Persians, surrendered
-and obtained their pardon; Alexander admitting the plea that
-they had served only under constraint. He then sent Parmenio to
-attack Daskylium, the stronghold and chief residence of the satrap
-of Phrygia. Even this place was evacuated by the garrison and
-surrendered, doubtless with a considerable treasure therein. The
-whole satrapy of Phrygia thus fell into Alexander’s power, and was
-appointed to be administered by Kallas for his behalf, levying the
-same amount of tribute as had been paid before.<a id="FNanchor_205"
-href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> He himself then
-marched, with his main force, in a southerly direction towards
-Sardis—the chief town of Lydia, and the main station of the Persians
-in Asia Minor. The citadel of Sardis—situated on a lofty and steep
-rock projecting from Mount Tmolus, fortified by a triple wall with an
-adequate garrison—was accounted impregnable, and at any rate could
-hardly have been taken by anything less than a long blockade,<a
-id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>
-which would have allowed time for the arrival of the fleet and the
-operations of Memnon. Yet such was the terror which now accompanied
-the Macedonian conqueror, that when he arrived within eight miles
-of Sardis, he met not only a deputation of the chief citizens, but
-also the Persian governor of the citadel, Mithrines. The town,
-citadel, garrison, and treasure Were delivered up to him without a
-blow. Fortunately for Alexander, there were not in Asia any Persian
-governors of courage and fidelity such as had been displayed by
-Maskames<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[p. 90]</span> and
-Boges after the repulse of Xerxes from Greece.<a id="FNanchor_207"
-href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> Alexander treated
-Mithrines with courtesy and honor, granted freedom to the Sardians
-and to the other Lydians generally, with the use of their own Lydian
-laws. The betrayal of Sardis by Mithrines was a signal good fortune
-to Alexander. On going up to the citadel, he contemplated with
-astonishment its prodigious strength; congratulating himself on so
-easy an acquisition, and giving directions to build there a temple
-of Olympian Zeus, on the spot where the old palace of the kings of
-Lydia had been situated. He named Pausanias governor of the citadel,
-with a garrison of Peloponnesians from Argos; Asander, satrap of
-the country; and Nikias, collector of tribute.<a id="FNanchor_208"
-href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> The freedom granted
-to the Lydians, whatever it may have amounted to, did not exonerate
-them from paying the usual tribute.</p>
-
-<p>From Sardis, he ordered Kallas, the new satrap of Hellespontine
-Phrygia—and Alexander son of Aëropus, who had been promoted in place
-of Kallas to the command of the Thessalian cavalry—to attack Atarneus
-and the district belonging to Memnon, on the Asiatic coast opposite
-Lesbos. Meanwhile he himself directed his march to Ephesus, which he
-reached on the fourth day. Both at Ephesus and at Miletus—the two
-principal strongholds of the Persians on the coast, as Sardis was
-in the interior—the sudden catastrophe at the Granikus had struck
-unspeakable terror. Hegesistratus, governor of the Persian garrison
-(Greek mercenaries) at Miletus, sent letters to Alexander offering to
-surrender the town on his approach; while the garrison at Ephesus,
-with the Macedonian exile Amyntas, got on board two triremes in
-the harbor, and fled. It appears that there had been recently a
-political revolution in the town, conducted by Syrphax and other
-leaders, who had established an oligarchical government. These men,
-banishing their political opponents, had committed depredations on
-the temple of Artemis, overthrown the statue of Philip of Macedon
-dedicated therein, and destroyed the sepulchre of Heropythus the
-liberator in the agora.<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209"
-class="fnanchor">[209]</a> Some of the party, though abandoned by
-their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[p. 91]</span> garrison,
-were still trying to invoke aid from Memnon, who however was yet at a
-distance. Alexander entered the town without resistance, restored the
-exiles, established a democratical constitution, and directed that
-the tribute heretofore paid to the Persians should now be paid to the
-Ephesian Artemis. Syrphax and his family sought refuge in the temple,
-from whence they were dragged by the people and stoned to death. More
-of the same party would have been despatched, had not the popular
-vengeance been restrained by Alexander; who displayed an honorable
-and prudent moderation.<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210"
-class="fnanchor">[210]</a></p>
-
-<p>Thus master of Ephesus, Alexander found himself in communication
-with his fleet, under the command of Nikanor; and received
-propositions of surrender from the two neighboring inland cities,
-Magnesia and Tralleis. To occupy these cities, he despatched
-Parmenio with 5000 foot (half of them Macedonians) and 200 of the
-Companion-cavalry; while he at the same time sent Antimachus with
-an equal force in a northerly direction, to liberate the various
-cities of Æolic and Ionic Greeks. This officer was instructed to
-put down in each of them the ruling oligarchy, which acted with
-a mercenary garrison as an instrument of Persian supremacy—to
-place the government in the hands of the citizens—and to abolish
-all payment of tribute. He himself—after taking part in a solemn
-festival and procession to the temple of Ephesian Artemis, with his
-whole army in battle array—marched southward towards Miletus; his
-fleet under Nikanor proceeding thither by sea.<a id="FNanchor_211"
-href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> He expected
-probably to enter Miletus with as little resistance as Ephesus.
-But his hopes were disappointed: Hegesistratus, commander of
-the garrison in that town, though under the immediate terror of
-the defeat at the Granikus he had written to offer submission,
-had now altered his tone, and determined to hold out. The
-formidable Persian fleet,<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212"
-class="fnanchor">[212]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[p.
-92]</span> four hundred sail of Phenician and Cyprian ships of war
-with well-trained seamen, was approaching.</p>
-
-<p>This naval force, which a few weeks earlier would have prevented
-Alexander from crossing into Asia, now afforded the only hope of
-arresting the rapidity and ease of his conquests. What steps had been
-taken by the Persian officers since the defeat at the Granikus, we
-do not hear. Many of them had fled, along with Memnon, to Miletus;<a
-id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>
-and they were probably disposed, under the present desperate
-circumstances, to accept the command of Memnon as their only hope
-of safety, though they had despised his counsel on the day of the
-battle. Whether the towns in Memnon’s principality of Atarneus had
-attempted any resistance against the Macedonians, we do not know.
-His interests however were so closely identified with those of
-Persia, that he had sent up his wife and children as hostages, to
-induce Darius to entrust him with the supreme conduct of the war.
-Orders to this effect were presently sent down by that prince;<a
-id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> but
-at the first arrival of the fleet, it seems not to have been under
-the command of Memnon, who was however probably on board.</p>
-
-<p>It came too late to aid in the defence of Miletus. Three days
-before its arrival, Nikanor the Macedonian admiral, with his fleet of
-one hundred and sixty ships, had occupied the island of Ladê, which
-commanded the harbor of that city. Alexander found the outer portion
-of Miletus evacuated, and took it without resistance. He was making
-preparations to besiege the inner city, and had already transported
-4000 troops across to the island of Ladê, when the powerful Persian
-fleet came in sight, but found itself excluded from Miletus, and
-obliged to take moorings under the neighboring promontory of Mykalê.
-Unwilling to abandon without a battle the command of the sea,
-Parmenio advised Alexander to fight this fleet, offering himself to
-share the hazard aboard. But Alexander disapproved the proposition,
-affirming that his fleet was inferior not less in skill than in
-numbers; that the high training of the Macedonians would tell for
-nothing on shipboard; and that a naval defeat would be the signal
-for insurrection in Greece. Besides debating such pruden<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[p. 93]</span>tial reasons, Alexander
-and Parmenio also differed about the religious promise of the
-case. On the sea-shore, near the stern of the Macedonian ships,
-Parmenio had seen an eagle, which filled him with confidence that
-the ships would prove victorious. But Alexander contended that this
-interpretation was incorrect. Though the eagle doubtless promised
-to him victory, yet it had been seen on land—and therefore his
-victories would be on land: hence the result signified was, that he
-would overcome the Persian fleet, by means of land-operations.<a
-id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>
-This part of the debate, between two practical military men of
-ability, is not the least interesting of the whole; illustrating
-as it does, not only the religious susceptibilities of the age,
-but also the pliancy of the interpretative process, lending itself
-equally well to inferences totally opposite. The difference between
-a sagacious and a dull-witted prophet, accommodating ambiguous omens
-to useful or mischievous conclusions, was one of very material
-importance in the ancient world.</p>
-
-<p>Alexander now prepared vigorously to assault Miletus, repudiating
-with disdain an offer brought to him by a Milesian citizen named
-Glaukippus—that the city should be neutral and open to him as well as
-to the Persians. His fleet under Nikanor occupied the harbor, blocked
-up its narrow mouth against the Persians, and made threatening
-demonstrations from the water’s edge; while he himself brought up
-his battering-engines against the walls, shook or overthrew them
-in several places, and then stormed the city. The Milesians, with
-the Grecian mercenary garrison, made a brave defence, but were
-overpowered by the impetuosity of the assault. A large number of
-them were slain, and there was no way of escape except by jumping
-into little boats, or swimming off upon the hollow of the shield.
-Even of these fugitives, most part were killed by the seamen of the
-Macedonian triremes; but a division of 300 Grecian mercenaries got on
-to an isolated rock near the mouth of the harbor, and there prepared
-to sell their lives dearly. Alexander, as soon as his soldiers were
-thoroughly masters of the city, went himself on shipboard to attack
-the mercenaries on the rock, taking with him ladders in order to
-effect a landing upon it. But when he saw that they were resolved
-on a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[p. 94]</span> desperate
-defence, he preferred admitting them to terms of capitulation,
-and received them into his own service.<a id="FNanchor_216"
-href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> To the surviving
-Milesian citizens he granted the condition of a free city, while he
-caused all the remaining prisoners to be sold as slaves.</p>
-
-<p>The powerful Persian fleet, from the neighboring promontory of
-Mykalê, was compelled to witness, without being able to prevent, the
-capture of Miletus, and was presently withdrawn to Halikarnassus.
-At the same time Alexander came to the resolution of disbanding his
-own fleet; which, while costing more than he could then afford, was
-nevertheless unfit to cope with the enemy in open sea. He calculated
-that by concentrating all his efforts on land-operations, especially
-against the cities on the coast, he should exclude the Persian fleet
-from all effective hold on Asia Minor, and ensure that country to
-himself. He therefore paid off all the ships, retaining only a
-moderate squadron for the purposes of transport.<a id="FNanchor_217"
-href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p>
-
-<p>Before this time, probably, the whole Asiatic coast northward of
-Miletus—including the Ionic and Æolic cities and the principality of
-Memnon—had either accepted willingly the dominion of Alexander, or
-had been reduced by his detachments. Accordingly he now directed his
-march southward from Miletus, towards Karia, and especially towards
-Halikarnassus, the principal city of that territory. On entering
-Karia, he was met by Ada, a member of the Karian princely family,
-who tendered to him her town of Alinda and her other possessions,
-adopting him as her son, and entreating his protection. Not many
-years earlier, under Mausôlus and Artemisia, the powerful princes
-of this family had been formidable to all the Grecian islands. It
-was the custom of Karia that brothers and sisters of the reigning
-family intermarried with each other: Mausôlus and his wife Artemisia
-were succeeded by Idrieus and his wife Ada, all four being brothers
-and sisters, sons and daughters of Hekatomnus. On the<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[p. 95]</span> death of Idrieus, his
-widow Ada, was expelled from Halikarnassus and other parts of Karia
-by her surviving brother Pixodarus; though she still preserved some
-strong towns, which proved a welcome addition to the conquests of
-Alexander. Pixodarus, on the contrary, who had given his daughter in
-marriage to a leading Persian named Orontobates, warmly espoused the
-Persian cause, and made Halikarnassus a capital point of resistance
-against the invader.<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218"
-class="fnanchor">[218]</a></p>
-
-<p>But it was not by him alone that this city was defended. The
-Persian fleet had repaired thither from Miletus; Memnon, now invested
-by Darius with supreme command on the Asiatic coast and the Ægean,
-was there in person. There was not only Orontobates with many other
-Asiatics, but also a large garrison of mercenary Greeks, commanded
-by Ephialtes, a brave Athenian exile. The city, strong both by
-nature and by art, with a surrounding ditch forty-five feet broad
-and twenty-two feet deep,<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219"
-class="fnanchor">[219]</a> had been still farther strengthened
-under the prolonged superintendence of Memnon;<a id="FNanchor_220"
-href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> lastly, there were
-two citadels, a fortified harbor, with its entrance fronting the
-south, abundant magazines of arms, and good provision of defensive
-engines. The siege of Halikarnassus was the most arduous enterprise
-which Alexander had yet undertaken. Instead of attacking it by land
-and sea at once, as at Miletus, he could make his approaches only
-from the land, while the defenders were powerfully aided from seaward
-by the Persian ships with their numerous crews.</p>
-
-<p>His first efforts, directed against the gate on the north or
-north-east of the city, which led towards Mylasa, were interrupted
-by frequent sallies and discharges from the engines on the walls.
-After a few days thus spent without much avail, he passed with a
-large section of his army to the western side of the town, towards
-the outlying portion of the projecting tongue of land, on which
-Halikarnassus and Myndus (the latter farther westward) were situated.
-While making demonstrations on this side of Halikarnassus, he at
-the same time attempted a night-attack on Myn<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_96">[p. 96]</span>dus, but was obliged to retire after some
-hours of fruitless effort. He then confined himself to the siege
-of Halikarnassus. His soldiers, protected from missiles by movable
-penthouses (called Tortoises), gradually filled up the wide and deep
-ditch round the town, so as to open a level road for his engines
-(rolling towers of wood) to come up close to the walls. The engines
-being brought up close, the work of demolition was successfully
-prosecuted; notwithstanding vigorous sallies from the garrison,
-repulsed; though not without loss and difficulty, by the Macedonians.
-Presently the shock of the battering-engines had overthrown two
-towers of the city-wall, together with two intermediate breadths of
-wall; and a third tower was beginning to totter. The besieged were
-employed in erecting an inner wall of brick to cover the open space,
-and a wooden tower of the great height of 150 feet for the purpose
-of casting projectiles.<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221"
-class="fnanchor">[221]</a> It appears that Alexander waited for the
-full demolition of the third tower, before he thought the breach
-wide enough to be stormed; but an assault was prematurely brought
-on by two adventurous soldiers from the division of Perdikkas.<a
-id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a>
-These men, elate with wine, rushed up single-handed to attack the
-Mylasean gate, and slew the foremost of the defenders who came out to
-oppose them, until at length, reinforcements arriving successively
-on both sides, a general combat took place at a short distance from
-the wall. In the end, the Macedonians were victorious, and drove
-the besieged back into the city. Such was the confusion, that the
-city might then have been assaulted and taken, had measures been
-prepared for it beforehand. The third tower was speedily overthrown;
-nevertheless, before this could be accomplished, the besieged had
-already completed their half-moon within, against which accordingly,
-on the next day, Alexander pushed forward his engines. In this
-advanced position, however, being as it were within the circle
-of the city-wall, the Macedonians were exposed to discharges not
-only from engines in their front, but also from the towers yet
-standing on each side of them. Moreover, at night, a fresh sally
-was made<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[p. 97]</span> with
-so much impetuosity, that some of the covering wicker-work of the
-engines, and even the main wood-work of one of them, was burnt. It
-was not without difficulty that Philôtas and Hellanikus, the officers
-on guard, preserved the remainder; nor were the besieged finally
-driven in, until Alexander himself appeared with reinforcements.<a
-id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a>
-Though his troops had been victors in these successive combats,
-yet he could not carry off his dead, who lay close to the walls,
-without soliciting a truce for burial. Such request usually counted
-as a confession of defeat: nevertheless Alexander solicited the
-truce, which was granted by Memnon, in spite of the contrary
-opinion of Ephialtes.<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224"
-class="fnanchor">[224]</a></p>
-
-<p>After a few days of interval, for burying his dead and repairing
-the engines, Alexander recommenced attack upon the half-moon,
-under his own personal superintendence. Among the leaders within,
-a conviction gained ground that the place could not long hold out.
-Ephialtes especially, resolved not to survive the capture, and
-seeing that the only chance of preservation consisted in destroying
-the besieging engines, obtained permission from Memnon to put
-himself at the head of a last desperate sally.<a id="FNanchor_225"
-href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> He took immediately
-near him 2000 chosen troops, half to encounter the enemy, half
-with torches to burn the engines. At daybreak, all the gates
-being suddenly and simultaneously thrown<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_98">[p. 98]</span> open, sallying parties rushed out from
-each against the besiegers; the engines from within supporting them
-by multiplied discharges of missiles. Ephialtes with his division,
-marching straight against the Macedonians on guard at the main
-point of attack, assailed them impetuously, while his torch-bearers
-tried to set the engines on fire. Himself distinguished no less for
-personal strength than for valor, he occupied the front rank, and
-was so well seconded by the courage and good array of his soldiers
-charging in deep column, that for a time he gained advantage. Some of
-the engines were successfully fired, and the advanced guard of the
-Macedonian troops, consisting of young troops, gave way and fled.
-They were rallied partly by the efforts of Alexander, but still
-more by the older Macedonian soldiers, companions in all Philip’s
-campaigns; who, standing exempt from night-watches, were encamped
-more in the rear. These veterans, among whom one Atharrias was the
-most conspicuous, upbraiding the cowardice of their comrades,<a
-id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>
-cast themselves into their accustomed phalanx-array, and thus both
-withstood and repulsed the charge of the victorious enemy. Ephialtes,
-foremost among the combatants, was slain, the rest were driven back
-to the city, and the burning engines were saved with some damage.
-During this same time, an obstinate conflict had also taken place at
-the gate called Tripylon, where the besieged had made another sally,
-over a narrow bridge thrown across the ditch. Here the Macedonians
-were under the command of Ptolemy (not the son of Lagus), one of the
-king’s body-guards. He, with two or three other conspicuous officers,
-perished in the severe struggle which ensued, but the sallying party
-were at length repulsed and driven into the city.<a id="FNanchor_227"
-href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> The loss of the
-besieged was severe, in trying to get again within the walls, under
-vigorous pursuit from the Macedonians.</p>
-
-<p>By this last unsuccessful effort, the defensive force of
-Halikar<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[p. 99]</span>nassus
-was broken. Memnon and Orontobates, satisfied that no longer
-defence of the town was practicable, took advantage of the night
-to set fire to their wooden projectile engines and towers, as
-well as to their magazines of arms, with the houses near the
-exterior wall, while they carried away the troops, stores, and
-inhabitants, partly to the citadel called Salmakis—partly to the
-neighboring islet called Arkonnesus—partly to the island of Kos.<a
-id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a>
-Though thus evacuating the town, however, they still kept good
-garrisons well-provisioned in the two citadels belonging to it. The
-conflagration, stimulated by a strong wind, spread widely. It was
-only extinguished by the orders of Alexander, when he entered the
-town, and put to death all those whom he found with firebrands. He
-directed that the Halikarnassians found in the houses should be
-spared, but that the city itself should be demolished. He assigned
-the whole of Karia to Ada, as a principality, doubtless under
-condition of tribute. As the citadels still occupied by the enemy
-were strong enough to require a long siege, he did not think it
-necessary to remain in person for the purpose of reducing them;
-but surrounding them with a wall of blockade, he left Ptolemy and
-3000 men to guard it.<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229"
-class="fnanchor">[229]</a></p>
-
-<p>Having concluded the siege of Halikarnassus, Alexander sent back
-his artillery to Tralles, ordering Parmenio, with a large portion
-of the cavalry, the allied infantry, and the baggage waggons, to
-Sardis.</p>
-
-<p>The ensuing winter months he employed in the conquest of Lykia,
-Pamphylia, and Pisidia. All this southern coast of Asia Minor is
-mountainous; the range of Mount Taurus descending nearly to the sea,
-so as to leave little or no intervening breadth of plain. In spite
-of great strength of situation, such was the terror of Alexander’s
-arms, that all the Lykian towns—Hyparna, Telmissus, Pinara, Xanthus,
-Patara, and thirty others—submitted to him without a blow.<a
-id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a>
-One alone among them, called Marmareis, resisted to desperation.<a
-id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a>
-On reaching the territory called Milyas, the Phrygian frontier of
-Lykia, Alexander<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[p. 100]</span>
-received the surrender of the Greek maritime city, Phasêlis. He
-assisted the Phaselites in destroying a mountain fort erected and
-garrisoned against them by the neighboring Pisidian mountaineers, and
-paid a public compliment to the sepulchre of their deceased townsman,
-the rhetorician Theodektes.<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232"
-class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p>
-
-<p>After this brief halt at Phasêlis, Alexander directed his course
-to Pergê in Pamphylia. The ordinary mountain road, by which he sent
-most of his army, was so difficult as to require some leveling by
-Thracian light troops sent in advance for the purpose. But the
-king himself, with a select detachment, took a road more difficult
-still, under the mountains by the brink of the sea, called Klimax.
-When the wind blew from the south, this road was covered by such
-a depth of water as to be impracticable; for some time before he
-reached the spot, the wind had blown strong from the south—but
-as he came near, the special providence of the gods (so he and
-his friends conceived it) brought on a change to the north, so
-that the sea receded and left an available passage, though his
-soldiers had the water up to their waists.<a id="FNanchor_233"
-href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> From Pergê he
-marched on to Sidê, receiving on his way envoys from Aspendus, who
-offered to surrender their city, but deprecated the entrance of a
-garrison; which they were allowed to buy off promising fifty talents
-in money, together with the horses which they were bringing up as
-tribute for the Persian king. Having left a garrison at Sidê, he
-advanced onward to a strong place called Syllium, defended by brave
-natives with a body of mercenaries to aid them. These men held
-out, and even repulsed a first assault; which Alexander could not
-stay to repeat, being apprised that the Aspendians had refused to
-execute the conditions imposed, and had put their city in a state
-of defence. Returning rapidly, he constrained them to submission,
-and then marched back to Pergê; from whence he directed his course
-towards the greater Phrygia,<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234"
-class="fnanchor">[234]</a> through the difficult mountains, and
-almost indomitable population, of Pisidia.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[p. 101]</span>After
-remaining in the Pisidian mountains long enough to reduce several
-towns or strong posts, Alexander proceeded northward into Phrygia,
-passing by the salt lake called Askanius to the steep and
-impregnable fortress of Kelænæ, garrisoned by 1000 Karians, and
-100 mercenary Greeks. These men, having no hope of relief from
-the Persians, offered to deliver up the fortress, unless such
-relief should arrive before the sixtieth day.<a id="FNanchor_235"
-href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> Alexander accepted
-the propositions, remained ten days at Kelænæ, and left there
-Antigonus (afterwards the most powerful among his successors) as
-satrap of Phrygia, with 1500 men. He then marched northward to
-Gordium on the river Sangarius, where Parmenio was directed to meet
-him, and where his winter-campaign was concluded.<a id="FNanchor_236"
-href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></p>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-<div class="section" id="App_92">
-<p class="large center g1 mt2"><big>APPENDIX.</big></p>
-<p class="center">ON THE LENGTH OF THE MACEDONIAN SARISSA OR PIKE.</p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="appendix">
-
-<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">The</span> statements here given
-about the length of the sarissa carried by the phalangite, are taken
-from Polybius, whose description is on all points both clear and
-consistent with itself. “The sarissa (he says) is sixteen cubits
-long, according to the original theory; and fourteen cubits as
-adapted to actual practice”—τὸ δὲ τῶν σαρισσῶν μέγεθός ἐστι, κατὰ μὲν
-τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπόθεσιν, ἑκκαίδεκα πηχῶν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἁρμογὴν τὴν πρὸς
-τὴν ἀλήθειαν, δεκατεσσάρων. Τούτων δὲ τοὺς τέσσαρας ἀφαιρεῖ τὸ μεταξὺ
-ταῖν χεροῖν διάστημα, καὶ τὸ κατόπιν σήκωμα τῆς προβολῆς (xviii.
-12).</p>
-
-<p>The difference here indicated by Polybius between the length in
-theory, and that in practice, may probably be understood to mean,
-that the phalangites, when in exercise, used pikes of the greater
-length; when on service, of the smaller: just as the Roman soldiers
-were trained in their exercises to use arms heavier than they
-employed against an enemy.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[p. 102]</span>Of the later
-tactic writers, Leo (Tact. vi. 39) and Constantine Porphyrogenitus,
-repeat the double measurement of the sarissa as given by Polybius.
-Arrian (Tact. c. 12) and Polyænus (ii. 29, 2) state its length at
-sixteen cubits—Ælian (Tact. c. 14) gives fourteen cubits. All these
-authors follow either Polybius, or some other authority concurrent
-with him. None of them contradict him, though none state the case so
-clearly as he does.</p>
-
-<p>Messrs. Rüstow and Köchly (Gesch. des Griech. Kriegswesens,
-p. 238), authors of the best work that I know respecting ancient
-military matters, reject the authority of Polybius as it here stands.
-They maintain that the passage must be corrupt, and that Polybius
-must have meant to say that the sarissa was sixteen <i>feet</i> in
-length—not sixteen <i>cubits</i>. I cannot subscribe to their opinion, nor
-do I think that their criticism on Polybius is a just one.</p>
-
-<p>First, they reason as if Polybius had said that the sarissa of
-actual service was <i>sixteen</i> cubits long. Computing the weight
-of such a weapon from the thickness required in the shaft, they
-pronounce that it would be unmanageable. But Polybius gives the
-actual length as only <i>fourteen</i> cubits: a very material difference.
-If we accept the hypothesis of these authors—that corruption of the
-text has made us read <i>cubits</i> where we ought to have read <i>feet</i>,—it
-will follow that the length of the sarissa, as given by Polybius,
-would be <i>fourteen feet</i>, not <i>sixteen feet</i>. Now this length is not
-sufficient to justify various passages in which its prodigious length
-is set forth.</p>
-
-<p>Next, they impute to Polybius a contradiction in saying that
-the Roman soldier occupied a space of three feet, equal to that
-occupied by a Macedonian soldier—and yet that in the fight, he had
-two Macedonian soldiers and ten pikes opposed to him (xviii. 13).
-But there is here no contradiction at all: for Polybius expressly
-says that the Roman, though occupying three feet when the legion was
-drawn up in order, required, when fighting, an expansion of the ranks
-and an increased interval to the extent of three feet behind him
-and on each side of him (χάλασμα καὶ διάστασιν ἀλλήλων ἔχειν δεήσει
-τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐλάχιστον τρεῖς πόδας κατ᾽ ἐπιστάτην καὶ παραστάτην) in
-order to allow full play for his sword and shield. It is therefore
-perfectly true that each Roman soldier, when actually marching up to
-attack the phalanx, occupied as much ground as two phalangites, and
-had ten pikes to deal with.</p>
-
-<p>Farther, it is impossible to suppose that Polybius, in speaking of
-<i>cubits</i>, really meant <i>feet</i>; because (cap. 12) he speaks of <i>three
-feet</i> as the interval between each rank in the file, and these <i>three
-feet</i> are clearly made equal to <i>two cubits</i>. His computation will
-not come right, if in place of <i>cubits</i> you substitute <i>feet</i>.</p>
-
-<p>We must therefore take the assertion of Polybius as we find it:
-that the pike of the phalangite was fourteen cubits or twenty-one
-feet in length. Now Polybius had every means of being well informed
-on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[p. 103]</span> such a point.
-He was above thirty years of age at the time of the last war of the
-Romans against the Macedonian king Perseus, in which war he himself
-served. He was intimately acquainted with Scipio, the son of Paulus
-Emilius, who gained the battle of Pydna. Lastly, he had paid great
-attention to tactics, and had even written an express work on the
-subject.</p>
-
-<p>It might indeed be imagined, that the statement of Polybius,
-though true as to his own time, was not true as to the time of
-Philip and Alexander. But there is nothing to countenance such a
-suspicion—which moreover is expressly disclaimed by Rüstow and
-Köchly.</p>
-
-<p>Doubtless twenty-one feet is a prodigious length, unmanageable,
-except by men properly trained, and inconvenient for all evolutions.
-But these are just the terms under which the pike of the phalangite
-is always spoken of. So Livy, xxxi. 39, “Erant pleraque silvestria
-circa, incommoda phalangi maximè Macedonum: quæ, nisi ubi <i>prælongis
-hastis</i> velut vallum ante clypeos objecit (quod ut fiat, libero campo
-opus est) nullius admodum usus est.” Compare also Livy, xliv. 40, 41,
-where, among other intimations of the immense length of the pike, we
-find, “Si carptim aggrediendo, circumagere <i>immobilem longitudine et
-gravitate hastam</i> cogas, confusâ strue implicatur:” also xxxiii. 8,
-9.</p>
-
-<p>Xenophon tells us that the Ten Thousand Greeks in their retreat
-had to fight their way across the territory of the Chalybes, who
-carried a pike <i>fifteen cubits</i> long, together with a short sword; he
-does not mention a shield, but they wore greaves and helmets (Anab.
-iv. 7, 15). This is a length greater than what Polybius ascribes to
-the pike of the Macedonian phalangite. The Mosynœki defended their
-citadel “with pikes so long and thick that a man could hardly carry
-them” (Anabas. v. 4, 25). In the Iliad, when the Trojans are pressing
-hard upon the Greek ships, and seeking to set them on fire, Ajax is
-described as planting himself upon the poop, and keeping off the
-assailants with a thrusting-pike of twenty-two cubits or thirty-three
-feet in length (ξυστὸν ναύμαχον ἐν παλάμῃσιν—δυωκαιεικοσίπηχυ, Iliad,
-xv. 678). The spear of Hektor is ten cubits, or eleven cubits,
-in length—intended to be hurled (Iliad vi. 319; viii. 494)—the
-reading is not settled whether ἔγχος ἔχ᾽ ἑνδεκάπηχυ, or ἔγχος ἔχεν
-δεκάπηχυ.</p>
-
-<p>The Swiss infantry, and the German Landsknechte, in the sixteenth
-century, were in many respects a reproduction of the Macedonian
-phalanx: close ranks, deep files, long pikes, and the three or
-four first ranks, composed of the strongest and bravest men in the
-regiment—either officers, or picked soldiers receiving double pay.
-The length and impenetrable array of their pikes enabled them to
-resist the charge of the heavy cavalry or men at arms: they were
-irresistible in front, unless an enemy could find means to break in
-among the pikes, which was sometimes, though rarely, done. Their
-great confidence was in the length of the pike—Macciavelli says of
-them (Ritratti dell’ Alamagna, Opere t. iv. p. 159; and Dell’ Arte
-della Guerra, p. 232-236),<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[p.
-104]</span> “Dicono tenere tale ordine, che non é possibile entrare
-tra loro, né accostarseli, quanto é la picca lunga. Sono ottime genti
-in campagna, à far giornata: ma per espugnare terra non vagliono, e
-poco nel difenderlo: ed universalmente, dove non possano tenere l’
-ordine loro della milizia, non vagliono.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_93">
-  <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCIII.<br />
-    SECOND AND THIRD ASIATIC CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER — BATTLE
-    OF&nbsp;ISSUS — SIEGE OF&nbsp;TYRE.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">It</span> was about February or
-March 333 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, when Alexander
-reached Gordium; where he appears to have halted for some time,
-giving to the troops who had been with him in Pisidia a repose
-doubtless needful. While at Gordium, he performed the memorable
-exploit familiarly known as the cutting of the Gordian knot. There
-was preserved in the citadel an ancient waggon of rude structure,
-said by the legend to have once belonged to the peasant Gordius and
-his son Midas—the primitive rustic kings of Phrygia, designated as
-such by the gods, and chosen by the people. The cord (composed of
-fibres from the bark of the cornel tree), attaching the yoke of
-this waggon to the pole, was so twisted and entangled as to form
-a knot of singular complexity, which no one had ever been able to
-untie. An oracle had pronounced, that to the person who should
-untie it the empire of Asia was destined. When Alexander went up
-to see this ancient relic, the surrounding multitude, Phrygian as
-well as Macedonian, were full of expectation that the conqueror of
-the Granikus and of Halikarnassus would overcome the difficulties
-of the knot, and acquire the promised empire. But Alexander, on
-inspecting the knot, was as much perplexed as others had been before
-him, until at length, in a fit of impatience, he drew his sword
-and severed the cord in two. By every one this was accepted as a
-solution of the problem, thus making good his title to the empire
-of Asia; a belief which the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[p.
-105]</span> gods ratified by a storm of thunder and lightning
-during the ensuing night.<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237"
-class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p>
-
-<p>At Gordium, Alexander was visited by envoys from Athens,
-entreating the liberation of the Athenian prisoners taken at the
-Granikus, who were now at work chained in the Macedonian mines.
-But he refused this prayer until a more convenient season. Aware
-that the Greeks were held attached to him only by their fears, and
-that, if opportunity occurred, a large fraction of them would take
-part with the Persians, he did not think it prudent to relax his
-hold upon their conduct.<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238"
-class="fnanchor">[238]</a></p>
-
-<p>Such opportunity seemed now not unlikely to occur. Memnon,
-excluded from efficacious action on the continent since the loss of
-Halikarnassus, was employed among the islands of the Ægean (during
-the first half of 333 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), with
-the purpose of carrying war into Greece and Macedonia. Invested
-with the most ample command, he had a large Phenician fleet and a
-considerable body of Grecian mercenaries, together with his nephew
-Pharnabazus and the Persian Autophradates. Having acquired the
-important island of Chios, through the co-operation of a part of its
-inhabitants, he next landed on Lesbos, where four out of the five
-cities, either from fear or preference, declared in his favor; while
-Mitylênê, the greatest of the five, already occupied by a Macedonian
-garrison, stood out against him. Memnon accordingly disembarked
-his troops and commenced the blockade of the city both by sea and
-land, surrounding it with a double palisade wall from sea to sea.
-In the midst of this operation he died of sickness; but his nephew
-Pharnabazus, to whom he had consigned the command provisionally,
-until the pleasure of Darius could be known, prosecuted his measures
-vigorously, and brought the city to a capitulation. It was stipulated
-that the garrison introduced by Alexander should be dismissed; that
-the column, recording alliance with him, should be demolished; that
-the Mityleneans should become allies of Darius, upon the terms of
-the old convention called by the name of Antalkidas; and that the
-citizens in banishment should be recalled, with restitution of half
-their property. But Pharnabazus, as soon as admitted, vio<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[p. 106]</span>lated the capitulation
-at once. He not only extorted contributions, but introduced a
-garrison under Lykomêdes, and established a returned exile named
-Diogenes as despot.<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239"
-class="fnanchor">[239]</a> Such breach of faith was ill calculated to
-assist the farther extension of Persian influence in Greece.</p>
-
-<p>Had the Persian fleet been equally active a year earlier,
-Alexander’s army could never have landed in Asia. Nevertheless,
-the acquisitions of Chios and Lesbos, late as they were in coming,
-were highly important as promising future progress. Several of
-the Cyclades islands sent to tender their adhesion to the Persian
-cause; the fleet was expected in Eubœa, and the Spartans began to
-count upon aid for an anti-Macedonian movement.<a id="FNanchor_240"
-href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> But all these hopes
-were destroyed by the unexpected decease of Memnon.</p>
-
-<p>It was not merely the superior ability of Memnon, but also his
-established reputation both with Greeks and Persians, which rendered
-his death a fatal blow to the interests of Darius. The Persians had
-with them other Greek officers—brave and able—probably some not
-unfit to execute the full Memnonian schemes. But none of them had
-gone through the same experience in the art of exercising command
-among Orientals—none of them had acquired the confidence of Darius
-to the same extent, so as to be invested with the real guidance of
-operations, and upheld against court-calumnies. Though Alexander had
-now become master of Asia Minor, yet the Persians had ample means,
-if effectively used, of defending all that yet remained, and even
-of seriously disturbing him at home. But with Memnon vanished the
-last chance of employing these means with wisdom or energy. The full
-value of his loss was better appreciated by the intelligent enemy
-whom he opposed, than by the feeble master whom he served. The death
-of Memnon lessening the efficiency of the Persians at sea, allowed
-full leisure to reorganize the Macedonian fleet,<a id="FNanchor_241"
-href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> and to employ the
-undivided land-force for farther inland conquest.<a id="FNanchor_242"
-href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[p. 107]</span>If Alexander
-was a gainer in respect to his own operations by the death of
-this eminent Rhodian, he was yet more a gainer by the change of
-policy which that event induced Darius to adopt. The Persian king
-resolved to renounce the defensive schemes of Memnon, and to take
-the offensive against the Macedonians on land. His troops, already
-summoned from the various parts of the empire, had partially arrived,
-and were still coming in.<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243"
-class="fnanchor">[243]</a> Their numbers became greater and greater,
-amounting at length to a vast and multitudinous host, the total of
-which is given by some as 600,000 men; by others, as 400,000 infantry
-and 100,000 cavalry. The spectacle of this showy and imposing mass,
-in every variety of arms, costume, and language, filled the mind of
-Darius with confidence; especially as there were among them between
-20,000 and 30,000 Grecian mercenaries. The Persian courtiers,
-themselves elate and sanguine, stimulated and exaggerated the same
-feeling in the king himself, who became confirmed in his persuasion
-that his enemies could never resist him. From Sogdiana, Baktria,
-and India, the contingents had not yet had time to arrive; but most
-of those between the Persian Gulf and the Caspian sea had come
-in—Persians, Medes, Armenians, Derbikes, Barkanians, Hyrkanians,
-Katdakes, etc.; all of whom, mustered in the plains of Mesopotamia,
-are said to have been counted, like the troops of Xerxes in the plain
-of Doriskus, by paling off a space capable of containing exactly
-10,000 men, and passing all the soldiers through it in succession.<a
-id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>
-Neither Darius himself, nor any of those around him, had ever before
-seen so overwhelming a manifestation of the Persian imperial force.
-To an Oriental eye, incapable of appreciating the real conditions
-of military preponderance,—accustomed only to the gross and visible
-computation of numbers and physical strength,—the king who marched
-forth at the head of such an army appeared like a god on earth,
-certain to trample down all before him—just as most Greeks had
-con<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[p. 108]</span>ceived
-respecting Xerxes,<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245"
-class="fnanchor">[245]</a> and by stronger reason Xerxes respecting
-himself, a century and a half before. Because all this turned out a
-ruinous mistake, the description of the feeling, given in Curtius
-and Diodorus, is often mistrusted as baseless rhetoric. Yet it is in
-reality the self-suggested illusion of untaught men, as opposed to
-trained and scientific judgment.</p>
-
-<p>But though such was the persuasion of Orientals, it found no
-response in the bosom of an intelligent Athenian. Among the Greeks
-now near Darius, was the Athenian exile Charidemus, who having
-incurred the implacable enmity of Alexander, had been forced to quit
-Athens after the Macedonian capture of Thebes, and had fled together
-with Ephialtes to the Persians. Darius, elate with the apparent
-omnipotence of his army under review, and hearing but one voice of
-devoted concurrence from the courtiers around him, asked the opinion
-of Charidemus, in full expectation of receiving an affirmative
-reply. So completely were the hopes of Charidemus bound up with
-the success of Darius, that he would not suppress his convictions,
-however unpalatable, at a moment when there was yet a possibility
-that they might prove useful. He replied (with the same frankness
-as Demaratus had once employed towards Xerxes), that the vast
-multitude now before him were unfit to cope with the comparatively
-small number of the invaders. He advised Darius to place no reliance
-on Asiatics, but to employ his immense treasures in subsidizing an
-increased army of Grecian mercenaries. He tendered his own hearty
-services either to assist or to command. To Darius, what he said
-was alike surprising and offensive; in the Persian courtiers, it
-provoked intolerable wrath. Intoxicated as they all were with the
-spectacle of their present muster, it seemed to them a combination of
-insult with absurdity, to pronounce Asiatics worthless as compared
-with Macedonians, and to teach the king that his empire could be
-defended by none<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[p. 109]</span>
-but Greeks. They denounced Charidemus as a traitor who wished to
-acquire the king’s confidence in order to betray him to Alexander.
-Darius, himself stung with the reply, and still farther exasperated
-by the clamors of his courtiers, seized with his own hands the girdle
-of Charidemus, and consigned him to the guards for execution. “You
-will discover too late (exclaimed the Athenian), the truth of what
-I have said. My avenger will soon be upon you.”<a id="FNanchor_246"
-href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p>
-
-<p>Filled as he now was with certain anticipations of success and
-glory, Darius resolved to assume in person the command of his
-army, and march down to overwhelm Alexander. From this moment, his
-land-army became the really important and aggressive force, with
-which he himself was to act. Herein we note his distinct abandonment
-of the plans of Memnon—the turning-point of his future fortune. He
-abandoned them, too, at the precise moment when they might have been
-most safely and completely executed. For at the time of the battle
-of the Granikus, when Memnon’s counsel was originally given, the
-defensive part of it was not easy to act upon; since the Persians had
-no very strong or commanding position. But now, in the spring of 333
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, they had a line of defence
-as good as they could possibly desire; advantages, indeed, scarcely
-to be paralleled elsewhere. In the first place, there was the line
-of Mount Taurus, barring the entrance of Alexander into Kilikia; a
-line of defence (as will presently appear) nearly inexpugnable. Next,
-even if Alexander had succeeded in forcing this line and mastering
-Kilikia, there would yet remain the narrow road between Mount Amanus
-and the sea, called the Amanian Gates, and the Gates of Kilikia and
-Assyria—and after that, the passes over Mount Amanus itself— all
-indispensable for Alexander to pass through, and capable of being
-held, with proper precautions, against the strongest force of attack.
-A better opportunity, for executing the defensive part of Memnon’s
-scheme, could not present itself; and he himself must doubtless have
-reckoned that such advantages would not be thrown away.</p>
-
-<p>The momentous change of policy, on the part of the Persian king,
-was manifested by the order which he sent to the fleet after<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[p. 110]</span> receiving intelligence
-of the death of Memnon. Confirming the appointment of Pharnabazus
-(made provisionally by the dying Memnon) as admiral, he at the same
-time despatched Thymôdes (son of Mentor and nephew of Memnon) to
-bring away from the fleet the Grecian mercenaries who served aboard,
-to be incorporated with the main Persian army.<a id="FNanchor_247"
-href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> Here was a clear
-proof that the main stress of offensive operations was henceforward
-to be transferred from the sea to the land.</p>
-
-<p>It is the more important to note such desertion of policy, on the
-part of Darius, as the critical turning-point in the Greco-Persian
-drama—because Arrian and the other historians leave it out of sight,
-and set before us little except the secondary points in the case.
-Thus, for example, they condemn the imprudence of Darius, for coming
-to fight Alexander within the narrow space near Issus, instead of
-waiting for him on the spacious plains beyond Mount Amanus. Now,
-unquestionably, granting that a general battle was inevitable, this
-step augmented the chances in favor of the Macedonians. But it was a
-step upon which no material consequences turned; for the Persian army
-under Darius was hardly less unfit for a pitched battle in the open
-plain; as was afterwards proved at Arbela. The real imprudence—the
-neglect of the Memnonian warning—consisted in fighting the battle at
-all. Mountains and defiles were the real strength of the Persians,
-to be held as posts of defence against the invader. If Darius erred,
-it was not so much in relinquishing the open plain of Sochi, as in
-originally preferring that plain with a pitched battle, to the strong
-lines of defence offered by Taurus and Amanus.</p>
-
-<p>The narrative of Arrian, exact perhaps in what it affirms, is not
-only brief and incomplete, but even omits on various occasions to put
-in relief the really important and determining points.</p>
-
-<p>While halting at Gordium, Alexander was joined by those
-newly-married Macedonians whom he had sent home to winter, and who
-now came back with reinforcements to the number of 3000 infantry and
-300 cavalry, together with 200 Thessalian cavalry, and 150 Eleians.<a
-id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a>
-As soon as his troops had been suf<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_111">[p. 111]</span>ficiently rested, he marched (probably
-about the latter half of May) towards Paphlagonia and Kappadokia.
-At Ankyra he was met by a deputation from the Paphlagonians, who
-submitted themselves to his discretion, only entreating that he
-would not conduct his army into their country. Accepting these
-terms, he placed them under the government of Kallas, his satrap of
-Hellespontine Phrygia. Advancing farther, he subdued the whole of
-Kappadokia, even to a considerable extent beyond the Halys, leaving
-therein Sabiktas as satrap.<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249"
-class="fnanchor">[249]</a></p>
-
-<p>Having established security in his rear, Alexander marched
-southward towards Mount Taurus. He reached a post called the Camp
-of Cyrus, at the northern foot of that mountain, near the pass
-Tauri-pylæ, or Kilikian Gates, which forms the regular communication,
-between Kappadokia on the north side, and Kilikia on the south,
-of this great chain. The long road ascending and descending was
-generally narrow, winding, and rugged, sometimes between two steep
-and high banks; and it included, near its southern termination,
-one spot particularly obstructed and difficult. From ancient
-times, down to the present, the main road from Asia Minor into
-Kilikia and Syria has run through this pass. During the Roman
-empire, it must doubtless have received many improvements, so as
-to render the traffic comparatively easier. Yet the description
-given of it by modern travellers represents it to be as difficult
-as any road ever traversed by an army.<a id="FNanchor_250"
-href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> Seventy years
-before Alexander, it had been traversed by the younger Cyrus
-with the 10,000 Greeks, in his march up to attack his brother
-Artaxerxes; and Xenophon,<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251"
-class="fnanchor">[251]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[p.
-112]</span> who then went through it, pronounces it absolutely
-impracticable for an army, if opposed by any occupying force. So
-thoroughly persuaded was Cyrus himself of this fact, that he had
-prepared a fleet, in case he found the pass occupied, to land troops
-by sea in Kilikia in the rear of the defenders; and great indeed
-was his astonishment, to discover that the habitual recklessness
-of Persian management had left the defile unguarded. The narrowest
-part, while hardly sufficient to contain four armed men abreast,
-was shut in by precipitous rock on each side.<a id="FNanchor_252"
-href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> Here, if anywhere,
-was the spot in which the defensive policy of Memnon might have been
-made sure. To Alexander, inferior as he was by sea, the resource
-employed by the younger Cyrus was not open.</p>
-
-<p>Yet Arsames, the Persian satrap commanding at Tarsus in Kilikia,
-having received seemingly from his master no instructions, or worse
-than none, acted as if ignorant of the existence of his enterprising
-enemy north of Mount Taurus. On the first approach of Alexander,
-the few Persian soldiers occupying the pass fled without striking
-a blow, being seemingly unprepared for any enemy more formidable
-than mountain-robbers. Alexander thus became master of this almost
-insuperable barrier, without the loss of a man.<a id="FNanchor_253"
-href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> On the ensuing day,
-he marched his whole army over it into Kilikia, and arriving in a
-few hours at Tarsus, found the town already evacuated by Arsames.<a
-id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a></p>
-
-<p>At Tarsus Alexander made a long halt; much longer than he
-intended. Either from excessive fatigue—or from bathing while hot in
-the chilly water of the river Kydnus—he was seized with a violent
-fever, which presently increased to so dangerous a pitch that his
-life was despaired of. Amidst the grief and alarm with which this
-misfortune filled the army, none of the physicians would venture
-to administer remedies, for fear of being<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_113">[p. 113]</span> held responsible for what threatened
-to be a fatal result.<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255"
-class="fnanchor">[255]</a> One alone among them, an Akarnanian
-named Philippus, long known and trusted by Alexander, engaged to
-cure him by a violent purgative draught. Alexander directed him to
-prepare it; but before the time for taking it arrived, he received
-a confidential letter from Parmenio, entreating him to beware of
-Philippus, who had been bribed by Darius to poison him. After reading
-the letter, he put it under his pillow. Presently came Philippus with
-the medicine, which Alexander accepted and swallowed without remark,
-at the same time giving Philippus the letter to read, and watching
-the expression of his countenance. The look, words, and gestures of
-the physician were such as completely to reassure him. Philippus,
-indignantly repudiating the calumny, repeated his full confidence
-in the medicine, and pledged himself to abide the result. At first
-it operated so violently as to make Alexander seemingly worse, and
-even to bring him to death’s door; but after a certain interval, its
-healing effects became manifest. The fever was subdued, and Alexander
-was pronounced out of danger, to the delight of the whole army.<a
-id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> A
-reasonable time sufficed, to restore him to his former health and
-vigor.</p>
-
-<p>It was his first operation, after recovery, to send forward
-Parmenio, at the head of the Greeks, Thessalians, and Thracians,
-in his army, for the purpose of clearing the forward route and
-of securing the pass called the Gates of Kilikia and Syria.<a
-id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>
-This narrow road, bounded by the range of Mount Amanus on the
-east and by the sea on the west, had been once barred by a<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[p. 114]</span> double cross-wall
-with gates for passage, marking the original boundaries of Kilikia
-and Syria. The Gates, about six days’ march beyond Tarsus,<a
-id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>
-were found guarded, but the guard fled with little resistance. At
-the same time Alexander himself, conducting the Macedonian troops
-in a south-westerly direction from Tarsus, employed some time
-in mastering and regulating the towns of Anchialus and Soli, as
-well as the Kilikian mountaineers. Then, returning to Tarsus, and
-recommencing his forward march, he advanced with the infantry and
-with his chosen squadron of cavalry, first to Magarsus near the mouth
-of the river Pyramus, next to Mallus; the general body of cavalry,
-under Philôtus, being sent by a more direct route across the Alëian
-plain. Mallus, sacred to the prophet Amphilocus as a patron-hero,
-was said to be a colony from Argos; on both these grounds Alexander
-was disposed to treat it with peculiar respect. He offered solemn
-sacrifice to Amphilocus, exempted Mallus from tribute, and appeased
-some troublesome discord among the citizens.<a id="FNanchor_259"
-href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a></p>
-
-<p>It was at Mallus that he received his first distinct communication
-respecting Darius and the main Persian army; which was said to be
-encamped at Sochi in Syria, on the eastern side of Mount Amanus,
-about two days’ march from the mountain pass now called Beylan.
-That pass, traversing the Amanian range, forms the continuance of
-the main road from Asia Minor into Syria, after having passed first
-over Taurus, and next through the difficult point of ground above
-specified (called the Gates of Kilikia and Syria), between Mount
-Amanus and the sea. Assembling his principal officers, Alexander
-communicated to them the position of Darius, now encamped in a
-spacious plain with prodigious superiority of numbers, especially
-of cavalry. Though the locality was thus rather favorable to the
-enemy, yet the Macedonians, full of hopes and courage, called upon
-Alexander to lead them forthwith against him. Accordingly Alexander,
-well pleased with their alacrity, began his forward march on the
-following morning. He passed through Issus, where he left some sick
-and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[p. 115]</span> wounded under
-a moderate guard—then through the Gates of Kilikia and Syria. At
-the second day’s march from those Gates, he reached the seaport of
-Myriandrus, the first town of Syria or Phenicia.<a id="FNanchor_260"
-href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></p>
-
-<p>Here, having been detained in his camp one day by a dreadful
-storm, he received intelligence which altogether changed his plans.
-The Persian army had been marched away from Sochi, and was now in
-Kilikia, following in his rear. It had already got possession of
-Issus.</p>
-
-<p>Darius had marched out of the interior his vast and miscellaneous
-host, stated at 600,000 men. His mother, his wife, his harem, his
-children, his personal attendants of every description, accompanied
-him, to witness what was anticipated as a certain triumph. All the
-apparatus of ostentation and luxury was provided in abundance, for
-the king and for his Persian grandees. The baggage was enormous:
-of gold and silver alone, we are told, that there was enough to
-furnish load for 600 mules and 300 camels.<a id="FNanchor_261"
-href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> A temporary bridge
-being thrown over the Euphrates, five days were required to enable
-the whole army to cross.<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262"
-class="fnanchor">[262]</a> Much of the treasure and baggage, however,
-was not allowed to follow the army to the vicinity of Mount Amanus,
-but was sent under a guard to Damascus in Syria.</p>
-
-<p>At the head of such an overwhelming host, Darius was eager to
-bring on at once a general battle. It was not sufficient for him
-simply to keep back an enemy, whom, when once in presence, he
-calculated on crushing altogether. Accordingly, he had given no
-orders (as we have just seen) to defend the line of the Taurus; he
-had admitted Alexander unopposed into Kilikia, and he intended to let
-him enter in like manner through the remaining strong passes—first,
-the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, between Mount Amanus and the
-sea—next, the pass, now called Beylan, across Amanus itself. He
-both expected and wished that his enemy should come into the plain
-to fight, there to be trodden down by the countless horsemen of
-Persia.</p>
-
-<p>But such anticipation was not at once realized. The movements
-of Alexander, hitherto so rapid and unremitting, seemed<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[p. 116]</span> suspended. We have
-already noticed the dangerous fever which threatened his life,
-occasioning not only a long halt, but much uneasiness among the
-Macedonian army. All was doubtless reported to the Persians,
-with abundant exaggerations: and when Alexander, immediately
-after recovery, instead of marching forward towards them, turned
-away from them to subdue the western portion of Kilikia, this
-again was construed by Darius as an evidence of hesitation and
-fear. It is even asserted that Parmenio wished to await the
-attack of the Persians in Kilikia, and that Alexander at first
-consented to do so.<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263"
-class="fnanchor">[263]</a> At any rate, Darius, after a certain
-interval, contracted the persuasion, and was assured by his Asiatic
-councillors and courtiers, that the Macedonians, though audacious
-and triumphant against frontier satraps, now hung back intimidated
-by the approaching majesty and full muster of the empire, and that
-they would not stand to resist his attack. Under this impression
-Darius resolved upon an advance into Kilikia with all his army.
-Thymôdes indeed, and other intelligent Grecian advisers—together
-with the Macedonian exile Amyntas—deprecated his new resolution,
-entreating him to persevere in his original purpose. They pledged
-themselves that Alexander would come forth to attack him wherever
-he was, and that too, speedily. They dwelt on the imprudence of
-fighting in the narrow defiles of Kilikia, where his numbers, and
-especially his vast cavalry, would be useless. Their advice, however,
-was not only disregarded by Darius, but denounced by the Persian
-councillors as traitorous.<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264"
-class="fnanchor">[264]</a> Even some of the Greeks in the camp
-shared, and transmitted in their letters to Athens, the blind
-confidence of the monarch. The order was forthwith given for the
-whole army to quit the plains of Syria and march across Mount<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[p. 117]</span> Amanus into Kilikia.<a
-id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> To
-cross, by any pass, over such a range as that of Mount Amanus, with a
-numerous army, heavy baggage, and ostentatious train (including all
-the suite necessary for the regal family), must have been a work of
-no inconsiderable time; and the only two passes over this mountain
-were, both of them, narrow and easily defensible.<a id="FNanchor_266"
-href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> Darius followed the
-northernmost of the two, which brought him into the rear of his
-enemy.</p>
-
-<p>Thus at the same time that the Macedonians were marching southward
-to cross Mount Amanus by the southern pass, and attack Darius in
-the plain—Darius was coming over into Kilikia by the northern pass
-to drive them before him back into Macedonia.<a id="FNanchor_267"
-href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> Reaching Issus,
-seemingly about two days after they had left it, he became master
-of their sick and wounded left in the town. With odious brutality,
-his grandees impelled him to inflict upon these poor men either
-death or amputation of hands and arms.<a id="FNanchor_268"
-href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> He then marched
-forward—along the same road by the shore of the Gulf which had
-already been followed by Alexander—and encamped on the banks of the
-river Pinarus.</p>
-
-<p>The fugitives from Issus hastened to inform Alexander, whom they
-overtook at Myriandrus. So astonished was he, that he refused to
-believe the news, until it had been confirmed by some officers whom
-he sent northward along the coast of the Gulf in a small galley,
-and to whom the vast Persian multitude on the shore was distinctly
-visible. Then, assembling the chief officers, he communicated to
-them the near approach of the enemy, ex<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_118">[p. 118]</span>patiating on the favorable auspices
-under which a battle would now take place.<a id="FNanchor_269"
-href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> His address was
-hailed with acclamation by his hearers, who demanded only to be
-led against the enemy.<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270"
-class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p>
-
-<p>His distance from the Persian position may have been about
-eighteen miles.<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271"
-class="fnanchor">[271]</a> By an evening march, after supper, he
-reached at midnight the narrow defile (between Mount Amanus and the
-sea) called the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, through which he had
-marched two days before. Again master of that important position,
-he rested there the last portion of the night, and advanced forward
-at daybreak northward towards Darius. At first the breadth of
-practicable road was so confined, as to admit only a narrow column
-of march, with the cavalry following the infantry; presently it
-widened, enabling Alexander to enlarge his front by bringing up
-successively the divisions of the phalanx. On approaching near to
-the river Pinarus (which flowed across the pass), he adopted his
-order of battle. on the extreme right he placed the hypaspists, or
-light division of hoplites; next (reckoning from right to left),
-five Taxeis or divisions of the phalanx, under Kœnus, Perdikkas,
-Meleager, Ptolemy, and Amyntas. Of these three last or left
-divisions, Kraterus had the general command; himself subject to
-the orders of Parmenio, who commanded the entire left half of the
-army. The breadth of plain between the mountains on the right, and
-the sea on the left, is said to have been not more than fourteen
-stadia, or about one English mile and a half.<a id="FNanchor_272"
-href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> From fear of being
-outflanked by the superior numbers of the Persians, he gave strict
-orders to Parmenio to keep close to the sea. His Macedonian cavalry,
-the Companions, together with the Thessalians, were placed on his
-right flank; as were also the Agrianes, and the principal portion
-of the light infantry. The Peloponnesian and allied cav<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[p. 119]</span>alry, with the Thracian
-and Kretan light infantry, were sent on the left flank to Parmenio.<a
-id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a></p>
-
-<p>Darius, informed that Alexander was approaching, resolved
-to fight where he was encamped, behind the river Pinarus. He,
-however, threw across the river a force of 30,000 cavalry, and
-20,000 infantry, to ensure the undisturbed formation of his main
-force behind the river.<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274"
-class="fnanchor">[274]</a> He composed his phalanx or main line of
-battle, of 90,000 hoplites; 30,000 Greek hoplites in the centre,
-and 30,000 Asiatics armed as hoplites (called Kardakes), on each
-side of these Greeks. These men—not distributed into separate
-divisions, but grouped in one body or multitude<a id="FNanchor_275"
-href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a>—filled the breadth
-between the mountains and the sea. On the mountains to his left, he
-placed a body of 20,000 men, intended to act against the right flank
-and rear of Alexander. But for the great numerical mass of his vast
-host, he could find no room to act; accordingly they remained useless
-in the rear of his Greek and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[p.
-120]</span> Asiatic hoplites, yet not formed into any body of
-reserve, or kept disposable for assisting in case of need. When his
-line was thoroughly formed, he recalled to the left bank of the
-Pinarus the 30,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry which he had sent
-across as a protecting force. A part of this cavalry were sent to his
-extreme left wing, but the mountain ground was found unsuitable for
-them to act, so that they were forced to cross the right wing, where
-accordingly the great mass of the Persian cavalry became assembled.
-Darius himself in his chariot was in the centre of the line, behind
-the Grecian hoplites. In the front of his whole line ran the river or
-rivulet Pinarus; the banks of which, in many parts naturally steep,
-he obstructed in some places by embankments.<a id="FNanchor_276"
-href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a></p>
-
-<p>As soon as Alexander, by the retirement of the Persian covering
-detachment, was enabled to perceive the final dispositions of Darius,
-he made some alteration in his own, transferring his Thessalian
-cavalry by a rear movement from his right to his left wing, and
-bringing forward the lancer-cavalry or sarissophori, as well as
-the light infantry, Pæonians, and archers, to the front of his
-right. The Agrianians, together with some cavalry and another body
-of archers, were detached from the general line to form an oblique
-front against the 20,000 Persians posted on the hill to outflank
-him. As these 20,000 men came near enough to threaten his flank,
-Alexander directed the Agrianians to attack them, and to drive them
-farther away on the hills. They manifested so little firmness, and
-gave way so easily, that he felt no dread of any serious aggressive
-movement from them. He therefore contented himself with holding back
-in reserve against them a body of 300 heavy cavalry; while he placed
-the Agrianians and the rest on the right of his main line, in order
-to make his front equal to that of his enemies.<a id="FNanchor_277"
-href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[p. 121]</span>Having thus
-formed his array, after giving the troops a certain halt after their
-march, he advanced at a very slow pace, anxious to maintain his own
-front even, and anticipating that the enemy might cross the Pinarus
-to meet him. But as they did not move, he continued his advance,
-preserving the uniformity of the front, until he arrived within
-bowshot, when he himself, at the head of his cavalry, hypaspists,
-and divisions of the phalanx on the right, accelerated his pace,
-crossed the river at a quick step, and fell upon the Kardakes or
-Asiatic hoplites on the Persian left. Unprepared for the suddenness
-and vehemence of this attack, these Kardakes scarcely resisted a
-moment, but gave way as soon as they came to close quarters, and
-fled, vigorously pressed by the Macedonian right. Darius, who was in
-his chariot in the centre, perceived that this untoward desertion
-exposed his person from the left flank. Seized with panic, he caused
-his chariot to be turned round, and fled with all speed among
-the foremost fugitives.<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278"
-class="fnanchor">[278]</a> He kept to his chariot as long<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[p. 122]</span> as the ground
-permitted, but quitted it on reaching some rugged ravines, and
-mounted on horseback to make sure of escape; in such terror, that he
-cast away his bow, his shield, and his regal mantle. He does not seem
-to have given a single order, nor to have made the smallest effort
-to repair a first misfortune. The flight of the king was the signal
-for all who observed it to flee also; so that the vast host in the
-rear were quickly to be seen trampling one another down, in their
-efforts to get through the difficult ground out of the reach of the
-enemy. Darius was himself not merely the centre of union for all
-the miscellaneous contingents composing the army, but also the sole
-commander; so that after his flight there was no one left to give any
-general order.</p>
-
-<p>This great battle—we ought rather to say, that which ought to have
-been a great battle—was thus lost,—through the giving way of the
-Asiatic hoplites on the Persian left, and the immediate flight of
-Darius,—within a few minutes after its commencement. But the centre
-and right of the Persians, not yet apprised of these misfortunes,
-behaved with gallantry. When Alexander made his rapid dash forward
-with the right, under his own immediate command, the phalanx in his
-left centre (which was under Kraterus and Parmenio) either did not
-receive the same accelerating order, or found itself both retarded
-and disordered by greater steepness in the banks of the Pinarus.
-Here it was charged by the Grecian mercenaries, the best troops in
-the Persian service. The combat which took place was obstinate, and
-the Macedonian loss not inconsiderable; the general of division,
-Ptolemy son of Seleukus, with 120 of the front rank men or choice
-phalangites, being slain. But presently Alexander, having completed
-the rout on the enemies’ left, brought back his victorious troops
-from the pursuit, attacked the Grecian mercenaries in flank, and gave
-decisive superiority to their enemies. These Grecian mercenaries were
-beaten and forced to retire.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[p.
-123]</span> On finding that Darius himself had fled, they got away
-from the field as well as they could, yet seemingly in good order.
-There is even reason to suppose that a part of them forced their
-way up the mountains or through the Macedonian line, and made
-their escape southward.<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279"
-class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile on the Persian right, towards the sea, the heavy-armed
-Persian cavalry had shown much bravery. They were bold enough
-to cross the Pinarus<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280"
-class="fnanchor">[280]</a> and vigorously to charge the Thessalians;
-with whom they maintained a close contest, until the news spread that
-Darius had disappeared, and that the left of the army was routed.
-They then turned their backs and fled, sustaining terrible damage
-from their enemies in the retreat. Of the Kardakes on the <i>right</i>
-flank of the Grecian hoplites in the Persian line, we hear nothing,
-nor of the Macedonian infantry opposed to them. Perhaps these
-Kardakes came little into action, since the cavalry on their part
-of the field were so severely engaged. At any rate they took part
-in the general flight of the Persians, as soon as Darius was known
-to have left the field.<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281"
-class="fnanchor">[281]</a></p>
-
-<p>The rout of the Persians being completed, Alexander began a
-vigorous pursuit. The destruction and slaughter of the fugitives
-was prodigious. Amidst so small a breadth of practicable ground,
-narrowed sometimes into a defile and broken by frequent watercourses,
-their vast numbers found no room, and trod one another down.
-As many perished in this way as by the<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_124">[p. 124]</span> sword of the conquerors; insomuch
-that Ptolemy (afterwards king of Egypt, the companion and
-historian of Alexander) recounts that he himself in the pursuit
-came to a ravine choked up with dead bodies, of which he made a
-bridge to pass over it.<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282"
-class="fnanchor">[282]</a> The pursuit was continued as long as the
-light of a November day allowed; but the battle had not begun till
-a late hour. The camp of Darius was taken together with his mother,
-his wife, his sister, his infant son, and two daughters. His chariot,
-his shield, and his bow also fell into the power of the conquerors;
-and a sum of 3000 talents in money was found, though much of the
-treasure had been sent to Damascus. The total loss of the Persians
-is said to have amounted to 10,000 horse and 100,000 foot; among
-the slain moreover were several eminent Persian grandees,—Arsames,
-Rheomithres, and Atizyes, who had commanded at the Granikus—Sabakes,
-satrap of Egypt. Of the Macedonians we are told that 300 foot and
-150 horse were killed. Alexander himself was slightly wounded in
-the thigh by a sword.<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283"
-class="fnanchor">[283]</a></p>
-
-<p>The mother, wife, and family of Darius, who became captives,
-were treated by Alexander’s order with the utmost consideration and
-respect. When Alexander returned at night from the pursuit, he found
-the regal tent reserved and prepared for him. In an inner compartment
-of it he heard the tears and wailings of women. He was informed that
-the mourners were the mother and wife of Darius, who had learnt that
-the bow and shield of Darius had been taken, and were giving loose
-to their grief under the belief that Darius himself was killed.
-Alexander immediately sent Leonnatus to assure them that Darius was
-still living, and to promise further that they should be allowed
-to preserve the regal title and state—his war against Darius being
-undertaken not from any feelings of hatred, but as a fair contest
-for the empire of Asia.<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284"
-class="fnanchor">[284]</a> Besides this anecdote, which depends on
-good<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[p. 125]</span> authority,
-many others, uncertified or untrue, were recounted about his kind
-behavior to these princesses; and Alexander himself, shortly after
-the battle, seems to have heard fictions about it, which he thought
-himself obliged to contradict in a letter. It is certain, (from
-the extract now remaining of this letter) that he never saw, nor
-ever entertained the idea of seeing, the captive wife of Darius,
-said to be the most beautiful woman in Asia; moreover he even
-declined to hear encomiums upon her beauty.<a id="FNanchor_285"
-href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a></p>
-
-<p>How this vast host of fugitives got out of the narrow limits of
-Kilikia, or how many of them quitted that country by the same pass
-over Mount Amanus as that by which they had entered it—we cannot make
-out. It is probable that many, and Darius himself among the number,
-made their escape across the mountain by various subordinate roads
-and by-paths; which, though unfit for a regular army with baggage,
-would be found a welcome resource by scattered companies. Darius
-managed to get together 4000 of the fugitives, with whom he hastened
-to Thapsakus, and there recrossed the Euphrates. The only remnant of
-force, still in a position of defence after the battle, consisted of
-8000 of the Grecian mercenaries under Amyntas and Thymôdes. These
-men, fighting their way out of Kilikia (seemingly towards the south,
-by or near Myriandrus), marched to Tripolis on the coast of Phenicia,
-where they still found the same vessels in which they had themselves
-been brought from the armament of Lesbos. Seizing sufficient means
-of transport, and destroying the rest to prevent pursuit, they
-immediately crossed over to Cyprus, and from thence to Egypt.<a
-id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>
-With this single exception, the enormous Persian host disappears with
-the battle of Issus. We hear of no attempt to rally or reform, nor of
-any fresh Persian force afoot until two years afterwards. The booty
-acquired by the victors was immense, not merely in gold and silver,
-but also in captives for the slave-merchant. On the morrow of the
-battle, Alex<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[p. 126]</span>ander
-offered a solemn sacrifice of thanksgiving, with three altars erected
-on the banks of the Pinarus; while he at the same time buried the
-dead, consoled the wounded, and rewarded or complimented all who had
-distinguished themselves.<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287"
-class="fnanchor">[287]</a></p>
-
-<p>No victory recorded in history was ever more complete in itself,
-or more far-stretching in its consequences, than that of Issus. Not
-only was the Persian force destroyed or dispersed, but the efforts
-of Darius for recovery were paralyzed by the capture of his family.
-Portions of the dissipated army of Issus may be traced, re-appearing
-in different places for operations of detail; but we shall find no
-farther resistance to Alexander and his main force, except from the
-brave freemen of two fortified cities. Everywhere an overwhelming
-sentiment of admiration and terror was spread abroad, towards the
-force, skill, or good fortune of Alexander, by whichever name it
-might be called—together with contempt for the real value of a
-Persian army, in spite of so much imposing pomp and numerical show; a
-contempt, not new to intelligent Greeks, but now communicated even to
-vulgar minds by the recent unparalleled catastrophe. Both as general
-and as soldier, indeed, the consummate excellence of Alexander stood
-conspicuous, not less than the signal deficiency of Darius. The fault
-in the latter, upon which most remark is usually made, was, that of
-fighting the battle, not in an open plain, but in a narrow valley,
-whereby his superiority of number was rendered unprofitable. But this
-(as I have already observed) was only one among many mistakes, and by
-no means the most serious. The result would have been the same, had
-the battle been fought in the plains to the eastward of Mount Amanus.
-Superior numbers are of little avail on any ground unless there be a
-general who knows how to make use of them; unless they be distributed
-into separate divisions ready to combine for offensive action on
-many points at once, or at any rate to lend support to each other
-in defence, so that a defeat of one fraction is not a defeat of the
-whole. The faith of Darius in simple multitude was altogether blind
-and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[p. 127]</span> childish;<a
-id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a>
-nay, that faith, though overweening beforehand, disappeared at once
-when he found his enemies did not run away, but faced him boldly—as
-was seen by his attitude on the banks of the Pinarus, where he stood
-to be attacked instead of executing his threat of treading down the
-handful opposed to him.<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289"
-class="fnanchor">[289]</a> But it was not merely as a general, that
-Darius acted in such a manner as to render the loss of the battle
-certain. Had his dispositions been ever so skilful, his personal
-cowardice, in quitting the field and thinking only of his own safety,
-would have sufficed to nullify their effect.<a id="FNanchor_290"
-href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> Though the Persian
-grandees are generally conspicuous for personal courage, yet we
-shall find Darius hereafter again exhibiting the like melancholy
-timidity, and the like incompetence for using numbers with effect,
-at the battle of Arbela, though fought in a spacious plain chosen by
-himself.</p>
-
-<p>Happy was it for Memnon, that he did not live to see the
-renunciation of his schemes, and the ruin consequent upon it!
-The fleet in the Ægean, which had been transferred at his death
-to Pharnabazus, though weakened by the loss of those mercenaries
-whom Darius had recalled to Issus, and disheartened by a serious
-defeat which the Persian Orontobates had received from the
-Macedonians in Karia,<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291"
-class="fnanchor">[291]</a> was nevertheless not inactive in trying
-to organize an anti-Macedonian manifestation in Greece. While
-Pharnabazus was at the island of Siphnos with his 100 triremes,
-he was visited by the Lacedæmonian king Agis, who pressed him to
-embark for Peloponnesus as large a force as he could spare, to
-second a movement projected by the Spartans. But such aggressive
-plans were at once crushed by the terror-striking news<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[p. 128]</span> of the battle of
-Issus. Apprehending a revolt in the island of Chios as the result
-of this news, Pharnabazus immediately sailed thither with a large
-detachment. Agis, obtaining nothing more than a subsidy of thirty
-talents and a squadron of ten triremes, was obliged to renounce his
-projects in Peloponnesus, and to content himself with directing some
-operations in Krete, to be conducted by his brother Agesilaus; while
-he himself remained among the islands, and ultimately accompanied
-the Persian Autophradates to Halikarnassus.<a id="FNanchor_292"
-href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> It appears, however,
-that he afterwards went to conduct the operations in Krete,
-and that he had considerable success in that island, bringing
-several Kretan towns to join the Persians.<a id="FNanchor_293"
-href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> On the whole,
-however, the victory of Issus overawed all free spirit throughout
-Greece, and formed a guarantee to Alexander for at least a temporary
-quiescence. The philo-Macedonian synod, assembled at Corinth during
-the Isthmian festival, manifested their joy by sending to him an
-embassy of congratulation and a wreath of gold.<a id="FNanchor_294"
-href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a></p>
-
-<p>With little delay after his victory, Alexander marched through
-Kœle-Syria to the Phenician coast, detaching Parmenio in his way
-to attack Damascus, whither Darius, before the battle, had sent
-most part of his treasure with many confidential officers, Persian
-women of rank, and envoys. Though the place might have held out
-a considerable siege, it was surrendered without resistance
-by the treason or cowardice of the governor; who made a feint
-of trying to convey away the treasure, but took care that it
-should fall into the hands of the enemy.<a id="FNanchor_295"
-href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> There was captured
-a large treasure—with a prodigious number and variety of attendants
-and ministers of luxury, belonging to the court and the grandees.<a
-id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>
-Moreover the prisoners made were so numerous,<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_129">[p. 129]</span> that most of the great Persian families
-had to deplore the loss of some relative, male or female. There were
-among them the widow and daughters of king Ochus, the predecessor
-of Darius—the daughter of Darius’s brother Oxathres—the wives of
-Artabazus, and of Pharnabazus—the three daughters of Mentor, and
-Barsinê, widow of the deceased Memnon with her child, sent up by
-Memnon to serve as an hostage for his fidelity. There were also
-several eminent Grecian exiles, Theban, Lacedæmonian and Athenian,
-who had fled to Darius, and whom he had thought fit to send to
-Damascus, instead of allowing them to use their pikes with the army
-at Issus. The Theban and Athenian exiles were at once released by
-Alexander; the Lacedæmonians were for the time put under arrest,
-but not detained long. Among the Athenian exiles was a person of
-noble name and parentage—Iphikrates, son of the great Athenian
-officer of that name.<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297"
-class="fnanchor">[297]</a> The captive Iphikrates not only received
-his liberty, but was induced by courteous and honorable treatment
-to remain with Alexander. He died however shortly afterwards from
-sickness, and his ashes were then collected, by order of Alexander,
-to be sent to his family at Athens.</p>
-
-<p>I have already stated in a former volume<a id="FNanchor_298"
-href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> that the elder
-Iphikrates had been adopted by Alexander’s grandfather into the regal
-family of Macedonia, as the savior of their throne: probably this was
-the circumstance which determined the superior favor shown to the
-son, rather than any sentiment either towards Athens or towards the
-military genius of the father. The difference of position, between
-Iphikrates the father and Iphikrates the son, is one among the
-painful evidences of the downward march of Hellenism; the father, a
-distinguished officer moving amidst a circle of freemen, sustaining
-by arms the security and dignity of his own fellow-citizens, and even
-interfering for the rescue of the Macedonian regal family; the son,
-condemned to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[p. 130]</span>
-witness the degradation of his native city by Macedonian arms, and
-deprived of all other means of reviving or rescuing her, except
-such as could be found in the service of an Oriental prince, whose
-stupidity and cowardice threw away at once his own security and the
-freedom of Greece.</p>
-
-<p>Master of Damascus and of Kœle-Syria, Alexander advanced onward to
-Phenicia. The first Phenician town which he approached was Marathus,
-on the mainland opposite the islet of Aradus, forming, along with
-that islet and some other neighboring towns, the domain of the
-Aradian prince Gerostratus. That prince was himself now serving with
-his naval contingent among the Persian fleet in the Ægean; but his
-son Strata, acting as viceroy at home, despatched to Alexander his
-homage with a golden wreath, and made over to him at once Aradus with
-the neighboring towns included in its domain. The example of Strato
-was followed, first by the inhabitants of Byblus, the next Phenician
-city in a southerly direction; next, by the great city of Sidon, the
-queen and parent of all Phenician prosperity. The Sidonians even
-sent envoys to meet him and invite his approach.<a id="FNanchor_299"
-href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> Their sentiments
-were unfavorable to the Persians, from remembrance of the bloody
-and perfidious proceedings which (about eighteen years before)
-had marked the recapture of their city by the armies of Ochus.<a
-id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a>
-Nevertheless, the naval contingents both of Byblus and of Sidon (as
-well as that of Aradus), were at this moment sailing in the Ægean
-with the Persian admiral Autophradates, and formed a large proportion
-of his entire fleet.<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301"
-class="fnanchor">[301]</a></p>
-
-<p>While Alexander was still at Marathus, however, previous to his
-onward march, he received both envoys and a letter from Darius,
-asking for the restitution of his mother, wife, and children—and
-tendering friendship and alliance, as from one king to another.
-Darius farther attempted to show, that the Macedonian Philip had
-begun the wrong against Persia,—that Alexander had continued it—and
-that he himself (Darius) had acted merely in self-defence. In
-reply, Alexander wrote a letter, wherein he set forth his own case
-against Darius, proclaiming himself the appointed leader of the
-Greeks, to avenge the an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[p.
-131]</span>cient invasion of Greece by Xerxes. He then alleged
-various complaints against Darius, whom he accused of having
-instigated the assassination of Philip, as well as the hostilities
-of the anti-Macedonian cities in Greece. “Now (continued he), by the
-grace of the gods, I have been victorious, first over your satraps,
-next over yourself. I have taken care of all who submit to me, and
-made them satisfied with their lot. Come yourself to me also, as to
-the master of all Asia. Come without fear of suffering harm; ask
-me, and you shall receive back your mother and wife, and anything
-else which you please. When next you write to me, however, address
-me not as an equal, but as lord of Asia and of all that belongs to
-you; otherwise I shall deal with you as a wrong-doer. If you intend
-to contest the kingdom with me, stand and fight for it, and do not
-run away. I shall march forward against you, wherever you may be.”<a
-id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p>
-
-<p>This memorable correspondence, which led to no result, is of
-importance only as it marks the character of Alexander, with whom
-fighting and conquering were both the business and the luxury of
-life, and to whom all assumption of equality and independence with
-himself, even on the part of other kings—every thing short of
-submission and obedience—appeared in the light of wrong and insult to
-be avenged. The recital of comparative injuries, on each side, was
-mere unmeaning pretence. The real and only question was (as Alexander
-himself had put it in his message to the captive Sisygambis<a
-id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a>)
-which of the two should be master of Asia.</p>
-
-<p>The decision of this question, already sufficiently advanced on
-the morrow after the battle of Issus, was placed almost beyond doubt
-by the rapid and unopposed successes of Alexander among most of
-the Phenician cities. The last hopes of Persia now turned chiefly
-upon the sentiments of these Phenicians. The greater part of the
-Persian fleet in the Ægean was composed of Phenician triremes,
-partly from the coast of Syria, partly from<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_132">[p. 132]</span> the island of Cyprus. If the Phenician
-towns made submission to Alexander, it was certain that their ships
-and seamen would either return home spontaneously or be recalled;
-thus depriving the Persian quiver of its best remaining arrow. But
-if the Phenician towns held out resolutely against him, one and
-all, so as to put him under the necessity of besieging them in
-succession—each lending aid to the rest by sea, with superiority of
-naval force, and more than one of them being situated upon islets—the
-obstacles to be overcome would have been so multiplied, that even
-Alexander’s energy and ability might hardly have proved sufficient
-for them: at any rate, he would have had hard work before him for
-perhaps two years, opening the door to many new accidents and
-efforts. It was therefore a signal good fortune to Alexander when
-the prince of the islet of Aradus spontaneously surrendered to him
-that difficult city, and when the example was followed by the still
-greater city of Sidon. The Phenicians, taking them generally, had
-no positive tie to the Persians; neither had they much confederate
-attachment one towards the other, although as separate communities
-they were brave and enterprising. Among the Sidonians, there was
-even a prevalent feeling of aversion to the Persians, from the cause
-above mentioned. Hence the prince of Aradus, upon whom Alexander’s
-march first came, had little certainty of aid from his neighbors,
-if he resolved to hold out; and still less disposition to hold
-out single-handed, after the battle of Issus had proclaimed the
-irresistible force of Alexander not less than the impotence of
-Persia. One after another, all these important Phenician seaports,
-except Tyre, fell into the hands of Alexander without striking a
-blow. At Sidon, the reigning prince Strato, reputed as philo-Persian,
-was deposed, and a person named Abdalonymus—of the reigning
-family, yet poor in circumstances—was appointed in his room.<a
-id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a></p>
-
-<p>With his usual rapidity, Alexander marched onward towards Tyre;
-the most powerful among the Phenician cities, though apparently less
-ancient than Sidon. Even on the march, he was<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_133">[p. 133]</span> met by a deputation from Tyre, composed
-of the most eminent men in the city, and headed by the son of the
-Tyrian prince Azemilchus, who was himself absent commanding the
-Tyrian contingent in the Persian fleet. These men brought large
-presents and supplies for the Macedonian army, together with a
-golden wreath of honor; announcing formally that the Tyrians were
-prepared to do whatever Alexander commanded.<a id="FNanchor_305"
-href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> In reply, he
-commended the dispositions of the city, accepted the presents,
-and desired the deputation to communicate at home, that he wished
-to enter Tyre and offer sacrifice to Herakles. The Phenician god
-Melkart was supposed identical with the Grecian Herakles, and was
-thus ancestor of the Macedonian kings. His temple at Tyre was of
-the most venerable antiquity; moreover the injunction, to sacrifice
-there, is said to have been conveyed to Alexander in an oracle.<a
-id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a>
-The Tyrians at home, after deliberating on this message, sent out an
-answer declining to comply, and intimating that they would not admit
-within their walls either Macedonians or Persians; but that as to all
-other points, they would obey Alexander’s orders.<a id="FNanchor_307"
-href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> They added that
-his wish to sacrifice to Herakles might be accomplished without
-entering their city, since there was in Palætyrus (on the
-mainland over against the islet of Tyre, separated from it only
-by the narrow strait) a temple of that god yet more ancient and
-venerable than their own.<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308"
-class="fnanchor">[308]</a> Incensed at this qualified adhesion,
-in which he took note only of the point refused,—Alexander
-dismissed the envoys with angry menaces, and immediately resolved
-on taking Tyre by force.<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309"
-class="fnanchor">[309]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[p. 134]</span>Those who
-(like Diodorus) treat such refusal on the part of the Tyrians
-as foolish wilfulness,<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310"
-class="fnanchor">[310]</a> have not fully considered how much
-the demand included. When Alexander made a solemn sacrifice to
-Artemis at Ephesus, he marched to her temple with his whole force
-armed and in battle army.<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311"
-class="fnanchor">[311]</a> We cannot doubt that his sacrifice at
-Tyre to Herakles—his ancestral Hero, whose especial attribute was
-force—would have been celebrated with an array equally formidable, as
-in fact it was, after the town had been taken.<a id="FNanchor_312"
-href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> The Tyrians were thus
-required to admit within their walls an irresistible military force;
-which might indeed be withdrawn after the sacrifice was completed,
-but which might also remain, either wholly or in part, as permanent
-garrison of an almost impregnable position. They had not endured such
-treatment from Persia, nor were they disposed to endure it from a new
-master. It was in fact hazarding their all; submitting at once to a
-fate which might be as bad as could befall them after a successful
-siege. On the other hand, when we reflect that the Tyrians promised
-everything short of submission to military occupation, we see that
-Alexander, had he been so inclined, could have obtained from them
-all that was really essential to his purpose, without the necessity
-of besieging the town. The great value of Phenician cities consisted
-in their fleet, which now acted with the Persians, and gave to them
-the command of the sea.<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313"
-class="fnanchor">[313]</a> Had Alexander required that this fleet
-should be withdrawn from the Persians and placed in his service,
-there can be no doubt that he would have obtained it readily.
-The Tyrians had no motive to devote themselves for Persia, nor
-did they probably (as Arrian supposes) attempt to trim between
-the two belligerents, as if the contest were still undecided.<a
-id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> Yet
-rather than hand<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[p. 135]</span>
-over their city to the chances of a Macedonian soldiery, they
-resolved to brave the hazards of a siege. The pride of Alexander,
-impatient of opposition even to his most extreme demands, prompted
-him to take a step politically unprofitable, in order to make display
-of his power, by degrading and crushing, with or without a siege, one
-of the most ancient, spirited, wealthy and intelligent communities of
-the ancient world.</p>
-
-<p>Tyre was situated on an islet nearly half a mile from
-the mainland;<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315"
-class="fnanchor">[315]</a> the channel between the two being shallow
-towards the land, but reaching a depth of eighteen feet in the part
-adjoining the city. The islet was completely surrounded by prodigious
-walls, the loftiest portion of which, on the side fronting the
-mainland, reached a height not less than 150 feet, with corresponding
-solidity and base.<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316"
-class="fnanchor">[316]</a> Besides these external fortifications,
-there was a brave and numerous population within, aided by a good
-stock of arms, machines, ships, provisions, and other things
-essential to defence.</p>
-
-<p>It was not without reason, therefore, that the Tyrians, when
-driven to their last resource, entertained hopes of holding out even
-against the formidable arm of Alexander; and against Alexander as
-he then stood, they might have held out successfully; for he had as
-yet no fleet, and they could defy any attack made simply from land.
-The question turned upon the Phenician and Cyprian ships, which
-were for the most part (the Tyrian among them) in the Ægean under
-the Persian admiral. Alexander—master as he was of Aradus, Byblus,
-Sidon, and all the Phenician cities except Tyre—calculated that the
-seamen belonging to these cities would follow their countrymen at
-home and bring away their ships to join him. He hoped also, as the
-victorious potentate, to draw to himself the willing adhesion<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[p. 136]</span> of the Cyprian cities.
-This could hardly have failed to happen if he had treated the Tyrians
-with decent consideration; but it was no longer certain, now that he
-had made them his enemies.</p>
-
-<p>What passed among the Persian fleet under Autophradates in the
-Ægean, when they were informed, first that Alexander was master of
-the other Phenician cities; next, that he was commencing the siege of
-Tyre—we know very imperfectly. The Tyrian prince Azemilchus brought
-home his ships for the defence of his own city;<a id="FNanchor_317"
-href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> the Sidonian and
-Aradian ships also went home, no longer serving against a power to
-whom their own cities had submitted; but the Cyprians hesitated
-longer before they declared themselves. If Darius, or even
-Autophradates without Darius, instead of abandoning Tyre altogether
-(as they actually did), had energetically aided the resistance which
-it offered to Alexander, as the interests of Persia dictated—the
-Cypriot ships might not improbably have been retained on that side in
-the struggle. Lastly, the Tyrians might indulge a hope, that their
-Phenician brethren, if ready to serve Alexander against Persia, would
-be nowise hearty as his instruments for crushing a kindred city.
-These contingencies, though ultimately they all turned out in favor
-of Alexander, were in the beginning sufficiently promising to justify
-the intrepid resolution of the Tyrians; who were farther encouraged
-by promises of aid from the powerful fleets of their colony Carthage.
-To that city, whose deputies were then within their walls for some
-religious solemnities, they sent many of their wives and children.<a
-id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a></p>
-
-<p>Alexander began the siege of Tyre without any fleet; the Sidonian
-and Aradian ships not having yet come. It was his first<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[p. 137]</span> task to construct a
-solid mole two hundred feet broad, reaching across the half mile
-channel between the mainland and the islet. He pressed into his
-service laboring hands by thousands from the neighborhood; he had
-stones in abundance from Palætyrus, and wood from the forests in
-Lebanon. But the work, though prosecuted with ardor and perseverance,
-under pressing instigations from Alexander, was tedious and toilsome,
-even near the mainland, where the Tyrians could do little to impede
-it; and became far more tedious as it advanced into the sea, so as
-to be exposed to their obstruction, as well as to damage from winds
-and waves. The Tyrian triremes and small boats perpetually annoyed
-the workmen, and destroyed parts of the work, in spite of all the
-protection devised by the Macedonians, who planted two towers in
-front of their advancing mole, and discharged projectiles from
-engines provided for the purpose. At length, by unremitting efforts,
-the mole was pushed forward until it came nearly across the channel
-to the city wall; when suddenly, on a day of strong wind, the Tyrians
-sent forth a fireship loaded with combustibles, which they drove
-against the front of the mole and set fire to the two towers. At
-the same time, the full naval force of the city, ships and little
-boats, was sent forth to land men at once on all parts of the mole.
-So successful was this attack, that all the Macedonian engines were
-burnt,—the outer wood-work which kept the mole together was torn up
-in many places,—and a large part of the structure came to pieces.<a
-id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a></p>
-
-<p>Alexander had thus not only to construct fresh engines, but also
-to begin the mole nearly anew. He resolved to give it greater breadth
-and strength, for the purpose of carrying more towers abreast in
-front, and for better defence against lateral attacks. But it had
-now become plain to him, that while the Tyrians were masters of the
-sea, no efforts by land alone would enable him to take the town.
-Leaving Perdikkas and Kraterus to reconstruct the mole and build new
-engines, he himself repaired to Sidon, for the purpose of assembling
-as large a fleet as he could. He got together triremes from various
-quarters—two from Rhodes, ten from the seaports in Lykia, three from
-Soli and Mallus. But his principal force was obtained by putting
-in requisi<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[p. 138]</span>tion
-the ships of the Phenician towns, Sidon, Byblus, and Aradus, now
-subject to him. These ships, eighty in number, had left the Persian
-admiral and come to Sidon, there awaiting his orders; while not long
-afterwards, the princes of Cyprus came thither also, tendering to
-him their powerful fleet of 120 ships of war.<a id="FNanchor_320"
-href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> He was now master of
-a fleet of 200 sail, comprising the most part and the best part, of
-the Persian navy. This was the consummation of Macedonian triumph—the
-last real and effective weapon wrested from the grasp of Persia.
-The prognostic afforded by the eagle near the ships at Miletus, as
-interpreted by Alexander, had now been fulfilled; since by successful
-operations on land, he had conquered and brought into his power a
-superior Persian fleet.<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321"
-class="fnanchor">[321]</a></p>
-
-<p>Having directed these ships to complete their equipments and
-training, with Macedonians as soldiers on board, Alexander put
-himself at the head of some light troops for an expedition of eleven
-days against the Arabian mountaineers on Libanus, whom he dispersed
-or put down, though not without some personal exposure and hazard.<a
-id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> On
-returning to Sidon, he found Kleander arrived with a reinforcement
-of 4000 Grecian hoplites, welcome auxiliaries for prosecuting the
-siege. Then, going aboard his fleet in the harbor of Sidon, he sailed
-with it in good battle order to Tyre, hoping that the Tyrians would
-come out and fight. But they kept within, struck with surprise and
-consternation; having not before known that their fellow-Phenicians
-were now among the besiegers. Alexander, having ascertained that
-the Tyrians would not accept a sea-fight, immediately caused their
-two harbors to be blocked up and watched; that on the north,
-towards Sidon, by the Cyprians—that on the south, towards Egypt,
-by the Phenicians.<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323"
-class="fnanchor">[323]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[p. 139]</span>From this
-time forward, the doom of Tyre was certain. The Tyrians could no
-longer offer obstruction to the mole, which was completed across
-the channel and brought up to the town. Engines were planted upon
-it to batter the walls: movable towers were rolled up to take them
-by assault; attack was also made from seaward. Yet though reduced
-altogether to the defensive, the Tyrians still displayed obstinate
-bravery, and exhausted all the resources of ingenuity in repelling
-the besiegers. So gigantic was the strength of the wall fronting the
-mole, and even that of the northern side fronting Sidon, that none
-of Alexander’s engines could make any breach in it; but on the south
-side towards Egypt he was more successful. A large breach having been
-made in this south-wall, he assaulted it with two ships manned by
-the hypaspists and the soldiers of his phalanx: he himself commanded
-in one and Admêtus in the other. At the same time he caused the
-town to be menaced all round, at every approachable point, for the
-purpose of distracting the attention of the defenders. Himself and
-his two ships having been rowed close up to the breach in the south
-wall, boarding bridges were thrown out from each deck, upon which he
-and Admêtus rushed forward with their respective storming-parties.
-Admêtus got upon the wall, but was there slain; Alexander also was
-among the first to mount, and the two parties got such a footing on
-the wall as to overpower all resistance. At the same time, his ships
-also forced their way into the two harbors, so that Tyre came on
-all sides into his power.<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324"
-class="fnanchor">[324]</a></p>
-
-<p>Though the walls were now lost, and resistance had become
-desperate, the gallant defenders did not lose their courage. They
-barricaded the streets, and concentrated their strength especially
-at a defensible post called the Agenorion, or chapel of Agenor. Here
-the battle again raged furiously until they were overpowered by the
-Macedonians, incensed with the long toils of the previous siege, as
-well as by the slaughter of some of their prisoners, whom the Tyrians
-had killed publicly on the battlements. All who took shelter in the
-temple of Hêraklês were spared by Alexander from respect to the
-sanctuary: among the number were the prince Azemilchus, a few leading
-Tyrians, the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[p. 140]</span>
-Carthaginian envoys, and some children of both sexes. The Sidonians
-also, displaying a tardy sentiment of kindred, and making partial
-amends for the share which they had taken in the capture, preserved
-some lives from the sword of the conqueror.<a id="FNanchor_325"
-href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> But the greater
-number of the adult freemen perished with arms in their hands;
-while 2000 of them who survived, either from disabling wounds, or
-from the fatigue of the slaughterers, were hanged on the sea-shore
-by order of Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326"
-class="fnanchor">[326]</a> The females, the children, and the
-slaves, were sold to the slave-merchant. The number sold is said
-to have been about 30,000: a total rather small, as we must assume
-slaves to be included; but we are told that many had been previously
-sent away to Carthage.<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327"
-class="fnanchor">[327]</a></p>
-
-<p>Thus master of Tyre, Alexander marched into the city and
-consummated his much-desired sacrifice to Herakles. His whole
-force, land and naval, fully armed and arrayed, took part in the
-procession. A more costly hecatomb had never been offered to that
-god, when we consider that it had been purchased by all the toils
-of an unnecessary siege, and by the extirpation of these free and
-high-spirited citizens, his former worshippers. What the loss of the
-Macedonians had been, we cannot say. The number of their slain is
-stated by Arrian at 400, which must be greatly beneath the truth;
-for the courage and skill of the besieged had prolonged the siege
-to the prodigious period of seven months, though Alexander had
-left no means untried to accomplish it sooner.<a id="FNanchor_328"
-href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a></p>
-
-<p>Towards the close of the siege of Tyre, Alexander received and
-rejected a second proposition from Darius, offering 10,000 talents,
-with the cession of all the territory westward of the Euphrates, as
-ransom for his mother and wife, and proposing that Alexander should
-become his son-in-law as well as his ally. “If I were Alexander
-(said Parmenio) I should accept such terms,<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_141">[p. 141]</span> instead of plunging into farther
-peril.”—“So would I (replied Alexander) if I were Parmenio; but
-since I am Alexander, I must return a different answer.” His answer
-to Darius was to this effect—“I want neither your money nor your
-cession. All your money and territory are already mine, and you
-are tendering to me a part in place of the whole. If I choose to
-marry your daughter, I <i>shall</i> marry her—whether you give her
-to me or not. Come hither to me, if you wish to obtain from me
-any act of friendship.”<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329"
-class="fnanchor">[329]</a> Alexander might spare the submissive and
-the prostrate; but he could not brook an equal or a competitor, and
-his language towards them was that of brutal insolence. Of course
-this was the last message sent by Darius, who now saw, if he had not
-before seen, that he had no chance open except by the renewal of
-war.</p>
-
-<p>Being thus entire master of Syria, Phenicia, and Palestine, and
-having accepted the voluntary submission of the Jews, Alexander
-marched forward to conquer Egypt. He had determined, before he
-undertook any farther expedition into the interior of the Persian
-empire, to make himself master of all the coast-lands which kept
-open the communications of the Persians with Greece, so as to secure
-his rear against any serious hostility. His great fear was, of
-Grecian soldiers or cities raised against him by Persian gold;<a
-id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a>
-and Egypt was the last remaining possession of the Persians,
-which gave them the means of acting upon Greece. Those means
-were indeed now prodigiously curtailed by the feeble condition
-of the Persian fleet in the Ægean, unable to contend with
-the increasing fleet of the Macedonian admirals Hegelochus
-and Amphoterus, now numbering 160 sail.<a id="FNanchor_331"
-href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> During the summer
-of 332 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, while Alexander was prosecuting
-the siege of Tyre, these admirals recovered all the important
-acquisitions—Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos—which had been made by
-Memnon for the Persian interests. The inhabi<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_142">[p. 142]</span>tants of Tenedos invited them and
-ensured their success; those of Chios attempted to do the same,
-but were coerced by Pharnabazus, who retained the city by means
-of his insular partisans, Apollonides and others, with a military
-force. The Macedonian admirals laid siege to the town, and were
-presently enabled to carry it by their friends within. Pharnabazus
-was here captured with his entire force; twelve triremes thoroughly
-armed and manned, thirty store-ships, several privateers, and
-3000 Grecian mercenaries. Aristonikus, philo-Persian despot of
-Methymna—arriving at Chios shortly afterwards, but ignorant of the
-capture—was entrapped into the harbor, and made prisoner. There
-remained only Mitylênê, which was held for the Persians by the
-Athenian Chares, with a garrison of 2000 men; who, however, seeing no
-hope of holding out against the Macedonians, consented to evacuate
-the city on condition of a free departure. The Persians were thus
-expelled from the sea, from all footing among the Grecian islands,
-and from the vicinity of Greece and Macedonia.<a id="FNanchor_332"
-href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a></p>
-
-<p>These successes were in full progress, when Alexander himself
-directed his march from Tyre to Egypt, stopping in his way to
-besiege Gaza. This considerable town, the last before entering on
-the desert track between Syria and Egypt, was situated between one
-and two miles from the sea. It was built upon a lofty artificial
-mound, and encircled with a high wall; but its main defence was
-derived from the deep sands immediately around it, as well as from
-the mud and quicksand on its coast. It was defended by a brave man,
-the eunuch Batis, with a strong garrison of Arabs, and abundant
-provision of every kind. Confiding in the strength of the place,
-Batis refused to admit Alexander. Moreover his judgment was confirmed
-by the Macedonian engineers themselves, who, when Alexander first
-surveyed the walls, pronounced it to be impregnable, chiefly from
-the height of its supporting mound. But Alexander could not endure
-the thought of tacitly confessing his inability to take Gaza. The
-more difficult the enterprise, the greater was the charm for him,
-and the greater would be the astonishment<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_143">[p. 143]</span> produced all around when he should be
-seen to have triumphed.<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333"
-class="fnanchor">[333]</a></p>
-
-<p>He began by erecting a mound south of the city, close by the
-wall, for the purpose of bringing up his battering engines. This
-external mound was completed, and the engines had begun to batter
-the wall, when a well-planned sally by the garrison overthrew the
-assailants and destroyed the engines. The timely aid of Alexander
-himself with his hypaspists, protected their retreat; but he
-himself, after escaping a snare from a pretended Arabian deserter,
-received a severe wound through the shield and the breastplate into
-the shoulder, by a dart discharged from a catapult; as the prophet
-Aristander had predicted—giving assurance at the same time, that Gaza
-would fall into his hands.<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334"
-class="fnanchor">[334]</a> During the treatment of his wound, he
-ordered the engines employed at Tyre to be brought up by sea; and
-caused his mound to be carried around the whole circumference of
-the town, so as to render it approachable from every point. This
-Herculean work, the description of which we read with astonishment,
-was 250 feet high all round, and two stadia (1240 feet) broad<a
-id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a>;
-the loose sand around could hardly have been suitable, so that
-materials must have been brought up from a distance. The undertaking
-was at length completed; in what length of time we do not know,
-but it must have been considerable—though doubtless thousands of
-laborers would be pressed in from the circumjacent country.<a
-id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[p. 144]</span>Gaza was now
-attacked at all points by battering-rams, by mines, and by projectile
-engines with various missiles. Presently the Walls were breached
-in several places, though the defenders were unremitting in their
-efforts to repair the damaged parts. Alexander attempted three
-distinct general assaults; but in all three he was repulsed by the
-bravery of the Gazæans. At length, after still farther breaching
-the wall, he renewed for the fourth time his attempt to storm. The
-entire Macedonian phalanx being brought up to attack at different
-points, the greatest emulation reigned among the officers. The Æakid
-Neoptolemus was first to mount the wall; but the other divisions
-manifested hardly less ardor, and the town was at length taken. Its
-gallant defenders resisted, with unabated spirit, to the last; and
-all fell in their posts, the incensed soldiery being no way disposed
-to give quarter.</p>
-
-<p>One prisoner alone was reserved for special treatment—the prince
-or governor himself, the eunuch Batis; who, having manifested the
-greatest energy and valor, was taken severely wounded, yet still
-alive. In this condition he was brought by Leonatus and Philôtas into
-the presence of Alexander, who cast upon him looks of vengeance and
-fury. The Macedonian prince had undertaken the siege mainly in order
-to prove to the world that he could overcome difficulties insuperable
-to others. But he had incurred so much loss, spent so much time and
-labor, and undergone so many repulses before he succeeded,—that the
-palm of honor belonged rather to the minority vanquished than to
-the multitude of victors. To such disappointment, which would sting
-Alexander in the tenderest point, is to be added the fact, that
-he had himself incurred great personal risk and received a severe
-wound. Here was ample ground for violent anger; which was moreover
-still farther exasperated by the appearance of Batis—an eunuch—a
-black man—tall and robust, but at the same time fat and lumpish—and
-doubtless at the moment covered with blood and dirt. Such visible
-circumstances, repulsive to eyes familiar with Grecian gymnastics,
-contributed to kindle the wrath of Alexander to its highest pitch.
-After the siege of Tyre, his indignation had been satiated by the
-hanging of the 2000 surviving combatants; here, to discharge the
-pressure of a still stronger feeling, there remained only the single
-captive,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[p. 145]</span> upon
-whom therefore he resolved to inflict a punishment as novel as it
-was cruel. He directed the feet of Batis to be bored, and brazen
-rings to be passed through them; after which the naked body of this
-brave man, yet surviving, was tied with cords to the tail of a
-chariot driven by Alexander himself, and dragged at full speed amidst
-the triumphant jeers and shouts of the army.<a id="FNanchor_337"
-href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> Herein Alexander,
-emulous even from childhood of the exploits of his legendary
-ancestor Achilles, copied the ignominious treatment described in the
-Iliad as inflicted on the dead body of Hektor.<a id="FNanchor_338"
-href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a></p>
-
-<p>This proceeding of Alexander, the product of Homeric reminiscences
-operating upon an infuriated and vindictive temperament, stands
-out in respect of barbarity from all that we read respecting the
-treatment of conquered towns in antiquity. His remaining measures
-were conformable to received usage. The wives and children of the
-Gazæans were sold into slavery. New inhabitants were admitted from
-the neighborhood, and a garrison was placed there to hold the town
-for the Macedonians.<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339"
-class="fnanchor">[339]</a></p>
-
-<p>The two sieges of Tyre and Gaza, which occupied both
-together nine mouths,<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340"
-class="fnanchor">[340]</a> were the hardest fighting that Alexander
-had ever encountered, or in fact ever did encounter throughout his
-life. After such toils, the march to Egypt, which he now<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[p. 146]</span> commenced (October 332
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), was an affair of holiday and
-triumph. Mazakes, the satrap of Egypt, having few Persian troops
-and a disaffected native population, was noway disposed to resist
-the approaching conqueror. Seven days’ march brought Alexander and
-his army from Gaza to Pelusium, the frontier fortress of Egypt,
-commanding the eastern branch of the Nile, whither his fleet, under
-the command of Hephæstion, had come also. Here he found not only
-open gates and a submissive governor, but also crowds of Egyptians
-assembled to welcome him.<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341"
-class="fnanchor">[341]</a> He placed a garrison in Pelusium, sent
-his fleet up the river to Memphis, and marched himself to the same
-place by land. The satrap Mazakes surrendered himself, with all
-the treasure in the city, 800 talents in amount, and much precious
-furniture. Here Alexander reposed some time, offering splendid
-sacrifices to the gods generally, and especially to the Egyptian god
-Apis; to which he added gymnastic and musical matches, sending to
-Greece for the most distinguished artists.</p>
-
-<p>From Memphis, he descended the westernmost branch of the Nile
-to Kanôpus at its mouth, from whence he sailed westerly along the
-shore to look at the island of Pharos, celebrated in Homer, and the
-lake Mareôtis. Reckoning Egypt now as a portion of his empire, and
-considering that the business of keeping down an unquiet population,
-as well as of collecting a large revenue, would have to be performed
-by his extraneous land and sea force, he saw the necessity of
-withdrawing the seat of government from Memphis, where both the
-Persians and the natives had maintained it, and of founding a new
-city of his own on the seaboard, convenient for communication with
-Greece and Macedonia. His imagination, susceptible to all Homeric
-impressions and influenced by a dream, first fixed upon the isle of
-Pharos as a suitable place for his intended city.<a id="FNanchor_342"
-href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> Perceiving soon,
-however, that this little isle was inadequate by itself, he included
-it as part of a larger city to be founded on the adjacent mainland.
-The gods were consulted, and encouraging responses were obtained;
-upon which Alexander himself marked out the circuit of the walls,
-the direction of the principal streets,<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_147">[p. 147]</span> and the sites of numerous temples
-to Grecian gods as well as Egyptian.<a id="FNanchor_343"
-href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> It was thus that the
-first stone was laid of the mighty, populous, and busy Alexandria;
-which however the founder himself never lived to see, and wherein
-he was only destined to repose as a corpse. The site of the place,
-between the sea and the Lake Mareôtis, was found airy and healthy,
-as well as convenient for shipping and commerce. The protecting
-island of Pharos gave the means of forming two good harbors for
-ships coming by sea, on a coast harborless elsewhere; while the
-Lake Mareôtis, communicating by various canals with the river Nile,
-received with facility the exportable produce from the interior.<a
-id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a>
-As soon as houses were ready, commencement was made by transporting
-to them in mass the population of the neighboring town of Kanôpus,
-and probably of other towns besides, by the intendant Kleomenes.<a
-id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a></p>
-
-<p>Alexandria became afterwards the capital of the Ptolemaic princes.
-It acquired immense grandeur and population during their rule of two
-centuries and a half, when their enormous revenues were spent greatly
-in its improvement and decoration. But we cannot reasonably ascribe
-to Alexander himself any prescience of such an imposing future.
-He intended it as a place from which he could conveniently rule
-Egypt, considered as a portion of his extensive empire all round the
-Ægean; and had Egypt remained thus a fraction, instead of becoming
-a substantive imperial whole, Alexandria would probably not have
-risen beyond mediocrity.<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346"
-class="fnanchor">[346]</a></p>
-
-<p>The other most notable incident, which distinguished the four or
-five months’ stay of Alexander in Egypt, was his march through the
-sandy desert to the temple of Zeus Ammon. This is chiefly memorable
-as it marks his increasing self-adoration and<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_148">[p. 148]</span> inflation above the limits of humanity.
-His achievements during the last three years had so transcended the
-expectations of every one, himself included—the gods had given to
-him such incessant good fortune, and so paralyzed or put down his
-enemies—that the hypothesis of a superhuman personality seemed the
-natural explanation of such a superhuman career.<a id="FNanchor_347"
-href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> He had to look back
-to the heroic legends, and to his ancestors Perseus and Herakles, to
-find a worthy prototype.<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348"
-class="fnanchor">[348]</a> Conceiving himself to be (like them) the
-son of Zeus, with only a nominal human parentage, he resolved to
-go and ascertain the fact by questioning the infallible oracle of
-Zeus Ammon. His march of several days, through a sandy desert—always
-fatiguing, sometimes perilous, was distinguished by manifest
-evidences of the favor of the gods. Unexpected rain fell just when
-the thirsty soldiers required water. When the guides lost their
-track, from shifting of the sand, on a sudden two speaking serpents,
-or two ravens, appeared preceding the march and indicating the right
-direction. Such were the statements made by Ptolemy, Aristobulus,
-and Kallisthenes, companions and contemporaries; while Arrian,
-four centuries afterwards, announces his positive conviction that
-there was a divine intervention on behalf of Alexander, though
-he cannot satisfy himself about the details.<a id="FNanchor_349"
-href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> The priest of
-Zeus Ammon addressed Alexander, as being the son of the god, and
-farther assured him that his career would be one of uninterrupted
-victory, until he was taken away to the gods; while his friends
-also, who consulted the oracle for their own satisfaction, received
-for answer that the rendering of divine honors to him would be
-acceptable to Zeus. After profuse sacrifices and presents, Alexander
-quitted the oracle, with a full and sincere faith that he really
-was the son of Zeus Ammon; which faith was farther confirmed by
-declarations transmitted to him from other oracles—that of Erythræ
-in Io<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[p. 149]</span>nia, and
-of Branchidæ near Miletus.<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350"
-class="fnanchor">[350]</a> Though he did not directly order himself
-to be addressed as the son of Zeus, he was pleased with those who
-volunteered such a recognition, and angry with sceptics or scoffers,
-who disbelieved the oracle of Ammon. Plutarch thinks that this was a
-mere political manœuvre of Alexander, for the purpose of overawing
-the non-Hellenic population over whom he was enlarging his empire.<a
-id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a>
-But it seems rather to have been a genuine faith,—a simple
-exaggeration of that exorbitant vanity which from the beginning
-reigned so largely in his bosom. He was indeed aware that it was
-repugnant to the leading Macedonians in many ways, but especially
-as a deliberate insult to the memory of Philip. This is the theme
-always touched upon in moments of dissatisfaction. To Parmenio, to
-Philôtas, to Kleitus, and other principal officers, the insolence of
-the king in disclaiming Philip and putting himself above the level
-of humanity, appeared highly offensive. Discontents on this subject
-among the Macedonian officers, though condemned to silence by fear
-and admiration of Alexander, became serious, and will be found
-re-appearing hereafter.<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352"
-class="fnanchor">[352]</a></p>
-
-<p>The last month of Alexander’s stay in Egypt was passed at Memphis.
-While nominating various officers for the permanent administration
-of the country, he also received a visit of Hegelochus his admiral,
-who brought as prisoners Aristonikus of Methymna, and other despots
-of the various insular Grecian cities. Alexander ordered them
-to be handed over to their respective cities, to be dealt with
-as the citizens pleased; all except the Chian Apollonides, who
-was sent to Elephantinê in the south of Egypt for detention. In
-most of the cities, the despots had incurred such violent hatred,
-that when delivered up, they were tortured and put to death.<a
-id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a>
-Pharnabazus also had been among<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_150">[p. 150]</span> the prisoners, but had found means
-to escape from his guards when the fleet touched at Kos.<a
-id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the early spring, after receiving reinforcements of Greeks
-and Thracians, Alexander marched into Phenicia. It was there that
-he regulated the affairs of Phenicia, Syria, and Greece, prior
-to his intended expedition into the interior against Darius. He
-punished the inhabitants of Samaria, who had revolted and burnt
-alive the Macedonian prefect Andromachus.<a id="FNanchor_355"
-href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> In addition to all
-the business transacted, Alexander made costly presents to the
-Tyrian Herakles, and offered splendid sacrifices to other gods.
-Choice festivals with tragedy were also celebrated, analogous to the
-Dionysia at Athens, with the best actors and chorists contending for
-the prize. The princes of Cyprus vied with each other in doing honor
-to the son of Zeus Ammon; each undertaking the duty of chorêgus,
-getting up at his own cost a drama with distinguished chorus and
-actors, and striving to obtain the prize from pre-appointed judges—as
-was practised among the ten tribes at Athens.<a id="FNanchor_356"
-href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the midst of these religious and festive exhibitions, Alexander
-was collecting magazines for his march into the interior.<a
-id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> He
-had already sent forward a detachment to Thapsacus, the usual ford of
-the Euphrates, to throw bridges over the river. The Persian Mazæus
-was on guard on the other side, with a small force of 3000 men, 2000
-of them Greeks; not sufficient to hinder the bridges from being
-built, but only to hinder them from being carried completely over to
-the left bank. After eleven days of march from Phenicia, Alexander
-and his whole army reached Thapsakus. Mazæus, on the other side,
-as soon as he saw the main army arrive, withdrew his small force
-without delay, and retreated to the Tigris; so that the two bridges
-were completed, and Alexander crossed forthwith.<a id="FNanchor_358"
-href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a></p>
-
-<p>Once over the Euphrates, Alexander had the option of marching
-down the left bank of that river to Babylon, the chief city
-of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[p. 151]</span> the Persian
-empire, and the natural place to find Darius.<a id="FNanchor_359"
-href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> But this march (as
-we know from Xenophon, who made it with the Ten Thousand Greeks)
-would be one of extreme suffering and through a desert country
-where no provisions were to be got. Moreover, Mazæus in retreating
-had taken a north-easterly direction towards the upper part of the
-Tigris; and some prisoners reported that Darius with his main army
-was behind the Tigris, intending to defend the passage of that river
-against Alexander. The Tigris appears not to be fordable below
-Nineveh (Mosul). Accordingly he directed his march, first nearly
-northward, having the Euphrates on his left hand; next eastward
-across Northern Mesopotamia, having the Armenian mountains on his
-left hand. On reaching the ford of the Tigris, he found it absolutely
-undefended. Not a single enemy being in sight, he forded the river
-as soon as possible, with all his infantry, cavalry, and baggage.
-The difficulties and perils of crossing were extreme, from the depth
-of the water, above their breasts, the rapidity of the current,
-and the slippery footing.<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360"
-class="fnanchor">[360]</a> A resolute and vigilant enemy might
-have rendered the passage almost impossible. But the good fortune
-of Alexander was not less conspicuous in what his enemies left
-undone, than in what they actually did.<a id="FNanchor_361"
-href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a></p>
-
-<p>After this fatiguing passage, Alexander rested for two days.
-During the night an eclipse of the moon occurred, nearly total; which
-spread consternation among the army, combined with complaints against
-his overweening insolence, and mistrust as to the unknown regions on
-which they were entering.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[p.
-152]</span> Alexander, while offering solemn sacrifices to Sun,
-Moon, and Earth, combated the prevailing depression by declarations
-from his own prophet Aristander and from Egyptian astrologers,
-who proclaimed that Helios favored the Greeks, and Selênê the
-Persians; hence the eclipse of the moon portended victory to the
-Macedonians—and victory too (so Aristander promised), before the
-next new moon. Having thus reassured the soldiers, Alexander marched
-for four days in a south-easterly direction through the territory
-called Aturia, with the Tigris on his right hand, and the Gordyene
-or Kurd mountains on his left. Encountering a small advanced guard
-of the Persians, he here learnt from prisoners that Darius with his
-main host was not far off.<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362"
-class="fnanchor">[362]</a></p>
-
-<p>Nearly two years had elapsed since the ruinous defeat of Issus.
-What Darius had been doing during this long interval, and especially
-during the first half of it, we are unable to say. We hear only
-of one proceeding on his part—his missions, twice repeated, to
-Alexander, tendering or entreating peace, with the especial view of
-recovering his captive family. Nothing else does he appear to have
-done, either to retrieve the losses of the past, or to avert the
-perils of the future; nothing, to save his fleet from passing into
-the hands of the conqueror; nothing, to relieve either Tyre or Gaza,
-the sieges of which collectively occupied Alexander for near ten
-months. The disgraceful flight of Darius at Issus had already lost
-him the confidence of several of his most valuable servants. The
-Macedonian exile Amyntas, a brave and energetic man, with the best
-of the Grecian mercenaries, gave up the Persian cause as lost,<a
-id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> and
-tried to set up for himself, in which attempt he failed and perished
-in Egypt. The satrap of Egypt, penetrated with contempt for the
-timidity of his master, was induced, by that reason as well as by
-others, to throw open the country to Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_364"
-href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> Having incurred so
-deplorable a loss, as well in reputation as in territory, Darius had
-the strongest motives to redeem it by augmented vigor.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[p. 153]</span>But he was
-paralyzed by the fact, that his mother, his wife, and several of
-his children, had fallen into the hands of the conqueror. Among
-the countless advantages growing out of the victory of Issus, this
-acquisition was not the least. It placed Darius in the condition
-of one who had given hostages for good behavior to his enemy. The
-Persian kings were often in the habit of exacting from satraps
-or generals the deposit of their wives and families, as a pledge
-for fidelity; and Darius himself had received this guarantee from
-Memnon, as a condition of entrusting him with the Persian fleet.<a
-id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a>
-Bound by the like chains himself, towards one who had now become his
-superior, Darius was afraid to act with energy, lest success should
-bring down evil upon his captive family. By allowing Alexander to
-subdue unopposed all the territory west of the Euphrates, he hoped
-to be allowed to retain his empire eastward, and to ransom back
-his family at an enormous price. Such propositions did satisfy
-Parmenio, and would probably have satisfied even Philip, had
-Philip been the victor. The insatiate nature of Alexander had not
-yet been fully proved. It was only when the latter contemptuously
-rejected everything short of surrender at discretion, that Darius
-began to take measures east of the Euphrates for defending what yet
-remained.</p>
-
-<p>The conduct of Alexander towards the regal hostages, honorable as
-it was to his sentiment, evinced at the same time that he knew their
-value as a subject of political negotiation.<a id="FNanchor_366"
-href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> It was<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[p. 154]</span> essential that he
-should treat them with the full deference due to their rank, if he
-desired to keep up their price as hostages in the eyes of Darius
-as well as of his own army. He carried them along with his army,
-from the coast of Syria, over the bridge of the Euphrates, and even
-through the waters of the Tigris. To them, this must have proved a
-severe toil; and in fact, the queen Statira became so worn out that
-she died shortly after crossing the Tigris;<a id="FNanchor_367"
-href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> to him also, it
-must have been an onerous obligation, since he not only sought to
-ensure to them all their accustomed pomp, but must have assigned a
-considerable guard to watch them, at a moment when he was marching
-into an unknown country, and required all his military resources to
-be disposable. Simply for safe detention, the hostages would have
-been better guarded and might have been treated with still greater
-ceremony, in a city or a fortress. But Alexander probably wished to
-have them near him, in case of the possible contingency of serious
-reverses to his army on the eastern side of the Tigris. Assuming such
-a misfortune to happen, the surrender of them might ensure a safe
-retreat under circumstances otherwise fatal to its accomplishment.</p>
-
-<p>Being at length convinced that Alexander would not be satisfied
-with any prize short of the entire Persian empire, Darius summoned
-all his forces to defend what he still retained. He brought together
-a host said to be superior in number to that<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_155">[p. 155]</span> which had been defeated at Issus.<a
-id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a>
-Contingents arrived from the farthest extremities of the vast Persian
-territory—from the Caspian sea, the rivers Oxus and Indus, the
-Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea. The plains eastward of the Tigris,
-about the latitude of the modern town of Mosul, between that river
-and the Gordyene mountains (Zagros), were fixed upon for the muster
-of this prodigious multitude; partly conducted by Darius himself from
-Babylon, partly arriving there by different routes from the north,
-east, and south. Arbêla—a considerable town about twenty miles east
-of the Great Zab river, still known under the name of Erbil, as a
-caravan station on the ordinary road between Erzeroum and Bagdad—was
-fixed on as the muster-place or head-quarters, where the chief
-magazines were collected and the heavy baggage lodged, and near which
-the troops were first assembled and exercised.<a id="FNanchor_369"
-href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a></p>
-
-<p>But the spot predetermined for a pitched battle was, the
-neighborhood of Gaugamela near the river Bumôdus, about thirty miles
-west of Arbêla, towards the Tigris, and about as much south-east
-of Mosul—a spacious and level plain, with nothing more than a few
-undulating slopes, and without any trees. It was by nature well
-adapted for drawing up a numerous army, especially for the free
-manœuvres of cavalry, and the rush of scythed chariots; moreover, the
-Persian officers had been careful beforehand to level artificially
-such of the slopes as they thought inconvenient.<a id="FNanchor_370"
-href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> There seemed every
-thing in the ground to favor the operation both of the vast total,
-and the special forces, of Darius; who fancied that his defeat
-at Issus had been occasioned altogether by his having adventured
-himself in the narrow defiles of Kilikia—and that on open and level
-ground his superior numbers must be triumphant. He was even anxious
-that Alexander should come and attack him on the plain. Hence the
-undefended passage of the Tigris.</p>
-
-<p>For those who looked only to numbers, the host assembled
-at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[p. 156]</span> Arbêla
-might well inspire confidence; for it is said to have consisted
-of 1,000,000 of infantry<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371"
-class="fnanchor">[371]</a>—40,000 cavalry—200 scythed chariots—and
-fifteen elephants; of which animals we now read for the first time
-in a field of battle. But besides the numbers, Darius had provided
-for his troops more effective arms; instead of mere javelins, strong
-swords and short thrusting pikes, such as the Macedonian cavalry
-wielded so admirably in close combat—together with shields for the
-infantry and breastplates for the horsemen.<a id="FNanchor_372"
-href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> He counted much
-also on the terrific charge of the chariots, each of which had a
-pole projecting before the horses and terminating in a sharp point,
-together with three sword-blades stretching from the yoke on each
-side, and scythes also laterally from the naves of the wheels.<a
-id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a></p>
-
-<p>Informed of the approach of Alexander, about the time when the
-Macedonian army first reached the Tigris, Darius moved from Arbêla,
-where his baggage and treasure were left—crossed by bridges the river
-Lykus or Great Zab, an operation which occupied five days—and marched
-to take post on the prepared ground near Gaugamela. His battle array
-was formed—of the Baktrians on the extreme left, under command of
-Bessus the satrap of Baktria; next, the Dahæ and Arachôti, under
-command of Barsäentes, satrap of Arachosia; then the native Persians,
-horse and foot alternating—the Susians, under Oxathres,—and the
-Kadusians. On the extreme right were the contingents of Syria both
-east and west of the Euphrates, under Mazæus; then the Medes, under
-Atropates; next, the Parthians, Sakæ, Tapyrians, and Hyrkanians,
-all cavalry, under Phrata<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[p.
-157]</span>phernes; then the Albanians and the Sakesinæ. Darius
-himself was in the centre, with the choice troops of the army near
-and around him—the Persian select Horse-guards, called the king’s
-kinsmen—the Persian foot-guards, carrying pikes with a golden apple
-at the butt-end—a regiment of Karians, or descendants of Karians,
-who had been abstracted from their homes and planted as colonists in
-the interior of the empire—the contingent of Mardi, good archers—and
-lastly, the mercenary Greeks, of number unknown, in whom Darius
-placed his greatest confidence.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the first or main line of the Persians. In the rear of
-it stood deep masses of Babylonians,—inhabitants of Sittakê down to
-the Persian Gulf—Uxians, from the territory adjoining Susiana to the
-east—and others in unknown multitude. In front of it were posted the
-scythed chariots, with small advanced bodies of cavalry—Scythians
-and Baktrians on the left, with one hundred chariots—Armenians
-and Kappadokians on the right, with fifty more—and the remaining
-fifty chariots in front of the centre.<a id="FNanchor_374"
-href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a></p>
-
-<p>Alexander had advanced within about seven miles of the Persian
-army, and four days’ march since his crossing the Tigris—when he
-first learnt from Persian prisoners how near his enemies were. He at
-once halted, established on the spot a camp with ditch and stockade;
-and remained there for four days, in order that the soldiers might
-repose. On the night of the fourth day, he moved forward, yet
-leaving under guard in the camp the baggage, the prisoners, and the
-ineffectives. He began his march, over a range of low elevations
-which divided<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[p. 158]</span>
-him from the enemy, hoping to approach and attack them at daybreak.
-But his progress was so retarded, that day broke, and the two
-armies first came in sight, when he was still on the descending
-slope of the ground, more than three miles distant. On seeing the
-enemy, he halted, and called together his principal officers, to
-consult whether he should not prosecute his march and commence
-the attack forthwith.<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375"
-class="fnanchor">[375]</a> Though most of them pronounced for the
-affirmative, yet Parmenio contended that this course would be rash;
-that the ground before them, with all its difficulties, natural or
-artificial, was unknown, and that the enemy’s position, which they
-now saw for the first time, ought to be carefully reconnoitred.
-Adopting this latter view, Alexander halted for the day; yet still
-retaining his battle order, and forming a new entrenched camp, to
-which the baggage and the prisoners were now brought forward from the
-preceding day’s encampment.<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376"
-class="fnanchor">[376]</a> He himself spent the day, with an escort
-of cavalry and light troops, in reconnoitring both the intermediate
-ground and the enemy, who did not interrupt him, in spite of
-their immense superiority in cavalry. Parmenio, with Polysperchon
-and others, advised him to attack the enemy in the night; which
-promised some advantages, since Persian armies were notoriously
-unmanageable by night,<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377"
-class="fnanchor">[377]</a> and since their camp had no defence.
-But on the other hand, the plan involved so many disadvantages and
-perils, that Alexander rejected it; declaring—with an emphasis
-intentionally enhanced, since he spoke in the hearing of<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[p. 159]</span> many others—that he
-disdained the meanness of stealing a victory; that he both would
-conquer, and could conquer, Darius fairly and in open daylight.<a
-id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a>
-Having then addressed to his officers a few brief encouragements,
-which met with enthusiastic response, he dismissed them to their
-evening meal and repose.</p>
-
-<p>On the next morning, he marshalled his army, consisting of
-40,000 foot, and 7000 horse, in two lines.<a id="FNanchor_379"
-href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> The first or
-main line was composed, on the right, of the eight squadrons of
-Companion-cavalry, each with its separate captain, but all under
-the command of Philôtas, son of Parmenio. Next (proceeding from
-right to left) came the Agêma or chosen band of the Hypaspistæ—then
-the remaining Hypaspistæ, under Nikanor—then the phalanx properly
-so called, distributed into six divisions, under the command
-of Kœnus, Perdikkas, Meleager, Polysperchon, Simmias, and
-Kraterus, respectively.<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380"
-class="fnanchor">[380]</a> Next on the left of the phalanx, were
-ranged the allied Grecian cavalry, Lokrian and Phokian, Phthiot,
-Malians, and Peloponnesians; after whom, at the extreme left, came
-the Thessalians under Philippus—among the best cavalry in the army,
-hardly inferior to the Macedonian Companions. As in the two former
-battles, Alexander himself took the command of the right half of the
-army, confiding the left to Parmenio.</p>
-
-<p>Behind this main line, was placed a second or body of reserve,
-intended to guard against attacks in the flanks and rear, which
-the superior numbers of the Persians rendered probable. For this
-purpose, Alexander reserved,—on the right, the light cavalry or
-Lancers—the Pæonians, under Aretes and Aristo—half the Agrianes,
-under Attalus—the Macedonian archers, under Brisson—and the
-mercenaries of old service, under Kleander; on the left, various
-bodies of Thracian and allied cavalry, under their separate
-officers. All these different regiments were held ready to repel
-attack either in flank or rear. In front of the main line were some
-advanced squadrons of cavalry and light troops—Grecian cavalry, under
-Menidas on the right, and under Andromachus on the left—a brigade of
-darters under Balakrus, together with Agrianian darters, and some
-bow<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[p. 160]</span>men. Lastly,
-the Thracian infantry were left to guard the camp and baggage.<a
-id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a></p>
-
-<p>Forewarned by a deserter, Alexander avoided the places where
-iron spikes had been planted to damage the Macedonian cavalry.<a
-id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> He
-himself, at the head of the Royal Squadron, on the extreme right, led
-the march obliquely in that direction, keeping his right somewhat
-in advance. As he neared the enemy, he saw Darius himself with the
-Persian left centre immediately opposed to him—Persian guards,
-Indians, Albanians, and Karians. Alexander went on inclining to the
-right, and Darius stretching his front towards the left to counteract
-this movement, but still greatly outflanking the Macedonians to the
-left. Alexander had now got so far to his right, that he was almost
-beyond the ground levelled by Darius for the operations of his
-chariots in front. To check any farther movement in this direction,
-the Baktrian 1000 horse and the Scythians in front of the Persian
-left, were ordered to make a circuit and attack the Macedonian right
-flank. Alexander detached against them his regiment of cavalry
-under Menidas, and the action thus began.<a id="FNanchor_383"
-href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Baktrian horse, perceiving the advance of Menidas, turned from
-their circuitous movement to attack him, and at first drove him back
-until he was supported by the other advanced detachments—Pæonians
-and Grecian cavalry. The Baktrians, defeated in their turn, were
-supported by the satrap Bessus with the main body of Baktrians and
-Scythians in the left portion of Darius’s line. The action was here
-for some time warmly contested, with some loss to the Greeks; who
-at length however, by a more compact order against enemies whose
-fighting was broken and desultory, succeeded in pushing them out of
-their place in the line, and thus making a partial opening in it.<a
-id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a></p>
-
-<p>While this conflict was still going on, Darius had ordered his
-scythed chariots to charge, and his main line to follow them,
-calculating on the disorder which he expected that they would
-occasion. But the chariots were found of little service. The horses
-were terrified, checked, or wounded, by the Macedonian archers<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[p. 161]</span> and darters in front;
-who even found means to seize the reins, pull down the drivers,
-and kill the horses. Of the hundred chariots in Darius’s front,
-intended to beat down the Macedonian ranks by simultaneous pressure
-along their whole line, many were altogether stopped or disabled;
-some turned right round, the horses refusing to face the protended
-pikes, or being scared with the noise of pike and shield struck
-together; some which reached the Macedonian line, were let through
-without mischief by the soldiers opening their ranks; a few only
-inflicted wounds or damage.<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385"
-class="fnanchor">[385]</a></p>
-
-<p>As soon as the chariots were thus disposed of, and the Persian
-main force laid open as advancing behind them, Alexander gave
-orders to the troops of his main line, who had hitherto been
-perfectly silent,<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386"
-class="fnanchor">[386]</a> to raise the war-shout and charge at a
-quick pace; at the same time directing Aretes with the Pæonians to
-repel the assailants on his right flank. He himself, discontinuing
-his slanting movement to the right, turned towards the Persian
-line, and dashed, at the head of all the Companion-cavalry, into
-that partial opening in it, which had been made by the flank
-movement of the Baktrians. Having by this opening got partly within
-the line, he pushed straight towards the person of Darius; his
-cavalry engaging in the closest hand-combat, and thrusting with
-their short pikes at the faces of the Persians. Here, as at<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[p. 162]</span> the Granikus, the
-latter were discomposed by this mode of fighting—accustomed as they
-were to rely on the use of missiles, with rapid wheeling of the
-horse for renewed attack.<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387"
-class="fnanchor">[387]</a> They were unable to prevent Alexander and
-his cavalry from gaining ground and approaching nearer to Darius;
-while at the same time, the Macedonian phalanx in front, with its
-compact order and long protended pikes, pressed upon the Persian
-line opposed to it. For a short interval, the combat here was close
-and obstinate; and it might have been much prolonged—since the best
-troops of Darius’s army—Greeks, Karians, Persian guards, regal
-kinsmen, etc., were here posted,—had the king’s courage been equal to
-that of his soldiers. But here, even worse than at Issus, the flight
-of the army began with Darius himself. It had been the recommendation
-of Cyrus the younger, in attacking the army of his brother Artaxerxes
-at Kunaxa, to aim the main blow at the spot where his brother was in
-person—since he well knew that victory there was victory everywhere.
-Having already once followed this scheme successfully at Issus,
-Alexander repeated it with still more signal success at Arbêla.
-Darius, who had long been in fear, from the time when he first beheld
-his formidable enemy on the neighboring hills, became still more
-alarmed when he saw the scythed chariots prove a failure, and when
-the Macedonians, suddenly breaking out from absolute silence into an
-universal war-cry, came to close quarters with his troops, pressing
-towards and menacing the conspicuous chariot on which he stood.<a
-id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a>
-The sight and hearing of this terrific <i>mêlée</i>, combined with the
-prestige already attaching to Alexander’s name, completely overthrew
-the courage and self-possession of Darius. He caused his chariot
-to be turned round, and himself set the example of flight.<a
-id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[p. 163]</span>From this
-moment, the battle, though it had lasted so short a time, was
-irreparably lost. The king’s flight, followed of course immediately
-by that of the numerous attendants around him, spread dismay among
-all his troops, leaving them neither centre of command, nor chief to
-fight for. The best soldiers in his army, being those immediately
-around him, were under these circumstances the first to give way.
-The fierce onset of Alexander with the Companion-cavalry, and
-the unremitting pressure of the phalanx in front was obstructed
-by little else than a mass of disordered fugitives. During the
-same time, Aretes with his Pæonians had defeated the Baktrians
-on the right flank,<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390"
-class="fnanchor">[390]</a> so that Alexander was free to pursue
-the routed main body,—which he did most energetically. The cloud
-of dust raised by the dense multitude is said to have been so
-thick, that nothing could be clearly seen, nor could the pursuers
-distinguish the track taken by Darius himself. Amidst this darkness,
-the cries and noises from all sides were only the more impressive;
-especially the sound from the whips of the charioteers, pushing
-their horses to full speed.<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391"
-class="fnanchor">[391]</a> It was the dust alone which saved Darius
-himself from being overtaken by the pursuing cavalry.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[p. 164]</span>While
-Alexander was thus fully successful on his right and centre, the
-scene on his left under Parmenio was different. Mazæus, who commanded
-the Persian right, after launching his scythed chariots (which may
-possibly have done more damage than those launched on the Persian
-left, though we have no direct information about them), followed it
-up by vigorously charging the Grecian and Thessalian horse in his
-front, and also by sending round a detachment of cavalry to attack
-them on their left flank.<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392"
-class="fnanchor">[392]</a> Here the battle was obstinately contested,
-and success for some time doubtful. Even after the flight of
-Darius, Parmenio found himself so much pressed, that he sent a
-message to Alexander. Alexander, though full of mortification at
-relinquishing the pursuit, checked his troops, and brought them
-back to the assistance of his left, by the shortest course across
-the field of battle. The two left divisions of the phalanx, under
-Simmias and Kraterus, had already stopped short in the pursuit,
-on receiving the like message from Parmenio; leaving the other
-four divisions to follow the advanced movement of Alexander.<a
-id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a>
-Hence there arose a gap in the midst of the phalanx, between the
-four right divisions, and the two left; into which gap a brigade of
-Indian and Persian cavalry darted, galloping through the midst of
-the Macedonian line to get into the rear and attack the baggage.<a
-id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>
-At first this movement was successful, the guard was found
-unprepared, and the Persian prisoners rose at once to set themselves
-free; though Sisygambis, whom these prisoners were above measure
-anxious to liberate, refused to accept their<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_165">[p. 165]</span> aid, either from mistrust of their
-force, or gratitude for the good treatment received from Alexander.<a
-id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a>
-But while these assailants were engaged in plundering the baggage,
-they were attacked in the rear by the troops forming the second
-Macedonian line, who though at first taken by surprise, had now had
-time to face about and reach the camp. Many of the Persian brigade
-were thus slain, the rest got off as they could.<a id="FNanchor_396"
-href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a></p>
-
-<p>Mazæus maintained for a certain time fair equality, on his own
-side of the battle, even after the flight of Darius. But when, to
-the paralyzing effect of that fact in itself, there was added the
-spectacle of its disastrous effects on the left half of the Persian
-army, neither he nor his soldiers could persevere with unabated vigor
-in a useless combat. The Thessalian and Grecian horse, on the other
-hand, animated by the turn of fortune in their favor, pressed their
-enemies with redoubled energy and at length drove them to flight; so
-that Parmenio was victor, on his own side and with his own forces,
-before the succors from Alexander reached him.<a id="FNanchor_397"
-href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a></p>
-
-<p>In conducting those succors, on his way back from the pursuit,
-Alexander traversed the whole field of battle, and thus met face
-to face some of the best Persian and Parthian cavalry, who were
-among the last to retire. The battle was already lost, and they
-were seeking only to escape. As they could not turn back, and had
-no chance for their lives except by forcing their way through his
-Companion-cavalry, the combat here was desperate and mur<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[p. 166]</span>derous; all at close
-quarters, cut and thrust with hand weapons on both sides contrary to
-the Persian custom. Sixty of the Macedonian cavalry were slain; and a
-still greater number, including Hephæstion, Kœnus, and Menidas, were
-wounded, and Alexander himself encountered great personal danger. He
-is said to have been victorious; yet probably most of these brave
-men forced their way through and escaped, though leaving many of
-their number on the field.<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398"
-class="fnanchor">[398]</a></p>
-
-<p>Having rejoined his left, and ascertained that it was not only
-out of danger, but victorious, Alexander resumed his pursuit of the
-flying Persians, in which Parmenio now took part.<a id="FNanchor_399"
-href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> The host of Darius
-was only a multitude of disorderly fugitives, horse and foot
-mingled together. The greater part of them had taken no share in
-the battle. Here, as at Issus, they remained crowded in stationary
-and unprofitable masses, ready to catch the contagion of terror
-and to swell the number of runaways, so soon as the comparatively
-small proportion of real combatants in the front had been beaten.
-On recommencing the pursuit, Alexander pushed forward with such
-celerity, that numbers of the fugitives were slain or taken,
-especially at the passage of the river Lykus;<a id="FNanchor_400"
-href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> where he was obliged
-to halt for a while, since his men as well as their horses were
-exhausted. At midnight, he again pushed forward, with such cavalry
-as could follow him, to Arbêla, in hopes of capturing the person of
-Darius. In this he was disappointed, though he reached Arbêla the
-next day. Darius had merely passed through it, leaving an undefended
-town, with his bow, shield, chariot, a large treasure, and rich
-equipage, as prey to the victor. Parmenio had also occupied without
-resistance the Persian camp near the field of battle, capturing
-the baggage, the camels, and the elephants.<a id="FNanchor_401"
-href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[p. 167]</span>To state
-anything like positive numbers of slain or prisoners, is impossible.
-According to Arrian, 300,000 Persians were slain, and many more
-taken prisoners. Diodorus puts the slain at 90,000, Curtius at
-40,000. The Macedonian killed were, according to Arrian, not more
-than 100—according to Curtius, 300: Diodorus states the slain
-at 500, besides a great number of wounded.<a id="FNanchor_402"
-href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> The estimate of
-Arrian is obviously too great on one side, and too small on the
-other; but whatever may be the numerical truth, it is certain that
-the prodigious army of Darius was all either killed, taken, or
-dispersed, at the battle of Arbêla. No attempt to form a subsequent
-army ever succeeded; we read of nothing stronger than divisions
-or detachments. The miscellaneous contingents of this once mighty
-empire, such at least among them as survived, dispersed to their
-respective homes and could never be again mustered in mass.</p>
-
-<p>The defeat of Arbêla was in fact the death blow of the Persian
-empire. It converted Alexander into the Great King, and Darius into
-nothing better than a fugitive pretender. Among all the causes of
-the defeat—here as at Issus—the most prominent and indisputable was
-the cowardice of Darius himself. Under a king deficient not merely
-in the virtues of a general, but even in those of a private soldier,
-and who nevertheless insisted on commanding in person—nothing
-short of ruin could ensue. To those brave Persians whom he dragged
-into ruin along with him and who knew the real facts, he must have
-appeared as the betrayer of the empire. We shall have to recall
-this state of sentiment, when we describe hereafter the conspiracy
-formed by the Baktrian satrap Bessus. Nevertheless, even if Darius
-had behaved with unimpeachable courage, there is little reason to
-believe, that the defeat of Arbêla, much less that of Issus, could
-have been converted into a victory. Mere immensity of number, even
-with immensity of space, was of no efficacy without skill as well as
-bravery in the commander. Three-fourths of the Persian army were mere
-spectators, who did nothing, and produced absolutely no effect. The
-flank movement against Alexander’s right, instead of being made by
-some unemployed division, was so carried into effect, as to distract
-the Baktrian troops from their place in the front line, and<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[p. 168]</span> thus to create a fatal
-break, of which Alexander availed himself for his own formidable
-charge in front. In spite of amplitude of space—the condition wanting
-at Issus,—the attacks of the Persians on Alexander’s flanks and rear
-were feeble and inefficient. After all, Darius relied mainly upon his
-front line of battle, strengthened by the scythed chariots; these
-latter being found unprofitable, there remained only the direct
-conflict, wherein the strong point of the Macedonians resided.</p>
-
-<p>On the other hand, in so far as we can follow the dispositions of
-Alexander, they appear the most signal example recorded in antiquity,
-of military genius and sagacious combination. He had really as great
-an available force as his enemies, because every company in his army
-was turned to account, either in actual combat, or in reserve against
-definite and reasonable contingences. All his successes, and this
-most of all, were fairly earned by his own genius and indefatigable
-effort, combined with the admirable organization of his army. But
-his good fortune was no less conspicuous in the unceasing faults
-committed by his enemies. Except during the short period of Memnon’s
-command, the Persian king exhibited nothing but ignorant rashness
-alternating with disgraceful apathy; turning to no account his vast
-real power of resistance in detail—keeping back his treasures to
-become the booty of the victor—suffering the cities which stoutly
-held out to perish unassisted—and committing the whole fate of
-the empire on two successive occasions, to that very hazard which
-Alexander most desired.</p>
-
-<p>The decisive character of the victory was manifested at
-once by the surrender of the two great capitals of the Persian
-empire—Babylon and Susa. To Babylon, Alexander marched in person;
-to Susa, he sent Philoxenus. As he approached Babylon, the satrap
-Mazæus met him with the keys of the city; Bagophanes, collector of
-the revenue, decorated the road of march with altars, sacrifices,
-and scattered flowers; while the general Babylonian population and
-their Chaldæan priests poured forth in crowds with acclamations and
-presents. Susa was yielded to Philoxenus with the same readiness,
-as Babylon to Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403"
-class="fnanchor">[403]</a> The sum of treasure acquired at Babylon
-was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[p. 169]</span> great:
-sufficient to furnish a large donative to the troops—600 drachms per
-man to the Macedonian cavalry, 500 to the foreign cavalry, 200 to the
-Macedonian infantry, and something less to the foreign infantry.<a
-id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a>
-But the treasure found and appropriated at Susa was yet greater. It
-is stated at 50,000 talents<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405"
-class="fnanchor">[405]</a> (= about £11,500,000 sterling), a sum
-which we might have deemed incredible, if we did not find it greatly
-exceeded by what is subsequently reported about the treasures in
-Persepolis. Of this Susian treasure four-fifths are said to have
-been in uncoined gold and silver, the remainder in golden Darics<a
-id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a>;
-the untouched accumulations of several preceding kings, who had
-husbanded them against a season of unforeseen urgency. A moderate
-portion of this immense wealth, employed by Darius three years
-earlier to push the operations of his fleet, subsidize able Grecian
-Officers, and organize anti-Macedonian resistance—would have
-preserved both his life and his crown.</p>
-
-<p>Alexander rested his troops for more than thirty days amidst
-the luxurious indulgences of Babylon. He gratified the feelings of
-the population and the Chaldæan priests by solemn sacrifices to
-Belus, as well as by directing that the temple of that god, and
-the other temples destroyed in the preceding century by Xerxes,
-should be rebuilt.<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407"
-class="fnanchor">[407]</a> Treating the Persian empire now as
-an established conquest, he nominated the various satraps. He
-confirmed the Persian Mazæus in the satrapy of Babylon, but put
-along with them two Greeks as assistants and guarantees—Apollodorus
-of Amphipolis, as commander of the military force—Asklepiodorus as
-collector of the revenue. He rewarded the Persian traitor Mithrines,
-who had surrendered at his approach the strong citadel of Sardis,
-with the satrapy of Armenia. To that of Syria and Phenicia, he
-appointed Menes, who took with him 3000 talents, to be remitted
-to Antipater for levying new troops against the Lacedæmonians
-in Peloponnesus.<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408"
-class="fnanchor">[408]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[p.
-170]</span> The march of Alexander from Babylon to Susa occupied
-twenty days; an easy route through a country abundantly supplied.
-At Susa he was joined by Amyntas son of Andromenes, with a large
-reinforcement of about 15,000 men—Macedonians, Greeks, and Thracians.
-There were both cavalry and infantry—and what is not the least
-remarkable, fifty Macedonian youths of noble family, soliciting
-admission into Alexander’s corps of pages.<a id="FNanchor_409"
-href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> The incorporation
-of these new-comers into the army afforded him the opportunity for
-remodelling on several points the organization of his different
-divisions, the smaller as well as the larger.<a id="FNanchor_410"
-href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a></p>
-
-<p>After some delay at Susa—and after confirming the Persian
-Abulites, who had surrendered the city, in his satrapy, yet not
-without two Grecian officers as guarantees, one commanding the
-military force, the other governor of the citadel—Alexander crossed
-the river Eulæus or Pasitigris, and directed his march to the
-south-east towards Persis proper, the ancient hearth or primitive
-seat from whence the original Persian conquerors had issued.<a
-id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a>
-Between Susa and Persis lay a mountainous region occupied by the
-Uxii—rude but warlike shepherds, to whom the Great King himself
-had always been obliged to pay a tribute<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_171">[p. 171]</span> whenever he went from Susa to
-Persepolis, being unable with his inefficient military organization
-to overcome the difficulties of such a pass held by an enemy. The
-Uxii now demanded the like tribute from Alexander, who replied by
-inviting them to meet him at their pass and receive it. Meanwhile
-a new and little frequented mountain track had been made known to
-him, over which he conducted in person a detachment of troops so
-rapidly and secretly as to surprise the mountaineers in their own
-villages. He thus not only opened the usual mountain pass for the
-transit of his main army, but so cut to pieces and humiliated the
-Uxii, that they were forced to sue for pardon. Alexander was at first
-disposed to extirpate or expel them; but at length, at the request
-of the captive Sisygambis, permitted them to remain as subjects of
-the satrap of Susa, imposing a tribute of sheep, horses, and cattle,
-the only payment which their poverty allowed.<a id="FNanchor_412"
-href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a></p>
-
-<p>But bad as the Uxian pass had been, there remained another still
-worse—called the Susian or Persian gates,<a id="FNanchor_413"
-href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> in the mountains
-which surrounded the plain of Persepolis, the centre of Persis
-proper. Ariobarzanes, satrap of the province, held this pass; a
-narrow defile walled across, with mountain positions on both sides,
-from whence the defenders, while out of reach themselves, could
-shower down missiles upon an approaching enemy. After four days of
-march, Alexander reached on the fifth day the Susian Gates; which,
-inexpugnable as they seemed, he attacked on the ensuing morning. In
-spite of all the courage of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[p.
-172]</span> his soldiers, however, he sustained loss without damaging
-his enemy, and was obliged to return to his camp. He was informed
-that there was no other track by which this difficult pass could be
-turned; but there was a long circuitous march of many days whereby
-it might be evaded, and another entrance found into the plain of
-Persepolis. To recede from any enterprise as impracticable, was
-a humiliation which Alexander had never yet endured. On farther
-inquiry, a Lykian captive, who had been for many years tending sheep
-as a slave on the mountains, acquainted him with the existence
-of a track known only to himself, whereby he might come on the
-flank of Ariobarzanes. Leaving Kraterus in command of the camp,
-with orders to attack the pass in front, when he should hear the
-trumpet give signal—Alexander marched forth at night at the head
-of a light detachment, under the guidance of the Lykian. He had to
-surmount incredible hardship and difficulty—the more so as it was
-mid-winter, and the mountain was covered with snow; yet such were
-the efforts of his soldiers and the rapidity of his movements, that
-he surprised all the Persian outposts, and came upon Ariobarzanes
-altogether unprepared. Attacked as they were at the same time by
-Kraterus also, the troops of the satrap were forced to abandon the
-Gates, and were for the most part cut to pieces. Many perished in
-their flight among the rocks and precipices; the satrap himself being
-one of a few that escaped.<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414"
-class="fnanchor">[414]</a></p>
-
-<p>Though the citadel of Persepolis is described as one of the
-strongest of fortresses,<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415"
-class="fnanchor">[415]</a> yet after this unexpected conquest of
-a pass hitherto deemed inexpugnable, few had courage to think of
-holding it against Alexander. Nevertheless Ariobarzanes, hastening
-thither from the conquered pass, still strove to organize a defence,
-and at least to carry off the regal treasure, which some in the
-town were already preparing to pillage. But Tiridates, commander of
-the garrison, fearing the wrath of the conqueror, resisted this,
-and despatched a message entreating Alexander to hasten his march.
-Accordingly Alexander, at the head of his cavalry, set forth with
-the utmost speed, and arrived in time to detain and appropriate
-the whole. Ariobarzanes, in a vain at<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_173">[p. 173]</span>tempt to resist, was slain with all his
-companions. Persepolis and Pasargadæ—the two peculiar capitals of
-the Persian race, the latter memorable as containing the sepulchre
-of Cyrus the Great—both fell into the hands of the conqueror.<a
-id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a></p>
-
-<p>On approaching Persepolis, the compassion of the army was
-powerfully moved by the sight of about 800 Grecian captives, all of
-them mutilated in some frightful and distressing way, by loss of
-legs, arms, eyes, ears, or some other bodily members. Mutilation
-was a punishment commonly inflicted in that age by Oriental
-governors, even by such as were not accounted cruel. Thus Xenophon,
-in eulogizing the rigid justice of Cyrus the younger, remarks
-that in the public roads of his satrapy, men were often seen who
-had been deprived of their arms or legs, or otherwise mutilated,
-by penal authority.<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417"
-class="fnanchor">[417]</a> Many of these maimed captives at
-Persepolis were old, and had lived for years in their unfortunate
-condition. They had been brought up from various Greek cities by
-order of some of the preceding Persian kings; but on what pretences
-they had been thus cruelly dealt with, we are not informed.
-Alexander, moved to tears at such a spectacle, offered to restore
-them to their respective homes, with a comfortable provision for
-the future. But most of them felt so ashamed of returning to their
-homes, that they entreated to be allowed to remain all together in
-Persis, with lands assigned to them, and with dependent cultivators
-to raise produce for them. Alexander granted their request in the
-fullest measure, conferring besides upon each an ample donation of
-money, clothing, and cattle.<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418"
-class="fnanchor">[418]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[p. 174]</span>The sight
-of these mutilated Greeks was well calculated to excite not merely
-sympathy for them, but rage against the Persians, in the bosoms
-of all spectators. Alexander seized this opportunity, as well for
-satiating the anger and cupidity of his soldiers, as for manifesting
-himself in his self-assumed character of avenger of Greece against
-the Persians, to punish the wrongs done by Xerxes a century and a
-half before. He was now amidst the native tribes and seats of the
-Persians, the descendants of those rude warriors who, under the first
-Cyrus, had overspread Western Asia from the Indus to the Ægean. In
-this their home the Persian kings had accumulated their national
-edifices, their regal sepulchres, the inscriptions commemorative
-of their religious or legendary sentiment, with many trophies and
-acquisitions arising out of their conquests. For the purposes of the
-Great King’s empire, Babylon, or Susa, or Ekbatana, were more central
-and convenient residences; but Persepolis was still regarded as the
-heart of Persian nationality. It was the chief magazine, though
-not the only one, of those annual accumulations from the imperial
-revenue, which each king successively increased, and which none
-seems to have ever diminished. Moreover, the Persian grandees and
-officers, who held the lucrative satrapies and posts of the empire,
-were continually sending wealth home to Persis, for themselves or
-their relatives.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[p. 175]</span>
-We may therefore reasonably believe what we find asserted, that
-Persepolis possessed at this time more wealth, public and private,
-than any place within the range of Grecian or Macedonian knowledge.<a
-id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a></p>
-
-<p>Convening his principal officers, Alexander denounced
-Persepolis as the most hostile of all Asiatic cities,—the home
-of those impious invaders of Greece, whom he had come to attack.
-He proclaimed his intention of abandoning it to be plundered, as
-well as of burning the citadel. In this resolution he persisted,
-notwithstanding the remonstrance of Parmenio, who reminded him
-that the act would be a mere injury to himself by ruining his own
-property, and that the Asiatics would construe it as evidence of
-an intention to retire speedily, without founding any permanent
-dominion in the country.<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420"
-class="fnanchor">[420]</a> After appropriating the regal treasure—to
-the alleged amount of 120,000 talents in gold and silver =
-£27,600,000 sterling<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421"
-class="fnanchor">[421]</a>—Alexander set fire<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_176">[p. 176]</span> to the citadel. A host of mules, with
-5000 camels, were sent for from Mesopotamia and elsewhere, to carry
-off this prodigious treasure; the whole of which was conveyed out of
-Persis proper, partly to be taken along with Alexander himself in
-his ulterior marches, partly to be lodged in Susa and Ekbatana. Six
-thousand talents more, found in Pasargadæ, were added to the spoil.<a
-id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a>
-The persons and property of the inhabitants were abandoned to
-the license of the soldiers, who obtained an immense booty,
-not merely in gold and silver, but also in rich clothing,
-furniture, and ostentatious ornaments of every kind. The male
-inhabitants were slain,<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423"
-class="fnanchor">[423]</a> the females dragged into servitude;
-except such as obtained safety by flight, or burned themselves with
-their property in their own houses. Among the soldiers themselves,
-much angry scrambling took place for the possession of precious
-articles, not without occasional bloodshed.<a id="FNanchor_424"
-href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> As soon as<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[p. 177]</span> their ferocity and
-cupidity had been satiated, Alexander arrested the massacre. His
-encouragement and sanction of it was not a burst of transient fury,
-provoked by unexpected length of resistance, such as the hanging of
-the 2000 Tyrians and the dragging of Batis at Gaza—but a deliberate
-proceeding, intended partly as a recompense and gratification
-to the soldiery, but still more as an imposing manifestation of
-retributive vengeance against the descendants of the ancient Persian
-invaders. In his own letters seen by Plutarch, Alexander described
-the massacre of the native Persians as having been ordered by him on
-grounds of state policy.<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425"
-class="fnanchor">[425]</a></p>
-
-<p>As it was now winter or very early spring, he suffered his main
-army to enjoy a month or more of repose at or near Persepolis. But
-he himself, at the head of a rapidly moving division, traversed
-the interior of Persia proper; conquering or receiving into
-submission the various towns and villages.<a id="FNanchor_426"
-href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> The greatest
-resistance which he experienced was offered by the<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[p. 178]</span> rude and warlike
-tribe called the Mardi; but worse than any enemy was the severity
-of the season and the rugged destitution of a frozen country.
-Neither physical difficulties, however, nor human enemies, could
-arrest the march of Alexander. He returned from his expedition,
-complete master of Persis; and in the spring, quitted that province
-with his whole army, to follow Darius into Media. He left only a
-garrison of 3000 Macedonians at Persepolis, preserving to Tiridates,
-who had surrendered to him the place, the title of satrap.<a
-id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a></p>
-
-<p>Darius was now a fugitive, with the mere title of king, and
-with a simple body-guard rather than an army. On leaving Arbêla
-after the defeat, he had struck in an easterly direction across
-the mountains into Media; having only a few attendants round him,
-and thinking himself too happy to preserve his own life from an
-indefatigable pursuer.<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428"
-class="fnanchor">[428]</a> He calculated that, once across these
-mountains, Alexander would leave him for a time unmolested, in haste
-to march southward for the purpose of appropriating the great and
-real prizes of the campaign—Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. The last
-struggles of this ill-starred prince will be recounted in another
-chapter.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_94">
-  <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCIV.<br />
-    MILITARY OPERATIONS AND CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER, AFTER
-    HIS WINTER-QUARTERS IN PERSIS, DOWN TO HIS DEATH
-    AT&nbsp;BABYLON.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">From</span> this time forward
-to the close of Alexander’s life—a period of about seven years—his
-time was spent in conquering the eastern half of the Persian empire,
-together with various independent tribes lying beyond its extreme
-boundary. But<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[p. 179]</span>
-neither Greece, nor Asia Minor, nor any of his previous western
-acquisitions, was he ever destined to see again.</p>
-
-<p>Now, in regard to the history of Greece—the subject of these
-volumes—the first portion of Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns (from his
-crossing the Hellespont to the conquest of Persis, a period of four
-years, March 334 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, to March 330
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), though not of direct bearing,
-is yet of material importance. Having in his first year completed
-the subjugation of the Hellenic world, he had by these subsequent
-campaigns absorbed it as a small fraction into the vast Persian
-empire, renovated under his imperial sceptre. He had accomplished a
-result substantially the same as would have been brought about if the
-invasion of Greece by Xerxes, destined, a century and a half before,
-to incorporate Greece with the Persian monarchy, had succeeded
-instead of failing.<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429"
-class="fnanchor">[429]</a> Towards the kings of Macedonia alone,
-the subjugation of Greece would never have become complete, so long
-as she could receive help from the native Persian kings, who were
-perfectly adequate as a countervailing and tutelary force, had they
-known how to play their game. But all hope for Greece from without
-was extinguished, when Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis became subject
-to the same ruler as Pella and Amphipolis—and that ruler too, the
-ablest general, and most insatiate aggressor, of his age; to whose
-name was attached the prestige of success almost superhuman. Still,
-against even this overwhelming power, some of the bravest of the
-Greeks at home tried to achieve their liberation with the sword: we
-shall see presently how sadly the attempt miscarried.</p>
-
-<p>But though the first four years of Alexander’s Asiatic expedition,
-in which he conquered the Western half of the Persian empire, had
-thus an important effect on the condition and destinies of the
-Grecian cities—his last seven years, on which we are now about to
-enter, employed chiefly in conquering the Eastern half, scarcely
-touched these cities in any way. The stupendous marches to the
-rivers Jaxartes, Indus, and Hyphasis, which<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_180">[p. 180]</span> carried his victorious arms over so
-wide a space of Central Asia, not only added nothing to his power
-over the Greeks, but even withdrew him from all dealings with them,
-and placed him almost beyond their cognizance. To the historian of
-Greece, therefore, these latter campaigns can hardly be regarded as
-included within the range of his subject. They deserve to be told,
-as examples of military skill and energy, and as illustrating the
-character of the most illustrious general of antiquity—one who,
-though not a Greek, had become the master of all Greeks. But I shall
-not think it necessary to recount them in any detail, like the
-battles of Issus and Arbêla.</p>
-
-<p>About six or seven months had elapsed from the battle of
-Arbêla to the time when Alexander prepared to quit his most
-recent conquest—Persis proper. During all this time, Darius had
-remained at Ekbatana,<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430"
-class="fnanchor">[430]</a> the chief city of Media, clinging to the
-hope, that Alexander, when possessed of the three southern capitals
-and the best part of the Persian empire, might have reached the point
-of satiation, and might leave him unmolested in the more barren
-East. As soon as he learnt that Alexander was in movement towards
-him, he sent forward his harem and his baggage to Hyrkania, on the
-south-eastern border of the Caspian sea. Himself, with the small
-force around him, followed in the same direction, carrying off the
-treasure in the city (7000 talents= £1,610,000 in amount), and passed
-through the Caspian Grates into the territory of Parthyênê. His only
-chance was to escape to Baktria at the eastern extremity of the
-empire, ruining the country in his way for the purpose of retarding
-pur<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[p. 181]</span>suers.
-But this chance diminished every day, from desertion among his
-few followers, and angry disgust among many who remained.<a
-id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a></p>
-
-<p>Eight days after Darius had quitted Ekbatana, Alexander entered
-it. How many days had been occupied in his march from Persepolis, we
-cannot say: in itself a long march, it had been farther prolonged,
-partly by the necessity of subduing the intervening mountaineers
-called Parætakeni,<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432"
-class="fnanchor">[432]</a> partly by rumors exaggerating the Persian
-force at Ekbatana, and inducing him to advance with precaution and
-regular array. Possessed of Ekbatana—the last capital stronghold
-of the Persian kings, and their ordinary residence during the
-summer months—he halted to rest his troops, and establish a new
-base of operations for his future proceedings eastward. He made
-Ekbatana his principal depôt; depositing in the citadel, under the
-care of Harpalus as treasurer, with a garrison of 6000 or 7000
-Macedonians, the accumulated treasures of his past conquests, out
-of Susa and Persepolis; amounting, we are told, to the enormous
-sum of 180,000 talents = £41,400,000 sterling.<a id="FNanchor_433"
-href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> Parmenio was
-invested with the chief command of this important post, and of the
-military force left in Media; of which territory Oxodates, a Persian
-who had been imprisoned at Susa by Darius, was named satrap.<a
-id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a></p>
-
-<p>At Ekbatana Alexander was joined by a fresh force of 6000
-Grecian mercenaries,<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435"
-class="fnanchor">[435]</a> who had marched from Kilikia into the
-interior, probably crossing the Euphrates and Tigris at the same
-points as Alexander himself had crossed. Hence he was enabled the
-better to dismiss his Thessalian cavalry, with other Greeks who
-had been serving during his four years of Asiatic war, and who
-now wished to go home.<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436"
-class="fnanchor">[436]</a> He distributed among them the sum of 2000
-talents in addition to their full pay, and<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_182">[p. 182]</span> gave them the price of their horses,
-which they sold before departure. The operations which he was now
-about to commence against the eastern territories of Persia were
-not against regular armies, but against flying corps and distinct
-native tribes, relying for defence chiefly on the difficulties
-which mountains, deserts, privation, or mere distance, would
-throw in the way of an assailant. For these purposes he required
-an increased number of light troops, and was obliged to impose
-even upon his heavy-armed cavalry the most rapid and fatiguing
-marches, such as none but his Macedonian Companions would have
-been contented to execute; moreover he was called upon to act less
-with large masses, and more with small and broken divisions. He
-now therefore for the first time established a regular Taxis, or
-division of horse-bowmen.<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437"
-class="fnanchor">[437]</a></p>
-
-<p>Remaining at Ekbatana no longer than was sufficient for
-these new arrangements, Alexander recommenced his pursuit of
-Darius. He hoped to get before Darius to the Caspian Gates,
-at the north-eastern extremity of Media; by which Gates<a
-id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a>
-was un<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[p. 183]</span>derstood
-a mountain-pass, or rather a road of many hours’ march, including
-several difficult passes stretching eastward along the southern
-side of the great range of Taurus towards Parthia. He marched with
-his Companion-cavalry, the light-horse, the Agrianians, and the
-bowmen—the greater part of the phalanx keeping up as well as it
-could—to Rhagæ, about fifty miles north of the Caspian Gates; which
-town he reached in eleven days, by exertions so severe that many men
-as well as horses were disabled on the road. But in spite of all
-speed, he learnt that Darius had already passed through the Caspian
-Gates. After five days of halt at Rhagæ, indispensable for his army,
-Alexander passed them also. A day’s march on the other side of them,
-he was joined by two eminent Persians, Bagistanes and Antibêlus,
-who informed him that Darius was already dethroned and in imminent
-danger of losing his life.<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439"
-class="fnanchor">[439]</a></p>
-
-<p>The conspirators by whom this had been done, were Bessus, satrap
-of Baktria—Barsaentes, satrap of Drangiana and Arachosia—and
-Nabarzanes, general of the regal guards. The small force of Darius
-having been thinned by daily desertion, most of those who remained
-were the contingents of the still unconquered territories, Baktria,
-Arachosia, and Drangiana, under the orders of their respective
-satraps. The Grecian mercenaries, 1500 in number, and Artabazus,
-with a band under his special command, adhered inflexibly to
-Darius, but the soldiers of Eastern Asia followed their own
-satraps. Bessus and his colleagues intended to make their peace
-with Alexander by surrendering Darius, should Alexander pursue so
-vigorously as to leave them no hope of escape; but if they could
-obtain time to reach Baktria and Sogdiana, they resolved to organize
-an energetic resistance, under their own joint command, for the
-defence of those eastern provinces—the most warlike population of
-the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[p. 184]</span> empire.<a
-id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a>
-Under the desperate circumstances of the case, this plan was perhaps
-the least unpromising that could be proposed. The chance of resisting
-Alexander, small as it was at the best, became absolutely nothing
-under the command of Darius, who had twice set the example of flight
-from the field of battle, betraying both his friends and his empire,
-even when surrounded by the full force of Persia. For brave and
-energetic Persians, unless they were prepared at once to submit to
-the invader, there was no choice but to set aside Darius; nor does
-it appear that the conspirators intended at first anything worse.
-At a village called Thara in Parthia, they bound him in chains of
-gold—placed him in a covered chariot surrounded by the Baktrian
-troops,—and thus carried him onward, retreating as fast as they
-could; Bessus assuming the command. Artabazus, with the Grecian
-mercenaries, too feeble to prevent the proceeding, quitted the army
-in disgust, and sought refuge among the mountains of the Tapuri
-bordering on Hyrkania towards the Caspian Sea.<a id="FNanchor_441"
-href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a></p>
-
-<p>On hearing this intelligence, Alexander strained every nerve to
-overtake the fugitives and get possession of the person of Darius.
-At the head of his Companion-cavalry, his light-horse, and a body of
-infantry picked out for their strength and activity, he put himself
-in instant march, with nothing but arms and two days’ provisions
-for each man; leaving Kraterus to bring on the main body by easier
-journeys. A forced march of two nights and one day, interrupted only
-by a short midday repose (it was now the month of July), brought him
-at daybreak to the Persian camp which his informant Bagistanes had
-quitted. But Bessus and his troops were already beyond it, having
-made considerable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[p. 185]</span>
-advance in their flight; upon which Alexander, notwithstanding the
-exhaustion both of men and horses, pushed on with increased speed
-through all the night to the ensuing day at noon. He there found
-himself in the village where Bessus had encamped on the preceding
-day. Yet learning from deserters that his enemies had resolved to
-hasten their retreat by night marches, he despaired of overtaking
-them, unless he could find some shorter road. He was informed that
-there was another shorter, but leading through a waterless desert.
-Setting out by this road late in the day with his cavalry, he got
-over no less than forty-five miles during the night, so as to come on
-Bessus by complete surprise on the following morning. The Persians,
-marching in disorder without arms, and having no expectation of
-an enemy, were so panic-struck at the sudden appearance of their
-indefatigable conqueror, that they dispersed and fled without any
-attempt to resist. In this critical moment, Bessus and Barsaentes
-urged Darius to leave his chariot, mount his horse, and accompany
-them in their flight. But he refused to comply. They were determined
-however that he should not fall alive into the hands of Alexander,
-whereby his name would have been employed against them, and would
-have materially lessened their chance of defending the eastern
-provinces; they were moreover incensed by his refusal, and had
-contracted a feeling of hatred and contempt to which they were
-glad to give effect. Casting their javelins at him, they left him
-mortally wounded, and then pursued their flight.<a id="FNanchor_442"
-href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> His chariot, not
-distinguished by any visible mark, nor known even to the Persian
-soldiers themselves, was for some time not detected by the pursuers.
-At length a Macedonian soldier named Polystratus found him expiring,
-and is said to have received his last words; wherein he expressed
-thanks to Alexander for the kind treatment of his captive female
-relatives, and satisfaction that the Persian throne, lost to
-himself, was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[p. 186]</span>
-about to pass to so generous a conqueror. It is at least certain
-that he never lived to see Alexander himself.<a id="FNanchor_443"
-href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a></p>
-
-<p>Alexander had made the prodigious and indefatigable marches of
-the last four days, not without destruction to many men and horses,
-for the express purpose of taking Darius alive. It would have been a
-gratification to his vanity to exhibit the Great King as a helpless
-captive, rescued from his own servants by the sword of his enemy, and
-spared to occupy some subordinate command as a token of ostentatious
-indulgence. Moreover, apart from such feelings, it would have been a
-point of real advantage to seize the person of Darius, by means of
-whose name Alexander would have been enabled to stifle all farther
-resistance in the extensive and imperfectly known regions eastward of
-the Caspian Gates. The satraps of these regions had now gone thither
-with their hands free, to kindle as much Asiatic sentiment and levy
-as large a force as they could, against the Macedonian conqueror; who
-was obliged to follow them, if he wished to complete the subjugation
-of the empire. We can understand therefore that Alexander was deeply
-mortified in deriving no result from this ruinously fatiguing march,
-and can the better explain that savage wrath which we shall hereafter
-find him manifesting against the satrap Bessus.</p>
-
-<p>Alexander caused the body of Darius to be buried with full
-pomp and ceremonial, in the regal sepulchres of Persis. The last
-days of this unfortunate prince have been described with almost
-tragic pathos by historians; and there are few subjects in history
-better calculated to excite such a feeling, if we regard simply the
-magnitude of his fall, from the highest pitch of power and splendor
-to defeat, degradation, and assassination. But an impartial review
-will not allow us to forget that the main cause of such ruin was
-his own blindness—his long apathy after the<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_187">[p. 187]</span> battle of Issus, and abandonment
-of Tyre and Gaza, in the fond hope of repurchasing queens whom
-he had himself exposed to captivity—lastly, what is still less
-pardonable, his personal cowardice in both the two decisive battles
-deliberately brought about by himself. If we follow his conduct
-throughout the struggle, we shall find little of that which renders
-a defeated prince either respectable or interesting. Those who had
-the greatest reason to denounce and despise him were his friends
-and his countrymen, whom he possessed ample means of defending, yet
-threw those means away. On the other hand, no one had better grounds
-for indulgence towards him than his conqueror; for whom he had
-kept unused the countless treasures of the three capitals, and for
-whom he had lightened in every way the difficulties of a conquest,
-in itself hardly less than impracticable.<a id="FNanchor_444"
-href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a></p>
-
-<p>The recent forced march, undertaken by Alexander for the purpose
-of securing Darius as a captive, had been distressing in the extreme
-to his soldiers, who required a certain period of repose and
-compensation. This was granted to them at the town of Hekatompylus
-in Parthia, where the whole army was again united. Besides abundant
-supplies from the neighboring region, the soldiers here received a
-donative derived from the large booty taken in the camp of Darius.<a
-id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> In
-the enjoyment and revelry universal throughout the army, Alexander
-himself partook. His indulgences in the banquet and in wine-drinking,
-to which he was always addicted when leisure allowed were<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[p. 188]</span> now unusually
-multiplied and prolonged. Public solemnities were celebrated,
-together with theatrical exhibitions by artists who joined the army
-from Greece. But the change of most importance in Alexander’s conduct
-was, that he now began to feel and act manifestly as successor of
-Darius on the Persian throne; to disdain the comparative simplicity
-of Macedonian habits, and to assume the pomp, the ostentatious
-apparatus of luxuries, and even the dress, of a Persian king.</p>
-
-<p>To many of Alexander’s soldiers, the conquest of Persia appeared
-to be consummated and the war finished, by the death of Darius.
-They were reluctant to exchange the repose and enjoyments of
-Hekatompylus for fresh fatigues; but Alexander, assembling the
-select regiments, addressed to them an emphatic appeal which
-revived the ardor of all.<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446"
-class="fnanchor">[446]</a> His first march was, across one of the
-passes from the south to the north of Mount Elburz, into Hyrkania,
-the region bordering the south-eastern corner of the Caspian Sea.
-Here he found no resistance; the Hyrkanian satrap Phrataphernes,
-together with Nabarzanes, Artabazus, and other eminent Persians,
-surrendered themselves to him, and were favorably received. The
-Greek mercenaries, 1500 in number, who had served with Darius, but
-had retired when that monarch was placed under arrest by Bessus,
-sent envoys requesting to be allowed to surrender on capitulation.
-But Alexander—reproaching them with guilt for having taken service
-with the Persians, in contravention of the vote passed by the
-Hellenic synod—required them to surrender at discretion; which they
-expressed their readiness to do, praying that an officer might be
-despatched to conduct them to him in safety.<a id="FNanchor_447"
-href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> The Macedonian
-Andronikus was sent for this purpose, while Alexander undertook
-an expedition into the mountains of the Mardi; a name seemingly
-borne by several distinct tribes in parts remote from each other,
-but all poor and brave mountaineers. These Mardi occupied parts of
-the northern slope of the range of Mount Elburz a few miles from
-the Caspian Sea (Mazanderan and Ghilan). Alexander pursued them
-into all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[p. 189]</span> their
-retreats,—overcame them, when they stood on their defence, with
-great slaughter,—and reduced the remnant of the half-destroyed
-tribes to sue for peace.<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448"
-class="fnanchor">[448]</a></p>
-
-<p>From this march, which had carried him in a westerly direction,
-he returned to Hyrkania. At the first halt he was met by the
-Grecian mercenaries who came to surrender themselves, as well as by
-various Grecian envoys from Sparta, Chalkedon, and Sinôpe, who had
-accompanied Darius in his flight. Alexander put the Lacedæmonians
-under arrest, but liberated the other envoys, considering Chalkedon
-and Sinôpe to have been subjects of Darius, not members of the
-Hellenic synod. As to the mercenaries, he made a distinction between
-those who had enlisted in the Persian service before the recognition
-of Philip as leader of Greece—and those whose enlistment had been
-of later date. The former he liberated at once; the latter he
-required to remain in his service under the command of Andronikus,
-on the same pay as they had hitherto received.<a id="FNanchor_449"
-href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> Such was the untoward
-conclusion of Grecian mercenary service with Persia; a system whereby
-the Persian monarchs, had they known how to employ it with tolerable
-ability, might well have maintained their empire even against such
-an enemy as Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450"
-class="fnanchor">[450]</a></p>
-
-<p>After fifteen days of repose and festivity at Zeudracarta, the
-chief town of Hyrkania, Alexander marched eastward with his united
-army through Parthia into Aria—the region adjoining the modern Herat
-with its river now known as Herirood. Satibarzanes, the satrap
-of Aria, came to him near the border, to a town named Susia,<a
-id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a>
-submitted, and was allowed to retain his<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_190">[p. 190]</span> satrapy; while Alexander, merely
-skirting the northern border of Aria, marched in a direction nearly
-east towards Baktria against the satrap Bessus, who was reported as
-having proclaimed himself King of Persia. But it was discovered,
-after three or four days, that Satibarzanes was in league with
-Bessus; upon which Alexander suspended for the present his plans
-against Baktria, and turned by forced marches to Artakoana, the
-chief city of Aria.<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452"
-class="fnanchor">[452]</a> His return was so unexpectedly rapid,
-that the Arians were overawed, and Satibarzanes was obliged to
-escape. A few days enabled him to crush the disaffected Arians and
-to await the arrival of his rear division under Kraterus. He then
-marched southward into the territory of the Drangi, or Drangiana (the
-modern Seiestan), where he found no resistance—the satrap Barsaentes
-having sought safety among some of the Indians.<a id="FNanchor_453"
-href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the chief town of Drangiana occurred the revolting tragedy,
-of which Philotas was the first victim, and his father Parmenio the
-second. Parmenio, now seventy years of age, and therefore little
-qualified for the fatigue inseparable from the invasion of the
-eastern satrapies, had been left in the important post of com<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[p. 191]</span>manding the great
-depôt and treasure at Ekbatana. His long military experience, and
-confidential position even under Philip, rendered him the second
-person in the Macedonian army, next to Alexander himself. His three
-sons were all soldiers. The youngest of them, Hektor, had been
-accidentally drowned in the Nile, while in the suite of Alexander
-in Egypt; the second, Nikanor, had commanded the hypaspists or
-light infantry, but had died of illness, fortunately for himself,
-a short time before;<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454"
-class="fnanchor">[454]</a> the eldest, Philotas, occupied the high
-rank of general of the Companion-cavalry, in daily communication with
-Alexander, from whom he received personal orders.</p>
-
-<p>A revelation came to Philotas, from Kebalinus, brother of a
-youth named Nikomachus, that a soldier, named Dimnus of Chalastra,
-had made boast to Nikomachus, his intimate friend or beloved
-person, under vows of secrecy, of an intended conspiracy against
-Alexander, inviting him to become an accomplice.<a id="FNanchor_455"
-href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> Nikomachus, at
-first struck with abhorrence, at length simulated compliance, asked
-who were the accomplices of Dimnus, and received intimation of a
-few names; all of which he presently communicated to his brother
-Kebalinus, for the purpose of being divulged. Kebalinus told the
-facts to Philotas, entreating him to mention them to Alexander. But
-Philotas, though every day in communication with the king, neglected
-to do this for two days; upon which Kebalinus began to suspect him
-of connivance, and caused the revelation to be made to Alexander
-through one of the pages named Metron. Dimnus was immediately
-arrested, but ran himself through with his sword, and expired without
-making any declaration.<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456"
-class="fnanchor">[456]</a></p>
-
-<p>Of this conspiracy, real or pretended, every thing rested on the
-testimony of Nikomachus. Alexander indignantly sent for Philotas,
-demanding why he had omitted for two days to communicate what
-he had heard. Philotas replied, that the<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_192">[p. 192]</span> source from which it came was too
-contemptible to deserve notice—that it would have been ridiculous
-to attach importance to the simple declarations of such a youth as
-Nikomachus, recounting the foolish boasts addressed to him by a
-lover. Alexander received, or affected to receive, the explanation,
-gave his hand to Philotas, invited him to supper, and talked to him
-with his usual familiarity.<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457"
-class="fnanchor">[457]</a></p>
-
-<p>But it soon appeared that advantage was to be taken of this
-incident for the disgrace and ruin of Philotas, whose free-spoken
-criticisms on the pretended divine paternity,—-coupled with boasts,
-that he and his father Parmenio had been chief agents in the
-conquest of Asia,—had neither been forgotten nor forgiven. These,
-and other self-praises, disparaging to the glory of Alexander,
-had been divulged by a mistress to whom Philotas was attached; a
-beautiful Macedonian woman of Pydna, named Antigonê, who, having
-first been made a prize in visiting Samothrace by the Persian
-admiral Autophradates, was afterwards taken amidst the spoils of
-Damascus by the Macedonians victorious at Issus. The reports of
-Antigonê, respecting some unguarded language held by Philotas to
-her, had come to the knowledge of Kraterus, who brought her to
-Alexander, and caused her to repeat them to him. Alexander desired
-her to take secret note of the confidential expressions of Philotas,
-and report them from time to time to himself.<a id="FNanchor_458"
-href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a></p>
-
-<p>It thus turned out that Alexander, though continuing to Philotas
-his high military rank, and talking to him constantly with seeming
-confidence, had for at least eighteen months, ever since his
-conquest of Egypt and perhaps even earlier, disliked and suspected
-him, keeping him under perpetual watch through the suborned and
-secret communications of a treacherous mistress.<a id="FNanchor_459"
-href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a><span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[p. 193]</span> Some of the generals
-around Alexander—especially Kraterus, the first suborner of
-Antigonê—fomented these suspicions, from jealousy of the great
-ascendency of Parmenio and his family. Moreover, Philotas himself was
-ostentatious and overbearing in his demeanor, so as to have made many
-enemies among the soldiers.<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460"
-class="fnanchor">[460]</a> But whatever may have been his defects
-on this head—defects which he shared with the other Macedonian
-generals, all gorged with plunder and presents<a id="FNanchor_461"
-href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a>—his fidelity as well
-as his military merits stand attested by the fact that Alexander had
-continued to employ him in the highest and most confidential command
-throughout all the long subsequent interval; and that Parmenio was
-now general at Ekbatana, the most important military appointment
-which the king had to confer. Even granting the deposition of
-Nikomachus to be trustworthy, there was nothing to implicate
-Philotas, whose name had not been included among the accomplices said
-to have been enumerated by Dimnus. There was not a tittle of evidence
-against him, except the fact that the deposition had been made known
-to him, and that he had seen Alexander twice without communicating
-it. Upon this single fact, however, Kraterus, and the other enemies
-of Philotas, worked so effectually as to inflame the suspicions
-and the pre-existing ill-will of Alexander into fierce rancor. He
-resolved on the disgrace, torture, and death of Philotas,—and on the
-death of Parmenio besides.<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462"
-class="fnanchor">[462]</a></p>
-
-<p>To accomplish this, however, against the two highest officers
-in the Macedonian service, one of them enjoying a separate and
-distant command—required management. Alexander was obliged to
-carry the feelings of the soldiers along with him, and to obtain
-a condemnation from the army; according to an ancient Macedonian
-custom, in regard to capital crimes, though<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_194">[p. 194]</span> (as it seems) not uniformly practised.
-Alexander not only kept the resolution secret, but is even said to
-have invited Philotas to supper with the other officers, conversing
-with him just as usual.<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463"
-class="fnanchor">[463]</a> In the middle of the night, Philotas
-was arrested while asleep in his bed,—put in chains,—and clothed
-in an ignoble garb. A military assembly was convened at daybreak,
-before which Alexander appeared with the chief officers in his
-confidence. Addressing the soldiers in a vehement tone of mingled
-sorrow and anger, he proclaimed to them that his life had just
-been providentially rescued from a dangerous conspiracy organized
-by two men hitherto trusted as his best friends—Philotas and
-Parmenio—through the intended agency of a soldier named Dimnus,
-who had slain himself when arrested. The dead body of Dimnus was
-then exhibited to the meeting, while Nikomachus and Kebalinus
-were brought forward to tell their story. A letter from Parmenio
-to his sons Philotas and Nikanor, found among the papers seized
-on the arrest, was read to the meeting. Its terms were altogether
-vague and unmeaning; but Alexander chose to construe them as it
-suited his purpose.<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464"
-class="fnanchor">[464]</a></p>
-
-<p>We may easily conceive the impression produced upon these
-assembled soldiers by such denunciations from Alexander
-himself—revelations of his own personal danger, and reproaches
-against treacherous friends. Amyntas, and even Kœnus, the
-brother-in-law of Philotas, were yet more unmeasured in
-their invectives against the accused.<a id="FNanchor_465"
-href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> They, as well as
-the other officers with whom the arrest had been concerted, set the
-example of violent manifestation against him, and ardent sympathy
-with the king’s danger. Philotas was heard in his defence, which
-though strenuously denying the charge, is said to have been feeble.
-It was indeed sure to be so, coming from one seized thus suddenly,
-and overwhelmed with disadvantages; while a degree of courage,
-absolutely heroic, would have been required<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_195">[p. 195]</span> for any one else to rise and presume to
-criticise the proofs. A soldier named Bolon harangued his comrades on
-the insupportable insolence of Philotas, who always (he said) treated
-the soldiers with contempt, turning them out of their quarters to
-make room for his countless retinue of slaves. Though this allegation
-(probably enough well-founded) was no way connected with the charge
-of treason against the king, it harmonized fully with the temper of
-the assembly, and wound them up to the last pitch of fury. The royal
-pages began the cry, echoed by all around, that they would with
-their own hands tear the parricide in pieces.<a id="FNanchor_466"
-href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a></p>
-
-<p>It would have been fortunate for Philotas if their wrath had
-been sufficiently ungovernable to instigate the execution of
-such a sentence on the spot. But this did not suit the purpose
-of his enemies. Aware that he had been condemned upon the regal
-word, with nothing better than the faintest negative ground of
-suspicion, they determined to extort from him a confession such
-as would justify their own purposes, not only against him, but
-against his father Parmenio—whom there was as yet nothing to
-implicate. Accordingly, during the ensuing night, Philotas was
-put to the torture. Hephæstion, Kraterus, and Kœnus—the last of
-the three being brother-in-law of Philotas<a id="FNanchor_467"
-href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a>—themselves
-superintended the ministers of physical suffering. Alexander
-himself too was at hand, but concealed by a curtain. It is said
-that Philotas manifested little firmness under torture, and that
-Alexander, an unseen witness, indulged in sneers against the
-cowardice of one who had fought by his side in so many battles.<a
-id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a>
-All who stood by were enemies, and likely to describe the conduct
-of Philotas in such manner as to justify their own hatred. The
-tortures inflicted,<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469"
-class="fnanchor">[469]</a> cruel in the extreme and long<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[p. 196]</span>-continued, wrung from
-him at last a confession, implicating his father along with himself.
-He was put to death; and at the same time, all those whose names had
-been indicated by Nikomachus, were slain also—apparently by being
-stoned, without preliminary torture. Philotas had serving in the
-army a numerous kindred, all of whom were struck with consternation
-at the news of his being tortured. It was the Macedonian law that
-all kinsmen of a man guilty of treason were doomed to death along
-with him. Accordingly, some of these men slew themselves, others
-fled from the camp, seeking refuge wherever they could. Such was
-the terror and tumult in the camp, that Alexander was obliged to
-proclaim a suspension of this sanguinary law for the occasion.<a
-id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a></p>
-
-<p>It now remained to kill Parmenio, who could not be safely left
-alive after the atrocities used towards Philotas; and to kill him,
-moreover, before he could have time to hear of them, since he was
-not only the oldest, most respected, and most influential of all
-Macedonian officers, but also in separate command of the great
-depôt at Ekbatana. Alexander summoned to his presence one of the
-Companions named Polydamas; a particular friend, comrade, or <i>aide
-de camp</i>, of Parmenio. Every friend of Philotas felt at this moment
-that his life hung by a thread; so that Polydamas entered the
-king’s presence in extreme terror, the rather as he was ordered to
-bring with him his two younger brothers. Alexander addressed him,
-denouncing Parmenio as a traitor, and intimating that Polydamas would
-be required to carry a swift and confidential message to Ekbatana,
-ordering his execution. Polydamas was selected as the attached friend
-of Parmenio, and therefore as best calculated to deceive him. Two
-letters were placed in his hands, addressed to Parmenio; one from
-Alexander himself, conveying ostensibly military communications
-and orders; the other, signed with the seal-ring of the deceased
-Philotas, and purporting to be addressed by the son to the father.
-Together with these, Polydamas received the real and important
-despatch, addressed by Alexander to Kleander<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_197">[p. 197]</span> and Menidas, the officers immediately
-subordinate to Parmenio at Ekbatana; proclaiming Parmenio guilty of
-high treason, and directing them to kill him at once. Large rewards
-were offered to Polydamas if he performed this commission with
-success, while his two brothers were retained as hostages against
-scruples or compunction. He promised even more than was demanded—too
-happy to purchase this reprieve from what had seemed impending
-death. Furnished with native guides and with swift dromedaries,
-he struck by the straightest road across the desert of Khorasan,
-and arrived at Ekbatana on the eleventh day—a distance usually
-requiring more than thirty days to traverse.<a id="FNanchor_471"
-href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> Entering the camp by
-night, without the knowledge of Parmenio, he delivered his despatch
-to Kleander, with whom he concerted measures. On the morrow he was
-admitted to Parmenio, while walking in his garden with Kleander
-and the other officers marked out by Alexander’s order as his
-executioners. Polydamas ran to embrace his old friend, and was
-heartily welcomed by the unsuspecting veteran, to whom he presented
-the letters professedly coming from Alexander and Philotas. While
-Parmenio was absorbed in the perusal, he was suddenly assailed by a
-mortal stab from the hand and sword of Kleander. Other wounds were
-heaped upon him as he fell, by the remaining officers,—the last even
-after life had departed.<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472"
-class="fnanchor">[472]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[p. 198]</span>The soldiers
-in Ekbatana, on hearing of this bloody deed, burst into furious
-mutiny, surrounded the garden wall, and threatened to break in for
-the purpose of avenging their general, unless Polydamas and the other
-murderers should be delivered to them. But Kleander, admitting a few
-of the ringleaders, exhi<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[p.
-199]</span>bited to them Alexander’s written orders, to which the
-soldiers yielded, not without murmurs of reluctance and indignation.
-Most of them dispersed, yet a few remained, entreating permission
-to bury Parmenio’s body. Even this was long refused by Kleander,
-from dread of the king’s displeasure. At last, however, thinking
-it prudent to comply in part, he cut off the head, delivering to
-them the trunk alone for burial. The head was sent to Alexander.<a
-id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a></p>
-
-<p>Among the many tragical deeds recounted throughout the course of
-this history, there is none more revolting than the fate of these two
-generals. Alexander, violent in all his impulses, displayed on this
-occasion a personal rancor worthy of his ferocious mother Olympias,
-exasperated rather than softened by the magnitude of past services.<a
-id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a>
-When we see the greatest officers of the Macedonian army directing in
-person, and under the eye of Alexander, the laceration and burning
-of the naked body of their colleague Philotas, and assassinating
-with their own hands the veteran Parmenio,—we feel how much we have
-passed out of the region of Greek civic feeling into that of the more
-savage Illyrian warrior, partially orientalized. It is not surprising
-to read, that Antipater, viceroy of Macedonia, who had shared with
-Parmenio the favor and confidence of Philip as well as of Alexander,
-should tremble when informed of such proceedings, and cast about
-for a refuge against the like possibilities to himself. Many other
-officers were alike alarmed and disgusted with the transactions.<a
-id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a>
-Hence Alexander, opening and examining the<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_200">[p. 200]</span> letters sent home from his army to
-Macedonia, detected such strong expressions of indignation, that he
-thought it prudent to transfer many pronounced malcontents into a
-division by themselves, parting them off from the remaining army.<a
-id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a>
-Instead of appointing any substitute for Philotas in the command
-of the Companion-cavalry, he cast that body into two divisions,
-nominating Hephæstion to the command of one and Kleitus to
-that of the other.<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477"
-class="fnanchor">[477]</a></p>
-
-<p>The autumn and winter were spent by Alexander in reducing
-Drangiana, Gedrosia, Arachosia, and the Paropamisadæ; the modern
-Seiestan, Afghanistan, and the Western part of Kabul, lying between
-Ghazna on the north, Kandahar or Kelat on the south, and Furrah in
-the west. He experienced no combined resistance, but his troops
-suffered severely from cold and privation.<a id="FNanchor_478"
-href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> Near the southern
-termination of one of the passes of the Hindoo-Koosh (apparently
-north-east of the town of Kabul) he founded a new city, called
-Alexandria ad Caucasum, where he planted 7000 old soldiers,
-Macedonians, and others as colonists.<a id="FNanchor_479"
-href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a><span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_201">[p. 201]</span> Towards the close of Winter he crossed
-over the mighty range of the Hindoo-Koosh; a march of fifteen days
-through regions of snow, and fraught with hardship to his army. On
-reaching the north side of these mountains, he found himself in
-Baktria.</p>
-
-<p>The Baktrian leader Bessus, who had assumed the title of king,
-could muster no more than a small force, with which he laid waste
-the country, and then retired across the river Oxus into Sogdiana,
-destroying all the boats. Alexander overran Baktria with scarce
-any resistance; the chief places, Baktra (Balkh) and Aornos
-surrendering to him on the first demonstration of attack. Having
-named Artabazus satrap of Baktria, and placed Archelaus with a
-garrison in Aornos,<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480"
-class="fnanchor">[480]</a> he marched northward towards the river
-Oxus, the boundary between Baktria and Sogdiana. It was a march of
-extreme hardship; reaching for two or three days across a sandy
-desert destitute of water, and under very hot weather, The Oxus,
-six furlongs in breadth, deep, and rapid, was the most formidable
-river that the Macedonians had yet seen.<a id="FNanchor_481"
-href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> Alexander transported
-his army across it on the tent-skins inflated and stuffed with
-straw. It seems surprising that Bessus did not avail himself of
-this favorable opportunity for resisting a passage in itself so
-difficult; he had however been abandoned by his Baktrian cavalry at
-the moment when he quitted their territory. Some of his companions,
-Spita<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[p. 202]</span>menes and
-others, terrified at the news that Alexander had crossed the Oxus,
-were anxious to make their own peace by betraying their leader.<a
-id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a>
-They sent a proposition to this effect; upon which Ptolemy with a
-light division was sent forward by Alexander, and was enabled, by
-extreme celerity of movements, to surprise and seize Bessus in a
-village. Alexander ordered that he should be held in chains, naked
-and with a collar round his neck, at the side of the road along
-which the army were marching. On reaching the spot, Alexander
-stopped his chariot, and sternly demanded from Bessus, on what
-pretence he had first arrested, and afterwards slain, his king
-and benefactor Darius. Bessus replied, that he had not done this
-single-handed; others were concerned in it along with him, to
-procure for themselves lenient treatment from Alexander. The king
-said no more, but ordered Bessus to be scourged, and then sent back
-as prisoner to Baktra<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483"
-class="fnanchor">[483]</a>—where we shall again hear of him.</p>
-
-<p>In his onward march, Alexander approached a small town, inhabited
-by the Branchidæ; descendants of those Branchidæ near<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[p. 203]</span> Miletus on the coast
-of Ionia, who had administered the great temple and oracle of Apollo
-on Cape Poseidion, and who had yielded up the treasures of that
-temple to the Persian king Xerxes, 150 years before. This surrender
-had brought upon them so much odium, that when the dominion of
-Xerxes was overthrown on the coast, they retired with him into the
-interior of Asia. He assigned to them lands in the distant region of
-Sogdiana, where their descendants had ever since remained; bilingual
-and partially dis-hellenized, yet still attached to their traditions
-and origin. Delighted to find themselves once more in commerce with
-Greeks, they poured forth to meet and welcome the army, tendering
-all that they possessed. Alexander, when he heard who they were
-and what was their parentage, desired the Milesians in his army to
-determine how they should be treated. But as these Milesians were
-neither decided nor unanimous, Alexander announced that he would
-determine for himself. Having first occupied the city in person
-with a select detachment, he posted his army all round the walls,
-and then gave orders not only to plunder it, but to massacre the
-entire population—men, women, and children. They were slain without
-arms or attempt at resistance, resorting to nothing but prayers and
-suppliant manifestations. Alexander next commanded the walls to
-be levelled, and the sacred groves cut down, so that no habitable
-site might remain, nor any thing except solitude and sterility.<a
-id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a>
-Such was the revenge taken upon these unhappy vic<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[p. 204]</span>tims for the deeds of
-their ancestors in the fourth or fifth generation before. Alexander
-doubtless considered himself to be executing the wrath of Apollo
-against an accursed race who had robbed the temple of the god.<a
-id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> The
-Macedonian expedition had been proclaimed to be undertaken originally
-for the purpose of revenging upon the contemporary Persians the
-ancient wrongs done to Greece by Xerxes; so that Alexander would
-follow out the same sentiment in revenging upon the contemporary
-Branchidæ the acts of their ancestors—yet more guilty than Xerxes,
-in his belief. The massacre of this unfortunate population was in
-fact an example of human sacrifice on the largest scale, offered
-to the gods by the religious impulses of Alexander, and worthy to
-be compared to that of the Carthaginian general Hannibal, when he
-sacrificed 3000 Grecian prisoners on the field of Himera, where
-his grandfather Hamilkar had been slain seventy years before.<a
-id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a></p>
-
-<p>Alexander then continued his onward progress, first to
-Marakanda (Samarcand), the chief town of Sogdiana—next, to the
-river Jaxartes, which he and his companions, in their imperfect
-geographical notions, believed to be the Tanais, the boundary
-between Asia, and Europe.<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487"
-class="fnanchor">[487]</a> In his march, he left garrisons in<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[p. 205]</span> various towns,<a
-id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a>
-but experienced no resistance, though detached bodies of the natives
-hovered on his flanks. Some of these bodies, having cut off a few
-of his foragers, took refuge afterwards on a steep and rugged
-mountain, conceived to be unassailable. Thither however Alexander
-pursued them, at the head of his lightest and most active troops.
-Though at first repulsed, he succeeded in scaling and capturing
-the place. Of its defenders, thirty thousand in number, three
-fourths were either put to the sword, or perished in jumping down
-the precipices. Several of his soldiers were wounded with arrows,
-and he himself received a shot from one of them through his leg.<a
-id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> But
-here, as elsewhere, we perceive that nearly all the Orientals whom
-Alexander subdued were men little suited for close combat hand to
-hand,—fighting only with missiles.</p>
-
-<p>Here, on the river Jaxartes, Alexander projected the foundation
-of a new city to bear his name; intended partly as a protection
-against incursions from the Scythian Nomads on the other side of the
-river, partly as a facility for himself to cross over and subdue
-them, which he intended to do as soon as he could find opportunity.<a
-id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a>
-He was however called off for the time by the news of a wide-spread
-revolt among the newly-conquered inhabitants both of Sogdiana and
-Baktria. He suppressed the revolt with his habitual vigor and
-celerity, distributing his troops so as to capture five townships
-in two days, and Kyropolis or Kyra, the largest of the neighboring
-Sogdian towns (founded by the Persian Cyrus), immediately
-afterwards. He put all the defenders and inhabitants to the sword.
-Returning then to the Jaxartes, he completed in twenty days the
-fortifications of his new town of Alexandria (perhaps at or near
-Khodjend), with suitable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[p.
-206]</span> sacrifices and festivities to the gods. He planted in
-it some Macedonian veterans and Grecian mercenaries, together with
-volunteer settlers from the natives around.<a id="FNanchor_491"
-href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> An army of Scythian
-Nomads, showing themselves on the other side of the river, piqued his
-vanity to cross over and attack them. Carrying over a division of
-his army on inflated skins, he defeated them with little difficulty,
-pursuing them briskly into the desert. But the weather was intensely
-hot, and the army suffered much from thirst; while the little water
-to be found was so bad, that it brought upon Alexander a diarrhœa
-which endangered his life.<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492"
-class="fnanchor">[492]</a> This chase, of a few miles on the right
-bank of the Jaxartes (seemingly in the present Khanat of Kokand),
-marked the utmost limit of Alexander’s progress northward.</p>
-
-<p>Shortly afterwards, a Macedonian detachment, unskilfully
-conducted, was destroyed in Sogdiana by Spitamenes and the
-Scythians: a rare misfortune, which Alexander avenged by
-overrunning the region<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493"
-class="fnanchor">[493]</a> near the river Polytimêtus (the Kohik),
-and putting to the sword the inhabitants of all the towns which he
-took. He then recrossed the Oxus, to rest during the extreme season
-of winter at Zariaspa in Baktria, from whence his communications
-with the West and with Macedonia were more easy, and where he
-received various reinforcements of Greek troops.<a id="FNanchor_494"
-href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> Bessus, who had
-been here retained as a prisoner, was now brought forward amidst a
-public assembly; wherein Alexander, having first reproached him for
-his treason to Darius, caused his nose and ears to be cut off—and
-sent him in this condition to Ekbatana, to be finally slain by
-the Medes and Persians.<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495"
-class="fnanchor">[495]</a> Mutilation was a practice altogether
-Oriental and non-Hellenic:<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[p.
-207]</span> even Arrian, admiring and indulgent as he is towards
-his hero, censures this savage order, as one among many proofs how
-much Alexander had taken on Oriental dispositions. We may remark
-that his extreme wrath on this occasion was founded partly on
-disappointment that Bessus had frustrated his toilsome efforts for
-taking Darius alive—partly on the fact that the satrap had committed
-treason against the king’s person, which it was the policy as well
-as the feeling of Alexander to surround with a circle of Deity.<a
-id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a>
-For as to traitors against Persia, as a cause and country, Alexander
-had never discouraged, and had sometimes signally recompensed them.
-Mithrines, the governor of Sardis, who opened to him the gates
-of that almost impregnable fortress immediately after the battle
-of the Granikus—the traitor who perhaps, next to Darius himself,
-had done most harm to the Persian cause—obtained from him high
-favor and promotion.<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497"
-class="fnanchor">[497]</a></p>
-
-<p>The rude but spirited tribes of Baktria and Sogdiana were as
-yet but imperfectly subdued, seconded as their resistance was by
-wide spaces of sandy desert, by the neighborhood of the Scythian
-Nomads, and by the presence of Spitamenes as a leader. Alexander,
-distributing his army into five divisions, traversed the country and
-put down all resistance, while he also took measures for establishing
-several military posts, or new towns in convenient places.<a
-id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a>
-After some time the whole army was reunited at the chief place
-of Sogdiana—Marakanda—where some halt and repose was given.<a
-id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[p. 208]</span>During this
-halt at Marakanda (Samarcand) the memorable banquet occurred wherein
-Alexander murdered Kleitus. It has been already related that Kleitus
-had saved his life at the battle of the Granikus, by cutting off
-the sword arm of the Persian Spithridates when already uplifted to
-strike him from behind. Since the death of Philotas, the important
-function of general of the Companion-cavalry had been divided between
-Hephæstion and Kleitus. Moreover, the family of Kleitus had been
-attached to Philip, by ties so ancient, that his sister, Lanikê, had
-been selected as the nurse of Alexander himself when a child. Two of
-her sons had already perished in the Asiatic battles. If, therefore,
-there were any man who stood high in the service, or was privileged
-to speak his mind freely to Alexander, it was Kleitus.</p>
-
-<p>In this banquet at Marakanda, when wine, according to
-the Macedonian habit, had been abundantly drunk, and when
-Alexander, Kleitus, and most of the other guests were already
-nearly intoxicated, enthusiasts or flatterers heaped immoderate
-eulogies upon the king’s past achievements.<a id="FNanchor_500"
-href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> They exalted him
-above all the most venerated legendary heroes; they proclaimed that
-his superhuman deeds proved his divine paternity, and that he had
-earned an apotheosis like Herakles, which nothing but envy could
-withhold from him during his life. Alexander himself joined in these
-boasts, and even took credit for the later victories of the reign
-of his father, whose abilities and glory he depreciated. To the old
-Macedonian officers, such an insult cast on<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_209">[p. 209]</span> the memory of Philip was deeply
-offensive. But among them all, none had been more indignant than
-Kleitus, with the growing insolence of Alexander—his assumed
-filiation from Zeus Ammon, which put aside Philip as unworthy—his
-preference for Persian attendants, who granted or refused admittance
-to his person—his extending to Macedonian soldiers the contemptuous
-treatment habitually endured by Asiatics, and even allowing them to
-be scourged by Persian hands and Persian rods.<a id="FNanchor_501"
-href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> The pride of a
-Macedonian general in the stupendous successes of the last five
-years, was effaced by his mortification when he saw that they tended
-only to merge his countrymen amidst a crowd of servile Asiatics,
-and to inflame the prince with high-flown aspirations transmitted
-from Xerxes or Ochus. But whatever might be the internal thoughts of
-Macedonian officers, they held their peace before Alexander, whose
-formidable character and exorbitant self-estimation would tolerate no
-criticism.</p>
-
-<p>At the banquet of Marakanda, this long suppressed repugnance
-found an issue, accidental indeed and unpremeditated, but for that
-very reason all the more violent and unmeasured. The wine, which
-made Alexander more boastful and his flatterers fulsome to excess,
-overpowered altogether the reserve of Kleitus. He rebuked the impiety
-of those who degraded the ancient heroes in order to make a pedestal
-for Alexander. He protested against the injustice of disparaging the
-exalted and legitimate fame of Philip; whose achievements he loudly
-extolled, pronouncing them to be equal, and even superior to those of
-his son. For the exploits of Alexander, splendid as they were, had
-been accomplished, not by himself alone, but by that unconquerable
-Macedonian force which he had found ready made to his hands;<a
-id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a>
-whereas those of Philip had been his own—since he had found Macedonia
-prostrate and disorganized, and had had to create for himself
-both soldiers, and a military system. The<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_210">[p. 210]</span> great instruments of Alexander’s
-victories had been Philip’s old soldiers, whom he now despised—and
-among them Parmenio, whom he had put to death.</p>
-
-<p>Remarks such as these, poured forth in the coarse language of a
-half-intoxicated Macedonian veteran, provoked loud contradiction from
-many, and gave poignant offence to Alexander; who now for the first
-time heard the open outburst of disapprobation, before concealed
-and known to him only by surmise. But wrath and contradiction, both
-from him and from others, only made Kleitus more reckless in the
-outpouring of his own feelings, now discharged with delight after
-having been so long pent up. He passed from the old Macedonian
-soldiers to himself individually. Stretching forth his right hand
-towards Alexander, he exclaimed—“Recollect that you owe your life
-to me; this hand preserved you at the Granikus. Listen to the
-outspoken language of truth, or else abstain from asking freemen to
-supper, and confine yourself to the society of barbaric slaves.” All
-these reproaches stung Alexander to the quick. But nothing was so
-intolerable to him as the respectful sympathy for Parmenio, which
-brought to his memory one of the blackest deeds of his life—and the
-reminiscence of his preservation at the Granikus, which lowered
-him into the position of a debtor towards the very censor under
-whose reproof he was now smarting. At length wrath and intoxication
-together drove him into uncontrollable fury. He started from his
-couch, and felt for his dagger to spring at Kleitus; but the dagger
-had been put out of reach by one of his attendants. In a loud voice
-and with the Macedonian word of command, he summoned the body guards
-and ordered the trumpeter to sound an alarm. But no one obeyed so
-grave an order, given in his condition of drunkenness. His principal
-officers, Ptolemy, Perdikkas and others, clung round him, held his
-arms and body, and besought him to abstain from violence; others
-at the same time tried to silence Kleitus and hurry him out of the
-hall, which had now become a scene of tumult and consternation.
-But Kleitus was not in a humor to confess himself in the wrong by
-retiring; while Alexander, furious at the opposition now, for the
-first time, offered to his will, exclaimed, that his officers held
-him in chains as Bessus had held Darius, and left him nothing but the
-name of a king.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[p. 211]</span>
-Though anxious to restrain his movements, they doubtless did not dare
-to employ much physical force; so that his great personal strength,
-and continued efforts, presently set him free. He then snatched a
-pike from one of the soldiers, rushed upon Kleitus, and thrust him
-through on the spot, exclaiming, “Go now to Philip and Parmenio”.<a
-id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[p. 212]</span>No sooner was
-the deed perpetrated, than the feelings of Alexander underwent an
-entire revolution. The spectacle of Kleitus, a bleeding corpse on
-the floor,—the marks of stupefaction and horror evident in all the
-spectators, and the reaction from a furious impulse instantaneously
-satiated—plunged him at once into the opposite extreme of remorse
-and self-condemnation. Hastening out of the hall, and retiring
-to bed, he passed three days in an agony of distress, without
-food or drink. He burst into tears and multiplied exclamations
-on his own mad act; he dwelt upon the name of Kleitus and Lanikê
-with the debt of gratitude which he owed to each, and denounced
-himself as unworthy to live after having requited such services
-with a foul murder.<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504"
-class="fnanchor">[504]</a> His friends at length prevailed on him to
-take food, and return to activity. All joined in trying to restore
-his self-satisfaction. The Macedonian army passed a public vote
-that Kleitus had been justly slain, and that his body should remain
-unburied; which afforded opportunity to Alexander to reverse the
-vote, and to direct that it should be buried by his own order.<a
-id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a>
-The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[p. 213]</span> prophets
-comforted him by the assurance that his murderous impulse had arisen,
-not from his own natural mind, but from a maddening perversion
-intentionally brought on by the god Dionysus, to avenge the omission
-of a sacrifice due to him on the day of the banquet, but withheld.<a
-id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a>
-Lastly, the Greek sophist or philosopher, Anaxarchus of Abdera,
-revived Alexander’s spirits by well-timed flattery, treating his
-sensibility as nothing better than generous weakness; reminding
-him that in his exalted position of conqueror and Great King, he
-was entitled to prescribe what was right and just, instead of
-submitting himself to laws dictated from without.<a id="FNanchor_507"
-href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> Kallisthenes the
-philosopher was also summoned, along with Anaxarchus, to the king’s
-presence, for the same purpose of offering consolatory reflections.
-But he is said to have adopted a tone of discourse altogether
-different, and to have given offence rather than satisfaction to
-Alexander.</p>
-
-<p>To such remedial influences, and probably still more to the
-absolute necessity for action, Alexander’s remorse at length yielded.
-Like the other emotions of his fiery soul, it was violent and
-overpowering while it lasted. But it cannot be shown to have left
-any durable trace on his character, nor any effects justifying the
-unbounded admiration of Arrian; who has little but blame to bestow on
-the murdered Kleitus, while he expresses the strongest sympathy for
-the mental suffering of the murderer.</p>
-
-<p>After ten days,<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508"
-class="fnanchor">[508]</a> Alexander again put his army in motion,
-to complete the subjugation of Sogdiana. He found no enemy capable
-of meeting him in pitched battle; yet Spitamenes, with<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[p. 214]</span> the Sogdians and some
-Scythian allies, raised much hostility of detail, which it cost
-another year to put down. Alexander underwent the greatest fatigue
-and hardships in his marches through the mountainous parts of this
-wide, rugged, and poorly supplied country, with rocky positions,
-strong by nature, which his enemies sought to defend. One of these
-fastnesses, held by a native chief named Sisymithres, seemed
-almost unattackable, and was indeed taken rather by intimidation
-than by actual force.<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509"
-class="fnanchor">[509]</a> The Scythians, after a partial success
-over a small Macedonian detachment, were at length so thoroughly
-beaten and overawed, that they slew Spitamenes and sent his head
-to the conqueror as a propitiatory offering.<a id="FNanchor_510"
-href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a></p>
-
-<p>After a short rest at Naütaka during the extreme winter,
-Alexander resumed operations, by attacking a strong post called the
-Sogdian Rock, whither a large number of fugitives had assembled,
-with an ample supply of provision. It was a precipice supposed
-to be inexpugnable; and would seemingly have proved so, in spite
-of the energy and abilities of Alexander, had not the occupants
-altogether neglected their guard, and yielded at the mere sight
-of a handful of Macedonians who had scrambled up the precipice.
-Among the captives, taken by Alexander on this rock, were the wife
-and family of the Baktrian chief Oxyartes; one of whose daughters,
-named Roxana, so captivated Alexander by her beauty that he resolved
-to make her his wife.<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511"
-class="fnanchor">[511]</a> He then passed out of Sogdiana into
-the neighboring territory Parætakênê, where there was another
-inexpugnable site called the Rock of Choriênes, which he was also
-fortunate enough to reduce.<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512"
-class="fnanchor">[512]</a></p>
-
-<p>From hence Alexander went to Baktra. Sending Kraterus with a
-division to put the last hand to the reduction of Parætakênê, he
-himself remained at Baktra, preparing for his expedition across
-the Hindoo-Koosh to the conquest of India. As a security for the
-tranquillity of Baktria and Sogdiana during his<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_215">[p. 215]</span> absence, he levied 30,000 young
-soldiers from those countries to accompany him.<a id="FNanchor_513"
-href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a></p>
-
-<p>It was at Baktra that Alexander celebrated his marriage with
-the captive Roxana. Amidst the repose and festivities connected
-with that event, the Oriental temper which he was now acquiring
-displayed itself more forcibly than ever. He could no longer be
-satisfied without obtaining prostration, or worship, from Greeks
-and Macedonians as well as from Persians; a public and unanimous
-recognition of his divine origin and superhuman dignity. Some Greeks
-and Macedonians had already rendered to him this homage. Nevertheless
-to the greater number, in spite of their extreme deference and
-admiration for him, it was repugnant and degrading. Even the
-imperious Alexander shrank from issuing public and formal orders on
-such a subject; but a manœuvre was concerted, with his privity, by
-the Persians and certain compliant Greek sophists or philosophers,
-for the purpose of carrying the point by surprise.</p>
-
-<p>During a banquet at Baktra, the philosopher Anaxarchus, addressing
-the assembly in a prepared harangue, extolled Alexander’s exploits
-as greatly surpassing those of Dionysus and Herakles. He proclaimed
-that Alexander had already done more than enough to establish a
-title to divine honors from the Macedonians; who, (he said) would
-assuredly worship Alexander after his death, and ought in justice
-to worship him during his life, forthwith.<a id="FNanchor_514"
-href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a></p>
-
-<p>This harangue was applauded, and similar sentiments were enforced,
-by others favorable to the plan; who proceeded to set the example
-of immediate compliance, and were themselves the first to tender
-worship. Most of the Macedonian officers sat unmoved, disgusted at
-the speech. But though disgusted they said nothing. To reply to a
-speech doubtless well-turned and flowing, required some powers of
-oratory; moreover, it was well known that whoever dared to reply
-stood marked out for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[p.
-216]</span> antipathy of Alexander. The fate of Kleitus, who had
-arraigned the same sentiments in the banqueting hall of Marakanda,
-was fresh in the recollection of every one. The repugnance which
-many felt, but none ventured to express, at length found an organ in
-Kallisthenes of Olynthus.</p>
-
-<p>This philosopher, whose melancholy fate imparts a peculiar
-interest to his name, was nephew of Aristotle, and had enjoyed
-through his uncle an early acquaintance with Alexander during
-the boyhood of the latter. At the recommendation of Aristotle,
-Kallisthenes had accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic expedition.
-He was a man of much literary and rhetorical talent, which he
-turned towards the composition of history—and to the history
-of recent times.<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515"
-class="fnanchor">[515]</a> Alexander, full of ardor for conquest, was
-at the same time anxious that his achievements should be commemorated
-by poets and men of letters;<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516"
-class="fnanchor">[516]</a> there were seasons also when he enjoyed
-their conversation. On both these grounds, he invited several of them
-to accompany the army. The more prudent among them declined, but
-Kallisthenes obeyed, partly in hopes of procuring the reconstitution
-of his native city Olynthus, as Aristotle had obtained the like
-favor for Stageira.<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517"
-class="fnanchor">[517]</a> Kallisthenes had composed a narrative
-(not preserved) of Alexander’s exploits, which certainly reached to
-the battle of Arbela, and may perhaps have gone down farther. The
-few fragments of this narrative remaining seem to betoken extreme
-admiration, not merely of the bravery and ability, but also of the
-transcendent and unbroken good fortune, of Alexander—marking him
-out as the chosen favorite of the gods. This feeling was perfectly
-natural under the grandeur of the events.<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_217">[p. 217]</span> Insofar as we can judge from one or two
-specimens, Kallisthenes was full of complimentary tribute to the hero
-of his history. But the character of Alexander himself had undergone
-a material change during the six years between his first landing in
-Asia and his campaign in Sogdiana. All his worst qualities had been
-developed by unparalleled success and by Asiatic example. He required
-larger doses of flattery, and had now come to thirst, not merely for
-the reputation of divine paternity, but for the actual manifestations
-of worship as towards a god.</p>
-
-<p>To the literary Greeks who accompanied Alexander, this change in
-his temper must have been especially palpable and full of serious
-consequence; since it was chiefly manifested, not at periods of
-active military duty, but at his hours of leisure, when he recreated
-himself by their conversation and discourses. Several of these
-Greeks—Anaxarchus, Kleon, the poet Agis of Argos—accommodated
-themselves to the change, and wound up their flatteries to the pitch
-required. Kallisthenes could not do so. He was a man of sedate
-character, of simple, severe, and almost unsocial habits—to whose
-sobriety the long Macedonian potations were distasteful. Aristotle
-said of him, that he was a great and powerful speaker, but that
-he had no judgment; according to other reports, he was a vain and
-arrogant man, who boasted that Alexander’s reputation and immortality
-were dependent on the composition and tone of <i>his</i> history.<a
-id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a>
-Of per<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[p. 218]</span>sonal
-vanity,—a common quality among literary Greeks,—Kallisthenes probably
-had his full share. But there is no ground for believing that <i>his</i>
-character had altered. Whatever his vanity may have been, it had
-given no offence to Alexander during the earlier years, nor would it
-have given offence now, had not Alexander himself become a different
-man.</p>
-
-<p>On occasion of the demonstration led up by Anaxarchus at the
-banquet, Kallisthenes had been invited by Hephæstion to join
-in the worship intended to be proposed towards Alexander; and
-Hephæstion afterwards alleged, that he had promised to comply.<a
-id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a>
-But his actual conduct affords reasonable ground for believing that
-he made no such promise; for he not only thought it his duty to
-refuse the act of worship, but also to state publicly his reasons
-for disapproving it; the more so, as he perceived that most of
-the Macedonians present felt like himself. He contended that
-the distinction between gods and men was one which could not be
-confounded without impiety and wrong. Alexander had amply earned,—as
-a man, a general, and a king,—the highest honors compatible with
-humanity; but to exalt him into a god would be both an injury to
-him, and an offence to the gods. Anaxarchus (he said) was the last
-person from whom such a proposition ought to come, because he was
-one of those whose only title to Alexander’s society was founded
-upon his capacity to give instructive and wholesome counsel.<a
-id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></p>
-
-<p>Kallisthenes here spoke out, what numbers of his hearers felt.
-The speech was not only approved, but so warmly applauded by the
-Macedonians present, especially the older officers,—that Alexander
-thought it prudent to forbid all farther discussion upon this
-delicate subject. Presently the Persians present, according to
-Asiatic custom, approached him and performed their prostration;
-after which Alexander pledged, in successive<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_219">[p. 219]</span> goblets of wine, those Greeks and
-Macedonians with whom he had held previous concert. To each of
-them the goblet was handed, and each, after drinking to answer the
-pledge, approached the king, made his prostration, and then received
-a salute. Lastly, Alexander sent the pledge to Kallisthenes, who,
-after drinking like the rest, approached him, for the purpose of
-receiving the salute, but without any prostration. Of this omission
-Alexander was expressly informed by one of the Companions; upon
-which he declined to admit Kallisthenes to a salute. The latter
-retired, observing, “Then I shall go away, worse off than others as
-far as the salute goes.”<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521"
-class="fnanchor">[521]</a></p>
-
-<p>Kallisthenes was imprudent, and even blamable, in making this last
-observation, which without any necessity or advantage, aggravated
-the offence already given to Alexander. He was more imprudent
-still, if we look simply to his own personal safety in standing
-forward publicly to protest against the suggestion for rendering
-divine honors to that prince, and in thus creating the main offence
-which even in itself was inexpiable. But here the occasion was one
-serious and important, so as to convert the imprudence into an act
-of genuine moral courage. The question was, not about obeying an
-order given by Alexander, for no order had been given—but about
-accepting or rejecting a motion made by Anaxarchus; which Alexander,
-by a shabby, preconcerted manœuvre, affected to leave to the free
-decision of the assembly, in full confidence that no one would be
-found intrepid enough to oppose it. If one Greek sophist made a
-proposition, in itself servile and disgraceful, another sophist could
-do himself nothing but honor by entering public protest against
-it; more especially since this was done (as we may see by the
-report in Arrian) in terms no way insulting, but full of respectful
-admiration, towards Alexander personally. The perfect success of
-the speech is in itself a proof of the propriety of its tone;<a
-id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> for
-the Macedonian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[p. 220]</span>
-officers would feel indifference, if not contempt towards a rhetor
-like Kallisthenes, while towards Alexander they had the greatest
-deference short of actual worship. There are few occasions on which
-the free spirit of Greek letters and Greek citizenship, in their
-protest against exorbitant individual insolence, appears more
-conspicuous and estimable than in the speech of Kallisthenes.<a
-id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a>
-Arrian disapproves the purpose of Alexander, and strongly blames
-the motion of Anaxarchus; nevertheless, such is his anxiety to find
-some excuse for Alexander, that he also blames Kallisthenes for
-unseasonable frankness, folly, and insolence, in offering opposition.
-He might have said with some truth, that Kallisthenes would have done
-well to withdraw earlier (if indeed he could have withdrawn without
-offence) from the camp of Alexander, in which no lettered Greek could
-now associate without abnegating his freedom of speech and sentiment,
-and emulating the servility of Anaxarchus. But being present, as
-Kallisthenes was, in the hall at Baktra when the proposition of
-Anaxarchus was made, and when silence would have been assent—his
-protest against it was both seasonable and dignified; and all the
-more dignified for being fraught with danger to himself.</p>
-
-<p>Kallisthenes knew that danger well, and was quickly enabled to
-recognize it in the altered demeanor of Alexander towards him. He
-was, from that day, a marked man in two senses: first, to Alexander
-himself, as well as to the rival sophists and all promoters of
-the intended deification,—for hatred, and for getting up some
-accusatory pretence such as might serve to ruin<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_221">[p. 221]</span> him; next, to the more free-spirited
-Macedonians, indignant witnesses of Alexander’s increased insolence,
-and admirers of the courageous Greek who had protested against the
-motion of Anaxarchus. By such men he was doubtless much extolled;
-which praises aggravated his danger, as they were sure to be reported
-to Alexander. The pretext for his ruin was not long wanting.</p>
-
-<p>Among those who admired and sought the conversation of
-Kallisthenes, was Hermolaus, one of the royal pages—the band,
-selected from noble Macedonian families, who did duty about the
-person of the king. It had happened that this young man, one
-of Alexander’s companions in the chase, on seeing a wild boar
-rushing up to attack the king, darted his javelin, and slew the
-animal. Alexander, angry to be anticipated in killing the boar,
-ordered Hermolaus to be scourged before all the other pages, and
-deprived him of his horse.<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524"
-class="fnanchor">[524]</a> Thus humiliated and outraged—for an
-act not merely innocent, but the omission of which, if Alexander
-had sustained any injury from the boar, might have been held
-punishable—Hermolaus became resolutely bent on revenge.<a
-id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a>
-He enlisted in the project his intimate friend Sostratus, with
-several others among the pages, and it was agreed among them to kill
-Alexander in his chamber, on the first night when they were all on
-guard together. The appointed night arrived, without any divulgation
-of their secret; yet the scheme was frustrated by the accident,
-that Alexander continued till daybreak drinking with his officers,
-and never retired to bed. On the morrow, one of the conspirators,
-becoming alarmed or repentant, divulged the scheme to his friend
-Charikles, with the names of those concerned. Eurylochus, brother to
-Charikles, apprised by him of what he had heard, immediately informed
-Ptolemy, through whom it was conveyed to Alexander. By Alexander’s
-order, the persons indicated were arrested and put to the torture;<a
-id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a>
-under which they confessed that they had themselves conspired to
-kill him, but named no other accomplices, and even denied that
-any one else was privy to the scheme. In<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_222">[p. 222]</span> this denial they persisted, though
-extreme suffering was applied to extort the revelation of new
-names. They were then brought up and arraigned as conspirators
-before the assembled Macedonian soldiers. There their confession
-was repeated. It is even said that Hermolaus, in repeating it,
-boasted of the enterprise as legitimate and glorious; denouncing
-the tyranny and cruelty of Alexander us having become insupportable
-to a freeman. Whether such boast was actually made or not, the
-persons brought up were pronounced guilty, and stoned to death
-forthwith by the soldiers.<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527"
-class="fnanchor">[527]</a></p>
-
-<p>The pages thus executed were young men of good Macedonian
-families, for whose condemnation accordingly, Alexander had thought
-it necessary to invoke—what he was sure of obtaining against any
-one—the sentence of the soldiers. To satisfy his hatred against
-Kallisthenes—not a Macedonian, but only a Greek citizen, one of
-the surviving remnants of the subverted city of Olynthus—no such
-formality was required.<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528"
-class="fnanchor">[528]</a> As yet, there was not a shadow of
-proof to implicate this philosopher; for obnoxious as his name
-was known to be, Hermolaus and his companions had, with exemplary
-fortitude, declined to purchase the chance of respite from extreme
-torture by pronouncing it. Their confessions,—all extorted by
-suffering, unless confirmed by other evidence, of which we do
-not know whether any was taken—were hardly of the least value,
-even against themselves; but against Kallisthenes, they had no
-bearing whatever; nay, they tended indirectly, not to convict, but
-to absolve him. In his case, therefore, as in that of Philotas
-before, it was necessary to pick up matter of suspicious tendency
-from his reported remarks and conversations. He was alleged<a
-id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a>
-to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[p. 223]</span> have addressed
-dangerous and inflammatory language to the pages, holding up
-Alexander to odium, instigating them to conspiracy, and pointing out
-Athens as a place of refuge; he was moreover well known to have been
-often in conversation with Hermolaus. For a man of the violent temper
-and omnipotent authority of Alexander, such indications were quite
-sufficient as grounds of action against one whom he hated.</p>
-
-<p>On this occasion, we have the state of Alexander’s mind disclosed
-by himself, in one of the references to his letters given by
-Plutarch. Writing to Kraterus and to others immediately afterwards,
-Alexander distinctly stated that the pages throughout all their
-torture had deposed against no one but themselves. Nevertheless,
-in another letter, addressed to Antipater in Macedonia, he
-used these expressions—“The pages were stoned to death by the
-Macedonians; but I myself shall punish the sophist, as well as
-those who sent him out here, and those who harbor in their cities
-conspirators against me.”<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530"
-class="fnanchor">[530]</a> The sophist Kallisthenes had been sent
-out by Aristotle, who is here designated; and probably the Athenians
-after him. Fortunately for Aristotle, he was not at Baktra, but at
-Athens. That he could have had any concern in the conspiracy of the
-pages, was impossible. In this savage outburst of menace against his
-absent preceptor, Alexan<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[p.
-224]</span>der discloses the real state of feeling which prompted him
-to the destruction of Kallisthenes; hatred towards that spirit of
-citizenship and free speech, which Kallisthenes not only cherished,
-in common with Aristotle and most other literary Greeks, but had
-courageously manifested in his protest against the motion for
-worshipping a mortal.</p>
-
-<p>Kallisthenes was first put to the torture and then hanged.<a
-id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a>
-His tragical fate excited a profound sentiment of sympathy and
-indignation among the philosophers of antiquity.<a id="FNanchor_532"
-href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a></p>
-
-<p>The halts of Alexander were formidable to friends and companions;
-his marches, to the unconquered natives whom he chose to treat as
-enemies. On the return of Kraterus from Sogdiana, Alexander began
-his march from Baktra (Balkh) southward to the mountain range
-Paropamisus or Caucasus (Hindoo-Koosh); leaving however at Baktra
-Amyntas, with a large force of 10,000 foot and 3500 horse, to keep
-these intractable territories in subjugation.<a id="FNanchor_533"
-href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> His march over the
-mountains occupied ten days; he then visited his newly-founded city
-Alexandria in the Paropamisadæ. At or near the river Kophen (Kabool
-river), he was joined by Taxiles, a powerful Indian prince, who
-brought as a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[p. 225]</span>
-present twenty-five elephants, and whose alliance was very valuable
-to him. He then divided his army, sending one division under
-Hephæstion and Perdikkas, towards the territory called Peukelaôtis
-(apparently that immediately north of the confluence of the Kabool
-river with the Indus); and conducting the remainder himself in
-an easterly direction, over the mountainous regions between the
-Hindoo-Koosh and the right bank of the Indus. Hephæstion was ordered,
-after subduing all enemies in his way, to prepare a bridge ready
-for passing the Indus by the time when Alexander should arrive.
-Astes, prince of Peukelaôtis, was taken and slain in the city where
-he had shut himself up; but the reduction of it cost Hephæstion
-a siege of thirty days.<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534"
-class="fnanchor">[534]</a></p>
-
-<p>Alexander, with his own half of the army, undertook the
-reduction of the Aspasii, the Guræi, and the Assakeni, tribes
-occupying mountainous and difficult localities along the southern
-slopes of the Hindoo-Koosh; but neither they nor their various
-towns mentioned—Arigæon, Massaga, Bazira, Ora, Dyrta, etc.,
-except perhaps the remarkable rock of Aornos,<a id="FNanchor_535"
-href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> near the Indus<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[p. 226]</span>—can be more exactly
-identified. These tribes were generally brave, and seconded by towns
-of strong position as well as by a rugged country, in many parts
-utterly without roads.<a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536"
-class="fnanchor">[536]</a> But their defence was conducted with
-little union, no military skill, and miserable weapons; so that they
-were no way qualified to op<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[p.
-227]</span>pose the excellent combination and rapid movements of
-Alexander, together with the confident attack and very superior
-arms, offensive, as well as defensive, of his soldiers. All those
-who attempted resistance were successively attacked, overpowered and
-slain. Even those who did not resist, but fled to the mountains, were
-pursued, and either slaughtered or sold for slaves. The only way of
-escaping the sword was to remain, submit, and await the fiat of the
-invader. Such a series of uninterrupted successes, all achieved with
-little loss, it is rare in military history to read. The capture of
-the rock of Aornos was peculiarly gratifying to Alexander, because
-it enjoyed the legendary reputation of having been assailed in vain
-by Herakles—and indeed he himself had deemed it, at first sight,
-unassailable. After having thus subdued the upper regions (above
-Attock or the confluence of the Kabul river) on the right bank of
-the Indus, he availed himself of some forests alongside to fell
-timber and build boats. These boats were sent down the stream, to the
-point where Hephæstion and Perdikkas were preparing the bridge.<a
-id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a></p>
-
-<p>Such fatiguing operations of Alexander, accomplished amidst all
-the hardships of winter, were followed by a halt of thirty days, to
-refresh the soldiers before he crossed the Indus, in the early spring
-of 326 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small><a id="FNanchor_538"
-href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> It is presumed,
-probably enough, that he crossed at or near Attock, the passage now
-frequented. He first marched to Taxila, where the prince Taxilus at
-once submitted, and reinforced the army with a strong contingent of
-Indian soldiers. His alliance and information was found extremely
-valuable. The whole neighboring territory submitted, and was placed
-under Philippus as satrap, with a garrison and depôt at Taxila.
-He experienced no resistance until he reached the river Hydaspes
-(Jelum), on the other side of which the Indian prince Porus stood
-prepared to dispute the passage; a brave man, with a formidable
-force, better armed than Indians generally were, and with many
-trained elephants; which animals the Macedonians had never yet
-encountered in battle. By<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[p.
-228]</span> a series of admirable military combinations, Alexander
-eluded the vigilance of Porus, stole the passage of the river at a
-point a few miles above, and completely defeated the Indian army. In
-spite of their elephants, which were skilfully managed, the Indians
-could not long withstand the shock of close combat, against such
-cavalry and infantry as the Macedonian. Porus, a prince of gigantic
-stature, mounted on an elephant, fought with the utmost gallantry,
-rallying his broken troops and keeping them together until the last.
-Having seen two of his sons slain, himself wounded and perishing
-with thirst, he was only preserved by the special directions of
-Alexander. When Porus was brought before him, Alexander was struck
-with admiration at his stature, beauty, and undaunted bearing.<a
-id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a>
-Addressing him first, he asked, what Porus wished to be done for
-him. “That you should treat me as a king,” was the reply of Porus.
-Alexander, delighted with these words, behaved towards Porus with the
-utmost courtesy and generosity; not only ensuring to him his actual
-kingdom, but enlarging it by new additions. He found in Porus a
-faithful and efficient ally. This was the greatest day of Alexander’s
-life; if we take together the splendor and difficulty of the military
-achievement, and the generous treatment of his conquered opponent.<a
-id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[p. 229]</span>Alexander
-celebrated his victory by sacrifices to the gods, and festivities
-on the banks of the Hydaspes; where he also gave directions for
-the foundation of two cities—Nikæa, on the eastern bank; and
-Bukephalia, on the western, so named in commemoration of his favorite
-horse, who died here of age and fatigue.<a id="FNanchor_541"
-href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> Leaving Kraterus
-to lay out and erect these new estab<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_230">[p. 230]</span>lishments, as well as to keep up
-communication, he conducted his army onward in an easterly
-direction towards the river Akesines (Chenab).<a id="FNanchor_542"
-href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> His recent victory
-had spread terror around; the Glaukæ, a powerful Indian tribe, with
-thirty-seven towns and many populous villages, submitted, and were
-placed under the dominion of Porus; while embassies of submission
-were also received from two considerable princes—Abisares, and a
-second Porus, hitherto at enmity with his namesake. The passage of
-the great river Akesines, now full and impetuous in its current,
-was accomplished by boats and by inflated hides, yet not without
-difficulty and danger. From thence he proceeded onward in the
-same direction, across the Punjab—finding no enemies, but leaving
-detachments at suitable posts to keep up his communications and
-ensure his supplies—to the river Hydraotes or Ravee; which, though
-not less broad and full than the Akesines, was comparatively
-tranquil, so as to be crossed with facility.<a id="FNanchor_543"
-href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> Here some free
-Indian tribes, Kathæans and others, had the courage to resist. They
-first attempted to maintain themselves in Sangala by surrounding
-their town with a triple entrenchment of waggons. These being
-attacked and carried, they were driven within the walls, which they
-now began to despair of defending, and resolved to evacuate by
-night. But the project was divulged to Alexander by deserters, and
-frustrated by his vigilance. On the next day, he took the town by
-storm, putting to the sword 17,000 Indians, and taking (according to
-Arrian) 70,000 captives. His own loss before the town was less than
-100 killed, and 1200 wounded. Two neighboring towns, in alliance
-with Sangala, were evacuated by their terrified inhabitants.
-Alexander pursued, but could not overtake them, except 500 sick or
-weakly persons, whom his soldiers put to death. Demolishing<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[p. 231]</span> the town of Sangala, he
-added the territory to the dominion of Porus, then present, with a
-contingent of 5000 Indians.<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544"
-class="fnanchor">[544]</a></p>
-
-<p>Sangala was the easternmost of all Alexander’s conquests.
-Presently his march brought him to the river Hyphasis (Sutledge),
-the last of the rivers in the Punjab—seemingly at a point below
-its confluence with the Beas. Beyond this river, broad and rapid,
-Alexander was informed that there lay a desert of eleven days’ march,
-extending to a still greater river called the Ganges; beyond which
-dwelt the Gandaridæ, the most powerful, warlike, and populous, of
-all the Indian tribes, distinguished for the number and training
-of their elephants.<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545"
-class="fnanchor">[545]</a> The prospect of a difficult march, and
-of an enemy esteemed invincible, only instigated his ardor. He gave
-orders for the crossing. But here for the first time his army,
-officers as well as soldiers, manifested symptoms of uncontrollable
-weariness; murmuring aloud at these endless toils, and marches they
-knew not whither. They had already over-passed the limits where
-Dionysus and Herakles were said to have stopped: they were travelling
-into regions hitherto unvisited either by Greeks or by Persians,
-merely for the purpose of provoking and conquering new enemies. Of
-victories they were sated; of their plunder, abundant as it was,
-they had no enjoyment;<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546"
-class="fnanchor">[546]</a> the hardships of a perpetual onward march,
-often excessively accelerated, had exhausted both men and horses;
-moreover, their advance from the Hydaspes had been accomplished in
-the wet season, under rains more violent and continued than they had
-ever before experienced.<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547"
-class="fnanchor">[547]</a> Informed of the reigning discontent,
-Alexander assembled his officers and harangued them, endeavoring
-to revive in them that forward spirit and promptitude which he had
-hitherto found not inade<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[p.
-232]</span>quate to his own.<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548"
-class="fnanchor">[548]</a> But he entirely failed. No one indeed
-dared openly to contradict him. Kœnus alone hazarded some words
-of timid dissuasion; the rest manifested a passive and sullen
-repugnance, even when he proclaimed that those who desired might
-return, with the shame of having deserted their king, while he would
-march forward with the volunteers only. After a suspense of two days,
-passed in solitary and silent mortification—he still apparently
-persisted in his determination, and offered the sacrifice usual
-previous to the passage of a river. The victims were inauspicious;
-he bowed to the will of the gods; and gave orders for return, to the
-unanimous and unbounded delight of his army.<a id="FNanchor_549"
-href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a></p>
-
-<p>To mark the last extremity of his eastward progress, he erected
-twelve altars of extraordinary height and dimension on the western
-bank of the Hyphasis, offering sacrifices of thanks to the gods, with
-the usual festivities, and matches of agility and force. Then, having
-committed all the territory west of the Hyphasis to the government
-of Porus, he marched back, repassed the Hydraotes and Akesines, and
-returned to the Hydaspes near the point where<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_233">[p. 233]</span> he had first crossed it. The two new
-cities—Bukephalia and Nikæa—which he had left orders for commencing
-on that river, had suffered much from the rains and inundations
-during his forward march to the Hyphasis, and now required
-the aid of the army to repair the damage.<a id="FNanchor_550"
-href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> The heavy rains
-continued throughout most of his return march to the Hydaspes.<a
-id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a></p>
-
-<p>On coming back to this river, Alexander received a large
-reinforcement both of cavalry and infantry, sent to him from
-Europe, together with 25,000 new panoplies, and a considerable
-stock of medicines.<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552"
-class="fnanchor">[552]</a> Had these reinforcements reached him on
-the Hyphasis, it seems not impossible that he might have prevailed
-on his army to accompany him in his farther advance to the Ganges
-and the regions beyond. He now employed himself, assisted by Porus
-and Taxilus, in collecting and constructing a fleet for sailing
-down the Hydaspes and thence down to the mouth of the Indus. By the
-early part of November, a fleet of nearly 2000 boats or vessels
-of various sizes having been prepared, he began his voyage.<a
-id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a>
-Kraterus marched with one division of the army, along the right bank
-of the Hydaspes—Hephæstion on the left bank with the remainder,
-including 200 elephants; Nearchus had the command of the fleet in
-the river, on board of which was Alexander himself. He pursued his
-voyage slowly down the river, to the confluence of the Hydaspes
-with the Akesines—with the Hydraotes—and with the Hyphasis—all
-pouring, in one united stream, into the Indus. He sailed down the
-Indus to its junction with the Indian Ocean. Altogether this voyage
-occupied nine months,<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554"
-class="fnanchor">[554]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[p.
-234]</span> from November 326 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>
-to August 325 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> But it was a
-voyage full of active military operations on both sides of the
-river. Alexander perpetually disembarked to attack, subdue, and
-slaughter all such nations near the banks as did not voluntarily
-submit. Among them were the Malli and Oxydrakæ, free and brave
-tribes, who resolved to defend their liberty, but, unfortunately
-for themselves, were habitually at variance, and could not now
-accomplish any hearty co-operation against the common invader.<a
-id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a>
-Alexander first assailed the Malli with his usual celerity and
-vigor, beat them with slaughter in the field, and took several
-of their towns.<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556"
-class="fnanchor">[556]</a> There remained only their last and
-strongest town, from which the defenders were already driven
-out and forced to retire to the citadel.<a id="FNanchor_557"
-href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> Thither they were
-pursued by the Macedonians, Alexander being among the foremost, with
-only a few guards near him. Impatient because the troops with their
-scaling-ladders did not come up more rapidly, he mounted upon a
-ladder that happened to be at hand, attended only by Peukestes and
-one or two others, with an adventurous courage even transcending
-what he was wont to display. Having cleared the wall by killing
-several of its defenders, he jumped down into the interior of the
-citadel, and made head for some time, nearly alone, against all
-within. He received however a bad wound from an arrow in the breast,
-and was on the point of fainting, when his soldiers burst in,
-rescued him, and took the place. Every person within, man, woman,
-and child, was slain.<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558"
-class="fnanchor">[558]</a></p>
-
-<p>The wound of Alexander was so severe, that he was at first
-reported to be dead to the great consternation and distress
-of the army. However, he became soon sufficiently recovered
-to show<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[p. 235]</span>
-himself, and to receive their ardent congratulations, in the camp
-established at the point of junction between the Hydraotes (Ravee)
-and Akesines (Chenab).<a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559"
-class="fnanchor">[559]</a> His voyage down the river, though
-delayed by the care of his wound, was soon resumed and prosecuted,
-with the same active operations by his land-force on both sides
-to subjugate all the Indian tribes and cities within accessible
-distance. At the junction of the river Akesines (Punjnud) with
-the Indus, Alexander directed the foundation of a new city, with
-adequate docks and conveniences for ship-building, whereby he
-expected to command the internal navigation.<a id="FNanchor_560"
-href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> Having no farther
-occasion now for so large a land-force, he sent a large portion of
-it, under Kraterus, westward (seemingly through the pass now called
-Bolan) into Karmania.<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561"
-class="fnanchor">[561]</a> He established another military and naval
-post at Pattala, where the Delta of the Indus divided; and he then
-sailed, with a portion of his fleet, down the right arm of the river
-to have the first sight of the Indian Ocean. The view of ebbing
-and flowing tide, of which none had had experience on the scale
-there exhibited, occasioned to all much astonishment and alarm.<a
-id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a></p>
-
-<p>The fleet was now left to be conducted by the admiral Nearchus,
-from the mouth of the Indus round by the Persian Gulf to that of
-the Tigris: a memorable nautical enterprise in Grecian antiquity.
-Alexander himself (about the month of August) began his march by
-land westward through the territories of the<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_236">[p. 236]</span> Arabitæ and the Oritæ, and afterwards
-through the deserts of Gedrosia. Pura, the principal town of the
-Gedrosians, was sixty days’ march from the boundary of the Oritæ.<a
-id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a></p>
-
-<p>Here his army, though without any formidable opposing enemy,
-underwent the most severe and deplorable sufferings; their march
-being through a sandy and trackless desert, with short supplies
-of food and still shorter supplies of water, under a burning sun.
-The loss in men, horses, and baggage-cattle from thirst, fatigue,
-and disease was prodigious; and it required all the unconquerable
-energy of Alexander to bring through even the diminished number.<a
-id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a>
-At Pura the army obtained repose and refreshment, and was enabled
-to march forward into Karmania, where Kraterus joined them with
-his division from the Indus, and Kleander with the division which
-had been left at Ekbatana. Kleander, accused of heinous crimes in
-his late command, was put to death or imprisoned: several of his
-comrades were executed. To recompense the soldiers for their recent
-distress in Gedrosia, the king conducted them for seven days in
-drunken bacchanalian procession through Karmania, himself and all
-his friends taking part in the revelry; an imitation of the jovial
-festivity and triumph with which the god Dionysus had marched back
-from the conquest of India.<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565"
-class="fnanchor">[565]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[p. 237]</span>During
-the halt in Karmania Alexander had the satisfaction of seeing
-his admiral Nearchus,<a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566"
-class="fnanchor">[566]</a> who had brought the fleet round from
-the mouth of the Indus to the harbor called Harmozeia (Ormuz),
-not far from the entrance of the Persian Gulf; a voyage of much
-hardship and distress, along the barren coasts of the Oritæ,
-the Gedrosians, and the Ichthyophagi.<a id="FNanchor_567"
-href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> Nearchus, highly
-commended and honored, was presently sent back to complete his
-voyage as far as the mouth of the Euphrates; while Hephæstion
-also was directed to conduct the larger portion of the army, with
-the elephants and heavy baggage, by the road near the coast from
-Karmania into Persis. This road, though circuitous, was the most
-convenient, as it was now the winter season;<a id="FNanchor_568"
-href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> but Alexander
-himself, with the lighter divisions of his army, took the more
-direct mountain road from Karmania to Pasargadæ and Persepolis.
-Visiting the tomb of Cyrus the Great, founder of the Persian empire,
-he was incensed to find it violated and pillaged. He caused it to
-be carefully restored, put to death a Macedonian named Polymachus
-as the offender, and tortured the Magian guardians of it for the
-purpose of discovering accomplices, but in vain.<a id="FNanchor_569"
-href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a> Orsines, satrap of
-Persis, was however accused of connivance in the deed, as well as
-of various acts of murder and spoliation: according to Curtius,
-he was not only innocent, but had manifested both good faith and
-devotion to Alexander;<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570"
-class="fnanchor">[570]</a> in spite of which he became a victim of
-the hostility of the favorite eunuch Bagoas, who both poisoned the
-king’s mind with calumnies of his own, and suborned other accusers
-with false<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[p. 238]</span>
-testimony. Whatever may be the truth of the story, Alexander caused
-Orsines to be hanged; naming as satrap Peukestes, whose favor
-was now high, partly as comrade and preserver of the king in his
-imminent danger at the citadel of the Malli,—partly from his having
-adopted the Persian dress, manners, and language more completely
-than any other Macedonian.<a id="FNanchor_571" href="#Footnote_571"
-class="fnanchor">[571]</a></p>
-
-<p>It was about February, in 324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>,<a
-id="FNanchor_572" href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a>
-that Alexander marched out of Persis to Susa. During this progress,
-at the point where he crossed the Pasitigris, he was again joined by
-Nearchus, who having completed his circumnavigation from the mouth of
-the Indus to that of the Euphrates, had sailed back with the fleet
-from the latter river and come up the Pasitigris.<a id="FNanchor_573"
-href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> It is probable that
-the division of Hephæstion also rejoined him at Susa, and that the
-whole army was there for the first time brought together, after the
-separation in Karmania.</p>
-
-<p>In Susa and Susiana Alexander spent some months. For the first
-time since his accession to the throne, he had now no military
-operations in hand or in immediate prospect. No enemy was before
-him, until it pleased him to go in quest of a new one;<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[p. 239]</span>—nor indeed could any
-new one be found, except at a prodigious distance. He had emerged
-from the perils of the untrodden East, and had returned into the
-ordinary localities and conditions of Persian rule, occupying
-that capital city from whence the great Achæmenid kings had been
-accustomed to govern the Western as well as the Eastern portions of
-their vast empire. To their post, and to their irritable love of
-servility, Alexander had succeeded; but bringing with him a restless
-energy such as none of them except the first founder Cyrus had
-manifested—and a splendid military genius, such as was unknown alike
-to Cyrus and to his successors.</p>
-
-<p>In the new position of Alexander, his principal subjects of
-uneasiness were, the satraps and the Macedonian soldiers. During
-the long interval (more than five years) which had elapsed since he
-marched eastward from Hyrkania in pursuit of Bessus, the satraps had
-necessarily been left much to themselves. Some had imagined that he
-would never return; an anticipation noway unreasonable, since his
-own impulse towards forward march was so insatiate that he was only
-constrained to return by the resolute opposition of his own soldiers;
-moreover his dangerous wound among the Malli, and his calamitous
-march through Gedrôsia, had given rise to reports of his death,
-credited for some time even by Olympias and Kleopatra in Macedonia.<a
-id="FNanchor_574" href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a>
-Under these uncertainties, some satraps stood accused of having
-pillaged rich temples, and committed acts of violence towards
-individuals. Apart from all criminality, real or alleged, several of
-them, also, had taken into pay bodies of mercenary troops, partly
-as a necessary means of authority in their respective districts,
-partly as a protection to themselves in the event of Alexander’s
-decease. Respecting the conduct of the satraps and their officers,
-many denunciations and complaints were sent in; to which Alexander
-listened readily and even eagerly, punishing the accused with
-indiscriminate rigor, and resenting especially the suspicion
-that they had calculated upon his death.<a id="FNanchor_575"
-href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> Among those
-executed,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[p. 240]</span> were
-Abulites, satrap of Susiana, with his son Oxathres; the latter was
-even slain by the hands of Alexander himself, with a sarissa<a
-id="FNanchor_576" href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a>—the
-dispensation of punishment becoming in his hands an outburst
-of exasperated temper. He also despatched peremptory orders
-to all the satraps, enjoining them to dismiss their mercenary
-troops without delay.<a id="FNanchor_577" href="#Footnote_577"
-class="fnanchor">[577]</a> This measure produced considerable
-effect on the condition of Greece—about which I shall speak in a
-subsequent chapter. Harpalus, satrap of Babylon (about whom also
-more, presently), having squandered large sums out of the revenues of
-the post upon ostentatious luxury, became terrified when Alexander
-was approaching Susiana, and fled to Greece with a large treasure and
-a small body of soldiers.<a id="FNanchor_578" href="#Footnote_578"
-class="fnanchor">[578]</a> Serious alarm was felt among all the
-satraps and officers, inno<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[p.
-241]</span>cent as well as guilty. That the most guilty were
-not those who fared worst, we may see by the case of Kleomenes
-in Egypt, who remained unmolested in his government, though his
-iniquities were no secret.<a id="FNanchor_579" href="#Footnote_579"
-class="fnanchor">[579]</a></p>
-
-<p>Among the Macedonian soldiers, discontent had been perpetually
-growing, from the numerous proofs which they witnessed that Alexander
-had made his election for an Asiatic character, and abnegated his own
-country. Besides his habitual adoption of the Persian costume and
-ceremonial, he now celebrated a sort of national Asiatic marriage at
-Susa. He had already married the captive Roxana, in Baktria; he next
-took two additional wives—Statira, daughter of Darius—and Parysatis,
-daughter of the preceding king Ochus. He at the same time caused
-eighty of his principal friends and officers, some very reluctantly,
-to marry (according to Persian rites) wives selected from the
-noblest Persian families, providing dowries for all of them.<a
-id="FNanchor_580" href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a>
-He made presents besides, to all those Macedonians who gave in
-their names as having married Persian women. Splendid festivities<a
-id="FNanchor_581" href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a>
-accompanied these nuptials, with honorary rewards distributed to
-favorites and meritorious officers. Macedonians and Persians, the
-two imperial races, one in Europe, the other in Asia, were thus
-intended to be amalgamated. To soften the aversion of the soldiers
-generally towards these Asiatising marriages,<a id="FNanchor_582"
-href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> Alexander issued
-proclamation that he would himself discharge their debts, inviting
-all who owed money to give in their names with an intimation of the
-sums due. It was known that the debtors were numerous; yet few came
-to enter their names. The soldiers suspected the proclamation as
-a stratagem,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[p. 242]</span>
-intended for the purpose of detecting such as were spendthrifts,
-and obtaining a pretext for punishment: a remarkable evidence
-how little confidence or affection Alexander now inspired, and
-how completely the sentiment entertained towards him was that of
-fear mingled with admiration. He himself was much hurt at their
-mistrust, and openly complained of it; at the same time proclaiming
-that paymasters and tables should be planted openly in the camp,
-and that any soldier might come and ask for money enough to pay
-his debts, without being bound to give in his name. Assured of
-secrecy, they now made application in such numbers that the total
-distributed was prodigiously great; reaching, according to some, to
-10,000 talents—according to Arrian, not less than 20,000 talents
-or £4,600,000 sterling.<a id="FNanchor_583" href="#Footnote_583"
-class="fnanchor">[583]</a></p>
-
-<p>Large as this donative was, it probably gave but partial
-satisfaction, since the most steady and well-conducted soldiers could
-have received no benefit, except in so far as they might choose to
-come forward with fictitious debts. A new modification moreover was
-in store for the soldiers generally. There arrived from the various
-satrapies—even from those most distant, Sogdiana, Baktria, Aria,
-Drangiana, Arachosia, etc.—contingents of young and fresh native
-troops, amounting in total to 30,000 men; all armed and drilled
-in the Macedonian manner. From the time when the Macedonians had
-refused to cross the river Hyphasis and march forward into India,
-Alexander saw, that for his large aggressive schemes it was necessary
-to disband the old soldiers, and to organize an army at once more
-fresh and more submissive. He accordingly despatched orders to the
-satraps to raise and discipline new Asiatic levies, of vigorous
-native youths; and the fruit of these orders was now seen.<a
-id="FNanchor_584" href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a>
-Alexander reviewed the new levies, whom he called the Epigoni, with
-great satisfaction. He moreover incorporated many native Persians,
-both officers and soldiers, into the Companion-cavalry, the most
-honorable service in the army; making the important change of
-arm<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[p. 243]</span>ing them
-with the short Macedonian thrusting-pike in place of the missile
-Persian javelin. They were found such apt soldiers, and the genius
-of Alexander for military organization was so consummate, that he
-saw himself soon released from his dependence on the Macedonian
-veterans; a change evident enough to them as well as to him.<a
-id="FNanchor_585" href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a></p>
-
-<p>The novelty and success of Nearchus in his exploring voyage had
-excited in Alexander an eager appetite for naval operations. Going
-on board his fleet in the Pasitigris (the Karun, the river on the
-east side of Susa), he sailed in person down to the Persian Gulf,
-surveyed the coast as far as the mouth of the Tigris, and then
-sailed up the latter river as far as Opis. Hephæstion meanwhile,
-commanding the army, marched by land in concert with this voyage, and
-came back to Opis, where Alexander disembarked.<a id="FNanchor_586"
-href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a></p>
-
-<p>Sufficient experiment had now been made with the Asiatic levies,
-to enable Alexander to dispense with many of his Macedonian veterans.
-Calling together the army, he intimated his intention of sending
-home those who were unfit for service either from age or wounds, but
-of allotting to them presents at departure sufficient to place them
-in an enviable condition, and attract fresh Macedonian substitutes.
-On hearing this intimation, all the long-standing discontent of the
-soldiers at once broke out. They felt themselves set aside as worn
-out and useless,—and set aside, not to make room for younger men of
-their own country, but in favor of those Asiatics into whose arms
-their king had now passed. They demanded with a loud voice that he
-should dismiss them all—advising him by way of taunt to make his
-future conquests along with his father Ammon. These manifestations so
-incensed Alexander, that he leaped down from the elevated platform on
-which he had stood to speak, rushed with a few of his guards among
-the crowd of soldiers, and seized or caused to be seized thirteen
-of those apparently most forward, ordering them immediately to be
-put to death. The multitude were thoroughly overawed and reduced to
-silence, upon which Alexander remounted the platform and addressed
-them in a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[p. 244]</span> speech
-of considerable length. He boasted of the great exploits of Philip,
-and of his own still greater: he affirmed that all the benefit of
-his conquests had gone to the Macedonians, and that he himself
-had derived from them nothing but a double share of the common
-labors, hardships, wounds, and perils. Reproaching them as base
-deserters from a king who had gained for them all these unparalleled
-acquisitions, he concluded by giving discharge to all—commanding
-them forthwith to depart.<a id="FNanchor_587" href="#Footnote_587"
-class="fnanchor">[587]</a></p>
-
-<p>After this speech—teeming (as we read it in Arrian) with that
-exorbitant self-exaltation which formed the leading feature in
-his character—Alexander hurried away into the palace, where he
-remained shut up for two days without admitting any one except his
-immediate attendants. His guards departed along with him, leaving
-the discontented soldiers stupefied and motionless. Receiving no
-farther orders, nor any of the accustomed military indications,<a
-id="FNanchor_588" href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a>
-they were left in the helpless condition of soldiers constrained to
-resolve for themselves, and at the same time altogether dependent
-upon Alexander whom they had offended. On the third day, they learnt
-that he had convened the Persian officers, and had invested them
-with the chief military commands, distributing the newly arrived
-Epigoni into divisions of infantry and cavalry, all with Macedonian
-military titles, and passing over the Macedonians themselves as if
-they did not exist. At this news, the soldiers were overwhelmed with
-shame and remorse. They rushed to the gates of the palace, threw down
-their arms, and supplicated with tears and groans for Alex<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[p. 245]</span>ander’s pardon.
-Presently he came out, and was himself moved to tears by seeing their
-prostrate deportment. After testifying his full reconciliation,
-he caused a solemn sacrifice to be celebrated, coupled with a
-multitudinous banquet of mixed Macedonians and Persians. The Grecian
-prophets, the Persian magi and all the guests present, united in
-prayer and libation for fusion, harmony, and community of empire,
-between the two nations.<a id="FNanchor_589" href="#Footnote_589"
-class="fnanchor">[589]</a></p>
-
-<p>This complete victory over his own soldiers was probably as
-gratifying to Alexander as any one gained during his past life;
-carrying as it did a consoling retribution for the memorable stoppage
-on the banks of the Hyphasis, which he had neither forgotten nor
-forgiven. He selected 10,000 of the oldest and most exhausted among
-the soldiers to be sent home under Kraterus, giving to each full pay
-until the time of arrival in Macedonia, with a donation of one talent
-besides. He intended that Kraterus, who was in bad health, should
-remain in Europe as viceroy of Macedonia, and that Antipater should
-come out to Asia with a reinforcement of troops.<a id="FNanchor_590"
-href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> Pursuant to this
-resolution, the 10,000 soldiers were now singled out for return,
-and separated from the main army. Yet it does not appear that they
-actually did return, during the ten months of Alexander’s remaining
-life.</p>
-
-<p>Of the important edict issued this summer by Alexander to the
-Grecian cities, and read at the Olympic festival in July—directing
-each city to recall its exiled citizens—I shall speak in a future
-chapter. He had now accomplished his object of organizing a land
-force, half Macedonian, half Asiatic. But since the expedition of
-Nearchus, he had become bent upon a large extension of his naval
-force also; which was indeed an indispensable condition towards
-his immediate projects of conquering Arabia, and of pushing both
-nautical exploration and aggrandizement from the Persian Gulf round
-the Arabian coast. He de<span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[p.
-246]</span>spatched orders to the Phenician ports, directing that a
-numerous fleet should be built; and that the ships should then be
-taken to pieces, and conveyed across to Thapsakus on the Euphrates,
-from whence they would sail down to Babylon. At that place, he
-directed the construction of other ships from the numerous cypress
-trees around—as well as the formation of an enormous harbor in
-the river at Babylon, adequate to the accommodation of 1000 ships
-of war. Mikkalus, a Greek of Klazomenæ, was sent to Phenicia with
-500 talents, to enlist, or to purchase, seamen for the crews.
-It was calculated that these preparations (probably under the
-superintendence of Nearchus) would be completed by the spring,
-for which period contingents were summoned to Babylon for the
-expedition against Arabia.<a id="FNanchor_591" href="#Footnote_591"
-class="fnanchor">[591]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the mean time, Alexander himself paid a visit to Ekbatana,
-the ordinary summer residence of the Persian kings. He conducted
-his army by leisurely marches, reviewing by the way the ancient
-regal parks of the celebrated breed called Nisæan horses now
-greatly reduced in number.<a id="FNanchor_592" href="#Footnote_592"
-class="fnanchor">[592]</a> On the march, a violent altercation
-occurred between his personal favorite Hephæstion,—and his secretary
-Eumenes, the most able, dexterous, and long-sighted man in his
-service. Eumenes, as a Greek of Kardia, had been always regarded
-with slight and jealousy by the Macedonian officers, especially
-by Hephæstion; Alexander now took pains to reconcile the two,
-experiencing no difficulty with Eumenes, but much with Hephæstion.<a
-id="FNanchor_593" href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a>
-During his stay at Ekbatana, he celebrated magnificent sacrifices
-and festivities, with gymnastic and musical exhibitions, which were
-farther enlivened, according to the Macedonian habits, by banquets
-and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[p. 247]</span> excessive
-wine-drinking. Amidst these proceedings, Hephæstion was seized with
-a fever. The vigor of his constitution emboldened him to neglect
-all care or regimen, so that in a few days the disease carried him
-off. The final crisis came on suddenly, and Alexander was warned of
-it while sitting in the theatre; but though he instantly hurried
-to the bedside, he found Hephæstion already dead. His sorrow for
-this loss was unbounded, manifesting itself in excesses suitable to
-the general violence of his impulses, whether of affection or of
-antipathy. Like Achilles mourning for Patroklus, he cast himself
-on the ground near the dead body, and remained there wailing for
-several hours; he refused all care, and even food, for two days;
-he cut his hair close, and commanded that all the horses and mules
-in the camp should have their manes cut close also; he not only
-suspended the festivities, but interdicted all music and every sign
-of joy in the camp; he directed that the battlements of the walls
-belonging to the neighboring cities should be struck off; he hung, or
-crucified, the physician Glaukias, who had prescribed for Hephæstion;
-he ordered that a vast funeral pile should be erected at Babylon,
-at a cost given to us as 10,000 talents (£2,300,000), to celebrate
-the obsequies; he sent messengers to the oracle of Ammon, to inquire
-whether it was permitted to worship Hephæstion as a god. Many of
-those around him, accommodating themselves to this passionate impulse
-of the ruler, began at once to show a sort of worship towards the
-deceased, by devoting to him themselves and their arms; of which
-Eumenes set the example, conscious of his own personal danger, if
-Alexander should suspect him of being pleased at the death of his
-recent rival. Perdikkas was instructed to convey the body in solemn
-procession to Babylon, there to be burnt in state when preparations
-should be completed.<a id="FNanchor_594" href="#Footnote_594"
-class="fnanchor">[594]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[p. 248]</span>Alexander
-stayed at Ekbatana until winter was at hand, seeking distraction from
-his grief in exaggerated splendor of festivals and ostentation of
-life. His temper became so much more irascible and furious, that no
-one approached him without fear, and he was propitiated by the most
-extravagant flatteries.<a id="FNanchor_595" href="#Footnote_595"
-class="fnanchor">[595]</a> At length he roused himself and
-found his true consolation, in gratifying the primary passions
-of his nature—fighting and man-hunting.<a id="FNanchor_596"
-href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> Between Media and
-Persis, dwelt the tribes called Kossæi, amidst a region of lofty,
-trackless, inaccessible mountains. Brave and predatory, they had
-defied the attacks of the Persian kings. Alexander now conducted
-against them a powerful force, and in spite of increased difficulties
-arising from the wintry season, pushed them from point to point,
-following them into the loftiest and most impenetrable recesses of
-their mountains. These efforts were continued for forty days, under
-himself and Ptolemy, until the entire male population was slain;
-which passed for an acceptable offering to the manes of Hephæstion.<a
-id="FNanchor_597" href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a></p>
-
-<p>Not long afterwards, Alexander commenced his progress to
-Babylon; but in slow marches, farther retarded by various foreign
-embassies which met him on the road. So widely had the terror
-of his name and achievements been spread, that several of these
-envoys came from the most distant regions. There were some
-from the various tribes of Lybia—from Carthage—from Sicily and
-Sardinia—from the Illyrians and Thracians—from the Lucanians,
-Bruttians, and Tuscans, in Italy—nay, even (some affirmed) from
-the Romans, as yet a people of moderate power.<a id="FNanchor_598"
-href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> But there
-were other names yet more surprising<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_249">[p. 249]</span>—Æthiopians, from the extreme south,
-beyond Egypt—Scythians from the north, beyond the Danube—Iberians and
-Gauls, from the far west, beyond the Mediterranean Sea. Legates also
-arrived from various Grecian cities, partly to tender congratulations
-and compliments upon his matchless successes, partly to remonstrate
-against his sweeping mandate for the general restoration of
-the Grecian exiles.<a id="FNanchor_599" href="#Footnote_599"
-class="fnanchor">[599]</a> It was remarked that these Grecian
-legates approached him with wreaths on their heads, tendering golden
-wreaths to him,—as if they were coming into the presence of a god.<a
-id="FNanchor_600" href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a>
-The proofs which Alexander received even from distant tribes with
-names and costumes unknown to him, of fear for his enmity and anxiety
-for his favor, were such as had never been shown to any historical
-person, and such as entirely to explain his superhuman arrogance.</p>
-
-<p>In the midst of this exuberant pride and good fortune, however,
-dark omens and prophecies crowded upon him as he approached Babylon.
-Of these the most remarkable was, the warning of the Chaldean
-priests, who apprised him, soon after he crossed the Tigris, that
-it would be dangerous for him to enter that city, and exhorted
-him to remain outside of the gates. At first he was inclined to
-obey; but his scruples were overruled, either by arguments from
-the Greek sophist Anaxarchus, or by the shame of shutting himself
-out from the most memorable city of the em<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_250">[p. 250]</span>pire, where his great naval preparations
-were now going on. He found Nearchus with his fleet, who had come
-up from the mouth of the river,—and also the ships directed to be
-built in Phenicia, which had come down the river from Thapsakus,
-together with large numbers of seafaring men to serve aboard.<a
-id="FNanchor_601" href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> The
-ships of cypress-wood, and the large docks, which he had ordered to
-be constructed at Babylon, were likewise in full progress. He lost
-no time in concerting with Nearchus the details of an expedition
-into Arabia and the Persian Gulf, by his land-force and naval force
-coöperating. From various naval officers, who had been sent to survey
-the Persian Gulf and now made their reports, he learned that though
-there were no serious difficulties within it or along its southern
-coast, yet to double the eastern cape which terminated that coast—to
-circumnavigate the unknown peninsula of Arabia—and thus to reach the
-Red Sea—was an enterprise perilous at least, if not impracticable.<a
-id="FNanchor_602" href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a>
-But to achieve that which other men thought impracticable, was the
-leading passion of Alexander. He resolved to circumnavigate Arabia
-as well as to conquer the Arabians, from whom it was sufficient
-offence that they had sent no envoys to him. He also contemplated the
-foundation of a great maritime city in the interior of the Persian
-Gulf, to rival in wealth and commerce the cities of Phenicia.<a
-id="FNanchor_603" href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a></p>
-
-<p>Amidst preparations for this expedition—and while the immense
-funeral pile destined for Hephæstion was being built—Alexander
-sailed down the Euphrates to the great dyke called Pallakopas, about
-ninety miles below Babylon; a sluice constructed by the ancient
-Assyrian kings, for the purpose of being opened when the river was
-too full, so as to let off the water into<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_251">[p. 251]</span> the interminable marshes stretching out
-near the western bank. The sluice being reported not to work well,
-he projected the construction of a new one somewhat farther down. He
-then sailed through the Pallakopas in order to survey the marshes,
-together with the tombs of the ancient Assyrian kings which had been
-erected among them. Himself steering his vessel, with the kausia
-on his head, and the regal diadem above it,<a id="FNanchor_604"
-href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> he passed some time
-among these lakes and swamps, which were so extensive that his fleet
-lost the way among them. He stayed long enough also to direct, and
-even commence, the foundation of a new city, in what seemed to
-him a convenient spot.<a id="FNanchor_605" href="#Footnote_605"
-class="fnanchor">[605]</a></p>
-
-<p>On returning to Babylon, Alexander found large reinforcements
-arrived there—partly under Philoxenus, Menander, and Menidas, from
-Lydia and Karia—partly 20,000 Persians, under Peukestes the satrap.
-He caused these Persians to be incorporated in the files of the
-Macedonian phalanx. According to the standing custom, each of these
-files was sixteen deep, and each soldier was armed with the long pike
-or sarissa wielded by two hands; the lochage, or front-rank man,
-being always an officer receiving double pay, of great strength and
-attested valor—and those second and third in the file, as well as the
-rearmost man of all, being likewise strong and good men, receiving
-larger pay than the rest. Alexander, in his new arrangement, retained
-the three first ranks and the rear rank unchanged, as well as the
-same depth of file; but he substituted twelve Persians in place
-of the twelve Macedonians who followed after the third-rank man;
-so that the file was composed first of the lochage and two other
-chosen Macedonians, each armed with the sarissa—then of twelve
-Persians armed in their own manner with bow or javelin—lastly,
-of a Macedonian with his sarissa bringing up the the rear.<a
-id="FNanchor_606" href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a>
-In this Macedonico-Persian file, the front would have<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[p. 252]</span> only three projecting
-pikes, instead of five, as the ordinary Macedonian phalanx presented;
-but then, in compensation, the Persian soldiers would be able to
-hurl their javelins at an advancing enemy, over the heads of their
-three front-rank men. The supervening death of Alexander prevented
-the actual execution of this reform, interesting as being his last
-project for amalgamating Persians and Macedonians into one military
-force.</p>
-
-<p>Besides thus modifying the phalanx, Alexander also passed in
-review his fleet, which was now fully equipped. The order was
-actually given for departing, so soon as the obsequies of Hephæstion
-should be celebrated. This was the last act which remained for him to
-fulfil. The splendid funeral pile stood ready—two hundred feet high,
-occupying a square area, of which the side was nearly one furlong,
-loaded with mostly decorations from the zeal, real and simulated,
-of the Macedonian officers. The invention of artists was exhausted,
-in long discussions with the king himself, to produce at all cost
-an exhibition of magnificence singular and stupendous. The outlay
-(probably with addition of the festivals immediately following) is
-stated at 12,000 talents, or £2,760,000 sterling.<a id="FNanchor_607"
-href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a> Alexander awaited
-the order from the oracle of Ammon, having sent thither messengers
-to inquire what measure of reverential honor he might properly
-and piously show to his departed friend.<a id="FNanchor_608"
-href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a> The answer was now
-brought back, intimating that Hephæstion was to be worshipped as a
-Hero—the secondary form of worship, not on a level with that paid
-to the gods. Delighted with this divine testimony to Hephæstion,
-Alexander caused the pile to be lighted, and the obsequies
-celebrated, in a manner suitable to the injunctions of the oracle.<a
-id="FNanchor_609" href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> He
-farther directed that magnificent chapels or sacred edifices should
-be erected for the worship and honor of Hephæstion, at Alexandria in
-Egypt,—at Pella in Macedonia,—and probably in other cities also.<a
-id="FNanchor_610" href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[p. 253]</span>Respecting
-the honors intended for Hephæstion at Alexandria, he addressed to
-Kleomenes, the satrap of Egypt, a despatch which becomes in part
-known to us. I have already stated that Kleomenes was among the
-worst of the satraps; having committed multiplied public crimes,
-of which Alexander was not uninformed. The regal despatch enjoined
-him to erect in commemoration of Hephæstion a chapel on the terra
-firma of Alexandria, with a splendid turret on the islet of Pharos;
-and to provide besides that all mercantile written contracts, as
-a condition of validity, should be inscribed with the name of
-Hephæstion. Alexander concluded thus: “If on coming I find the
-Egyptian temples and the chapels of Hephæstion completed in the best
-manner, I will forgive you for all your past crimes; and in future,
-whatever magnitude of crime you may commit, you shall suffer no
-bad treatment from me.”<a id="FNanchor_611" href="#Footnote_611"
-class="fnanchor">[611]</a> This despatch strikingly illustrates how
-much the wrong doings of satraps were secondary considerations in
-his view, compared with splendid manifestations towards the gods and
-personal attachments towards friends.</p>
-
-<p>The intense sorrow felt by Alexander for the death of
-Hephæstion—not merely an attached friend, but of the same age<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[p. 254]</span> and exuberant vigor as
-himself—laid his mind open to gloomy forebodings from numerous omens,
-as well as to jealous mistrust even of his oldest officers. Antipater
-especially, no longer protected against the calumnies of Olympias by
-the support of Hephæstion,<a id="FNanchor_612" href="#Footnote_612"
-class="fnanchor">[612]</a> fell more and more into discredit;
-whilst his son Kassander, who had recently come into Asia with a
-Macedonian reinforcement, underwent from Alexander during irascible
-moments much insulting violence. In spite of the dissuasive warning
-of the Chaldean priests,<a id="FNanchor_613" href="#Footnote_613"
-class="fnanchor">[613]</a> Alexander had been persuaded to distrust
-their sincerity, and had entered Babylon, though not without
-hesitation and uneasiness. However, when, after having entered
-the town, he went out of it again safely on his expedition for
-the survey of the lower Euphrates, he conceived himself to have
-exposed them as deceitful alarmists, and returned to the city with
-increased confidence, for the obsequies of his deceased friend.<a
-id="FNanchor_614" href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a></p>
-
-<p>The sacrifices connected with these obsequies were on the most
-prodigious scale. Victims enough were offered to furnish a feast for
-the army, who also received ample distributions of wine. Alexander
-himself presided at the feast, and abandoned himself to conviviality
-like the rest. Already full of wine, he was persuaded by his
-friend Medius to sup with him, and to pass the whole night in yet
-farther drinking, with the boisterous indul<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_255">[p. 255]</span>gence called by the Greeks Kômus or
-Revelry. Having slept off his intoxication during the next day, he in
-the evening again supped with Medius, and spent a second night in the
-like unmeasured indulgence.<a id="FNanchor_615" href="#Footnote_615"
-class="fnanchor">[615]</a> It appears that he already had the
-seeds of fever upon him, which was so fatally aggravated by this
-intemperance that he was too ill to return to his palace. He took
-the bath, and slept in the house of Medius; on the next morning,
-he was unable to rise. After having been carried out on a couch to
-celebrate sacrifice (which was his daily habit), he was obliged to
-lie in bed all day. Nevertheless he summoned the generals to his
-presence, prescribing all the details of the impending expedition,
-and ordering that the land-force should begin its march on the
-fourth day following, while the fleet, with himself aboard, would
-sail on the fifth day. In the evening, he was carried on a couch
-across the Euphrates into a garden on the other side, where he
-bathed and rested for the night. The fever still continued, so that
-in the morning, after bathing and being carried out to perform the
-sacrifices, he remained on his couch all day, talking and playing at
-dice with Medius; in the evening, he bathed, sacrificed again, and
-ate a light supper, but endured a bad night with increased fever. The
-next two days passed in the same manner, the fever becoming worse
-and worse; nevertheless Alexander still summoned Nearchus to his
-bedside, discussed with him many points about his maritime projects,
-and repeated his order that the fleet should be ready by the third
-day. On the ensuing morning the fever was violent; Alexander reposed
-all day in a bathing-house in the garden, yet still calling in the
-generals to direct the filling up of vacancies among the officers,
-and ordering that the armament should be ready to move. Throughout
-the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[p. 256]</span> two next
-days, his malady became hourly more aggravated. On the last day
-of the two, Alexander could with difficulty support the being
-lifted out of bed to perform the sacrifice; even then, however,
-he continued to give orders to the generals about the expedition.
-On the morrow, though desperately ill, he still made the effort
-requisite for performing the sacrifice; he was then carried across
-from the garden-house to the palace, giving orders that the generals
-and officers should remain in permanent attendance in and near the
-hall. He caused some of them to be called to his bedside; but though
-he knew them perfectly, he had by this time become incapable of
-utterance. One of his last words spoken is said to have been, on
-being asked to whom he bequeathed his kingdom, “<i>To the strongest</i>;”
-one of his last acts was, to take the signet ring from his finger,
-and hand it to Perdikkas.<a id="FNanchor_616" href="#Footnote_616"
-class="fnanchor">[616]</a></p>
-
-<p>For two nights and a day he continued in this state, without
-either amendment or repose. Meanwhile, the news of his malady had
-spread through the army, filling them with grief and consternation.
-Many of the soldiers, eager to see him once more, forced their way
-into the palace, and were admitted unarmed. They passed along by the
-bedside, with all the demonstrations of affliction and sympathy:
-Alexander knew them, and made show of friendly recognition as well as
-he could; but was unable to say a word. Several of the generals slept
-in the temple of Serapis, hoping to be informed by the god in a dream
-whether they ought to bring Alexander into it, as a suppliant to
-experience the divine healing power. The god informed them in their
-dream, that Alexander ought not to be brought into the temple—that
-it would be better for him to be left where he was. In the afternoon
-he expired—June 323 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>—after a
-life of thirty-two years and eight months—and a reign of twelve
-years and eight months.<a id="FNanchor_617" href="#Footnote_617"
-class="fnanchor">[617]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[p. 257]</span>The death of
-Alexander, thus suddenly cut off by a fever in the plenitude of
-health, vigor, and aspirations, was an event impressive as well as
-important, in the highest possible degree, to his contemporaries
-far and near. When the first report of it was brought to Athens,
-the orator Demades exclaimed:—“It cannot be true: if Alexander were
-dead, the whole habitable world would have smelt of his carcass.”<a
-id="FNanchor_618" href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a>
-This coarse but em<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[p.
-258]</span>phatic comparison illustrates the immediate, powerful,
-and wide-reaching impression produced by the sudden extinction of
-the great conqueror. It was felt by each of the many remote envoys
-who had so recently come to propitiate this far-shooting Apollo—by
-every man among the nations who had sent these envoys—throughout
-Europe, Asia, and Africa, as then known,—to affect either his
-actual condition or his probable future.<a id="FNanchor_619"
-href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> The first growth
-and development of Macedonia, during the twenty-two years preceding
-the battle of Chæroneia, from an embarrassed secondary State into
-the first of all known powers, had excited the astonishment of
-contemporaries, and admiration for Philip’s organizing genius.
-But the achievements of Alexander, during his twelve years of
-reign, throwing Philip into the shade, had been on a scale so much
-grander and vaster, and so completely without serious reverse or
-even interruption, as to transcend the measure, not only of human
-expectation, but almost of human belief. The Great King (as the king
-of Persia was called by excellence) was, and had long been, the type
-of worldly power and felicity, even down to the time when Alexander
-crossed the Hellespont. Within four years and three months from this
-event, by one stupendous defeat after another, Darius had lost all
-his Western Empire, and had become a fugitive eastward of the Caspian
-Gates, escaping captivity at the hands of Alexander only to perish by
-those of the satrap Bessus. All antecedent historical parallels—the
-ruin and captivity of the Lydian Crœsus, the expulsion and mean
-life of the Syracusan Dionysius, both of them impressive examples
-of the mutability of human condition,—sank into trifles compared
-with the overthrow of this towering Persian colossus. The orator
-Æschines expressed the genuine sentiment of a Grecian spectator,
-when he exclaimed (in a speech delivered at Athens shortly before
-the death of Darius):—“What is there among the list of strange and
-unexpected events, that has not occurred in our time? Our lives
-have transcended the limits of humanity; we are born to serve as a
-theme for incredible tales to posterity. Is not the Persian king—who
-dug<span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">[p. 259]</span> through Athos
-and bridged the Hellespont,—who demanded earth and water from the
-Greeks,—who dared to proclaim himself, in public epistles, master
-of all mankind from the rising to the setting sun—is not <i>he</i> now
-struggling to the last, not for dominion over others, but for the
-safety of his own person?”<a id="FNanchor_620" href="#Footnote_620"
-class="fnanchor">[620]</a></p>
-
-<p>Such were the sentiments excited by Alexander’s career even in
-the middle of 330 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, more than
-seven years before his death. During the following seven years,
-his additional achievements had carried astonishment yet farther.
-He had mastered, in defiance of fatigue, hardship, and combat, not
-merely all the eastern half of the Persian empire, but unknown Indian
-regions beyond its easternmost limits. Besides Macedonia, Greece,
-and Thrace, he possessed all that immense treasure and military
-force which had once rendered the Great King so formidable. By no
-contemporary man had any such power ever been known or conceived.
-With the turn of imagination then prevalent, many were doubtless
-disposed to take him for a god on earth, as Grecian spectators
-had once supposed with regard to Xerxes, when they beheld the
-innumerable Persian host crossing the Hellespont.<a id="FNanchor_621"
-href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a></p>
-
-<p>Exalted to this prodigious grandeur, Alexander was at the time
-of his death little more than thirty-two years old—the age at
-which a citizen of Athens was growing into important commands; ten
-years less than the age for a consul at Rome;<a id="FNanchor_622"
-href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> two years younger
-than the age at which Timour first acquired the crown, and began
-his foreign conquests.<a id="FNanchor_623" href="#Footnote_623"
-class="fnanchor">[623]</a> His extraordinary<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_260">[p. 260]</span> bodily powers were unabated; he
-had acquired a large stock of military experience; and what was
-still more important, his appetite for farther conquest was as
-voracious, and his readiness to purchase it at the largest cost of
-toil or danger, as complete, as it had been when he first crossed
-the Hellespont. Great as his past career had been, his future
-achievements, with such increased means and experience, were
-likely to be yet greater. His ambition would have been satisfied
-with nothing less than the conquest of the whole habitable
-world as then known;<a id="FNanchor_624" href="#Footnote_624"
-class="fnanchor">[624]</a> and if his life had been prolonged, he
-would probably have accomplished it. Nowhere (so far as our knowledge
-reaches) did there reside any military power capable of making head
-against him; nor were his soldiers, when he commanded them, daunted
-or baffled by any extremity of cold, heat, or fatigue. The patriotic
-feelings of Livy dispose him to maintain<a id="FNanchor_625"
-href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> that Alexander,
-had he invaded Italy and assailed Romans or Samnites, would have
-failed and perished like his relative Alexander of Epirus. But this
-conclusion cannot be accepted. If we grant the courage and discipline
-of the Roman infantry to have been equal to the best infantry of
-Alexander’s army, the same cannot be said of the Roman cavalry as
-compared with the Macedonian Companions. Still less is it likely
-that a Roman consul, annually changed, would have been found a match
-for Alexander in military genius and combinations; nor, even if
-personally equal, would he have possessed the same variety of troops
-and arms, each effective in its separate way, and all conspiring
-to one common purpose—nor the same unbounded influence over their
-minds in stimulating them<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">[p.
-261]</span> to full effort. I do not think that even the Romans could
-have successfully resisted Alexander the Great; though it is certain
-that he never throughout all his long marches encountered such
-enemies as they, nor even such as Samnites and Lucanians—combining
-courage, patriotism, discipline, with effective arms both for defence
-and for close combat.<a id="FNanchor_626" href="#Footnote_626"
-class="fnanchor">[626]</a></p>
-
-<p>Among all the qualities which go to constitute the highest
-military excellence, either as a general or as a soldier, none
-was wanting in the character of Alexander. Together with his own
-chivalrous courage—sometimes indeed both excessive and unseasonable,
-so as to form the only military defect which can be fairly
-imputed to him—we trace in all his operations the most careful
-dispositions taken beforehand, vigilant precaution in guarding
-against possible reverse, and abundant resource in adapting himself
-to new contingences. Amidst constant success, these precautionary
-combinations were never discontinued. His achievements are the
-earliest recorded evidence of scientific military organization on
-a large scale, and of its overwhelming effects. Alexander overawes
-the imagination more than any other personage of antiquity, by the
-matchless development of all that constitutes effective force—as an
-individual warrior, and as organizer and leader of armed masses; not
-merely the blind impetuosity ascribed by Homer to Ares, but also
-the intelligent, methodized, and all-subduing compression which he
-personifies in Athênê. But all his great qualities were fit for use
-only against enemies; in which category indeed were numbered all
-mankind, known and unknown, except those who chose to submit to
-him. In his Indian campaigns, amidst tribes of utter strangers, we
-perceive that not only those who stand on their defence, but also
-those who abandon their property and flee to the mountains, are alike
-pursued and slaughtered.</p>
-
-<p>Apart from the transcendent merits of Alexander as a soldier and
-a general, some authors give him credit for grand and bene<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_262">[p. 262]</span>ficent views on the
-subject of imperial government, and for intentions highly favorable
-to the improvement of mankind. I see no ground for adopting this
-opinion. As far as we can venture to anticipate what would have
-been Alexander’s future, we see nothing in prospect except years
-of ever-repeated aggression and conquest, not to be concluded
-until he had traversed and subjugated all the inhabited globe. The
-acquisition of universal dominion—conceived not metaphorically,
-but literally, and conceived with greater facility in consequence
-of the imperfect geographical knowledge of the time—was the
-master-passion of his soul. At the moment of his death, he was
-commencing fresh aggression in the south against the Arabians, to
-an indefinite extent;<a id="FNanchor_627" href="#Footnote_627"
-class="fnanchor">[627]</a> while his vast projects against the
-western tribes in Africa and Europe, as far as the pillars of
-Herakles, were consigned in the orders and memoranda confidentially
-communicated to Kraterus.<a id="FNanchor_628" href="#Footnote_628"
-class="fnanchor">[628]</a> Italy, Gaul, and Spain, would have been
-successively attacked and conquered; the enterprises proposed to
-him when in Baktria by the Chorasmian prince Pharasmanes, but
-postponed then until a more convenient season, would have been
-next taken up, and he would have marched from the Danube northward
-round the Euxine and Palus Mæotis against the Scythians and the
-tribes of Caucasus.<a id="FNanchor_629" href="#Footnote_629"
-class="fnanchor">[629]</a> There remained moreover the Asiatic
-regions east of the Hyphasis, which his soldiers had refused to
-enter upon, but which he certainly would have invaded at a future
-opportunity, were it only to efface the poignant humiliation
-of having been compelled to relinquish his proclaimed purpose.
-Though this sounds like romance and hyperbole, it was nothing more
-than the real insatiate aspiration of Alexander, who looked upon
-every new acquisition mainly as a capital for acquiring more.<a
-id="FNanchor_630" href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a>
-“You are a man like all of us, Alexander<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_263">[p. 263]</span>—except that you abandon your home (said
-the naked Indian to him<a id="FNanchor_631" href="#Footnote_631"
-class="fnanchor">[631]</a>) like a meddlesome destroyer, to
-invade the most distant regions; enduring hardship yourself, and
-inflicting hardship upon others.” Now, how an empire thus boundless
-and heterogeneous, such as no prince has ever yet realized, could
-have been administered with any superior advantages to subjects—it
-would be difficult to show. The mere task of acquiring and
-maintaining—of keeping satraps and tribute-gatherers in authority
-as well as in subordination—of suppressing resistances ever liable
-to recur in regions distant by months of march<a id="FNanchor_632"
-href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a>—would occupy the
-whole life of a world-conqueror, without leaving any leisure for the
-improvements suited to peace and stability, if we give him credit for
-such purposes in theory.</p>
-
-<p>But even this last is more than can be granted. Alexander’s
-acts indicate that he desired nothing better than to take up
-the traditions of the Persian empire; a tribute-levying and
-army-levying system, under Macedonians, in large proportion, as
-his instruments; yet partly also under the very same Persians who
-had administered before, provided they submitted to him. It has
-indeed been extolled among his merits that he was thus willing to
-re-appoint Persian grandees (putting their armed force however
-under the command of a Macedonian officer)—and to continue native
-princes in their dominions, if they did willing homage to him, as
-tributary subordinates. But all this had been done before him by the
-Persian kings, whose system it was to leave the conquered princes
-undisturbed, subject only to the payment of tribute, and to the
-obligation of furnishing a military contingent when required.<a
-id="FNanchor_633" href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a>
-In like manner Alexander’s Asiatic empire would thus have been
-composed of an aggregate of satrapies and dependent principalities,
-furnishing money and sol<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">[p.
-264]</span>diers; in other respects, left to the discretion of
-local rule, with occasional extreme inflictions of punishment,
-but no systematic examination or control.<a id="FNanchor_634"
-href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a> Upon this, the
-condition of Asiatic empire in all ages, Alexander would have
-grafted one special improvement: the military organization of the
-empire, feeble under the Achæmenid princes, would have been greatly
-strengthened by his genius, and by the able officers formed in
-his school, both for foreign aggression and for home control.<a
-id="FNanchor_635" href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Persian empire was a miscellaneous aggregate, with no strong
-feeling of nationality. The Macedonian conqueror who seized its
-throne was still more indifferent to national sentiment. He was
-neither Macedonian nor Greek. Though the absence of this prejudice
-has sometimes been mounted to him as a virtue, it only made room, in
-my opinion, for prejudices yet worse. The substitute for it was an
-exorbitant personality and self-estimation, manifested even in his
-earliest years, and inflamed by extraordinary success into the belief
-in divine parentage; which, while setting him above the idea of
-communion with any special nationality, made him conceive all mankind
-as subjects under one common sceptre to be wielded by himself. To
-this universal empire the Persian king made the nearest approach,<a
-id="FNanchor_636" href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a>
-according to the opinions then prevalent. Accordingly Alexander, when
-victorious, accepted the position and pretensions of the overthrown
-Persian court as approaching most nearly to his full due. He became
-more Persian than either Macedonian or Greek. While himself adopting,
-as far as he could safely venture, the personal habits of the Persian
-court, he took studied pains to transform his Macedonian officers
-into Persian grandees, encouraging and even forcing intermarriages
-with Persian women according to Persian rites. At the time of
-Alexander’s death, there was comprised, in his written orders given
-to Kraterus, a plan for the wholesale transportation of inhabitants,
-both out of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">[p. 265]</span>
-Europe into Asia, and out of Asia into Europe, in order to fuse these
-populations into one by multiplying intermarriages and intercourse.<a
-id="FNanchor_637" href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a>
-Such reciprocal translation of peoples would have been felt as
-eminently odious, and could not have been accomplished without
-coercive authority.<a id="FNanchor_638" href="#Footnote_638"
-class="fnanchor">[638]</a> It is rash to speculate upon unexecuted
-purposes; but, as far as we can judge, such compulsory mingling of
-the different races promises nothing favorable to the happiness of
-any of them, though it might serve as an imposing novelty and memento
-of imperial omnipotence.</p>
-
-<p>In respect of intelligence and combining genius, Alexander
-was Hellenic to the full; in respect of disposition and purpose,
-no one could be less Hellenic. The acts attesting his Oriental
-violence of impulse, unmeasured self-will,<a id="FNanchor_639"
-href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a> and exaction of
-reverence above the limits of humanity—have been already recounted.
-To describe him as a son of Hellas, imbued with the political
-maxims of Aristotle, and bent on the systematic diffusion of
-Hellenic culture for the improvement of mankind<a id="FNanchor_640"
-href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a>—is, in my<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_266">[p. 266]</span> judgment, an estimate
-of his character contrary to the evidence. Alexander is indeed
-said to have invited suggestions from Aristotle as to the best
-mode of colonizing; but his temper altered so much, after a few
-years of Asiatic conquest, that he came not only to lose all
-deference for Aristotle’s advice, but even to hate him bitterly.<a
-id="FNanchor_641" href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a>
-Moreover, though the philosopher’s full suggestions have not been
-preserved, yet we are told generally that he recommended Alexander to
-behave to the Greeks as a leader or president, or limited chief—and
-to the Barbarians (non-Hellenes) as a master;<a id="FNanchor_642"
-href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> a distinction
-substantially coinciding with that pointed out by Burke in his
-speeches at the beginning of the American war, between the principles
-of government proper to be followed by England in the American
-colonies, and in British India. No Greek thinker believed the
-Asiatics to be capable of that free civil polity<a id="FNanchor_643"
-href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a> upon which the march
-of every Gre<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">[p. 267]</span>cian
-community was based. Aristotle did not wish to degrade the Asiatics
-below the level to which they had been accustomed, but rather to
-preserve the Greeks from being degraded to the same level. Now
-Alexander recognized no such distinction as that drawn by his
-preceptor. He treated Greeks and Asiatics alike, not by elevating
-the latter, but by degrading the former. Though he employed all
-indiscriminately as instruments, yet he presently found the free
-speech of Greeks, and even of Macedonians, so distasteful and
-offensive, that his preferences turned more and more in favor of
-the servile Asiatic sentiment and customs. Instead of hellenizing
-Asia, he was tending to asiatize Macedonia and Hellas. His temper
-and character, as modified by a few years of conquest, rendered him
-quite unfit to follow the course recommended by Aristotle towards the
-Greeks—quite as unfit as any of the Persian kings, or as the French
-Emperor Napoleon, to endure that partial frustration, compromise, and
-smart from free criticism, which is inseparable from the position of
-a limited chief. Among a multitude of subjects more diverse-colored
-than even the army of Xerxes, it is quite possible that he might have
-turned his power towards the improvement of the rudest portions.
-We are told (though the fact is difficult to credit, from his want
-of time) that he abolished various barbarisms of the Hyrkanians,
-Arachosians, and Sogdians.<a id="FNanchor_644" href="#Footnote_644"
-class="fnanchor">[644]</a> But Macedonians as well as Greeks would
-have been pure losers by being absorbed into an immense Asiatic
-aggregate.</p>
-
-<p>Plutarch states that Alexander founded more than seventy
-new cities in Asia.<a id="FNanchor_645" href="#Footnote_645"
-class="fnanchor">[645]</a> So large a number of them is neither
-veri<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">[p. 268]</span>fiable nor
-probable, unless we either reckon up simple military posts, or borrow
-from the list of foundations really established by his successors.
-Except Alexandria in Egypt, none of the cities founded by Alexander
-himself can be shown to have attained any great development. Nearly
-all were planted among the remote, warlike, and turbulent peoples
-eastward of the Caspian Gates. Such establishments were really
-fortified posts to hold the country in subjection: Alexander lodged
-in them detachments from his army; but none of these detachments
-can well have been large, since he could not afford materially to
-weaken his army, while active military operations were still going
-on and while farther advance was in contemplation. More of these
-settlements were founded in Sogdiana than elsewhere; but respecting
-the Sogdian foundations, we know that the Greeks whom he established
-there, chained to the spot only by fear of his power, broke away in
-mutiny immediately on the news of his death.<a id="FNanchor_646"
-href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> Some Greek
-soldiers in Alexander’s army on the Jaxartes or the Hydaspes,
-sick and weary of his interminable marches, might prefer being
-enrolled among the colonists of a new city on one of these unknown
-rivers, to the ever-repeated routine of ex<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_269">[p. 269]</span>hausting duty.<a id="FNanchor_647"
-href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a> But it is certain
-that no volunteer emigrants would go forth to settle at distances
-such as their imaginations could hardly conceive. The absorbing
-appetite of Alexander was conquest, to the East, West, South, and
-North; the cities which he planted were established, for the most
-part, as garrisons to maintain his most distant and most precarious
-acquisitions. The purpose of colonization was altogether subordinate;
-and that of hellenizing Asia, so far as we can see, was not even
-contemplated, much less realized.</p>
-
-<p>This process of hellenizing Asia—in so far as Asia was ever
-hellenized—which has often been ascribed to Alexander, was in
-reality the work of the Diadochi who came after him; though his
-conquests doubtless opened the door and established the military
-ascendency which rendered such a work practicable. The position, the
-aspirations, and the interests of these Diadochi—Antigonus, Ptolemy,
-Seleukus, Lysimachus, etc.—were materially different from those of
-Alexander. They had neither appetite nor means for new and remote
-conquest; their great rivalry was with each other; each sought to
-strengthen himself near home against the rest. It became a matter
-of fashion and pride with them, not less than of interest, to found
-new cities immortalizing their family names. These foundations
-were chiefly made in the regions of Asia near and known to Greeks,
-where Alexander had planted none. Thus the great and numerous
-foundations of Seleukus Nikator and his successors covered Syria,
-Mesopotamia, and parts of Asia Minor. All these regions were known
-to Greeks, and more or less tempting to new Grecian immigrants—not
-out of reach or hearing of the Olympic and other festivals, as the
-Jaxartes and the Indus were. In this way a considerable influx of new
-hellenic blood was poured into Asia during the century succeeding
-Alexander,—probably in great measure from Italy and Sicily, where the
-condition of the Greek cities became still more calamitous—besides
-the numerous Greeks who took service as individuals under
-these Asiatic kings. Greeks, and Macedonians speaking Greek,
-became predominant, if not in numbers,<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_270">[p. 270]</span> at least in importance, throughout
-most of the cities in Western Asia. In particular, the Macedonian
-military organization, discipline, and administration, was maintained
-systematically among these Asiatic kings. In the account of the
-battle of Magnesia, fought by the Seleukid king Atiochus the Great
-against the Romans in 190 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, the
-Macedonian phalanx, constituting the main force of his Asiatic army,
-appears in all its completeness, just as it stood under Philip and
-Perseus in Macedonia itself.<a id="FNanchor_648" href="#Footnote_648"
-class="fnanchor">[648]</a></p>
-
-<p>When it is said however that Asia became hellenized under
-Alexander’s successors, the phrase requires explanation.
-Hellenism, properly so called—the aggregate of habits, sentiments,
-energies, and intelligence, manifested by the Greeks during
-their epoch of autonomy<a id="FNanchor_649" href="#Footnote_649"
-class="fnanchor">[649]</a>—never passed over into Asia; neither
-the highest qualities of the Greek mind, not even the entire
-character of ordinary Greeks. This genuine Hellenism could not
-subsist under the overruling compression of Alexander, nor even
-under the less irresistible pressure of his successors. Its living
-force, productive genius, self-organizing power, and active spirit
-of political communion, were stifled, and gradually died out. All
-that passed into Asia was a faint and partial resemblance of it,
-carrying the superficial marks of the original. The administration of
-the Greco-Asiatic kings was not hellenic (as it has been sometimes
-called), but completely despotic, as that of the Persians had been
-before. Whoever follows their history, until the period of Roman
-dominion, will see that it turned upon the tastes, temper, and
-ability of the prince, and on the circumstances of the regal family.
-Viewing their government as a system, its promi<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_271">[p. 271]</span>nent difference as compared with
-their Persian predecessors, consisted in their retaining the
-military traditions and organization of Philip and Alexander, an
-elaborate scheme of discipline and manœuvring, which would not be
-kept up without permanent official grades and a higher measure of
-intelligence than had ever been displayed under the Achæmenid kings,
-who had no military school or training whatever. Hence a great number
-of individual Greeks found employment in the military as well as
-in the civil service of these Greco-Asiatic kings. The intelligent
-Greek, instead of a citizen of Hellas, became the instrument of a
-foreign prince; the details of government were managed to a great
-degree by Greek officials, and always in the Greek language.</p>
-
-<p>Moreover, besides this, there was the still more important fact
-of the many new cities founded in Asia by the Seleukidæ and the
-other contemporary kings. Each of these cities had a considerable
-infusion of Greek and Macedonian citizens, among the native Orientals
-located there, often brought by compulsion from neighboring villages.
-In what numerical ratio these two elements of the civic population
-stood to each other, we cannot say. But the Greeks and Macedonians
-were the leading and active portion, who exercised the greatest
-assimilating force, gave imposing effect to the public manifestations
-of religion, had wider views and sympathies, dealt with the central
-government, and carried on that contracted measure of municipal
-autonomy which the city was permitted to retain. In these cities the
-Greek inhabitants, though debarred from political freedom, enjoyed
-a range of social activity suited to their tastes. In each, Greek
-was the language of public business and dealing; each formed a
-centre of attraction and commerce for an extensive neighborhood; all
-together, they were the main hellenic or quasi-hellenic element in
-Asia under the Greco-Asiatic kings, as contrasted with the rustic
-villages, where native manners, and probably native speech, still
-continued with little modification. But the Greeks of Antioch, or
-Alexandria, or Seleukeia, were not like citizens of Athens or Thebes,
-nor even like men of Tarentum or Ephesus. While they communicated
-their language to Orientals, they became themselves substantially
-orientalized. Their feelings, judgments, and habits of action, ceased
-to be hellenic. Polybius,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">[p.
-272]</span> when he visited Alexandria, looked with surprise and
-aversion on the Greeks there resident, though they were superior
-to the non-hellenic population, whom he considered worthless.<a
-id="FNanchor_650" href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a>
-Greek social habits, festivals, and legends, passed with the hellenic
-settlers into Asia; all becoming amalgamated and transformed so as to
-suit a new Asiatic abode. Important social and political consequences
-turned upon the diffusion of the language, and upon the establishment
-of such a common medium of communication throughout Western Asia.
-But after all, the hellenized Asiatic was not so much a Greek as a
-foreigner with Grecian speech, exterior varnish, and superficial
-manifestations; distinguished fundamentally from those Greek citizens
-with whom the present history has been concerned. So he would have
-been considered by Sophokles, by Thucydides, by Sokrates.</p>
-
-<p>Thus much is necessary in order to understand the bearing of
-Alexander’s conquests, not only upon the hellenic population, but
-upon hellenic attributes and peculiarities. While crushing the Greeks
-as communities at home, these conquests opened a wider range to the
-Greeks as individuals abroad; and produced—perhaps the best of all
-their effects—a great increase of intercommunication, multiplication
-of roads, extension of commercial dealing, and enlarged facilities
-for the acquisition of geographical knowledge. There already existed
-in the Persian empire an easy and convenient royal road (established
-by Darius son of Hystaspes and described as well as admired by
-Herodotus) for the three months’ journey between Sardis and Susa;
-and there must<span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">[p. 273]</span>
-have been another regular road from Susa and Ekbatana to Baktria,
-Sogdiana, and India. Alexander, had he lived, would doubtless have
-multiplied on a still larger scale the communications both by sea
-and land between the various parts of his world-empire. We read
-that among the gigantic projects which he was contemplating when
-surprised by death, one was, the construction of a road all along
-the northern coast of Africa, as far as the Pillars of Herakles.<a
-id="FNanchor_651" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> He
-had intended to found a new maritime city on the Persian Gulf, at the
-mouth of the Euphrates, and to incur much outlay for regulating the
-flow of water in its lower course. The river would probably have been
-thus made again to afford the same conveniences, both for navigation
-and irrigation, as it appears to have furnished in earlier times
-under the ancient Babylonian kings. Orders had been also given for
-constructing a fleet to explore the Caspian Sea. Alexander believed
-that sea to be connected with the Eastern Ocean,<a id="FNanchor_652"
-href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a> and intended to make
-it his point of departure for circumnavigating the eastern limits
-of Asia, which country yet remained for him to conquer. The voyage
-already performed by Nearchus, from the mouth of the Indus to that
-of the Euphrates, was in those days a splendid maritime achievement;
-to which another still greater was on the point of being added—the
-circumnavigation of Arabia from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea;
-though here we must remark, that this same voyage (from the mouth
-of the Indus round Arabia into the Red Sea) had been performed in
-thirty months, a century and a half before, by Skylax of Karyanda,
-under the orders of Darius son of Hystaspes;<a id="FNanchor_653"
-href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> yet, though re<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_274">[p. 274]</span>corded by Herodotus,
-forgotten (as it would appear) by Alexander and his contemporaries.
-This enlarged and systematic exploration of the earth, combined with
-increased means of communication among its inhabitants, is the main
-feature in Alexander’s career which presents itself as promising real
-consequences beneficial to humanity.</p>
-
-<p>We read that Alexander felt so much interest in the extension of
-science, that he gave to Aristotle the immense sum of 800 talents in
-money, placing under his directions several thousand men, for the
-purpose of prosecuting zoological researches.<a id="FNanchor_654"
-href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> These exaggerations
-are probably the work of those enemies of the philosopher who decried
-him as a pensioner of the Macedonian court; but it is probable enough
-that Philip, and Alexander in the early part of his reign, may have
-helped Aristotle in the difficult process of getting together facts
-and specimens for observation—from esteem towards him personally,
-rather than from interest in his discoveries. The intellectual turn
-of Alexander was towards literature, poetry, and history. He was fond
-of the Iliad especially, as well as of the Attic tragedians; so that
-Harpalus, being directed to send some books to him in Upper Asia,
-selected as the most acceptable packet various tragedies of Æschylus,
-Sophokles, and Euripides, with the dithyrambic poems of Telestes and
-the histories of Phlistus.<a id="FNanchor_655" href="#Footnote_655"
-class="fnanchor">[655]</a></p>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_95">
-  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">[p. 275]</span></p>
-  <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCV.<br />
-    GRECIAN AFFAIRS FROM THE LANDING OF ALEXANDER IN ASIA
-    TO THE CLOSE OF THE LAMIAN WAR.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">Even</span> in 334
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, when Alexander first entered upon his
-Asiatic campaigns, the Grecian cities, great as well as small,
-had been robbed of all their free agency, and existed only as
-appendages of the kingdom of Macedonia. Several of them were
-occupied by Macedonian garrisons, or governed by local despots who
-leaned upon such armed force for support. There existed among them
-no common idea or public sentiment, formally proclaimed and acted
-on, except such as it suited Alexander’s purpose to encourage.
-The miso-Persian sentiment—once a genuine expression of Hellenic
-patriotism, to the recollection of which Demosthenes was wont to
-appeal, in animating the Athenians to action against Macedonia,
-but now extinct and supplanted by nearer apprehensions—had been
-converted by Alexander to his own purposes, as a pretext for
-headship, and a help for ensuring submission during his absence
-in Asia. Greece had become a province of Macedonia; the affairs
-of the Greeks (observes Aristotle in illustrating a philosophical
-discussion) are “in the hands of the king.”<a id="FNanchor_656"
-href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> A public synod of
-the Greeks sat from time to time at Corinth; but it represented only
-philo-Macedonian sentiment; all that we know of its proceedings
-consisted in congratulations to Alexander on his victories. There is
-no Grecian history of public or political import; there are no facts
-except the local and municipal details of each city—“the streets
-and fountains which we are repairing and the battlements which we
-are whitening”, to use a phrase of Demosthenes<a id="FNanchor_657"
-href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a>—the good management
-of the Athenian finances by the orator<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_276">[p. 276]</span> Lykurgus, and the contentions of
-orators respecting private disputes or politics of the past.</p>
-
-<p>But though Grecian history is thus stagnant and suspended
-during the first years of Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns, it might
-at any moment have become animated with an active spirit of
-self-emancipation, if he had experienced reverses, or if the Persians
-had administered their own affairs with skill and vigor. I have
-already stated, that during the first two years of the war, the
-Persian fleet (we ought rather to say, the Phenician fleet in the
-Persian service) had a decided superiority at sea. Darius possessed
-untold treasures which might have indefinitely increased that
-superiority and multiplied his means of transmarine action, had he
-chosen to follow the advice of Memnon, by acting vigorously from the
-sea and strictly on the defensive by land. The movement or quiescence
-of the Greeks therefore depended on the turn of affairs in Asia; as
-Alexander himself was well aware.</p>
-
-<p>During the winter of 334-333 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, Memnon
-with the Persian fleet appeared to be making progress among the
-islands in the Ægean,<a id="FNanchor_658" href="#Footnote_658"
-class="fnanchor">[658]</a> and the anti-Macedonian Greeks were
-expecting him farther westward in Eubœa and Peloponnesus. Their hopes
-being dashed by his unexpected death, and still more by Darius’s
-abandonment of the Memnonian plans, they had next to wait for the
-chance of what might be achieved by the immense Persian land-force.
-Even down to the eve of the battle of Issus, Demosthenes<a
-id="FNanchor_659" href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a>
-and others (as has already been mentioned) were encouraged by their
-correspondents in Asia to anticipate success for Darius even in
-pitched battle. But after the great disaster at Issus, during a
-year and a half (from November 333 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> to
-March or April 331 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), no hope was possible.
-The Persian force seemed extinct, and Darius was so paralyzed by
-the captivity of his family, that he suffered even the citizens
-of Tyre and Gaza to perish in their gallant efforts of defence,
-without the least effort to save them. At length, in the spring
-of 331 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, the prospects again appeared
-to improve. A second Persian army, countless like the first, was
-assembling eastward of the Tigris; Alexander ad<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_277">[p. 277]</span>vanced into the interior, many weeks’
-march from the shores of the Mediterranean, to attack them; and
-the Persians doubtless transmitted encouragements with money
-to enterprising men in Greece, in hopes of provoking auxiliary
-movements. Presently (October 331 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>) came the
-catastrophe at Arbela; after which no demonstration against Alexander
-could have been attempted with any reasonable hope of success.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the varying point of view under which the contest in
-Asia presented itself to Grecian spectators, during the three years
-and a half between the landing of Alexander in Asia and the battle
-of Arbela. As to the leading states in Greece, we have to look at
-Athens and Sparta only; for Thebes had been destroyed and demolished
-as a city; and what had been once the citadel of the Kadmeia was
-now a Macedonian garrison.<a id="FNanchor_660" href="#Footnote_660"
-class="fnanchor">[660]</a> Moreover, besides that garrison, the
-Bœotian cities, Orchomenus, Platæa, etc., were themselves strongholds
-of Macedonian dependence; being hostile to Thebes of old, and having
-received among themselves assignments of all the Theban lands.<a
-id="FNanchor_661" href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> In
-case of any movement in Greece, therefore, Antipater, the viceroy of
-Macedonia, might fairly count on finding in Greece interested allies,
-serving as no mean check upon Attica.</p>
-
-<p>At Athens, the reigning sentiment was decidedly pacific. Few
-were disposed to brave the prince who had just given so fearful
-an evidence of his force by the destruction of Thebes and the
-enslavement of the Thebans. Ephialtes and Charidemus, the military
-citizens at Athens most anti-Macedonian in sentiment, had been
-demanded as prisoners by Alexander, and had withdrawn to Asia, there
-to take service with Darius. Other Athenians, men of energy and
-action, had followed their example, and had fought against Alexander
-at the Granikus, where they became his prisoners, and were sent
-to Macedonia to work in fetters at the mines. Ephialtes perished
-at the siege of Halikarnassus, while defending the place with the
-utmost gallantry; Charidemus suffered a more unworthy death from the
-shameful sentence of Darius. The anti-Macedonian leaders who remained
-at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">[p. 278]</span> Athens, such
-as Demosthenes and Lykurgus, were not generals or men of action,
-but statesmen and orators. They were fully aware that submission to
-Alexander was a painful necessity, though they watched not the less
-anxiously for any reverse which might happen to him, such as to make
-it possible for Athens to head a new struggle on behalf of Grecian
-freedom.</p>
-
-<p>But it was not Demosthenes nor Lykurgus who now guided the
-general policy of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_662" href="#Footnote_662"
-class="fnanchor">[662]</a> For the twelve years between the
-destruction of Thebes and the death of Alexander, Phokion and Demades
-were her ministers for foreign affairs; two men of totally opposite
-characters, but coinciding in pacific views, and in looking to the
-favor of Alexander and Antipater as the principal end to be attained.
-Twenty Athenian triremes were sent to act with the Macedonian fleet,
-during Alexander’s first campaign in Asia; these, together with the
-Athenian prisoners taken at the Granikus, served to him farther as a
-guarantee for the continued submission of the Athenians generally.<a
-id="FNanchor_663" href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a>
-There can be no doubt that the pacific policy of Phokion was now
-prudent and essential to Athens, though the same cannot be said
-(as I have remarked in the proper place) for his advocacy of the
-like policy twenty years before, when Philip’s power was growing
-and might have been arrested by vigorous opposition. It suited the
-purpose of Antipater to ensure his hold upon Athens by frequent
-presents to Demades, a man of luxurious and extravagant habits. But
-Phokion, incorruptible as well as poor to the end, declined all
-similar offers, though often made to him, not only by Antipater,
-but even by Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_664" href="#Footnote_664"
-class="fnanchor">[664]</a></p>
-
-<p>It deserves particular notice, that though the macedonizing policy
-was now decidedly in the ascendent—accepted, even by dissentients,
-as the only course admissible under the circumstances, and confirmed
-the more by each successive victory of Alexander—yet statesmen, like
-Lykurgus and Demosthenes, of notorious anti-Macedonian sentiment,
-still held a conspicuous and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">[p.
-279]</span> influential position, though of course restricted to
-matters of internal administration. Thus Lykurgus continued to be the
-real acting minister of finance, for three successive Panathenaic
-intervals of four years each, or for an uninterrupted period of
-twelve years. He superintended not merely the entire collection,
-but also the entire disbursement of the public revenue; rendering
-strict periodical account, yet with a financial authority greater
-than had belonged to any statesman since Perikles. He improved the
-gymnasia and stadia of the city—multiplied the donatives and sacred
-furniture in the temples—enlarged, or constructed anew, docks and
-arsenals,—provided a considerable stock of arms and equipments,
-military as well as naval—and maintained four hundred triremes in
-a seaworthy condition, for the protection of Athenian commerce.
-In these extensive functions he was never superseded, though
-Alexander at one time sent to require the surrender of his person,
-which was refused by the Athenian people.<a id="FNanchor_665"
-href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> The main cause of
-his firm hold upon the public mind, was, his known and indisputable
-pecuniary probity, wherein he was the parallel of Phokion.</p>
-
-<p>As to Demosthenes, he did not hold any such commanding public
-appointments as Lykurgus; but he enjoyed great esteem and
-sympathy from the people generally, for his marked line of public
-counsel during the past. The proof of this is to be found<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_280">[p. 280]</span> in one very significant
-fact. The indictment, against Ktesiphon’s motion for crowning
-Demosthenes, was instituted by Æschines, and official entry made
-of it, before the death of Philip—which event occurred in August
-336 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> Yet Æschines did not venture to bring
-it on for trial until August 330 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, after
-Antipater had subdued the ill-fated rising of the Lacedæmonian king
-Agis; and even at that advantageous moment, when the macedonizers
-seemed in full triumph, he signally failed. We thus perceive, that
-though Phokion and Demades were now the leaders of Athenian affairs,
-as representing a policy which every one felt to be unavoidable—yet
-the preponderant sentiment of the people went with Demosthenes
-and Lykurgus. In fact, we shall see that after the Lamian war,
-Antipater thought it requisite to subdue or punish this sentiment
-by disfranchising or deporting two-thirds of the citizens.<a
-id="FNanchor_666" href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a>
-It seems however that the anti-Macedonian statesmen were very
-cautious of giving offence to Alexander, between 334 and 330
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> Ktesiphon accepted a mission of condolence
-to Kleopatra, sister of Alexander, on the death of her husband
-Alexander of Epirus; and Demosthenes stands accused of having sent
-humble and crouching letters to Alexander (the Great) in Phenicia,
-during the spring of 331 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> This assertion of
-Æschines, though not to be trusted as correct, indicates the general
-prudence of Demosthenes as to his known and formidable enemy.<a
-id="FNanchor_667" href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">[p. 281]</span>It was not
-from Athens, but from Sparta, that anti-Macedonian movements now took
-rise.</p>
-
-<p>In the decisive battle unsuccessfully fought by Athens and Thebes
-at Chæroneia against Philip, the Spartans had not been concerned.
-Their king Archidamus,—who had been active conjointly with Athens
-in the Sacred War, trying to uphold the Phokians against Philip and
-the Thebans,—had afterwards withdrawn himself from Central Greece
-to assist the Tarentines in Italy, and had been slain in a battle
-against the Messapians.<a id="FNanchor_668" href="#Footnote_668"
-class="fnanchor">[668]</a> He was succeeded by his son Agis, a brave
-and enterprising man, under whom the Spartans, though abstaining
-from hostilities against Philip, resolutely declined to take part in
-the synod at Corinth, whereby the Macedonian prince was nominated
-Leader of the Greeks; and even persisted in the same denial on
-Alexander’s nomination also. When Alexander sent to Athens three
-hundred panoplies after his victory at the Granikus, to be dedicated
-in the temple of Athênê, he expressly proclaimed in the inscription,
-that they were dedicated “by Alexander and the Greeks, <i>excepting
-the Lacedæmonians</i>.”<a id="FNanchor_669" href="#Footnote_669"
-class="fnanchor">[669]</a> Agis took the lead in trying to procure
-Persian aid for anti-Macedonian operations in Greece. Towards the
-close of summer 333 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, a little before
-the battle of Issus, he visited the Persian admirals at Chios,
-to solicit men and money for intended action in Peloponnesus.<a
-id="FNanchor_670" href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a>
-At that moment, they were not zealous in the direction of Greece,
-anticipating (as most Asiatics then did) the complete destruction
-of Alexander in Kilikia. As soon, however, as the disaster of Issus
-became known, they placed at the disposal of Agis thirty talents and
-ten triremes; which he employed, under his brother Agesilaus, in
-making himself master of Krete—feeling that no movement in Greece
-could be expected at such a discouraging crisis. Agis himself
-soon afterwards went to that island, having<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_282">[p. 282]</span> strengthened himself by a division of
-the Greek mercenaries who had fought under Darius at Issus. In Krete,
-he appears to have had considerable temporary success; and even in
-Peloponnesus, he organized some demonstrations, which Alexander sent
-Amphoterus with a large naval force to repress, in the spring of 331
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small><a id="FNanchor_671" href="#Footnote_671"
-class="fnanchor">[671]</a> At that time, Phenicia, Egypt, and all
-the naval mastery of the Ægean, had passed into the hands of the
-conqueror, so that the Persians had no direct means of acting upon
-Greece. Probably Amphoterus recovered Krete, but he had no land-force
-to attack Agis in Peloponnesus.</p>
-
-<p>In October 331 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, Darius was beaten at
-Arbela and became a fugitive in Media, leaving Babylon, Susa, and
-Persepolis, with the bulk of his immense treasures, as a prey to the
-conqueror during the coming winter. After such prodigious accessions
-to Alexander’s force, it would seem that any anti-Macedonian
-movement, during the spring of 330 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, must
-have been obviously hopeless and even insane. Yet it was just then
-that King Agis found means to enlarge his scale of operations in
-Peloponnesus, and prevailed on a considerable body of new allies
-to join him. As to himself personally, he and the Lacedæmonians
-had been previously in a state of proclaimed war with Macedonia,<a
-id="FNanchor_672" href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a>
-and therefore incurred little additional risk; moreover, it<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_283">[p. 283]</span> was one of the effects
-of the Asiatic disasters to cast back upon Greece small hands of
-soldiers who had hitherto found service in the Persian armies.
-These men willingly came to Cape Tænarus to enlist under a warlike
-king of Sparta; so that Agis found himself at the head of a force
-which appeared considerable to Peloponnesians, familiar only with
-the narrow scale of Grecian war-muster, though insignificant as
-against Alexander or his viceroy in Macedonia.<a id="FNanchor_673"
-href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a> An unexpected ray of
-hope broke out from the revolt of Memnon, the Macedonian governor
-of Thrace. Antipater was thus compelled to withdraw some of his
-forces to a considerable distance from Greece; while Alexander,
-victorious as he was, being in Persis or Media, east of Mount Zagros,
-appeared in the eyes of a Greek to have reached the utmost limits
-of the habitable world.<a id="FNanchor_674" href="#Footnote_674"
-class="fnanchor">[674]</a> Of this partial encouragement Agis took
-advantage, to march out of Lakonia with all the troops, mercenary
-and native, that he could muster. He called on the Peloponnesians
-for a last effort against Macedonian dominion, while Darius still
-retained all the eastern half of his empire, and while support from
-him in men and money might yet be anticipated.<a id="FNanchor_675"
-href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a></p>
-
-<p>Respecting this war, we know very few details. At first, a flush
-of success appeared in attend Agis. The Eleians, the Achæans (except
-Pellênê), the Arcadians (except Megalopolis)<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_284">[p. 284]</span> and some other Peloponnesians, joined
-his standard; so that he was enabled to collect an army stated at
-20,000 foot and 2000 horse. Defeating the first Macedonian forces
-sent against him, he proceeded to lay siege to Megalopolis; which
-city, now as previously, was the stronghold of Macedonian influence
-in the peninsula, and was probably occupied by a Macedonian
-garrison. An impulse manifested itself at Athens in favor of active
-sympathy, and equipment of a fleet to aid this anti-Macedonian
-effort. It was resisted by Phokion and Demades, doubtless upon
-all views of prudence, but especially upon one financial ground,
-taken by the latter, that the people would be compelled to forego
-the Theoric distribution.<a id="FNanchor_676" href="#Footnote_676"
-class="fnanchor">[676]</a> Even Demosthenes himself, under
-circumstances so obviously discouraging, could not recommend the
-formidable step of declaring against Alexander—though he seems
-to have indulged in the expression of general anti-Macedonian
-sympathies, and to have complained of the helplessness into which
-Athens had been brought by past bad policy.<a id="FNanchor_677"
-href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> Antipater, closing
-the war in Thrace on the best terms that he could, hastened into
-Greece with his full forces, and reached Peloponnesus in time to
-relieve Megalopolis, which had begun to be in danger. One decisive
-battle, which took place in Arcadia, sufficed to terminate the
-war. Agis and his army, the Lacedæmonians especially, fought with
-gallantry and desperation, but were completely defeated. Five
-thousand of their men were slain, including Agis himself; who,
-though covered with wounds, disdained to leave the field, and fell
-resisting to the last. The victors, according to one account, lost
-3500 men; according to another, 1000 slain, together with a great
-many wounded.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">[p. 285]</span>
-This was a greater loss than Alexander had sustained either at Issus
-or at Arbela; a plain proof that Agis and his companions, however
-unfortunate in the result, had manifested courage worthy of the best
-days of Sparta.</p>
-
-<p>The allied forces were now so completely crushed, that all
-submitted to Antipater. After consulting the philo-Macedonian synod
-at Corinth, he condemned the Achæans and Eleians to pay 120 talents
-to Megalopolis, and exacted from the Tegeans the punishment of those
-among their leading men who had advised the war.<a id="FNanchor_678"
-href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> But he would not
-take upon him to determine the treatment of the Lacedæmonians,
-without special reference to Alexander. Requiring from them fifty
-hostages, he sent up to Alexander in Asia some Lacedæmonian envoys
-or prisoners, to throw themselves on his mercy.<a id="FNanchor_679"
-href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> We are told that they
-did not reach the king until a long time afterwards, at Baktra;<a
-id="FNanchor_680" href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a>
-what he decided about Sparta generally, we do not know.</p>
-
-<p>The rising of the Thebans, not many months after Alexander’s
-accession, had been the first attempt of the Greeks to emancipate
-themselves from Macedonian dominion; this enterprise of Agis was the
-second. Both unfortunately had been partial, without the possibility
-of any extensive or organized combination beforehand; both ended
-miserably, riveting the chains of Greece more powerfully than ever.
-Thus was the self-defensive force of Greece extinguished piecemeal.
-The scheme of Agis was in fact desperate from the very outset, as
-against the gigantic power of Alexander; and would perhaps never have
-been undertaken, had not Agis himself been already compromised in
-hostility against Macedonia, before the destruction of the Persian
-force at Issus. This unfortunate prince, without any superior ability
-(so far as we know), manifested a devoted courage and patriotism
-worthy of his predecessor Leonidas at Thermopylæ; whose renown
-stands higher, only because the cause in which he fell ultimately
-triumphed. The Athenians and Ætolians, neither<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_286">[p. 286]</span> of whom took part with Agis, were now
-left, without Thebes and Sparta, as the two great military powers of
-Greece which will appear presently, when we come to the last struggle
-for Grecian independence—the Lamian war; better combined and more
-promising, yet not less disastrous in its result.</p>
-
-<p>Though the strongest considerations of prudence kept Athens quiet
-during this anti-Macedonian movement in Peloponnesus, a powerful
-sympathy must have been raised among her citizens while the struggle
-was going on. Had Agis gained the victory over Antipater, the
-Athenians might probably have declared in his favor; and although no
-independent position could have been permanently maintained against
-so overwhelming an enemy as Alexander, yet considering that he was
-thoroughly occupied and far in the interior of Asia, Greece might
-have held out against Antipater for an interval not inconsiderable.
-In the face of such eventualities, the fears of the macedonizing
-statesmen now in power at Athens, the hopes of their opponents,
-and the reciprocal antipathies of both, must have become unusually
-manifest; so that the reaction afterwards, when the Macedonian power
-became more irresistible than ever, was considered by the enemies
-of Demosthenes to offer a favorable opportunity for ruining and
-dishonoring him.</p>
-
-<p>To the political peculiarity of this juncture we owe the judicial
-contest between the two great Athenian orators; the memorable
-accusation of Æschines against Ktesiphon, for having proposed a crown
-to Demosthenes—and the still more memorable defence of Demosthenes,
-on behalf of his friend as well as of himself. It was in the autumn
-or winter of 337-336 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, that Ktesiphon had
-proposed this vote of public honor in favor of Demosthenes, and had
-obtained the probouleuma or preliminary acquiescence of the senate;
-it was in the same Attic year, and not long afterwards, that Æschines
-attacked the proposition under the Graphê Paranomôn, as illegal,
-unconstitutional, mischievous, and founded on false allegations.<a
-id="FNanchor_681" href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a>
-More than six<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">[p. 287]</span>
-years had thus elapsed since the formal entry of the accusation;
-yet Æschines had not chosen to bring it to actual trial; which
-indeed could not be done without some risk to himself, before the
-numerous and popular judicature of Athens. Twice or thrice before
-his accusation was entered, other persons had moved to confer the
-same honor upon Demosthenes,<a id="FNanchor_682" href="#Footnote_682"
-class="fnanchor">[682]</a> and had been indicted under the Graphê
-Paranomôn; but with such signal ill-success, that their accusers did
-not obtain so much as one-fifth of the suffrages of the Dikasts,
-and therefore incurred (under the standing regulation of the Attic
-law) a penalty of 1000 drachmæ. The like danger awaited Æschines;
-and although, in reference to the illegality of Ktesiphon’s motion
-(which was the direct and ostensible purpose aimed at under the
-Graphê Paranomôn), his indictment was grounded on special<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_288">[p. 288]</span> circumstances such
-as the previous accusers may not have been able to show, still it
-was not his real object to confine himself within this narrow and
-technical argument. He intended to enlarge the range of accusation,
-so as to include the whole character and policy of Demosthenes;
-who would thus, if the verdict went against him, stand publicly
-dishonored both as citizen and as politician. Unless this latter
-purpose were accomplished, indeed, Æschines gained nothing by
-bringing the indictment into court; for the mere entry of the
-indictment would have already produced the effect of preventing the
-probouleuma from passing into a decree, and the crown from being
-actually conferred. Doubtless Ktesiphon and Demosthenes might have
-forced Æschines to the alternative of either dropping his indictment
-or bringing it into the Dikastery. But this was a forward challenge,
-which, in reference to a purely honorary vote, they had not felt
-bold enough to send; especially after the capture of Thebes in 335
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> when the victorious Alexander demanded the
-surrender of Demosthenes with several other citizens.</p>
-
-<p>In this state of abeyance and compromise—Demosthenes enjoying
-the inchoate honor of a complimentary vote from the senate,
-Æschines intercepting it from being matured into a vote of the
-people—both the vote and the indictment had remained for rather
-more than six years. But the accuser now felt encouraged to push
-his indictment to trial, under the reactionary party feeling,
-following on abortive anti-Macedonian hopes, which succeeded to the
-complete victory of Antipater over Agis, and which brought about
-the accusation of anti-Macedonian citizens in Naxos, Thasos, and
-other Grecian cities also.<a id="FNanchor_683" href="#Footnote_683"
-class="fnanchor">[683]</a> Amidst the fears prevalent that the
-victor would carry his resentment still farther, Æschines could now
-urge that Athens was disgraced by having adopted or even approved
-the policy of Demosthenes,<a id="FNanchor_684" href="#Footnote_684"
-class="fnanchor">[684]</a> and that<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_289">[p. 289]</span> an emphatic condemnation of him was the
-only way of clearing her from the charge of privity with those who
-had raised the standard against Macedonian supremacy. In an able and
-bitter harangue, Æschines first shows that the motion of Ktesiphon
-was illegal, in consequence of the public official appointments
-held by Demosthenes at the moment when it was proposed—next he
-enters at large into the whole life and character of Demosthenes,
-to prove him unworthy of such an honor, even if there had been no
-formal grounds of objection. He distributes the entire life of
-Demosthenes into four periods, the first ending at the peace of 346
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, between Philip and the Athenians—the
-second, ending with the breaking out of the next ensuing war in
-341-340 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>—the third, ending with the disaster
-at Chæroneia—the fourth, comprising all the time following.<a
-id="FNanchor_685" href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a>
-Throughout all the four periods, he denounces the conduct of
-Demosthenes as having been corrupt, treacherous, cowardly, and
-ruinous to the city. What is more surprising still—he expressly
-charges him with gross subservience both to Philip and to Alexander,
-at the very time when he was taking credit for a patriotic and
-intrepid opposition to them.<a id="FNanchor_686" href="#Footnote_686"
-class="fnanchor">[686]</a></p>
-
-<p>That Athens had undergone sad defeat and humiliation, having
-been driven from her independent and even presidential position
-into the degraded character of a subject Macedonian city, since the
-time when Demosthenes first began political life—was a fact but too
-indisputable. Æschines even makes this a part of his case; arraigning
-the traitorous mismanagement of Demosthenes as the cause of so
-melancholy a revolution, and denouncing him as candidate for public
-compliment or no better plea than a series of public calamities.<a
-id="FNanchor_687" href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a>
-Having thus animadverted on the conduct of Demosthenes prior to
-the battle of Chæroneia, Æschines proceeds to the more recent
-past, and contends that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">[p.
-290]</span> Demosthenes cannot be sincere in his pretended enmity
-to Alexander, because he has let slip three successive occasions,
-all highly favorable, for instigating Athens to hostility against
-the Macedonians. Of these three occasions, the first was, when
-Alexander first crossed into Asia; the second, immediately before
-the battle of Issus; the third, during the flush of success obtained
-by Agis in Peloponnesus.<a id="FNanchor_688" href="#Footnote_688"
-class="fnanchor">[688]</a> On neither of these occasions did
-Demosthenes call for any public action against Macedonia; a proof
-(according to Æschines) that his anti-Macedonian professions were
-insincere.</p>
-
-<p>I have more than once remarked, that considering the bitter
-enmity between the two orators, it is rarely safe to trust the
-unsupported allegation of either against the other. But in regard
-to the last-mentioned charges advanced by Æschines, there is enough
-of known fact, and we have independent evidence, such as is not
-often before us, to appreciate him as an accuser of Demosthenes.
-The victorious career of Alexander, set forth in the preceding
-chapters, proves amply that not one of the three periods, here
-indicated by Æschines, presented even decent encouragement for a
-reasonable Athenian patriot, to involve his country in warfare
-against so formidable an enemy. Nothing can be more frivolous than
-these charges against Demosthenes, of having omitted promising
-seasons for anti-Macedonian operations. Partly for this reason,
-probably, Demosthenes does not notice them in his reply; still more,
-perhaps, on another ground, that it was not safe to speak out what
-he thought and felt about Alexander. His reply dwells altogether
-upon the period before the death of Philip. Of the boundless empire
-subsequently acquired, by the son of Philip, he speaks only to mourn
-it as a wretched visitation of fortune, which has desolated alike the
-Hellenic and the barbaric world—in which Athens has been engulfed
-along with others—and from which even those faithless and trimming
-Greeks, who helped to aggrandize Philip, have not escaped better than
-Athens, nor indeed so well.<a id="FNanchor_689" href="#Footnote_689"
-class="fnanchor">[689]</a></p>
-
-<p>I shall not here touch upon the Demosthenic speech De Coronâ
-in a rhetorical point of view, nor add anything to those en<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_291">[p. 291]</span>comiums which have been
-pronounced upon it with one voice, both in ancient and in modern
-times, as the unapproachable masterpiece of Grecian oratory. To
-this work it belongs as a portion of Grecian history; a retrospect
-of the efforts made by a patriot and a statesman to uphold the
-dignity of Athens and the autonomy of the Grecian world, against a
-dangerous aggressor from without. How these efforts were directed,
-and how they lamentably failed, has been recounted in my last
-preceding volume. Demosthenes here passes them in review, replying
-to the criminations against his public conduct during the interval
-of ten years, between the peace of 346 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>,
-(or the period immediately preceding it) and the death of Philip.
-It is remarkable, that though professing to enter upon a defence
-of his whole public life,<a id="FNanchor_690" href="#Footnote_690"
-class="fnanchor">[690]</a> he nevertheless can afford to leave
-unnoticed that portion of it which is perhaps the most honorable to
-him—the early period of his first Philippics and Olynthiacs—when,
-though a politician as yet immature and of no established footing,
-he was the first to descry in the distance the perils threatened by
-Philip’s aggrandizement, and the loudest in calling for timely and
-energetic precautions against it; in spite of apathy and murmurs from
-older politicians as well as from the general public. Beginning with
-the peace of 346 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, Demosthenes vindicates
-his own share in the antecedents of that event against the charges
-of Æschines, whom he denounces as the cause of all the mischief;
-a controversy which I have already tried to elucidate, in my last
-volume. Passing next to the period after that peace—to the four
-years first of hostile diplomacy, then of hostile action, against
-Philip, which ended with the disaster of Chæroneia—Demosthenes is
-not satisfied with simple vindication. He re-asserts this policy as
-matter of pride and honor, in spite of its results. He congratulates
-his countrymen on having manifested a Pan-hellenic patriotism worthy
-of their forefathers, and takes to himself only the credit of having
-been forward to proclaim and carry out this glorious sentiment common
-to all. Fortune has been adverse; yet the vigorous anti-Macedonian
-policy was no mistake; Demosthenes swears it by the combatants
-of Marathon,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">[p. 292]</span>
-Platæa and Salamis.<a id="FNanchor_691" href="#Footnote_691"
-class="fnanchor">[691]</a> To have had a foreign dominion obtruded
-upon Greece, is an overwhelming calamity; but to have had this
-accomplished without strenuous resistance on the part of Athens,
-would have been calamity aggravated by dishonor.</p>
-
-<p>Conceived in this sublime strain, the reply of Demosthenes to
-his rival has an historical value, as a funeral oration of extinct
-Athenian and Grecian freedom. Six years before, the orator had been
-appointed by his countrymen to deliver the usual public oration over
-the warriors slain at Chæroneia. That speech is now lost, but it
-probably touched upon the same topics. Though the sphere of action,
-of every Greek city as well as of every Greek citizen, was now
-cramped and confined by irresistible Macedonian force; there still
-remained the sentiment of full political freedom and dignity enjoyed
-during the past—the admiration of ancestors who had once defended it
-successfully—and the sympathy with leaders who had recently stood
-forward to uphold it, however unsuccessfully. It is among the most
-memorable facts in Grecian history, that in spite of the victory of
-Philip at Chæroneia—in spite of the subsequent conquest of Thebes by
-Alexander, and the danger of Athens after it—in spite of the Asiatic
-conquests which had since thrown all Persian force into the hands
-of the Macedonian king—the Athenian people could never be persuaded
-either to repudiate Demosthenes, or to disclaim sympathy with his
-political policy. How much art and ability was employed, to induce
-them to do so, by his numerous enemies, the speech of Æschines is
-enough to teach us. And when we consider how easily the public sicken
-of schemes which end in misfortune—how great a mental relief is
-usually obtained by throwing blame on unsuccessful leaders—it would
-have been no matter of surprise, if, in one of the many prosecutions
-wherein the fame of Demosthenes was involved, the Dikasts had
-given a verdict unfavorable to him. That he always came off
-acquitted, and even honorably acquitted, is a<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_293">[p. 293]</span> proof of rare fidelity and steadiness
-of mind in the Athenians. It is a proof that those noble, patriotic,
-and Pan-hellenic sentiments, which we constantly find inculcated in
-his orations, throughout a period of twenty years, had sunk into the
-minds of his hearers; and that amidst the many general allegations of
-corruption against him, loudly proclaimed by his enemies, there was
-no one well-ascertained fact which they could substantiate before the
-Dikastery.</p>
-
-<p>The indictment now preferred by Æschines against Ktesiphon only
-procured for Demosthenes a new triumph. When the suffrages of the
-Dikasts were counted, Æschines did not obtain so much as one fifth.
-He became therefore liable to the customary fine of 1000 drachmæ.
-It appears that he quitted Athens immediately, without paying the
-fine, and retired into Asia, from whence he never returned. He is
-said to have opened a rhetorical school at Rhodes, and to have gone
-into the interior of Asia during the last year of Alexander’s life
-(at the time when that monarch was ordaining on the Grecian cities
-compulsory restoration of all their exiles), in order to procure
-assistance for returning to Athens. This project was disappointed
-by Alexander’s death.<a id="FNanchor_692" href="#Footnote_692"
-class="fnanchor">[692]</a></p>
-
-<p>We cannot suppose that Æschines was unable to pay the fine of
-1000 drachmæ, or to find friends who would pay it for him. It was
-not therefore legal compulsion, but the extreme disappointment and
-humiliation of so signal a defeat, which made him leave Athens.
-We must remember that this was a gratuitous challenge sent by
-himself; that the celebrity of the two rivals had brought together
-auditors, not merely from Athens, but from various other Grecian
-cities; and that the effect of the speech of Demosthenes in his
-own defence,—delivered with all his perfection of voice and
-action, and not only electrifying hearers by the sublimity of its
-public sentiment, but also full of admirably managed self-praise,
-and contemptuous bitterness towards his rival—must have been
-inexpressibly powerful and commanding. Probably the friends of
-Æschines became themselves angry with him for having brought
-the indictment forward. For the effect<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_294">[p. 294]</span> of his defeat must have been that the
-vote of the Senate which he indicted, was brought forward and passed
-in the public assembly; and that Demosthenes must have received
-a public coronation.<a id="FNanchor_693" href="#Footnote_693"
-class="fnanchor">[693]</a> In no other way, under the existing
-circumstances of Athens, could Demosthenes have obtained so emphatic
-a compliment. It is hardly surprising, therefore, that such a
-mortification was insupportable to Æschines. He became disgusted with
-his native city. We read that afterwards, in his rhetorical school
-at Rhodes, he one day declaimed, as a lesson to his pupils, the
-successful oration of his rival, De Coronâ. Of course it excited a
-burst of admiration. “What, if you had heard the beast himself speak
-it!”—exclaimed Æschines.</p>
-
-<p>From this memorable triumph of the illustrious orator and
-defendant, we have to pass to another trial—a direct accusation
-brought against him, from which he did not escape so successfully.
-We are compelled here to jump over five years and a half (August 330
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, to January 324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>),
-during which we have no information about Grecian history; the
-interval between Alexander’s march into Baktria and his return to
-Persis and Susiana. Displeased with the conduct of the satraps during
-his absence, Alexander put to death or punished several, and directed
-the rest to disband without delay the mercenary soldiers whom they
-had taken into pay. This peremptory order filled both Asia and Europe
-with roving detachments of unprovided soldiers, some of whom sought
-subsistence in the Grecian islands and on the Lacedæmonian southern
-coast, at Cape Tænarus in Laconia.</p>
-
-<p>It was about this period (the beginning of 324
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), that Harpalus the satrap of Babylonia
-and Syria, becoming alarmed at the prospect of being punished by
-Alexander for his ostentatious prodigalities, fled from Asia into
-Greece, with a considera<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">[p.
-295]</span>ble treasure and a body of 5000 soldiers.<a
-id="FNanchor_694" href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a>
-While satrap, he had invited into Asia, in succession, two Athenian
-women as mistresses, Pythionikê and Glykera, to each of whom he
-was much attached, and whom he entertained with lavish expense
-and pomp. On the death of the first, he testified his sorrow by
-two costly funereal monuments to her memory; one at Babylon, the
-other in Attica, between Athens and Eleusis. With Glykera he is
-said to have resided at Tarsus in Kilikia,—to have ordered that
-men should prostrate themselves before her, and address her as
-queen—and to have erected her statue along with his own at Rhossus,
-a seaport on the confines of Kilikia and Syria.<a id="FNanchor_695"
-href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> To please these
-mistresses, or perhaps to ensure a retreat for himself in case
-of need, he had sent to Athens profuse gifts of wheat for
-distribution among the people, for which he had received votes of
-thanks with the grant of Athenian citizenship.<a id="FNanchor_696"
-href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a> Moreover he
-had consigned to Charikles, son-in-law of Phokion, the task of
-erecting the monument in Attica to the honor of Pythionikê; with
-a large remittance of money for the purpose.<a id="FNanchor_697"
-href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a> The profit or
-embezzlement arising out of this expenditure secured to him the good
-will of Charikles—a man very different from his father-in-law, the
-honest and austere Phokion. Other Athenians were probably conciliated
-by various presents, so that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">[p.
-296]</span> when Harpalus found it convenient to quit Asia, about
-the beginning of 324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, he had already
-acquired some hold both on the public of Athens and on some of her
-leading men. He sailed with his treasure and his armament straight
-to Cape Sunium in Attica, from whence he sent to ask shelter and
-protection in that city.<a id="FNanchor_698" href="#Footnote_698"
-class="fnanchor">[698]</a></p>
-
-<p>The first reports transmitted to Asia appear to have proclaimed
-that the Athenians had welcomed Harpalus as a friend and ally, thrown
-off the Macedonian yoke, and prepared for a war to re-establish
-Hellenic freedom. Such is the color of the case, as presented
-in the satiric drama called Agên, exhibited before Alexander
-in the Dionysiac festival at Susa, in February or March 324
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> Such news, connecting itself in Alexander’s
-mind with the recent defeat of Zopyrion in Thrace and other disorders
-of the disbanded mercenaries, incensed him so much, that he at
-first ordered a fleet to be equipped, determining to cross over and
-attack Athens in person.<a id="FNanchor_699" href="#Footnote_699"
-class="fnanchor">[699]</a> But he was presently<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_297">[p. 297]</span> calmed by more correct intelligence,
-certifying that the Athenians had positively refused to espouse
-the cause of Harpalus.<a id="FNanchor_700" href="#Footnote_700"
-class="fnanchor">[700]</a></p>
-
-<p>The fact of such final rejection by the Athenians is quite
-indisputable. But it seems, as far as we can make out from imperfect
-evidence, that this step was not taken without debate, nor without
-symptoms of a contrary disposition, sufficient to explain the
-rumors first sent to Alexander. The first arrival of Harpalus
-with his armament at Sunium, indeed, excited alarm, as if he were
-coming to take possession of Peiræus; and the admiral Philokles
-was instructed to adopt precautions for defence of the harbor.<a
-id="FNanchor_701" href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a>
-But Harpalus, sending away his armament to Krete or to Tænarus,
-solicited and obtained permission to come to Athens, with a single
-ship and his own personal attendants. What was of still greater
-moment, he brought with him a large sum of money, amounting, we
-are told to upwards of 700 talents, or more than £160,000. We must
-recollect that he was already favorably known to the people by large
-presents of corn, which had procured for him a vote of citizenship.
-He now threw himself upon their gratitude as a suppliant seeking
-protection against the wrath of Alexander; and while entreating
-from the Athenians an interference so hazardous to themselves, he
-did not omit to encourage them by exaggerating the means at his
-own disposal. He expatiated on the universal hatred and discontent
-felt against Alexander, and held out assurance of being joined
-by powerful allies, foreign as well as Greek, if once a city
-like Ath<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">[p. 298]</span>ens
-would raise the standard of liberation.<a id="FNanchor_702"
-href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a> To many Athenian
-patriots, more ardent than long-sighted, such appeals inspired both
-sympathy and confidence. Moreover Harpalus would of course purchase
-every influential partisan who would accept a bribe; in addition
-to men like Charikles, who were already in his interest. His cause
-was espoused by Hyperides,<a id="FNanchor_703" href="#Footnote_703"
-class="fnanchor">[703]</a> an earnest anti-Macedonian citizen, and
-an orator second only to Demosthenes. There seems good reason for
-believing that at first, a strong feeling was excited in favor of
-taking part with the exile; the people not being daunted even by the
-idea of war with Alexander.<a id="FNanchor_704" href="#Footnote_704"
-class="fnanchor">[704]</a></p>
-
-<p>Phokion, whom Harpalus vainly endeavored to corrupt, resisted
-of course the proposition of espousing his cause. And Demosthenes
-also resisted it, not less decidedly, from the very out<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_299">[p. 299]</span>set.<a id="FNanchor_705"
-href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a> Notwithstanding
-all his hatred of Macedonian supremacy, he could not be blind to
-the insanity of declaring war against Alexander. Indeed those who
-study his orations throughout, will find his counsels quite as much
-distinguished for prudence as for vigorous patriotism. His prudence,
-on this occasion, however, proved injurious to his political
-position; for while it incensed Hyperides and the more sanguine
-anti-Macedonians, it probably did not gain for himself anything
-beyond a temporary truce from his old macedonizing opponents.</p>
-
-<p id="Thimbron">The joint opposition of politicians so discordant
-as Demosthenes and Phokion, prevailed over the impulse which the
-partisans of Harpalus had created. No decree could be obtained in
-his favor. Presently however the case was complicated by the coming
-of envoys from Antipater and Olympias in Macedonia, requiring that
-he should be surrendered.<a id="FNanchor_706" href="#Footnote_706"
-class="fnanchor">[706]</a> The like requisition was also addressed
-by the Macedonian admiral Philoxenus, who arrived with a small
-squadron from Asia. These demands were refused, at the instance of
-Phokion no less than of Demosthenes. Nevertheless the prospects of
-Macedonian vengeance were now brought in such fearful proximity
-before the people, that all disposition to support Harpalus gave
-way to the necessity of propitiating Alexander. A decree was passed
-to arrest Harpalus, and to place all his money under sequestration
-in the acropolis, until special directions could be received from
-Alexander; to whom, apparently, envoys were sent, carrying with them
-the slaves of Harpalus to be interrogated by him, and instructed
-to solicit a lenient sentence at his hands.<a id="FNanchor_707"
-href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a> Now it was
-Demosthenes who moved these decrees for personal arrest and for
-sequestration of the money;<a id="FNanchor_708" href="#Footnote_708"
-class="fnanchor">[708]</a> whereby he incurred still warmer
-resent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">[p. 300]</span>ment from
-Hyperides and the other Harpalian partisans, who denounced him
-as a subservient creature of the all-powerful monarch. Harpalus
-was confined, but presently made his escape; probably much to the
-satisfaction of Phokion, Demosthenes, and every one else; for even
-those who were most anxious to get rid of him would recoil from the
-odium and dishonor of surrendering him, even under constraint, to a
-certain death. He fled to Krete, where he was soon after slain by
-one of his own companions.<a id="FNanchor_709" href="#Footnote_709"
-class="fnanchor">[709]</a></p>
-
-<p>At the time when the decrees for arrest and sequestration were
-passed, Demosthenes requested a citizen near him to ask Harpalus
-publicly in the assembly, what was the amount of his money, which
-the people had just resolved to impound.<a id="FNanchor_710"
-href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a> Harpalus answered,
-720 talents; and Demosthenes proclaimed this sum to the people,
-on the authority of Harpalus, dwelling with some emphasis upon
-its magnitude. But when the money came to be counted in the
-acropolis, it was discovered that there was in reality no more
-than 350 talents. Now it is said that Demosthenes did not at once
-communicate to the people this prodigious deficiency in the real
-sum as compared with the announcement of Harpalus, repeated in the
-public assembly by himself. The impression prevailed, for how long
-a time we do not know, that 720 Harpalian talents had actually been
-lodged in the acropolis; and when the truth became at length known,
-great surprise and out<span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">[p.
-301]</span>cry were excited.<a id="FNanchor_711" href="#Footnote_711"
-class="fnanchor">[711]</a> It was assumed that the missing half
-of the sum set forth must have been employed in corruption; and
-suspicions prevailed against almost all the orators, Demosthenes and
-Hyperides both included.</p>
-
-<p>In this state of doubt, Demosthenes moved that the Senate of
-Areopagus should investigate the matter and report who were the
-presumed delinquents<a id="FNanchor_712" href="#Footnote_712"
-class="fnanchor">[712]</a> fit to be indicted before the Dikastery;
-he declared in the speech accompanying his motion that the real
-delinquents, whoever they might be, deserved to be capitally
-punished. The Areopagites delayed their report for six months,
-though Demosthenes is said to have called for it with some
-impatience. Search was made in the houses of the leading orators,
-excepting only one who was recently married.<a id="FNanchor_713"
-href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a> At length the
-report appeared, enumerating several names of citizens chargeable
-with the appropriation of this money, and specifying how much had
-been taken by each. Among these names were Demosthenes himself,
-charged with 20 talents—Demades charged with 6000 golden staters—and
-other citizens, with different sums attached to their names.<a
-id="FNanchor_714" href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a>
-Upon this report, ten<a id="FNanchor_715" href="#Footnote_715"
-class="fnanchor">[715]</a> public accusers were appointed to
-prosecute the indictment against the persons specified, before the
-Dikastery. Among the accusers was Hyperides, whose name had not
-been comprised in the Areo<span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">[p.
-302]</span>pagitic report. Demosthenes was brought to trial,
-first of all the persons accused, before a numerous Dikastery
-of 1500 citizens,<a id="FNanchor_716" href="#Footnote_716"
-class="fnanchor">[716]</a> who confirmed the report of the
-Areopagites, found him guilty, and condemned him to pay fifty talents
-to the state. Not being able to discharge this large fine, he was
-put in prison; but after some days he found means to escape, and
-fled to Trœzen in Peloponnesus, where he passed some months as a
-dispirited and sorrowing exile, until the death of Alexander.<a
-id="FNanchor_717" href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a>
-What was done with the other citizens included in the Areopagitic
-report, we do not know. It appears that Demades<a id="FNanchor_718"
-href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a>—who was among those
-comprised, and who is especially attacked, along with Demosthenes,
-by both Hyperides and Deinarchus—did not appear to take his trial,
-and therefore must have been driven into exile; yet if so, he must
-have speedily returned, since he seems to have been at Athens when
-Alexander died. Philokles and Aristogeiton were also brought to
-trial as being included by the Areopagus in the list of delinquents;
-but how their trial ended, does not appear.<a id="FNanchor_719"
-href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a></p>
-
-<p>This condemnation and banishment of Demosthenes—unquestionably
-the greatest orator, and one of the greatest citizens, in Athenian
-antiquity,—is the most painful result of the debates respecting
-the exile Harpalus. Demosthenes himself denied the charge; but
-unfortunately we possess neither his defence, nor the facts alleged
-in evidence against him; so that our means of forming a positive
-conclusion are imperfect. At the same time, judging from the
-circumstances as far as we<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">[p.
-303]</span> know them—there are several which go to show his
-innocence, and none which tend to prove him guilty. If we are called
-upon to believe that he received money from Harpalus, we must know
-for what service the payment was made. Did Demosthenes take part
-with Harpalus, and advise the Athenians to espouse his cause? Did
-he even keep silence, and abstain from advising them to reject the
-propositions? Quite the reverse. Demosthenes was from the beginning
-a declared opponent of Harpalus, and of all measures for supporting
-his cause. Plutarch indeed tells an anecdote—that Demosthenes began
-by opposing Harpalus, but that presently he was fascinated by the
-beauty of a golden cup among the Harpalian treasures. Harpalus,
-perceiving his admiration, sent to him on the ensuing night the
-golden cup, together with twenty talents, which Demosthenes accepted.
-A few days afterwards, when the cause of Harpalus was again debated
-in the public assembly, the orator appeared with his throat enveloped
-in woollen wrappers, and affected to have lost his voice; upon
-which the people, detecting this simulated inability as dictated
-by the bribe which had been given, expressed their displeasure
-partly by sarcastic taunts, partly by indignant murmuring.<a
-id="FNanchor_720" href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a>
-So stands the anecdote in Plutarch. But we have proof that it is
-untrue. Demosthenes may indeed have been disabled by sore throat
-from speaking at some particular assembly; so far the story may be
-accurate; but that he desisted from opposing Harpalus (the real
-point of the allegation against him) is certainly not true; for we
-know from his accusers Deinarchus and Hyperides, that it was he who
-made the final motion for imprisoning Harpalus and sequestrating
-the Harpalian treasure in trust for Alexander. In fact, Hyperides
-himself denounces Demosthenes, as having from subservience to
-Alexander, closed the door against Harpalus and his prospects.<a
-id="FNanchor_721" href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a>
-Such direct and continued opposition is a conclusive proof that<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_304">[p. 304]</span> Demosthenes was neither
-paid nor bought by Harpalus. The only service which he rendered to
-the exile was, by refusing to deliver him to Antipater, and by not
-preventing his escape from imprisonment. Now in this refusal even
-Phokion concurred; and probably the best Athenians, of all parties,
-were desirous of favoring the escape of an exile whom it would
-have been odious to hand over to a Macedonian executioner. Insofar
-as it was a crime not to have prevented the escape of Harpalus,
-the crime was committed as much by Phokion as by Demosthenes; and
-indeed more, seeing that Phokion was one of the generals, exercising
-the most important administrative duties—while Demosthenes was
-only an orator and mover in the assembly. Moreover, Harpalus had
-no means of requiting the persons, whoever they were, to whom he
-owed his escape; for the same motion which decreed his arrest,
-decreed also the sequestration of his money, and thus removed it
-from his own control.<a id="FNanchor_722" href="#Footnote_722"
-class="fnanchor">[722]</a></p>
-
-<p>The charge therefore made against Demosthenes by his two
-accusers,—that he received money <i>from</i> Harpalus,—is one which all
-the facts known to us tend to refute. But this is not quite the whole
-case. Had Demosthenes the means of embezzling the money, after it
-had passed out of the control of Harpalus? To this question also
-we may reply in the negative, so far as Athenian practice enables
-us to judge. Demosthenes had moved, and the people had voted, that
-these treasures should be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">[p.
-305]</span> lodged in trust for Alexander, in the acropolis; a
-place where all the Athenian public money was habitually kept—in
-the back chamber of the Parthenon. When placed in that chamber,
-these new treasures would come under the custody of the officers
-of the Athenian exchequer; and would be just as much out of the
-reach of Demosthenes as the rest of the public money. What more
-could Phokion himself have done to preserve the Harpalian fund
-intact, than to put it in the recognized place of surety? Then,
-as to the intermediate process, of taking the money from Harpalus
-up to the acropolis, there is no proof,—and in my judgment no
-probability,—that Demosthenes was at all concerned in it. Even to
-count, verify, and weigh, a sum of above £80,000—not in bank notes
-or bills of exchange, but subdivided in numerous and heavy coins
-(staters, darics, tetradrachms), likely to be not even Attic, but
-Asiatic—must have been a tedious duty requiring to be performed
-by competent reckoners, and foreign to the habits of Demosthenes.
-The officers of the Athenian treasury must have gone through this
-labor, providing the slaves or mules requisite for carrying so heavy
-a burthen up to the acropolis. Now we have ample evidence from
-the remaining Inscriptions, that the details of transfering and
-verifying the public property, at Athens, were performed habitually
-with laborious accuracy. Least of all would such accuracy be found
-wanting in the case of the large Harpalian treasure, where the
-very passing of the decree implied great fear of Alexander. If
-Harpalus, on being publicly questioned in the assembly—What was the
-sum to be carried up into the acropolis,—answered by stating the
-amount which he had originally brought and not that which he had
-remaining—Demosthenes might surely repeat that statement immediately
-after him, without being understood thereby to bind himself down
-as guarantee for its accuracy. An adverse pleader, like Hyperides,
-might indeed turn a point in his speech<a id="FNanchor_723"
-href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a>—“<i>You</i> told the
-assem<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">[p. 306]</span>bly that
-there were 700 talents, and now <i>you</i> produce no more than half”—but
-the imputation wrapped up in these words against the probity of
-Demosthenes, is utterly groundless. Lastly, when the true amount was
-ascertained, to make report thereof was the duty of the officers of
-the treasury. Demosthenes could only learn it from them; and it might
-certainly be proper in him, though in no sense an imperative duty,
-to inform himself on the point, seeing that he had unconsciously
-helped to give publicity to a false statement. The true statement was
-given; but we neither know by whom, nor how soon.<a id="FNanchor_724"
-href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a></p>
-
-<p>Reviewing the facts known to us, therefore, we find them all
-tending to refute the charge against Demosthenes. This conclusion
-will certainly be strengthened by reading the accusatory speech
-composed by Deinarchus; which is mere virulent invective, barren
-of facts and evidentiary matter, and running over all the life of
-Demosthenes for the preceding twenty years. That the speech of
-Hyperides also was of the like desultory character, the remaining
-fragments indicate. Even the report made by the Areopagus contained
-no recital of facts—no justificatory matter—nothing except a
-specification of names with the sums for<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_307">[p. 307]</span> which each of them is chargeable.<a
-id="FNanchor_725" href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a> It
-appears to have been made <i>ex-parte</i>, as far as we can judge—that
-is, made without hearing these persons in their own defence, unless
-they happened to be themselves Areopagites. Yet this report is held
-forth both by Hyperides and Deinarchus as being in itself conclusive
-proof which the Dikasts could not reject. When Demosthenes demanded,
-as every defendant naturally would, that the charge against him
-should be proved by some positive evidence, Hyperides sets aside
-the demand as nothing better than cavil and special pleading.<a
-id="FNanchor_726" href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a></p>
-
-<p>One farther consideration remains to be noticed. Only nine months
-after the verdict of the Dikastery against Demosthenes, Alexander
-died. Presently the Athenians and other Greeks rose against Antipater
-in the struggle called the Lamian war. Demosthenes was then recalled;
-received from his countrymen an enthusiastic welcome, such as
-had never been accorded to any returning exile since the days of
-Alkibiades; took a leading part in the management of the war; and
-perished, on its disastrous termination, along with his accuser
-Hyperides.</p>
-
-<p>Such speedy revolution of opinion about Demosthenes, countenances
-the conclusion which seems to me suggested by the<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_308">[p. 308]</span> other circumstances
-of the case—that the verdict against him was not judicial, but
-political; growing out of the embarrassing necessities of the
-time.</p>
-
-<p>There can be no doubt that Harpalus, to whom a declaration of
-active support from the Athenians was matter of life and death,
-distributed various bribes to all consenting recipients, who
-could promote his views,—and probably even to some who simply
-refrained from opposing them; to all, in short, except pronounced
-opponents. If we were to judge from probabilities alone, we should
-say that Hyperides himself, as one of the chief supporters,
-would also be among the largest recipients.<a id="FNanchor_727"
-href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a> Here was abundant
-bribery—notorious in the mass, though perhaps untraceable in the
-detail—all consummated during the flush of promise which marked the
-early discussions of the Harpalian case. When the tide of sentiment
-turned—when fear of Macedonian force became the overwhelming
-sentiment—when Harpalus and his treasures were impounded in
-trust for Alexander—all these numerous receivers of bribes were
-already compromised and alarmed. They themselves probably, in
-order to divert suspicion, were among the loudest in demanding
-investigation and punishment against delinquents. Moreover, the
-city was responsible for 700 talents to Alexander, while no more
-than 350 were forthcoming.<a id="FNanchor_728" href="#Footnote_728"
-class="fnanchor">[728]</a> It was indispensable that some definite
-individuals should be pronounced guilty and punished, partly in order
-to put down the reciprocal criminations circulating through the city,
-partly in order to appease the displeasure of Alexander about the
-pecuniary deficiency. But how to find out who were the guilty? There
-was no official Prosecutor-general; the number of persons suspected
-would place the matter beyond the reach of private accusations;
-perhaps the course recommended by Demosthenes himself was the best,
-to consign this preliminary investigation to the Areopagites.</p>
-
-<p>Six months elapsed before these Areopagites made their
-report.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">[p. 309]</span> Now it is
-impossible to suppose that all this time could have been spent in the
-investigation of facts—and if it had been, the report when published
-would have contained some trace of these facts, instead of embodying
-a mere list of names and sums. The probability is, that their time
-was passed quite as much in party-discussions as in investigating
-facts; that dissentient parties were long in coming to an agreement
-whom they should sacrifice; and that when they did agree, it was a
-political rather than a judicial sentence, singling out Demosthenes
-as a victim highly acceptable to Alexander, and embodying Demades
-also, by way of compromise, in the same list of delinquents—two
-opposite politicians, both at the moment obnoxious. I have already
-observed that Demosthenes was at that time unpopular with both the
-reigning parties: with the philo-Macedonians, from long date, and
-not without sufficient reason; with the anti-Macedonians, because he
-had stood prominent in opposing Harpalus. His accusers count upon
-the hatred of the former against him, as a matter of course; they
-recommend him to the hatred of the latter, as a base creature of
-Alexander. The Dikasts doubtless included men of both parties; and
-as a collective body, they might probably feel, that to ratify the
-list presented by the Areopagus was the only way of finally closing a
-subject replete with danger and discord.</p>
-
-<p>Such seems the probable history of the Harpalian transactions. It
-leaves Demosthenes innocent of corrupt profit, not less than Phokion;
-but to the Athenian politicians generally, it is noway creditable;
-while it exhibits the judicial conscience of Athens as under pressure
-of dangers from without, worked upon by party-intrigues within.<a
-id="FNanchor_729" href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a></p>
-
-<p>During the half-year and more which elapsed between the arrival of
-Harpalus at Athens, and the trial of Demosthenes, one event at least
-of considerable moment occurred in Greece. Alex<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_310">[p. 310]</span>ander sent Nicanor to the great Olympic
-festival held in this year, with a formal letter or rescript,
-directing every Grecian city to recall all its citizens that were in
-exile, except such as were under the taint of impiety. The rescript,
-which was publicly read at the festival by the herald who had gained
-the prize for loudness of voice, was heard with the utmost enthusiasm
-by 20,000 exiles, who had mustered there from intimations that such
-a step was intended. It ran thus: “King Alexander to the exiles out
-of the Grecian cities—We have not been authors of your banishment,
-but we will be authors of your restoration to your native cities. We
-have written to Antipater about this matter, directing him to apply
-force to such cities as will not recall you of their own accord.”<a
-id="FNanchor_730" href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a></p>
-
-<p>It is plain that many exiles had been pouring out their
-complaints and accusations before Alexander, and had found him a
-willing auditor. But we do not know by what representations this
-rescript had been procured. It would seem that Antipater had orders
-farther, to restrain or modify the confederacies of the Achæan
-and Arcadian cities;<a id="FNanchor_731" href="#Footnote_731"
-class="fnanchor">[731]</a> and to enforce not merely recall of the
-exiles, but restitution of their properties.<a id="FNanchor_732"
-href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a></p>
-
-<p>That the imperial rescript was dictated by mistrust of the tone of
-sentiment in the Grecian cities generally, and intended to fill each
-city with devoted partisans of Alexander—we cannot doubt. It was on
-his part a high-handed and sweeping exercise of sovereignty—setting
-aside the conditions under which he had been named leader of
-Greece—disdaining even to inquire into particular cases, and to
-attempt a distinction between just and unjust sentences—overruling
-in the mass the political and judicial authorities in every city. It
-proclaimed with bitter emphasis the servitude of the hellenic world.
-Exiles restored under the coercive order of Alexander, were sure to
-look to Macedonia for support, to despise their own home authorities,
-and to fill their respective cities with enfeebling discord. Most
-of the cities, not daring to resist, appear to have yielded a
-reluctant obedience; but both the Athenians and Ætolians are said to
-have refused to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">[p. 311]</span>
-execute the order.<a id="FNanchor_733" href="#Footnote_733"
-class="fnanchor">[733]</a> It is one evidence of the disgust raised
-by the rescript at Athens, that Demosthenes is severely reproached
-by Deinarchus, because, as chief of the Athenian Theôry or sacred
-legation to the Olympic festival, he was seen there publicly
-consorting and in familiar converse with Nikanor.<a id="FNanchor_734"
-href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the winter or early spring of 323 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>
-several Grecian cities sent envoys into Asia to remonstrate with
-Alexander against the measure; we may presume that the Athenians
-were among them; but we do not know whether the remonstrance
-produced any effect.<a id="FNanchor_735" href="#Footnote_735"
-class="fnanchor">[735]</a> There appears to have been considerable
-discontent in Greece during this winter and spring (323
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>). The disbanded soldiers out of Asia
-still maintained a camp at Tænarus; where Leosthenes, an energetic
-Athenian of anti-Macedonian sentiments, accepted the command of
-them, and even attracted fresh mercenary soldiers from Asia, under
-concert with various confederates at Athens, and with the Ætolians.<a
-id="FNanchor_736" href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a>
-Of the money, said to be 5000 talents, brought by Harpalus out of
-Asia, the greater part had not been taken by Harpalus to Athens, but
-apparently left with his officers for the maintenance of the troops
-who had accompanied him over.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the general position of affairs, when Alexander died
-at Babylon in June 323 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> This astounding
-news, for which no one could have been prepared, must have
-become diffused throughout Greece during the month of July. It
-opened the most favorable prospects to all lovers of freedom and
-sufferers<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">[p. 312]</span> by
-Macedonian dominion. The imperial military force resembled the
-gigantic Polyphemus after his eye had been blinded by Odysseus:<a
-id="FNanchor_737" href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a>
-Alexander had left no competent heir, nor did any one imagine that
-his vast empire could be kept together in effective unity by other
-hands. Antipater in Macedonia was threatened with the defection of
-various subject neighbors.<a id="FNanchor_738" href="#Footnote_738"
-class="fnanchor">[738]</a></p>
-
-<p>No sooner was the death of Alexander indisputably certified, than
-the anti-Macedonian leaders in Athens vehemently instigated the
-people to declare themselves first champions of Hellenic freedom,
-and to organize a confederacy throughout Greece for that object.
-Demosthenes was then in exile; but Leosthenes, Hyperides and other
-orators of the same party, found themselves able to kindle in
-their countrymen a strenuous feeling and determination, in spite
-of decided opposition on the part of Phokion and his partisans.<a
-id="FNanchor_739" href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a>
-The rich men for the most part took the side of Phokion, but the
-mass of the citizens were fired by the animating recollection of
-their ancestors and by the hopes of reconquering Grecian freedom.
-A vote was passed, publicly proclaiming their resolution to that
-effect. It was decreed that 200 quadriremes, and 40 triremes should
-be equipped; that all Athenians under 40 years of age should be in
-military requisition; and that envoys should be sent round to the
-various Grecian cities, earnestly invoking their alliance in the
-work of self-emancipation.<a id="FNanchor_740" href="#Footnote_740"
-class="fnanchor">[740]</a> Phokion, though a pronounced opponent of
-such<span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">[p. 313]</span> warlike
-projects, still remained at Athens, and still, apparently, continued
-in his functions as one of the generals.<a id="FNanchor_741"
-href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a> But Pytheas,
-Kallimedon, and others of his friends, fled to Antipater, whom
-they strenuously assisted in trying to check the intended movement
-throughout Greece.</p>
-
-<p>Leosthenes, aided by some money and arms from Athens, put himself
-at the head of the mercenaries assembled at Tænarus, and passed
-across the Gulf into Ætolia. Here he was joined by the Ætolians and
-Akarnanians, who eagerly entered into the league with Athens for
-expelling the Macedonians from Greece. Proceeding onward towards
-Thermopylæ and Thessaly, he met with favor and encouragement almost
-everywhere. The cause of Grecian freedom was espoused by the
-Phokians, Lokrians, Dorians, Ænianes, Athamantes, and Dolopes; by
-most of the Malians, Œtæans, Thessalians, and Achæans of Phthiôtis;
-by the inhabitants of Leukas, and by some of the Molossians. Promises
-were also held out of co-operation from various Illyrian and Thracian
-tribes. In Peloponnesus, the Argeians, Sikyonians, Epidaurians,
-Trœzenians, Eleians, and Messenians, enrolled themselves in the
-league, as well as the Karystians in Eubœa.<a id="FNanchor_742"
-href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a> These adhesions were
-partly procured by Hyperides and other Athenian envoys, who visited
-the several cities; while Pytheas and other envoys were going round
-in like matter to advocate the cause of Antipater. The two sides
-were thus publicly argued by able pleaders before different public
-assemblies. In these debates, the advantage was generally on the
-side of the Athenian orators, whose efforts moreover were powerfully
-seconded by the voluntary aid of Demosthenes, then living as an exile
-in Peloponnesus.</p>
-
-<p>To Demosthenes the death of Alexander, and the new prospect
-of organizing an anti-Macedonian confederacy with some tolerable
-chance of success, came more welcome than to any one else. He gladly
-embraced the opportunity of joining and assist<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_314">[p. 314]</span>ing the Athenian envoys, who felt the
-full value of his energetic eloquence, in the various Peloponnesian
-towns. So effective was the service which he thus rendered to his
-country, that the Athenians not only passed a vote to enable him to
-return, but sent a trireme to fetch him to Peiræus. Great was the
-joy and enthusiasm on his arrival. The archons, the priests, and
-the entire body of citizens, came down to the harbor to welcome his
-landing, and escorted him to the city. Full of impassioned emotion,
-Demosthenes poured forth his gratitude for having been allowed to see
-such a day, and to enjoy a triumph greater even than that which had
-been conferred on Alkibiades on returning from exile; since it had
-been granted spontaneously, and not extorted by force. His fine could
-not be remitted, consistently with Athenian custom; but the people
-passed a vote granting to him fifty talents as superintendent of the
-periodical sacrifice to Zeus Soter; and his execution of this duty
-was held equivalent to a liquidation of the fine.<a id="FNanchor_743"
-href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a></p>
-
-<p>What part Demosthenes took in the plans or details of the war, we
-are not permitted to know. Vigorous operations were now carried on,
-under the military command of Leosthenes. The confederacy against
-Antipater included a larger assemblage of Hellenic states than
-that which had resisted Xerxes in 480 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>
-Nevertheless, the name of Sparta does not appear in the list. It
-was a melancholy drawback to the chances of Greece, in this her
-last struggle for emancipation, that the force of Sparta had been
-altogether crushed in the gallant but ill-concerted effort of Agis
-against Antipater seven years before, and had not since recovered.
-The great stronghold of Macedonian interest, in the interior of
-Greece, was Bœotia. Platæa, Orchomenus, and the other ancient enemies
-of Thebes, having received from Alexander the domain once belonging
-to Thebes herself, were well aware that this arrangement could only
-be upheld by the continued pressure of Macedonian supremacy in
-Greece. It seems probable also that there were Macedonian garrisons
-in the Kadmeia—in Corinth—and in Megalopolis; moreover, that the
-Arcadian and Achæan cities had been macedonized by the measures
-taken against them under Alexander’s orders in the pre<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_315">[p. 315]</span>ceding summer;<a
-id="FNanchor_744" href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a>
-for we find no mention made of these cities in the coming contest.
-The Athenians equipped a considerable land-force to join Leosthenes
-at Thermopylæ; a citizen force of 5000 infantry and 500 cavalry,
-with 2000 mercenaries besides. But the resolute opposition of the
-Bœotian cities hindered them from advancing beyond Mount Kithæron,
-until Leosthenes himself, marching from Thermopylæ to join them
-with a part of his army, attacked the Bœotian troops, gained a
-complete victory, and opened the passage. He now proceeded with
-the full Hellenic muster, including Ætolians and Athenians, into
-Thessaly to meet Antipater, who was advancing from Macedonia into
-Greece at the head of the force immediately at his disposal—13,000
-infantry, and 600 cavalry—and with a fleet of 110 ships of war
-co-operating on the coast.<a id="FNanchor_745" href="#Footnote_745"
-class="fnanchor">[745]</a></p>
-
-<p>Antipater was probably not prepared for this rapid and imposing
-assemblage of the combined Greeks at Thermopylæ, nor for the
-energetic movements of Leosthenes. Still less was he prepared for
-the defection of the Thessalian cavalry, who, having always formed
-an important element in the Macedonian army, now lent their strength
-to the Greeks. He despatched urgent messages to the Macedonian
-commanders in Asia—Kraterus, Leonnatus, Philotas, etc., soliciting
-reinforcements; but in the mean time, though inferior in numbers,
-he thought it expedient to accept the challenge of Leosthenes. In
-the battle which ensued, however, he was completely defeated, and
-even cut off from the possibility of retreating into Macedonia;
-so that no resource was left to him except the fortified town of
-Lamia (near to the river Spercheius, beyond the southern border of
-Thessaly), where he calculated on holding out until relief came
-from Asia. Leosthenes immediately commenced the siege of Lamia,
-and pressed it with the utmost energy, making several attempts to
-storm the town; but its fortifications were strong, with a garrison
-ample and efficient—so that he was repulsed with consider<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_316">[p. 316]</span>able loss. Unfortunately
-he possessed no battering train nor engineers, such as had formed
-so powerful an element in the military successes of Philip and
-Alexander. He therefore found himself compelled to turn the siege
-into a blockade, and to adopt systematic measures for intercepting
-the supply of provisions. In this he had every chance of succeeding,
-and of capturing the person of Antipater. Hellenic prospects looked
-bright and encouraging; nothing was heard in Athens and the other
-cities except congratulations and thanksgivings.<a id="FNanchor_746"
-href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a> Phokion, on
-hearing the confident language of those around him remarked—“The
-stadium (or short course) has been done brilliantly, but I fear
-we shall not have strength to hold out for the long course.”<a
-id="FNanchor_747" href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a>
-At this critical moment, Leosthenes, in inspecting the blockading
-trenches, was wounded on the head by a large stone, projected from
-one of the catapults on the city-walls, and expired in two days.<a
-id="FNanchor_748" href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a>
-A funeral oration in his honor, as well as in that of the other
-combatants against Antipater, was pronounced at Athens by
-Hyperides, on whom the people devolved that duty in preference to
-Demosthenes.</p>
-
-<p>The death of this eminent general, in the full tide of success,
-was a hard blow struck by fortune at the cause of Grecian
-freedom. For the last generation, Athens had produced several
-excellent orators, and one who combined splendid oratory with
-wise and patriotic counsels. But during all that time, none of
-her citizens, before Leosthenes had displayed military genius and
-ardor along with Panhellenic purposes. His death appears to have
-saved Antipater from defeat and captivity. The difficulty was very
-great, of keeping together a miscellaneous army of Greeks, who
-after the battle, easily persuaded themselves that the war was
-finished, and desired to go home—perhaps under promise of returning.
-Even during the lifetime of Leosthenes, the Ætolians, the most
-powerful contingent of the army, had obtained leave to go home,
-from some domestic urgency, real or pretended.<a id="FNanchor_749"
-href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> When he was slain,
-there was no second in command; nor, even if there had been, could
-the personal influence<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">[p.
-317]</span> of one officer be transferred to another. Reference
-was made to Athens, where, after some debate, Antiphilus was
-chosen commander, after the proposition to name Phokion had been
-made and rejected.<a id="FNanchor_750" href="#Footnote_750"
-class="fnanchor">[750]</a> But during this interval there was no
-authority to direct military operations, or even to keep the army
-together; so that the precious moments for rendering the blockade
-really stringent, were lost, and Antipater was enabled to maintain
-himself until the arrival of Leonnatus from Asia to his aid. How
-dangerous the position of Antipater was, we may judge from the
-fact, that he solicited peace, but was required by the besiegers to
-surrender at discretion<a id="FNanchor_751" href="#Footnote_751"
-class="fnanchor">[751]</a>—with which condition he refused to
-comply.</p>
-
-<p>Antiphilus appears to have been a brave and competent officer.
-But before he could reduce Lamia, Leonnatus with a Macedonian army
-had crossed the Hellespont from Asia, and arrived at the frontiers
-of Thessaly. So many of the Grecian contingents had left the camp,
-that Antiphilus was not strong enough at once to continue the
-blockade and to combat the relieving army. Accordingly, he raised
-the blockade, and moved off by rapid marches to attack Leonnatus
-apart from Antipater. He accomplished this operation with vigor
-and success. Through the superior efficiency of the Thessalian
-cavalry under Menon, he gained an important advantage in a cavalry
-battle over Leonnatus, who was himself slain;<a id="FNanchor_752"
-href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a> and the Macedonian
-phalanx having its flanks and rear thus exposed, retired from the
-plain to more difficult ground, leaving the Greeks masters of the
-field with the dead bodies. On the very next day, Antipater came up
-with the troops from Lamia, and took command of the defeated army.
-He did not however think it expedient to renew the combat, but
-withdrew his army from Thessaly into Macedonia, keeping in his march
-the high ground, out of the reach of cavalry.<a id="FNanchor_753"
-href="#Footnote_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a></p>
-
-<p>During the same time generally as these operations in Thessaly,
-it appears that war was carried on actively by sea. We<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_318">[p. 318]</span> hear of a descent by
-Mikion with a Macedonian fleet at Rhamnus on the eastern coast of
-Attica, repulsed by Phokion; also of a Macedonian fleet, of 240
-sail, under Kleitus, engaging in two battles with the Athenian fleet
-under Eetion, near the islands called Echinades, at the mouth of the
-Achelous, on the western Ætolian coast. The Athenians were defeated
-in both actions, and great efforts were made at Athens to build
-new vessels for the purpose of filling up the losses sustained.<a
-id="FNanchor_754" href="#Footnote_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a>
-Our information is not sufficient to reveal the purposes or details
-of these proceedings. But it seems probable that the Macedonian
-fleet were attacking Ætolia through Œniadæ, the citizens of which
-town had recently been expelled by the Ætolians;<a id="FNanchor_755"
-href="#Footnote_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a> and perhaps this may
-have been the reason why the Ætolian contingent was withdrawn from
-Thessaly.</p>
-
-<p>In spite of such untoward events at sea, the cause of Panhellenic
-liberty seemed on the whole prosperous. Though the capital
-opportunity had been missed, of taking Antipater captive in Lamia,
-still he had been expelled from Greece, and was unable, by means
-of his own forces in Macedonia, to regain his footing. The Grecian
-contingents had behaved with bravery and unanimity in prosecution
-of the common purpose; and what had been already achieved was
-quite sufficient to justify the rising, as a fair risk, promising
-reasonable hopes of success. Nevertheless Greek citizens were not
-like trained Macedonian soldiers. After a term of service not much
-prolonged, they wanted to go back to their families and properties,
-hardly less after a victory than after a defeat. Hence the army of
-Antiphilus in Thessaly became much thinned,<a id="FNanchor_756"
-href="#Footnote_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> though still
-remaining large enough to keep back the Macedonian forces of
-Antipater, even augmented as they had been by Leonnatus—and to compel
-him to await the still more powerful reinforcement destined to follow
-under Kraterus.</p>
-
-<p>In explaining the relations between these three Macedonian
-commanders—Antipater, Leonnatus, and Kraterus—it is necessary to go
-back to June 323 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, the period of Alexander’s
-death, and to review the condition into which his vast and mighty
-empire had fallen. I shall do this briefly, and only so far as
-it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">[p. 319]</span> bears on the
-last struggles and final subjugation of the Grecian world.</p>
-
-<p>On the unexpected death of Alexander, the camp at Babylon with
-its large force became a scene of discord. He left no offspring,
-except a child named Herakles, by his mistress Barsinê. Roxana, one
-of his wives, was indeed pregnant; and amidst the uncertainties of
-the moment, the first disposition of many was to await the birth
-of her child. She herself, anxious to shut out rivalry, caused
-Statira, the queen whom Alexander had last married to be entrapped
-and assassinated along with her sister.<a id="FNanchor_757"
-href="#Footnote_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a> There was, however,
-at Babylon, a brother of Alexander, named Aridæus (son of Philip
-by a Thessalian mistress), already of full age though feeble in
-intelligence, towards whom a still larger party leaned. In Macedonia,
-there were Olympias, Alexander’s mother—Kleopatra, his sister,
-widow of the Epirotic Alexander—and Kynanê,<a id="FNanchor_758"
-href="#Footnote_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a> another sister, widow
-of Amyntas (cousin of Alexander the Great, and put to death by him);
-all of them disposed to take advantage of their relationship to the
-deceased conqueror, in the scramble now opened for power.</p>
-
-<p>After a violent dispute between the cavalry and the infantry
-at Babylon, Aridæus was proclaimed king under the name of Philip
-Aridæus. Perdikkas was named as his guardian and chief minister;
-among the other chief officers, the various satrapies and fractions
-of the empire were distributed. Egypt and Libya were assigned to
-Ptolemy; Syria to Laomedon; Kilikia to Philôtas; Pamphylia, Lykia,
-and the greater Phrygia, to Antigonus; Karia, to Asander; Lydia, to
-Menander; the Hellespontine Phrygia, to Leonnatus; Kappadokia and
-Paphlagonia, to the Kardian Eumenes; Media, to Pithon. The eastern
-satrapies were left in the hands of the actual holders.</p>
-
-<p>In Europe, the distributors gave Thrace with the Chersonese to
-Lysimachus; the countries west of Thrace, including (along with
-Illyrians, Triballi, Agrianes, and Epirots) Macedonia and Greece,
-to Antipater and Kraterus.<a id="FNanchor_759" href="#Footnote_759"
-class="fnanchor">[759]</a> We thus find the Grecian<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_320">[p. 320]</span> cities handed over
-to new masters, as fragments of the vast intestate estate left by
-Alexander. The empty form of convening and consulting a synod of
-deputies at Corinth, was no longer thought necessary.</p>
-
-<p>All the above-named officers were considered as local lieutenants,
-administering portions of an empire one and indivisible, under
-Aridæus. The principal officers who enjoyed central authority,
-bearing on the entire empire, were, Perdikkas, chiliarch of the horse
-(the post occupied by Hephæstion until his death), a sort of vizir,<a
-id="FNanchor_760" href="#Footnote_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a>
-and Seleukus, commander of the Horse Guards. No one at this moment
-talked of dividing the empire. But it soon appeared that Perdikkas,
-profiting by the weakness of Aridæus, had determined to leave to
-him nothing more than the imperial name, and to engross for himself
-the real authority. Still, however, in his disputes with the other
-chiefs, he represented the imperial family, and the integrity of the
-empire, contending against severality and local independence. In this
-task (besides his brother Alketas), his ablest and most effective
-auxiliary was Eumenes of Kardia, secretary of Alexander for several
-years until his death. It was one of the earliest proceedings of
-Perdikkas to wrest Kappadokia from the local chief Ariarathes (who
-had contrived to hold it all through the reign of Alexander), and
-to transfer it to Eumenes, to whom it had been allotted in the
-general scheme of division.<a id="FNanchor_761" href="#Footnote_761"
-class="fnanchor">[761]</a></p>
-
-<p>At the moment of Alexander’s death, Kraterus was in Kilikia,
-at the head of an army of veteran Macedonian soldiers. He had
-been directed to conduct them home into Macedonia, with orders to
-remain there himself in place of Antipater, who was to come over to
-Asia with fresh reinforcements. Kraterus had with him a paper of
-written instructions from Alexander, embodying projects on the most
-gigantic scale; for western conquest—transportation of inhabitants
-by wholesale from Europe into Asia and Asia into Europe—erection
-of magnificent religious edifices in various parts of Greece and
-Macedonia, etc. This list was submitted by Perdikkas to the officers
-and soldiers around him, who dismissed the projects as too vast
-for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">[p. 321]</span> any one but
-Alexander to think of.<a id="FNanchor_762" href="#Footnote_762"
-class="fnanchor">[762]</a> Kraterus and Antipater had each a
-concurrent claim to Greece and Macedonia, and the distributors of the
-empire had allotted these countries to them jointly, not venturing
-to exclude either. Amidst the conflicting pretensions of these great
-Macedonian officers, Leonnatus also cherished hopes of the same
-prize. He was satrap of the Asiatic territory bordering upon the
-Hellespont, and had received propositions from Kleopatra at Pella,
-inviting him to marry her and assume the government of Macedonia.
-About the same time, urgent messages were also sent to him (through
-Hekatæus despot of Kardia) from Antipater, immediately after the
-defeat preceding the siege of Lamia, entreating his co-operation
-against the Greeks. Leonnatus accordingly came, intending to assist
-Antipater against the Greeks, but also to dispossess him of the
-government of Macedonia and marry Kleopatra.<a id="FNanchor_763"
-href="#Footnote_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a> This scheme remained
-unexecuted, because (as has been already related) Leonnatus was slain
-in his first encounter with the Greeks. To them, his death was a
-grave misfortune; to Antipater, it was an advantage which more than
-countervailed the defeat, since it relieved him from a dangerous
-rival.</p>
-
-<p>It was not till the ensuing summer that Kraterus found leisure
-to conduct his army into Macedonia. By this junction, Antipater to
-whom he ceded the command, found himself at the head of a powerful
-army—40,000 heavy infantry, 5000 cavalry, and 3000 archers and
-slingers. He again marched into Thessaly against the Greeks under
-Antiphilus; and the two armies came in sight on the Thessalian
-plains near Krannon. The Grecian army consisted of 25,000 infantry,
-and 3500 cavalry—the latter, Thessalians under Menon, of admirable
-efficiency. The soldiers in general were brave, but insubordinate;
-while the contingents of many cities had gone home without returning,
-in spite of urgent remonstrances from the commander. Hoping to be
-rejoined by these absentees, Antiphilus and Menon tried at first to
-defer fighting; but Antipater forced them to a battle. Though Menon
-with his Thessalian cavalry defeated and dispersed the Macedonian
-cavalry, the Grecian infantry were unable to resist the superior
-number of Antipater’s infantry, and the heavy<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_322">[p. 322]</span> pressure of the phalanx. They were
-beaten back and gave way, yet retiring in tolerable order, the
-Macedonian phalanx being incompetent for pursuit, to some difficult
-neighboring ground, where they were soon joined by their victorious
-cavalry. The loss of the Greeks is said to have been 500 men; that
-of the Macedonians, 120.<a id="FNanchor_764" href="#Footnote_764"
-class="fnanchor">[764]</a></p>
-
-<p>The defeat of Krannon (August 322 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>)
-was no way decisive or ruinous, nor would it probably have crushed
-the spirit of Leosthenes, had he been alive and in command. The
-coming up of the absentee contingents might still have enabled
-the Greeks to make head. But Antiphilus and Menon, after holding
-counsel, declined to await and accelerate that junction. They thought
-themselves under the necessity of sending to open negotiations for
-peace with Antipater; who however returned for answer, that he would
-not recognize or treat with any Grecian confederacy, and that he
-would receive no propositions except from each city severally. Upon
-this the Grecian commanders at once resolved to continue the war,
-and to invoke reinforcements from their countrymen. But their own
-manifestation of timidity had destroyed the chance that remained of
-such reinforcements arriving. While Antipater commenced a vigorous
-and successful course of action against the Thessalian cities
-separately, the Greeks became more and more dispirited and alarmed.
-City after city sent its envoys to entreat peace from Antipater,
-who granted lenient terms to each, reserving only the Athenians and
-Ætolians. In a few days, the combined Grecian army was dispersed;
-Antiphilus with the Athenians returned into Attica; Antipater
-followed them southward as far as Bœotia, taking up his quarters at
-the Macedonian post on the Kadmeia, once the Hellenic Thebes—within
-two days’ march of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_765" href="#Footnote_765"
-class="fnanchor">[765]</a></p>
-
-<p>Against the overwhelming force thus on the frontiers of Attica,
-the Athenians had no means of defence. The principal anti-Macedonian
-orators, especially Demosthenes and Hyperides, retired from the
-city at once, seeking sanctuary in the temples of Kalauria and
-Ægina. Phokion and Demades, as the envoys<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_323">[p. 323]</span> most acceptable to Antipater, were
-sent to Kadmeia as bearers of the submission of the city, and
-petitioners for lenient terms. Demades is said to have been at this
-time disfranchised and disqualified from public speaking—having been
-indicted and found guilty thrice (some say seven times) under the
-Graphê Paranomon; but the Athenians passed a special vote of relief,
-to enable him to resume his functions of citizen. Neither Phokion
-nor Demades, however, could prevail upon Antipater to acquiesce
-in anything short of the surrender of Athens at discretion; the
-same terms as Leosthenes had required from Antipater himself at
-Lamia. Kraterus was even bent upon marching forward into Attica,
-to dictate terms under the walls of Athens; and it was not without
-difficulty that Phokion obtained the abandonment of this intention;
-after which he returned to Athens with the answer. The people had
-no choice except to throw themselves on the mercy of Antipater;<a
-id="FNanchor_766" href="#Footnote_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> and
-Phokion and Demades came back to Thebes to learn his determination.
-This time they were accompanied by the philosopher Xenokrates—the
-successor of Plato and Speusippus, as presiding teacher in the school
-of the Academy. Though not a citizen of Athens, Xenokrates had long
-resided there; and it was supposed that his dignified character and
-intellectual eminence might be efficacious in mitigating the wrath
-of the conqueror. Aristotle had quitted Athens for Chalkis before
-this time; otherwise he, the personal friend of Antipater, would have
-been probably selected for this painful mission. In point of fact,
-Xenokrates did no good, being harshly received, and almost put to
-silence by Antipater. One reason of this may be, that he had been to
-a certain extent the rival of Aristotle; and it must be added to his
-honor, that he maintained a higher and more independent tone than
-either of the other envoys.<a id="FNanchor_767" href="#Footnote_767"
-class="fnanchor">[767]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">[p. 324]</span>According to
-the terms dictated by Antipater, the Athenians were required to pay
-a sum equal to the whole cost of the war; to surrender Demosthenes,
-Hyperides, and seemingly at least two other anti-Macedonian orators;
-to receive a Macedonian garrison in Munychia; to abandon their
-democratical constitution and disfranchise all their poorer citizens.
-Most of these poor men were to be transported from their homes, and
-to receive new lands on a foreign shore. The Athenian colonists in
-Samos were to be dipossessed and the island retransferred to the
-Samian exiles and natives.</p>
-
-<p>It is said that Phokion and Demades heard these terms
-with satisfaction, as lenient and reasonable. Xenokrates
-entered against them the strongest protest which the occasion
-admitted, when he said<a id="FNanchor_768" href="#Footnote_768"
-class="fnanchor">[768]</a>—“If Antipater looks upon us as slaves, the
-terms are moderate; if as freemen, they are severe.” To Phokion’s
-entreaty, that the introduction of the garrison might be dispensed
-with, Antipater replied in the negative, intimating that the garrison
-would be not less serviceable to Phokion himself than to the
-Macedonians; while Kallimedon also, an Athenian exile there present,
-repelled the proposition with scorn. Respecting the island of Samos,
-Antipater was prevailed upon to allow a special reference to the
-imperial authority.</p>
-
-<p>If Phokion thought these terms lenient, we must imagine that
-he expected a sentence of destruction against Athens, such as
-Alexander had pronounced and executed against Thebes. Under no other
-comparison can they appear lenient. Out of 21,000 qualified citizens
-of Athens, all those who did not possess property to the amount of
-2000 drachmæ were condemned to disfranchisement and deportation.
-The number below this prescribed qualification, who came under the
-penalty, was 12,000, or three-fifths of the whole. They were set
-aside as turbulent, noisy democrats; the 9000 richest citizens, the
-“party of order”, were left in exclusive possession, not only of the
-citizenship, but of the city. The condemned 12,000 were deported out
-of Attica, some<span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">[p. 325]</span>
-to Thrace, some to the Illyrian or Italian coast, some to Libya
-or the Kyrenaic territory. Besides the multitude banished simply
-on the score of comparative poverty, the marked anti-Macedonian
-politicians were banished also, including Agnonides, the friend of
-Demosthenes, and one of his earnest advocates when accused respecting
-the Harpalian treasures.<a id="FNanchor_769" href="#Footnote_769"
-class="fnanchor">[769]</a> At the request of Phokion, Antipater
-consented to render the deportation less sweeping than he had
-originally intended, so far as to permit some exiles, Agnonides
-among the rest, to remain within the limits of Peloponnesus.<a
-id="FNanchor_770" href="#Footnote_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a>
-We shall see him presently contemplating a still more wholesale
-deportation of the Ætolian people.</p>
-
-<p>It is deeply to be lamented that this important revolution,
-not only cutting down Athens to less than one-half of her citizen
-population, but involving a deportation fraught with individual
-hardship and suffering, is communicated to us only in two or
-three sentences of Plutarch and Diodorus, without any details
-from contemporary observers. It is called by Diodorus a return
-to the Solonian constitution; but the comparison disgraces the
-name of that admirable lawgiver, whose changes, taken as a whole,
-were prodigiously liberal and enfranchising, compared with what
-he found established. The deportation ordained by Antipater must
-indeed have brought upon the poor citizens of Athens a state of
-suffering in foreign lands analogous to that<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_326">[p. 326]</span> which Solon describes as having
-preceded his Seisachtheia, or measure for the relief of debtors.<a
-id="FNanchor_771" href="#Footnote_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a>
-What rules the nine thousand remaining citizens adopted for their
-new constitution, we do not know. Whatever they did, must now
-have been subject to the consent of Antipater and the Macedonian
-garrison, which entered Munychia, under the command of Menyllus,
-on the twentieth day of the month Boedromion (September), rather
-more than a month after the battle of Krannon. The day of its entry
-presented a sorrowful contrast. It was the day on which, during
-the annual ceremony of the mysteries of Eleusinian Demeter, the
-multitudinous festal procession of citizens escorted the god Iacchus
-from Athens to Eleusis.<a id="FNanchor_772" href="#Footnote_772"
-class="fnanchor">[772]</a></p>
-
-<p>One of the earliest measures of the nine thousand was, to condemn
-to death, at the motion of Demades, the distinguished anti-Macedonian
-orators who had already fled—Demosthenes, Hyperides, Aristonikus, and
-Himeræus, brother of the citizen afterwards celebrated as Demetrius
-the Phalerean. The three last having taken refuge in Ægina, and
-Demosthenes in Kalauria, all of them were out of the reach of an
-Athenian sentence, but not beyond that of the Macedonian sword.
-At this miserable season, Greece was full of similar exiles, the
-anti-Macedonian leaders out of all the cities which had taken part in
-the Lamian war. The officers of Antipater, called in the language of
-the time the Exile-Hunters,<a id="FNanchor_773" href="#Footnote_773"
-class="fnanchor">[773]</a> were everywhere on the look-out to seize
-these proscribed men; many of the orators, from other cities as
-well as from Athens, were slain; and there was no refuge except
-the mountains of Ætolia for any of them.<a id="FNanchor_774"
-href="#Footnote_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a> One of these
-officers, a Thurian named Archias, who had once been a tragic
-actor, passed over with a company of Thracian soldiers to Ægi<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_327">[p. 327]</span>na, where he seized the
-three Athenian orators—Hyperides, Aristonikus, and Himeræus—dragging
-them out of the sanctuary of the Æakeion or chapel of Æakus. They
-were all sent as prisoners to Antipater, who had by this time marched
-forward with his army to Corinth and Kleonæ in Peloponnesus. All
-were there put to death, by his order. It is even said, and on
-respectable authority, that the tongue of Hyperides was cut out
-before he was slain; according to another statement, he himself bit
-it out—being put to the torture, and resolving to make revelation of
-secrets impossible. Respecting the details of his death, there were
-several different stories.<a id="FNanchor_775" href="#Footnote_775"
-class="fnanchor">[775]</a></p>
-
-<p>Having conducted these prisoners to Antipater, Archias proceeded
-with his Thracians to Kalauria in search of Demosthenes. The temple
-of Poseidon there situated, in which the orator had taken sanctuary,
-was held in such high veneration, that Archias, hesitating to drag
-him out by force, tried to persuade him to come forth voluntarily,
-under promise that he should suffer no harm. But Demosthenes,
-well aware of the fate which awaited him, swallowed poison in the
-temple, and when the dose was beginning to take effect, came out
-of the sacred ground, expiring immediately after he had passed
-the boundary. The accompanying circumstances were recounted in
-several different ways.<a id="FNanchor_776" href="#Footnote_776"
-class="fnanchor">[776]</a> Eratosthenes (to whose authority I lean)
-affirmed that Demosthenes carried the poison in a ring round his arm;
-others said that it was suspended in a linen bag round his neck;
-according to a third story, it was contained in a writing-quill,
-which he was seen to bite and suck, while composing a last letter to
-Antipater. Amidst these contradictory details, we can only affirm
-as certain,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">[p. 328]</span>
-that the poison which he had provided beforehand preserved him
-from the sword of Antipater, and perhaps from having his tongue
-cut out. The most remarkable assertion was that of Demochares,
-nephew of Demosthenes, made in his harangues at Athens a few years
-afterwards. Demochares asserted that his uncle had not taken
-poison, but had been softly withdrawn from the world by a special
-providence of the gods, just at the moment essential to rescue him
-from the cruelty of the Macedonians. It is not less to be noted, as
-an illustration of the vein of sentiment afterwards prevalent, that
-Archias the Exile-Hunter was affirmed to have perished in the utmost
-dishonor and wretchedness.<a id="FNanchor_777" href="#Footnote_777"
-class="fnanchor">[777]</a></p>
-
-<p>The violent deaths of these illustrious orators, the
-disfranchisement and deportation of the Athenian Demos, the
-suppression of the public Dikasteries, the occupation of Athens
-by a Macedonian garrison, and of Greece generally by Macedonian
-Exile-Hunters—are events belonging to one and the same calamitous
-tragedy, and marking the extinction of the autonomous hellenic
-world. Of Hyperides as a citizen we know only the general fact,
-that he maintained from first to last, and with oratorical ability
-inferior only to Demosthenes, a strenuous opposition to Macedonian
-dominion over Greece; though his prosecution of Demosthenes
-respecting the Harpalian treasure appears (as far as it comes before
-us) discreditable. Of Demosthenes we know more—enough to form a
-judgment of him both as citizen and statesman. At the time of his
-death he was about sixty-two years of age, and we have before
-us his first Philippic, delivered thirty years before (352-351
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>). We are thus sure, that even at that
-early day, he took a sagacious and provident measure of the danger
-which threatened Grecian liberty from the energy and encroachments
-of Philip. He impressed upon his countrymen this coming danger, at
-a time when the older and more influential politicians either could
-not or would not see it; he called aloud upon his fellow-citizens
-for personal service and pecuniary contributions, enforcing
-the call by all the artifices of consummate oratory, when such
-distasteful propositions only entailed unpopu<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_329">[p. 329]</span>larity upon himself. At the period
-when Demosthenes first addressed these earnest appeals to his
-countrymen, long before the fall of Olynthus, the power of Philip,
-though formidable, might have been kept perfectly well within the
-limits of Macedonia and Thrace; and would probably have been so kept,
-had Demosthenes possessed in 351 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> as much
-public influence as he had acquired ten years afterwards, in 341
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small></p>
-
-<p>Throughout the whole career of Demosthenes as a public adviser,
-down to the battle of Chæroneia, we trace the same combination of
-earnest patriotism with wise and long-sighted policy. During the
-three years’ war which ended with the battle of Chæroneia, the
-Athenians in the main followed his counsel; and disastrous as were
-the ultimate military results of that war, for which Demosthenes
-could not be responsible—its earlier periods were creditable and
-successful, its general scheme was the best that the case admitted,
-and its diplomatic management universally triumphant. But what
-invests the purposes and policy of Demosthenes with peculiar
-grandeur, is, that they were not simply Athenian, but in an eminent
-degree Panhellenic also. It was not Athens only that he sought to
-defend against Philip, but the whole hellenic world. In this he
-towers above the greatest of his predecessors for half a century
-before his birth—Perikles, Archidamus, Agesilaus, Epaminondas;
-whose policy was Athenian, Spartan, Theban, rather than hellenic.
-He carries us back to the time of the invasion of Xerxes and the
-generation immediately succeeding it, when the struggles and
-sufferings of the Athenians against Persia were consecrated by
-complete identity of interest with collective Greece. The sentiments
-to which Demosthenes appeals throughout his numerous orations, are
-those of the noblest and largest patriotism; trying to inflame the
-ancient Grecian sentiment, of an autonomous hellenic world, as the
-indispensable condition of a dignified and desirable existence<a
-id="FNanchor_778" href="#Footnote_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a>—but
-inculcating at the same time that these blessings could only
-be preserved by toil, self-sacrifice, devotion of fortune, and
-willingness to brave hard and steady personal service.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">[p. 330]</span>From the
-destruction of Thebes by Alexander in 335 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>,
-to the Lamian war after his death, the policy of Athens neither
-was nor could be conducted by Demosthenes. But, condemned as he
-was to comparative inefficacy, he yet rendered material service to
-Athens, in the Harpalian affair of 324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>
-If, instead of opposing the alliance of the city with Harpalus, he
-had supported it as warmly as Hyperides—the exaggerated promises of
-the exile might probably have prevailed, and war would have been
-declared against Alexander. In respect to the charge of having been
-corrupted by Harpalus, I have already shown reasons for believing
-him innocent. The Lamian war, the closing scene of his activity,
-was not of his original suggestion, since he was in exile at its
-commencement. But he threw himself into it with unreserved ardor,
-and was greatly instrumental in procuring the large number of
-adhesions which it obtained from so many Grecian states. In spite
-of its disastrous result, it was, like the battle of Chæroneia, a
-glorious effort for the recovery of Grecian liberty, undertaken under
-circumstances which promised a fair chance of success. There was no
-excessive rashness in calculating on distractions in the empire left
-by Alexander—on mutual hostility among the principal officers—and on
-the probability of having only to make head against Antipater and
-Macedonia, with little or no reinforcement from Asia. Disastrous as
-the enterprise ultimately proved, yet the risk was one fairly worth
-incurring, with so noble an object at stake; and could the war have
-been protracted another year, its termination would probably have
-been very different. We shall see this presently when we come to
-follow Asiatic events. After a catastrophe so ruinous, extinguishing
-free speech in Greece, and dispersing the Athenian Demos to distant
-lands, Demosthenes himself could hardly have desired, at the age of
-sixty-two, to prolong his existence as a fugitive beyond sea.</p>
-
-<p>Of the speeches which he composed for private litigants,
-occasionally also for himself, before the Dikastery—and of the
-numerous stimulating and admonitory harangues on the public affairs
-of the moment, which he had addressed to his assembled countrymen, a
-few remain for the admiration of posterity. These harangues serve to
-us, not only as evidence of his unrivalled ex<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_331">[p. 331]</span>cellence as an orator, but as one of the
-chief sources from which we are enabled to appreciate the last phase
-of free Grecian life, as an acting and working reality.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_96">
-  <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCVI.<br />
-    FROM THE LAMIAN WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE HISTORY OF
-    FREE HELLAS AND HELLENISM.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">The</span> death of Demosthenes,
-with its tragical circumstances recounted in my last chapter, is on
-the whole less melancholy than the prolonged life of Phokion, as
-agent of Macedonian supremacy in a city half-depopulated, where he
-had been born a free citizen, and which he had so long helped to
-administer as a free community. The dishonor of Phokion’s position
-must have been aggravated by the distress in Athens, arising both
-out of the violent deportation of one-half of its free citizens, and
-out of the compulsory return of the Athenian settlers from Samos;
-which island was now taken from Athens, after she had occupied it
-forty-three years, and restored to the Samian people and to their
-recalled exiles, by a rescript of Perdikkas in the name of Aridæus.<a
-id="FNanchor_779" href="#Footnote_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a>
-Occupying this obnoxious elevation, Phokion exercised authority
-with his usual probity and mildness. Exerting himself to guard the
-citizens from being annoyed by disorders on the part of the garrison
-of Munychia, he kept up friendly intercourse with its commander
-Menyllus, though refusing all presents both<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_332">[p. 332]</span> from him and from Antipater. He was
-anxious to bestow the gift of citizenship upon the philosopher
-Xenokrates, who was only a metic, or resident non-freeman; but
-Xenokrates declined the offer, remarking, that he would accept no
-place in a constitution against which he had protested as envoy.<a
-id="FNanchor_780" href="#Footnote_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a>
-This mark of courageous independence, not a little remarkable while
-the Macedonians were masters of the city, was a tacit reproach to the
-pliant submission of Phokion.</p>
-
-<p>Throughout Peloponnesus, Antipater purged and remodelled the
-cities, Argos, Megalopolis, and others, as he had done at Athens;
-installing in each an oligarchy of his own partisans—sometimes
-with a Macedonian garrison—and putting to death, deporting, or
-expelling, hostile, or intractable, or democratical citizens.<a
-id="FNanchor_781" href="#Footnote_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a>
-Having completed the subjugation of Peloponnesus, he passed
-across the Corinthian Gulf to attack the Ætolians, now the only
-Greeks remaining unsubdued. It was the purpose of Antipater, not
-merely to conquer this warlike and rude people, but to transport
-them in mass across into Asia, and march them up to the interior
-deserts of the empire.<a id="FNanchor_782" href="#Footnote_782"
-class="fnanchor">[782]</a> His army was too powerful to be resisted
-on even ground, so that all the more accessible towns and villages
-fell into his hands. But the Ætolians defended themselves bravely,
-withdrew their families into the high towns and mountain tops of
-their very rugged country, and caused serious loss to the Macedonian
-invaders. Nevertheless, Kraterus, who had carried on war of the
-same kind with Alexander in Sogdiana, manifested so much skill in
-seizing the points of communication, that he intercepted all their
-supplies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">[p. 333]</span> and
-reduced them to extreme distress, amidst the winter which had now
-supervened. The Ætolians, in spite of bravery and endurance, must
-soon have been compelled to surrender from cold and hunger, had
-not the unexpected arrival of Antigonus from Asia communicated
-such news to Antipater and Kraterus, as induced them to prepare
-for marching back to Macedonia, with a view to the crossing of the
-Hellespont and operating in Asia. They concluded a pacification
-with the Ætolians—postponing till a future period their design of
-deporting that people,—and withdrew into Macedonia; where Antipater
-cemented his alliance with Kraterus by giving to him his daughter
-Phila in marriage.<a id="FNanchor_783" href="#Footnote_783"
-class="fnanchor">[783]</a></p>
-
-<p>Another daughter of Antipater, named Nikæa, had been sent over to
-Asia not long before, to become the wife of Perdikkas. That general,
-acting as guardian or prime minister to the kings of Alexander’s
-family (who are now spoken of in the plural number, since Roxana had
-given birth to a posthumous son, called Alexander, and made king
-jointly with Philip Aridæus), had at first sought close combination
-with Antipater, demanding his daughter in marriage. But new views
-were presently opened to him by the intrigues of the princesses at
-Pella (Olympias, with her daughter Kleopatra, widow of the Molossian
-Alexander)—who had always been at variance with Antipater, even
-throughout the life of Alexander—and Kynanê (daughter of Philip by
-an Illyrian mother, and widow of Amyntas, first cousin of Alexander,
-but slain by Alexander’s order) with her daughter Eurydikê. It has
-been already mentioned that Kleopatra had offered herself in marriage
-to Leonnatus, inviting him to come over and occupy the throne of
-Macedonia: he had obeyed the call, but had been slain in his first
-battle against the Greeks, thus relieving Antipater from a dangerous
-rival. The first project of Olympias being thus frustrated, she
-had sent to Perdikkas proposing to him a marriage with Kleopatra.
-Perdikkas had already pledged himself to the daughter of Antipater;
-nevertheless he now debated whether his ambition would not be better
-served by breaking his pledge, and accepting the new proposition.
-To this step he was advised by Eumenes, his<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_334">[p. 334]</span> ablest friend and coadjutor, steadily
-attached to the interest of the regal family, and withal personally
-hated by Antipater. But Alketas, brother of Perdikkas, represented
-that it would be hazardous to provoke openly and immediately the
-wrath of Antipater. Accordingly Perdikkas resolved to accept Nikæa
-for the moment, but to send her away after no long time, and take
-Kleopatra; to whom secret assurances from him were conveyed by
-Eumenes. Kynanê also (daughter of Philip and widow of his nephew
-Amyntas) a warlike and ambitious woman, had brought into Asia her
-daughter Eurydikê for the purpose of espousing the king Philip
-Aridæus. Being averse to this marriage, and probably instigated by
-Olympias also, Perdikkas and Alketas put Kynanê to death. But the
-indignation excited among the soldiers by this deed was so furious as
-to menace their safety, and they were forced to permit the marriage
-of the king with Eurydikê.<a id="FNanchor_784" href="#Footnote_784"
-class="fnanchor">[784]</a></p>
-
-<p>All these intrigues were going on through the summer of 322
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, while the Lamian war was still effectively
-prosecuted by the Greeks. About the autumn of the year, Antigonus
-(called Monophthalmus), the satrap of Phrygia, detected these secret
-intrigues of Perdikkas; who, for that and other reasons, began to
-look on him as an enemy, and to plot against his life. Apprised
-of his danger, Antigonus made his escape from Asia into Europe
-to acquaint Antipater and Kraterus with the hostile manœuvres of
-Perdikkas; upon which news, the two generals, immediately abandoning
-the Ætolian war, withdrew their army from Greece for the more
-important object of counteracting Perdikkas in Asia.</p>
-
-<p>To us, these contests of the Macedonian officers belong only
-so far as they affect the Greeks. And we see, by the events just
-noticed, how unpropitious to the Greeks were the turns of For<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_335">[p. 335]</span>tune, throughout
-the Lamian war: the grave of Grecian liberty, not for the actual
-combatants only, but for their posterity also.<a id="FNanchor_785"
-href="#Footnote_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a> Until the battle
-of Krannon and the surrender of Athens, everything fell out so as
-to relieve Antipater from embarrassment, and impart to him double
-force. The intrigues of the princesses at Pella, who were well known
-to hate him, first raised up Leonnatus, next Perdikkas, against
-him. Had Leonnatus lived, the arm of Antipater would have been at
-least weakened, if not paralyzed; had Perdikkas declared himself
-earlier, the forces of Antipater must have been withdrawn to oppose
-him, and the battle of Krannon would probably have had a different
-issue. As soon as Perdikkas became hostile to Antipater, it was his
-policy to sustain and seek alliance with the Greeks, as we shall
-find him presently doing with the Ætolians.<a id="FNanchor_786"
-href="#Footnote_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a> Through causes thus
-purely accidental, Antipater obtained an interval of a few months,
-during which his hands were not only free, but armed with new and
-unexpected strength from Leonnatus and Kraterus, to close the Lamian
-war. The disastrous issue of that war was therefore in great part
-the effect of casualties, among which we must include the death of
-Leosthenes himself. Such issue is not to be regarded as proving
-that the project was desperate or ill-conceived on the part of its
-promoters, who had full right to reckon, among the probabilities of
-their case, the effects of discord between the Macedonian chiefs.</p>
-
-<p>In the spring of 321 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, Antipater and
-Kraterus, having concerted operations with Ptolemy governor of
-Egypt, crossed into Asia, and began their conflict with Perdikkas;
-who himself,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">[p. 336]</span>
-having the kings along with him, marched against Egypt to attack
-Ptolemy; leaving his brother Alketas, in conjunction with Eumenes as
-general, to maintain his cause in Kappadokia and Asia Minor. Alketas,
-discouraged by the adverse feeling of the Macedonians generally,
-threw up the enterprise as hopeless. But Eumenes, though embarrassed
-and menaced in every way by the treacherous jealousy of his own
-Macedonian officers, and by the discontent of the soldiers against
-him as a Greek—and though compelled to conceal from these soldiers
-the fact that Kraterus, who was popular among them, commanded on
-the opposite side,—displayed nevertheless so much ability that he
-gained an important victory,<a id="FNanchor_787" href="#Footnote_787"
-class="fnanchor">[787]</a> in which both Neoptolemus and Kraterus
-perished. Neoptolemus was killed by Eumenes with his own hand, after
-a personal conflict desperate in the extreme and long doubtful,
-and at the cost of a severe wound to himself.<a id="FNanchor_788"
-href="#Footnote_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a> After the victory, he
-found Kraterus still alive, though expiring from his wound. Deeply
-afflicted at the sight, he did his utmost to restore the dying man;
-and when this proved to be impossible, caused his dead body to be
-honorably shrouded and transmitted into Macedonia for burial.</p>
-
-<p>This new proof of the military ability and vigor of Eumenes,
-together with the death of two such important officers as Kraterus
-and Neoptolemus—proved ruinous to the victor himself, without serving
-the cause in which he fought. Perdikkas his chief did not live to
-hear of it. That general was so overbearing and tyrannical in his
-demeanor towards the other officers—and withal so unsuccessful in
-his first operations against Ptolemy on the Pelusiac branch of the
-Nile—that his own army mutinied and slew him.<a id="FNanchor_789"
-href="#Footnote_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> His troops joined
-Ptolemy, whose concilia<span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">[p.
-337]</span>tory behavior gained their goodwill. Only two days
-after this revolution, a messenger from Eumenes reached the
-camp, announcing his victory and the death of Kraterus. Had this
-intelligence been received by Perdikkas himself at the head of his
-army, the course of subsequent events might have been sensibly
-altered. Eumenes would have occupied the most commanding position
-in Asia, as general of the kings of the Alexandrine family, to whom
-both his interests and his feelings attached him. But the news,
-arriving at the moment when it did, caused throughout the army
-only the most violent exasperation against him; not simply as ally
-of the odious Perdikkas, but as cause of death to the esteemed
-Kraterus. He, together with Alketas and fifty officers, was voted
-by the soldiers a public enemy. No measures were kept with him
-henceforward by Macedonian officers or soldiers. At the same time
-several officers attached to Perdikkas in the camp, and also Atalanta
-his sister, were slain.<a id="FNanchor_790" href="#Footnote_790"
-class="fnanchor">[790]</a></p>
-
-<p>By the death of Perdikkas, and the defection of his soldiers,
-complete preponderance was thrown into the hands of Antipater,
-Ptolemy, and Antigonus. Antipater was invited to join the army,
-now consisting of the forces both of Ptolemy and Perdikkas united.
-He was there invested with the guardianship of the persons of the
-kings, and with the sort of ministerial supremacy previously held by
-Perdikkas. He was however exposed to much difficulty, and even to
-great personal danger, from the intrigues of the princess Eurydikê,
-who displayed a masculine boldness in publicly haranguing the
-soldiers—and from the discontents of the army, who claimed presents,
-formerly promised to them by Alexander, which there were no funds
-to liquidate at the moment. At Triparadisus in Syria, Antipater
-made a second distribution of the satrapies of the empire; somewhat
-modified, yet coinciding in the main with that which had been drawn
-up shortly after the death of Alexander. To Ptolemy was assured Egypt
-and Libya,—to Antigonus, the Greater Phrygia, Lykia, and Pamphylia—as
-each had had before.<a id="FNanchor_791" href="#Footnote_791"
-class="fnanchor">[791]</a></p>
-
-<p>Antigonus was placed in command of the principal Macedon<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_338">[p. 338]</span>ian army in Asia, to
-crush Eumenes and the other chief adherents of Perdikkas; most of
-whom had been condemned to death by a vote of the Macedonian army.
-After a certain interval, Antipater himself, accompanied by the
-kings, returned to Macedonia, having eluded by artifice a renewed
-demand on the part of his soldiers for the promised presents.
-The war of Antigonus, first against Eumenes in Kappadokia, next
-against Alketas and the other partisans of Perdikkas in Pisidia,
-lasted for many months, but was at length successfully finished.<a
-id="FNanchor_792" href="#Footnote_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a>
-Eumenes, beset by the constant treachery and insubordination of
-the Macedonians, was defeated and driven out of the field. He took
-refuge with a handful of men in the impregnable and well-stored
-fortress of Nora in Kappadokia, where he held out a long blockade,
-apparently more than a year, against Antigonus.<a id="FNanchor_793"
-href="#Footnote_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a></p>
-
-<p>Before the prolonged blockade of Nora had been brought to a
-close, Antipater, being of very advanced age, fell into sickness,
-and presently died. One of his latest acts was, to put to death the
-Athenian orator Demades, who had been sent to Macedonia as envoy to
-solicit the removal of the Macedonian garrison at Munychia. Antipater
-had promised, or given hopes, that if the oligarchy which he had
-constituted at Athens maintained unshaken adherence to Macedonia, he
-would withdraw the garrison. The Athenians endeavored to prevail on
-Phokion to go to Macedonia as solicitor for the fulfilment of this
-promise; but he steadily refused. Demades, who willingly undertook
-the mission, reached Macedonia at a moment very untoward for himself.
-The papers of the deceased Perdikkas had come into possession of his
-opponents; and among them had been found a letter written to him
-by Demades, inviting him to cross over and rescue Greece from her
-dependence “on an old and rotten warp”—meaning Antipater. This letter
-gave great offence to Antipater—the rather, as Demades is said to
-have been his habitual pensioner—and still greater offence to his
-son Kassander; who caused Demades with his son to be seized—first
-killed the son<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">[p. 339]</span> in
-the immediate presence and even embrace of the father—and then slew
-the father himself, with bitter invective against his ingratitude.<a
-id="FNanchor_794" href="#Footnote_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a> All
-the accounts which we read depict Demades, in general terms, as a
-prodigal spendthrift and a venal and corrupt politician. We have no
-ground for questioning this statement: at the same time, we have no
-specific facts to prove it.</p>
-
-<p>Antipater by his last directions appointed Polysperchon, one
-of Alexander’s veteran officers, to be chief administrator, with
-full powers on behalf of the imperial dynasty; while he assigned
-to his own son Kassander only the second place, as Chiliarch, or
-general of the body-guard.<a id="FNanchor_795" href="#Footnote_795"
-class="fnanchor">[795]</a> He thought that this disposition of
-power would be more generally acceptable throughout the empire,
-as Polysperchon was older and of longer military service than any
-other among Alexander’s generals. Moreover, Antipater was especially
-afraid of letting dominion fall into the hands of the princesses;<a
-id="FNanchor_796" href="#Footnote_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> all
-of whom—Olympias, Kleopatra, and Eurydikê—were energetic characters;
-and the first of the three (who had retired to Epirus from enmity
-towards Antipater) furious and implacable.</p>
-
-<p>But the views of Antipater were disappointed from the beginning,
-because Kassander would not submit to the second place, nor tolerate
-Polysperchon as his superior. Immediately after the death of
-Antipater, but before it became publicly known, Kassander despatched
-Nikanor with pretended orders from Antipater to supersede Menyllus in
-the government of Munychia. To this order Menyllus yielded. But when
-after a few days the Athenian public came to learn the real truth,
-they were displeased with Phokion for having permitted the change
-to be made—assuming that he knew the real state of the facts,<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_340">[p. 340]</span> and might have kept
-out the new commander.<a id="FNanchor_797" href="#Footnote_797"
-class="fnanchor">[797]</a> Kassander, while securing this important
-post in the hands of a confirmed partisan, affected to acquiesce
-in the authority of Polysperchon, and to occupy himself with a
-hunting-party in the country. He at the same time sent confidential
-adherents to the Hellespont and other places in furtherance of his
-schemes; and especially to contract alliance with Antigonus in
-Asia and with Ptolemy in Egypt. His envoys being generally well
-received, he himself soon quitted Macedonia suddenly, and went
-to concert measures with Antigonus in Asia.<a id="FNanchor_798"
-href="#Footnote_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a> It suited the policy
-of Ptolemy, and still more that of Antigonus, to aid him against
-Polysperchon and the imperial dynasty. On the death of Antipater,
-Antigonus had resolved to make himself the real sovereign of the
-Asiatic Alexandrine empire, possessing as he did the most powerful
-military force within it.</p>
-
-<p>Even before this time the imperial dynasty had been a name rather
-than a reality; yet still a respected name. But now, the preference
-shown to Polysperchon by the deceased Antipater, and the secession
-of Kassander, placed all the real great powers in active hostility
-against the dynasty. Polysperchon and his friends were not blind
-to the difficulties of their position. The principal officers in
-Macedonia having been convened to deliberate, it was resolved to
-invite Olympias out of Epirus, that she might assume the tutelage
-of her grandson Alexander (son of Roxana)—to place the Asiatic
-interests of the dynasty in the hands of Eumenes, appointing him
-to the supreme command<a id="FNanchor_799" href="#Footnote_799"
-class="fnanchor">[799]</a>—and to combat Kassander in Europe, by
-assuring to themselves the general goodwill and support of the
-Greeks. This last object was to be obtained by granting to the
-Greeks general enfranchisement, and by subverting the Antipatrian
-oligarchies and military governments now paramount throughout the
-cities.</p>
-
-<p>The last hope of maintaining the unity of Alexander’s empire
-in Asia, against the counter-interests of the great Macedonian
-officers, who were steadily tending to divide and appropriate it—now
-lay in the fidelity and military skill of Eumenes. At his<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_341">[p. 341]</span> disposal Polysperchon
-placed the imperial treasures and soldiers in Asia; especially
-the brave, but faithless and disorderly, Argyraspides. Olympias
-also addressed to him a pathetic letter, asking his counsel as the
-only friend and savior to whom the imperial family could now look.
-Eumenes replied by assuring them of his devoted adherence to their
-cause. But he at the same time advised Olympias not to come out of
-Epirus into Macedonia; or if she did come, at all events to abstain
-from vindictive and cruel proceedings. Both these recommendations,
-honorable as well to his prudence as to his humanity, were
-disregarded by the old queen. She came into Macedonia to take the
-management of affairs; and although her imposing title, of mother
-to the great conqueror, raised a strong favorable feeling, yet her
-multiplied executions of the Antipatrian partisans excited fatal
-enmity against a dynasty already tottering. Nevertheless Eumenes,
-though his advice had been disregarded, devoted himself in Asia with
-unshaken fidelity to the Alexandrine family, resisting the most
-tempting invitations to take part with Antigonus against them.<a
-id="FNanchor_800" href="#Footnote_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a>
-His example contributed much to keep alive the same active sentiment
-in those around him; indeed,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">[p.
-342]</span> without him, the imperial family would have had no
-sincere or commanding representative in Asia. His gallant struggles,
-first in Kilikia and Phenicia, next (when driven from the coast),
-in Susiana, Persis, Media, and Parætakênê—continued for two years
-against the greatly preponderant forces of Ptolemy, Antigonus,
-and Seleukus, and against the never-ceasing treachery of his own
-officers and troops<a id="FNanchor_801" href="#Footnote_801"
-class="fnanchor">[801]</a>—do not belong to Grecian history. They
-are however among the most memorable exploits of antiquity. While
-even in a military point of view, they are hardly inferior to the
-combinations of Alexander himself—they evince, besides, a flexibility
-and aptitude such as Alexander neither possessed nor required, for
-overcoming the thousand difficulties raised by traitors and mutineers
-around him. To the last, Eumenes remained unsubdued; he was betrayed
-to Antigonus by the base and venal treachery of his own soldiers, the
-Macedonian Argyraspides.<a id="FNanchor_802" href="#Footnote_802"
-class="fnanchor">[802]</a></p>
-
-<p>For the interests of the imperial dynasty (the extinction of
-which we shall presently follow), it is perhaps to be regretted
-that they did not abandon Asia at once, at the death of Antipater,
-and concentrate their attention on Macedonia alone, summoning over
-Eumenes to aid them. To keep together in unity the vast aggregate of
-Asia was manifestly impracticable, even with his consummate ability.
-Indeed, we read that Olympias wished for his presence in Europe,
-not trusting any one but him as protector of the child Alexander.<a
-id="FNanchor_803" href="#Footnote_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a>
-In Macedonia, apart from Asia, Eumenes, if the violent temper of
-Olympias had permitted him, might have upheld the dynasty; which,
-having at that time a decided interest in conciliating the Greeks,
-might probably<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">[p. 343]</span>
-have sanctioned his sympathies in favor of free Hellenic community.<a
-id="FNanchor_804" href="#Footnote_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a></p>
-
-<p>On learning the death of Antipater, most of the Greek cities
-had sent envoys to Pella.<a id="FNanchor_805" href="#Footnote_805"
-class="fnanchor">[805]</a> To all the governments of these cities,
-composed as they were of his creatures, it was a matter of the utmost
-moment to know what course the new Macedonian authority would adopt.
-Polysperchon, persuaded that they would all adhere to Kassander, and
-that his only chance of combating that rival was by enlisting popular
-sympathy and interests in Greece, or at least by subverting these
-Antipatrian oligarchies—drew up in conjunction with his counsellors a
-proclamation which he issued in the name of the dynasty.</p>
-
-<p>After reciting the steady goodwill of Philip and Alexander towards
-Greece, he affirmed that this feeling had been interrupted by the
-untoward Lamian war, originating with some ill-judged Greeks, and
-ending in the infliction of many severe calamities upon the various
-cities. But all these severities (he continued) had proceeded from
-the generals (Antipater and Kraterus): the kings had now determined
-to redress them. It was accordingly proclaimed that the political
-constitution of each city should be restored, as it had stood in
-the times of Philip and Alexander; that before the thirtieth of the
-month Xanthikus, all those who had been condemned to banishment, or
-deported, by the generals, should be recalled and received back; that
-their properties should be restored, and past sentences against them
-rescinded; that they should live in amnesty as to the past, and good
-feeling as to the future, with the remaining citizens. From this act
-of recall were excluded, the exiles of Amphissa, Trikka, Pharkadon,
-and Herakleia, together with a certain number of Megalopolitans,
-implicated in one particular conspiracy. In the particular case of
-those cities, the governments of which had been denounced as hostile
-by Philip or Alexander, special reference and consultation was
-opened with Pella, for some modification to meet the circumstances.
-As to Athens, it was decreed that Samos should be restored to her,
-but not Orôpus; in all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">[p.
-344]</span> other respects, she was placed on the same footing as in
-the days of Philip and Alexander. “All the Greeks (concluded this
-proclamation) shall pass decrees, forbidding every one either to bear
-arms or otherwise act in hostility against us—on pain of exile and
-confiscation of goods, for himself and his family. On this and on all
-other matters, we have ordered Polysperchon to take proper measures.
-Obey him—as we have before written you to do; for we shall not omit
-to notice those who on any point disregard our proclamation.”<a
-id="FNanchor_806" href="#Footnote_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a></p>
-
-<p>Such was the new edict issued by the kings, or rather by
-Polysperchon in their names. It directed the removal of all the
-garrisons, and the subversion of all the oligarchies, established
-by Antipater after the Lamian war. It ordered the recall of the
-host of exiles then expelled. It revived the state of things
-prevalent before the death of Alexander—which indeed itself had
-been, for the most part, an aggregate of macedonizing oligarchies
-interspersed with Macedonian garrisons. To the existing Antipatrian
-oligarchies, however, it was a deathblow; and so it must have been
-understood by the Grecian envoys—including probably deputations
-from the exiles, as well as envoys from the civic governments—to
-whom Polysperchon delivered it at Pella. Not content with the
-general edict, Polysperchon addressed special letters to Argos
-and various other cities, commanding that the Antipatrian leading
-men should be banished with confiscation of property, and in some
-cases put to death;<a id="FNanchor_807" href="#Footnote_807"
-class="fnanchor">[807]</a> the names being probably furnished to him
-by the exiles. Lastly, as it was clear that such stringent measures
-could not be executed without force,—the rather as these oligarchies
-would be upheld by Kassander from without—Polysperchon resolved
-to conduct a large military force into Greece; sending thither
-first,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">[p. 345]</span> however,
-a considerable detachment, for immediate operations, under his son
-Alexander.</p>
-
-<p>To Athens, as well as to other cities, Polysperchon addressed
-special letters, promising restoration of the democracy and recall
-of the exiles. At Athens, such change was a greater revolution than
-elsewhere, because the multitude of exiles and persons deported had
-been the greatest. To the existing nine thousand Athenian citizens,
-it was doubtless odious and alarming; while to Phokion with the
-other leading Antipatrians, it threatened not only loss of power,
-but probably nothing less than the alternative of flight or death.<a
-id="FNanchor_808" href="#Footnote_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a>
-The state of interests at Athens, however, was now singularly novel
-and complicated. There were the Antipatrians and the nine thousand
-qualified citizens. There were the exiles, who, under the new edict,
-speedily began re-entering the city, and reclaiming their citizenship
-as well as their properties. Polysperchon and his son were known to
-be soon coming with a powerful force. Lastly, there was Nikanor, who
-held Munychia with a garrison, neither for Polysperchon, nor for the
-Athenians, but for Kassander; the latter being himself also expected
-with a force from Asia. Here then were several parties; each distinct
-in views and interests from the rest—some decidedly hostile to each
-other.</p>
-
-<p>The first contest arose between the Athenians and Nikanor
-respecting Munychia; which they required him to evacuate, pursuant
-to the recent proclamation. Nikanor on his side returned an evasive
-answer, promising compliance as soon as circumstances permitted, but
-in the mean time entreating the Athenians to continue in alliance
-with Kassander, as they had been with his father Antipater.<a
-id="FNanchor_809" href="#Footnote_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a>
-He seems to have indulged hopes of prevailing on them to declare in
-his favor—and not without plausible grounds, since the Antipatrian
-leaders and a proportion of the nine thousand citizens could not
-but dread the execution of Polysperchon’s edict. And he had also
-what was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">[p. 346]</span> of
-still greater moment—the secret connivance and support of Phokion:
-who put himself in intimate relation with Nikanor, as he had
-before done with Menyllus<a id="FNanchor_810" href="#Footnote_810"
-class="fnanchor">[810]</a>—and who had greater reason than any one
-else to dread the edict of Polysperchon. At a public assembly held
-in Peiræus to discuss the subject, Nikanor even ventured to present
-himself in person, in the company and under the introduction of
-Phokion, who was anxious that the Athenians should entertain the
-proposition of alliance with Kassander. But with the people, the
-prominent wish was to get rid altogether of the foreign garrison,
-and to procure the evacuation of Munychia—for which object, of
-course, the returned exiles would be even more anxious than the
-nine thousand. Accordingly, the assembly refused to hear any
-propositions from Nikanor; while Derkyllus with others even proposed
-to seize his person. It was Phokion who ensured to him the means of
-escaping; even in spite of serious wrath from his fellow-citizens,
-to whom he pleaded, that he had made himself guarantee for
-Nikanor’s personal safety.<a id="FNanchor_811" href="#Footnote_811"
-class="fnanchor">[811]</a></p>
-
-<p>Foreseeing the gravity of the impending contest, Nikanor had been
-secretly introducing fresh soldiers into Munychia. And when he found
-that he could not obtain any declared support from the Athenians,
-he laid a scheme for surprising and occupying the town and harbor
-of Peiræus, of which Munychia formed the adjoining eminence and
-harbor, on the southern side of the little peninsula. Notwithstanding
-all his precautions, it became known to various Athenians that he
-was tampering with persons in Peiræus, and collecting troops in
-the neighboring isle of Salamis. So much anxiety was expressed in
-the Athenian assembly for the safety of Peiræus, that a decree
-was passed, enjoining all citizens to hold themselves in arms for
-its protection, under Phokion as general. Nevertheless Phokion,
-disregarding such a decree, took no precautions, affirming that he
-would himself be answerable for Nikanor. Presently that officer,
-making an unexpected attack from Munychia and Salamis, took Peiræus
-by surprise, placed both the town and harbor under military
-occupation, and cut off its communication with Athens by a ditch and
-palisade. On this palpable aggression, the Athenians rushed to<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_347">[p. 347]</span> arms. But Phokion as
-general damped their ardor, and even declined to head them in an
-attack for the recovery of Peiræus before Nikanor should have had
-time to strengthen himself in it. He went however, with Konon (son
-of Timotheus), to remonstrate with Nikanor, and to renew the demand
-that he should evacuate, under the recent proclamation, all the posts
-which he held in garrison. But Nikanor would give no other answer,
-except that he held his commission from Kassander, to whom they must
-address their application.<a id="FNanchor_812" href="#Footnote_812"
-class="fnanchor">[812]</a> He thus again tried to bring Athens into
-communication with Kassander.</p>
-
-<p>The occupation of Peiræus in addition to Munychia was a serious
-calamity to the Athenians, making them worse off than they had
-been even under Antipater. Peiræus, rich, active, and commercial,
-containing the Athenian arsenal, docks, and muniments of war, was
-in many respects more valuable than Athens itself; for all purposes
-of war, far more valuable. Kassander had now an excellent place of
-arms and base, which Munychia alone would not have afforded, for his
-operations in Greece against Polysperchon; upon whom therefore the
-loss fell hardly less severely than upon the Athenians. Now Phokion,
-in his function as general, had been forewarned of the danger, might
-have guarded against it, and ought to have done so. This was a grave
-dereliction of duty, and admits of hardly any other explanation
-except that of treasonable connivance. It seems that Phokion,
-foreseeing his own ruin and that of his friends in the triumph of
-Polysperchon and the return of the exiles, was desirous of favoring
-the seizure of Peiræus by Nikanor, as a means of constraining Athens
-to adopt the alliance with Kassander; which alliance indeed would
-probably have been brought about, had Kassander reached Peiræus by
-sea sooner than the first troops of Polysperchon by land. Phokion
-was here guilty, at the very least, of culpable neglect, and
-probably of still more culpable treason, on an occasion seriously
-injuring both Polysperchon and the Athenians; a fact which we must
-not forget, when we come to read presently the bitter animosity
-exhibited against him.<a id="FNanchor_813" href="#Footnote_813"
-class="fnanchor">[813]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">[p. 348]</span>The news,
-that Nikanor had possessed himself of Peiræus, produced a strong
-sensation. Presently arrived a letter addressed to him by Olympias
-herself, commanding him to surrender the place to the Athenians,
-upon whom she wished to confer entire autonomy. But Nikanor declined
-obedience to her order, still waiting for support from Kassander.
-The arrival of Alexander (Polysperchon’s son) with a body of
-troops, encouraged the Athenians to believe that he was come to
-assist in carrying Peiræus by force, for the purpose of restoring
-it to them. Their hopes, however, were again disappointed. Though
-encamped near Peiræus, Alexander made no demand for the Athenian
-forces to co-operate with him in attacking it; but entered into open
-parley with Nikanor, whom he endeavored to persuade or corrupt into
-surrendering the place.<a id="FNanchor_814" href="#Footnote_814"
-class="fnanchor">[814]</a> When this negotiation failed, he resolved
-to wait for the arrival of his father, who was already on his march
-towards Attica with the main army. His own force unassisted was
-probably not sufficient to attack Peiræus; nor did he choose to
-invoke assistance from the Athenians, to whom he would then have been
-compelled to make over the place when taken, which they so ardently
-desired. The Athenians were thus as far from their object as ever;
-moreover, by this delay the opportunity of attacking the place was
-altogether thrown away; for Kassander with his armament reached it
-before Polysperchon.</p>
-
-<p>It was Phokion and his immediate colleagues who induced Alexander
-to adopt this insidious policy; to decline reconquering Peiræus
-for the Athenians, and to appropriate it for himself. To Phokion,
-the reconstitution of autonomous Athens, with its democracy and
-restored exiles, and without any foreign controlling force—was an
-assured sentence of banishment, if not of<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_349">[p. 349]</span> death. Not having been able to obtain
-protection from the foreign force of Nikanor and Kassander, he and
-his friends resolved to throw themselves upon that of Alexander
-and Polysperchon. They went to meet Alexander as he entered
-Attica—represented the impolicy of his relinquishing so important a
-military position as Peiræus, while the war was yet unfinished,—and
-offered to co-operate with him for this purpose, by proper management
-of the Athenian public. Alexander was pleased with these suggestions,
-accepted Phokion with the others as his leading adherents at Athens,
-and looked upon Peiræus as a capture to be secured for himself.<a
-id="FNanchor_815" href="#Footnote_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a>
-Numerous returning Athenian exiles accompanied Alexander’s army.
-It seems that Phokion was desirous of admitting the troops,
-along with the exiles, as friends and allies into the walls of
-Athens, so as to make Alexander master of the city—but that this
-project was impracticable in consequence of the mistrust created
-among the Athenians by the parleys of Alexander with Nikanor.<a
-id="FNanchor_816" href="#Footnote_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a></p>
-
-<p>The strategic function of Phokion, however, so often conferred
-and re-conferred upon him—and his power of doing either good or
-evil—now approached its close. As soon as the returning exiles
-found themselves in sufficient numbers, they called for a revision
-of the list of state-officers, and for the re-establishment of the
-democratical forms. They passed a vote to de<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_350">[p. 350]</span>pose those who had held office under
-the Antipatrian oligarchy and who still continued to hold it down to
-the actual moment. Among these Phokion stood first: along with him
-were his son-in-law Charikles, the Phalerean Demetrius, Kallimedon,
-Nikokles, Thudippus, Hegemon, and Philokles. These persons were
-not only deposed, but condemned, some to death, some to banishment
-and confiscation of property. Demetrius, Charikles, and Kallimedon
-sought safety by leaving Attica; but Phokion and the rest merely
-went to Alexander’s camp, throwing themselves upon his protection
-on the faith of the recent understanding.<a id="FNanchor_817"
-href="#Footnote_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a> Alexander not only
-received them courteously, but gave them letters to his father
-Polysperchon, requesting safety and protection for them, as men
-who had embraced his cause, and who were still eager to do all in
-their power to support him.<a id="FNanchor_818" href="#Footnote_818"
-class="fnanchor">[818]</a> Armed with these letters, Phokion and his
-companions went through Bœotia and Phokis to meet Polysperchon on his
-march southward. They were accompanied by Deinarchus and by a Platæan
-named Solon, both of them passing for friends of Polysperchon.<a
-id="FNanchor_819" href="#Footnote_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Athenian democracy, just reconstituted, which had passed the
-recent condemnatory votes, was disquieted at the news that Alexander
-had espoused the cause of Phokion and had recommended the like policy
-to his father. It was possible that Polysperchon might seek, with
-his powerful army, both to occupy Athens and to capture Peiræus, and
-might avail himself of Phokion (like Antipater after the Lamian war)
-as a convenient instrument of government. It seems plain that this
-was the project of Alexander, and that he counted on Phokion as a
-ready auxiliary in both. Now the restored democrats, though owing
-their restoration to Polysperchon, were much less compliant towards
-him than Phokion had been. Not only they would<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_351">[p. 351]</span> not admit him into the city, but they
-would not even acquiesce in his separate occupation of Munychia and
-Peiræus. On the proposition of Agnonides and Archestratus, they
-sent a deputation to Polysperchon accusing Phokion and his comrades
-of high treason; yet at the same time claiming for Athens the full
-and undiminished benefit of the late regal proclamation—autonomy
-and democracy, with restoration of Peiræus and Munychia free
-and ungarrisoned.<a id="FNanchor_820" href="#Footnote_820"
-class="fnanchor">[820]</a></p>
-
-<p>The deputation reached Polysperchon at Pharyges in Phokis, as
-early as Phokion’s company, which had been detained for some days at
-Elateia by the sickness of Deinarchus. That delay was unfortunate
-for Phokion. Had he seen Polysperchon, and presented the letter of
-Alexander, before the Athenian accusers arrived, he might probably
-have obtained a more favorable reception. But as the arrival of
-the two parties was nearly simultaneous, Polysperchon heard both
-of them at the same audience, before King Philip Aridæus in his
-throne with the gilt ceiling above it. When Agnonides,—chief of the
-Athenian deputation, and formerly friend and advocate of Demosthenes
-in the Harpalian cause—found himself face to face with Phokion and
-his friends, their reciprocal invectives at first produced nothing
-but confusion; until Agnonides himself exclaimed—“Pack us all into
-one cage and send us back to Athens to receive judgment from the
-Athenians.” The king laughed at this observation, but the bystanders
-around insisted upon more orderly proceedings, and Agnonides then set
-forth the two demands of the Athenians—condemnation of Phokion and
-his friends, partly as accomplices of Antipater, partly as having
-betrayed Peiræus to Nikanor—and the full benefit of the late regal
-proclamation to Athens.<a id="FNanchor_821" href="#Footnote_821"
-class="fnanchor">[821]</a> Now, on the last of these two<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_352">[p. 352]</span> heads, Polysperchon was
-noway disposed to yield—nor to hand over Peiræus to the Athenians
-as soon as he should take it. On this matter, accordingly, he
-replied by refusal or evasion. But he was all the more disposed to
-satisfy the Athenians on the other matter—the surrender of Phokion;
-especially as the sentiment now prevalent at Athens evinced clearly
-that Phokion could not be again useful to him as an instrument.
-Thus disposed to sacrifice Phokion, Polysperchon heard his defence
-with impatience, interrupted him several times, and so disgusted
-him, that he at length struck the ground with his stick, and held
-his peace. Hegemon, another of the accused, was yet more harshly
-treated. When he appealed to Polysperchon himself, as having been
-personally cognizant of his (the speaker’s) good dispositions
-towards the Athenian people (he had probably been sent to Pella, as
-envoy for redress of grievances under the Antipatrian oligarchy),
-Polysperchon exclaimed—“Do not utter falsehoods against me before the
-king.” Moreover, king Philip himself was so incensed, as to start
-from his throne and snatch his spear; with which he would have run
-Hegemon through,—imitating the worst impulses of his illustrious
-brother—had he not been held back by Polysperchon. The sentence could
-not be doubtful. Phokion and his companions were delivered over as
-prisoners to the Athenian deputation, together with a letter from
-the king, intimating that in his conviction they were traitors,
-but that he left them to be judged by the Athenians, now restored
-to freedom and autonomy.<a id="FNanchor_822" href="#Footnote_822"
-class="fnanchor">[822]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Macedonian Kleitus was instructed to convey them to Athens as
-prisoners under a guard. Mournful was the spectacle as they entered
-the city; being carried along the Kerameikus in carts, through
-sympathizing friends and an embittered multitude, until they reached
-the theatre, wherein the assembly was to be convened. That assembly
-was composed of every one who chose to enter, and is said to have
-contained many foreign<span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">[p.
-353]</span>ers and slaves. But it would have been fortunate for
-Phokion had such really been the case; for foreigners and slaves had
-no cause of antipathy towards him. The assembly was mainly composed
-of Phokion’s keenest enemies, the citizens just returned from exile
-or deportation; among whom may doubtless have been intermixed more
-or less of non-qualified persons, since the lists had probably not
-yet been verified. When the assembly was about to be opened, the
-friends of Phokion moved, that on occasion of so important a trial,
-foreigners and slaves should be sent away. This was in every sense an
-impolitic proceeding; for the restored exiles, chiefly poor men, took
-it as an insult to themselves, and became only the more embittered,
-exclaiming against the oligarchs who were trying to exclude them.</p>
-
-<p>It is not easy to conceive stronger grounds of exasperation than
-those which inflamed the bosoms of these returned exiles. We must
-recollect that at the close of the Lamian war, the Athenian democracy
-had been forcibly subverted. Demosthenes and its principal leaders
-had been slain, some of them with antecedent cruelties; the poorer
-multitude, in number more than half of the qualified citizens,
-had been banished or deported into distant regions. To all the
-public shame and calamity, there was thus superadded a vast mass
-of individual suffering and impoverishment, the mischiefs of which
-were very imperfectly healed, even by that unexpected contingency
-which had again thrown open to them their native city. Accordingly,
-when these men returned from different regions, each hearing from
-the rest new tales of past hardship, they felt the bitterest hatred
-against the authors of the Antipatrian revolution; and among these
-authors Phokion stood distinctly marked. For although he had neither
-originated nor advised these severities, yet he and his friends,
-as administering the Antipatrian government at Athens, must have
-been agents in carrying them out, and had rendered themselves
-distinctly liable to the fearful penalties pronounced by the
-psephism of Demophantus,<a id="FNanchor_823" href="#Footnote_823"
-class="fnanchor">[823]</a> consecrated by an oath taken by Athenians
-generally, against any one who should hold an official post after the
-government was subverted.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">[p. 354]</span>When these
-restored citizens thus saw Phokion brought before them, for the
-first time after their return, the common feeling of antipathy
-against him burst out into furious manifestations. Agnonides the
-principal accuser, supported by Epikurus<a id="FNanchor_824"
-href="#Footnote_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a> and Demophilus,
-found their denunciations welcomed and even anticipated, when
-they arraigned Phokion as a criminal who had lent his hand to the
-subversion of the constitution,—to the sufferings of his deported
-fellow-citizens,—and to the holding of Athens in subjection
-under a foreign potentate; in addition to which, the betrayal
-of Peiræus to Nikanor<a id="FNanchor_825" href="#Footnote_825"
-class="fnanchor">[825]</a> constituted a new crime; fastening on the
-people the yoke of Kassander, when autonomy had been promised to them
-by the recent imperial edict. After the accusation was concluded,
-Phokion was called on for his defence; but he found it impossible
-to obtain a hearing. Attempting several times to speak, he was as
-often interrupted by angry shouts; several of his friends were cried
-down in like manner; until at length he gave up the case in despair,
-and exclaimed, “For myself, Athenians, I plead guilty; I pronounce
-against myself the sentence of death for my political conduct; but
-why are you to sentence these men near me, who are not guilty?”
-“Because they are your friends, Phokion”—was the exclamation of those
-around. Phokion then said no more; while Agnonides proposed a decree,
-to the effect, that the assembled people should decide by show of
-hands, whether the persons now arraigned were guilty or not; and that
-if declared guilty, they should be put to death. Some persons present
-cried out, that the penalty of torture ought to precede death; but
-this savage proposition, utterly at variance with Athenian law in
-respect to citizens, was repudiated not less by Agnonides than by
-the Macedonian officer Kleitus. The decree was then passed; after
-which the show of hands was called for. Nearly every hand in the
-assembly was held up in condemnation; each man even rose from his
-seat to make the effect more imposing; and some went so far as to
-put on wreaths in token of triumph. To many of<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_355">[p. 355]</span> them doubtless, the gratification
-of this intense and unanimous vindictive impulse,—in their view
-not merely legitimate, but patriotic,—must have been among the
-happiest moments of life.<a id="FNanchor_826" href="#Footnote_826"
-class="fnanchor">[826]</a></p>
-
-<p>After sentence, the five condemned persons, Phokion, Nikokles,
-Thudippus, Hegemon, and Pythokles, were consigned to the supreme
-magistrates of Police, called The Eleven, and led to prison for the
-purpose of having the customary dose of poison administered. Hostile
-bystanders ran alongside, taunting and reviling them. It is even said
-that one man planted himself in the front, and spat upon Phokion; who
-turned to the public officers and exclaimed—“Will no one check this
-indecent fellow?” This was the only emotion which he manifested; in
-other respects, his tranquillity and self-possession were resolutely
-maintained, during this soul-subduing march from the theatre to the
-prison, amidst the wailings of his friends, the broken spirit of his
-four comrades, and the fiercest demonstrations of antipathy from his
-fellow-citizens generally. One ray of comfort presented itself as he
-entered the prison. It was the nineteenth of the month Munychion,
-the day on which the Athenian Horsemen or Knights (the richest class
-in the city, men for the most part of oligarchical sentiments)
-celebrated their festal procession with wreaths on their heads in
-honor of Zeus. Several of these horsemen halted in passing, took off
-their wreaths, and wept as they looked through the gratings of the
-prison.</p>
-
-<p>Being asked whether he had anything to tell his son Phokus,
-Phokion replied—“I tell him emphatically, not to hold evil memory of
-the Athenians.” The draught of hemlock was then administered to all
-five—to Phokion last. Having been condemned for treason, they were
-not buried in Attica; nor were Phokion’s friends allowed to light
-a funeral pile for the burning of his body; which was carried out
-of Attica into the Megarid, by a hired agent named Konopion, and
-there burnt by fire obtained at Megara. The wife of Phokion, with
-her maids, poured libations and marked the spot by a small mound of
-earth; she also collected the bones and brought them back to Athens
-in her<span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">[p. 356]</span> bosom,
-during the secrecy of night. She buried them near her own domestic
-hearth, with this address—“Beloved Hestia, I confide to thee these
-relics of a good man. Restore them to his own family vault, as soon
-as the Athenians shall come to their senses.”<a id="FNanchor_827"
-href="#Footnote_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a></p>
-
-<p>After a short time (we are told by Plutarch) the Athenians did
-thus come to their senses. They discovered that Phokion had been
-a faithful and excellent public servant, repented of their<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_357">[p. 357]</span> severity towards him,
-celebrated his funeral obsequies at the public expense, erected a
-statue in his honor, and put to death Agnonides by public judicial
-sentence; while Epikurus and Demophilus fled from the city and were
-slain by Phokion’s son.<a id="FNanchor_828" href="#Footnote_828"
-class="fnanchor">[828]</a></p>
-
-<p>These facts are ostensibly correct; but Plutarch omits to notice
-the real explanation of them. Within two or three months after
-the death of Phokion, Kassander, already in possession of Peiræus
-and Munychia, became also master of Athens; the oligarchical or
-Phokionic party again acquired predominance; Demetrius the Phalerean
-was recalled from exile, and placed to administer the city under
-Kassander, as Phokion had administered it under Antipater.</p>
-
-<p>No wonder, that under such circumstances, the memory of Phokion
-should be honored. But this is a very different thing from
-spontaneous change of popular opinion respecting him. I see no reason
-why such change of opinion should have occurred, nor do I believe
-that it did occur. The Demos of Athens, banished and deported in
-mass, had the best ground for hating Phokion, and were not likely
-to become ashamed of the feeling. Though he was personally mild and
-incorruptible, they derived no benefit from these virtues. To them
-it was of little moment that he should steadily refuse all presents
-from Antipater, when he did Antipater’s work gratuitously. Considered
-as a judicial trial, the last scene of Phokion before the people in
-the theatre is nothing better than a cruel imposture; considered as a
-manifestation of public opinion already settled, it is one for which
-the facts of the past supplied ample warrant.</p>
-
-<p>We cannot indeed read without painful sympathy the narrative of
-an old man above eighty,—personally brave, mild, and superior to
-all pecuniary temptation, so far as his positive administration was
-concerned,—perishing under an intense and crushing storm of popular
-execration. But when we look at the whole case—when we survey,
-not merely the details of Phokion’s administration, but the grand
-public objects which those details subserved, and towards which he
-conducted his fellow-citizens—we shall see that this judgment is
-fully merited. In Phokion’s patriotism—for so doubtless he himself
-sincerely conceived it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">[p.
-358]</span>—no account was taken of Athenian independence; of the
-autonomy or self-management of the Hellenic world; of the conditions,
-in reference to foreign kings, under which alone such autonomy could
-exist. He had neither the Panhellenic sentiment of Aristeides,
-Kallikratidas, and Demosthenes—nor the narrower Athenian sentiment,
-like the devotion of Agesilaus to Sparta, and of Epaminondas to
-Thebes. To Phokion it was indifferent whether Greece was an aggregate
-of autonomous cities, with Athens as first or second among them—or
-one of the satrapies under the Macedonian kings. Now this was among
-the most fatal defects of a Grecian public man. The sentiment in
-which Phokion was wanting, lay at the bottom of all those splendid
-achievements which have given to Greece a substantive and pre-eminent
-place in the history of the world. Had Themistokles, Arsiteides, and
-Leonidas resembled him, Greece would have passed quietly under the
-dominion of Persia, and the brilliant, though checkered, century
-and more of independent politics which succeeded the repulse of
-Xerxes would never have occurred. It was precisely during the fifty
-years of Phokion’s political and military influence, that the Greeks
-were degraded from a state of freedom, and Athens from ascendency
-as well as freedom, into absolute servitude. Insofar as this great
-public misfortune can be imputed to any one man—to no one was it
-more ascribable than to Phokion. He was stratêgus during most of
-the long series of years when Philip’s power was growing; it was
-his duty to look ahead for the safety of his countrymen, and to
-combat the yet immature giant. He heard the warnings of Demosthenes,
-and he possessed exactly those qualities which were wanting to
-Demosthenes—military energy and aptitude. Had he lent his influence
-to inform the short-sightedness, to stimulate the inertia, to direct
-the armed efforts, of his countrymen, the kings of Macedon might
-have been kept within their own limits, and the future history of
-Greece might have been altogether different. Unfortunately, he took
-the opposite side. He acted with Æschines and the Philippizers;
-without receiving money from Philip, he did gratuitously all that
-Philip desired— by nullifying and sneering down the efforts of
-Demosthenes and the other active politicians. After the battle of
-Chæroneia, Phokion received from Philip first, and from Alex<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_359">[p. 359]</span>ander afterwards, marks
-of esteem not shown towards any other Athenian. This was both the
-fruit and the proof of his past political action—anti-Hellenic as
-well as anti-Athenian. Having done much, in the earlier part of his
-life, to promote the subjugation of Greece under the Macedonian
-kings, he contributed somewhat, during the latter half, to lighten
-the severity of their dominion; and it is the most honorable point
-in his character that he always refrained from abusing their marked
-favor towards himself, for purposes either of personal gain or of
-oppression over his fellow-citizens. Alexander not only wrote letters
-to him, even during the plenitude of imperial power, in terms of
-respectful friendship, but tendered to him the largest presents—at
-one time the sum of 100 talents, at another time the choice of four
-towns on the coast of Asia Minor, as Xerxes gave to Themistokles. He
-even expressed his displeasure when Phokion, refusing everything,
-consented only to request the liberation of three Grecian prisoners
-confined at Sardis.<a id="FNanchor_829" href="#Footnote_829"
-class="fnanchor">[829]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Lamian war and its consequences, were Phokion’s ruin. He
-continued at Athens, throughout that war, freely declaring his
-opinion against it; for it is to be remarked, that in spite of his
-known macedonizing politics, the people neither banished nor degraded
-him, but contented themselves with following the counsels of others.
-On the disastrous termination of the war, Phokion undertook the
-thankless and dishonorable function of satrap under Antipater at
-Athens, with the Macedonian garrison at Munychia to back him. He
-became the subordinate agent of a conqueror who not only slaughtered
-the chief Athenian orators, but disfranchised and deported the Demos
-in mass. Having accepted partnership and responsibility in these
-proceedings, Phokion was no longer safe except under the protection
-of a foreign prince. After the liberal proclamation issued in the
-name of the Macedonian kings, permitting the return of the banished
-Demos, he sought safety for himself, first by that treasonable
-connivance which enabled Nikanor to seize the Peiræus, next by
-courting Polysperchon the enemy of Nikanor. A voluntary expatriation
-(along with his friend the Phalerean Demetrius) would have been
-less dangerous, and less discreditable, than these manœuvres,<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_360">[p. 360]</span> which still farther
-darkened the close of his life, without averting from him, after
-all, the necessity of facing the restored Demos. The intense and
-unanimous wrath of the people against him is an instructive, though
-a distressing spectacle. It was directed, not against the man or the
-administrator—for in both characters Phokion had been blameless,
-except as to the last collusion with Nikanor in the seizure of the
-Peiræus—but against his public policy. It was the last protest of
-extinct Grecian freedom, speaking as it were from the tomb in a
-voice of thunder, against that fatal system of mistrust, inertia,
-self-seeking, and corruption, which had betrayed the once autonomous
-Athens to a foreign conqueror.</p>
-
-<p>I have already mentioned that Polysperchon with his army was in
-Phokis when Phokion was brought before him, on his march towards
-Peloponnesus. Perhaps he may have been detained by negotiation
-with the Ætolians, who embraced his alliance.<a id="FNanchor_830"
-href="#Footnote_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a> At any rate he was
-tardy in his march, for before he reached Attica, Kassander arrived
-at Peiræus to join Nikanor with a fleet of thirty-five ships and 4000
-soldiers obtained from Antigonus. On learning this fact, Polysperchon
-hastened his march also, and presented himself under the walls of
-Athens and Peiræus with a large force of 20,000 Macedonians, 4000
-Greek allies, 1000 cavalry, and sixty-five elephants; animals which
-were now seen for the first time in European Greece. He at first
-besieged Kassander in Peiræus, but finding it difficult to procure
-subsistence in Attica for so numerous an army, he marched with
-the larger portion into Peloponnesus, leaving his son Alexander
-with a division to make head against Kassander. Either approaching
-in person the various Peloponnesian towns—or addressing them by
-means of envoys—he enjoined the subversion of the Antipatrian
-oligarchies, and the restoration of liberty and free speech to the
-mass of the citizens.<a id="FNanchor_831" href="#Footnote_831"
-class="fnanchor">[831]</a> In most of the towns, this revolution
-was accomplished; but in Megalopolis, the oligarchy held out; not
-only forcing Polysperchon to besiege the city, but even defending
-it against him successfully. He made two or three attempts to
-storm it, by movable towers, by undermining the walls, and even by
-the aid of elephants; but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">[p.
-361]</span> he was repulsed in all of them,<a id="FNanchor_832"
-href="#Footnote_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a> and obliged to
-relinquish the siege with considerable loss of reputation. His
-admiral Kleitus was soon afterwards defeated in the Propontis, with
-the loss of his whole fleet, by Nikanor (whom Kassander had sent from
-Peiræus) and Antigonus.<a id="FNanchor_833" href="#Footnote_833"
-class="fnanchor">[833]</a></p>
-
-<p>After these two defeats, Polysperchon seems to have evacuated
-Peloponnesus, and to have carried his forces across the Corinthian
-Gulf into Epirus, to join Olympias. His party was greatly weakened
-all over Greece, and that of Kassander proportionally strengthened.
-The first effect of this was, the surrender of Athens. The Athenians
-in the city, including all or many of the restored exiles,
-could no longer endure that complete severance from the sea, to
-which the occupation of Peiræus and Munychia by Kassander had
-reduced them. Athens without a port was hardly tenable; in fact,
-Peiræus was considered by its great constructor, Themistokles,
-as more indispensable to the Athenians than Athens itself.<a
-id="FNanchor_834" href="#Footnote_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a>
-The subsistence of the people was derived in large proportion from
-imported corn, received through Peiræus; where also the trade and
-industrial operations were carried on, most of the revenue collected,
-and the arsenals, docks, ships, etc. of the state kept up. It became
-evident that Nikanor, by seizing on the Peiræus, had rendered Athens
-disarmed and helpless; so that the irreparable mischief done by
-Phokion, in conniving at that seizure, was felt more and more every
-day. Hence the Athenians, unable to capture the port themselves, and
-hopeless of obtaining it through Polysperchon, felt constrained to
-listen to the partisans of Kassander, who proposed that terms should
-be made with him. It was agreed that they should become friends and
-allies of Kassander; that they should have full enjoyment of their
-city, with the port Peiræus, their ships and revenues; that the
-exiles and deported citizens should be readmitted; that the political
-franchise should for the future be enjoyed by all citizens who
-possessed 1000 drachmæ of property and upwards; that Kassander should
-hold Munychia with a governor and garrison, until the war against
-Polysperchon was brought to a close; and that he should also name
-some one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">[p. 362]</span> Athenian
-citizen, in whose hands the supreme government of the city should
-be vested. Kassander named Demetrius the Phalerean (<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i> an
-Athenian of the Deme Phalerum), one of the colleagues of Phokion;
-who had gone into voluntary exile since the death of Antipater, but
-had recently returned.<a id="FNanchor_835" href="#Footnote_835"
-class="fnanchor">[835]</a></p>
-
-<p>This convention restored substantially at Athens the Antipatrian
-government; yet without the severities which had marked its original
-establishment—and with some modifications in various ways. It made
-Kassander virtually master of the city (as Antipater had been before
-him), by means of his governing nominee, upheld by the garrison,
-and by the fortification of Munychia; which had now been greatly
-enlarged and strengthened,<a id="FNanchor_836" href="#Footnote_836"
-class="fnanchor">[836]</a> holding a practical command over Peiræus,
-though that port was nominally relinquished to the Athenians.
-But there was no slaughter of orators, no expulsion of citizens:
-moreover, even the minimum of 1000 drachmæ, fixed for the political
-franchise, though excluding the multitude, must have been felt as an
-improvement compared with the higher limit of 2000 drachmæ prescribed
-by Antipater. Kassander was not, like his father, at the head of an
-overwhelming force, master of Greece. He had Polysperchon in the
-field against him with a rival army and an established ascendency in
-many of the Grecian cities; it was therefore his interest to abstain
-from measures of obvious harshness towards the Athenian people.</p>
-
-<p>Towards this end his choice of the Phalerean Demetrius appears
-to have been judicious. That citizen continued to administer
-Athens, as satrap or despot under Kassander, for ten years. He
-was an accomplished literary man, friend both of the philosopher
-Theophrastus, who had succeeded to the school of Aristotle—and of the
-rhetor Deinarchus. He is described also as a person of expensive and
-luxurious habits; towards which he devoted the most of the Athenian
-public revenue, 1200 talents in amount, if Duris is to be believed.
-His administration is said to have been discreet and moderate. We
-know little of its details, but we are told that he made sumptuary
-laws, especially<span class="pagenum" id="Page_363">[p. 363]</span>
-restricting the cost and ostentation of funerals.<a id="FNanchor_837"
-href="#Footnote_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a> He himself extolled
-his own decennial period as one of abundance and flourishing
-commerce at Athens.<a id="FNanchor_838" href="#Footnote_838"
-class="fnanchor">[838]</a> But we learn from others, and the fact is
-highly probable, that it was a period of distress and humiliation,
-both at Athens and in other Grecian towns; and that Athenians, as
-well as others, welcomed new projects of colonization (such as that
-of Ophellas from Kyrênê) not simply from prospects of advantage,
-but also as an escape from existing evils.<a id="FNanchor_839"
-href="#Footnote_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a></p>
-
-<p>What forms of nominal democracy were kept up during this
-interval, we cannot discover. The popular judicature must have been
-continued for private suits and accusations, since Deinarchus is
-said to have been in large practice as a logographer, or composer
-of discourses for others.<a id="FNanchor_840" href="#Footnote_840"
-class="fnanchor">[840]</a> But the fact that three hundred and sixty
-statues were erected in honor of Demetrius while his administration
-was still going on, demonstrates the gross flattery of his partisans,
-the subjection of the people, and the practical abolition of all
-free-spoken censure or pronounced opposition. We learn that, in
-some one of the ten years of his administration, a census was taken
-of the inhabitants of Attica; and that there were numbered, 21,000
-citizens, 10,000 metics, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_364">[p.
-364]</span> 400,000 slaves.<a id="FNanchor_841" href="#Footnote_841"
-class="fnanchor">[841]</a> Of this important enumeration we know
-the bare fact, without its special purpose or even its precise
-date.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_365">[p. 365]</span> Perhaps
-some of those citizens, who had been banished or deported at the
-close of the Lamian war, may have returned and continued to reside
-at Athens. But there still seems to have remained, during all
-the continuance of the Kassandrian Oligarchy, a body of adverse
-Athenian exiles, watching for an opportunity of overthrowing it,
-and seeking aid for that purpose from the Ætolians and others.<a
-id="FNanchor_842" href="#Footnote_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a></p>
-
-<p>The acquisition of Athens by Kassander, followed up by his
-capture of Panaktum and Salamis, and seconded by his moderation
-towards the Athenians, procured for him considerable support in
-Peloponnesus, whither he proceeded with his army.<a id="FNanchor_843"
-href="#Footnote_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a> Many of the cities,
-intimidated or persuaded, joined him and deserted Polysperchon;
-while the Spartans, now feeling for the first time their defenceless
-condition, thought it prudent to surround their city with walls.<a
-id="FNanchor_844" href="#Footnote_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a>
-This fact, among many others contemporaneous, testifies emphatically,
-how the characteristic sentiments of the Hellenic autonomous world
-were now dying out everywhere. The maintenance of Sparta as an
-unwalled city, was one of the deepest and most cherished of the
-Lykurgean traditions; a standing proof of the fearless bearing and
-self-confidence of the Spartans against dangers from without. The
-erection of the walls showed their own conviction, but too well borne
-out by the real circumstances around them, that the pressure of the
-foreigner had become so overwhelming as hardly to leave them even
-safety at home.</p>
-
-<p>The warfare between Kassander and Polysperchon became now
-embittered by a feud among the members of the Macedonian<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_366">[p. 366]</span> imperial family. King
-Philip Aridæus and his wife Eurydikê, alarmed and indignant at the
-restoration of Olympias which Polysperchon was projecting, solicited
-aid from Kassander, and tried to place the force of Macedonia at
-his disposal. In this however they failed. Olympias, assisted not
-only by Polysperchon, but by the Epirotic prince Æakides, made
-her entry into Macedonia out of Epirus, apparently in the autumn
-of 317 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> She brought with her Roxana and
-her child—the widow and son of Alexander the Great. The Macedonian
-soldiers, assembled by Philip Aridæus and Eurydikê to resist her,
-were so overawed by her name and the recollection of Alexander, that
-they refused to fight, and thus ensured to her an easy victory.
-Philip and Eurydikê became her prisoners; the former she caused to be
-slain; to the latter she offered only an option between the sword,
-the halter, and poison. The old queen next proceeded to satiate
-her revenge against the family of Antipater. One hundred leading
-Macedonians, friends of Kassander, were put to death, together
-with his brother Nikanor;<a id="FNanchor_845" href="#Footnote_845"
-class="fnanchor">[845]</a> while the sepulchre of his deceased
-brother Iollas, accused of having poisoned Alexander the Great, was
-broken up.</p>
-
-<p>During the winter, Olympias remained thus completely predominant
-in Macedonia; where her position seemed strong, since her allies the
-Ætolians were masters of the pass at Thermopylæ, while Kassander
-was kept employed in Peloponnesus by the force under Alexander,
-son of Polysperchon. But Kassander, disengaging himself from these
-embarrassments, and eluding Thermopylæ by a maritime transit to
-Thessaly, seized the Perrhæbian passes before they had been put
-under guard, and entered Macedonia without resistance. Olympias,
-having no army competent to meet him in the field, was forced to
-shut herself up in the maritime fortress of Pydna, with Roxana,
-the child Alexander, and Thessalonikê daughter of her late husband
-Philip son of Amyntas.<a id="FNanchor_846" href="#Footnote_846"
-class="fnanchor">[846]</a> Here Kassander blocked her up for several
-months by sea, as well as by land, and succeeded in defeating all the
-efforts of Polysperchon and Æakides to relieve her. In the spring
-of the ensuing year (316 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), she was forced
-by intol<span class="pagenum" id="Page_367">[p. 367]</span>erable
-famine to surrender. Kassander promised her nothing more than
-personal safety, requiring from her the surrender of the two great
-fortresses, Pella and Amphipolis, which made him master of Macedonia.
-Presently however, the relatives of those numerous victims, who had
-perished by order of Olympias, were encouraged by Kassander to demand
-her life in retribution. They found little difficulty in obtaining a
-verdict of condemnation against her from what was called a Macedonian
-assembly. Nevertheless, such was the sentiment of awe and reverence
-connected with her name, that no one except these injured men
-themselves could be found to execute the sentence. She died with a
-courage worthy of her rank and domineering character. Kassander took
-Thessalonikê to wife—confined Roxana with the child Alexander in the
-fortress of Amphipolis—where (after a certain interval) he caused
-both of them to be slain.<a id="FNanchor_847" href="#Footnote_847"
-class="fnanchor">[847]</a></p>
-
-<p>While Kassander was thus master of Macedonia—and while the
-imperial family were disappearing from the scene in that country—the
-defeat and death of Eumenes (which happened nearly at the same time
-as the capture of Olympias<a id="FNanchor_848" href="#Footnote_848"
-class="fnanchor">[848]</a>) removed the last faithful partisan of
-that family in Asia. But at the same time, it left in the hands of
-Antigonus such overwhelming preponderance throughout Asia, that he
-aspired to become vicar and master of the entire Alexandrine empire,
-as well as to avenge upon Kassander the extirpation of the regal
-family. His power appeared indeed so formidable, that Kassander of
-Macedonia, Lysimachus of Thrace, Ptolemy of Egypt, and Seleukus of
-Babylonia, entered into a convention, which gradually ripened into an
-active alliance, against him.</p>
-
-<p>During the struggles between these powerful princes, Greece
-appears simply as a group of subject cities, held, garrisoned,
-grasped at, or coveted, by all of them. Polysperchon, abandoning all
-hopes in Macedonia after the death of Olympias, had been forced to
-take refuge among the Ætolians, leaving his son Alexander to make the
-best struggle that he could in Peloponnesus;<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_368">[p. 368]</span> so that Kassander was now decidedly
-preponderant throughout the Hellenic regions. After fixing himself
-on the throne of Macedonia, he perpetuated his own name by founding,
-on the isthmus of the peninsula of Pallênê and near the site where
-Potidæa had stood, the new city of Kassandreia; into which he
-congregated a large number of inhabitants from the neighborhood, and
-especially the remnant of the citizens of Olynthus and Potidæa,—towns
-taken and destroyed by Philip more than thirty years before.<a
-id="FNanchor_849" href="#Footnote_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a> He
-next marched into Peloponnesus with his army against Alexander son
-of Polysperchon. Passing through Bœotia, he undertook the task of
-restoring the city of Thebes, which had been destroyed twenty years
-previously by Alexander the Great, and had ever since existed only
-as a military post on the ancient citadel called Kadmeia. The other
-Bœotian towns, to whom the old Theban territory had been assigned,
-were persuaded or constrained to relinquish it; and Kassander invited
-from all parts of Greece the Theban exiles or their descendants.
-From sympathy with these exiles, and also with the ancient celebrity
-of the city, many Greeks, even from Italy and Sicily, contributed
-to the restoration. The Athenians, now administered by Demetrius
-Phalereus under Kassander’s supremacy, were particularly forward
-in the work; the Messenians and Megalopolitans, whose ancestors
-had owed so much to the Theban Epaminondas, lent strenuous aid.
-Thebes was re-established in the original area which it had occupied
-before Alexander’s siege; and was held by a Kassandrian garrison
-in the Kadmeia, destined for the mastery of Bœotia and Greece.<a
-id="FNanchor_850" href="#Footnote_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a></p>
-
-<p>After some stay at Thebes, Kassander advanced toward Peloponnesus.
-Alexander (son of Polysperchon) having fortified the Isthmus, he
-was forced to embark his troops with his elephants at Megara, and
-cross over the Saronic Gulf to Epidaurus. He dispossessed Alexander
-of Argos, of Messenia, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_369">[p.
-369]</span> even of his position on the Isthmus, where he
-left a powerful detachment, and then returned to Macedonia.<a
-id="FNanchor_851" href="#Footnote_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a> His
-increasing power raised both apprehension and hatred in the bosom of
-Antigonus, who endeavored to come to terms with him, but in vain.<a
-id="FNanchor_852" href="#Footnote_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a>
-Kassander preferred the alliance with Ptolemy, Seleukus, and
-Lysimachus—against Antigonus, who was now master of nearly the whole
-of Asia, inspiring common dread to all of them.<a id="FNanchor_853"
-href="#Footnote_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a> Accordingly, from
-Asia to Peloponnesus, with arms and money Antigonus despatched the
-Milesian Aristodemus to strengthen Alexander against Kassander; whom
-he further denounced as an enemy of the Macedonian name, because
-he had slain Olympias, imprisoned the other members of the regal
-family, and re-established the Olynthian exiles. He caused the absent
-Kassander to be condemned by what was called a Macedonian assembly,
-upon these and other charges.</p>
-
-<p>Antigonus farther proclaimed, by the voice of this assembly,
-that all the Greeks should be free, self-governing, and exempt
-from garrisons or military occupation.<a id="FNanchor_854"
-href="#Footnote_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a> It was expected that
-these brilliant promises would enlist partisans in Greece against
-Kassander; accordingly Ptolemy ruler of Egypt, one of the enemies of
-Antigonus, thought fit to issue similar proclamations a few months
-afterwards, tendering to the Greeks the same boon from himself.<a
-id="FNanchor_855" href="#Footnote_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a>
-These promises, neither executed, not intended to be executed, by
-either of the kings, appear to have produced little or no effect upon
-the Greeks.</p>
-
-<p>The arrival of Aristodemus in Peloponnesus had re-animated the
-party of Alexander, (son of Polysperchon), against whom Kassander
-was again obliged to bring his full forces from Macedonia. Though
-successful against Alexander at Argos, Orchomenus, and other places,
-Kassander was not able to crush him, and presently thought it
-prudent to gain him over. He offered to him the separate government
-of Peloponnesus, though in subordination to himself: Alexander
-accepted the offer, becoming Kassander’s ally<a id="FNanchor_856"
-href="#Footnote_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a>—and carried on war,
-jointly with him, against Aristodemus, with varying success, until
-he was presently assas<span class="pagenum" id="Page_370">[p.
-370]</span>sinated by some private enemies. Nevertheless his widow
-Kratesipolis, a woman of courage and energy, still maintained
-herself in considerable force at Sikyon.<a id="FNanchor_857"
-href="#Footnote_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a> Kassander’s most
-obstinate enemies were the Ætolians, of whom we now first hear
-formal mention as a substantive confederacy.<a id="FNanchor_858"
-href="#Footnote_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a> These Ætolians became
-the allies of Antigonus as they had been before of Polysperchon,
-extending their predatory ravages even as far as Attica. Protected
-against foreign garrisons, partly by their rude and fierce habits,
-partly by their mountainous territory, they were almost the only
-Greeks who could still be called free. Kassander tried to keep them
-in check through their neighbors the Akarnanians, whom he induced to
-adopt a more concentrated habit of residence, consolidating their
-numerous petty townships into a few considerable towns,—Stratus,
-Sauria, and Agrinium—convenient posts for Macedonian garrisons.
-He also made himself master of Leukas, Apollonia, and Epidamnus,
-defeating the Illyrian king Glaukias, so that his dominion
-now extended across from the Thermaic to the Adriatic Gulf.<a
-id="FNanchor_859" href="#Footnote_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a>
-His general Philippus gained two important victories over the
-Ætolians and Epirots, forcing the former to relinquish some of their
-most accessible towns.<a id="FNanchor_860" href="#Footnote_860"
-class="fnanchor">[860]</a></p>
-
-<p>The power of Antigonus in Asia underwent a material diminution,
-by the successful and permanent establishment which Seleukus now
-acquired in Babylonia; from which event the era of the succeeding
-Seleukidæ takes its origin. In Greece, however, Antigonus gained
-ground on Kassander. He sent thither his nephew Ptolemy with a
-large force to liberate the Greeks, or in other words, to expel
-the Kassandrian garrisons; while he at the same time distracted
-Kassander’s attention by threatening to cross the Hellespont
-and invade Macedonia. This Ptolemy (not the Egyptian) expelled
-the soldiers of Kassander from Eubœa,<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_371">[p. 371]</span> Bœotia, and Phokis. Chalkis in Eubœa
-was at this time the chief military station of Kassander; Thebes
-(which he had recently re-established) was in alliance with him;
-but the remaining Bœotian towns were hostile to him. Ptolemy,
-having taken Chalkis—the citizens of which he conciliated by
-leaving them without any garrison—together with Oropus, Eretria,
-and Karystus—entered Attica and presented himself before Athens.
-So much disposition to treat with him was manifested in the city,
-that Demetrius the Phalerean was obliged to gain time by pretending
-to open negotiations with Antigonus, while Ptolemy withdrew from
-Attica. Nearly at the same epoch, Apollonia, Epidamnus, and Leukas,
-found means, assisted by an armament from Korkyra, to drive
-out Kassander’s garrisons, and to escape from his dominion.<a
-id="FNanchor_861" href="#Footnote_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a>
-The affairs of Antigonus were now prospering in Greece, but they
-were much thrown back by the discontent and treachery of his admiral
-Telesphorus, who seized Elis and even plundered the sacred treasures
-of Olympia. Ptolemy presently put him down, and restored these
-treasures to the god.<a id="FNanchor_862" href="#Footnote_862"
-class="fnanchor">[862]</a></p>
-
-<p>In the ensuing year, a convention was concluded between Antigonus,
-on one side—and Kassander, Ptolemy (the Egyptian) and Lysimachus, on
-the other, whereby the supreme command in Macedonia was guaranteed
-to Kassander, until the maturity of Alexander son of Roxana; Thrace
-being at the same time assured to Lysimachus, Egypt to Ptolemy, and
-the whole of Asia to Antigonus. It was at the same time covenanted
-by all, that the Hellenic cities should be free.<a id="FNanchor_863"
-href="#Footnote_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a> Towards the
-execution of this last clause, however, nothing was actually done.
-Nor does it appear that the treaty had any other effect, except
-to inspire Kassander with increased jealousy about Roxana and her
-child; both of whom (as has been already stated) he caused to be
-secretly assassinated soon afterwards, by the governor Glaukias,
-in the fortress of Amphipolis, where they had been confined.<a
-id="FNanchor_864" href="#Footnote_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a> The
-forces of Antigonus, under his general Ptolemy, still remained in
-Greece. But this general presently (310 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>)
-revolted from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_372">[p. 372]</span>
-Antigonus, and placed them in co-operation with Kassander; while
-Ptolemy of Egypt, accusing Antigonus of having contravened the treaty
-by garrisoning various Grecian cities, renewed the war and the triple
-alliance against him.<a id="FNanchor_865" href="#Footnote_865"
-class="fnanchor">[865]</a></p>
-
-<p>Polysperchon,—who had hitherto maintained a local dominion over
-various parts of Peloponnesus, with a military force distributed in
-Messênê and other towns<a id="FNanchor_866" href="#Footnote_866"
-class="fnanchor">[866]</a>—was now encouraged by Antigonus to espouse
-the cause of Herakles (son of Alexander by Barsinê), and to place him
-on the throne of Macedonia in opposition to Kassander. This young
-prince Herakles, now seventeen years of age, was sent to Greece from
-Pergamus in Asia, and his pretensions to the throne were assisted not
-only by a considerable party in Macedonia itself, but also by the
-Ætolians. Polysperchon invaded Macedonia, with favorable prospects
-of establishing the young prince; yet he thought it advantageous to
-accept treacherous propositions from Kassander, who offered to him
-partnership in the sovereignty of Macedonia, with an independent
-army and dominion in Peloponnesus. Polysperchon, tempted by these
-offers, assassinated the young prince Herakles, and withdrew his
-army towards Peloponnesus. But he found such unexpected opposition,
-in his march through Bœotia, from Bœotians and Peloponnesians,
-that he was forced to take up his winter quarters in Lokris<a
-id="FNanchor_867" href="#Footnote_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a>
-(309 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>). From this time forward, as far as
-we can make out, he commanded in Southern Greece as subordinate ally
-or partner of Kassander;<a id="FNanchor_868" href="#Footnote_868"
-class="fnanchor">[868]</a> whose Macedonian dominion, thus confirmed,
-seems to have included Akarnania and Amphilochia on the Ambrakian
-Gulf, together with the town of Ambrakia itself, and a supremacy over
-many of the Epirots.</p>
-
-<p>The assassination of Herakles was speedily followed by that of
-Kleopatra, sister of Alexander the Great, and daughter of Philip and
-Olympias. She had been for some time at Sardis,<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_373">[p. 373]</span> nominally at liberty, yet under watch
-by the governor, who received his orders from Antigonus; she was now
-preparing to quit that place, for the purpose of joining Ptolemy in
-Egypt, and of becoming his wife. She had been invoked as auxiliary,
-or courted in marriage, by several of the great Macedonian chiefs,
-without any result. Now, however, Antigonus, afraid of the influence
-which her name might throw into the scale of his rival Ptolemy,
-caused her to be secretly murdered as she was preparing for her
-departure; throwing the blame of the deed on some of her women, whom
-he punished with death.<a id="FNanchor_869" href="#Footnote_869"
-class="fnanchor">[869]</a> All the relatives of Alexander the Great
-(except Thessalonikê wife of Kassander, daughter of Philip by a
-Thessalian mistress) thus successively perished, and all by the
-orders of one or other among his principal officers. The imperial
-family, with the prestige of its name, thus came to an end.</p>
-
-<p>Ptolemy of Egypt now set sail for Greece with a powerful
-armament. He acquired possession of the important cities—Sikyon and
-Corinth—which were handed over to him by Kratesipolis, widow of
-Alexander son of Polysperchon. He then made known by proclamation
-his purpose as a liberator, inviting aid from the Peloponnesian
-cities themselves against the garrisons of Kassander. From some he
-received encouraging answers and promises; but none of them made any
-movement, or seconded him by armed demonstrations. He thought it
-prudent therefore to conclude a truce with Kassander and retire from
-Greece, leaving however secure garrisons in Sikyon and Corinth.<a
-id="FNanchor_870" href="#Footnote_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a>
-The Grecian cities had now become tame and passive. Feeling their
-own incapacity of self-defence, and averse to auxiliary efforts,
-which brought upon them enmity without any prospect of advantage—they
-awaited only the turns of foreign interference and the behests of the
-potentates around them.</p>
-
-<p>The Grecian ascendency of Kassander, however, was in the
-following year exposed to a graver shock than it had ever yet
-encountered—by the sudden invasion of Demetrius called Poliorketes,
-son of Antigonus. This young prince, sailing from Ephesus with a
-formidable armament, contrived to conceal his<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_374">[p. 374]</span> purposes so closely, that he
-actually entered the harbor of Peiræus (on the 26th of the month
-Thargelion—May) without expectation, or resistance from any one;
-his fleet being mistaken for the fleet of the Egyptian Ptolemy. The
-Phalerean Demetrius, taken unawares, and attempting too late to guard
-the harbor, found himself compelled to leave it in possession of the
-enemy, and to retire within the walls of Athens; while Dionysius,
-the Kassandrian governor, maintained himself with his garrison
-in Munychia, yet without any army competent to meet the invaders
-in the field. This accomplished Phalerean, who had administered
-for ten years as the viceroy and with the force of Kassander, now
-felt his position and influence at Athens overthrown, and even his
-personal safety endangered. He with other Athenians went as envoys
-on the ensuing day to ascertain what terms would be granted. The
-young prince ostentatiously proclaimed, that it was the intention
-of his father Antigonus and himself to restore and guarantee to the
-Athenians unqualified freedom and autonomy. Hence the Phalerean
-Demetrius foresaw that his internal opponents, condemned as they
-had been to compulsory silence during the last ten years, would now
-proclaim themselves with irresistible violence, so that there was no
-safety for him except in retreat. He accordingly asked and obtained
-permission from the invader to retire to Thebes, from whence he
-passed over soon after to Ptolemy in Egypt. The Athenians in the city
-declared in favor of Demetrius Poliorketes; who however refused to
-enter the walls until he should have besieged and captured Munychia,
-as well as Megara, with their Kassandrian garrisons. In a short
-time he accomplished both these objects. Indeed energy, skill, and
-effective use of engines, in besieging fortified places, were among
-the most conspicuous features in his character; procuring for him the
-surname whereby he is known to history. He proclaimed the Megarians
-free, levelling to the ground the fortifications of Munychia, as an
-earnest to the Athenians that they should be relieved for the future
-from all foreign garrison.<a id="FNanchor_871" href="#Footnote_871"
-class="fnanchor">[871]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_375">[p. 375]</span>After these
-successes, Demetrius Poliorketes made his triumphant entry into
-Athens. He announced to the people, in formal assembly, that they
-were now again a free democracy, liberated from all dominion either
-of soldiers from abroad or oligarchs at home. He also promised
-them a farther boon from his father Antigonus and himself—150,000
-medimni of corn for distribution, and ship-timber in quantity
-sufficient for constructing 100 triremes. Both these announcements
-were received with grateful exultation. The feelings of the people
-were testified not merely in votes of thanks and admiration towards
-the young conqueror, but in effusions of unmeasured and exorbitant
-flattery. Stratokles (who has already been before us as one of
-the accusers of Demosthenes in the Harpalian affair) with others
-exhausted their invention in devising new varieties of compliment
-and adulation. Antigonus and Demetrius were proclaimed to be not
-only kings, but gods and saviors: a high priest of these saviors
-was to be annually chosen, after whom each successive year was
-to be named (instead of being named after the first of the nine
-Archons, as had hitherto been the custom), and the dates of decrees
-and contracts commemorated; the month Munychion was re-named as
-Demetrion—two new tribes, to be called Antigonis and Demetrias,
-were constituted in addition to the preceding ten:—the annual
-senate was appointed to consist of 600 members instead of 500;
-the portraits and exploits of Antigonus and Demetrius were to be
-woven, along with those of Zeus and Athênê, into the splendid and
-voluminous robe periodically carried in procession, as an offering
-at the Panathenaic festival; the spot of ground where Demetrius had
-alighted from his chariot, was consecrated with an altar erected
-in honor of Demetrius Katæbates or the Descender. Several other
-similar votes were passed, recognizing, and worshipping as gods,
-the saviors Antigonus and Demetrius. Nay, we are told that temples
-or altars were voted to Phila-Aphroditê, in honor of Phila wife of
-Demetrius; and a like compliment was paid to his two mistresses,
-Leæna and Lamia. Altars are said to have been also dedicated to
-Adeimantus and others, his convivial companions or flatterers.<a
-id="FNanchor_872" href="#Footnote_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a> At
-the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_376">[p. 376]</span> same time the
-numerous statues which had been erected in honor of the Phalerean
-Demetrius during his decennial government, were overthrown, and some
-of them even turned to ignoble purposes, in order to cast greater
-scorn upon the past ruler.<a id="FNanchor_873" href="#Footnote_873"
-class="fnanchor">[873]</a> The demonstrations of servile flattery at
-Athens, towards Demetrius Poliorketes, were in fact so extravagantly
-overdone, that he himself is said to have been disgusted with them,
-and to have expressed contempt for these degenerate Athenians
-of his own time.<a id="FNanchor_874" href="#Footnote_874"
-class="fnanchor">[874]</a></p>
-
-<p>In reviewing such degrading proceedings, we must recollect that
-thirty-one years had now elapsed since the battle of Chæroneia,
-and that during all this time the Athenians had been under the
-practical ascendancy, and constantly augmenting pressure, of foreign
-potentates. The sentiment of this dependence on Macedonia had been
-continually strengthened by all the subsequent events—by the capture
-and destruction of Thebes, and the subsequent overwhelming conquests
-of Alexander—by the deplorable conclusion of the Lamian war, the
-slaughter of the free-spoken orators, the death of the energetic
-military leaders, and the deportation of Athenian citizens—lastly,
-by the continued presence of a Macedonian garrison in Peiræus or
-Munychia. By Phokion, Demetrius Phalereus, and the other leading
-statesmen of this long period, submission to Macedonia had been
-inculcated as a virtue, while the recollection of the dignity and
-grandeur of old autonomous Athens had been effaced or denounced
-as a mischievous dream. The fifteen years between the close of
-the Lamian war and the arrival of Demetrius Poliorketes (322-307
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), had witnessed no free play, nor public
-discussion and expression, of conflicting opinions; the short period
-during which Phokion was condemned must be excepted, but that lasted
-only long enough to give room for the outburst of a preconceived but
-suppressed antipathy.</p>
-
-<p>During this thirty years, of which the last half had been an
-aggravation of the first, a new generation of Athenians had grown
-up, accustomed to an altered phase of political existence.<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_377">[p. 377]</span> How few of those who
-received Demetrius Poliorketes, had taken part in the battle of
-Chæroneia, or listened to the stirring exhortations of Demosthenes
-in the war which preceded that disaster!<a id="FNanchor_875"
-href="#Footnote_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a> Of the citizens
-who yet retained courage and patriotism to struggle again for
-their freedom after the death of Alexander, how many must have
-perished with Leosthenes in the Lamian war! The Athenians of 307
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> had come to conceive their own city, and
-Hellas generally, as dependent first on Kassander, next on the
-possible intervention of his equally overweening rivals, Ptolemy,
-Antigonus, Lysimachus, etc. If they shook off the yoke of one
-potentate, it could only be by the protectorate of another. The
-sentiment of political self-reliance and autonomy had fled; the
-conception of a citizen military force, furnished by confederate
-and co-operating cities, had been superseded by the spectacle of
-vast standing armies, organized by the heirs of Alexander and of his
-traditions.</p>
-
-<p>Two centuries before (510 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), when the
-Lacedæmonians expelled the despot Hippias and his mercenaries
-from Athens, there sprang up at once among the Athenian people
-a forward and devoted patriotism, which made them willing to
-brave, and competent to avert, all dangers in defence of their
-newly-acquired liberty.<a id="FNanchor_876" href="#Footnote_876"
-class="fnanchor">[876]</a> At that time, the enemies by whom they
-were threatened were Lacedæmonians, Thebans, Æginetans, Chalkidians,
-and the like (for the Persian force did not present itself until
-after some interval, and attacked not Athens alone, but Greece
-collectively). These hostile forces, though superior in number and
-apparent value to those of Athens, were yet not so disproportionate
-as to engender hopelessness and despair. Very different were the
-facts in 307 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, when Demetrius Poliorketes
-removed the Kassandrian mercenaries with their fortress Munychia,
-and proclaimed Athens free. To maintain that freedom by their own
-strength—in opposition to the evident superiority of organized
-force residing in the potentates around, one<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_378">[p. 378]</span> or more of whom had nearly all Greece
-under military occupation,—was an enterprise too hopeless to have
-been attempted even by men such as the combatants of Marathon or
-the contemporaries of Perikles. “Who would be free, themselves must
-strike the blow!” but the Athenians had not force enough to strike
-it; and the liberty proclaimed by Demetrius Poliorketes was a boon
-dependent upon him for its extent and even for its continuance. The
-Athenian assembly of that day was held under his army as masters of
-Attica, as it had been held a few months before under the controlling
-force of the Phalerean Demetrius together with the Kassandrian
-governor of Munychia; and the most fulsome votes of adulation
-proposed in honor of Demetrius Poliorketes by his partisans, though
-perhaps disapproved by many, would hardly find a single pronounced
-opponent.</p>
-
-<p>One man, however, there was, who ventured to oppose several
-of the votes—the nephew of Demosthenes—Demochares; who deserves
-to be commemorated as the last known spokesman of free Athenian
-citizenship. We know only that such were his general politics,
-and that his opposition to the obsequious rhetor Stratokles
-ended in banishment, four years afterwards.<a id="FNanchor_877"
-href="#Footnote_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a> He appears to have
-discharged the functions of general during this period—to have been
-active in strengthening the fortifications and military equipment
-of the city—and to have been employed in occasional missions.<a
-id="FNanchor_878" href="#Footnote_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a></p>
-
-<p>The altered politics of Athens were manifested by impeachment
-against Demetrius Phalereus and other leading partisans of the
-late Kassandrian government. He and many others had already gone
-into voluntary exile; when their trials came on, they were not
-forthcoming, and all were condemned to death. But all those who
-remained, and presented themselves for trial, were acquitted;<a
-id="FNanchor_879" href="#Footnote_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a>
-so little was there of reactionary violence on this occasion.
-Stratokles also proposed a decree, commemorating the orator
-Lykurgus (who had been dead about seventeen years) by a statue, an
-honorary inscription, and a grant of main<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_379">[p. 379]</span>tenance in the Prytaneum to his eldest
-surviving descendant.<a id="FNanchor_880" href="#Footnote_880"
-class="fnanchor">[880]</a> Among those who accompanied the Phalerean
-Demetrius into exile was the rhetor or logographer Deinarchus.</p>
-
-<p>The friendship of this obnoxious Phalerean, and of Kassander also,
-towards the philosopher Theophrastus, seems to have been one main
-cause which occasioned the enactment of a restrictive law against
-the liberty of philosophizing. It was decreed, on the proposition of
-a citizen named Sophokles, that no philosopher should be allowed to
-open a school or teach, except under special sanction obtained from a
-vote of the Senate and people. Such was the disgust and apprehension
-occasioned by the new restriction, that all the philosophers with
-one accord left Athens. This spirited protest, against authoritative
-restriction on the liberty of philosophy and teaching, found
-responsive sympathy among the Athenians. The celebrity of the schools
-and professors was in fact the only characteristic mark of dignity
-still remaining to them—when their power had become extinct, and
-when even their independence and free constitution had degene<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_380">[p. 380]</span>rated into a mere
-name. It was moreover the great temptation for young men, coming
-from all parts of Greece, to visit Athens. Accordingly, a year had
-hardly passed, when Philon, impeaching Sophokles the author of the
-law, under the Graphê Paranomôn, prevailed on the Dikastery to
-find him guilty, and condemn him to a fine of five talents. The
-restrictive law being thus repealed, the philosophers returned.<a
-id="FNanchor_881" href="#Footnote_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a>
-It is remarkable that Demochares stood forward as one of its
-advocates; defending Sophokles against the accuser Philon. From
-scanty notices remaining of the speech of Demochares, we gather
-that, while censuring the opinions no less than the characters of
-Plato and Aristotle, he denounced yet more bitterly their pupils,
-as being for the most part ambitious, violent, and treacherous men.
-He cited by name several among them, who had subverted the freedom
-of their respective cities, and committed gross outrages against
-their fellow-citizens.<a id="FNanchor_882" href="#Footnote_882"
-class="fnanchor">[882]</a></p>
-
-<p>Athenian envoys were despatched to Antigonus in Asia, to testify
-the gratitude of the people, and communicate the recent complimentary
-votes. Antigonus not only received them graciously, but sent to
-Athens, according to the promise made by his son, a large present
-of 150,000 medimni of wheat, with timber sufficient for 100 ships.
-He at the same time directed Demetrius to convene at Athens a synod
-of deputies from the allied<span class="pagenum" id="Page_381">[p.
-381]</span> Grecian cities, where resolutions might be taken for the
-common interests of Greece.<a id="FNanchor_883" href="#Footnote_883"
-class="fnanchor">[883]</a> It was his interest at this moment to
-raise up a temporary self-sustaining authority in Greece, for the
-purpose of upholding the alliance with himself, during the absence
-of Demetrius; whom he was compelled to summon into Asia with his
-army—requiring his services for the war against Ptolemy in Syria and
-Cyprus.</p>
-
-<p>The following three years were spent by Demetrius—1. In
-victorious operations near Cyprus, defeating Ptolemy and making
-himself master of that island; after which Antigonus and Demetrius
-assumed the title of kings, and the example was followed by Ptolemy,
-in Egypt—by Lysimachus, in Thrace—and by Seleukus in Babylonia,
-Mesopotamia, and Syria<a id="FNanchor_884" href="#Footnote_884"
-class="fnanchor">[884]</a>—thus abolishing even the titular
-remembrance of Alexander’s family. 2. In an unsuccessful invasion
-of Egypt by land and sea, repulsed with great loss. 3. In the
-siege of Rhodes. The brave and intelligent citizens of this island
-resisted for more than a year the most strenuous attacks and the
-most formidable siege-equipments of Demetrius Poliorketes. All their
-efforts however would have been vain had they not been assisted by
-large reinforcements and supplies from Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and
-Kassander. Such are the conditions under which alone even the most
-resolute and intelligent Greeks can now retain their circumscribed
-sphere of autonomy. The siege was at length terminated by a
-compromise; the Rhodians submitted to enrol themselves as allies
-of Demetrius, yet under proviso not to act against Ptolemy.<a
-id="FNanchor_885" href="#Footnote_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a>
-Towards the latter they carried their grateful devotion so far,
-as to erect a temple to him, called the Ptolemæum, and to worship
-him (under the sanction of the oracle of Ammon) as a god.<a
-id="FNanchor_886" href="#Footnote_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a>
-Amidst the rocks and shoals through which Grecian cities were now
-condemned to steer, menaced on every side by kings more powerful than
-themselves, and afterwards by the giant-republic of Rome—the Rhodians
-conducted their political affairs with greater prudence and dignity
-than any other Grecian city.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_382">[p. 382]</span>Shortly after
-the departure of Demetrius from Greece to Cyprus, Kassander and
-Polysperchon renewed the war in Peloponnesus and its neighborhood.<a
-id="FNanchor_887" href="#Footnote_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a>
-We make out no particulars respecting this war. The Ætolians were
-in hostility with Athens, and committed annoying depredations.<a
-id="FNanchor_888" href="#Footnote_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a>
-The fleet of Athens, repaired or increased by the timber received
-from Antigonus, was made to furnish thirty quadriremes to assist
-Demetrius in Cyprus, and was employed in certain operations near the
-island of Amorgos, wherein it suffered defeat.<a id="FNanchor_889"
-href="#Footnote_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a> But we can discover
-little respecting the course of the war, except that Kassander
-gained ground upon the Athenians, and that about the beginning of
-303 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, he was blockading or threatening
-to blockade, Athens. The Athenians invoked the aid of Demetrius
-Poliorketes, who, having recently concluded an accommodation with
-the Rhodians, came again across from Asia, with a powerful fleet and
-army, to Aulis in Bœotia.<a id="FNanchor_890" href="#Footnote_890"
-class="fnanchor">[890]</a> He was received at Athens with
-demonstrations of honor equal or superior to those which had marked
-his previous visit. He seems to have passed a year and a half,
-partly at Athens, partly in military operations carried successfully
-over many parts of Greece. He compelled the Bœotians to evacuate
-the Eubœan city of Chalkis, and to relinquish their alliance with
-Kassander. He drove that prince out of Attica—expelled his garrisons
-from the two frontier fortresses of Attica,—Phylê and Panaktum—and
-pursued him as far as Thermopylæ. He captured, or obtained by bribing
-the garrisons, the important towns of Corinth, Argos, and Sikyon;
-mastering also Ægium, Bura, all the Arcadian towns (except Man<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_383">[p. 383]</span>tineia), and various
-other towns in Peloponnesus.<a id="FNanchor_891" href="#Footnote_891"
-class="fnanchor">[891]</a> He celebrated, as president, the great
-festival of the Heræa at Argos; on which occasion he married
-Deidameia, sister of Pyrrhus, the young king of Epirus. He prevailed
-on the Sikyonians to transfer to a short distance the site of
-their city, conferring upon the new city the name of Demetrias.<a
-id="FNanchor_892" href="#Footnote_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a>
-At a Grecian synod, convened in Corinth under his own letters of
-invitation, he received by acclamation the appointment of leader
-or Emperor of the Greeks, as it had been conferred on Philip and
-Alexander. He even extended his attacks as far as Leukas and Korkyra.
-The greater part of Greece seems to have been either occupied by his
-garrisons, or enlisted among his subordinates.</p>
-
-<p>So much was Kassander intimidated by these successes, that
-he sent envoys to Asia, soliciting peace from Antigonus; who,
-however, elate and full of arrogance, refused to listen to any
-terms short of surrender at discretion. Kassander, thus driven
-to despair, renewed his applications to Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and
-Seleukus. All these princes felt equally menaced by the power
-and dispositions of Antigonus—and all resolved upon an energetic
-combination to put him down.<a id="FNanchor_893" href="#Footnote_893"
-class="fnanchor">[893]</a></p>
-
-<p>After uninterrupted prosperity in Greece, throughout the summer
-of 302 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, Demetrius returned from Leukas
-to Athens, about the month of September, near the time of the
-Eleusinian mysteries.<a id="FNanchor_894" href="#Footnote_894"
-class="fnanchor">[894]</a> He was welcomed by festive processions,
-hymns, pæans, choric dances, and bacchanalian odes of joyous
-congratulation. One of these hymns is preserved, sung by a chorus
-of Ithyphalli—masked revellers, with their heads and arms encircled
-by wreaths,—clothed in white tunics, and in feminine garments
-reaching almost to the feet.<a id="FNanchor_895" href="#Footnote_895"
-class="fnanchor">[895]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_384">[p. 384]</span>This song is
-curious, as indicating the hopes and fears prevalent among Athenians
-of that day, and as affording a measure of their self-appreciation.
-It is moreover among the latest Grecian documents that we possess,
-bearing on actual and present reality. The poet, addressing Demetrius
-as a god, boasts that two of the greatest and best-beloved of all
-divine beings are visiting Attica at the same moment—Demeter (coming
-for the season of her mysteries), and Demetrius, son of Poseidon
-and Aphroditê. “To thee we pray (the hymn proceeds); for other gods
-are either afar off—or have no ears—or do not exist—or care nothing
-about us; but <i>thee</i> we see before us, not in wood or marble, but in
-real presence. First of all things, establish peace; for thou hast
-the power—and chastise that Sphinx who domineers, not merely over
-Thebes, but over all Greece—the Ætolian, who, (like the old Sphinx)
-rushes from his station on the rock to snatch and carry away our
-persons, and against whom we cannot fight. At all times, the Ætolians
-robbed their neighbors; but now, they rob far as well as near.<a
-id="FNanchor_896" href="#Footnote_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a>”</p>
-
-<p>Effusions such as these, while displaying unmeasured
-idolatry<span class="pagenum" id="Page_385">[p. 385]</span> and
-subservience towards Demetrius, are yet more remarkable, as betraying
-a loss of force, a senility, and a consciousness of defenceless
-and degraded position, such as we are astonished to find publicly
-proclaimed at Athens. It is not only against the foreign potentates
-that the Athenians avow themselves incapable of self-defence,
-but even against the incursions of the Ætolians.—Greeks like
-themselves, though warlike, rude, and restless.<a id="FNanchor_897"
-href="#Footnote_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a> When such were
-the feelings of a people, once the most daring, confident, and
-organizing—and still the most intelligent—in Greece, we may see that
-the history of the Greeks as a separate nation or race is reaching
-its close—and that from henceforward they must become merged in one
-or other of the stronger currents that surround them.</p>
-
-<p>After his past successes, Demetrius passed some months in
-enjoyment and luxury at Athens. He was lodged in the Parthenon, being
-considered as the guest of the goddess Athênê. But his dissolute
-habits provoked the louder comments, from being indulged in such a
-domicile; while the violences which he offered to beautiful youths
-of good family led to various scenes truly tragical. The subservient
-manifestations of the Athenians towards him, however, continued
-unabated. It is even affirmed, that, in order to compensate for
-something which he had taken amiss, they passed a formal decree,
-on the proposition of Stratokles, declaring that every thing
-which Demetrius might command was holy in regard to the gods, and
-just in regard to men.<a id="FNanchor_898" href="#Footnote_898"
-class="fnanchor">[898]</a> The banishment of Demochares is said to
-have been brought on by his sarcastic comments upon this decree.<a
-id="FNanchor_899" href="#Footnote_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a>
-In the month<span class="pagenum" id="Page_386">[p. 386]</span>
-Munychion (April) Demetrius mustered his forces and his Grecian
-allies for a march into Thessaly against Kassander; but before
-his departure, he was anxious to be initiated in the Eleusinian
-mysteries. It was however not the regular time for this ceremony;
-the Lesser Mysteries being celebrated in February, the Greater in
-September. The Athenians overruled the difficulty by passing a
-special vote, enabling him to be initiated at once, and to receive
-in immediate succession, the preparatory and the final initiation,
-between which ceremonies a year of interval was habitually required.
-Accordingly, he placed himself disarmed in the hands of the priests,
-and received both first and second initiation in the month of April,
-immediately before his departure from Athens.<a id="FNanchor_900"
-href="#Footnote_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a></p>
-
-<p>Demetrius conducted into Thessaly an army of 56,000 men; of whom
-25,000 were Grecian allies—so extensive was his sway at this moment
-over the Grecian cities.<a id="FNanchor_901" href="#Footnote_901"
-class="fnanchor">[901]</a> But after two or three months of
-hostilities, partially successful, against Kassander, he was summoned
-into Asia by Antigonus to assist in meet<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_387">[p. 387]</span>ing the formidable army of the
-allies—Ptolemy, Seleukus, Lysimachus, and Kassander. Before retiring
-from Greece, Demetrius concluded a truce with Kassander, whereby it
-was stipulated that the Grecian cities, both in Europe and Asia,
-should be permanently autonomous and free from garrison or control.
-This stipulation served only as an honorable pretext for leaving
-Greece; Demetrius had little expectation that it would be observed.<a
-id="FNanchor_902" href="#Footnote_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a>
-In the ensuing spring was fought the decisive battle of Ipsus in
-Phrygia (<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 300), by Antigonus and Demetrius,
-against Ptolemy, Seleukus, and Lysimachus; with a large army and
-many elephants on both sides. Antigonus was completely defeated and
-slain, at the age of more than eighty years. His Asiatic dominion
-was broken up, chiefly to the profit of Seleukus, whose dynasty
-became from henceforward ascendent, from the coast of Syria eastward
-to the Caspian Gates and Parthia; sometimes, though imperfectly,
-farther eastward, nearly to the Indus.<a id="FNanchor_903"
-href="#Footnote_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a></p>
-
-<p>The effects of the battle of Ipsus were speedily felt in Greece.
-The Athenians passed a decree proclaiming themselves neutral, and
-excluding both the belligerent parties from Attica. Demetrius,
-retiring with the remnant of his defeated army, and embarking at
-Ephesus to sail to Athens, was met on the voyage by Athenian envoys,
-who respectfully acquainted him that he would not be admitted.
-At the same time, his wife Deidameia, whom<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_388">[p. 388]</span> he had left at Athens, was sent away by
-the Athenians under an honorable escort to Megara, while some ships
-of war which he had left in the Peiræus were also restored to him.
-Demetrius, indignant at this unexpected defection of a city which had
-recently heaped upon him such fulsome adulation, was still farther
-mortified by the loss of most of his other possessions in Greece.<a
-id="FNanchor_904" href="#Footnote_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a>
-His garrisons were for the most part expelled, and the cities passed
-into Kassandrian keeping or dominion. His fortunes were indeed
-partially restored by concluding a peace with Seleukus, who married
-his daughter. This alliance withdrew Demetrius to Syria, while
-Greece appears to have fallen more and more under the Kassandrian
-parties. It was one of these partisans, Lachares, who, seconded
-by Kassander’s soldiers, acquired a despotism at Athens such as
-had been possessed by the Phalerean Demetrius, but employed in a
-manner far more cruel and oppressive. Various exiles driven out by
-his tyranny invited Demetrius Poliorketes, who passed over again
-from Asia into Greece, recovered portions of Peloponnesus, and laid
-siege to Athens. He blocked up the city by sea and land, so that the
-pressure of famine presently became intolerable. Lachares having
-made his escape, the people opened their gates to Demetrius, not
-without great fear of the treatment awaiting them. But he behaved
-with forbearance, and even with generosity. He spared them all,
-supplied them with a large donation of corn, and contented himself
-with taking military occupation of the city, naming his own friends
-as magistrates. He put garrisons, however, not only into Peiræus and
-Munychia, but also into the hill called Museum, a part of the walled
-circle of Athens itself<a id="FNanchor_905" href="#Footnote_905"
-class="fnanchor">[905]</a> (<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 298).</p>
-
-<p>While Demetrius was thus strengthening himself in Greece, he lost
-all his footing both in Cyprus, Syria, and Kilikia, which<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_389">[p. 389]</span> passed into the hands
-of Ptolemy and Seleukus. New prospects however were opened to him
-in Macedonia by the death of Kassander (his brother-in-law, brother
-of his wife Phila) and the family feuds supervening thereupon.
-Philippus, eldest son of Kassander, succeeded his father, but died of
-sickness after something more than a year. Between the two remaining
-sons, Antipater and Alexander, a sanguinary hostility broke out.
-Antipater slew his mother Thessalonikê, and threatened the life of
-his brother, who in his turn invited aid both from Demetrius, and
-from the Epirotic king Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus being ready first, marched
-into Macedonia, and expelled Antipater; receiving as his recompense
-the territory called Tymphæa (between Epirus and Macedonia), together
-with Akarnania, Amphilochia, and the town of Ambrakia, which became
-henceforward his chief city and residence.<a id="FNanchor_906"
-href="#Footnote_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a> Antipater sought
-shelter in Thrace with his father-in-law Lysimachus; by whose order,
-however, he was presently slain. Demetrius, occupied with other
-matters, was more tardy in obeying the summons; but, on entering
-into Macedonia, he found himself strong enough to dispossess and
-kill Alexander (who had indeed invited him, but is said to have
-laid a train for assassinating him), and seized the Macedonian
-crown; not without the assent of a considerable party, to whom the
-name and the deeds of Kassander and his sons were alike odious.<a
-id="FNanchor_907" href="#Footnote_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a></p>
-
-<p>Demetrius became thus master of Macedonia, together with the
-greater part of Greece, including Athens, Megara, and much of
-Peloponnesus. He undertook an expedition into Bœotia, for the purpose
-of conquering Thebes; in which attempt he succeeded, not without a
-double siege of that city, which made an obstinate resistance. He
-left as viceroy in Bœotia the historian, Hieronymus of Kardia,<a
-id="FNanchor_908" href="#Footnote_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a>
-once the attached friend and fellow-citizen of Eumenes. But Greece
-as a whole was managed by Antigonus (afterwards called Antigonus
-Gonatas) son of Demetrius, who maintained his supremacy unshaken
-during all his father’s lifetime; even though Demetrius was deprived
-of Mace<span class="pagenum" id="Page_390">[p. 390]</span>donia by
-the temporary combination of Lysimachus with Pyrrhus, and afterwards
-remained (until his death in 283 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>)
-a captive in the hands of Seleukus. After a brief possession
-of the crown of Macedonia successively by Seleukus, Ptolemy,
-Keraunus, Meleager, Antipater, and Sosthenes—Antigonus Gonatas
-regained it in 277 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> His descendants the
-Antigonid kings maintained it until the battle of Pydna in 168
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>; when Perseus, the last of them, was
-overthrown, and his kingdom incorporated with the Roman conquests.<a
-id="FNanchor_909" href="#Footnote_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a></p>
-
-<p>Of Greece during this period we can give no account, except
-that the greater number of its cities were in dependence upon
-Demetrius and his son Antigonus; either under occupation by
-Macedonian garrisons, or ruled by local despots who leaned on
-foreign mercenaries and Macedonian support. The spirit of the
-Greeks was broken, and their habits of combined sentiment and
-action had disappeared. The invasion of the Gauls indeed awakened
-them into a temporary union for the defence of Thermopylæ in
-279 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> So intolerable was the cruelty
-and spoliation of those barbarian invaders, that the cities as
-well as Antigonus were driven by fear to the efforts necessary
-for repelling them.<a id="FNanchor_910" href="#Footnote_910"
-class="fnanchor">[910]</a> A gallant army of Hellenic confederates
-was mustered. In the mountains of Ætolia and in the neighborhood of
-Delphi, most of the Gallic horde with their king Brennus perished.
-But this burst of spirit did not interrupt the continuance of the
-Macedonian dominion in Greece, which Antigonus Gonatas continued
-to hold throughout most of a long reign. He greatly extended the
-system begun by his predecessors, of isolating each Grecian city
-from alliances with other cities in its neighborhood—planting in
-most of them local despots—and compressing the most important
-by means of garrisons.<a id="FNanchor_911" href="#Footnote_911"
-class="fnanchor">[911]</a> Among all Greeks, the<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_391">[p. 391]</span> Spartans and the
-Ætolians stood most free from foreign occupation, and were the
-least crippled in their power of self-action. The Achæan league too
-developed itself afterwards as a renovated sprout from the ruined
-tree of Grecian liberty,<a id="FNanchor_912" href="#Footnote_912"
-class="fnanchor">[912]</a> though never attaining to anything better
-than a feeble and puny life, nor capable of sustaining itself
-without foreign aid.<a id="FNanchor_913" href="#Footnote_913"
-class="fnanchor">[913]</a></p>
-
-<p>With this after-growth, or half-revival, I shall not meddle.
-It forms the Greece of Polybius, which that author treats, in my
-opinion justly, as having no history of its own,<a id="FNanchor_914"
-href="#Footnote_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a> but as an
-appendage attached to some foreign centre and principal among its
-neighbors—Macedonia, Egypt, Syria, Rome. Each of these neighbors
-acted upon the destinies of Greece more powerfully than the Greeks
-themselves. The Greeks to whom these volumes have been devoted—those
-of Homer, Archilochus, Solon, Æschylus, Herodotus, Thucydides,
-Xenophon, and Demosthenes—present as their most marked characteristic
-a loose aggregation of autonomous tribes or communities, acting
-and reacting freely among themselves, with little or no pressure
-from foreigners. The main interest of the narrative has consisted
-in the spontaneous grouping of the different Hellenic fractions—in
-the self-prompted cooperations and conflicts—the abortive attempts
-to bring about something like an effective federal organization,
-or to maintain two permanent rival confederacies—the energetic
-ambition, and heroic endurance, of men to whom Hellas was the entire
-political world. The freedom of Hellas, the life and soul of this
-history from its commencement, disappeared completely during the
-first years of Alexander’s reign. After following to their tombs the
-generation of Greeks contemporary with him, men like Demosthenes and
-Phokion, born in a state of freedom—I have pursued the history into
-that gulf of Grecian nullity which marks the succeeding century;
-exhibiting sad evidence of the degrading servility, and suppliant
-king-worship,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_392">[p. 392]</span>
-into which the countrymen of Aristeides and Perikles had been driven,
-by their own conscious weakness under overwhelming pressure from
-without.</p>
-
-<p>I cannot better complete that picture than by showing what the
-leading democratical citizen became, under the altered atmosphere
-which now bedimmed his city. Demochares, the nephew of Demosthenes,
-has been mentioned as one of the few distinguished Athenians
-in this last generation. He was more than once chosen to the
-highest public offices;<a id="FNanchor_915" href="#Footnote_915"
-class="fnanchor">[915]</a> he was conspicuous for his free speech,
-both as an orator and as an historian, in the face of powerful
-enemies; he remained throughout a long life faithfully attached to
-the democratical constitution, and was banished for a time by its
-opponents. In the year 280 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, he prevailed
-on the Athenians to erect a public monument, with a commemorative
-inscription, to his uncle Demosthenes. Seven or eight years
-afterwards, Demochares himself died, aged nearly eighty. His son
-Laches proposed and obtained a public decree, that a statue should
-be erected, with an annexed inscription, to his honor. We read in
-the decree a recital of the distinguished public services, whereby
-Demochares merited this compliment from his countrymen. All that
-the proposer of the decree, his son and fellow-citizen, can find to
-recite, as ennobling the last half of the father’s public life (since
-his return from exile), is as follows:—1. He contracted the public
-expenses, and introduced a more frugal management. 2. He undertook an
-embassy to King Lysimachus, from whom he obtained two presents for
-the people, one of thirty talents, the other of one hundred talents.
-3. He proposed the vote for sending envoys to King Ptolemy in Egypt,
-from whom fifty talents were obtained for the people. 4. He went as
-envoy to Antipater, received from him twenty talents, and delivered
-them to the people at the Eleusinian festival.<a id="FNanchor_916"
-href="#Footnote_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_393">[p. 393]</span>When such
-begging missions are the deeds, for which Athens both employed and
-recompensed her most eminent citizens, an historian accustomed to the
-Grecian world as described by Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon,
-feels that the life has departed from his subject, and with sadness
-and humiliation brings his narrative to a close.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_97">
-  <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCVII.<br />
-    SICILIAN AND ITALIAN GREEKS. — AGATHOKLES.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">It</span> has been convenient,
-throughout all this work, to keep the history of the Italian and
-Sicilian Greeks distinct from that of the Central and Asiatic.
-We parted last from the Sicilian Greeks,<a id="FNanchor_917"
-href="#Footnote_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a> at the death of their
-champion the Corinthian Timoleon (337 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>),
-by whose energetic exploits, and generous political policy, they
-had been almost regenerated—rescued from foreign enemies, protected
-against intestine discord, and invigorated by a large reinforcement
-of new colonists. For the twenty years next succeeding the death
-of Timoleon, the history of Syracuse and Sicily is an absolute
-blank; which is deeply to be regretted, since the position of these
-cities included so much novelty—so many subjects for debate, for
-peremptory settlement, or for amicable compromise—that the annals
-of their proceedings must have been peculiarly interesting. Twenty
-years after the death of Timoleon, we find the government of
-Syracuse described as an oligarchy; implying that the constitution
-established by Timoleon must have been changed either by violence
-or by consent. The oligarchy is stated as consisting of 600 chief
-men,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_394">[p. 394]</span> among whom
-Sosistratus and Herakleides appear as leaders.<a id="FNanchor_918"
-href="#Footnote_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a> We hear generally
-that the Syracusans had been engaged in wars, and that Sosistratus
-either first originated, or first firmly established, his oligarchy,
-after an expedition undertaken to the coast of Italy, to assist the
-citizens of Kroton against their interior neighbors and assailants
-the Bruttians.</p>
-
-<p>Not merely Kroton, but other Grecian cities also on the coast of
-Italy, appear to have been exposed to causes of danger and decline,
-similar to those which were operating upon so many other portions
-of the Hellenic world. Their non-Hellenic neighbors in the interior
-were growing too powerful and too aggressive to leave them in peace
-or security. The Messapians, the Lucanians, the Bruttians, and other
-native Italian tribes, were acquiring that increased strength which
-became ultimately all concentrated under the mighty republic of Rome.
-I have in my preceding volume recounted the acts of the two Syracusan
-despots, the elder and younger Dionysius, on this Italian coast.<a
-id="FNanchor_919" href="#Footnote_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a>
-Though the elder gained some advantage over the Lucanians, yet the
-interference of both contributed only to enfeeble and humiliate the
-Italiot Greeks. Not long before the battle of Chæroneia (340-338
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), the Tarentines found themselves so
-hard pressed by the Messapians, that they sent to Sparta, their
-mother-city, to entreat assistance. The Spartan king Archidamus
-son of Agesilaus, perhaps ashamed of the nullity of his country
-since the close of the Sacred War, complied with their prayer, and
-sailed at the head of a mercenary force to Italy. How long his
-operations there lasted, we do not know; but they ended by his being
-defeated and killed, near the time of the battle of Chæroneia<a
-id="FNanchor_920" href="#Footnote_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a>
-(338 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>).</p>
-
-<p>About six years after this event, the Tarentines, being still
-pressed by the same formidable neighbors, invoked the aid of the
-Epirotic Alexander, king of the Molossians, and brother of<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_395">[p. 395]</span> Olympias. These Epirots
-now, during the general decline of Grecian force, rise into an
-importance which they had never before enjoyed<a id="FNanchor_921"
-href="#Footnote_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a>. Philip of Macedon,
-having married Olympias, not only secured his brother-in-law on
-the Molossian throne, but strengthened his authority over subjects
-not habitually obedient. It was through Macedonian interference
-that the Molossian Alexander first obtained (though subject to
-Macedonian ascendency) the important city of Ambrakia; which thus
-passed out of a free Hellenic community into the capital and seaport
-of the Epirotic kings. Alexander farther cemented his union with
-Macedonia by marrying his own niece Kleopatra, daughter of Philip
-and Olympias. In fact, during the lives of Philip and Alexander
-the Great, the Epirotic kingdom appears a sort of adjunct to the
-Macedonian; governed by Olympias either jointly with her brother the
-Molossian Alexander—or as regent after his death.<a id="FNanchor_922"
-href="#Footnote_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_396">[p. 396]</span>It was
-about the year after the battle of Issus that the Molossian
-Alexander undertook his expedition into Italy;<a id="FNanchor_923"
-href="#Footnote_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a> doubtless instigated
-in part by emulation of the Asiatic glories of his nephew and
-namesake. Though he found enemies more formidable than the Persians
-at Issus, yet his success was at first considerable. He gained
-victories over the Messapians, the Lucanians, and the Samnites; he
-conquered the Lucanian town of Consentia, and the Bruttian town
-of Tereina; he established an alliance with the Pœdiculi, and
-exchanged friendly messages with the Romans. As far as we can make
-out from scanty data, he seems to have calculated on establishing
-a comprehensive dominion in the south of Italy, over all its
-population—over Greek cities, Lucanians, and Bruttians. He demanded
-and obtained three hundred of the chief Lucanian and Messapian
-families, whom he sent over as hostages to Epirus. Several exiles
-of these nations joined him as partisans. He farther endeavored
-to transfer the congress of the Greco-Italian cities, which had
-been usually held at the Tarentine colony of Herakleia, to Thurii;
-intending probably to procure for himself a compliant synod like that
-serving the purpose of his Macedonian nephew at Corinth. But the tide
-of his fortune at length turned. The Tarentines became disgusted and
-alarmed; his Lucanian partisans proved faithless; the stormy weather
-in the Calabrian Apennines broke up the communication between his
-different detachments, and exposed them to be cut off in detail. He
-himself perished, by the hands of a Lucanian exile, in crossing the
-river Acheron, and near the town of Pandosia. This was held to be a
-memorable attestation of the prophetic veracity of the oracle; since
-he had received advice from Dodona to beware of Pandosia and Acheron;
-two names which he well knew, and therefore avoided, in Epirus—but
-which he had not before known to exist in Italy.<a id="FNanchor_924"
-href="#Footnote_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Greco-Italian cities had thus dwindled down into a prize to
-be contended for between the Epirotic kings and the native<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_397">[p. 397]</span> Italian powers—as they
-again became, still more conspicuously, fifty years afterwards,
-during the war between Pyrrhus and the Romans. They were now left
-to seek foreign aid, where they could obtain it, and to become the
-prey of adventurers. It is in this capacity that we hear of them
-as receiving assistance from Syracuse, and that the formidable
-name of Agathokles first comes before us—seemingly about 320
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small><a id="FNanchor_925" href="#Footnote_925"
-class="fnanchor">[925]</a> The Syracusan force, sent to Italy to
-assist the Krotoniates against their enemies the Bruttians, was
-commanded by a general named Antander, whose brother Agathokles
-served with him in a subordinate command.</p>
-
-<p>To pass over the birth and childhood of Agathokles—respecting
-which, romantic anecdotes are told, as about most eminent men,—it
-appears that his father, a Rhegine exile named Karkinus, came
-from Therma (in the Carthaginian portion of Sicily) to settle
-at Syracuse, at the time when Timoleon invited and received new
-Grecian settlers to the citizenship of the latter city. Karkinus
-was in comparative poverty, following the trade of a potter; which
-his son Agathokles learnt also, being about eighteen years of age
-when domiciliated with his father at Syracuse.<a id="FNanchor_926"
-href="#Footnote_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a> Though starting
-from this humble beginning, and even notorious for the profligacy
-and rapacity of his youthful habits, Agathokles soon attained
-a conspicuous position, partly from his own superior personal
-qualities, partly from the favor of a wealthy Syracusan named Damas.
-The young potter was handsome, tall, and of gigantic strength; he
-performed with distinction the military service required from him as
-a citizen, wearing a panoply so heavy, that no other soldier could
-fight with it; he was moreover ready, audacious, and emphatic in
-public harangue. Damas became much attached to him, and not only
-supplied him profusely with money, but also, when placed in command
-of a Syracusan army against the Agrigentines, nominated him one
-of the subordinate officers. In this capacity Agathokles acquired
-great reputation, for courage in battle, ability in command, and
-fluency of speech. Presently Damas died of sickness, leaving a widow
-without children. Agathokles<span class="pagenum" id="Page_398">[p.
-398]</span> married the widow, and thus raised himself to a
-high fortune and position in Syracuse.<a id="FNanchor_927"
-href="#Footnote_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a></p>
-
-<p>Of the oligarchy which now prevailed at Syracuse, we have no
-particulars, nor do we know how it had come to be substituted
-for the more popular forms established by Timoleon. We hear only
-generally that the oligarchical leaders, Sosistratus and Herakleides,
-were unprincipled and sanguinary men.<a id="FNanchor_928"
-href="#Footnote_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a> By this government
-an expedition was despatched from Syracuse to the Italian coast, to
-assist the inhabitants of Kroton against their aggressive neighbors
-the Bruttians. Antander, brother of Agathokles, was one of the
-generals commanding this armament, and Agathokles himself served in
-it as a subordinate officer. We neither know the date, the duration,
-nor the issue, of this expedition.</p>
-
-<p>But it afforded a fresh opportunity to Agathokles to display his
-adventurous bravery and military genius, which procured for him
-high encomium. He was supposed by some, on his return to Syracuse,
-to be entitled to the first prize for valor; but Sosistratus and
-the other oligarchical leaders withheld it from him and preferred
-another. So deeply was Agathokles incensed by this refusal, that he
-publicly inveighed against them among the people, as men aspiring to
-despotism. His opposition being unsuccessful, and drawing upon him
-the enmity of the government, he retired to the coast of Italy.</p>
-
-<p>Here he levied a military band of Grecian exiles and Campanian
-mercenaries, which he maintained by various enterprises for or
-against the Grecian cities. He attacked Kroton, but was repulsed
-with loss; he took service with the Tarentines, fought for some time
-against their enemies, but at length became suspected and dismissed;
-he then joined himself with the inhabitants of Rhegium, assisting
-in the defence of the town against a Syracusan aggression. He even
-made two attempts to obtain admission by force into Syracuse, and
-to seize the government.<a id="FNanchor_929" href="#Footnote_929"
-class="fnanchor">[929]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_399">[p.
-399]</span> Though repulsed in both of them, he nevertheless
-contrived to maintain a footing in Sicily, was appointed general
-at the town of Morgantium, and captured Leontini, within a short
-distance north of Syracuse. Some time afterwards, a revolution
-took place at Syracuse, whereby Sosistratus and the oligarchy were
-dispossessed and exiled with many of their partisans.</p>
-
-<p>Under the new government, Agathokles obtained his recall, and
-soon gained increased ascendency. The dispossessed exiles contrived
-to raise forces, and to carry on a formidable war against Syracuse
-from without; they even obtained assistance from the Carthaginians,
-so as to establish themselves at Gela, on the southern confines of
-the Syracusan territory. In the military operations thus rendered
-necessary, Agathokles took a forward part, distinguishing himself
-among the ablest and most enterprising officers. He tried, with 1000
-soldiers, to surprise Gela by night; but finding the enemy on their
-guard, he was repulsed with loss and severely wounded; yet by an able
-manœuvre he brought off all his remaining detachment. Though thus
-energetic against the public enemy, however, he at the same time
-inspired both hatred and alarm for his dangerous designs, to the
-Syracusans within. The Corinthian Akestorides, who had been named
-general of the city—probably from recollection of the distinguished
-services formerly rendered by the Corinthian Timoleon—becoming
-persuaded that the presence of Agathokles was full of peril to the
-city, ordered him to depart, and provided men to assassinate him on
-the road during the night. But Agathokles, suspecting their design,
-disguised himself in the garb of a beggar, appointing another man to
-travel in the manner which would be naturally expected from himself.
-This substitute was slain in the dark by the assassins, while
-Agathokles escaped by favor of his disguise. He and his partisans
-appear to have found shelter with the Carthaginians in Sicily.<a
-id="FNanchor_930" href="#Footnote_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_400">[p. 400]</span>Not long
-afterwards, another change took place in the government of Syracuse,
-whereby the oligarchical exiles were recalled, and peace made
-with the Carthaginians. It appears that a senate of 600 was again
-installed as the chief political body; probably not the same men as
-before, and with some democratical modifications. At the same time,
-negotiations were opened, through the mediation of the Carthaginian
-commander Hamilkar, between the Syracusans and Agathokles. The
-mischiefs of intestine conflict, amidst the numerous discordant
-parties in the city, pressed hard upon every one, and hopes were
-entertained that all might be brought to agree in terminating
-them. Agathokles affected to enter cordially into these projects
-of amnesty and reconciliation. The Carthaginian general Hamilkar,
-who had so recently aided Sosistratus and the Syracusan oligarchy,
-now did his best to promote the recall of Agathokles, and even made
-himself responsible for the good and pacific behavior of that exile.
-Agathokles, and the other exiles along with him were accordingly
-restored. A public assembly was convened in the temple of Demeter,
-in the presence of Hamilkar; where Agathokles swore by the most
-awful oaths, with his hands touching the altar and statue of the
-goddess, that he would behave as a good citizen of Syracuse, uphold
-faithfully the existing government, and carry out the engagements
-of the Carthaginian mediators—abstaining from encroachments on
-the rights and possessions of Carthage in Sicily. His oaths and
-promises were delivered with so much apparent sincerity, accompanied
-by emphatic harangues, that the people were persuaded to name him
-general and guardian of the peace, for the purpose of realizing the
-general aspirations towards harmony. Such appointment was recommended
-(it seems) by Hamilkar.<a id="FNanchor_931" href="#Footnote_931"
-class="fnanchor">[931]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_401">[p. 401]</span>All this train
-of artifice had been concerted by Agathokles with Hamilkar, for the
-purpose of enabling the former to seize the supreme power. As general
-of the city, Agathokles had the direction of the military force.
-Under the pretence of marching against some refractory exiles at
-Erbita in the interior, he got together 3000 soldiers strenuously
-devoted to him—mercenaries and citizens of desperate character—to
-which Hamilkar added a reinforcement of Africans. As if about to
-march forth, he mustered his troops at daybreak in the Timoleonteon
-(chapel or precinct consecrated to Timoleon), while Peisarchus and
-Dekles, two chiefs of the senate already assembled, were invited with
-forty others to transact with him some closing business. Having these
-men in his power, Agathokles suddenly turned upon them, and denounced
-them to the soldiers as guilty of conspiring his death. Then,
-receiving from the soldiers a response full of ardor, he ordered them
-immediately to proceed to a general massacre of the senate and their
-leading partisans, with full permission of licentious plunder in the
-houses of these victims, the richest men in Syracuse. The soldiers
-rushed into the street with ferocious joy to execute this order.
-They slew not only the senators, but many others also, unarmed and
-unprepared; each man selecting victims personally obnoxious to him.
-They broke open the doors of the rich, or climbed over the roofs,
-massacred the proprietors within, and ravished the females. They
-chased the unsuspecting fugitives through the streets, not sparing
-even those who took refuge in the temples. Many of these unfortunate
-sufferers rushed for safety to the gates, but found them closed and
-guarded by special order of Agathokles; so that they were obliged to
-let themselves down from the walls, in which<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_402">[p. 402]</span> many perished miserably. For two days
-Syracuse was thus a prey to the sanguinary, rapacious, and lustful
-impulses of the soldiery; four thousand citizens had been already
-slain, and many more were seized as prisoners. The political purposes
-of Agathokles, as well as the passions of the soldiers, being then
-sated, he arrested the massacre. He concluded this bloody feat
-by killing such of his prisoners as were most obnoxious to him,
-and banishing the rest. The total number of expelled or fugitive
-Syracusans is stated at 6000; who found a hospitable shelter and
-home at Agrigentum. One act of lenity is mentioned, and ought
-not to be omitted amidst this scene of horror. Deinokrates, one
-among the prisoners, was liberated by Agathokles from motives of
-former friendship: he too, probably, went into voluntary exile.<a
-id="FNanchor_932" href="#Footnote_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a></p>
-
-<p>After a massacre thus perpetrated in the midst of profound peace,
-and in the full confidence of a solemn act of mutual reconciliation
-immediately preceding—surpassing the worst deeds of the elder
-Dionysius, and indeed (we might almost say) of all other Grecian
-despots—Agathokles convened what he called an assembly of the people.
-Such of the citizens as were either oligarchical, or wealthy, or
-in any way unfriendly to him, had been already either slain or
-expelled; so that the assembly probably included few besides his own
-soldiers: Agathokles, addressing them in terms of congratulation
-on the recent glorious exploit, whereby they had purged the city
-of its oligarchical tyrants—proclaimed that the Syracusan people
-had now reconquered their full liberty. He affected to be weary
-of the toils of command, and anxious only for a life of quiet
-equality as one among the many; in token of which he threw off his
-general’s cloak and put on a common civil garment. But those whom
-he addressed, fresh from the recent massacre and plunder, felt that
-their whole security depended upon the maintenance of his supremacy,
-and loudly protested that they would not accept his resignation.
-Agathokles, with pretended reluctance, told them, that if they
-insisted, he would comply, but upon the peremptory condition of
-enjoying a single-handed authority, without any colleagues or<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_403">[p. 403]</span> counsellors for whose
-misdeeds he was to be responsible. The assembly replied by conferring
-upon him, with unanimous acclamations, the post of general with
-unlimited power, or despot.<a id="FNanchor_933" href="#Footnote_933"
-class="fnanchor">[933]</a></p>
-
-<p>Thus was constituted a new despot of Syracuse about fifty years
-after the decease of the elder Dionysius, and twenty-two years after
-Timoleon had rooted out the Dionysian dynasty, establishing on its
-ruins a free polity. On accepting the post, Agathokles took pains
-to proclaim that he would tolerate no farther massacre or plunder,
-and that his government would for the future be mild and beneficent.
-He particularly studied to conciliate the poorer citizens, to whom
-he promised abolition of debts and a new distribution of lands. How
-far he carried out this project systematically, we do not know;
-but he conferred positive donations on many of the poor—which he
-had abundant means of doing, out of the properties of the numerous
-exiles recently expelled. He was full of promises to every one,
-displaying courteous and popular manners, and abstaining from all
-ostentation of guards, or ceremonial attendants, or a diadem. He
-at the same time applied himself vigorously to strengthen his
-military and naval force, his magazines of arms and stores, and his
-revenues. He speedily extended his authority over all the territorial
-domain of Syracuse, with her subject towns, and carried his arms
-successfully over many other parts of Sicily.<a id="FNanchor_934"
-href="#Footnote_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Carthaginian general Hamilkar, whose complicity or connivance
-had helped Agathokles to this blood-stained elevation, appears
-to have permitted him without opposition to extend his dominion
-over a large portion of Sicily, and even to plunder the towns in
-alliance with Carthage itself. Complaints having been made to
-Carthage, this officer was superseded, and another general (also
-named Hamilkar) was sent in his place. We are unable to trace in
-detail the proceedings of Agathokles during the first years of his
-despotism; but he went on enlarging his sway over the neighboring
-cities, while the Syracusan exiles, whom he had expelled, found
-a home partly at Agrigentum (under Deinokrates), partly at
-Messênê. About the year 314 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, we hear
-that he made an attempt on Messênê, which he was on the point of
-seizing, had he not been stopped by the interference of the<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_404">[p. 404]</span> Carthaginians (perhaps
-the newly-appointed Hamilkar), who now at length protested against
-his violation of the convention; meaning (as we must presume, for
-we know of no other convention) the oath which had been sworn by
-Agathokles at Syracuse under the guarantee of the Carthaginians.<a
-id="FNanchor_935" href="#Footnote_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a>
-Though thus disappointed at Messênê, Agathokles seized Abakænum—where
-he slew the leading citizens opposed to him,—and carried on
-his aggressions elsewhere so effectively, that the leaders at
-Agrigentum, instigated by the Syracusan exiles there harbored, became
-convinced of the danger of leaving such encroachments unresisted.<a
-id="FNanchor_936" href="#Footnote_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a>
-The people of Agrigentum came to the resolution of taking up arms on
-behalf of the liberties of Sicily, and allied themselves with Gela
-and Messênê for the purpose.</p>
-
-<p>But the fearful example of Agathokles himself rendered them
-so apprehensive of the dangers from any military leader, at once
-native and energetic, that they resolved to invite a foreigner.
-Some Syracusan exiles were sent to Sparta, to choose and invoke
-some Spartan of eminence and ability, as Archidamus had recently
-been called to Tarentum—and even more, as Timoleon had been brought
-from Corinth, with results so signally beneficent. The old Spartan
-king Kleomenes (of the Eurysthenid race) had a son Akrotatus,
-then unpopular at home,<a id="FNanchor_937" href="#Footnote_937"
-class="fnanchor">[937]</a> and<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_405">[p. 405]</span> well disposed towards foreign warfare.
-This prince, without even consulting the Ephors, listened at once to
-the envoys, and left Peloponnesus with a small squadron, intending to
-cross by Korkyra and the coast of Italy to Agrigentum. Unfavorable
-winds drove him as far north as Apollonia, and delayed his arrival
-at Tarentum; in which city, originally a Spartan colony, he met with
-a cordial reception, and obtained a vote of twenty vessels to assist
-his enterprise of liberating Syracuse from Agathokles. He reached
-Agrigentum with favorable hopes, was received with all the honors
-due to a Spartan prince, and undertook the command. Bitterly did he
-disappoint his party. He was incompetent as a general; he dissipated
-in presents or luxuries the money intended for the campaign,
-emulating Asiatic despots; his conduct was arrogant, tyrannical,
-and even sanguinary. The disgust which he inspired was brought to
-a height, when he caused Sosistratus, the leader of the Syracusan
-exiles, to be assassinated at a banquet. Immediately the exiles
-rose in a body to avenge this murder; while Akrotatus, deposed by
-the Agrigentines, only found safety in flight.<a id="FNanchor_938"
-href="#Footnote_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a></p>
-
-<p>To this young Spartan prince, had he possessed a noble heart
-and energetic qualities, there was here presented a career of
-equal grandeur with that of Timoleon—against an enemy able indeed
-and formidable, yet not so superior in force as to render success
-impossible. It is melancholy to see Akrotatus, from simple
-worthlessness of character, throwing away such an opportunity; at
-a time when Sicily was the only soil on which a glorious Hellenic
-career was still open—when no similar exploits were practicable
-by any Hellenic leader in Central Greece, from the overwhelming
-superiority of force possessed by the surrounding kings.</p>
-
-<p>The misconduct of Akrotatus broke up all hopes of active
-operations against Agathokles. Peace was presently concluded
-with the latter by the Agrigentines and their allies, under the
-mediation of the Carthaginian general Hamilkar. By the terms of
-this convention, all the Greek cities in Sicily were declared
-autonomous, yet under the hegemony of Agathokles; excepting<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_406">[p. 406]</span> only Himera, Selinus,
-and Herakleia, which were actually, and were declared still to
-continue, under Carthage. Messênê was the only Grecian city standing
-aloof from this convention; as such, therefore still remaining open
-to the Syracusan exiles. The terms were so favorable to Agathokles,
-that they were much disapproved at Carthage.<a id="FNanchor_939"
-href="#Footnote_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a> Agathokles,
-recognized as chief and having no enemy in the field, employed
-himself actively in strengthening his hold on the other cities, and
-in enlarging his military means at home. He sent a force against
-Messênê, to require the expulsion of the Syracusan exiles from that
-city, and to procure at the same time the recall of the Messenian
-exiles, partisans of his own, and companions of his army. His
-generals extorted these two points from the Messenians. Agathokles,
-having thus broken the force of Messênê, secured to himself the town
-still more completely, by sending for those Messenian citizens who
-had chiefly opposed him, and putting them all to death, as well as
-his leading opponents at Tauromenium. The number thus massacred was
-not less than six hundred.<a id="FNanchor_940" href="#Footnote_940"
-class="fnanchor">[940]</a></p>
-
-<p>It only remained for Agathokles to seize Agrigentum. Thither
-he accordingly marched. But Deinokrates and the Syracusan exiles,
-expelled from Messênê, had made themselves heard at Carthage,
-insisting on the perils to that city from the encroachments of
-Agathokles. The Carthaginians alarmed sent a fleet of sixty sail,
-whereby alone Agrigentum, already under siege by Agathokles, was
-preserved. The recent convention was now broken on all sides,
-and Agathokles kept no farther measures with the Carthaginians.
-He ravaged all their Sicilian territory, and destroyed some of
-their forts; while the Carthaginians on their side made a sudden
-descent with their fleet on the harbor of Syracuse. They could
-achieve nothing more, however, than the capture of one Athenian
-merchant-vessel, out of two there riding. They disgraced their
-acquisition by the cruel act (not uncommon in Carthaginian warfare)
-of cutting of the hands of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_407">[p.
-407]</span> the captive crew; for which, in a few days, retaliation
-was exercised upon the crews of some of their own ships, taken by
-the cruisers of Agathokles.<a id="FNanchor_941" href="#Footnote_941"
-class="fnanchor">[941]</a></p>
-
-<p>The defence of Agrigentum now rested principally on the
-Carthaginians in Sicily, who took up a position on the hill
-called Eknomus—in the territory of Gela, a little to the west
-of the Agrigentine border. Here Agathokles approached to offer
-them battle—having been emboldened by two important successes
-obtained over Deinokrates and the Syracusan exiles, near
-Kentoripa and Gallaria.<a id="FNanchor_942" href="#Footnote_942"
-class="fnanchor">[942]</a> So superior was his force, however, that
-the Carthaginians thought it prudent to remain in their camp; and
-Agathokles returned in triumph to Syracuse, where he adorned the
-temples with his recently acquired spoils. The balance of force
-was soon altered by the despatch of a large armament from Carthage
-under Hamilkar, consisting of 130 ships of war, with numerous other
-transport ships, carrying many soldiers—2000 native Carthaginians,
-partly men of rank—10,000 Africans—1000 Campanian heavy-armed and
-1000 Balearic slingers. The fleet underwent in its passage so
-terrific a storm, that many of the vessels sunk with all on board,
-and it arrived with very diminished numbers in Sicily. The loss
-fell upon the native Carthaginian soldiers with peculiar severity;
-insomuch that when the news reached Carthage, a public mourning was
-proclaimed, and the city walls were hung with black serge.</p>
-
-<p>Those who reached Sicily, however, were quite sufficient to
-place Hamilkar in an imposing superiority of number as compared
-with Agathokles. He encamped on or near Eknomus, summoned all the
-reinforcements that his Sicilian allies could furnish, and collected
-additional mercenaries; so that he was soon at the head of 40,000
-infantry and 5000 cavalry.<a id="FNanchor_943" href="#Footnote_943"
-class="fnanchor">[943]</a> At the same time, a Carthaginian armed
-squadron, detached to the strait of Messênê, fell in with twenty
-armed ships belonging to Agathokles, and captured them all with
-their crews. The Sicilian cities were held to Agathokles principally
-by terror, and were likely<span class="pagenum" id="Page_408">[p.
-408]</span> to turn against him, if the Carthaginians exhibited
-sufficient strength to protect them. This the despot knew and
-dreaded; especially respecting Gela, which was not far from the
-Carthaginian camp. Had he announced himself openly as intending to
-place a garrison in Gela, he feared that the citizens might forestall
-him by calling in Hamilkar. Accordingly he detached thither, on
-various pretences, several small parties of soldiers, who presently
-found themselves united in a number sufficient to seize the town.
-Agathokles then marched into Gela with his main force. Distrusting
-the adherence of the citizens, he let loose his soldiers upon them,
-massacred four thousand persons, and compelled the remainder, as a
-condition of sparing their lives, to bring in to him all their money
-and valuables. Having by this atrocity both struck universal terror
-and enriched himself, he advanced onward towards the Carthaginian
-camp, and occupied a hill called Phalarion opposite to it.<a
-id="FNanchor_944" href="#Footnote_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a>
-The two camps were separated by a level plain or valley nearly five
-miles broad, through which ran the river Himera.<a id="FNanchor_945"
-href="#Footnote_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a></p>
-
-<p>For some days of the hottest season (the dog-days), both armies
-remained stationary, neither of them choosing to make the attack. At
-length Agathokles gained what he thought a favorable opportunity.
-A detachment from the Carthaginian camp sallied forth in pursuit
-of some Grecian plunderers; Agathokles posted some men in ambush,
-who fell upon this detachment unawares, threw it into disorder, and
-pursued it back to the camp. Following up this partial success,
-Agathokles brought forward his whole force, crossed the river Himera,
-and began a general attack. This advance not being expected, the
-Grecian assailants seemed at first on the point of succeeding.
-They filled up a portion of the ditch, tore up the Stockade, and
-were forcing their way into the camp. They were however repulsed
-by redoubled efforts, and new troops coming up, on the part of the
-defenders; mainly, too, by the very effective action of the 1000
-Balearic slingers in Hamilkar’s army, who hurled stones weighing
-a pound each, against which the Grecian armor was an inadequate
-defence. Still Agathokles, noway discouraged, caused the attack to be
-renewed on several points at once and with ap<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_409">[p. 409]</span>parent success, when a reinforcement
-landed from Carthage—the expectation of which may perhaps have
-induced Hamilkar to refrain from any general attack. These new troops
-joined in the battle, coming upon the rear of the Greeks; who were
-intimidated and disordered by such unforeseen assailants, while the
-Carthaginians in their front, animated to more energetic effort,
-first repulsed them from the camp, and then pressed them vigorously
-back. After holding their ground for some time against their double
-enemy, the Greeks at length fled in disorder back to their own camp,
-recrossing the river Himera. The interval was between four and five
-miles of nearly level ground, over which they were actively pursued
-and severely handled by the Carthaginian cavalry, 5000 in number.
-Moreover, in crossing the river, many of them drank eagerly, from
-thirst, fatigue, and the heat of the weather; the saltness of the
-water proved so destructive to them, that numerous dead bodies are
-said to have been found unwounded on the banks.<a id="FNanchor_946"
-href="#Footnote_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a> At length they
-obtained shelter in their own camp, after a loss of 7000 men; while
-the loss of the victors is estimated at 500.</p>
-
-<p>Agathokles, after this great disaster, did not attempt to maintain
-his camp, but set it on fire, and returned to Gela; which was well
-fortified and provisioned, capable of a long defence. Here he
-intended to maintain himself against Hamilkar, at least until the
-Syracusan harvest (probably already begun) should be completed. But
-Hamilkar, having ascertained the strength of Gela, thought it prudent
-to refrain from a siege, and employed himself in operations for the
-purpose of strengthening his party in Sicily. His great victory
-at the Himera had produced the strongest effect upon many of the
-Sicilian cities, who were held to Agathokles by no other bonds except
-those of fear. Hamilkar issued conciliatory proclamations, inviting
-them all to become his allies, and marching his troops towards
-the most convenient points. Presently Kamarina, Leontini, Katana,
-Tauromenium, Messênê, Abakænum, with several other smaller towns
-and forts, sent to tender themselves as allies; and the conduct of
-Hamilkar towards all was so mild and equitable, as to give universal
-satisfaction. Agathokles appears to have been thus dispossessed<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_410">[p. 410]</span> of most part of
-the island, retaining little besides Gela and Syracuse. Even the
-harbor of Syracuse was watched by a Carthaginian fleet, placed to
-intercept foreign supplies. Returning to Syracuse after Hamilkar had
-renounced all attempts on Gela, Agathokles collected the corn from
-the neighborhood, and put the fortifications in the best state of
-defence. He had every reason to feel assured that the Carthaginians,
-encouraged by their recent success, and reinforced by allies from
-the whole island, would soon press the siege of Syracuse with all
-their energy; while for himself, hated by all, there was no hope
-of extraneous support, and little hope of a successful defence.<a
-id="FNanchor_947" href="#Footnote_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a></p>
-
-<p>In this apparently desperate situation, he conceived the idea of
-a novelty alike daring, ingenious, and effective; surrounded indeed
-with difficulties in the execution, but promising, if successfully
-executed, to change altogether the prospects of the war.</p>
-
-<p>He resolved to carry a force across from Syracuse to Africa, and
-attack the Carthaginians on their own soil. No Greek, so far as we
-know, had ever conceived the like scheme before; no one certainly
-had ever executed it. In the memory of man, the African territory of
-Carthage had never been visited by hostile foot. It was known that
-the Carthaginians would be not only unprepared to meet an attack at
-home, but unable even to imagine it as practicable. It was known
-that their territory was rich, and their African subjects harshly
-treated, discontented, and likely to seize the first opportunity
-for revolting. The landing of any hostile force near Carthage
-would strike such a blow, as at least to cause the recall of the
-Carthaginian armament in Sicily, and thus relieve Syracuse; perhaps
-the consequences of it might be yet greater.</p>
-
-<p>How to execute the scheme was the grand difficulty—for the
-Carthaginians were superior not merely on land, but also at sea.
-Agathokles had no chance except by keeping his purpose secret, and
-even unsuspected. He fitted out an armament, announced as about
-to sail forth from Syracuse on a secret expedition, against some
-unknown town on the Sicilian coast. He selected for this purpose his
-best troops, especially his horsemen, few of whom had been slain
-at the battle of the Himera; he could not<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_411">[p. 411]</span> transport horses, but he put the
-horsemen aboard with their saddles and bridles, entertaining full
-assurance that he could procure horses in Africa. In selecting
-soldiers for his expedition, he was careful to take one member from
-many different families, to serve as hostage for the fidelity of
-those left behind. He liberated, and enrolled among his soldiers,
-many of the strongest and most resolute slaves. To provide the
-requisite funds, his expedients were manifold; he borrowed from
-merchants, seized the money belonging to orphans, stripped the
-women of their precious ornaments, and even plundered the richest
-temples. By all these proceedings, the hatred as well as fear towards
-him was aggravated, especially among the more opulent families.
-Agathokles publicly proclaimed, that the siege of Syracuse, which the
-Carthaginians were now commencing, would be long and terrible—that
-he and his soldiers were accustomed to hardships and could endure
-them, but that those, who felt themselves unequal to the effort,
-might retire with their properties while it was yet time. Many of
-the wealthier families—to a number stated as 1600 persons—profited
-by this permission; but as they were leaving the city, Agathokles
-set his mercenaries upon them, slew them all, and appropriated their
-possessions to himself.<a id="FNanchor_948" href="#Footnote_948"
-class="fnanchor">[948]</a> By such tricks and enormities, he
-provided funds enough for an armament of sixty ships, well filled
-with soldiers. Not one of these soldiers knew where they were
-going; there was a general talk about the madness of Agathokles;
-nevertheless such was their confidence in his bravery and military
-resource, that they obeyed his orders without asking questions. To
-act as viceroy of Syracuse during his own absence, Agathokles named
-Antander his brother, aided by an Ætolian officer named Erymnon.<a
-id="FNanchor_949" href="#Footnote_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a></p>
-
-<p>The armament was equipped and ready, without any suspicion on the
-part of the Carthaginian fleet blockading the harbor. It happened
-one day that the approach of some corn-ships seduced this fleet
-into a pursuit; the mouth of the harbor being thus left unguarded,
-Agathokles took the opportunity of striking with his armament into
-the open sea. As soon as the Carthaginian fleet saw him sailing
-forth, they neglected the corn-ships,<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_412">[p. 412]</span> and prepared for battle, which they
-presumed that he was come to offer. To their surprise, he stood out
-to sea as fast as he could; they then pushed out in pursuit of him,
-but he had already got a considerable advance and strove to keep
-it. Towards nightfall however they neared him so much, that he was
-only saved by the darkness. During the night he made considerable
-way; but on the next day there occurred an eclipse of the sun so
-nearly total, that it became perfectly dark, and the stars were
-visible. The mariners were so terrified at this phenomenon, that
-all the artifice and ascendency of Agathokles were required to
-inspire them with new courage. At length, after six days and nights,
-they approached the coast of Africa. The Carthaginian ships had
-pursued them at a venture, in the direction towards Africa; and they
-appeared in sight, just as Agathokles was nearing the land. Strenuous
-efforts were employed by the mariners on both sides to touch land
-first; Agathokles secured that advantage, and was enabled to put
-himself into such a posture of defence that he repulsed the attack
-of the Carthaginian ships, and secured the disembarcation of his
-own soldiers, at a point called the Latomiæ or Stone quarries.<a
-id="FNanchor_950" href="#Footnote_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a></p>
-
-<p>After establishing his position ashore, and refreshing his
-soldiers, the first proceeding of Agathokles was to burn his vessels;
-a proceeding which seemed to carry an air of desperate boldness. Yet
-in truth the ships were now useless—for, if he was unsuccessful on
-land, they were not enough to enable him to return in the face of
-the Carthaginian fleet; they were even worse than useless, since, if
-he retained them, it was requisite that he should leave a portion of
-his army to guard them, and thus enfeeble his means of action for
-the really important achievements on land. Convening his soldiers
-in assembly near the ships, he first offered a sacrifice to Demeter
-and Persephonê—the patron goddesses of Sicily, and of Syracuse in
-particular. He then apprised his soldiers, that during the recent
-crossing and danger from the Carthaginian pursuers, he had addressed
-a vow to these goddess<span class="pagenum" id="Page_413">[p.
-413]</span>es—engaging to make a burnt-offering of his ships in
-their honor, if they would preserve him safe across to Africa. The
-goddesses had granted this boon; they had farther, by favorably
-responding to the sacrifice just offered, promised full success to
-his African projects: it became therefore incumbent on him to fulfil
-his vow with exactness. Torches being new brought, Agathokles took
-one in his hand, and mounted on the stern of the admiral’s ship,
-directing each of the trierarchs to do the like on his own ship. All
-were set on fire simultaneously, amidst the sound of trumpets, and
-the mingled prayers and shouts of the soldiers.<a id="FNanchor_951"
-href="#Footnote_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a></p>
-
-<p>Though Agathokles had succeeded in animating his soldiers with a
-factitious excitement, for the accomplishment of this purpose, yet
-so soon as they saw the conflagration decided and irrevocable, thus
-cutting off all their communication with home—their spirits fell, and
-they began to despair of their prospects. Without allowing them time
-to dwell upon the novelty of the situation, Agathokles conducted them
-at once against the nearest Carthaginian town, called Megalê-Polis.<a
-id="FNanchor_952" href="#Footnote_952" class="fnanchor">[952]</a>
-His march lay for the most part through a rich territory in the
-highest cultivation. The passing glance which we thus obtain into the
-condition of the territory near Carthage is of peculiar interest;
-more especially when contrasted with the desolation of the same
-coast, now and for centuries past. The corn-land, the plantations
-both of vines and olives, the extensive and well-stocked gardens,
-the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_414">[p. 414]</span> size and
-equipment of the farm buildings, the large outlay for artificial
-irrigation, the agreeable country-houses belonging to wealthy
-Carthaginians, etc., all excited the astonishment, and stimulated
-the cupidity, of Agathokles and his soldiers. Moreover, the towns
-were not only very numerous, but all open and unfortified, except
-Carthage itself and a few others on the coast.<a id="FNanchor_953"
-href="#Footnote_953" class="fnanchor">[953]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Carthaginians, besides having little fear of invasion by
-sea, were disposed to mistrust their subject cities, which they
-ruled habitually with harshness and oppression.<a id="FNanchor_954"
-href="#Footnote_954" class="fnanchor">[954]</a> The Liby-Phenicians
-appear to have been unused to arms—a race of timid cultivators and
-traffickers, accustomed to subjection and practised in the deceit
-necessary for lightening it.<a id="FNanchor_955" href="#Footnote_955"
-class="fnanchor">[955]</a> Agathokles, having marched through
-this land of abundance, assaulted Megalêpolis without delay. The
-inhabitants, unprepared for attack, distracted with surprise
-and terror, made little resistance. Agathokles easily took the
-town, abandoning both the persons of<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_415">[p. 415]</span> the inhabitants and all the rich
-property within, to his soldiers; who enriched themselves with a
-prodigious booty both from town and country—furniture, cattle,
-and slaves. From hence he advanced farther southward to the town
-called Tunês (the modern Tunis, at the distance of only fourteen
-miles south-west of Carthage itself), which he took by storm in
-like manner. He fortified Tunês as a permanent position; but he
-kept his main force united in camp, knowing well that he should
-presently have an imposing army against him in the field, and
-severe battles to fight.<a id="FNanchor_956" href="#Footnote_956"
-class="fnanchor">[956]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Carthaginian fleet had pursued Agathokles during his crossing
-from Syracuse, in perfect ignorance of his plans. When he landed
-in Africa, on their own territory, and even burnt his fleet, they
-at first flattered themselves with the belief that they held him
-prisoner. But as soon as they saw him commence his march in military
-array against Megalêpolis, they divined his real purposes, and were
-filled with apprehension. Carrying off the brazen prow-ornaments of
-his burnt and abandoned ships, they made sail for Carthage, sending
-forward a swift vessel to communicate first what had occurred.
-Before this vessel arrived, however, the landing of Agathokles had
-been already made known at Carthage, where it excited the utmost
-surprise and consternation; since no one supposed that he could have
-accomplished such an adventure without having previously destroyed
-the Carthaginian army and fleet in Sicily. From this extreme dismay
-they were presently relieved by the arrival of the messengers from
-their fleet; whereby they learnt the real<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_416">[p. 416]</span> state of affairs in Sicily. They now
-made the best preparations in their power to resist Agathokles.
-Hanno and Bomilkar, two men of leading families, were named generals
-conjointly. They were bitter political rivals,—but this very
-rivalry was by some construed as an advantage, since each would
-serve as a check upon the other and as a guarantee to the state;
-or, what is more probable, each had a party sufficiently strong to
-prevent the separate election of the other.<a id="FNanchor_957"
-href="#Footnote_957" class="fnanchor">[957]</a> These two generals,
-unable to wait for distant succors, led out the native forces of the
-city, stated at 40,000 infantry, 1000 cavalry, derived altogether
-from citizens and residents—with 2000 war-chariots. They took post
-on an eminence (somewhere between Tunis and Carthage) not far from
-Agathokles; Bomilkar commanding on the left, where the ground was so
-difficult that he was unable to extend his front, and was obliged
-to admit an unusual depth of files; while Hanno was on the right,
-having in his front rank the Sacred Band of Carthage, a corps of 2500
-distinguished citizens, better armed and braver than the rest. So
-much did the Carthaginians outnumber the invaders—and so confident
-were they of victory—that they carried with them 20,000 pairs of
-handcuffs for their anticipated prisoners.<a id="FNanchor_958"
-href="#Footnote_958" class="fnanchor">[958]</a></p>
-
-<p>Agathokles placed himself on the left, with 1000 chosen hoplites
-round him, to combat the Sacred Band; the command of his right he
-gave to his son Archagathus. His troops—Syracusans, miscellaneous
-mercenary Greeks, Campanians or Samnites, Tuscans, and Gauls—scarcely
-equalled in numbers one-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_417">[p.
-417]</span>half of the enemy. Some of the ships’ crews were even
-without arms,—a deficiency, which Agathokles could only supply in
-appearance, by giving to them the leather cases or wrappers of
-shields, stretched out upon sticks. The outstretched wrappers thus
-exhibited looked from a distance like shields; so that these men,
-stationed in the rear, had the appearance of a reserve of hoplites.
-As the soldiers however were still discouraged, Agathokles tried to
-hearten them up by another device yet more singular, for which indeed
-he must have made deliberate provision beforehand. In various parts
-of the camp, he let fly a number of owls, which perched upon the
-shields and helmets of the soldiers. These birds, the favorite of
-Athênê, were supposed and generally asserted to promise victory; the
-minds of the soldiers are reported to have been much reassured by the
-sight.</p>
-
-<p>The Carthaginian war-chariots and cavalry, which charged first,
-made little or no impression; but the infantry of their right pressed
-the Greeks seriously. Especially Hanno, with the Sacred Band around
-him, behaved with the utmost bravery and forwardness, and seemed to
-be gaining advantage, when he was unfortunately slain. His death not
-only discouraged his own troops, but became fatal to the army, by
-giving opportunity for treason to his colleague Bomilkar. This man
-had long secretly meditated the project of rendering himself despot
-of Carthage. As a means of attaining that end, he deliberately sought
-to bring reverses upon her; and no sooner had he heard of Hanno’s
-death, than he gave orders for his own wing to retreat. The Sacred
-Band, though fighting with unshaken valor, were left unsupported,
-attacked in rear as well as front, and compelled to give way along
-with the rest. The whole Carthaginian army was defeated and driven
-back to Carthage. Their camp fell into the hands of Agathokles,
-who found among their baggage the very handcuffs which they had
-brought for fettering their expected captives.<a id="FNanchor_959"
-href="#Footnote_959" class="fnanchor">[959]</a></p>
-
-<p>This victory made Agathokles for the time master of the open
-country. He transmitted the news to Sicily, by a boat of thirty<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_418">[p. 418]</span> oars, constructed
-expressly for the purpose—since he had no ships of his own remaining.
-Having fortified Tunês and established it as his central position,
-he commenced operations along the eastern coast (Zeugitana and
-Byzakium, as the northern and southern portions of it were afterwards
-denominated by the Romans) against the towns dependent on Carthage.<a
-id="FNanchor_960" href="#Footnote_960" class="fnanchor">[960]</a></p>
-
-<p>In that city, meanwhile, all was terror and despondency in
-consequence of the recent defeat. It was well known that the
-African subjects generally entertained nothing but fear and
-hatred towards the reigning city. Neither the native Libyans
-or Africans,—nor the mixed race called Liby-Phœnicians, who
-inhabited the towns<a id="FNanchor_961" href="#Footnote_961"
-class="fnanchor">[961]</a>—could be depended on if their services
-were really needed. The distress of the Carthaginians took the form
-of religious fears and repentance. They looked back with remorse
-on the impiety of their past lives, and on their omissions of duty
-towards the gods. To the Tyrian Herakles, they had been slack in
-transmitting the dues and presents required by their religion; a
-backwardness which they now endeavored to make up by sending envoys
-to Tyre, with prayers and supplications, with rich presents, and
-especially with models in gold and silver of their sacred temples
-and shrines. Towards Kronus, or Moloch, they also felt that they
-had conducted themselves sinfully. The worship acceptable to that
-god required the sacrifice of young children, born of free and
-opulent parents, and even the choice child of the family. But
-it was now found out, on investigation, that many parents had
-recently put a fraud upon the god, by surreptitiously buying poor
-children, feeding them well, and then sacrificing them as their
-own. This discovery seemed at once to explain why Kronus had become
-offended, and what had brought upon them the recent defeat. They
-made an emphatic atonement, by selecting 200 children from the
-most illustrious families in Carthage, and offering them up to
-Kronus at a great public sacrifice; besides which, 300 parents,
-finding themselves denounced for similar omissions in the past,
-displayed their repentance by voluntarily immolating their own
-children for the public safety. The statue of Kronus,—placed with
-outstretched hands to receive the victim tendered to him, with
-fire<span class="pagenum" id="Page_419">[p. 419]</span> immediately
-underneath—was fed on that solemnity certainly with 200, and probably
-with 500, living children.<a id="FNanchor_962" href="#Footnote_962"
-class="fnanchor">[962]</a> By this monstrous holocaust the full
-religious duty being discharged, and forgiveness obtained from the
-god, the mental distress of the Carthaginians was healed.</p>
-
-<p>Having thus relieved their consciences on the score of religious
-obligation, the Carthaginians despatched envoys to Hamilkar in
-Sicily, acquainting him with the recent calamity, desiring him
-to send a reinforcement, and transmitting to him the brazen prow
-ornaments taken from the ships of Agathokles. They at the same time
-equipped a fresh army, with which they marched forth to attack
-Tunês. Agathokles had fortified that town, and established a strong
-camp before it; but he had withdrawn his main force to prosecute
-operations against the maritime towns on<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_420">[p. 420]</span> the eastern coast of the territory of
-Carthage. Among these towns, he first attacked Neapolis with success,
-granting to the inhabitants favorable terms. He then advanced farther
-southwards towards Adrumetum, of which he commenced the siege, with
-the assistance of a neighboring Libyan prince named Elymas, who now
-joined him. While Agathokles was engaged in the siege of Adrumetum,
-the Carthaginians attacked his position at Tunês, drove his soldiers
-out of the fortified camp into the town, and began to batter the
-defences of the town itself. Apprised of this danger while besieging
-Adrumetum, but nevertheless reluctant to raise the siege,—Agathokles
-left his main army before it, stole away with only a few soldiers and
-some camp-followers, and conducting them to an elevated spot—halfway
-between Adrumetum and Tunês, yet visible from both—he caused them to
-kindle at night upon this eminence a prodigious number of fires.<a
-id="FNanchor_963" href="#Footnote_963" class="fnanchor">[963]</a>
-The effect, of these fires, seen from Adrumetum on one side and
-from Tunês on the other, was, to produce the utmost terror at both
-places. The Carthaginians besieging Tunês fancied that Agathokles
-with his whole army was coming to attack them, and forthwith
-abandoned the siege in disorder, leaving their engines behind. The
-defenders of Adrumetum, interpreting these fires as evidence of a
-large reinforcement on its way to join the besieging army, were
-so discouraged that they surrendered the town on capitulation.<a
-id="FNanchor_964" href="#Footnote_964" class="fnanchor">[964]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_421">[p. 421]</span>By this same
-stratagem—if the narrative can be trusted—Agathokles both relieved
-Tunês, and acquired possession of Adrumetum. Pushing his conquests
-yet farther south, he besieged and took Thapsus, with several
-other towns on the coast to a considerable distance southward.<a
-id="FNanchor_965" href="#Footnote_965" class="fnanchor">[965]</a> He
-also occupied and fortified the important position called Aspis, on
-the south-east of the headland Cape Bon, and not far distant from
-it; a point convenient for maritime communication with Sicily.<a
-id="FNanchor_966" href="#Footnote_966" class="fnanchor">[966]</a></p>
-
-<p>By a series of such acquisitions, comprising in all not less
-than 200 dependencies of Carthage, Agathokles became master along
-the eastern coast.<a id="FNanchor_967" href="#Footnote_967"
-class="fnanchor">[967]</a> He next endeavored to subdue the
-towns in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_422">[p. 422]</span> the
-interior, into which he advanced as far as several days’ march.
-But he was recalled by intelligence from his soldiers at Tunês,
-that the Carthaginians had marched out again to attack them, and
-had already retaken some of his conquests. Returning suddenly by
-forced marches, he came upon them by surprise, and drove in their
-advanced parties with considerable loss; while he also gained an
-important victory over the Libyan prince Elymas, who had rejoined the
-Carthaginians, but was now defeated and slain.<a id="FNanchor_968"
-href="#Footnote_968" class="fnanchor">[968]</a> The Carthaginians,
-however, though thus again humbled and discouraged, still maintained
-the field, strongly entrenched, between Carthage and Tunês.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile the affairs of Agathokles at Syracuse had taken a
-turn unexpectedly favorable. He had left that city blocked up
-partially by sea and with a victorious enemy encamped near it; so
-that supplies found admission with difficulty. In this condition,
-Hamilkar, commander of the Carthaginian army, received from
-Carthage the messengers announcing their recent defeat in Africa;
-yet also bringing the brazen prow ornaments taken from the ships
-of Agathokles. He ordered the envoys to conceal the real truth,
-and to spread abroad news that Agathokles had been destroyed with
-his armament; in proof of which he produced the prow ornaments,—an
-undoubted evidence that the ships had really been destroyed. Sending
-envoys with these evidences into Syracuse, to be exhibited to
-Antander, and the ether authorities, Hamilkar demanded from them
-the surrender of the city, under promise of safety and favorable
-terms; at the same time marching his army close up to it, with
-the view of making an attack. Antander with others, believing
-the information and despairing of successful resistance, were
-disposed to comply; but Erymnon the Ætolian insisted on holding out
-until<span class="pagenum" id="Page_423">[p. 423]</span> they had
-fuller certainty. This resolution Antander adopted. At the same
-time, mistrusting those citizens of Syracuse who were relatives or
-friends of the exiles without, he ordered them all to leave the
-city immediately, with their wives and families. No less than 8000
-persons were expelled under this mandate. They were consigned to the
-mercy of Hamilkar, and his army without; who not only suffered them
-to pass, but treated them with kindness. Syracuse was now a scene
-of aggravated wretchedness and despondency; not less from this late
-calamitous expulsion, than from the grief of those who believed that
-their relatives in Africa had perished with Agathokles. Hamilkar had
-brought up his battering-engines, and was preparing to assault the
-town, when Nearchus, the messenger from Agathokles, arrived from
-Africa after a voyage of five days, having under favor of darkness
-escaped, though only just escaped, the blockading squadron. From him
-the Syracusan government learnt the real truth, and the victorious
-position of Agathokles. There was no farther talk of capitulation;
-Hamilkar—having tried a partial assault, which was vigorously
-repulsed,—withdrew his army, and detached from it a reinforcement of
-5000 men to the aid of his countrymen in Africa.<a id="FNanchor_969"
-href="#Footnote_969" class="fnanchor">[969]</a></p>
-
-<p>During some months, he seems to have employed himself in partial
-operations for extending the Carthaginian dominion throughout
-Sicily. But at length he concerted measures with the Syracusan
-exile Deinokrates, who was at the head of a numerous body of his
-exiled countrymen, for a renewed attack upon Syracuse. His fleet
-already blockaded the harbor, and he now with his army, stated as
-120,000 men, destroyed the neighboring lands, hoping to starve
-out the inhabitants. Approaching close to the walls of the city,
-he occupied the Olympieion, or temple of Zeus Olympius, near the
-river Anapus and the interior coast of the Great Harbor. From
-hence—probably under the conduct of Deinokrates and the other exiles,
-well-acquainted with the ground—he undertook by a night-march to
-ascend the circuitous and difficult mountain track, for the purpose
-of surprising the fort called Euryalus, at the highest point of
-Epipolæ,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_424">[p. 424]</span> and the
-western apex of the Syracusan lines of fortification. This was the
-same enterprise, at the same hour, and with the same main purpose,
-as that of Demosthenes during the Athenian siege, after he had
-brought the second armament from Athens to the relief of Nikias.<a
-id="FNanchor_970" href="#Footnote_970" class="fnanchor">[970]</a>
-Even Demosthenes, though conducting his march with greater
-precaution than Hamilkar, and successful in surprising the fort
-of Euryalus, had been driven down again with disastrous loss.
-Moreover, since his time, this fort Euryalus, instead of being left
-detached, had been embodied by the elder Dionysius as an integral
-portion of the fortifications of the city. It formed the apex
-or point of junction for the two converging walls—one skirting
-the northern cliff, the other the southern cliff, of Epipolæ.<a
-id="FNanchor_971" href="#Footnote_971" class="fnanchor">[971]</a>
-The surprise intended by Hamilkar—difficult in the extreme, if at
-all practicable—seems to have been unskilfully conducted. It was
-attempted with a confused multitude, incapable of that steady order
-requisite for night-movements. His troops, losing their way in the
-darkness, straggled, and even mistook each other for enemies; while
-the Syracusan guards from Euryalus, alarmed by the noise, attacked
-them vigorously and put them to the rout. Their loss, in trying
-to escape down the steep declivity, was prodigious; and Hamilkar
-himself, making brave efforts to rally them, became prisoner to
-the Syracusans. What lent peculiar interest to this incident, in
-the eyes of a pious Greek, was that it served to illustrate and
-confirm the truth of prophecy. Hamilkar had been assured by a
-prophet that he would sup that night in Syracuse; and this assurance
-had in part emboldened him to the attack, since he naturally
-calculated on entering the city as a conqueror.<a id="FNanchor_972"
-href="#Footnote_972" class="fnanchor">[972]</a> He did indeed take
-his evening meal in Syracuse, literally fulfilling the augury.
-Immediately after it, he was handed over to the relatives of the
-slain, who first paraded him through the city<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_425">[p. 425]</span> in chains, then inflicted on him
-the worst tortures, and lastly killed him. His head was cut off
-and sent to Africa.<a id="FNanchor_973" href="#Footnote_973"
-class="fnanchor">[973]</a></p>
-
-<p>The loss and humiliation sustained in this repulse—together
-with the death of Hamilkar, and the discord ensuing between the
-exiles under Deinokrates and the Carthaginian soldiers—completely
-broke up the besieging army. At the same time, the Agrigentines,
-profiting by the depression both of Carthaginians and exiles, stood
-forward publicly, proclaiming themselves as champions of the cause
-of autonomous city government throughout Sicily, under their own
-presidency, against both the Carthaginians on one side, and the
-despot Agathokles on the other. They chose for their general a
-citizen named Xenodokus, who set himself with vigor to the task of
-expelling everywhere the mercenary garrisons which held the cities in
-subjection. He began first with Gela, the city immediately adjoining
-Agrigentum, found a party of the citizens disposed to aid him, and
-in conjunction with them, overthrew the Agathoklean garrison. The
-Geloans, thus liberated, seconded cordially his efforts to extend the
-like benefits to others. The popular banner proclaimed by Agrigentum
-proved so welcome, that many cities eagerly invited her aid to shake
-off the yoke of the soldiery in their respective citadels, and regain
-their free governments.<a id="FNanchor_974" href="#Footnote_974"
-class="fnanchor">[974]</a> Enna, Erbessus, Echetla,<a
-id="FNanchor_975" href="#Footnote_975" class="fnanchor">[975]</a>
-Leontini, and Kamarina, were all thus relieved from the dominion
-of Agathokles; while other cities were in like manner emancipated
-from the sway of the Carthaginians; and joined the Agrigentine
-confederacy. The Agathoklean government at Syracuse was not strong
-enough to resist such spirited manifestations. Syracuse still
-continued to be blocked up by the Carthaginian fleet; though the
-blockade was less efficacious, and supplies were now introduced more
-abundantly than before.<a id="FNanchor_976" href="#Footnote_976"
-class="fnanchor">[976]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_426">[p. 426]</span>The ascendency
-of Agathokles was thus rather on the wane in Sicily: but in Africa,
-he had become more powerful than ever—not without perilous hazards
-which brought him occasionally to the brink of ruin. On receiving
-from Syracuse the head of the captive Hamilkar, he rode forth
-close to the camp of the Carthaginians, and held it up to their
-view in triumph; they made respectful prostration before it, but
-the sight was astounding and mournful to them.<a id="FNanchor_977"
-href="#Footnote_977" class="fnanchor">[977]</a> While they were thus
-in despondency, however, a strange vicissitude was on the point of
-putting their enemy into their hands. A violent mutiny broke out in
-the camp of Agathokles at Tunês, arising out of a drunken altercation
-between his son Archagathus and an Ætolian officer named Lykiskus;
-which ended in the murder of the latter by the former. The comrades
-of Lykiskus rose in arms with fury to avenge him, calling for the
-head of Archagathus. They found sympathy with the whole army; who
-seized the opportunity of demanding their arrears of outstanding
-pay, chose new generals, and took regular possession of Tunês with
-its defensive works. The Carthaginians, informed of this outbreak,
-immediately sent envoys to treat with the mutineers, offering to
-them large presents and double pay in the service of Carthage.
-Their offer was at first so favorably entertained, that the envoys
-returned with confident hopes of success; when Agathokles, as a
-last resource, clothed himself in mean garb, and threw himself on
-the mercy of the soldiers. He addressed them in a pathetic appeal,
-imploring them not to desert him, and even drew his sword to kill
-himself before their faces. With such art did he manage this scene,
-that the feelings of the soldiers underwent a sudden and complete
-revolution. They not only became reconciled to him, but even greeted
-him with enthusiasm, calling on him to resume the dress and functions
-of general, and promising unabated obedience for the future.<a
-id="FNanchor_978" href="#Footnote_978" class="fnanchor">[978]</a>
-Agathokles gladly obeyed the call, and took advan<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_427">[p. 427]</span>tage of their renewed
-ardor to attack forthwith the Carthaginians; who, expecting nothing
-less, were defeated with considerable loss.<a id="FNanchor_979"
-href="#Footnote_979" class="fnanchor">[979]</a></p>
-
-<p>In spite of this check, the Carthaginians presently sent a
-considerable force into the interior, for the purpose of reconquering
-or regaining the disaffected Numidian tribes. They met with good
-success in this enterprise; but the Numidians were in the main
-faithless and indifferent to both the belligerents, seeking only
-to turn the war to their own profit. Agathokles, leaving his son
-in command at Tunês, followed the Carthaginians into the interior
-with a large portion of his army. The Carthaginian generals were
-cautious, and kept themselves in strong position. Nevertheless
-Agathokles felt confident enough to assail them in their camp; and
-after great effort, with severe loss on his own side, he gained an
-indecisive victory. This advantage however was countervailed by
-the fact, that during the action the Numidians assailed his camp,
-slew all the defenders, and carried off nearly all the slaves and
-baggage. The loss on the Carthaginian side fell most severely upon
-the Greek soldiers in their pay; most of them exiles under Klinon,
-and some Syracusan exiles. These men behaved with signal gallantry,
-and were nearly all slain, either during the battle or after the
-battle, by Agathokles.<a id="FNanchor_980" href="#Footnote_980"
-class="fnanchor">[980]</a></p>
-
-<p>It had now become manifest, however, to this daring invader
-that the force of resistance possessed by Carthage was more than
-he could overcome—that though humbling and impoverishing her for
-the moment, he could not bring the war to a triumphant close;
-since the city itself, occupying the isthmus of a peninsula from
-sea to sea, and surrounded with the strongest fortifications,
-could not be besieged except by means far superior to his.<a
-id="FNanchor_981" href="#Footnote_981" class="fnanchor">[981]</a>
-We<span class="pagenum" id="Page_428">[p. 428]</span> have already
-seen, that though he had gained victories and seized rich plunder,
-he had not been able to provide even regular pay for his soldiers,
-whose fidelity was consequently precarious. Nor could he expect
-reinforcements from Sicily; where his power was on the whole
-declining, though Syracuse itself was in less danger than before.
-He therefore resolved to invoke aid from Ophellas at Kyrênê and
-despatched Orthon as envoy for that purpose.<a id="FNanchor_982"
-href="#Footnote_982" class="fnanchor">[982]</a></p>
-
-<p>To Kyrênê and what was afterwards called its Pentapolis (i. e.
-the five neighboring Grecian towns, Kyrênê, its port Apollonia,
-Barka, Teucheira, and Hesperides), an earlier chapter of this history
-has already been devoted.<a id="FNanchor_983" href="#Footnote_983"
-class="fnanchor">[983]</a> Unfortunately information respecting
-them, for a century and more anterior to Alexander the Great, is
-almost wholly wanting. Established among a Libyan population, many
-of whom were domiciliated with the Greeks as fellow-residents,
-these Kyreneans had imbibed many Libyan habits in war, in peace,
-and in religion; of which their fine breed of horses, employed both
-for the festival chariot-matches and in battle, was one example.
-The Libyan tribes, useful as neighbors, servants, and customers,<a
-id="FNanchor_984" href="#Footnote_984" class="fnanchor">[984]</a>
-were frequently also troublesome as enemies. In 413
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> we hear accidentally that Hesperides
-was besieged by Libyan tribes, and rescued by some Peloponnesian
-hoplites on their way to Syracuse during the Athenian siege.<a
-id="FNanchor_985" href="#Footnote_985" class="fnanchor">[985]</a>
-About 401 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> (shortly after the close of
-the Peloponnesian war), the same city was again so hard pressed
-by the same enemies, that she threw open her citizenship to any
-Greek new-comer who would aid in repelling them. This invitation
-was accepted by several of the Messenians, just then expelled from
-Peloponnesus, and proscribed by the Spartans; they went to Africa,
-but, becoming involved in intestine warfare among the citizens of
-Kyrênê, a large proportion of them perished.<a id="FNanchor_986"
-href="#Footnote_986" class="fnanchor">[986]</a> Except these
-scanty notices, we hear nothing about the Greco-Libyan Pentapolis
-in relation to Grecian affairs, before<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_429">[p. 429]</span> the time of Alexander. It would appear
-that the trade with the native African tribes, between the Gulfs
-called the Greater and Lesser Syrtis, was divided between Kyrênê
-(meaning the Kyrenaic Pentapolis) and Carthage—at a boundary point
-called the Altars of the Philæni, ennobled by a commemorative legend;
-immediately east of these Altars was Automala, the westernmost
-factory of Kyrênê.<a id="FNanchor_987" href="#Footnote_987"
-class="fnanchor">[987]</a> We cannot doubt that the relations,
-commercial and otherwise, between Kyrênê and Carthage, the two
-great emporia on the coast of Africa, were constant and often
-lucrative—though not always friendly.</p>
-
-<p>In the year 331 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, when the victorious
-Alexander overran Egypt, the inhabitants of Kyrênê sent to
-tender presents and submission to him, and became enrolled
-among his subjects.<a id="FNanchor_988" href="#Footnote_988"
-class="fnanchor">[988]</a> We hear nothing more about them until the
-last year of Alexander’s life (324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> to 323
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>). About that time, the exiles from Kyrênê
-and Barka, probably enough emboldened by the rescript of Alexander
-(proclaimed at the Olympic festival of 324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>,
-and directing that all Grecian exiles, except those guilty of
-sacrilege, should be recalled forthwith), determined to accomplish
-their return by force. To this end they invited from Krete an officer
-named Thimbron; who, having slain Harpalus after his flight from
-Athens (recounted in a <a href="#Thimbron">previous chapter</a>),
-had quartered himself in Krete, with the treasure, the ships, and
-the 6000 mercenaries, brought over from Asia by that satrap.<a
-id="FNanchor_989" href="#Footnote_989" class="fnanchor">[989]</a>
-Thimbron willingly carried over his army to their assistance,
-intending to conquer for himself a principality in Libya. He landed
-near Kyrênê, defeated the Kyrenean forces with great slaughter, and
-made himself master of Apollonia, the fortified port of that city,
-distant from it nearly ten miles. The towns of Barka and Hesperides
-sided with him; so that he was strong enough to force the Kyreneans
-to a disadvantageous treaty.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_430">[p.
-430]</span> They covenanted to pay 500 talents,—to surrender to
-him half of their war-chariots for his ulterior projects—and to
-leave him in possession of Apollonia. While he plundered the
-merchants in the harbor, he proclaimed his intention of subjugating
-the independent Libyan tribes, and probably of stretching his
-conquests to Carthage.<a id="FNanchor_990" href="#Footnote_990"
-class="fnanchor">[990]</a> His schemes were however frustrated by one
-of his own officers, a Kretan named Mnasikles; who deserted to the
-Kyreneans, and encouraged them to set aside the recent convention.
-Thimbron, after seizing such citizens of Kyrênê as happened to be
-at Apollonia, attacked Kyrênê itself, but was repulsed; and the
-Kyreneans were then bold enough to invade the territory of Barka
-and Hesperides. To aid them, Thimbron moved his quarters from
-Apollonia; but during his absence, Mnasikles contrived to surprise
-that valuable port; thus mastering at once his base of operations,
-the station for his fleet, and all the baggage of his soldiers.
-Thimbron’s fleet could not be long maintained without a harbor. The
-seamen, landing here and there for victuals and water, were cut off
-by the native Libyans, while the vessels were dispersed by storms.<a
-id="FNanchor_991" href="#Footnote_991" class="fnanchor">[991]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Kyreneans, now full of hope, encountered Thimbron in the
-field, and defeated him. Yet though reduced to distress, he contrived
-to obtain possession of Teucheira; to which port he invoked as
-auxiliaries 2500 fresh soldiers, out of the loose mercenary bands
-dispersed near Cape Tænarus in Peloponnesus. This reinforcement
-again put him in a condition for battle. The Kyreneans on their
-side also thought it necessary to obtain succor, partly from the
-neighboring Libyans, partly from Carthage. They got together a force
-stated as 30,000 men, with which they met him in the field. But, on
-this occasion they were totally routed, with the loss of all their
-generals and much of their army. Thimbron was now in the full tide
-of success; he pressed both Kyrênê and the harbor so vigorously,
-that famine began to prevail, and sedition broke out among the
-citizens. The oligarchical men, expelled by the more popular party,
-sought shelter, some in the camp of Thimbron; some at the court
-of Ptolemy in Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_992" href="#Footnote_992"
-class="fnanchor">[992]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_431">[p. 431]</span>I have already
-mentioned, that in the partition after the decease of Alexander,
-Egypt had been assigned to Ptolemy. Seizing with eagerness the
-opportunity of annexing to it so valuable a possession as the
-Kyrenaic Pentapolis, this chief sent an adequate force under Ophellas
-to put down Thimbron and restore the exiles. His success was
-complete. All the cities in the Pentapolis were reduced; Thimbron,
-worsted and pursued as a fugitive, was seized in his flight by
-some Libyans, and brought prisoner to Teucheira; the citizens of
-which place (by permission of the Olynthian Epikydes, governor for
-Ptolemy), first tortured him, and then conveyed him to Apollonia to
-be hanged. A final visit from Ptolemy himself regulated the affairs
-of the Pentapolis, which were incorporated with his dominions
-and placed under the government of Ophellas.<a id="FNanchor_993"
-href="#Footnote_993" class="fnanchor">[993]</a></p>
-
-<p>It was thus that the rich and flourishing Kyrênê, an interesting
-portion of the once autonomous Hellenic world, passed like the
-rest under one of the Macedonian Diadochi. As the proof and
-guarantee of this new sovereignty, we find erected within the
-walls of the city, a strong and completely detached citadel,
-occupied by a Macedonian or Egyptian garrison (like Munychia at
-Athens), and forming the stronghold of the viceroy. Ten years
-afterwards (<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 312) the Kyreneans made an
-attempt to emancipate themselves, and besieged this citadel; but
-being again put down by an army and fleet which Ptolemy despatched
-under Agis from Egypt,<a id="FNanchor_994" href="#Footnote_994"
-class="fnanchor">[994]</a> Kyrênê passed once more under the
-vice-royalty of Ophellas.<a id="FNanchor_995" href="#Footnote_995"
-class="fnanchor">[995]</a></p>
-
-<p>To this viceroy Agathokles now sent envoys, invoking his aid
-against Carthage. Ophellas was an officer of consideration and
-experience. He had served under Alexander, and had married an
-Athenian wife, Euthydikê,—a lineal descendant from Mil<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_432">[p. 432]</span>tiades the victor of
-Marathon, and belonging to a family still distinguished at Athens.
-In inviting Ophellas to undertake jointly the conquest of Carthage,
-the envoys proposed that he should himself hold it when conquered.
-Agathokles (they said) wished only to overthrow the Carthaginian
-dominion in Sicily, being well aware that he could not hold that
-island in conjunction with an African dominion. To Ophellas,<a
-id="FNanchor_996" href="#Footnote_996" class="fnanchor">[996]</a>
-such an invitation proved extremely seducing. He was already on
-the look out for aggrandizement towards the west, and had sent an
-exploring nautical expedition along the northern coast of Africa,
-even to some distance round and beyond the Strait of Gibraltar.<a
-id="FNanchor_997" href="#Footnote_997" class="fnanchor">[997]</a>
-Moreover, to all military adventurers, both on sea and on land, the
-season was one of boundless speculative promise. They had before
-them not only the prodigious career of Alexander himself, but the
-successful encroachments of the great officers his successors. In
-the second distribution, made at Triparadeisus, of the Alexandrine
-empire, Antipater had assigned to Ptolemy not merely Egypt and
-Libya, but also an undefined amount of territory west of Libya, to
-be afterwards acquired;<a id="FNanchor_998" href="#Footnote_998"
-class="fnanchor">[998]</a> the conquest of which was known to have
-been among the projects of Alexander, had he lived longer. To this
-conquest Ophellas was now specially called, either as the viceroy or
-the independent equal of Ptolemy, by the invitation of Agathokles.
-Having learnt in the service of Alexander not to fear long marches,
-he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_433">[p. 433]</span> embraced the
-proposition with eagerness. He undertook an expedition from Kyrênê on
-the largest scale. Through his wife’s relatives, he was enabled to
-make known his projects at Athens, where, as well as in other parts
-of Greece, they found much favor. At this season, the Kassandrian
-oligarchies were paramount not only at Athens, but generally
-throughout Greece. Under the prevalent degradation and suffering,
-there was ample ground for discontent, and no liberty of expressing
-it; many persons therefore were found disposed either to accept
-army-service with Ophellas, or to enrol themselves in a foreign
-colony under his auspices. To set out under the military protection
-of this powerful chief—to colonize the mighty Carthage, supposed to
-be already enfeebled by the victories of Agathokles—to appropriate
-the wealth, the fertile landed possessions, and the maritime
-position, of her citizens—was a prize well calculated to seduce
-men dissatisfied with their homes, and not well informed of the
-intervening difficulties.<a id="FNanchor_999" href="#Footnote_999"
-class="fnanchor">[999]</a></p>
-
-<p>Under such hopes, many Grecian colonists joined Ophellas at
-Kyrênê, some even with wives and children. The total number is
-stated at 10,000. Ophellas conducted them forth at the head of
-a well appointed army of 10,000 infantry, 600 cavalry, and 100
-war-chariots; each chariot carrying the driver and two fighting men.
-Marching with this miscellaneous body of soldiers and colonists, he
-reached in eighteen days the post of Automalæ—the westernmost factory
-of Kyrênê.<a id="FNanchor_1000" href="#Footnote_1000"
-class="fnanchor">[1000]</a> From thence he proceeded westward along
-the shore between the two Syrtes, in many parts a sandy, trackless
-desert, without wood and almost without water (with the exception
-of particular points of fertility), and infested by serpents many
-and venomous. At one time, all his provisions were exhausted; he
-passed through the territory of the natives called Lotophagi,
-near the lesser Syrtis; where the army had<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_434">[p. 434]</span> nothing to eat except the fruit
-of the lotus, which there abounded.<a id="FNanchor_1001"
-href="#Footnote_1001" class="fnanchor">[1001]</a> Ophellas met
-with no enemies; but the sufferings of every kind endured by his
-soldiers—still more of course by the less hardy colonists and their
-families—were most distressing. After miseries endured for more than
-two months, he joined Agathokles in the Carthaginian territory; With
-what abatement of number, we do not know, but his loss must have been
-considerable.<a id="FNanchor_1002" href="#Footnote_1002"
-class="fnanchor">[1002]</a></p>
-
-<p>Ophellas little knew the man whose invitation and alliance he
-had accepted. Agathokles at first received him with the warmest
-protestations of attachment, welcoming the new-comers with profuse
-hospitality, and supplying to them full means of refreshment and
-renovation after their past sufferings. Having thus gained the
-confidence and favorable sympathies of all, he proceeded to turn it
-to his own purposes. Convening suddenly the most devoted among his
-own soldiers, he denounced Ophellas as guilty of plotting against
-his life. They listened to him with the same feelings of credulous
-rage as the Macedonian soldiers exhibited when Alexander denounced
-Philotas before them. Agathokles then at once called them to arms,
-set upon Ophellas unawares, and slew him with his more immediate
-defenders. Among the soldiers of Ophellas, this act excited horror
-and indignation, no less than surprise; but Agathokles at length
-succeeded in bringing them to terms, partly by deceitful pretexts,
-partly by intimidation: for this unfortunate army, left without any
-commander of fixed purpose, had no resource except to enter into
-his service.<a id="FNanchor_1003" href="#Footnote_1003"
-class="fnanchor">[1003]</a> He thus found himself (like
-Antipater<span class="pagenum" id="Page_435">[p. 435]</span> after
-the death of Leonnatus) master of a double army, and relieved from
-a troublesome rival. The colonists of Ophellas—more unfortunate
-still, since they could be of no service to Agathokles—were put by
-him on board some merchant vessels, which he was sending to Syracuse
-with spoil. The weather becoming stormy, many of these vessels
-foundered at sea,—some were driven off and wrecked on the coast of
-Italy—and a few only reached Syracuse.<a id="FNanchor_1004"
-href="#Footnote_1004" class="fnanchor">[1004]</a> Thus miserably
-perished the Kyrenean expedition of Ophellas; one of the most
-commanding and powerful schemes, for joint conquest and colonization,
-that ever set out from any Grecian city.</p>
-
-<p>It would have fared ill with Agathokles, had the Carthaginians
-been at hand, and ready to attack him in the confusion immediately
-succeeding the death of Ophellas. It would also have fared yet
-worse with Carthage, had Agathokles been in a position to attack
-her during the terrible sedition excited, nearly at the same time,
-within her walls by the general Bomilkar.<a id="FNanchor_1005"
-href="#Footnote_1005" class="fnanchor">[1005]</a> This traitor
-(as has been already stated) had long cherished the design to render
-himself despot, and had been watching for a favorable opportunity.
-Having purposely caused the loss of the first battle—fought in
-conjunction with his brave colleague Hanno, against Agathokles—he
-had since carried on the war with a view to his own project (which
-explains in part the continued reverses of the Carthaginians); he
-now thought that the time was come for openly raising his standard.
-Availing himself of a military muster in the quarter of the city
-called Neapolis, he first dismissed the general body of the
-soldiers, retaining near him only a trusty band of 500 citizens,
-and 4000 mercenaries. At the head of these, he then fell upon
-the unsuspecting city: dividing them into five detachments, and
-slaughtering indiscriminately the unarmed citizens in the streets,
-as well as in the great market-place. At first the Carthaginians
-were astounded and paralyzed. Gradually however they took courage,
-stood upon their defence against the assailants, combatted them in
-the streets and poured upon them missiles from the house-tops. After
-a prolonged conflict, the partisans of Bomilkar found themselves
-worsted, and were glad to avail themselves of the mediation of<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_436">[p. 436]</span> some elder citizens.
-They laid down their arms on promise of pardon. The promise was
-faithfully kept by the victors, except in regard to Bomilkar himself;
-who was hanged in the market-place, having first undergone severe
-tortures.<a id="FNanchor_1006" href="#Footnote_1006"
-class="fnanchor">[1006]</a></p>
-
-<p>Though the Carthaginians had thus escaped from an extreme
-peril, yet the effects of so formidable a conspiracy weakened them
-for some time against their enemy without; while Agathokles on
-the other hand, reinforced by the army from Kyrênê, was stronger
-than ever. So elate did he feel, that he assumed the title of
-King;<a id="FNanchor_1007" href="#Footnote_1007"
-class="fnanchor">[1007]</a> following herein the example of the great
-Macedonian officers, Antigonus, Ptolemy, Seleukus, Lysimachus, and
-Kassander; the memory of Alexander being now discarded, as his heirs
-had been already put to death. Agathokles, already master of nearly
-all the dependent towns east and south-east of Carthage, proceeded to
-carry his arms to the north-west of the city. He attacked Utica,—the
-second city next to Carthage in importance, and older indeed than
-Carthage itself—situated on the western or opposite shore of the
-Carthaginian Gulf, and visible from Carthage, though distant from it
-twenty-seven miles around the Gulf on land.<a id="FNanchor_1008"
-href="#Footnote_1008" class="fnanchor">[1008]</a> The Uticans
-had hitherto remained faithful to Carthage, in spite of her
-reverses, and of defection elsewhere.<a id="FNanchor_1009"
-href="#Footnote_1009" class="fnanchor">[1009]</a> Agathokles
-marched into their territory with such<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_437">[p. 437]</span> unexpected rapidity (he had hitherto
-been on the south-east of Carthage, and he now suddenly moved to
-the north-west of that city), that he seized the persons of three
-hundred leading citizens, who had not yet taken the precaution of
-retiring within the city. Having vainly tried to prevail on the
-Uticans to surrender, he assailed their walls, attaching in front
-of his battering engines the three hundred Utican prisoners; so
-that the citizens, in hurling missiles of defence, were constrained
-to inflict death on their own comrades and relatives. They
-nevertheless resisted the assault with unshaken resolution; but
-Agathokles found means to force an entrance through a weak part of
-the walls, and thus became master of the city. He made it a scene
-of indiscriminate slaughter, massacring the inhabitants, armed and
-unarmed, and hanging up the prisoners. He further captured the town
-of Hippu-Akra, about thirty miles north-west of Utica, which had also
-remained faithful to Carthage—and which now, after a brave defence,
-experienced the like pitiless treatment.<a id="FNanchor_1010"
-href="#Footnote_1010" class="fnanchor">[1010]</a> The
-Carthaginians, seemingly not yet recovered from their recent shock,
-did not interfere, even to rescue these two important places; so that
-Agathokles, firmly established in Tunês as a centre of operations,
-extended his African dominion more widely than ever all round
-Carthage, both on the coast and in the interior; while he interrupted
-the supplies of Carthage itself, and reduced the inhabitants to great
-privations.<a id="FNanchor_1011" href="#Footnote_1011"
-class="fnanchor">[1011]</a> He even occupied and fortified strongly
-a place called Hippagreta, between Utica and Carthage; thus
-pushing his posts within a short distance both east and west of
-her gates.<a id="FNanchor_1012" href="#Footnote_1012"
-class="fnanchor">[1012]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_438">[p. 438]</span>In this
-prosperous condition of his African affairs, he thought the
-opportunity favorable for retrieving his diminished ascendency in
-Sicily; to which island he accordingly crossed over, with 2000 men,
-leaving the command in Africa to his son Archagathus. That young
-man was at first successful, and seemed even in course of enlarging
-his father’s conquests. His general Eumachus overran a wide range
-of interior Numidia, capturing Tokæ, Phellinê, Meschelæ, Akris, and
-another town bearing the same name of Hippu-Akra—and enriching his
-soldiers with a considerable plunder. But in a second expedition,
-endeavoring to carry his arms yet farther into the interior, he
-was worsted in an attack upon a town called Miltinê, and compelled
-to retreat. We read that he marched through one mountainous region
-abounding in wild cats—and another, in which there were a great
-number of apes, who lived in the most tame and familiar manner in
-the houses with men—being greatly caressed, and even worshipped
-as gods.<a id="FNanchor_1013" href="#Footnote_1013"
-class="fnanchor">[1013]</a></p>
-
-<p>The Carthaginians however had now regained internal harmony and
-power of action. Their senate and their generals were emulous, both
-in vigor and in provident combinations, against the common enemy.
-They sent forth 30,000 men, a larger force than they had yet had in
-the field; forming three distinct camps, under Hanno, Imilkon, and
-Adherbal, partly in the interior, partly on the coast. Archagathus,
-leaving a sufficient guard at Tunês, marched to meet them,
-distributing his army in three divisions also; two, under himself
-and Æschrion, besides the corps under Eumachus in the mountainous
-region. He was however unsuccessful at all points. Hanno, contriving
-to surprise the division of Æschrion, gained a complete victory,
-wherein Æschrion himself with more than 4000 men were slain.<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_439">[p. 439]</span> Imilkon was yet more
-fortunate in his operations against Eumachus, whom he entrapped by
-simulated flight into an ambuscade, and attacked at such advantage,
-that the Grecian army was routed and cut off from all retreat. A
-remnant of them defended themselves for some time on a neighboring
-hill, but being without water, nearly all soon perished, from thirst,
-fatigue, and the sword of the conqueror.<a id="FNanchor_1014"
-href="#Footnote_1014" class="fnanchor">[1014]</a></p>
-
-<p>By such reverses, destroying two-thirds of the Agathoklean
-army, Archagathus was placed in serious peril. He was obliged to
-concentrate his force in Tunês, calling in nearly all his outlying
-detachments. At the same time, those Liby-Phenician cities, and
-rural Libyan tribes, who had before joined Agathokles, now detached
-themselves from him when his power was evidently declining, and made
-their peace with Carthage. The victorious Carthaginian generals
-established fortified camps round Tunês, so as to restrain the
-excursions of Archagathus; while with their fleet they blocked up
-his harbor. Presently provisions became short, and much despondency
-prevailed among the Grecian army. Archagathus transmitted this
-discouraging news to his father in Sicily, with urgent entreaties
-that he would come to the rescue.<a id="FNanchor_1015"
-href="#Footnote_1015" class="fnanchor">[1015]</a></p>
-
-<p>The career of Agathokles in Sicily, since his departure from
-Africa, had been checkered, and on the whole unproductive. Just
-before his arrival in the island,<a id="FNanchor_1016"
-href="#Footnote_1016" class="fnanchor">[1016]</a> his
-generals Leptines and Demophilus had gained an important victory
-over the Agrigentine forces commanded by Xenodokus, who were
-disabled from keeping the field. This disaster was a fatal
-discouragement both to the Agrigentines, and to the cause which
-they had espoused as champions—free and autonomous city-government
-with equal confederacy for self-defence, under the presidency of
-Agrigentum.<a id="FNanchor_1017" href="#Footnote_1017"
-class="fnanchor">[1017]</a> The outlying cities confederate with
-Agrigentum were left without military protection, and exposed to
-the attacks<span class="pagenum" id="Page_440">[p. 440]</span>
-of Leptines, animated and fortified by the recent arrival of
-his master Agathokles. That despot landed at Selinus—subdued
-Herakleia, Therma, and Kephaloidion, on or near the northern coast
-of Sicily—then crossed the interior of the island to Syracuse. In
-his march he assaulted Kentoripa, having some partisans within, but
-was repulsed with loss. At Apollonia,<a id="FNanchor_1018"
-href="#Footnote_1018" class="fnanchor">[1018]</a> he was
-also unsuccessful in his first attempt; but being stung with
-mortification, he resumed the assault next day, and at length, by
-great efforts, carried the town. To avenge his loss, which had been
-severe, he massacred most of the citizens, and abandoned the town
-to plunder.<a id="FNanchor_1019" href="#Footnote_1019"
-class="fnanchor">[1019]</a></p>
-
-<p>From hence he proceeded to Syracuse, which he now revisited
-after an absence of (apparently) more than two years in Africa.
-During all this interval, the Syracusan harbor had been watched
-by a Carthaginian fleet, obstructing the entry of provisions,
-and causing partial scarcity.<a id="FNanchor_1020"
-href="#Footnote_1020" class="fnanchor">[1020]</a> But there
-was no blockading army on land; nor had the dominion of Agathokles,
-upheld as it was by his brother Antander and his mercenary force,
-been at all shaken. His arrival inspired his partisans and soldiers
-with new courage, while it spread terror throughout most parts of
-Sicily. To contend with the Carthaginian blockading squadron, he
-made efforts to procure maritime aid from the Tyrrhenian ports
-in Italy;<a id="FNanchor_1021" href="#Footnote_1021"
-class="fnanchor">[1021]</a> while on land, his forces were now
-preponderant—owing to the recent defeat, and broken spirit, of
-the Agrigentines. But his prospects were suddenly checked by the
-enterprising move of his old enemy—the Syracusan exile Deinokrates;
-who made profession of taking up that generous policy which the
-Agrigentines had tacitly let fall—announcing himself as the champion
-of autonomous city-government, and equal confederacy, throughout
-Sicily. Deinokrates received ready adhesion from most of the cities
-belonging to the Agrigentine confederacy—all of them who were alarmed
-by finding that the weakness or fears of their presiding city had
-left them unprotected against Agathokles. He was soon at the head
-of a powerful army—20,000 foot, and 1500 horse. Moreover a large
-proportion of his army<span class="pagenum" id="Page_441">[p.
-441]</span> were not citizen militia, but practised soldiers; for
-the most part exiles, driven from their homes by the distractions
-and violences of the Agathoklean æra.<a id="FNanchor_1022"
-href="#Footnote_1022" class="fnanchor">[1022]</a> For military
-purposes, both he and his soldiers were far more strenuous and
-effective than the Agrigentines under Xenodokus had been. He not only
-kept the field against Agathokles, but several times offered him
-battle, which the despot did not feel confidence enough to accept.
-Agathokles could do no more than maintain himself in Syracuse, while
-the Sicilian cities generally were put in security against his
-aggressions.</p>
-
-<p>Amidst this unprosperous course of affairs in Sicily, Agathokles
-received messengers from his son, reporting the defeats in Africa.
-Preparing immediately to revisit that country, he was fortunate
-enough to obtain a reinforcement of Tyrrhenian ships of war, which
-enabled him to overcome the Carthaginian blockading squadron at
-the mouth of the Syracusan harbor. A clear passage to Africa
-was thus secured for himself, together with ample supplies of
-imported provisions for the Syracusans.<a id="FNanchor_1023"
-href="#Footnote_1023" class="fnanchor">[1023]</a> Though
-still unable to combat Deinokrates in the field, Agathokles was
-emboldened by his recent naval victory to send forth Leptines with
-a force to invade the Agrigentines—the jealous rivals, rather than
-the allies, of Deinokrates. The Agrigentine army—under the general
-Xenodokus, whom Leptines had before defeated—consisted of citizen
-militia mustered on the occasion; while the Agathoklean mercenaries,
-conducted by Leptines, had made arms a profession, and were used
-to fighting as well as to hardships.<a id="FNanchor_1024"
-href="#Footnote_1024" class="fnanchor">[1024]</a> Here as
-elsewhere in Greece, we find the civic and patriotic energy trampled
-down by professional soldiership, and reduced to operate only as an
-obsequious instrument for administrative details.</p>
-
-<p>Xenodokus, conscious of the inferiority of his Agrigentine force,
-was reluctant to hazard a battle. Driven to this imprudence by the
-taunts of his soldiers, he was defeated a second time by Leptines,
-and became so apprehensive of the wrath of the Agrigentines, that
-he thought it expedient to retire to Gela.<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_442">[p. 442]</span> After a period of rejoicing, for his
-recent victories by land as well as by sea, Agathokles passed over
-to Africa, where he found his son, with the army at Tunês in great
-despondency and privation, and almost mutiny for want of pay. They
-still amounted to 6000 Grecian mercenaries, 6000 Gauls, Samnites,
-and Tyrrhenians—1500 cavalry—and no less than 6000 (if the number
-be correct) Libyan war-chariots. There were also a numerous body
-of Libyan allies; faithless time-servers, watching for the turn of
-fortune. The Carthaginians, occupying strong camps in the vicinity
-of Tunês, and abundantly supplied, awaited patiently the destroying
-effects of privation and suffering on their enemies. So desperate
-was the position of Agathokles, that he was compelled to go forth
-and fight. Having tried in vain to draw the Carthaginians down
-into the plain, he at length attacked them in the full strength of
-their entrenchments. But in spite of the most strenuous efforts,
-his troops were repulsed with great slaughter, and driven back to
-their camp.<a id="FNanchor_1025" href="#Footnote_1025"
-class="fnanchor">[1025]</a></p>
-
-<p>The night succeeding this battle was a scene of disorder and
-panic in both camps; even in that of the victorious Carthaginians.
-The latter, according to the ordinances of their religion, eager to
-return their heartfelt thanks to the gods for this great victory,
-sacrificed to them as a choice offering the handsomest prisoners
-captured.<a id="FNanchor_1026" href="#Footnote_1026"
-class="fnanchor">[1026]</a> During this process, the tent or
-tabernacle consecrated to the gods, close to the altar as well as to
-the general’s tent, accidentally took fire. The tents being formed by
-mere wooden posts, connected by a thatch of hay or straw both on roof
-and sides,—the fire spread rapidly, and the entire camp was burnt,
-together with many soldiers who tried to arrest the conflagration.
-So distracting was the terror occasioned by this catastrophe, that
-the whole Carthaginian army for the time dispersed; and Agathokles,
-had he been prepared, might have destroyed them. But it happened that
-at the same hour, his own<span class="pagenum" id="Page_443">[p.
-443]</span> camp was thrown into utter confusion by a different
-accident, rendering his soldiers incapable of being brought into
-action.<a id="FNanchor_1027" href="#Footnote_1027"
-class="fnanchor">[1027]</a></p>
-
-<p>His position at Tunês had now become desperate. His Libyan allies
-had all declared against him, after the recent defeat. He could
-neither continue to hold Tunês, nor carry away his troops to Sicily;
-for he had but few vessels, and the Carthaginians were masters at
-sea. Seeing no resource, he resolved to embark secretly with his
-younger son Herakleides; abandoning Archagathus and the army to their
-fate. But Archagathus and the other officers, suspecting his purpose,
-were thoroughly resolved that the man who had brought them into
-destruction should not thus slip away and betray them. As Agathokles
-was on the point of going aboard at night, he found himself watched,
-arrested, and held prisoner, by the indignant soldiery. The whole
-town now became a scene of disorder and tumult, aggravated by the
-rumor that the enemy were marching up to attack them. Amidst the
-general alarm, the guards who had been set over Agathokles, thinking
-his services indispensable for defence, brought him out with his
-fetters still on. When the soldiers saw him in this condition,
-their sentiment towards him again reverted to pity and admiration,
-notwithstanding his projected desertion; moreover they hoped for his
-guidance to resist the impending attack. With one voice they called
-upon the guards to strike off his chains and set him free. Agathokles
-was again at liberty. But insensible to everything except his own
-personal safety, he presently stole away, leaped unperceived into a
-skiff, with a few attendants, but without either of his sons,—and was
-lucky enough to arrive, in spite of stormy November weather, on the
-coast of Sicily.<a id="FNanchor_1028" href="#Footnote_1028"
-class="fnanchor">[1028]</a></p>
-
-<p>So terrible was the fury of the soldiers, on discovering that
-Agathokles had accomplished his desertion, that they slew both
-his sons, Archagathus and Herakleides. No resource was left but
-to elect new generals, and make the best terms they could<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_444">[p. 444]</span> with Carthage. They
-were still a formidable body, retaining in their hands various
-other towns besides Tunês; so that the Carthaginians, relieved
-from all fear of Agathokles, thought it prudent to grant an easy
-capitulation. It was agreed that all the towns should be restored
-to the Carthaginians, on payment of 300 talents; that such soldiers
-as chose to enter into the African service of Carthage, should
-be received on full pay; but that such as preferred returning to
-Sicily should be transported thither, with permission to reside in
-the Carthaginian town of Solus (or Soluntum). On these terms the
-convention was concluded, and the army finally broken up. Some indeed
-among the Grecian garrisons, quartered in the outlying posts, being
-rash enough to dissent and hold out, were besieged and taken by the
-Carthaginian force. Their commanders were crucified, and the soldiers
-condemned to rural work as fettered slaves.<a id="FNanchor_1029"
-href="#Footnote_1029" class="fnanchor">[1029]</a></p>
-
-<p>Thus miserably terminated the expedition of Agathokles to
-Africa, after an interval of four years from the time of his
-landing. By the <i>vana mirantes</i>,<a id="FNanchor_1030"
-href="#Footnote_1030" class="fnanchor">[1030]</a> who looked out
-for curious coincidences (probably Timæus), it was remarked, that
-his ultimate flight, with the slaughter of his two sons, occurred
-exactly on the same day of the year following his assassination
-of Ophellas.<a id="FNanchor_1031" href="#Footnote_1031"
-class="fnanchor">[1031]</a> Ancient writers extol, with good
-reason, the bold and striking conception of transferring the war
-to Africa, at the very moment when he was himself besieged in
-Syracuse by a superior Carthaginian force. But while admitting
-the military resource, skill, and energy, of Agathokles, we must
-not forget that his success in Africa was materially furthered by
-the treasonable conduct of the Carthaginian general Bomilkar—an
-accidental coincidence in point of time. Nor is it to be overlooked,
-that Agathokles missed the opportunity of turning his first success
-to account, at a moment when the Carthaginians would probably have
-purchased his evacuation of Africa by making large concessions to
-him in Sicily.<a id="FNanchor_1032" href="#Footnote_1032"
-class="fnanchor">[1032]</a> He imprudently persisted in the war,
-though<span class="pagenum" id="Page_445">[p. 445]</span> the
-complete conquest of Carthage was beyond his strength—and though
-it was still more beyond his strength to prosecute effective war,
-simultaneously and for a long time, in Sicily and in Africa. The
-African subjects of Carthage were not attached to her; but neither
-were they attached to him;—nor, on the long run, did they do him any
-serious good. Agathokles is a man of force and fraud—consummate in
-the use of both. His whole life is a series of successful adventures,
-and strokes of bold ingenuity to extricate himself from difficulties;
-but there is wanting in him all predetermined general plan, or
-measured range of ambition, to which these single exploits might be
-made subservient.</p>
-
-<p>After his passage from Africa, Agathokles landed on the western
-corner of Sicily near the town of Egesta, which was then in alliance
-with him. He sent to Syracuse for a reinforcement. But he was
-hard pressed for money; he suspected, or pretended to suspect,
-the Egestæans of disaffection; accordingly, on receiving his new
-force, he employed it to commit revolting massacre and plunder in
-Egesta. The town is reported to have contained 10,000 citizens.
-Of these Agathokles caused the poorer men to be for the most part
-murdered; the richer were cruelly tortured, and even their wives
-tortured and mutilated, to compel revelations of concealed wealth;
-the children of both sexes were transported to Italy, and there
-sold as slaves to the Bruttians. The original population being
-thus nearly extirpated, Agathokles changed the name of the town to
-Dikæopolis, assigning it as a residence to such deserters as might
-join him.<a id="FNanchor_1033" href="#Footnote_1033"
-class="fnanchor">[1033]</a> This atrocity, more suitable to
-Africa<a id="FNanchor_1034" href="#Footnote_1034"
-class="fnanchor">[1034]</a> than Greece (where the mutilation
-of women is almost unheard of), was probably the way in which
-his savage pride obtained some kind of retaliatory satisfaction
-for the recent calamity and humiliation in Africa. Under the
-like<span class="pagenum" id="Page_446">[p. 446]</span> sentiment,
-he perpetrated another deed of blood at Syracuse. Having learnt
-that the soldiers, whom he had deserted at Tunês, had after his
-departure put to death his two sons, he gave orders to Antander
-his brother (viceroy of Syracuse), to massacre all the relatives
-of those Syracusans who had served him in the African expedition.
-This order was fulfilled by Antander (we are assured) accurately
-and to the letter. Neither age or sex—grandsire or infant—wife or
-mother—were spared by the Agathoklean executioners. We may be sure
-that their properties were plundered at the same time; we hear of no
-mutilations.<a id="FNanchor_1035" href="#Footnote_1035"
-class="fnanchor">[1035]</a></p>
-
-<p>Still Agathokles tried to maintain his hold on the Sicilian towns
-which remained to him; but his cruelties as well as his reverses
-had produced a strong sentiment against him, and even his general
-Pasiphilus revolted to join Deinokrates. That exile was now at the
-head of an army stated at 20,000 men, the most formidable military
-force in Sicily; so that Agathokles, feeling the inadequacy of his
-own means, sent to solicit peace, and to offer tempting conditions.
-He announced his readiness to evacuate Syracuse altogether, and
-to be content, if two maritime towns on the northern coast of the
-island—Therma and Kephaloidion—were assigned to his mercenaries and
-himself. Under this proposition, Deinokrates, and the other Syracusan
-exiles, had the opportunity of entering Syracuse, and reconstituting
-the free city-government. Had Deinokrates been another Timoleon, the
-city might now have acquired and enjoyed another temporary sunshine
-of autonomy and prosperity; but his ambition was thoroughly selfish.
-As commander of this large army, he enjoyed a station of power and
-license such as he was not likely to obtain under the reconstituted
-city-government of Syracuse. He therefore evaded the propositions of
-Agathokles, requiring still larger concessions; until at length the
-Syracusan exiles in his own army (partly instigated by emissaries
-from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_447">[p. 447]</span> Agathokles
-himself) began to suspect his selfish projects, and to waver in
-their fidelity to him. Meanwhile Agathokles, being repudiated by
-Deinokrates, addressed himself to the Carthaginians, and concluded
-a treaty with them, restoring or guaranteeing to them all the
-possessions that they had ever enjoyed in Sicily. In return for
-this concession, he received from them a sum of money, and a large
-supply of corn.<a id="FNanchor_1036" href="#Footnote_1036"
-class="fnanchor">[1036]</a></p>
-
-<p>Relieved from Carthaginian hostility, Agathokles presently
-ventured to march against the army of Deinokrates. The latter was
-indeed greatly superior in strength, but many of his soldiers
-were now lukewarm or disaffected, and Agathokles had established
-among them correspondences upon which he could rely. At a great
-battle fought near Torgium, many of them went over on the field to
-Agathokles, giving to him a complete victory. The army of Deinokrates
-was completely dispersed. Shortly afterwards a considerable body
-among them (4000 men, or 7000 men, according to different statements)
-surrendered to the victor on terms. As soon as they had delivered up
-their arms, Agathokles, regardless of his covenant, caused them to be
-surrounded by his own army, and massacred.<a id="FNanchor_1037"
-href="#Footnote_1037" class="fnanchor">[1037]</a></p>
-
-<p>It appears as if the recent victory had been the result of a
-secret and treacherous compact between Agathokles and Deinokrates;
-and as if the prisoners massacred by Agathokles were those of
-whom Deinokrates wished to rid himself as malcontents; for
-immediately after the battle, a reconciliation took place between
-the two. Agathokles admitted the other as a sort of partner in his
-despotism; while Deinokrates not only brought into the partnership
-all the military means and strong posts which he had been two
-years in acquiring, but also betrayed to Agathokles the revolted
-general Pasiphilus with the town of Gela occupied by the latter.
-It is noticed as singular, that Agathokles, generally faithless
-and unscrupulous towards both friends and enemies, kept up the
-best understanding and confidence with Deinokrates to the end of
-his life.<a id="FNanchor_1038" href="#Footnote_1038"
-class="fnanchor">[1038]</a></p>
-
-<p>The despot had now regained full power at Syracuse, together<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_448">[p. 448]</span> with a great extent
-of dominion in Sicily. The remainder of his restless existence
-was spent in operations of hostility or plunder against more
-northerly enemies—the Liparæan isles<a id="FNanchor_1039"
-href="#Footnote_1039" class="fnanchor">[1039]</a>—the Italian
-cities and the Bruttians—the island of Korkyra. We are unable to
-follow his proceedings in detail. He was threatened with a formidable
-attack<a id="FNanchor_1040" href="#Footnote_1040"
-class="fnanchor">[1040]</a> by the Spartan prince Kleonymus, who
-was invited by the Tarentines to aid them against the Lucanians
-and Romans. But Kleonymus found enough to occupy him elsewhere,
-without visiting Sicily. He collected a considerable force on the
-coast of Italy, undertook operations with success against the
-Lucanians, and even captured the town of Thurii. But the Romans,
-now pushing their intervention even to the Tarentine Gulf, drove
-him off and retook the town; moreover his own behavior was so
-tyrannical and profligate, as to draw upon him universal hatred.
-Returning from Italy to Korkyra, Kleonymus made himself master of
-that important island, intending to employ it as a base of operations
-both against Greece and against Italy.<a id="FNanchor_1041"
-href="#Footnote_1041" class="fnanchor">[1041]</a> He failed
-however in various expeditions both in the Tarentine Gulf and
-the Adriatic. Demetrius Poliorketes and Kassander alike tried to
-conclude an alliance with him; but in vain.<a id="FNanchor_1042"
-href="#Footnote_1042" class="fnanchor">[1042]</a> At a
-subsequent period, Korkyra was besieged by Kassander with a large
-naval and military force; Kleonymus then retired (or perhaps had
-previously retired) to Sparta. Kassander, having reduced the island
-to great straits,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_449">[p. 449]</span>
-was on the point of taking it, when it was relieved by Agathokles
-with a powerful armament. That despot was engaged in operations on
-the coast of Italy against the Bruttians when his aid to Korkyra
-was solicited; he destroyed most part of the Macedonian fleet,
-and then seized the island for himself.<a id="FNanchor_1043"
-href="#Footnote_1043" class="fnanchor">[1043]</a> On returning
-from this victorious expedition to the Italian coast, where he
-had left a detachment of his Ligurian and Tuscan mercenaries, he
-was informed that these mercenaries had been turbulent during
-his absence, in demanding the pay due to them from his grandson
-Archagathus. He caused them all to be slain, to the number of
-2000.<a id="FNanchor_1044" href="#Footnote_1044"
-class="fnanchor">[1044]</a></p>
-
-<p>As far as we can trace the events of the last years of
-Agathokles, we find him seizing the towns of Kroton and
-Hipponia in Italy, establishing an alliance with Demetrius
-Poliorketes,<a id="FNanchor_1045" href="#Footnote_1045"
-class="fnanchor">[1045]</a> and giving his daughter Lanassa in
-marriage to the youthful Pyrrhus king of Epirus. At the age of
-seventy-two, still in the plenitude of vigor as well as of power,
-he was projecting a fresh expedition against the Carthaginians in
-Africa, with two hundred of the largest ships of war, when his career
-was brought to a close by sickness and by domestic enemies.</p>
-
-<p>He proclaimed as future successor to his dominion, his son, named
-Agathokles; but Archagathus his grandson (son of Archagathus who had
-perished in Africa), a young prince of more conspicuous qualities,
-had already been singled out for the most important command, and was
-now at the head of the army near Ætna. The old Agathokles, wishing to
-strengthen the hands of his intended successor, sent his favored son
-Agathokles to Ætna, with written orders directing that Archagathus
-should yield up to him the command. Archagathus, noway disposed to
-obey, invited his uncle Agathokles to a banquet, and killed him;
-after which he contrived the poisoning of his grandfather the old
-despot himself. The instrument of his purpose was Mænon; a citizen
-of Egesta, enslaved at the time when Agathokles massacred most of
-the Egestæan population. The beauty of his person procured him much
-favor with Agathokles; but he had never for<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_450">[p. 450]</span>gotten, and had always been anxious to
-avenge, the bloody outrage on his fellow-citizens. To accomplish
-this purpose, the opportunity was now opened to him, together with a
-promise of protection, through Archagathus. He accordingly poisoned
-Agathokles, as we are told, by means of a medicated quill, handed to
-him for cleaning his teeth after dinner.<a id="FNanchor_1046"
-href="#Footnote_1046" class="fnanchor">[1046]</a> Combining
-together the various accounts, it seems probable that Agathokles
-was at the time sick—that this sickness may have been the reason
-why he was so anxious to strengthen the position of his intended
-successor—and that his death was as much the effect of his malady
-as of the poison. Archagathus, after murdering his uncle, seems by
-means of his army to have made himself real master of the Syracusan
-power; while the old despot, defenceless on a sick bed, could do
-no more than provide for the safety of his Egyptian wife Theoxena
-and his two young children, by despatching them on shipboard with
-all his rich movable treasures to Alexandria. Having secured
-this object, amidst extreme grief on the part of those around,
-he expired.<a id="FNanchor_1047" href="#Footnote_1047"
-class="fnanchor">[1047]</a></p>
-
-<p>The great lines in the character of Agathokles are well marked.
-He was of the stamp of Gelon and the elder Dionysius—a soldier of
-fortune, who raised himself from the meanest beginnings to the summit
-of political power—and who, in the acquisition as well as maintenance
-of that power, displayed an extent of energy, perseverance, and
-military resource, not surpassed by any one, even of the generals
-formed in Alexander’s school. He was an adept in that art at which
-all aspiring men of his age aimed—the handling of mercenary soldiers
-for the extinction of political liberty and security at home, and
-for predatory aggrandizement abroad. I have already noticed the
-opinion delivered by Scipio Africanus—that the elder Dionysius and
-Agathokles were the most daring, sagacious, and capable men of
-action<span class="pagenum" id="Page_451">[p. 451]</span> within
-his knowledge.<a id="FNanchor_1048" href="#Footnote_1048"
-class="fnanchor">[1048]</a> Apart from this enterprising genius,
-employed in the service of unmeasured personal ambition, we
-know nothing of Agathokles except his sanguinary, faithless,
-and nefarious dispositions; in which attributes also he stands
-pre-eminent, above all his known contemporaries, and above nearly all
-predecessors.<a id="FNanchor_1049" href="#Footnote_1049"
-class="fnanchor">[1049]</a> Notwithstanding his often-proved
-perfidy, he seems to have had a joviality and apparent simplicity
-of manner (the same is recounted of Cæsar Borgia) which amused
-men and put them off their guard, throwing them perpetually into
-his trap.<a id="FNanchor_1050" href="#Footnote_1050"
-class="fnanchor">[1050]</a></p>
-
-<p>Agathokles, however, though among the worst of Greeks, was yet
-a Greek. During his government of thirty-two years, the course
-of events in Sicily continued under Hellenic agency, without the
-preponderant intervention of any foreign power. The power of
-Agathokles indeed rested mainly on foreign mercenaries; but so
-had that of Dionysius and Gelon before him;<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_452">[p. 452]</span> and he as well as they, kept up
-vigorously the old conflict against the Carthaginian power in
-the island. Grecian history in Sicily thus continues down to the
-death of Agathokles; but it continues no longer. After his death,
-Hellenic power and interests become incapable of self-support,
-and sink into a secondary and subservient position, overridden or
-contended for by foreigners. Syracuse and the other cities passed
-from one despot to another, and were torn with discord arising
-out of the crowds of foreign mercenaries who had obtained footing
-among them. At the same time, the Carthaginians made increased
-efforts to push their conquests in the island, without finding
-any sufficient internal resistance; so that they would have taken
-Syracuse, and made Sicily their own, had not Pyrrhus king of Epirus
-(the son-in-law of Agathokles) interposed to arrest their progress.
-From this time forward, the Greeks of Sicily become a prize to be
-contended for—first between the Carthaginians and Pyrrhus—next,
-between the Carthaginians and Romans<a id="FNanchor_1051"
-href="#Footnote_1051" class="fnanchor">[1051]</a>—until at
-length they dwindle into subjects of Rome; corn-growers for the Roman
-plebs, clients under the patronage of the Roman Marcelli, victims of
-the rapacity of Verres, and suppliants for the tutelary eloquence of
-Cicero. The historian of self-acting Hellas loses sight of them at
-the death of Agathokles.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter pt3" id="Chap_98">
-  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_453">[p. 453]</span></p>
-  <h2 class="nobreak">CHAPTER XCVIII.<br />
-    OUTLYING HELLENIC CITIES.</h2>
-  <hr class="sep" />
-  <div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-    <p class="i0">1&nbsp; &nbsp;IN GAUL AND SPAIN.</p>
-    <p class="i0">2&nbsp; &nbsp;ON THE COAST OF THE EUXINE.</p>
-  </div></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">To</span> complete the picture of the
-Hellenic world while yet in its period of full life, in freedom
-and self-action, or even during its decline into the half-life
-of a dependent condition—we must say a few words respecting some
-of its members lying apart from the general history, yet of not
-inconsiderable importance. The Greeks of Massalia formed its western
-wing; the Pontic Greeks (those on the shores of the Euxine), its
-eastern; both of them the outermost radiations of Hellenism, where it
-was always militant against foreign elements, and often adulterated
-by them. It is indeed little that we have the means of saying; but
-that little must not be left unsaid.</p>
-
-<p>In my third volume (ch. xxii. p. 397), I briefly noticed the
-foundation and first proceedings of Massalia (the modern Marseilles),
-on the Mediterranean coast of Gaul or Liguria. This Ionic city,
-founded by the enterprising Phokæans of Asia Minor, a little before
-their own seaboard was subjugated by the Persians, had a life and
-career of its own, apart from those political events which determined
-the condition of its Hellenic sisters in Asia, Peloponnesus, Italy,
-or Sicily. The Massaliots maintained their own relations of commerce,
-friendship or hostility with their barbaric neighbors, the Ligurians,
-Gauls, and Iberians, without becoming involved in the larger
-political confederacies of the Hellenic world. They carried out from
-their mother-city established habits of adventurous coast navigation
-and commercial activity. Their situation, distant from other Greeks
-and sustained by a force hardly sufficient even for defence,
-imposed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_454">[p. 454]</span> upon them
-the necessity both of political harmony at home, and of prudence and
-persuasive agency in their mode of dealing with neighbors. That they
-were found equal to this necessity, appears sufficiently attested by
-the few general statements transmitted in respect to them; though
-their history in its details is unknown. Their city was strong by
-position, situated upon a promontory washed on three sides by the
-sea, well-fortified, and possessing a convenient harbor securely
-closed against enemies.<a id="FNanchor_1052" href="#Footnote_1052"
-class="fnanchor">[1052]</a> The domain around it however appears
-not to have been large, nor did their population extend itself much
-into the interior. The land around was less adapted for corn than
-for the vine and the olive; wine was supplied by the Massaliots
-throughout Gaul.<a id="FNanchor_1053" href="#Footnote_1053"
-class="fnanchor">[1053]</a> It was on shipboard that their courage
-and skill was chiefly displayed; it was by maritime enterprise that
-their power, their wealth, and their colonial expansion was obtained.
-In an age when piracy was common, the Massaliot ships and seamen
-were effective in attack and defence not less than in transport and
-commercial interchange; while their numerous maritime successes were
-attested by many trophies adorning the temples.<a id="FNanchor_1054"
-href="#Footnote_1054" class="fnanchor">[1054]</a> The city contained
-docks and arsenals admirably provided with provisions, stores, arms,
-and all the various muniments of naval war.<a id="FNanchor_1055"
-href="#Footnote_1055" class="fnanchor">[1055]</a> Except the
-Phenicians and Carthaginians, these Massaliots were the only
-enterprising mariners in the Western Mediterranean; from the year 500
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> downward, after the energy of the Ionic
-Greeks had been crushed by inland potentates. The Iberian and Gallic
-tribes were essentially landsmen, not occupying permanent stations on
-the coast, nor having any vocation for the sea; but the Ligurians,
-though chiefly mountaineers, were annoying neighbors to Massalia as
-well by their piracies at sea as from their depredations by land.<a
-id="FNanchor_1056" href="#Footnote_1056" class="fnanchor">[1056]</a>
-To all these landsmen, however, depredators as they were, the visit
-of the trader soon made itself felt as a want, both for import<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_455">[p. 455]</span> and export; and
-to this want the Massaliots, with their colonies, were the only
-ministers, along the Gulfs of Genoa and Lyons, from Luna (the
-frontier of Tuscany) to the Dianium (Cape della Nao) in Spain.<a
-id="FNanchor_1057" href="#Footnote_1057" class="fnanchor">[1057]</a>
-It was not until the first century before the Christian era that they
-were outstripped in this career by Narbon, and a few other neighbors,
-exalted into Roman colonies.</p>
-
-<p>Along the coast on both sides of their own city, the Massaliots
-planted colonies, each commended to the protection, and consecrated
-by the statue and peculiar rites, of their own patron goddess,
-the Ephesian Artemis.<a id="FNanchor_1058" href="#Footnote_1058"
-class="fnanchor">[1058]</a> Towards the east were Tauroentium,
-Olbia, Antipolis, Nikæa, and the Portus Monœki; towards the west,
-on the coast of Spain, were Rhoda, Emporiæ, Alônê, Hemeroskopium,
-and Artemisium or Dianium. These colonies were established chiefly
-on outlying capes or sometimes islets, at once near and safe; they
-were intended more as shelter and accommodation for maritime traffic,
-and as depots for trade with the interior,—than for the purpose of
-spreading inland, and including a numerous outlying population round
-the walls. The circumstances of Emporiæ were the most remarkable.
-That town was built originally on a little uninhabited islet off the
-coast of Iberia; after a certain interval, it became extended to the
-adjoining mainland, and a body of native Iberians were admitted to
-joint residence within the new-walled circuit there established. This
-new circuit however was divided in half by an intervening wall, on
-one side of which dwelt the Iberians, on the other side the Greeks.
-One gate alone was permitted, for intercommunication, guarded night
-and day by appointed magistrates, one of whom was perpetually on
-the spot. Every night, one third of the Greek citizens kept guard
-on the walls, or at least held themselves prepared to do so. How
-long these strict and fatiguing precautions were found necessary,
-we do not know; but after a certain time they were relaxed, and
-the intervening wall disappeared, so that Greeks and Iberians
-freely coalesced into one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_456">[p.
-456]</span> community.<a id="FNanchor_1059" href="#Footnote_1059"
-class="fnanchor">[1059]</a> It is not often that we are allowed
-to see so much in detail the early difficulties and dangers of a
-Grecian colony. Massalia itself was situated under nearly similar
-circumstances among the rude Ligurian Salyes; we hear of these
-Ligurians hiring themselves as laborers to dig on the fields of
-Massaliot proprietors.<a id="FNanchor_1060" href="#Footnote_1060"
-class="fnanchor">[1060]</a> The various tribes of Ligurians,
-Gauls, and Iberians extended down to the coast, so that there was
-no safe road along it, nor any communication except by sea, until
-the conquests of the Romans in the second and first century before
-the Christian era.<a id="FNanchor_1061" href="#Footnote_1061"
-class="fnanchor">[1061]</a></p>
-
-<p>The government of Massalia was oligarchical, carried on chiefly by
-a Senate or Great Council of Six Hundred (called Timuchi), elected
-for life—and by a small council of fifteen, chosen among this
-larger body to take turn in executive duties.<a id="FNanchor_1062"
-href="#Footnote_1062" class="fnanchor">[1062]</a> The public
-habits of the administrators are said to have been extremely
-vigilant and circumspect; the private habits of the citizens,
-frugal and temperate—a maximum being fixed by law for dowries and
-marriage-ceremonies.<a id="FNanchor_1063" href="#Footnote_1063"
-class="fnanchor">[1063]</a> They were careful in their dealings
-with the native tribes, with whom they appear to have maintained
-relations generally friendly. The historian Ephorus (whose
-history closed about 340 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>) represented
-the Gauls as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_457">[p. 457]</span>
-especially phil-hellenic;<a id="FNanchor_1064" href="#Footnote_1064"
-class="fnanchor">[1064]</a> an impression which he could hardly
-have derived from any but Massaliot informants. The Massaliots (who
-in the first century before Christ were <i>trilingues</i>, speaking
-Greek, Latin, and Gallic<a id="FNanchor_1065" href="#Footnote_1065"
-class="fnanchor">[1065]</a>) contributed to engraft upon these
-unlettered men a certain refinement and variety of wants, and to lay
-the foundation of that taste for letters which afterwards became
-largely diffused throughout the Roman Province of Gaul. At sea, and
-in traffic, the Phenicians and Carthaginians were their formidable
-rivals. This was among the causes which threw them betimes into
-alliance and active co-operation with Rome, under whose rule they
-obtained favorable treatment, when the blessing of freedom was no
-longer within their reach.</p>
-
-<p>Enough is known about Massalia to show that the city was a
-genuine specimen of Hellenism and Hellenic influences—acting not
-by force or constraint, but simply by superior intelligence and
-activity—by power of ministering to wants which must otherwise have
-remained unsupplied—and by the assimilating effect of a lettered
-civilization upon ruder neighbors. This is the more to be noticed
-as it contrasts strikingly with the Macedonian influences which
-have occupied so much of the present volume; force admirably
-organized and wielded by Alexander, yet still nothing but force.
-The loss of all details respecting the history of Massalia is
-greatly to be lamented; and hardly less, that of the writings of
-Pytheas, an intelligent Massaliotic navigator, who, at this early
-age (330-320 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>),<a id="FNanchor_1066"
-href="#Footnote_1066" class="fnanchor">[1066]</a> with an
-adventurous<span class="pagenum" id="Page_458">[p. 458]</span>
-boldness even more than Phokæan, sailed through the Pillars of
-Herakles and from thence northward along the coast of Spain, Gaul,
-Britain, Germany—perhaps yet farther. Probably no Greek except a
-Massaliot could have accomplished such a voyage; which in his case
-deserves the greater sympathy, as there was no other reward for the
-difficulties and dangers braved, except the gratification of an
-intelligent curiosity. It seems plain that the publication of his
-“Survey of the Earth”—much consulted by Eratosthenes, though the
-criticisms which have reached us through Polybius and Strabo dwell
-chiefly upon its mistakes, real or supposed—made an epoch in ancient
-geographical knowledge.</p>
-
-<p>From the western wing of the Hellenic world, we pass to the
-eastern—the Euxine Sea. Of the Pentapolis on its western coast
-south of the Danube (Apollonia, Mesembria, Kallatis, Odessus, and
-probably Istrus)—and of Tyras near the mouth of the river so called
-(now Dniester)—we have little to record, though Istrus and Apollonia
-were among the towns whose political constitutions Aristotle thought
-worthy of his examination.<a id="FNanchor_1067" href="#Footnote_1067"
-class="fnanchor">[1067]</a> But Herakleia on the south coast, and
-Pantikapæum or Bosporus between the Euxine and the Palus Mæotis (now
-Sea of Azof), are not thus unknown to history; nor can Sinôpê (on the
-south coast) and Olbia (on the north-west) be altogether passed over.
-Though lying apart from the political headship of Athens or Sparta,
-all these cities were legitimate members of the Hellenic brotherhood.
-All supplied spectators and competitors for the<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_459">[p. 459]</span> Pan-hellenic festivals—pupils to the
-rhetors and philosophers—purchasers, and sometimes even rivals, to
-the artists. All too were (like Massalia and Kyrênê) adulterated
-partially—Olbia and Bosporus considerably—by admixture of a
-non-hellenic element.</p>
-
-<p>Of Sinôpê, and its three dependent colonies Kotyôra, Kerasus,
-and Trapezus, I have already said something,<a id="FNanchor_1068"
-href="#Footnote_1068" class="fnanchor">[1068]</a> in describing
-the retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks. Like Massalia with its
-dependencies Antipolis, Nikæa, and others—Sinôpê enjoyed not merely
-practical independence, but considerable prosperity and local
-dignity, at the time when Xenophon and his companions marched through
-those regions. The citizens were on terms of equal alliance, mutually
-advantageous, with Korylas prince of Paphlagonia, on the borders
-of whose territory they dwelt. It is probable that they figured on
-the tribute list of the Persian king as a portion of Paphlagonia,
-and paid an annual sum; but here ended their subjection. Their
-behavior towards the Ten Thousand Greeks, pronounced enemies of the
-Persian king, was that of an independent city. Neither they, nor
-even the inland Paphlagonians, warlike and turbulent, were molested
-with Persian governors or military occupation.<a id="FNanchor_1069"
-href="#Footnote_1069" class="fnanchor">[1069]</a> Alexander however
-numbered them among the subjects of Persia; and it is a remarkable
-fact, that envoys from Sinôpê were found remaining with Darius almost
-to his last hour, after he had become a conquered fugitive, and had
-lost his armies, his capitals, and his treasures. These Sinopian
-envoys fell into the hands of Alexander; who set them at liberty
-with the remark, that since they were not members of the Hellenic
-confederacy, but subjects of Persia—their presence as envoys near
-Darius was very excusable.<a id="FNanchor_1070" href="#Footnote_1070"
-class="fnanchor">[1070]</a> The position of Sinôpê placed her out
-of the direct range of the hostilities carried on by Alexander’s
-successors against each other; and the ancient Kappadokian princes
-of the Mithridatic family (professedly descendants of the Persian
-Achæ<span class="pagenum" id="Page_460">[p. 460]</span>menidæ),<a
-id="FNanchor_1071" href="#Footnote_1071" class="fnanchor">[1071]</a>
-who ultimately ripened into the king of Pontus, had not become
-sufficiently powerful to swallow up her independence until the reign
-of Pharnakes, in the second century before Christ. Sinôpê then
-passed under his dominion; exchanging (like others) the condition of
-a free Grecian city for that of a subject of the barbaric kings of
-Pontus, with a citadel and mercenary garrison to keep her citizens in
-obedience. We know nothing however of the intermediate events.</p>
-
-<p>Respecting the Pontic Herakleia, our ignorance is not so complete.
-That city—much nearer than Sinôpê to the mouth of the Thracian
-Bosporus, and distant by sea from Byzantium only one long day’s
-voyage of a rowboat—was established by Megarians and Bœotians
-on the coast of the Mariandyni. These natives were subdued, and
-reduced to a kind of serfdom; whereby they became slaves, yet with
-a proviso that they should never be sold out of the territory.
-Adjoining, on the westward, between Herakleia and Byzantium, were
-the Bithynian Thracians—villagers not merely independent, but
-warlike and fierce wreckers, who cruelly maltreated any Greeks
-stranded on their coast.<a id="FNanchor_1072" href="#Footnote_1072"
-class="fnanchor">[1072]</a> We are told in general terms that the
-government of Herakleia was oligarchical;<a id="FNanchor_1073"
-href="#Footnote_1073" class="fnanchor">[1073]</a> perhaps in the
-hands of the descendants of the principal original colonists, who
-partitioned among themselves the territory with its Mariandynian
-serfs, and who formed a small but rich minority among the total
-population. We hear of them as powerful at sea, and as being
-able to man, through their numerous serfs, a considerable fleet,
-with which they invaded the territory of Leukon prince of the
-Kimmerian Bosporus.<a id="FNanchor_1074" href="#Footnote_1074"
-class="fnanchor">[1074]</a> They were also engaged in land-war with
-Mithridates,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_461">[p. 461]</span> a
-prince of the ancient Persian family established as district rulers
-in Northern Kappadokia.<a id="FNanchor_1075" href="#Footnote_1075"
-class="fnanchor">[1075]</a></p>
-
-<p>Towards 380-370 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, the Herakleots became
-disturbed by violent party-contentions within the city. As far as we
-can divine from a few obscure hints, these contentions began among
-the oligarchy themselves;<a id="FNanchor_1076" href="#Footnote_1076"
-class="fnanchor">[1076]</a> some of whom opposed, and partially
-threw open, a close political monopoly—yet not without a struggle,
-in the course of which an energetic citizen named Klearchus was
-banished. Presently however the contest assumed larger dimensions;
-the plebs sought admission into the constitution, and are even said
-to have required abolition of debts with a redivision of the lands.<a
-id="FNanchor_1077" href="#Footnote_1077" class="fnanchor">[1077]</a>
-A democratical constitution was established; but it was speedily
-menaced by conspiracies of the rich, to guard against which, the
-classification of the citizens was altered. Instead of three tribes,
-and four centuries, all were distributed anew into sixty-four
-centuries; the tribes being discontinued. It would appear that in the
-original four centuries, the rich men had been so enrolled as to form
-separate military divisions (probably their rustic serfs being armed
-along with them)—-while the three tribes had contained all the rest
-of the people; so that the effect of thus multiplying the centuries
-was, to divest the rich of their separate military enrolment,
-and to disseminate them in many different regiments along with a
-greater number of poor.<a id="FNanchor_1078" href="#Footnote_1078"
-class="fnanchor">[1078]</a></p>
-
-<p>Still however the demands of the people were not fully granted,
-and dissension continued. Not merely the poorer citizens, but also
-the population of serfs—homogeneous, speaking the same language, and
-sympathizing with each other, like Helots or<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_462">[p. 462]</span> Penestæ—when once agitated by the hope
-of liberty, were with difficulty appeased. The government, though
-greatly democratized, found itself unable to maintain tranquillity,
-and invoked assistance from without. Application was made first,
-to the Athenian Timotheus—next, to the Theban Epaminondas; but
-neither of them would interfere—nor was there, indeed, any motive
-to tempt them. At length application was made to the exiled citizen
-Klearchus.</p>
-
-<p>This exile, now about forty years of age, intelligent, audacious
-and unprincipled, had passed four years at Athens partly in
-hearing the lessons of Plato and Isokrates—and had watched with
-emulous curiosity the brilliant fortune of the despot Dionysius
-at Syracuse, in whom both these philosophers took interest.<a
-id="FNanchor_1079" href="#Footnote_1079" class="fnanchor">[1079]</a>
-During his banishment, moreover, he had done what was common with
-Grecian exiles; he had taken service with the enemy of his native
-city, the neighboring prince Mithridates,<a id="FNanchor_1080"
-href="#Footnote_1080" class="fnanchor">[1080]</a> and probably
-enough against the city itself. As an officer, he distinguished
-himself much; acquiring renown with the prince and influence<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_463">[p. 463]</span> over the minds of
-soldiers. Hence his friends, and a party in Herakleia, became
-anxious to recall him, as moderator and protector under the
-grievous political discords prevailing. It was the oligarchical
-party who invited him to come back, at the head of a body of
-troops, as their auxiliary in keeping down the plebs. Klearchus
-accepted their invitation; but with the full purpose of making
-himself the Dionysius of Herakleia. Obtaining from Mithridates a
-powerful body of mercenaries, under secret promise to hold the
-city only as his prefect, he marched thither with the proclaimed
-purpose of maintaining order, and upholding the government. As
-his mercenary soldiers were soon found troublesome companions,
-he obtained permission to construct a separate stronghold in
-the city, under color of keeping them apart in the stricter
-discipline of a barrack.<a id="FNanchor_1081" href="#Footnote_1081"
-class="fnanchor">[1081]</a> Having thus secured a strong position,
-he invited Mithridates into the city, to receive the promised
-possession; but instead of performing this engagement, he detained
-the prince as prisoner, and only released him on payment of a
-considerable ransom. He next cheated, still more grossly, the
-oligarchy who had recalled him; denouncing their past misrule,
-declaring himself their mortal enemy, and espousing the pretensions
-as well as the antipathies of the plebs. The latter willingly
-seconded him in his measures—even extreme measures of cruelty and
-spoliation—against their political enemies. A large number of
-the rich were killed, imprisoned, or impoverished and banished;
-their slaves or serfs, too, were not only manumitted by order of
-the new despot, but also married to the wives and daughters of
-the exiles. The most tragical scenes arose out of these forced
-marriages; many of the women even killed themselves, some after
-having first killed their new husbands. Among the exiles, a party,
-driven to despair, procured assistance from without, and tried to
-obtain by force readmittance into the city; but they were totally
-defeated<span class="pagenum" id="Page_464">[p. 464]</span>
-by Klearchus, who after this victory became more brutal and
-unrelenting than ever.<a id="FNanchor_1082" href="#Footnote_1082"
-class="fnanchor">[1082]</a></p>
-
-<p>He was now in irresistible power; despot of the whole city, plebs
-as well as oligarchy. Such he continued to be for twelve years;
-during which he displayed great warlike energy against exterior
-enemies, together with unabated cruelty towards the citizens. He
-farther indulged in the most overweening insolence of personal
-demeanor, adopting an Oriental costume and ornaments, and proclaiming
-himself the son of Zeus—as Alexander the Great did after him. Amidst
-all these enormities, however, his literary tastes did not forsake
-him; he collected a library, at that time a very rare possession.<a
-id="FNanchor_1083" href="#Footnote_1083" class="fnanchor">[1083]</a>
-Many were the conspiracies attempted by suffering citizens against
-this tyrant; but his vigilance baffled and punished all. At length
-two young men, Chion and Leonidas (they too having been among the
-hearers of Plato), found an opportunity to stab him at a Dionysiac
-festival. They, with those who seconded them, were slain by his
-guards, after a gallant resistance; but Klearchus himself died of
-the wound, in torture and mental remorse.<a id="FNanchor_1084"
-href="#Footnote_1084" class="fnanchor">[1084]</a></p>
-
-<p>His death unfortunately brought no relief to the Herakleots. The
-two sons whom he left, Timotheus and Dionysius, were both minors; but
-his brother Satyrus, administering in their name, grasped the sceptre
-and continued the despotism, with cruelty not merely undiminished,
-but even aggravated and sharpened by the past assassination. Not
-inferior to his predecessor in energy and vigilance, Satyrus was in
-this respect different, that he was altogether rude and unlettered.
-Moreover he was rigidly scrupulous in preserving the crown for his
-brother’s children, as soon as they should be of age. To ensure to
-them an undisturbed succession, he took every precaution to avoid
-begetting children of his own by his wife.<a id="FNanchor_1085"
-href="#Footnote_1085" class="fnanchor">[1085]</a> After a rule of
-seven years, Satyrus died of a lingering and painful distemper.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_465">[p. 465]</span>The government
-of Herakleia now devolved on Timotheus, who exhibited a contrast,
-alike marked and beneficent, with his father and uncle. Renouncing
-all their cruelty and constraint, he set at liberty every man whom he
-found in prison. He was strict in dispensing justice, but mild and
-even liberal in all his dealings towards the citizens. At the same
-time, he was a man of adventurous courage, carrying on successful
-war against foreign enemies, and making his power respected all
-round. With his younger brother Dionysius, he maintained perfect
-harmony, treating him as an equal and partner. Though thus using
-his power generously towards the Herakleots, he was, however, still
-a despot, and retained the characteristic marks of despotism—the
-strong citadel, fortified separately from the town, with a commanding
-mercenary force. After a reign of about nine years, he died, deeply
-mourned by every one.<a id="FNanchor_1086" href="#Footnote_1086"
-class="fnanchor">[1086]</a></p>
-
-<p>Dionysius, who succeeded him, fell upon unsettled times, full
-both of hope and fear; opening chances of aggrandizement, yet
-with many new dangers and uncertainties. The sovereignty which he
-inherited doubtless included, not simply the city of Herakleia,
-but also foreign dependencies and possessions in its<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_466">[p. 466]</span> neighborhood; for
-his three predecessors<a id="FNanchor_1087" href="#Footnote_1087"
-class="fnanchor">[1087]</a> had been all enterprising chiefs,
-commanding a considerable aggressive force. At the commencement of
-his reign, indeed, the ascendency of Memnon and the Persian force
-in the north-western part of Asia Minor was at a higher pitch
-than ordinary; it appears too that Klearchus—and probably his
-successors also—had always taken care to keep on the best terms
-with the Persian court.<a id="FNanchor_1088" href="#Footnote_1088"
-class="fnanchor">[1088]</a> But presently came the invasion of
-Alexander (334 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), with the battle of the
-Granikus, which totally extinguished the Persian power in Asia
-Minor, and was followed, after no long interval, by the entire
-conquest of the Persian empire. The Persian control being now
-removed from Asia Minor—while Alexander with the great Macedonian
-force merely passed through it to the east, leaving viceroys behind
-him—new hopes of independence or aggrandizement began to arise among
-the native princes in Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Kappadokia. The
-Bithynian prince even contended successfully in the field against
-Kalas, who had been appointed by Alexander as satrap in Phrygia.<a
-id="FNanchor_1089" href="#Footnote_1089" class="fnanchor">[1089]</a>
-The Herakleot Dionysius, on the other hand, enemy by position of
-these Bithynians, courted the new Macedonian potentates, playing
-his political game with much skill in every way. He kept his forces
-well in hand, and his dominions carefully guarded; he ruled in a
-mild and popular manner, so as to preserve among the Herakleots
-the same feelings of attachment which had been inspired by his
-predecessor. While the citizens of the neighboring Sinôpê (as has
-been already related) sent their envoys to Darius, Dionysius kept his
-eyes upon Alexander; taking care to establish a footing at Pella,
-and being peculiarly assiduous in attentions to Alexander’s sister,
-the princess Kleopatra.<a id="FNanchor_1090" href="#Footnote_1090"
-class="fnanchor">[1090]</a> He was the better qualified for this
-courtly service, as he was a man of elegant and ostentatious
-tastes, and had purchased from his namesake, the fallen Syracusan
-Dionysius, all the rich furniture of the Dionysian family, highly
-available for presents.<a id="FNanchor_1091" href="#Footnote_1091"
-class="fnanchor">[1091]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_467">[p. 467]</span>By the favor
-of Antipater and the regency at Pella, the Herakleotic despot was
-enabled both to maintain and extend his dominions, until the return
-of Alexander to Susa and Babylon in 324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>
-All other authority was now superseded by the personal will of the
-omnipotent conqueror; who, mistrusting all his delegates—Antipater,
-the princesses, and the satraps—listened readily to complainants
-from all quarters, and took particular pride in espousing the
-pretensions of Grecian exiles. I have already recounted how in June
-324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, Alexander promulgated at the Olympic
-festival a sweeping edict, directing that in every Grecian city the
-exiles should be restored—by force, if force was required. Among
-the various Grecian exiles, those from Herakleia were not backward
-in soliciting his support, to obtain their own restoration, as
-well as the expulsion of the despot. As they were entitled, along
-with others, to the benefit of the recent edict, the position of
-Dionysius became one of extreme danger. He now reaped the full
-benefit of his antecedent prudence, in having maintained both his
-popularity with the Herakleots at home, and his influence with
-Antipater, to whom the enforcement of the edict was entrusted. He
-was thus enabled to ward off the danger for a time; and his good
-fortune rescued him from it altogether, by the death of Alexander
-in June 323 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> That event, coming as it did
-unexpectedly upon every one, filled Dionysius with such extravagant
-joy, that he fell into a swoon: and he commemorated it by erecting
-a statue in honor of Euthymia, or the tranquillizing goddess. His
-position however seemed again precarious, when the Herakleotic exiles
-renewed their solicitations to Perdikkas: who favored their cause,
-and might probably have restored them, if he had chosen to direct
-his march towards the Hellespont against Antipater and Kraterus,
-instead of undertaking the ill-advised expedition against Egypt,
-wherein he perished.<a id="FNanchor_1092" href="#Footnote_1092"
-class="fnanchor">[1092]</a></p>
-
-<p>The tide of fortune now turned more than ever in favor of
-Dionysius. With Antipater and Kraterus, the preponderant potentates
-in his neighborhood, he was on the best terms; and it happened
-at this juncture to suit the political views of Kraterus to
-dismiss his Persian wife Amastris (niece of the late Persian<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_468">[p. 468]</span> king Darius, and
-conferred upon Kraterus by Alexander when he himself married
-Statira), for the purpose of espousing Phila daughter of Antipater.
-Amastris was given in marriage to Dionysius; for him, a splendid
-exaltation—attesting the personal influence which he had previously
-acquired. His new wife, herself a woman of ability and energy,
-brought to him a large sum from the regal treasure, as well as
-the means of greatly extending his dominion round Herakleia.
-Noway corrupted by this good fortune, he still persevered both in
-his conciliating rule at home, and his prudent alliances abroad,
-making himself especially useful to Antigonus. That great chief,
-preponderant throughout most parts of Asia Minor, was establishing
-his ascendency in Bithynia and the neighborhood of the Propontis,
-by founding the city of Antigonia in the rich plain adjoining
-the Askanian Lake.<a id="FNanchor_1093" href="#Footnote_1093"
-class="fnanchor">[1093]</a> Dionysius lent effective maritime aid
-to Antigonus, in that war which ended by his conquest of Cyprus
-from the Egyptian Ptolemy (307 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>) To the
-other Ptolemy, nephew and general of Antigonus, Dionysius gave his
-daughter in marriage; and even felt himself powerful enough to assume
-the title of king, after Antigonus, Lysimachus, and the Egyptian
-Ptolemy had done the like.<a id="FNanchor_1094" href="#Footnote_1094"
-class="fnanchor">[1094]</a> He died, after reigning thirty years
-with consummate political skill and uninterrupted prosperity—except
-that during the last few years he lost his health from excessive
-corpulence.<a id="FNanchor_1095" href="#Footnote_1095"
-class="fnanchor">[1095]</a></p>
-
-<p>Dionysius left three children under age—Klearchus, Oxathres and
-a daughter—by his wife Amastris; whom he constituted regent, and
-who, partly through the cordial support of Antigonus, maintained
-the Herakleotic dominion unimpaired. Presently Lysimachus, king
-of Thrace and of the Thracian Chersonese (on the isthmus of
-which he had founded the city of Lysimacheia), coveted this as a
-valuable alliance, paid his court to Amastris, and married her. The
-Herakleotic queen thus enjoyed double protection, and was enabled
-to avoid taking a part in the formidable conflict of Ipsus (300
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>); wherein the allies Lysimachus, Kassander,
-Ptolemy, and Seleukus were victorious<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_469">[p. 469]</span> over Antigonus. The latter being
-slain, and his Asiatic power crushed, Lysimachus got possession
-of Antigonia, the recent foundation of his rival in Bithynia, and
-changed its name to Nikæa.<a id="FNanchor_1096" href="#Footnote_1096"
-class="fnanchor">[1096]</a> After a certain time, however, Lysimachus
-became desirous of marrying Arsinoê, daughter of the Egyptian
-Ptolemy; accordingly, Amastris divorced herself from him, and set up
-for herself separately as regent of Herakleia. Her two sons being
-now nearly of age, she founded and fortified, for her own residence,
-the neighboring city of Amastris, about sixty miles eastward
-of Herakleia on the coast of the Euxine.<a id="FNanchor_1097"
-href="#Footnote_1097" class="fnanchor">[1097]</a> These young men,
-Klearchus and Oxathres, assumed the government of Herakleia, and
-entered upon various warlike enterprises; of which we know only, that
-Klearchus accompanied Lysimachus in his expedition against the Getæ,
-sharing the fate of that prince, who was defeated and taken prisoner.
-Both afterwards obtained their release, and Klearchus returned
-to Herakleia; where he ruled in a cruel and oppressive manner,
-and even committed the enormity (in conjunction with his brother
-Oxathres) of killing his mother Amastris. This crime was avenged
-by her former husband Lysimachus; who, coming to Herakleia under
-professions of friendship (<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 286), caused
-Klearchus and Oxathres to be put to death, seized their treasure,
-and keeping separate possession of the citadel only, allowed the
-Herakleots to establish a popular government.<a id="FNanchor_1098"
-href="#Footnote_1098" class="fnanchor">[1098]</a></p>
-
-<p>Lysimachus, however, was soon persuaded by his wife Arsinoê
-to make over Herakleia to her, as it had been formerly possessed
-by Amastris; and Arsinoê sent thither a Kymæan officer named
-Herakleides, who carried with him force sufficient to re-establish
-the former despotism, with its oppressions and cruelties. For other
-purposes too, not less mischievous, the influence of Arsinoê was
-all-powerful. She prevailed upon Lysimachus to kill his eldest
-son (by a former marriage) Agathokles, a young prince of the most
-estimable and eminent qualities. Such an<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_470">[p. 470]</span> atrocity, exciting universal abhorrence
-among the subjects of Lysimachus, enabled his rival Seleukus to
-attack him with success. In a great battle fought between these two
-princes, Lysimachus was defeated and slain—by the hand and javelin
-of a citizen of Herakleia, named Malakon.<a id="FNanchor_1099"
-href="#Footnote_1099" class="fnanchor">[1099]</a></p>
-
-<p>This victory transferred the dominions of the vanquished prince
-to Seleukus. At Herakleia too, its effect was so powerful, that the
-citizens were enabled to shake off their despotism. They at first
-tried to make terms with the governor Herakleides, offering him money
-as an inducement to withdraw. From him they obtained only an angry
-refusal; yet his subordinate officers of mercenaries, and commanders
-of detached posts in the Herakleotic territory, mistrusting their
-own power of holding out, accepted an amicable compromise with the
-citizens, who tendered to them full liquidation of arrears of pay,
-together with the citizenship. The Herakleots were this enabled
-to discard Herakleides, and regain their popular government.
-They signalized their revolution by the impressive ceremony of
-demolishing their Bastile—the detached fort or stronghold within the
-city, which had served for eighty-four years as the characteristic
-symbol, and indispensable engine, of the antecedent despotism.<a
-id="FNanchor_1100" href="#Footnote_1100" class="fnanchor">[1100]</a>
-The city, now again a free commonwealth, was farther reinforced
-by the junction of Nymphis (the historian) and other Herakleotic
-citizens, who had hitherto been in exile. These men were restored,
-and welcomed by their fellow-citizens in full friendship and
-harmony; yet with express proviso, that no demand should be made
-for the restitution of their properties, long since confiscated.<a
-id="FNanchor_1101" href="#Footnote_1101" class="fnanchor">[1101]</a>
-To the victor Seleukus, however, and his officer Aphrodisius, the
-bold bearing of the newly-emancipated Herakleots proved offensive.
-They would probably have incurred great danger from him, had not
-his mind been first set upon the conquest of Macedonia in the
-accomplishment of which he was murdered by Ptolemy Keraunus.</p>
-
-<p>The Herakleots thus became again a commonwealth of free citizens,
-without any detached citadel or mercenary garrison; yet they lost,
-seemingly through the growing force and aggres<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_471">[p. 471]</span>sions of some inland dynasts, several
-of their outlying dependencies—Kierus, Tium, and Amastris. The two
-former they recovered some time afterwards by purchase, and they
-wished also to purchase back Amastris; but Eumenes, who held it,
-hated them so much, that he repudiated their money, and handed over
-the place gratuitously to the Kappadokian chief Ariobarzanes.<a
-id="FNanchor_1102" href="#Footnote_1102" class="fnanchor">[1102]</a>
-That their maritime power was at this time very great, we may see
-by the astonishing account given of their immense ships,—numerously
-manned, and furnished with many brave combatants on the deck—which
-fought with eminent distinction in the naval battle between
-Ptolemy Keraunus (murderer and successor of Seleukus) and
-Antigonus Gonatas.<a id="FNanchor_1103" href="#Footnote_1103"
-class="fnanchor">[1103]</a></p>
-
-<p>It is not my purpose to follow lower down the destinies of
-Herakleia. It maintained its internal autonomy, with considerable
-maritime power, a dignified and prudent administration, and
-a partial, though sadly circumscribed, liberty of foreign
-action—until the successful war of the Romans against Mithridates
-(<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 69). In Asia Minor, the Hellenic
-cities on the coast were partly enabled to postpone the epoch of
-their subjugation, by the great division of power which prevailed
-in the interior; for the potentates, of Bithynia, Pergamus,
-Kappadokia, Pontus, Syria, were in almost perpetual discord—while
-all of them were menaced by the intrusion of the warlike and
-predatory Gauls, who extorted for themselves settlements in
-Galatia (<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 276). The kings, the enemies
-of civic freedom, were kept partially in check by these new and
-formidable neighbors,<a id="FNanchor_1104" href="#Footnote_1104"
-class="fnanchor">[1104]</a> who were themselves however hardly less
-formidable to the Grecian cities on the coast.<a id="FNanchor_1105"
-href="#Footnote_1105" class="fnanchor">[1105]</a> Sinôpê,
-Herakleia, Byzantium,—and even Rhodes, in<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_472">[p. 472]</span> spite of the advantage of an
-insular position,—isolated relics of what had once been an
-Hellenic aggregate, become from henceforward cribbed and confined
-by inland neighbors almost at their gates<a id="FNanchor_1106"
-href="#Footnote_1106" class="fnanchor">[1106]</a>—dependent on the
-barbaric potentates, between whom they were compelled to trim, making
-themselves useful in turn to all. It was however frequent with these
-barbaric princes to derive their wives, mistresses, ministers,
-negotiators, officers, engineers, literati, artists, actors, and
-intermediate agents both for ornament and recreation—from some Greek
-city. Among them all, more or less of Hellenic influence became thus
-insinuated; along with the Greek language which spread its roots
-everywhere—even among the Gauls or Galatians, the rudest and latest
-of the foreign immigrants.</p>
-
-<p>Of the Grecian maritime towns in the Euxine south of the
-Danube—Apollonia, Mesembria, Odêssus, Kallatis, Tomi, and Istrus—five
-(seemingly without Tomi) formed a confederate Pentapolis.<a
-id="FNanchor_1107" href="#Footnote_1107" class="fnanchor">[1107]</a>
-About the year 312 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, we hear of them as
-under the power of Lysimachus king of Thrace, who kept a garrison
-in Kallatis—probably in the rest also. They made a strug<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_473">[p. 473]</span>gle to shake off his
-yoke, obtaining assistance from some of the neighboring Thracians
-and Scythians, as well as from Antigonus. But Lysimachus, after a
-contest which seems to have lasted three or four years, overpowered
-both their allies and them, reducing them again into subjection.<a
-id="FNanchor_1108" href="#Footnote_1108" class="fnanchor">[1108]</a>
-Kallatis sustained a long siege, dismissing some of its ineffective
-residents; who were received and sheltered by Eumelus prince of
-Bosporus. It was in pushing his conquests yet farther northward, in
-the steppe between the rivers Danube and Dniester, that Lysimachus
-came into conflict with the powerful prince of the Getæ—Dromichætes;
-by whom he was defeated and captured, but generously released.<a
-id="FNanchor_1109" href="#Footnote_1109" class="fnanchor">[1109]</a>
-I have already mentioned that the empire of Lysimachus ended with his
-last defeat and death by Seleukus—(281 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>). By
-his death, the cities of the Pontic Pentapolis regained a temporary
-independence. But their barbaric neighbors became more and more
-formidable, being reinforced seemingly by immigration of fresh
-hordes from Asia; thus the Sarmatians, who in Herodotus’s time were
-on the east of the Tanais, appear, three centuries afterwards, even
-south of the Danube. By these tribes—Thracians, Getæ, Scythians, and
-Sarmatians—the Greek cities of this Pentapolis were successively
-pillaged. Though renewed indeed afterwards, from the necessity of
-some place of traffic, even for the pillagers themselves—they were
-but poorly renewed, with a large infusion of barbaric residents.<a
-id="FNanchor_1110" href="#Footnote_1110" class="fnanchor">[1110]</a>
-Such was the condition in which the exile Ovid found Tomi, near the
-beginning of the Christian era. The Tomitans were more than half
-barbaric, and their Greek not easily intelligible. The Sarmatian or
-Getic horse-bowmen, with their poisoned arrows, ever hovered near,
-galloped even up to the gates, and carried off the unwary cultivators
-into slavery. Even within a furlong of the town, there was no
-security either for person or property. The<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_474">[p. 474]</span> residents were clothed in skins, or
-leather; while the women, ignorant both of spinning and weaving,
-were employed either in grinding corn or in carrying on their heads
-the pitchers of water.<a id="FNanchor_1111" href="#Footnote_1111"
-class="fnanchor">[1111]</a></p>
-
-<p>By these same barbarians, Olbia also (on the right bank of
-the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_475">[p. 475]</span> Hypanis or
-Bug near its mouth) became robbed of that comfort and prosperity
-which it had enjoyed when visited by Herodotus. In his day, the
-Olbians lived on good terms with the Scythian tribes in their
-neighborhood. They paid a stipulated tribute, giving presents besides
-to the prince and his immediate favorites; and on these conditions,
-their persons and properties were respected. The Scythian prince
-Skylês (son of an Hellenic mother from Istrus, who had familiarized
-him with Greek speech and letters) had built a fine house in the
-town, and spent in it a month, from attachment to Greek manners
-and religion, while his Scythian army lay near the gates without
-molesting any one.<a id="FNanchor_1112" href="#Footnote_1112"
-class="fnanchor">[1112]</a> It is true, that this proceeding cost
-Skylês his life; for the Scythians would not tolerate their own
-prince in the practice of foreign religious rites, though they did
-not quarrel with the same rites when observed by the Greeks.<a
-id="FNanchor_1113" href="#Footnote_1113" class="fnanchor">[1113]</a>
-To their own customs the Scythians adhered tenaciously, and those
-customs were often sanguinary, ferocious, and brutish. Still they
-were warriors, rather than robbers—they abstained from habitual
-pillage, and maintained with the Greeks a reputation for honesty
-and fair dealing, which became proverbial with the early poets.
-Such were the Scythians as seen by Herodotus (probably about
-440 to 430 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>); and the picture drawn by
-Ephorus a century afterwards (about 340 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>),
-appears to have been not materially different.<a id="FNanchor_1114"
-href="#Footnote_1114" class="fnanchor">[1114]</a> But after that
-time it gradually altered. New tribes seem to have come in—the
-Sarmatians out of the East—the Gauls out of the West; from Thrace
-northward to the Tanais and the Palus Mæotis, the most different
-tribes became intermingled—Gauls, Thracians, Getæ, Scythians,
-Sarmatians, etc.<a id="FNanchor_1115" href="#Footnote_1115"
-class="fnanchor">[1115]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_476">[p.
-476]</span> Olbia was in an open plain, with no defence except its
-walls and the adjoining river Hypanis, frozen over in the winter. The
-hybrid Helleno-Scythian race, formed by intermarriages of Greeks with
-Scythians—and the various Scythian tribes who had become partially
-sedentary cultivators of corn for exportation—had probably also
-acquired habits less warlike than the tribes of primitive barbaric
-type. At any rate, even if capable of defending themselves, they
-could not continue their production and commerce under repeated
-hostile incursions.</p>
-
-<p>A valuable inscription remaining enables us to compare the
-Olbia (or Borysthenes) seen by Herodotus, with the same town in
-the second century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small><a id="FNanchor_1116"
-href="#Footnote_1116" class="fnanchor">[1116]</a> At this latter
-period, the city was diminished in population, impoverished in
-finances, exposed to constantly increasing exactions and menace from
-the passing barbaric hordes, and scarcely able to defend against
-them even the security of its walls. Sometimes there approached
-the barbaric chief Saitapharnes with his personal suite, sometimes
-his whole tribe or horde in mass, called Saii. Whenever they
-came, they required to be appeased by presents, greater than the
-treasury could supply, and borrowed only from the voluntary help of
-rich<span class="pagenum" id="Page_477">[p. 477]</span> citizens;
-while even these presents did not always avert ill treatment or
-pillage. Already the citizens of Olbia had repelled various attacks,
-partly by taking into pay a semi-Hellenic population in their
-neighborhood (Mix-Hellenes, like the Liby-Phenicians in Africa); but
-the inroads became more alarming, and their means of defence less,
-through the uncertain fidelity of these Mix-Hellenes, as well as
-of their own slaves—the latter probably barbaric natives purchased
-from the interior.<a id="FNanchor_1117" href="#Footnote_1117"
-class="fnanchor">[1117]</a> In the midst of public poverty, it was
-necessary to enlarge and strengthen the fortifications; for they were
-threatened with the advent of the Gauls—who inspired such terror that
-the Scythians and other barbarians were likely to seek their own
-safety by extorting admission within the walls of Olbia. Moreover
-even corn was scarce, and extravagantly dear. There had been repeated
-failures in the produce of the lands around, famine was apprehended,
-and efforts were needed, greater than the treasury could sustain,
-to lay in a stock at the public expense. Among the many points of
-contrast with Herodotus, this is perhaps the most striking; for in
-his time, corn was the great produce and the principal export from
-Olbia; the growth had now been suspended, or was at least perpetually
-cut off, by increased devastation and insecurity.</p>
-
-<p>After perpetual attacks, and even several captures, by
-barbaric neighbors—this unfortunate city, about fifty years
-before the Christian era, was at length so miserably sacked by
-the Getæ, as to become for a time abandoned.<a id="FNanchor_1118"
-href="#Footnote_1118" class="fnanchor">[1118]</a> Presently,
-however, the fugitives partially returned, to re-establish
-themselves on a reduced scale. For the very same barbarians who
-had persecuted and plundered them, still required an emporium with
-a certain amount of import and export, such as none but Greek
-settlers could provide; moreover it was from the coast near Olbia,
-and from care of its inhabitants, that many of the neigh<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_478">[p. 478]</span>boring tribes derived
-their supply of salt.<a id="FNanchor_1119" href="#Footnote_1119"
-class="fnanchor">[1119]</a> Hence arose a puny after-growth of
-Olbia—preserving the name, traditions, and part of the locality, of
-the deserted city—by the return of a portion of the colonists with an
-infusion of Scythian or Sarmatian residents; an infusion indeed so
-large, as seriously to dishellenize both the speech and the personal
-names in the town.<a id="FNanchor_1120" href="#Footnote_1120"
-class="fnanchor">[1120]</a></p>
-
-<p>To this second edition of Olbia, the rhetor Dion Chrysostom
-paid a summer visit (about a century after the Christian era), of
-which he has left a brief but interesting account. Within the wide
-area once filled by the original Olbia—the former circumference
-of which was marked by crumbling walls and towers—the second town
-occupied a narrow corner; with poor houses, low walls, and temples
-having no other ornament except the ancient statues mutilated
-by the plunderers. The citizens dwelt in perpetual insecurity,
-constantly under arms or on guard; for the barbaric horsemen,
-in spite of sentinels posted to announce their approach, often
-carried off prisoners, cattle, or property, from the immediate
-neighborhood of the gates. The picture drawn of Olbia by Dion
-confirms in a remarkable way that given of Tomi by Ovid. And what
-imparts to it a touching interest is, that the Greeks whom Dion saw
-contending with the difficulties, privations, and dangers of this
-inhospitable outpost, still retained the activity, the elegance, and
-the intellectual aspirations of their Ionic breed; in this respect
-much superior to the Tomitans of Ovid. In particular, they were
-passionate admirers of Homer; a considerable proportion of the Greeks
-of Olbia could repeat the Iliad from memory.<a id="FNanchor_1121"
-href="#Footnote_1121" class="fnanchor">[1121]</a> Achilles
-(localized under<span class="pagenum" id="Page_479">[p. 479]</span>
-the surname of Pontarches, on numerous islands and capes in the
-Euxine) was among the chief divine or heroic persons to whom they
-addressed their prayers.<a id="FNanchor_1122" href="#Footnote_1122"
-class="fnanchor">[1122]</a> Amidst Grecian life, thus degraded and
-verging towards its extinction, and stripped even of the purity of
-living speech—the thread of imaginative and traditional sentiment
-thus continues without suspension or abatement.</p>
-
-<p>Respecting Bosporus or Pantikapæum (for both names denote the
-same city, though the former name often comprehends the whole
-annexed dominion), founded by Milesian settlers<a id="FNanchor_1123"
-href="#Footnote_1123" class="fnanchor">[1123]</a> on the European
-side of the Kimmerian Bosporus (near Kertsch), we first hear,
-about the period when Xerxes was repulsed from Greece (480-479
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>). It was the centre of a dominion
-including Phanagoria, Kepi, Hermonassa, and other Greek cities on
-the Asiatic side of the strait; and is said to have been governed
-by what seems to have been an oligarchy—called the Archæanaktidæ,
-for forty-two years<a id="FNanchor_1124" href="#Footnote_1124"
-class="fnanchor">[1124]</a> (480-438 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>).</p>
-
-<p>After them we have a series of princes standing out
-individually by name, and succeeding each other in the same
-family. Spartokus I. was succeeded by Seleukus; next comes
-Spartokus II.; then Satyrus I. (407-393 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>);
-Leukon (393-353 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>); Spartokus III.
-(353-348 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>); Parisades I. (348-310
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>); Satyrus II., Prytanis, Eumelus
-(310-304 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>); Spartokus IV. (304-284
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>); Parisades II.<a id="FNanchor_1125"
-href="#Footnote_1125" class="fnanchor">[1125]</a> During the reigns
-of these princes, a connection of some intimacy subsisted between
-Athens and Bosporus; a connection not political, since the Bosporanic
-princes had little interest in the contentions about Hellenic
-hegemony—but of private intercourse, commercial interchange, and
-reciprocal good offices. The eastern corner of the Tauric Cher<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_480">[p. 480]</span>sonesus, between
-Pantikapæum and Theodosia, was well-suited for the production of
-corn; while plenty of fish, as well as salt, was to be had in or
-near the Palus Mæotis. Corn, salted fish and meat, hides, and
-barbaric slaves in considerable numbers, were in demand among all
-the Greeks round the Ægean, and not least at Athens, where Scythian
-slaves were numerous;<a id="FNanchor_1126" href="#Footnote_1126"
-class="fnanchor">[1126]</a> while oil and wine, with other products
-of more southern regions, were acceptable in Bosporus and the other
-Pontic ports. This important traffic seems to have been mainly
-carried on in ships and by capital belonging to Athens and other
-Ægean maritime towns; and must have been greatly under the protection
-and regulation of the Athenians, so long as their maritime empire
-subsisted. Enterprising citizens of Athens went to Bosporus (as
-to Thrace and the Thracian Chersonesus), to push their fortunes;
-merchants from other cities found it advantageous to settle as
-resident strangers or metics at Athens, where they were more in
-contact with the protecting authority, and obtained readier access to
-the judicial tribunals. It was probably during the period preceding
-the great disaster at Syracuse in 413 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, that
-Athens first acquired her position as a mercantile centre for the
-trade with the Euxine; which we afterwards find her retaining, even
-with reduced power, in the time of Demosthenes.</p>
-
-<p>How strong was the position enjoyed by Athens in Bosporus, during
-her unimpaired empire, we may judge from the fact, that Nymphæum
-(south of Pantikapæum, between that town and Theodosia) was among
-her tributary towns, and paid a talent an<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_481">[p. 481]</span>nually.<a id="FNanchor_1127"
-href="#Footnote_1127" class="fnanchor">[1127]</a> Not until the
-misfortunes of Athens in the closing years of the Peloponnesian war,
-did Nymphæum pass into the hands of the Bosporanic princes; betrayed
-(according to Æschines) by the maternal grandfather of Demosthenes,
-the Athenian Gylon; who however probably did nothing more than obey a
-necessity rendered unavoidable by the fallen condition of Athens.<a
-id="FNanchor_1128" href="#Footnote_1128" class="fnanchor">[1128]</a>
-We thus see that Nymphæum, in the midst of the Bosporanic dominion,
-was not only a member of the Athenian empire, but also contained
-influential Athenian citizens, engaged in the corn-trade. Gylon
-was rewarded by a large grant of land at Kepi—probably other
-Athenians of Nymphæum were rewarded also—by the Bosporanic prince;
-who did not grudge a good price for such an acquisition. We find
-also other instances,—both of Athenian citizens sent out to reside
-with the prince Satyrus,—and of Pontic Greeks who, already in
-correspondence and friendship with various individual Athenians,
-consign their sons to be initiated in the commerce, society, and
-refinements of Athens.<a id="FNanchor_1129" href="#Footnote_1129"
-class="fnanchor">[1129]</a> Such facts attest the correspondence
-and intercourse of that city, during her imperial greatness, with
-Bosporus.</p>
-
-<p>The Bosporanic prince Satyrus was in the best relations with
-Athens, and even seems to have had authorized representatives there
-to enforce his requests, which met with very great attention.<a
-id="FNanchor_1130" href="#Footnote_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a>
-He treated the Athenian merchants at Bosporus with<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_482">[p. 482]</span> equity and even favor,
-granting to them a preference in the export of corn when there was
-not enough for all.<a id="FNanchor_1131" href="#Footnote_1131"
-class="fnanchor">[1131]</a> His son Leukon not only continued the
-preference to Athenian exporting ships, but also granted to them
-remission of the export duty (of one-thirtieth part), which he
-exacted from all other traders. Such an exemption is reckoned as
-equivalent to an annual present of 13,000 medimni of corn (the
-medimnus being about 1⅓ bushel); the total quantity of corn brought
-from Bosporus to Athens in a full year being 400,000 medimni.<a
-id="FNanchor_1132" href="#Footnote_1132" class="fnanchor">[1132]</a>
-It is easy to see moreover that such a premium must have thrown
-nearly the whole exporting trade into the hands of Athenian
-merchants. The Athenians requited this favor by public votes of
-gratitude and honor, conferring upon Leukon the citizenship, together
-with immunity from all the regular burthens attaching to property at
-Athens. There was lying in that city money belonging to Leukon;<a
-id="FNanchor_1133" href="#Footnote_1133" class="fnanchor">[1133]</a>
-who was therefore open (under the proposition of Leptines) to that
-conditional summons for exchange of properties, technically termed
-Antidosis. In his time, moreover, the corn-trade of Bosporus appears
-to have been farther extended; for we learn that he established an
-export from Theodosia as well as from Pantikapæum. His successor
-Parisades I. continuing to Athenian exporters of corn the same
-privilege of immunity from export duty, obtained from Athens still
-higher honors than Leukon; for we learn that his statue, together
-with those of two relatives, was erected in the agora, on the
-motion of Demosthenes.<a id="FNanchor_1134" href="#Footnote_1134"
-class="fnanchor">[1134]</a> The connection of Bosporus with
-Athens was durable as well as intimate; its corn-trade being of
-high importance to the subsistence of the people. Every Athenian
-exporter was bound by law to bring his cargo in the first instance
-to Athens. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_483">[p. 483]</span>
-freighting and navigating of ships for that purpose, together with
-the advance of money by rich capitalists (citizens and metics)
-upon interest and conditions enforced by the Athenian judicature,
-was a standing and profitable business. And we may appreciate the
-value of equitable treatment, not to say favor, from the kings of
-Bosporus—when we contrast it with the fraudulent and extortionate
-behavior of Kleomenes, satrap of Egypt, in reference to the export
-of Egyptian corn.<a id="FNanchor_1135" href="#Footnote_1135"
-class="fnanchor">[1135]</a></p>
-
-<p>The political condition of the Greeks at Bosporus was somewhat
-peculiar. The hereditary princes (above enumerated), who ruled
-them substantially as despots, assumed no other title (in respect
-to the Greeks) than that of Archon. They paid tribute to the
-powerful Scythian tribes who bounded them on the European side,
-and even thought it necessary to carry a ditch across the narrow
-isthmus, from some point near Theodosia northward to the Palus
-Mæotis, as a protection against incursions.<a id="FNanchor_1136"
-href="#Footnote_1136" class="fnanchor">[1136]</a> Their dominion
-did not extend farther west than Theodosia; this ditch was their
-extreme western boundary; and even for the land within it, they paid
-tribute. But on the Asiatic side of the strait, they were lords
-paramount for a considerable distance, over the feebler and less
-warlike tribes who pass under the common name of Mæotæ or Mæêtae—the
-Sindi, Toreti, Dandarii, Thatês, etc. Inscriptions, yet remaining,
-of Parisades I. record him as King of these various barbaric tribes,
-but as Archon of Bosporus and Theodosia.<a id="FNanchor_1137"
-href="#Footnote_1137" class="fnanchor">[1137]</a> His dominion on
-the Asiatic side of the Kimmerian Bosporus, sustained by Grecian and
-Thracian mercenaries, was of considerable (though to us un<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_484">[p. 484]</span>known) extent, reaching
-to somewhere near the borders of Caucasus.<a id="FNanchor_1138"
-href="#Footnote_1138" class="fnanchor">[1138]</a></p>
-
-<p>Parisades I. on his death left three sons—Satyrus, Prytanis,
-and Eumelus. Satyrus, as the eldest, succeeded; but Eumelus
-claimed the crown, sought aid without, and prevailed on various
-neighbors—among them a powerful Thracian king named Ariopharnes—to
-espouse his cause. At the head of an army said to consist of
-20,000 horse and 22,000 foot, the two allies marched to attack
-the territories of Satyrus, who advanced to meet them, with 2000
-Grecian mercenaries, and 2000 Thracians of his own, reinforced by
-a numerous body of Scythian allies—20,000 foot, and 10,000 horse,
-and carrying with him a plentiful supply of provisions in waggons.
-He gained a complete victory, compelling Eumelus and Ariopharnes
-to retreat and seek refuge in the regal residence of the latter,
-near the river Thapsis; a fortress built of timber, and surrounded
-with forest, river, marsh, and rock, so as to be very difficult
-of approach. Satyrus, having first plundered the country around,
-which supplied a rich booty of prisoners and cattle, proceeded to
-assail his enemies in their almost impracticable position. But
-though he, and Meniskus his general of mercenaries, made the most
-strenuous efforts, and even carried some of the outworks, they were
-repulsed from the fortress itself; and Satyrus, exposing himself
-forwardly to extricate Meniskus, received a wound of which he shortly
-died—after a reign of nine months. Meniskus, raising the siege,
-withdrew the army to Gargaza; from whence he conveyed back the regal
-corpse to Pantikapæum.<a id="FNanchor_1139" href="#Footnote_1139"
-class="fnanchor">[1139]</a></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_485">[p. 485]</span>Prytanis, the
-next brother, rejecting an offer of partition tendered by Eumelus,
-assumed the sceptre, and marched forth to continue the struggle.
-But the tide of fortune now turned in favor of Eumelus; who took
-Gargaza with several other places, worsted his brother in battle,
-and so blocked him up in the isthmus near the Palus Mæotis, that
-he was forced to capitulate and resign his pretensions. Eumelus
-entered Pantikapæum as conqueror. Nevertheless, the defeated
-Prytanis, in spite of his recent covenant, made a renewed attempt
-upon the crown; wherein he was again baffled, forced to escape to
-Kêpi, and there slain. To assure himself of the throne, Eumelus put
-to death the wives and children of both his two brothers, Satyrus
-and Prytanis—together with all their principal friends. One youth
-alone—Parisades, son of Satyrus—escaped and found protection with the
-Scythian prince Agarus.</p>
-
-<p>Eumelus had now put down all rivals; yet his recent cruelties
-had occasioned wrath and disgust among the Bosporanic citizens. He
-convoked them in assembly, to excuse his past conduct, and promised
-good government for the future; at the same time guaranteeing to them
-their full civic constitution, with such privileges and immunities
-as they had before enjoyed, and freedom from direct taxation.<a
-id="FNanchor_1140" href="#Footnote_1140" class="fnanchor">[1140]</a>
-Such assurances, combined probably with an imposing mercenary force,
-appeased or at least silenced the prevailing disaffection. Eumelus
-kept his promises so far as to govern in a mild and popular spirit.
-While thus rendering himself acceptable at home, he maintained
-an energetic foreign policy, and made several conquests among
-the surrounding tribes.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_486">[p.
-486]</span> He constituted himself a sort of protector of the
-Euxine, repressing the piracies of the Heniochi and Achæi (among
-the Caucasian mountains to the east) as well as of the Tauri in the
-Chersonesus (Crimea); much to the satisfaction of the Byzantines,
-Sinopians, and other Pontic Greeks. He received a portion of the
-fugitives from Kallatis, when besieged by Lysimachus, and provided
-for them a settlement in his dominions. Having thus acquired
-great reputation, Eumelus was in the full career of conquest and
-aggrandizement, when an accident terminated his life, after a
-reign of rather more than five years. In returning from Scythia to
-Pantikapæum, in a four-wheeled carriage (or waggon) and four with
-a tent upon it, his horses took fright and ran away. Perceiving
-that they were carrying him towards a precipice, he tried to
-jump out; but his sword becoming entangled in the wheel, he was
-killed on the spot.<a id="FNanchor_1141" href="#Footnote_1141"
-class="fnanchor">[1141]</a> He was succeeded by his son Spartokus
-IV., who reigned twenty years (304-284 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>);
-afterwards came the son of Spartokus, Parisades II.; with
-whose name our information breaks off.<a id="FNanchor_1142"
-href="#Footnote_1142" class="fnanchor">[1142]</a></p>
-
-<p>This dynasty, the Spartokidæ, though they ruled the Greeks of
-Bosporus as despots by means of a foreign mercenary force—yet seem to
-have exercised power with equity and moderation.<a id="FNanchor_1143"
-href="#Footnote_1143" class="fnanchor">[1143]</a> Had Eumelus lived,
-he might probably have established an extensive empire over the
-barbaric tribes on all sides of him. But empire over such subjects
-was seldom permanent; nor did his successors long maintain even as
-much as he left. We have no means of following their fortunes in
-detail; but we know that about a century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>,
-the then reigning prince, Parisades IV., found himself so pressed and
-squeezed by the Scythians,<a id="FNanchor_1144" href="#Footnote_1144"
-class="fnanchor">[1144]</a> that he was forced (like Olbia
-and the Pentapolis) to forego his inde<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_487">[p. 487]</span>pendence; and to call in, as auxiliary
-or master, the formidable Mithridates Eupator of Pontus; from whom a
-new dynasty of Bosporanic kings began—subject however after no long
-interval, to the dominion and interference of Rome.</p>
-
-<p>These Mithridatic princes lie beyond our period; but the cities
-of Bosporus under the Spartokid princes, in the fourth century
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, deserve to be ranked among the conspicuous
-features of the living Hellenic world. They were not indeed purely
-Hellenic, but presented a considerable admixture of Scythian or
-Oriental manners; analogous to the mixture of the Hellenic and
-Libyan elements at Kyrênê with its Battiad princes. Among the
-facts attesting the wealth and power of these Spartokid princes,
-and of the Bosporanic community, we may number the imposing groups
-of mighty sepulchral tumuli near Kertch (Pantikapæum); some of
-which have been recently examined, while the greater part still
-remain unopened. These spacious chambers of stone—enclosed in
-vast hillocks (Kurgans), cyclopian works piled up with prodigious
-labor and cost—have been found to contain not only a profusion of
-ornaments of the precious metals (gold, silver, and electron, or a
-mixture of four parts of gold to one of silver), but also numerous
-vases, implements, and works of art, illustrating the life and
-ideas of the Bosporanic population. “The contents of the tumuli
-already opened are so multifarious, that from the sepulchres of
-Pantikapæum alone, we might become acquainted with everything which
-served the Greeks either for necessary use, or for the decoration
-of domestic life.”<a id="FNanchor_1145" href="#Footnote_1145"
-class="fnanchor">[1145]</a> Statues, reliefs and frescoes on the
-walls, have been found, on varied subjects both of war and peace, and
-often of very fine execution; besides these, numerous carvings in
-wood, and vessels of bronze or terra cotta; with necklaces, armlets,
-bracelets, rings, drinking cups, etc. of precious metal—several with
-colored beads attached.<a id="FNanchor_1146" href="#Footnote_1146"
-class="fnanchor">[1146]</a> The costumes, equipment, and<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_488">[p. 488]</span> physiognomy
-represented, are indeed a mixture of Hellenic and barbaric; moreover,
-even the profusion of gold chains and other precious ornaments,
-indicates a tone of sentiment partially orientalized, in those for
-whom they were destined.</p>
-
-<p>But the design as well as the execution comes clearly out of the
-Hellenic workshop; and there is good ground for believing, that in
-the fourth century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, Pantikapæum was the
-seat, not only of enterprising and wealthy citizens, but also of
-strenuous and well-directed artistic genius. Such manifestations of
-the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_489">[p. 489]</span> refinements
-of Hellenism, in this remote and little-noticed city, form an
-important addition to the picture of Hellas as a whole,—prior to its
-days of subjection,—which it has been the purpose of this history to
-present.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-
-<p>I have now brought down the history of Greece to the point
-of time marked out in the Preface to my First Volume—the close
-of the generation contemporary with Alexander—the epoch, from
-whence dates not only the extinction of Grecian political freedom
-and self-action, but also the decay of productive genius, and
-the debasement of that consummate literary and rhetorical
-excellence which the fourth century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> had
-seen exhibited in Plato and Demosthenes.<a id="FNanchor_1147"
-href="#Footnote_1147" class="fnanchor">[1147]</a> The contents of
-this last Volume indicate but too clearly that Greece as a separate
-subject of history no longer exists; for one full half of it is
-employed in depicting Alexander and his conquests—ἄγριον αἰχμητὴν,
-κρατερὸν μήστωρα φόβοιο<a id="FNanchor_1148" href="#Footnote_1148"
-class="fnanchor">[1148]</a>—that Non-Hellenic conqueror into
-whose vast possessions the Greeks are absorbed, with their
-intellectual brightness bedimmed, their spirit broken, and half
-their virtue taken away by Zeus—the melancholy emasculation
-inflicted (according to Homer) upon victims overtaken by the
-day of slavery.<a id="FNanchor_1149" href="#Footnote_1149"
-class="fnanchor">[1149]</a></p>
-
-<p>One branch of intellectual energy there was, and one alone, which
-continued to flourish, comparatively little impaired, under the
-preponderance of the Macedonian sword—the spirit of speculation and
-philosophy. During the century which we have<span class="pagenum"
-id="Page_490">[p. 490]</span> just gone through, this spirit was
-embodied in several eminent persons, whose names have been scarcely
-adverted to in this history. Among these names, indeed, there are
-two, of peculiar grandeur, whom I have brought partially before the
-reader, because both of them belong to general history as well as to
-philosophy; Plato, as citizen of Athens, companion of Sokrates at
-his trial, and counsellor of Dionysius in his glory—Aristotle, as
-the teacher of Alexander. I had at one time hoped to include in my
-present work a record of them as philosophers also, and an estimate
-of their speculative characteristics; but I find the subject far too
-vast to be compressed into such a space as this volume would afford.
-The exposition of the tenets of distinguished thinkers is not now
-numbered by historians, either ancient or modern, among the duties
-incumbent upon them, nor yet among the natural expectations of their
-readers; but is reserved for the special historian of philosophy.
-Accordingly, I have brought my history of Greece to a close, without
-attempting to do justice either to Plato or to Aristotle. I hope to
-contribute something towards supplying this defect, the magnitude
-of which I fully appreciate, in a separate work, devoted specially
-to an account of Greek speculative philosophy in the fourth century
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small></p>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-<div class="section" id="App_98">
-  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_491">[p. 491]</span></p>
-  <p class="large center g1 mt2"><big>APPENDIX.</big></p>
-  <p class="center">ON ISSUS AND ITS NEIGHBORHOOD, AS CONNECTED WITH THE WAR.</p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="appendix">
-
-<p class="mt1"><span class="smcap">The</span> exact battle-field of
-Issus cannot be certainly assigned, upon the evidence accessible to
-us. But it may be determined, within a few miles north or south; and
-what is even more important—the general features of the locality, as
-well as the preliminary movements of the contending armies, admit of
-being clearly conceived and represented.</p>
-
-<p>That the battle was fought in some portion of the narrow space
-intervening between the eastern coast of the Gulf of Issus and the
-western flank of Mount Amanus—that Alexander’s left and Darius’s
-right, rested on the sea, and their right and left respectively on
-the mountain—that Darius came upon Alexander unexpectedly from the
-rear, thus causing him to return back a day’s march from Myriandrus,
-and to reoccupy a pass which he had already passed through and
-quitted—these points are clearly given, and appear to me not open to
-question. We know that the river Pinarus, on which the battle was
-fought, was at a certain distance <i>south</i> of Issus, the last town of
-Kilikia before entering Syria (Arrian, ii. 7. 2)—ἐς δὲ τὴν ὑστεραίαν
-προὐχώρει (Darius from Issus) ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν Πίναρον—Ritter
-erroneously states that Issus was <i>upon</i> the river Pinarus, which
-he even calls <i>the Issus river</i> (Erdkunde, Theil iv. Abth. 2. p.
-1797-1806). We know also that this river was at some distance <i>north</i>
-of the maritime pass called the Gates of Kilikia and Assyria, through
-which Alexander passed and repassed.</p>
-
-<p>But when we proceed, beyond these data (the last of them only
-vague and relative), to fix the exact battle-field, we are reduced to
-conjecture. Dr. Thirlwall, in an appendix to the sixth volume of his
-history, has collected and discussed very ably the different opinions
-of various geographers.</p>
-
-<p>To those whom he has cited, may be added—Mr. Ainsworth’s Essay
-on the Cilician and Syrian Gates (in the Transactions of the
-Geographical Society for 1837)—Mützel’s Topographical Notes on
-the third book of Quintus Curtius—and the last volume of Ritter’s
-Erdkunde, published only this year (1855), ch. xxvii. p. 1778
-<i>seqq.</i></p>
-
-<p>We know from Xenophon that Issus was a considerable town close
-to the sea—two days’ march from the river Pyramus, and one day’s
-march northward of the maritime pass called the Gates of Kilikia
-and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_492">[p. 492]</span> Syria.
-That it was near the north-eastern corner of the Gulf, may also be
-collected from Strabo, who reckons the shortest line across Asia
-Minor, as stretching from Sinôpê or Amisus <i>to Issus</i>—and who also
-lays down the Egyptian sea as having its northern termination <i>at
-Issus</i> (Strabo, xiv. p. 677; xvi. p. 749). The probable site of
-Issus has been differently determined by different authors; Rennell
-(Illustrations of the Geography of the Anabasis, p. 42-48) places
-it near Oseler or Yusler; as far as I can judge, this seems too far
-distant from the head of the Gulf, towards the south.</p>
-
-<p>In respect to the maritime pass, called the Gates of Kilikia
-and Syria, there is much discrepancy between Xenophon and Arrian.
-It is evident that, in Xenophon’s time, this pass and the road of
-march through it lay between the mountains and the sea,—and that
-the obstructions (walls blocking up the passage), which he calls
-insurmountable by force, were mainly of artificial creation. But when
-Alexander passed, no walls existed. The artificial obstructions had
-disappeared during the seventy years between Xenophon and Alexander;
-and we can assign a probable reason why. In Xenophon’s time, Kilikia
-was occupied by the native prince Syennesis, who, though tributary,
-maintained a certain degree of independence even in regard to the
-Great King, and therefore kept a wall guarded by his own soldiers
-on his boundary towards Syria. But in Alexander’s time, Kilikia
-was occupied, like Syria, by a Persian satrap. Artificial boundary
-walls, between two conterminous satrapies under the same master, were
-unnecessary; and must even have been found inconvenient, during the
-great collective military operations of the Persian satraps against
-the revolted Evagoras of Cyprus (principally carried on from Kilikia
-as a base, about 380 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, Diodor. xv. 2)—as
-well as in the subsequent operations against the Phenician towns
-(Diodor. xvi. 42). Hence we may discern a reason why all artificial
-obstructions may have been swept away before the time of Alexander;
-leaving only the natural difficulties of the neighboring ground, upon
-which Xenophon has not touched.</p>
-
-<p>The spot still retained its old name—“The Gates of Kilikia and
-Syria”—even after walls and gates had been dispensed with. But that
-name, in Arrian’s description, designates a difficult and narrow
-point of the road <i>over hills and rocks</i>; a point which Major Rennell
-(Illustrations, p. 54) supposes to have been about a mile south of
-the river and walls described by Xenophon. However this may be, the
-precise spot designated by Xenophon seems probably to be sought
-about seven miles north of Scanderoon, near the ruins now known as
-Jonas’s Pillars (or Sakal Tutan), and the Castle of Merkes, where a
-river called <i>Merkes</i>, <i>Mahersy</i>, or <i>Kara-su</i>, flows across from the
-mountain to the sea. That this river is the same with the Kersus of
-Xenophon, is the opinion of Rennell, Ainsworth, and Mützel; as well
-as of Colonel Callier, who surveyed the country when accompanying
-the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_493">[p. 493]</span> army of
-Ibrahim Pacha as engineer (cited by Ritter, Erdk. p. 1792). At the
-spot here mentioned, the gulf indents eastward, while the western
-flank of Amanus approaches very close to it, and drops with unusual
-steepness towards it. Hence the road now followed does not pass
-between the mountain and the sea, but ascends over a portion of the
-mountain, and descends again afterwards to the low ground skirting
-the sea. Northward of Merkes, the space between the mountain and
-the sea gradually widens, towards Bayas. At some distance to the
-north of Bayas occurs the river now called Delle Tschai, which is
-considered I think with probability, to be the Pinarus, where the
-battle between Alexander and Darius was fought. This opinion however
-is not unanimous; Kinneir identifies the <i>Merkes</i> with the Pinarus.
-Moreover, there are several different streams which cross the space
-between Mount Amanus and the sea. Des Monceaux notices six streams
-as having been crossed between the Castle of Merkes and Bayas; and
-five more streams between Bayas and Ayas (Mützel ad Curtium, p. 105).
-Which among these is the Pinarus, cannot be settled without more or
-less of doubt.</p>
-
-<p>Besides the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, noted by Xenophon and
-Arrian in the above passages, there are also other Gates called <i>the
-Amanian Gates</i>, which are spoken of in a perplexing manner. Dr.
-Thirlwall insists with propriety on the necessity of distinguishing
-the <i>maritime</i> passes, between Mount Amanus and the sea—from the
-<i>inland</i> passes, which crossed over the ridge of Mount Amanus
-itself. But this distinction seems not uniformly observed by ancient
-authors, when we compare Strabo, Arrian, and Kallisthenes. Strabo
-uses the phrase, <i>Amanian Gates</i>, twice (xiv. p. 676; xvi. p. 751);
-in both cases designating a <i>maritime pass</i>, and not a pass <i>over</i>
-the mountain,—yet designating one maritime pass in the page first
-referred to, and another in the second. In xiv. p. 676—he means by
-αἱ Ἀμανίδες πύλαι, the spot called by modern travellers Demir Kapu,
-between Ægæ and Issus, or between Mopsuestia and Issus; while in xvi.
-751—he means by the same words that which I have been explaining as
-the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, on the eastern side of the Gulf of
-Issus. In fact, Strabo seems to conceive as a whole the strip of
-land between Mount Amanus and the Gulf, beginning at Demir Kapu,
-and ending at the Gates of Kilikia and Syria—and to call both the
-beginning and the end of it by the same name—the Amanian Gates.
-But he does not use this last phrase to designate the passage over
-or across Mount Amanus; neither does Arrian; who in describing the
-march of Darius from Sochi into Kilikia, says (ii. 7, 1)—ὑπερβαλὼν
-δὴ τὸ ὄρος Δαρεῖος τὸ κατὰ τὰς πύλας τὰς Ἀμανικὰς καλουμένας, ὡς ἐπὶ
-Ἴσσον προῆγε, καὶ ἐγένετο κατόπιν Ἀλεξάνδρου λαθών. Here, let it be
-observed, we do not read ὑπερβαλὼν τὰς πύλας—nor can I think that the
-words mean, as the translator gives them—“transiit Amanum, <i>eundo
-per Pylas Amanicas</i>.” The words rather signify, that Darius<span
-class="pagenum" id="Page_494">[p. 494]</span> “crossed over the
-mountain where it adjoined the Amanian Gates”—<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i> where it
-adjoined the strip of land skirting the Gulf, and lying between those
-two extreme points which Strabo denominates <i>Amanian Gates</i>. Arrian
-employs this last phrase more loosely than Strabo, yet still with
-reference to the maritime strip, and not to a <i>col</i> over the mountain
-ridge.</p>
-
-<p>On the other hand, Kallisthenes (if he is rightly represented by
-Polybius, who recites his statement, not his words, xii. 17) uses the
-words <i>Amanian Gates</i> to signify the passage by which Darius entered
-Kilikia—that is, the passage <i>over</i> the mountain. That which Xenophon
-and Arrian call the <i>Gates of Kilikia and Syria</i>—and which Strabo
-calls <i>Amanian Gates</i>—is described by Polybius as τὰ στενὰ, καὶ τὰς
-λεγομένας ἐν τῇ Κιλικίᾳ πύλας.</p>
-
-<p>It seems pretty certain that this must have been Darius’s line of
-march, because he came down immediately upon Issus, and then marched
-forward to the river Pinarus. Had he entered Kilikia by the pass of
-Beylan, he must have passed the Pinarus <i>before</i> he reached Issus.
-The positive grounds for admitting a practicable pass near the 37th
-parallel, are indeed called in question by Mützel (ad Curtium, p.
-102, 103), and are not in themselves conclusive; still I hold them
-sufficient, when taken in conjunction with the probabilities of the
-case. This pass was, however, we may suppose, less frequented than
-the maritime line of road through the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, and
-the pass of Beylan; which, as the more usual, was preferred both by
-the Cyreians and by Alexander.</p>
-
-<p>Respecting the march of Alexander, Dr. Thirlwall here starts a
-question, substantially to this effect: “Since Alexander intended
-to march through the pass of Beylan for the purpose of attacking
-the Persian camp at Sochi, what could have caused him to go to
-Myriandrus, which was more south than Beylan, and out of his road?”
-Dr. Thirlwall feels this difficulty so forcibly, that in order
-to eliminate it, he is inclined to accept the hypothesis of Mr.
-Williams, which places Myriandrus at Bayas, and the Kiliko-Syrian
-Gates at Demir-Kapu; an hypothesis which appears to me inadmissible
-on various grounds, and against which Mr. Ainsworth (in his Essay on
-the Cilician and Syrian Gates) has produced several very forcible
-objections.</p>
-
-<p>I confess that I do not feel the difficulty on which Dr. Thirlwall
-insists. When we see that Cyrus and the Ten Thousand went to
-Myriandrus, in their way to the pass of Beylan, we may reasonably
-infer that, whether that town was in the direct line or not, it was
-at least in the <i>usual</i> road of march—which does not always coincide
-with the direct line. But to waive this supposition, however—let us
-assume that there existed another shorter road leading to Beylan
-without passing by Myriandrus—there would still be reason enough to
-induce Alexander to go somewhat out of his way, in order to visit
-Myriandrus. For it was an important object with him to secure the
-sea ports<span class="pagenum" id="Page_495">[p. 495]</span> in
-his rear, in case of a possible reverse. Suppose him repulsed and
-forced to retreat—it would be a material assistance to his retreat,
-to have assured himself beforehand of Myriandrus as well as the
-other seaports. In the approaching months, we shall find him just as
-careful to make sure of the Phenician cities on the coast, before he
-marches into the interior to attack Darius at Arbela.</p>
-
-<p>Farther, Alexander, marching to attack Darius, had nothing to gain
-by haste, and nothing to lose by coming up to Sochi three days later.
-He knew that the enormous Persian host would not try to escape;
-it would either await him at Sochi, or else advance into Kilikia
-to attack him there. The longer he tarried, the more likely they
-were to do the latter, which was what he desired. He had nothing to
-lose therefore in any way, and some chance of gain, by prolonging
-his march to Sochi for as long a time as was necessary to secure
-Myriandrus. There is no more difficulty, I think, in understanding
-why he went to Myriandrus, than why he went westward from Tarsus
-(still more out of his line of advance) to Soli and Anchialus.</p>
-
-<p>It seems probable (as Rennell, p. 56, and others think), that the
-site of Myriandrus is now some distance inland; that there has been
-an accretion of new land and morass on the coast.</p>
-
-<p>The modern town of Scanderoon occupies the site of Ἀλεξανδρεία
-κατ᾽ Ἴσσον, founded (probably by order of Alexander himself) in
-commemoration of the victory of Issus. According to Ritter (p. 1791),
-“Alexander had the great idea of establishing there an emporium for
-the traffic of the East with Europe, as at the other Alexandria for
-the trade of the East with Egypt.” The importance of the site of
-Scanderoon, in antiquity, is here greatly exaggerated. I know no
-proof that Alexander had the idea which Ritter ascribes to him; and
-it is certain that his successors had no such idea; because they
-founded the great cities of Antioch and Seleukeia (in Pieria), both
-of them carrying the course of trade up the Orontes, and therefore
-diverting it away from Scanderoon. This latter town is only of
-importance as being the harbor of Aleppo; a city (Berœa) of little
-consequence in antiquity, while Antioch became the first city in the
-East, and Seleukeia among the first: see Ritter, p. 1152.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p class="center mt2">END.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter pt3" id="Index">
-  <p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_497">[p. 497]</span></p>
-  <h2 class="nobreak g1">INDEX.</h2>
-  <hr class="sep" />
-</div>
-
-<div class="idx">
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">A.</li>
-<li><i>Abantes</i>, iii. 165.</li>
-<li><i>Abdêra</i>, the army of Xerxes at, v. 42.</li>
-<li><i>Abrokomas</i>, ix. 27, 31.</li>
-<li><i>Abydos</i>, march of Xerxes to, v. 28;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, viii. 94;</li>
-  <li>Athenian victory at, over the Peloponnesians, viii. 110;</li>
-  <li>Athenian victory over Pharnabazus at, viii. 121;</li>
-  <li>Derkyllidas at, ix. 310 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Anaxibius and Iphikrates at, ix. 369 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Achæan</i> origin affected by Spartan kings, ii. 11;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>league, <a href="#Page_391">xii. 391</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Achæans</i>, various accounts of, i. 104, 105;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>effect of the Dorian occupation of Peloponnesus on, ii. 12;</li>
-  <li>Homeric view of, ii. 12;</li>
-  <li>of Phthiôtis and Peloponnesus, ii. 275;</li>
-  <li>of Peloponnesus, ii. 284, 303.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Achæmenes</i>, v. 96.</li>
-<li><i>Achæus</i>, i. 101, 199.</li>
-<li><i>Achaia</i>, ii. 269;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>towns and territory of, ii. 465 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Epaminondas in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 367, x. 266;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of the Thebans in <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 367, x. 268;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Sparta and Elis, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 365, x. 313.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Acharnæ</i>, Archidamus at, vi. 131 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Achelôus</i>, i. 282.</li>
-<li><i>Achillêis</i>, the basis of the Iliad, ii. 175 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Achillês</i>, i. 291 <i>seq.</i>, 297 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Achradina</i>, capture of, by Neon, xi. 157.</li>
-<li><i>Acropolis at Athens</i>, flight to, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 114;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of by Xerxes, v. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>visit of the Peisistratids to, after its capture by Xerxes, v. 118;</li>
-  <li>inviolable reserve fund in, vi. 138 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ada</i>, queen of Karia, <a href="#Page_94">xii. 94</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Adeimantus</i>, of Corinth, and Themistoklês, at Salamis, v. 122, 124.</li>
-<li><i>Admêtus</i> and Alkêstis, i. 113 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Admêtus</i> and Themisoklês, v. 283.</li>
-<li><i>Adranum</i>, Timoleon at, xi. 148, 156.</li>
-<li><i>Adrastus</i>, i. 256, <i>seq.</i>, 268; iii. 34.</li>
-<li><i>Adrastus</i>, the Phrygian exile, iii. 152.</li>
-<li><i>Adrumetum</i>, captured by Agathokles, <a href="#Page_419">xii. 419</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Æa</i>, i. 250 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Æakid</i> genealogy, i. 184 <i>seq.</i>, 189.</li>
-<li><i>Æakus</i>, i. 184 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Æêtês</i>, i. 115;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Argonauts, i. 231 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Circê, i. 251.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ægæ</i>, iii. 190.</li>
-<li><i>Ægean</i>, islands in, ii. 214;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the Macedonian fleet master of, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ægean</i> islands, effect of the battle of Chæroneia on, xi. 504.</li>
-<li><i>Ægeids</i> at Sparta, ii. 361.</li>
-<li><i>Ægeus</i>, i. 205; death of, i. 221.</li>
-<li><i>Ægialeus</i>, i. 82.</li>
-<li><i>Ægina</i>, i. 184;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>war of, against Athens, at the instigation of the Thebans, iv. 171, 173, 315;</li>
-  <li>submission of, to Darius, iv. 315;</li>
-  <li>appeal of Athenians to Sparta against the Medism of, iv. 318;</li>
-  <li>attempted revolution at, by Nikodromus, v. 47 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>from <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 488 to 481, v. 47, 48 <i>seq.</i>, 53;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, settlement of the feud between, v. 58;</li>
-  <li>removal of Athenians to, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 108;</li>
-  <li>Greek fleet at, in the spring of <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 479, v. 147;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_498">[p. 498]</span>war of Athens against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 459, v. 321;</li>
-  <li>subdued by Athens, v. 331;</li>
-  <li>expulsion of the Æginetans from, by the Athenians, vi. 136;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 389, ix. 371 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Gorgôpas in, ix. 373 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Teleutias in, ix. 373, 376.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Æginæan</i> scale, ii. 319 <i>seq.</i>, 325; iii. 171.</li>
-<li><i>Æqinetans</i>, and Thebans, i. 184;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the hostages taken from them by Kleomenês and Leotychidês, v. 46 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>pre-eminence of, at Salamis, v. 145;</li>
-  <li>at Thyrea, capture and death of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 424, vi. 366.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ægistheus</i>, i. 162 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Ægospotami</i>, battle of, viii. 217 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>condition of Athens and her dependencies after the battle of, viii. 223, 225, 227 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ægyptos</i>, i. 87.</li>
-<li><i>Æimnestus</i> and Dionysius, x. 468.</li>
-<li><i>Æneadæ</i> at Skêpsis, i. 316.</li>
-<li><i>Æneas</i>, i. 293, 315 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Ænianes</i>, ii. 286.</li>
-<li><i>Æolic</i> Greeks in the Trôad, i. 335;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>emigration under the Pelopids, ii. 19;</li>
-  <li>Kymê, custom at, in cases of murder, ii. 94 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Doric dialects, ii. 335;</li>
-  <li>cities in Asia, iii. 190 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>emigration, iii. 191, 193;</li>
-  <li>establishments near Mount Ida, iii. 195.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Æolid line</i>, the first, i. 107 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the second, i. 112 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the third, i. 119 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the fourth, i. 123 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Æolis</i>, iii. 195;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the subsatrapy of, and Pharnabazus, ix. 206 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Æolus</i>, i. 95 <i>seq.</i>, 103.</li>
-<li><i>Æpytus</i>, i. 176.</li>
-<li><i>Æschinês</i>, at the battle of Tamynæ, xi. 342;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>proceedings of, against Philip, after his capture of Olynthus, xi. 366;</li>
-  <li>early history of, xi. 366;</li>
-  <li>as envoy of Athens in Arcadia, xi. 367;</li>
-  <li>desire of, for peace, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 347, xi. 368;</li>
-  <li>and the embassies from Athens to Philip, xi. 381 <i>seq.</i>, 406, 410, 413 <i>seq.</i>, 422;</li>
-  <li>and the motion of Philokrates for peace and alliance with Philip, xi. 391 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fabrications of, about Philip, xi. 398, 408, 409, 412 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>visit of, to Philip in Phokis, xi. 422;</li>
-  <li>justifies Philip after his conquest of Thermopylæ, xi. 425;</li>
-  <li>corruption of, xi. 430 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the Amphiktyonic assembly at Delphi, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 359, xi. 470 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>on the special Amphiktyonic meeting at Thermopylæ, xi. 479;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 506;</li>
-  <li>accusation against Ktesiphon by, <a href="#Page_286">xii. 286</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>exile of, <a href="#Page_293">xii. 293</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Æschylus</i>, Promêtheus of, i. 78, 381 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his treatment of mythes, i. 379 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Sophoklês, and Euripidês, viii. 317 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Æsculapius</i>, i. 178 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Æsôn</i>, death of, i. 114.</li>
-<li><i>Æsymnête</i>, iii. 19.</li>
-<li><i>Æthiopis</i> of Arktinus, ii. 156.</li>
-<li><i>Æêthlius</i>, i. 99.</li>
-<li><i>Ætna</i>, foundation of the city of, v. 229;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>second city of, v. 236;</li>
-  <li>reconquered by Duketius, vii. 123;</li>
-  <li>conquest of, by Dionysius, x. 468;</li>
-  <li>Campanians of, x. 497.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ætolia</i>, legendary settlement of, i. 137;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expedition of Demosthenes against, vi. 296 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ætolian</i> genealogy, i. 138.</li>
-<li><i>Ætolians</i>, ii. 290;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>rude condition of, ii. 292;</li>
-  <li>emigration of, into Peloponnesus, ii. 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Akarnanians, iii. 411;</li>
-  <li>and Peloponnesians under Eurylochus attack Naupaktus, xi. 291;</li>
-  <li>contest and pacification of, with Antipater, <a href="#Page_332">xii. 332</a>;</li>
-  <li>Kassander’s attempt to check, <a href="#Page_370">xii. 370</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ætolo-Eleians</i> and the Olympic games, ii. 317.</li>
-<li><i>Ætôlus</i>, i. 102, 103;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Oxylus, i. 153.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Africa</i>, circumnavigation of, by the Phenicians, iii. 283 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expedition of Agathokles to, against Carthage, <a href="#Page_410">xii. 410</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Agamêdês</i> and Trophonius, i. 129.</li>
-<li><i>Agamemnôn</i>, pre-eminence of, i. 154 <i>seq.</i>, 161 <i>seq.</i>, 163;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Orestes transferred to Sparta, i. 165;</li>
-  <li>and the Trojan expedition, i. 289, 293.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Agaristê</i> and Megaklês, iii. 38.</li>
-<li><i>Agasias</i>, ix. 145, 147 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Agathokles</i>, first rise of, <a href="#Page_397">xii. 397</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>distinction of, in the Syracusan expedition to Kroton, <a href="#Page_398">xii. 398</a>;</li>
-  <li>retires from Syracuse to Italy, <a href="#Page_398">xii. 398</a>;</li>
-  <li>exploits of, in Italy and Sicily, about <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 320, <a href="#Page_285">xii. 285</a>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_499">[p. 499]</span>first ascendency of, at Syracuse, <a href="#Page_399">xii. 399</a>;</li>
-  <li>his readmission to Syracuse, <a href="#Page_400">xii. 400</a>;</li>
-  <li>massacres the Syracusans, <a href="#Page_401">xii. 401</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>constituted despot of Syracuse, <a href="#Page_402">xii. 402</a>;</li>
-  <li>his popular manners, and military success, <a href="#Page_404">xii. 404</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Agrigentines, <a href="#Page_404">xii. 404</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Deinokrates, <a href="#Page_407">xii. 407</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>massacre at Gela by, <a href="#Page_408">xii. 408</a>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at the Himera, <a href="#Page_409">xii. 409</a>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Africa, <a href="#Page_410">xii. 410</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;</li>
-  <li>capture of Megalêpolis and Tunês by, <a href="#Page_414">xii. 414</a>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over Hanno and Bomilkar, <a href="#Page_416">xii. 416</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>operations of, on the eastern coast of Carthage, <a href="#Page_419">xii. 419</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mutiny in the army of, at Tunês, <a href="#Page_426">xii. 426</a>;</li>
-  <li>in Numidia, <a href="#Page_427">xii. 427</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Ophellas, <a href="#Page_427">xii. 427</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of Utica by, <a href="#Page_436">xii. 436</a>;</li>
-  <li>goes from Africa to Sicily, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 306-305, <a href="#Page_438">xii. 438</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>;</li>
-  <li>in Sicily, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 306-305, <a href="#Page_439">xii. 439</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>returns from Sicily to Africa, where he is defeated by the Carthaginians, <a href="#Page_441">xii. 441</a>;</li>
-  <li>deserts his army at Tunês, and they capitulate, <a href="#Page_443">xii. 443</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;</li>
-  <li>barbarities of, at Egesta and Syracuse, after his African expedition, <a href="#Page_445">xii. 445</a>;</li>
-  <li>operations of, in Liparæ, Italy, and Korkyra, <a href="#Page_448">xii. 448</a>;</li>
-  <li>last projects and death of, <a href="#Page_449">xii. 449</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>genius and character of, <a href="#Page_450">xii. 450</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Agavê</i> and Pentheus, i. 261 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Agêma</i>, Macedonian, <a href="#Page_63">xii. 63</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Agên</i>, the satiric drama, <a href="#Page_296">xii. 296</a> and <a href="#Footnote_699"><i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Agenôr</i> and his offspring, i. 257.</li>
-<li><i>Agesandridas</i>, viii. 71, 74 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Agesilaus</i>, character of, ix. 242, 246, 280;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>nomination of, as king, ix. 244 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>popular conduct and partisanship of, ix. 246;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Asia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 397, ix. 257 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>humiliation of Lysander by, ix. 260 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Tissaphernes breaks the truce with, ix. 261;</li>
-  <li>attacks of, on the satrapy of Pharnabazus, ix. 261, 273 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his enrichment of his friends, ix. 262;</li>
-  <li>humanity of, ix. 263;</li>
-  <li>naked exposure of Asiatic prisoners by, ix. 265 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Ephesus, ix. 266;</li>
-  <li>victory of, near Sardis, ix. 267;</li>
-  <li>negotiations of, with Tithraustes, ix. 269;</li>
-  <li>appointed to command at sea and on land, ix. 269, 271;</li>
-  <li>efforts of, to augment his fleet, ix. 273;</li>
-  <li>and Spithridates, ix. 274;</li>
-  <li>and Pharnabazus, conference between, ix. 277 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>large preparations and recall of, from Asia, ix. 280, 286, 308 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>relations of Sparta with her neighbors and allies after the accession of, ix. 284;</li>
-  <li>on the northern frontier of Bœotia, ix. 312;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Koroneia, ix. 313 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Teleutias, capture of the Long Walls at Corinth, and of Lechæum by, ix. 339 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of Peiræum and Œnoê by, ix. 344, 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Isthmian festival, ix. 344;</li>
-  <li>and the envoys from Thebes, ix. 346, 352;</li>
-  <li>and the destruction of the Lacedæmonian <i>mora</i> by Iphikrates, ix. 348, 352;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, against Akarnania, ix. 354;</li>
-  <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 385 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>miso-Theban sentiment of, x. 28, 34;</li>
-  <li>his defence of Phœbidas, x. 62;</li>
-  <li>subjugation of Phlius by, x. 70 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the trial of Sphodrias, x. 100;</li>
-  <li>expeditions of, against Thebes, x. 127 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Epaminondas, at the congress at Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 170;</li>
-  <li>and the re-establishment of Mantinea, x. 205 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>feeling against, at Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 207;</li>
-  <li>march of, against Mantinea, x. 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>vigilant defence of Sparta by, against Epaminondas, x. 221, 330;</li>
-  <li>in Asia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 294, 296;</li>
-  <li>in Egypt, x. 362 <i>seq.</i>, and the independence of Mêssêne, x. 360;</li>
-  <li>death and character of, x. 363 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Agesipolis</i>, ix. 356 <i>seq.</i>; x. 35 <i>seq.</i>, 67, 70.</li>
-<li><i>Agêtus</i> and Aristo, iv. 326.</li>
-<li><i>Agis II.</i>, invasion of Attica by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 425, vi. 313;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>advance of, to Leuktra, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 419, vii. 64;</li>
-  <li>invasion of Argos by, vii. 71 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>retirement of, from Argos, vii. 74 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the battle of Mantinea, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>invasion of Attica by, vii. 288, 353;</li>
-  <li>movements of, after the Athenian disaster in Sicily, vii. 364;</li>
-  <li>applications from Eubœa and Lesbos to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 365;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_500">[p. 500]</span>overtures of peace from the Four Hundred to, viii. 44;</li>
-  <li>repulse of, by Thrasyllus, viii. 128;</li>
-  <li>fruitless attempt of, to surprise Athens, viii. 156;</li>
-  <li>invasions of Elis by, ix. 225 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>death of, ix. 241.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Agis III.</i>, ii. 387 <i>seq.</i>, 127, 281 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Aglaurion</i>, v. 117 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Agnonides</i>, <a href="#Page_351">xii. 351</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Agones</i> and festivals in honor of gods, i. 51.</li>
-<li><i>Agora</i>, Homeric, ii. 67 <i>seq.</i>; and Boulê, ii. 75.</li>
-<li><i>Agoratus</i>, viii. 235, 240.</li>
-<li><i>Agrigentine</i> generals, accusation and death of, x. 427.</li>
-<li><i>Agrigentines</i>, and Agathokles, <a href="#Page_404">xii. 404</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>defeat of, by Leptines and Demophilus, <a href="#Page_440">xii. 440</a>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, by Leptines, <a href="#Page_441">xii. 441</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Agrigentum</i>, iii. 366;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Phalaris of, iv. 378, v. 204;</li>
-  <li>and Syracuse, before <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 500, v. 205;</li>
-  <li>prisoners sent to, after the battle of Himera, v. 225;</li>
-  <li>and Syracuse, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 446, vii. 126;</li>
-  <li>after the Theronian dynasty, vii. 127;</li>
-  <li>and Hannibal’s capture of Selinus, x. 408;</li>
-  <li>defensive preparations at, against Hannibal and Imilkon, x. 422;</li>
-  <li>strength, wealth, and population of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 406, x. 423 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>blockade and capture of, by the Carthaginians, x. 425 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>complaints against the Syracusan generals at, x. 427, 431, 433 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>declaration of, against Dionysius, xi. 6;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon and the fresh colonization of, xi. 187;</li>
-  <li>siege of, by Agathokles, <a href="#Page_406">xii. 406</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Agylla</i>, plunder of the temple at, xi. 25.</li>
-<li><i>Agyrium</i>, Dionysius and Magon at, ix. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Agyrrhius</i>, ix. 368.</li>
-<li><i>Ajax</i>, son of Telamôn, i. 187, 299.</li>
-<li><i>Ajax</i>, son of Oïleus, i. 189, 305, 310.</li>
-<li><i>Akanthus</i>, iv. 25;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>march of Xerxes to, v. 43;</li>
-  <li>induced by Brasidas to revolt from Athens, vi. 406 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>speech of Brasidas at, ix. 193 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>opposition of, to the Olynthian confederacy, x. 52 <i>seq.</i>, 57.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Akarnan</i> and Amphoterus, i. 282.</li>
-<li><i>Akarnania</i>, Demosthenês in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 426, vi. 296;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expedition of Agesilaus against, ix. 354.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Akarnanians</i>, ii. 292 <i>seq.</i>, iii. 407 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Athens, alliance between, vi. 120;</li>
-  <li>under Demosthenês save Naupaktus, vi. 303;</li>
-  <li>and Amphilochians, pacific treaty of, with the Ambrakiots, vi. 311.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Akastus</i>, wife of, and Pêleus, i. 114.</li>
-<li><i>Akesines</i>, crossed by Alexander, <a href="#Page_230">xii. 230</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Akræ</i> in Sicily, iii. 366.</li>
-<li><i>Akragas</i>, iii. 366.</li>
-<li><i>Akrisois</i>, Danaê and Perseus, i. 89 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Akrotatus</i>, <a href="#Page_404">xii. 404</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Aktæôn</i>, i. 260.</li>
-<li><i>Aktê</i>, Brasidas in, vi. 421.</li>
-<li><i>Akusilaus</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 390.</li>
-<li><i>Alæsa</i>, foundation of, x. 469.</li>
-<li><i>Alalia</i>, Phokæan colony at, iv. 205.</li>
-<li><i>Alazônes</i>, iii. 239.</li>
-<li><i>Alcyone</i> and Kêyx, i. 135.</li>
-<li><i>Alêtês</i>, ii. 9.</li>
-<li><i>Aleus</i>, i. 176.</li>
-<li><i>Alexander of Macedon</i>, and Greeks at Tempê, on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 69;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>embassy of, to Athens, v. 150 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Athenians before the battle of Platæa, v. 151.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Alexander the Great</i>, his visit to Ilium, i. 326, <a href="#Page_69">xii. 69</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>successors of, and Ilium, i. 326;</li>
-  <li>comparison between the invasion of, and that of Xerxes, v. 240;</li>
-  <li>birth of, xi. 241;</li>
-  <li>at the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 500;</li>
-  <li>quarrels of, with his father, xi. 513, <a href="#Page_3">xii. 3</a>;</li>
-  <li>accession of, xi. 517, <a href="#Page_1">xii. 1</a>, 7;</li>
-  <li>character, education, and early political action of, <a href="#Page_2">xii. 2</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>uncertain position of, during the last year of Philip, <a href="#Page_5">xii. 5</a>;</li>
-  <li>Amyntas put to death by, <a href="#Page_8">xii. 8</a>;</li>
-  <li>march of, into Greece, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 336, <a href="#Page_11">xii. 11</a>;</li>
-  <li>chosen Imperator of the Greeks, <a href="#Page_13">xii. 13</a>;</li>
-  <li>convention at Corinth under, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 336, <a href="#Page_13">xii. 13</a>;</li>
-  <li>authority claimed by, under the convention at Corinth, <a href="#Page_15">xii. 15</a>;</li>
-  <li>violations of the convention at Corinth by, <a href="#Page_16">xii. 16</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, into Thrace, <a href="#Page_22">xii. 22</a> <i>seq.</i>, 25, <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>embassy of Gauls to, <a href="#Page_26">xii. 26</a>;</li>
-  <li>victories of, over Kleitus and the Illyrians, <a href="#Page_27">xii. 27</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Thebes against, <a href="#Page_29">xii. 29</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>march of, from Thrace to Thebes, <a href="#Page_36">xii. 36</a>;</li>
-  <li>capture and destruction of Thebes by, <a href="#Page_37">xii. 37</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_501">[p. 501]</span>demands the surrender of anti-Macedonian leaders at Athens, <a href="#Page_45">xii. 45</a>;</li>
-  <li>at Corinth, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 335, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Diogenes, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>;</li>
-  <li>reconstitution of Bœotia by, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>;</li>
-  <li>Grecian history a blank in the reign of, <a href="#Page_50">xii. 50</a>;</li>
-  <li>connection of his Asiatic conquests with Grecian history, <a href="#Page_50">xii. 50</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Pan-Hellenic pretences of, <a href="#Page_51">xii. 51</a>;</li>
-  <li>analogy of his relation to the Greeks with those of Napoleon to the Confederation of the Rhine, <a href="#Page_51">xii. 51</a>, <a href="#Footnote_113">52 <i>n.</i></a>;</li>
-  <li>military endowments of, <a href="#Page_52">xii. 52</a>;</li>
-  <li>military changes in Greece during the sixty years before the accession of, <a href="#Page_53">xii. 53</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>measures of, before going to Asia, <a href="#Page_67">xii. 67</a>;</li>
-  <li>his march to the Hellespont and passage to Asia, <a href="#Page_69">xii. 69</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li>
-  <li>analogy of, to the Greek heroes, <a href="#Page_71">xii. 71</a>;</li>
-  <li>review of his army in Asia, <a href="#Page_72">xii. 72</a>;</li>
-  <li>Macedonian officers of his army in Asia, <a href="#Page_73">xii. 73</a>;</li>
-  <li>Greeks in his service in Asia, <a href="#Page_74">xii. 74</a>;</li>
-  <li>defensive preparation of Darius against, <a href="#Page_76">xii. 76</a>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at the Granikus, <a href="#Page_81">xii. 81</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>submission of the Asiatics to, after the battle of the Granikus, <a href="#Page_89">xii. 89</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Mithrines, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>, 207;</li>
-  <li>capture of Ephesus by, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>;</li>
-  <li>capture of Miletus by, <a href="#Page_92">xii. 92</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>debate of, with Parmenio at Miletus, <a href="#Page_92">xii. 92</a>;</li>
-  <li>disbands his fleet, <a href="#Page_94">xii. 94</a>;</li>
-  <li>capture of Halikarnassus by, <a href="#Page_94">xii. 94</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conquest of Lykia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia by, <a href="#Page_99">xii. 99</a>;</li>
-  <li>at Kelænæ, <a href="#Page_101">xii. 101</a>;</li>
-  <li>cuts the Gordian knot, <a href="#Page_104">xii. 104</a>;</li>
-  <li>refuses to liberate the Athenians captured at the Granikus, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>;</li>
-  <li>subjugation of Paphlagonia and Kappadokia by, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a>;</li>
-  <li>passes Mount Taurus and enters Tarsus, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>operations of, in Kilikia, <a href="#Page_113">xii. 113</a>;</li>
-  <li>march of, from Kilikia to Myriandrus, <a href="#Page_114">xii. 114</a>;</li>
-  <li>return of, from Myriandrus, <a href="#Page_117">xii. 117</a>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Issus, <a href="#Page_118">xii. 118</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his courteous treatment of Darius’s mother, wife and family, <a href="#Page_124">xii. 124</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li>
-  <li>his treatment of Greeks taken at Damascus, <a href="#Page_129">xii. 129</a>;</li>
-  <li>in Phœnicia, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li>
-  <li>his correspondence with Darius, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li>
-  <li>siege and capture of Tyre by, <a href="#Page_132">xii. 132</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>surrender of the princes of Cyprus to, <a href="#Page_138">xii. 138</a>;</li>
-  <li>his march towards Egypt, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li>
-  <li>siege and capture of Gaza by, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his cruelty to Batis, <a href="#Page_145">xii. 145</a>;</li>
-  <li>in Egypt, <a href="#Page_146">xii. 146</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>crosses the Euphrates at Thapsakus, <a href="#Page_150">xii. 150</a>;</li>
-  <li>fords the Tigris, <a href="#Page_151">xii. 151</a>;</li>
-  <li>continence of, <a href="#Footnote_376">xii. 158 <i>n.</i> 2</a>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Arbela, <a href="#Page_155">xii. 155</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>surrender of Susa and Babylon to, <a href="#Page_168">xii. 168</a>;</li>
-  <li>his march from Susa to Persepolis, <a href="#Page_171">xii. 171</a>;</li>
-  <li>at Persepolis, <a href="#Page_172">xii. 172</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>subjugation of Persis by, <a href="#Page_177">xii. 177</a>;</li>
-  <li>at Ekbatana, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>sends home the Thessalian cavalry, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a>;</li>
-  <li>pursues Darius into Parthia, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>disappointment of, in not taking Darius alive, <a href="#Page_186">xii. 186</a>;</li>
-  <li>Asiatizing tendencies of, <a href="#Page_188">xii. 188</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li>
-  <li>at Hekatompylus, <a href="#Page_187">xii. 187</a>;</li>
-  <li>in Hyrkania, <a href="#Page_188">xii. 188</a>;</li>
-  <li>his treatment of the Grecian mercenaries and envoys with Darius, <a href="#Page_188">xii. 188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
-  <li>in Aria and Drangiana, <a href="#Page_189">xii. 189</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li>
-  <li>Parmenio and Philotas put to death by, <a href="#Page_190">xii. 190</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Gedrosia, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li>
-  <li>foundation of Alexandria ad Caucasum by, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>;</li>
-  <li>in Baktria and Sogdiana, <a href="#Page_201">xii. 201</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Bessus, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li>
-  <li>massacre of the Branchidæ by, <a href="#Page_203">xii. 203</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Marakanda, <a href="#Page_204">xii. 204</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Scythians, <a href="#Page_206">xii. 206</a>, 213;</li>
-  <li>Kleitus killed by, <a href="#Page_208">xii. 208</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of the Sogdian rock and the rock of Choriênes by, <a href="#Page_214">xii. 214</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Roxana, <a href="#Page_214">xii. 214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Kallisthenes, conspiracy of royal pages against, <a href="#Page_221">xii. 221</a>;</li>
-  <li>reduces the country between Hindoo Koosh and the Indus, <a href="#Page_225">xii. 225</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>crosses the Indus and the Hydaspes, and defeats Porus, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a> <i>n.</i> 2, and <i>n.</i> 1, page <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li>
-  <li>conquests of, in the Punjab, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>refusal of his army to march farther, <a href="#Page_231">xii. 231</a>;</li>
-  <li>voyage of, down the Hydaspes and the Indus, <a href="#Page_234">xii. 234</a>;</li>
-  <li>wounded in attacking the Malli, <a href="#Page_234">xii. 234</a>;</li>
-  <li>posts on the Indus established by, <a href="#Page_235">xii. 235</a>;</li>
-  <li>his bacchanalian procession thro’ Karmania, <a href="#Page_236">xii. 236</a>;</li>
-  <li>and the tomb of Cyrus the Great, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>;</li>
-  <li>satraps of, <a href="#Page_239">xii. 239</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_502">[p. 502]</span>discontents and mutiny of his Macedonian soldiers, <a href="#Page_241">xii. 241</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic levies of, <a href="#Page_243">xii. 243</a>;</li>
-  <li>sails down the Pasitigris and up the Tigris to Opis, <a href="#Page_243">xii. 243</a>;</li>
-  <li>partial disbanding of his Macedonian soldiers by, <a href="#Page_245">xii. 245</a>;</li>
-  <li>preparations of, for the conquest and circumnavigation of Asia, <a href="#Page_245">xii. 245</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li>
-  <li>his grief for the death of Hephæstion, <a href="#Page_247">xii. 247</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li>
-  <li>extermination of the Kossæi by, <a href="#Page_248">xii. 248</a>;</li>
-  <li>his last visit to Babylon, <a href="#Page_248">xii. 248</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>numerous embassies to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 323, <a href="#Page_248">xii. 248</a>;</li>
-  <li>his sail on the Euphrates, <a href="#Page_250">xii. 250</a>;</li>
-  <li>his incorporation of Persians in the Macedonian phalanx, <a href="#Page_251">xii. 251</a>;</li>
-  <li>his despatch to Kleomenes, <a href="#Page_253">xii. 253</a>;</li>
-  <li>forebodings and suspicion of, at Babylon, <a href="#Page_253">xii. 253</a>, <a href="#Footnote_614">254 <i>n.</i> 3</a>;</li>
-  <li>illness and death of, <a href="#Page_254">xii. 254</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>rumored poisoning of, <a href="#Footnote_617">xii. 256 <i>n.</i> 2</a>;</li>
-  <li>sentiments excited by the career and death of, <a href="#Page_258">xii. 258</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>probable achievements of, if he had lived longer, <a href="#Page_259">xii. 259</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>character of, as a ruler, <a href="#Page_261">xii. 261</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>absence of nationality in, <a href="#Page_264">xii. 264</a>;</li>
-  <li>Livy’s opinion as to his chances, if he had attacked the Romans, <a href="#Page_260">xii. 260</a>;</li>
-  <li>unrivalled excellence of, as a military man, <a href="#Page_261">xii. 261</a>;</li>
-  <li>not the intentional diffuser of Hellenic culture, <a href="#Page_265">xii. 265</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>cities founded in Asia by, <a href="#Page_267">xii. 267</a>;</li>
-  <li>Asia not Hellenized by, <a href="#Page_269">xii. 269</a>;</li>
-  <li>increased intercommunication produced by the conquests of, <a href="#Page_272">xii. 272</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his interest in science and literature, <a href="#Page_274">xii. 274</a>;</li>
-  <li>state of the Grecian world when he crossed the Hellespont, <a href="#Page_275">xii. 275</a>;</li>
-  <li>possibility of emancipating Greece during his earlier Asiatic campaigns, <a href="#Page_276">xii. 276</a>;</li>
-  <li>his rescript directing the recall of Grecian exiles, <a href="#Page_310">xii. 310</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his family and generals, after his death, <a href="#Page_319">xii. 319</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>partition of the empire of, <a href="#Page_319">xii. 319</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li>
-  <li>list of projects entertained by, at the time of his death, <a href="#Page_320">xii. 320</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Alexander</i>, son of Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_333">xii. 333</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Alexander</i>, son of Polysperchon, <a href="#Page_366">xii. 366</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Alexander</i>, son of Kassander, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Alexander</i>, king of the Molossians, <a href="#Page_396">xii. 396</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Alexander</i>, son of Amyntas, x. 248, 249.</li>
-<li><i>Alexander of Epirus</i>, marriage of, xi. 515.</li>
-<li><i>Alexander</i>, the Lynkestian, xi. 517 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Alexander of Pheræ</i>, x. 248;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expeditions of Pelopidas against, x. 248, 263, 303, 307 <i>seq.</i>, 309 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>seizure of Pelopidas and Ismenias by, x. 282 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>release of Pelopidas and Ismenias by, x. 285;</li>
-  <li>subdued by the Thebans, x. 309 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>naval hostilities of, against Athens, x. 370;</li>
-  <li>cruelties and assassination of, xi. 203 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Alexandreia Trôas</i>, i. 326.</li>
-<li><i>Alexandria</i> in Egypt, <a href="#Page_146">xii. 146</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>ad Caucasum, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>;</li>
-  <li>in Ariis, and in Arachosia, <a href="#Footnote_479">xii. 200 <i>n.</i> 4</a>;</li>
-  <li>ad Jaxartem, <a href="#Page_205">xii. 205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Alexandrine</i> chronology from the return of the Herakleids to the first Olympiad, ii. 304.</li>
-<li><i>Alexiklês</i>, viii. 64, 67, 68.</li>
-<li><i>Alkæus</i>, Herodotus’s mistake about, iii. 155 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his flight from battle, iii. 199;</li>
-  <li>opposition of, to Pittakus, iii. 199, iv., 90 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>collected works of, iv. 90 <i>n.</i> 4;</li>
-  <li>subjective character of his poetry, i. 363.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Alkamenês</i>, son of Têleklus, ii. 420.</li>
-<li><i>Alkamenês</i>, appointment of, to go to Lesbos, vii. 365;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>defeat and death of, vii. 369.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Alkestis</i> and Admêtus, i. 113 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Alketas</i>, x. 139, 147 <i>n.</i>, 153, xi. 54.</li>
-<li><i>Alkibiades</i>, reputed oration of Androkidês against, iv. 151, <i>n.</i> 3, vi. 7, <i>n.</i> 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>alleged duplication of the tribute-money of Athenian allies by, vi. 7, <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>at the battle of Delium, v. 397;</li>
-  <li>education and character of, vii. 30 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Sokratês, vii. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conflicting sentiments entertained towards, vii. 40;</li>
-  <li>attempts of, to revive his family tie with Sparta, vii. 42;</li>
-  <li>early politics of, vii. 42;</li>
-  <li>adoption of anti-Laconian politics by, vii. 43;</li>
-  <li>attempt of, to ally Argos with Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 420, vii. 43;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_503">[p. 503]</span>trick of, upon the Lacedæmonian envoys, vii. 46 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>display of, at the Olympic festival, vii. 53 <i>seq.</i>, 59 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>intra-Peloponnesian policy of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 419, vii. 62 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, into the interior of Peloponnesus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 419, vii. 63;</li>
-  <li>at Argos, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 75, and <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 416, vii. 98;</li>
-  <li>and Nikias, projected contention of ostracism between, vii. 104 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his support of the Egestæan envoys at Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 416, vii. 146;</li>
-  <li>and the Sicilian expedition, vii. 148, 152 <i>seq.</i>, 160 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>attack upon, in connection with the mutilation of the Hermæ, vii. 175, 207 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the Eleusinian mysteries and, vii. 175 <i>seq.</i>, 211 <i>seq.</i>; viii. 150;</li>
-  <li>plan of action in Sicily proposed by, vii. 191;</li>
-  <li>at Messênê in Sicily, vii. 193;</li>
-  <li>at Katana, vii. 193;</li>
-  <li>recall of, to take his trial, vii. 195, 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>escape and condemnation of, vii. 211 <i>seq.</i>, 235 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>at Sparta, vii. 235 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonians persuaded by, to send aid to Chios, vii. 367;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Chios, vii. 370 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Milêtus from Athens, caused by, vii. 375;</li>
-  <li>order from Sparta to kill, viii. 2;</li>
-  <li>escape of, to Tissaphernês, viii. 3;</li>
-  <li>advice of, to Tissaphernês, viii. 3;</li>
-  <li>acts as interpreter between Tissaphernês and the Greeks, viii. 5 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>oligarchical conspiracy of, with the Athenian officers at Samos, viii. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>counter manœuvres of, against Phrynichus, viii. 12;</li>
-  <li>proposed restoration of, to Athens, viii. 12, 13;</li>
-  <li>negotiations of, with Peisander, viii. 15, 20 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Athenian democracy at Samos, viii. 49 <i>seq.</i>, 51, 52 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Aspendus, viii. 100;</li>
-  <li>return of, from Aspendus to Samos, viii. 116;</li>
-  <li>arrival of, at the Hellespont, from Samos, viii. 117;</li>
-  <li>arrest of Tissaphernês by, viii. 120;</li>
-  <li>escape of, from Sardis, viii. 120;</li>
-  <li>and the Athenian fleet, at the Bosphorus, viii. 126;</li>
-  <li>attack upon Chalkêdon by, viii. 126;</li>
-  <li>occupation of Chrysopolis by, viii. 127;</li>
-  <li>and Thrasyllus, at the Hellespont, viii. 130;</li>
-  <li>capture of Chalkêdon by, viii. 132;</li>
-  <li>and Pharnabazus, viii. 133;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, in Thrace and Asia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 144;</li>
-  <li>return of, to Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 145 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Asia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 150 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>dissatisfaction of the armament at Samos with, viii. 153;</li>
-  <li>accusations against, at Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 153;</li>
-  <li>alteration of sentiment towards, at Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 156 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Nikias, different behavior of the Athenians towards, viii. 158;</li>
-  <li>dismissal of, from his command, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 158;</li>
-  <li>at Ægospotami, viii. 217;</li>
-  <li>position and views of, in Asia, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 313 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>assassination of, viii. 314 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>character of, viii. 316 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Alkidas</i>, vi. 237, 239 <i>seq.</i>, 266 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Alkmæôn</i>, i. 278 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Alkmæônids</i>, curse, trial, and condemnation of, iii. 82;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>proceedings of, against Hippias, iv. 120;</li>
-  <li>rebuilding of Delphian temple by, iv. 121;</li>
-  <li>false imputation of treachery on at the battle of Marathon, iv. 356;</li>
-  <li>demand of Sparta for the expulsion of, vi. 97.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Alkman</i>, iv. 77, 82, 85 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Alkmênê</i>, i. 91.</li>
-<li><i>Allegorical</i> interpretation of mythes, i. 418 <i>seq.</i>, 425, 436.</li>
-<li><i>Allegory</i> rarely admissible in the interpretation of mythes, i. 2.</li>
-<li><i>Alôids</i>, the, i. 136.</li>
-<li><i>Alos</i>, sanguinary rites at, i. 125.</li>
-<li><i>Althæa</i> and the burning brand, i. 144.</li>
-<li><i>Althæmenês</i>, founder of Rhodes, ii. 30.</li>
-<li><i>Althæmenês</i> and Katreus, i. 224.</li>
-<li><i>Alyattês</i> and Kyaxarês, iii. 230;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>war of, with Milêtus, iii. 255 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>sacrilege committed by, iii. 256;</li>
-  <li>long reign, death and sepulchre of, iii. 257.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amaltheia</i>, the horn of, i. 150.</li>
-<li><i>Amanus</i>, Mount, march of Darius to, <a href="#Page_115">xii. 115</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Amasis</i>, iii. 328 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>death of, iv. 229.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amasis</i> and Polykratês, iv. 241.</li>
-<li><i>Amastris</i>, <a href="#Page_467">xii. 467</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Amazons</i>, legend of, i. 209 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Ambrakia</i>, iii. 404, 405.</li>
-<li><i>Ambrakiots</i>, attack of, upon Amphilokian Argos, vi. 180;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>attack of upon Akarnania, vi. 192 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>projected attack of, on Amphilochian Argos, vi. 302;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at Olpæ, vi. 304;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_504">[p. 504]</span>Menedæus’s desertion of, vi. 305 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Demosthenês’s victory over, vi. 307 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>pacific convention of, with the Akarnanians and Amphilochians, vi. 311.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ambrysus</i>, re-fortification of, xi. 494.</li>
-<li><i>Ammon</i>, Alexander’s visit to the oracle of, <a href="#Page_147">xii. 147</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Amnesty</i> decreed by Solon, iii. 98;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>proposed by Patrokleidês, viii. 225;</li>
-  <li>at Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 403, viii. 293, 299 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amompharetus</i>, v. 174 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Amorgês</i>, vii. 375;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of, vii. 388.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amphiaraus</i>, i. 272, 275.</li>
-<li><i>Amphiktyon</i>, i. 98, 99, 103.</li>
-<li><i>Amphiktyonic assembly</i>, i. 100, ii. 243 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 241;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>condemnation of Sparta by, x. 202 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>accusation of Thebes against Sparta before, xi. 242;</li>
-  <li>accusation of Thebes against Phokis before, xi. 243;</li>
-  <li>resistance of Phokis to, xi. 244 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>sentence of, against the Phokians, and honors conferred upon Philip by, xi. 425, 429;</li>
-  <li>at Delphi, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 470 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amphiktyonies</i>, or exclusive religious partnerships, ii. 243 <i>seq.</i>, 248.</li>
-<li><i>Amphiktyons</i>, punishment of the Kirrhæans by, iv. 61;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>establishment of the Pythian games by, iv. 63;</li>
-  <li>violent measures of, against the Amphissians, xi. 474 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amphiktyony</i> at Kalauria, i. 133.</li>
-<li><i>Amphilochian Argos</i>, Eurylochus’s projected attack upon, vi. 302.</li>
-<li><i>Amphilochians</i> and Akarnanians, pacific treaty of, with the Ambrakiots, vi. 211.</li>
-<li><i>Amphilochus</i>, i. 278;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>wanderings of, i. 313.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amphiôn and Zethus</i>, i. 263 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Homeric legend of, i. 257.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amphipolis</i>, foundation of, vi. 11 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>acquisition of, by Brasidas, vi. 406 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of Brasidas in, vi. 420;</li>
-  <li>policy of Kleon and Nikias for the recovery of, vi. 457 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Kleon’s expedition against, vi. 462 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>topography of, vi. 464 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>battle of, vi. 471 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>negotiations for peace after the battle of, vi. 489;</li>
-  <li>not restored to Athens, on the peace of, Nikias, vii. 4;</li>
-  <li>neglect of, by the Athenians, vii. 104, xi. 215;</li>
-  <li>claim of Athens to, x. 245 <i>seq.</i>, 294;</li>
-  <li>Iphikrates at, x. 251, 299;</li>
-  <li>failure of Timotheus at, x. 301;</li>
-  <li>nine defeats of the Athenians at, x. 302 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>Kallisthenes at, x. 370;</li>
-  <li>Philip renounces his claim to, xi. 212;</li>
-  <li>siege and capture of, by Philip, xi. 232 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Philip’s dealings with the Athenians respecting, xi. 235.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amphissa</i>, capture of, by Philip, xi. 497.</li>
-<li><i>Amphissians</i>, accusation of, against Athens, xi. 470 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>violent proceedings of the Amphiktyons against, xi. 473 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amphitryôn</i>, i. 91.</li>
-<li><i>Amphoterus</i> and Akarnan, i. 283.</li>
-<li><i>Amyklæ</i>, ii. 327;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conquest of, ii. 419.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amykus</i>, i. 169.</li>
-<li><i>Amyntas</i>, and the Peisistratids, iv. 19.</li>
-<li><i>Amyntas, father of Philip</i>, x. 48 <i>seq.</i>, 243 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 50, 56, 58, 65;</li>
-  <li>and Iphikrates, x. 108;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, x. 243, 245;</li>
-  <li>death of, x. 243;</li>
-  <li>assistance of Iphikrates to the family of, x. 250.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Amyntas</i>, son of Antiochus, <a href="#Page_9">xii. 9</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Amyntas</i>, son of Perdikkas, <a href="#Page_8">xii. 8</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Anaktorium</i>, iii. 402 <i>seq.</i>, vi. 360.</li>
-<li><i>Anaphê</i>, i. 240.</li>
-<li><i>Anapus</i>, crossing of, by Dion, xi. 91.</li>
-<li><i>Anaxagoras</i>, vi. 101.</li>
-<li><i>Anaxandrides</i>, bigamy of, ii. 386.</li>
-<li><i>Anaxarchus</i> of Abdera, <a href="#Page_213">xii. 213</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Anaxibius</i>, ix. 150 <i>seq.</i>, 156 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in the Hellespont, ix. 369;</li>
-  <li>death of, ix. 371 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Anaxikratês</i>, v. 335.</li>
-<li><i>Anaxilaus</i>, v. 211, 230.</li>
-<li><i>Anaximander</i>, iv. 381 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Anaximenês</i> of Lampsakus, i. 409.</li>
-<li><i>Andokidês</i>, reputed oration of, against Alkibiadês, iv. 151 <i>n.</i> 1, vi. 6 <i>n.</i> 1;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>de Mysteriis, iv. 123 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>and the mutilation of, the Hermæ, vii. 196, 200 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Androgeos</i>, death of, i. 211.</li>
-<li><i>Androklus</i>, iii. 175.</li>
-<li><i>Andromachê</i> and Helenus, i. 305.</li>
-<li><i>Andromachus</i>, xi. 146.</li>
-<li><i>Andrôn</i>, story of, respecting Krête, ii. 29.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_505">[p. 505]</span><i>Andros</i>, siege of, by Themistoklês, v. 141;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>siege of, by Alkibiadês and Konon, viii. 151.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Animals</i>, worship of, in Egypt, iii. 319.</li>
-<li><i>Ankæus</i>, i. 177.</li>
-<li><i>Antalkidas</i>, embassy of, to Tiribazus, ix. 374 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>embassies of, to Persia, ix. 383, x. 157;</li>
-  <li>in the Hellespont, ix. 384;</li>
-  <li>the peace of, ix. 385 <i>seq.</i>, x. 1 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Antandrus</i>, expulsion of Arsakes from, viii. 114;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the Syracusans at, x. 386.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ante-Hellenic</i> inhabitants of Greece, ii. 261;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>colonies from Phœnicia and Egypt not probable, ii. 267.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Antênôr</i>, i. 304, 315.</li>
-<li><i>Antigonê</i>, i. 276.</li>
-<li><i>Antigonus</i> and Perdikkas, <a href="#Page_334">xii. 334</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Eumenes, <a href="#Page_338">xii. 338</a>;</li>
-  <li>great power of, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>;</li>
-  <li>alliance of Kassander, Lysimachus and Ptolemy against, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</li>
-  <li>measures of, against Kassander, <a href="#Page_369">xii. 369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</li>
-  <li>pacification of, with Kassander, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li>
-  <li>Roxana and her son Alexander put to death by, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li>
-  <li>murders Kleopatra, sister of Alexander, <a href="#Page_372">xii. 372</a>;</li>
-  <li>Athenian envoys sent to, <a href="#Page_380">xii. 380</a>; death of, <a href="#Page_387">xii. 387</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Antigonus</i> Gonatas, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Antilochus</i>, death of, i. 298.</li>
-<li><i>Antimachus</i> of Kolophon, i. 268.</li>
-<li><i>Antiochus</i> at Samos and Notium, viii. 152, 153.</li>
-<li><i>Antiochus</i>, the Arcadian, x. 280.</li>
-<li><i>Antiopê</i>, i. 257 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Antipater</i>, embassy of, from Philip to Athens, xi. 386, 387, 390, 397, 401;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>made viceroy of Macedonia, <a href="#Page_67">xii. 67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Olympias, <a href="#Page_68">xii. 68</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of Agis by, <a href="#Page_284">xii. 284</a>;</li>
-  <li>submission of all Greece to, <a href="#Page_285">xii. 285</a>;</li>
-  <li>Grecian hostilities against, after Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_313">xii. 313</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kraterus, <a href="#Page_321">xii. 321</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Krannon, <a href="#Page_321">xii. 321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li>
-  <li>terms imposed upon Athens by, <a href="#Page_324">xii. 324</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>remodels the Peloponnesian cities, <a href="#Page_332">xii. 332</a>;</li>
-  <li>contest and pacification of, with the Ætolians, <a href="#Page_332">xii. 332</a>;</li>
-  <li>made guardian of Alexander’s family, <a href="#Page_337">xii. 337</a>;</li>
-  <li>death of, <a href="#Page_338">xii. 338</a>;</li>
-  <li>last directions of, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Antipater</i>, son of Kassander, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Antiphilus</i>, <a href="#Page_319">xii. 319</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Antiphon</i>, viii. 18, 30 <i>seq.</i>, 57 <i>seq.</i>, 78 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Antiquity</i>, Grecian, a religious conception, i. 445;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>stripped of its religious character by chronology, i. 446.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Antisthenês</i>, at Kaunus, vii. 397.</li>
-<li><i>Antistrophê</i>, introduction of, iv. 89.</li>
-<li><i>Anytus</i>, viii. 130, 242.</li>
-<li><i>Aornos</i>, rock of, <a href="#Footnote_535">xii. 225 <i>n.</i> 2</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Apatê</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Apaturia</i>, excitement at the, after the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 193 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Aphareus</i>, i. 168, 169.</li>
-<li><i>Apheidas</i>, i. 176.</li>
-<li><i>Aphepsion</i>, and Mantitheus, vii. 200.</li>
-<li><i>Aphetæ</i>, Persian fleet at, v. 97, 98, 101.</li>
-<li><i>Aphroditê</i>, i. 5, 52.</li>
-<li><i>Apis</i>, i. 83.</li>
-<li><i>Apodektæ</i>, iv. 137.</li>
-<li><i>Apollo</i>, i. 10;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>legends of, i. 45 <i>seq.</i>, 50;</li>
-  <li>worship and functions of, i. 49 <i>seq.</i>, iii. 168;</li>
-  <li>and Laomedon, i. 57, 285;</li>
-  <li>and Hermês, i. 59;</li>
-  <li>types of, i. 61;</li>
-  <li>and Admêtus, i. 113;</li>
-  <li>and Korônis, i. 176;</li>
-  <li>Sminthius, i. 337;</li>
-  <li>evidence of the Homeric Hymn to, as to early Ionic life, iii. 168;</li>
-  <li>temple of at Klarus, iii. 184;</li>
-  <li>reply of Delphian to the remonstrance of Crœsus, iv. 189.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Apollodôrus</i>, his genealogy of Hellên, i. 106 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Apollodôrus</i> and the Theôric fund, xi. 348.</li>
-<li><i>Apollokratês</i>, xi. 105, 107, 117.</li>
-<li><i>Apollonia</i>, iii. 402 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Illyrians, iv. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 52.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Apollonides</i>, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Apriês</i>, reign and death of, iii. 323 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Apsyrtus</i>, i. 238.</li>
-<li><i>Arabia</i>, Alexander’s projects with regard to, <a href="#Page_245">xii. 245</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Arachosia</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Aradus</i>, surrender of, to Alexander <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Arbela</i>, battle of, <a href="#Page_155">xii. 155</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Arbitration</i> at Athens, v. 354.</li>
-<li><i>Arcadia</i>, ii. 299;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>state of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 560, ii. 441 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, ii. 444 <i>seq.</i>, v. 315;</li>
-  <li>proceedings in, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 204 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_506">[p. 506]</span>invasions of, by Archidamus, x. 265, 310 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mission of Epaminondas to, x. 288;</li>
-  <li>dissensions in, x. 322 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>embassy of Æschines to, xi. 368.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Arcadians</i>, ii. 301, 433 seq;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>sympathy of, with Messenians, ii. 427;</li>
-  <li>impulse of towards a Pan-Arcadian union, x. 208;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Athens and Thebes, for aid against Sparta, x. 213;</li>
-  <li>Epaminondas and the consolidation of, x. 215;</li>
-  <li>energetic action and insolence of, x. 259 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>envoy to Persia from, x. 278, 280;</li>
-  <li>protest of, against the headship of Thebes, x. 281;</li>
-  <li>alliance of Athens with, x. 287;</li>
-  <li>and Eleians, x. 314 <i>seq.</i>, 323;</li>
-  <li>occupation and plunder of Olympia by, x. 314, 320 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>celebration of the Olympic games by, x. 318 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>seizure of, at Tegea, by the Theban harmost, x. 324 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Archagathus</i>, <a href="#Page_438">xii. 438</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Archêgelês</i>, Apollo, i. 50.</li>
-<li><i>Archelaus</i>, x. 46 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>siege of Pydna by, viii. 118.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Archeptolemus</i>, viii. 84 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Archias</i>, œkist of Syracuse, iii. 363.</li>
-<li><i>Archias</i>, the Theban, x. 82, 85.</li>
-<li><i>Archias</i>, the Exile-Hunter, <a href="#Page_326">xii. 326</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Archidamus II.</i>, speech of, against war with Athens, vi. 80 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>invasions of Attica by, vii. 126 <i>seq.</i>, 152, 221;</li>
-  <li>his expedition to Platæa, vi. 185 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Archidamus III.</i>, invasions of Arcadia by, x. 265, 316 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the independence of Messênê, x. 291, 360;</li>
-  <li>and Philomelus, xi. 254;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, against Megalopolis, xi. 306;</li>
-  <li>aid to the Phokians at Thermopylæ under, xi. 419, 421; <a href="#Page_281">xii. 281</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Archilochus</i>, i. 362; iv. 26, 73, 76 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Archinus</i>, decrees of, viii. 299, 308.</li>
-<li><i>Architects</i> at Athens, under Periklês, vi. 20.</li>
-<li><i>Architecture</i>, Grecian, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 600-550, iv. 98.</li>
-<li><i>Archonides</i>, x. 469.</li>
-<li><i>Archons</i> after Kodrus, iii. 49;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the nine, iii. 75;</li>
-  <li>judges without appeal till after Kleisthenês, iii. 129;</li>
-  <li>effect of Kleisthenês’s revolution on, iv. 137 <i>seq.</i>, 142 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>limited functions of, after the Persian war, v. 276;</li>
-  <li>limitation of the functions of, by Periklês, v. 355, 358, 365.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ardys</i>, iii. 223.</li>
-<li><i>Areopagus, senate of</i>, iii. 73;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Ephetæ, iii. 79;</li>
-  <li>and the Eumenides of Æschylus, iii. 80 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>powers of, enlarged by Solon, iii. 122;</li>
-  <li>under the Solonian and Kleisthenean constitutions, iv. 141;</li>
-  <li>in early Athens, v. 352 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>oligarchical tendencies of, v. 354;</li>
-  <li>venerable character and large powers of, v. 359;</li>
-  <li>at variance with the growing democratic sentiment, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 480-460, v. 361;</li>
-  <li>a centre of action for the oligarchical party, v. 361;</li>
-  <li>power of, abridged by Periklês and Ephialtês, v. 366 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Arês</i>, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Aretê</i>, xi. 55, 56, 82, 129.</li>
-<li><i>Argadeis</i>, iii. 50.</li>
-<li><i>Argæus</i> and Philip, xi. 212.</li>
-<li><i>Arganthonius</i> and the Phokæans, iv. 199.</li>
-<li><i>Argeian</i> Demos, proceedings of, vii. 99.</li>
-<li><i>Argeian</i> genealogies, i. 81.</li>
-<li><i>Argeians</i>, attempts of, to recover Thyrea, ii. 447;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>defeat and destruction of, by Kleomenês, iv. 321;</li>
-  <li>trick of, with their callendar, vii. 65;</li>
-  <li>Epidaurus, vii. 69, 70, 88;</li>
-  <li>at the battle within the Long Walls of Corinth, ix. 333;</li>
-  <li>manœuvres of, respecting the holy truce, ix. 344;</li>
-  <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 387;</li>
-  <li>and Mardonius, v. 157.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Argês</i>, i. 5.</li>
-<li><i>Argilus</i>, acquisition of, by Brasidas, vi. 406 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Arginusæ</i>, battle of, viii. 173 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>recall, impeachment, defence, and condemnation of the generals at the battle of, viii. 181, 210;</li>
-  <li>inaction of the Athenian fleet after the battle of, viii. 215.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Argô</i>, the, i. 231.</li>
-<li><i>Argonautic expedition</i>, i. 231 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>monuments of, i. 241 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>how and when attached to Kolchis, i. 251;</li>
-  <li>attempts to reconcile the, with geographical knowledge, i. 254 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>continued faith in, i. 255;</li>
-  <li>Dr. Warton and M. Ginguené on the, i. 481 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_507">[p. 507]</span><i>Argos</i>, rise of, coincident with the decline of Mykênæ, i. 165;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>occupation of, by the Dorians, ii. 6;</li>
-  <li>and neighboring Dorians greater than Sparta, in 776 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, ii. 307;</li>
-  <li>Dorian settlements in, ii. 308, 309, 311;</li>
-  <li>early ascendency of, ii. 312, 320;</li>
-  <li>subsequent decline of, ii. 321;</li>
-  <li>acquisitions of Sparta from, ii. 448 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>military classification at, ii. 460;</li>
-  <li>struggles of, to recover the headship of Greece, ii. 463 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kleônæ, ii. 464;</li>
-  <li>victorious war of Sparta against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 496-5, iv. 221 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>prostration of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 496-5, iv. 324;</li>
-  <li>assistance of, to Ægina, v. 49;</li>
-  <li>neutrality of, on the invasion of Xerxes, v. 64 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>position of, on its alliance with Athens about <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 461, v. 319 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>uncertain relations between Sparta and, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 3;</li>
-  <li>position of, on the peace of Nikias, vii. 11 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the Thousand-regiment at, vii. 11;</li>
-  <li>induced by the Corinthians to head a new Peloponnesian alliance, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 13;</li>
-  <li>joined by Matinea, vii. 14;</li>
-  <li>joined by the Corinthians, vii. 17, 19;</li>
-  <li>joined by Elis, vii. 19;</li>
-  <li>refusal of Tegea to join, vii. 20;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, projected alliance between, vii. 24;</li>
-  <li>and Bœotia, projected alliance between, vii. 24 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conclusion of a fifty years’ peace between Sparta and, vii. 28 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, alliance between, vii. 44, 51 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>embassy from, for alliance with Corinth, vii. 61;</li>
-  <li>attack of, upon Epidaurus, vii. 65, 69;</li>
-  <li>invasion of, by the Lacedæmonians and their allies, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 71 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 75;</li>
-  <li>political change at, through the battle of Mantinea, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 89 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>treaty of peace between Sparta and, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>alliance between Sparta and, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 94;</li>
-  <li>renounces alliance with Athens, Elis and Mantinea, vii. 94;</li>
-  <li>oligarchical revolution at, vii, 96, 97;</li>
-  <li>restoration of democracy at, vii. 100;</li>
-  <li>renewed alliance of, with Athens, vii. 101;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 416, vii. 101;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonian intervention in behalf of the oligarchy at, vii. 101, 102;</li>
-  <li>envoys from, to the Athenian Demos at Samos, viii. 53;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Thebes, Athens, and Corinth, against Sparta, ix. 284;</li>
-  <li>consolidation of Corinth with, ix. 332;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Agesipolis against, ix. 355 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>violent intestine feud at, x. 199 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Argos, Amphilochian</i>, capture of, by Phormio, vi. 121;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>attack of Ambrakiots on, vi. 180;</li>
-  <li>Eurylochus’s projected attack upon, vi. 302.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Argus</i>, destruction of Argeians in the grove of, iv. 321.</li>
-<li><i>Aria</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_189">xii. 189</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Ariadnê</i>, i. 220 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Ariæus</i>, flight of, after the battle of Kunaxa, ix. 47;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Klearchus, ix. 52, 54;</li>
-  <li>and the Greeks after the battle of Kunaxa, ix. 54, 56, 62, 78.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Aridæus</i>, Philip, <a href="#Page_319">xii. 319</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Ariobarzanes</i>, intervention of, in Greece, x. 261;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>revolt of, x. 294 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the Susian Gates, <a href="#Page_171">xii. 171</a>;</li>
-  <li>death of, <a href="#Page_172">xii. 172</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Arion</i>, iv. 78 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Aristagoras</i> and Megabatês, iv. 284;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>revolt of, iv. 285 <i>seq.</i>, 292;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Sparta, iv. 286 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Athens, iv. 289;</li>
-  <li>march of, to Sardis, iv. 290;</li>
-  <li>desertion of the Ionic revolt by, iv. 296 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Aristarchus</i>, the Athenian, viii. 82.</li>
-<li><i>Aristarchus</i>, the Lacedæmonian, ix. 164 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Aristeidês</i>, constitutional change introduced by, iv. 145;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>character of, iv. 338 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>elected general, iv. 341;</li>
-  <li>banishment of, by ostracism, v. 50;</li>
-  <li>and Themistoklês, rivalry between, v. 50, 273;</li>
-  <li>restoration of, from banishment, v. 110;</li>
-  <li>joins the Greek fleet at Salamis, v. 130;</li>
-  <li>slaughters the Persians at Psyttaleia, v. 136;</li>
-  <li>equitable assessment of, upon the allied Greeks, v. 264 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>popularity of, after the Persian war, v. 278;</li>
-  <li>death and poverty of, v. 289.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Aristeus</i>, vi. 70, 73 <i>seq.</i> 182.</li>
-<li><i>Aristo</i> and Agêtus, iv. 326.</li>
-<li><i>Aristocrats</i>, Grecian, bad morality of, vi. 287.</li>
-<li><i>Aristodêmus</i>, ii. 2 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_508">[p. 508]</span><i>Aristodêmus</i>, king of Messenia, ii. 476.</li>
-<li><i>Aristodêmus Malakus</i>, iii. 359.</li>
-<li><i>Aristodêmus</i>, “the coward”, v. 94, 188.</li>
-<li><i>Aristodêmus</i>, the actor, xi. 373.</li>
-<li><i>Aristodikus</i>, iv. 201.</li>
-<li><i>Aristogeitôn</i> and Harmodius, iv. 111 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Aristoklês</i> and Hipponoidas, vii. 85, 89.</li>
-<li><i>Aristokratês</i>, king of Orchomenus, ii. 428, 437.</li>
-<li><i>Aristokratês</i>, the Athenian, vii. 368.</li>
-<li><i>Aristomachê</i>, x. 480.</li>
-<li><i>Aristomenês</i>, ii. 421, 428 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Aristonikus</i> of Methymna, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Aristophanês</i>, viii. 327;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his reason for showing up Sokratês, viii. 408;</li>
-  <li>his attack upon the alleged impiety of Sokratês, i. 400 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kleon, vi. 482 <i>seq.</i>, 488.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Aristoteles</i> the Spartan, xi. 2.</li>
-<li><i>Aristotle</i> on Spartan women, ii. 387;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on the Spartan laws of property, ii. 408;</li>
-  <li>meaning of the word Sophist in, viii. 354;</li>
-  <li>formal logic of, viii. 429;</li>
-  <li>novelties ascribed to Sokratês by, viii. 424;</li>
-  <li>and Hermeias, xi. 441, 441 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>instruction of Alexander by, <a href="#Page_3">xii. 3</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Alexander, political views of, compared, <a href="#Page_265">xii. 265</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Aristoxenus</i>, of Tarentum, xi. 154.</li>
-<li><i>Aristus</i> and Nikoteles, x. 466.</li>
-<li><i>Arkas</i> and Kallisto, i. 175.</li>
-<li><i>Arkesilaus</i> the Second, iv. 40;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the Third, iv. 45 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Arktinus</i>, Æthiopis of, ii. 156.</li>
-<li><i>Armenia</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks in, ix. 95 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Armenus</i>, i. 242.</li>
-<li><i>Arnold</i>, his edition of Thucydides, viii. 106 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Arrhibæus</i>, vi. 400, 440, 443 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Arrian</i> on the Amazons, i. 216 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conjecture of, respecting Geryôn, i. 249;</li>
-  <li>on Darius’s plan against Alexander, <a href="#Page_110">xii. 110</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Arsakes</i> at Antandrus, viii. 114.</li>
-<li><i>Arsames</i>, <a href="#Page_112">xii. 112</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Arsinoê</i>, <a href="#Page_469">xii. 469</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Arsites</i>, <a href="#Page_78">xii. 78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Art</i>, Grecian. iv. 98 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Artabanus</i>, v. 8 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Artabazus, Xerxes’s general</i>, siege of Potidæa and Olynthus by, v. 142;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>jealousy of, against Mardonius, v. 160;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, at and after the battle of Platæa, v. 180, 182;</li>
-  <li>and Pausanias, v. 254, 268.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Artabazus, satrap of Daskylium</i>, xi. 230, 257, 300.</li>
-<li><i>Artabazus, Darius’s general</i>, <a href="#Page_183">xii. 183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Artaphernês, satrap of Sardis</i>, Hippias’s application to, iv. 277;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Histiæus, iv. 298, 309;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, after the conquest of Ionia, iv. 311;</li>
-  <li>and Datis, Persian armament under, iv. 329;</li>
-  <li>return of, to Asia, after the battle of Marathon, iv. 362.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Artaphernês, the Persian envoy</i>, vi. 360 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Artaxerxes Longimanus</i>, v. 285 <i>seq.</i>, vi. 361 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Artaxerxes Mnemon</i>, accession of, ix. 7;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Cyrus the Younger, viii. 312; ix. 7, 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Kunaxa, ix. 42 <i>seq.</i>, 48, 52;</li>
-  <li>death of, x. 366.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Artayktês</i>, v. 198 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Artemis</i>, i. 10;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>worship of, in Asia, iii. 170.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Artemis</i> Limnatis, temple of, ii. 424.</li>
-<li><i>Artemisia</i>, v. 119, 133, 139.</li>
-<li><i>Artemisium</i>, resolution of Greeks to oppose Xerxes at, v. 71;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Greek fleet at, v. 79, 80, 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>sea-fight off, v. 99, 101;</li>
-  <li>retreat of the Greek fleet from, to Salamis, v. 102.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Arthur</i>, romances of, i. 476.</li>
-<li><i>Artisans</i>, at Athens, iii. 136 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Arts</i>, rudimentary state of, in Homeric and Hesiodic Greece, ii. 116.</li>
-<li><i>Aryandes</i>, Persian satrap of Egypt, iv. 47.</li>
-<li><i>Asia</i>, twelve Ionic cities in, iii. 172 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Æolic cities in, iii. 190 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>collective civilization in, without individual freedom or development, iii. 303;</li>
-  <li>state of, before the Persian monarchy, iv. 182;</li>
-  <li>conquests of Cyrus the Great in, iv. 209;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Greek fleet against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 478, v. 253;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês in, viii. 144, 153 <i>seq.</i>, 311 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Timotheus to, x. 252, 294 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Agesilaus in, x. 294, 296;</li>
-  <li>measures of Alexander before going to, <a href="#Page_67">xii. 67</a>;</li>
-  <li>passage of Alexander to, <a href="#Page_69">xii. 69</a>;</li>
-  <li>review of Alexander’s army in, <a href="#Page_72">xii. 72</a>;</li>
-  <li>cities founded by Alexander in, <a href="#Page_267">xii. 267</a>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_509">[p. 509]</span>Hellenized by the Diadochi, not by Alexander, <a href="#Page_269">xii. 269</a>;</li>
-  <li>how far really Hellenized, <a href="#Page_270">xii. 270</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Asia Minor</i>, Greeks in, ii. 235;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>non-Hellenic people of, iii. 203, 205 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>features of the country of, iii. 205;</li>
-  <li>Phrygian music and worship among Greeks in, iii. 212;</li>
-  <li>predominance of female influence in the legends of, iii. 222;</li>
-  <li>Cimmerian invasion of, iii. 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conquest of, by the Persians, iv. 201;</li>
-  <li>arrival of Cyrus the Younger in, viii. 135, 137.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Asia, Upper</i>, Scythian invasion of, iii. 253.</li>
-<li><i>Asiatic</i> customs and religion blended with Hellenic in the Trôad, i. 338.</li>
-<li><i>Asiatic Dorians</i>, iii. 201, 202.</li>
-<li><i>Asiatic</i> frenzy grafted on the joviality of the Grecian Dionysia, i. 35.</li>
-<li><i>Asiatic Greece</i>, deposition of despots of, by Aristagoras, iv. 245.</li>
-<li><i>Asiatic Greeks</i>, conquest of, by Crœsus, iii. 259 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>state of, after Cyrus’s conquest of Lydia, iv. 198;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 546, iv. 199;</li>
-  <li>alliance with, against Persia, abandoned by the Athenians, iv. 291;</li>
-  <li>successes of Persians against, iv. 294;</li>
-  <li>reconquest of, after the fall of Milêtus, iv. 306;</li>
-  <li>first step to the ascendency of Athens over, v. 198;</li>
-  <li>not tributary to Persia between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 477 and 412, v. 339 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to Persia, by Sparta, ix. 205;</li>
-  <li>and Tissaphernes, x. 206; ix. 207;</li>
-  <li>application of to Sparta for aid against Tissaphernes, ix. 207;</li>
-  <li>after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 26 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Spartan project for the rescue of, x. 44.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Asidates</i>, ix. 172.</li>
-<li><i>Askalaphus</i> and Ialmenus, i. 130.</li>
-<li><i>Asklepiadês</i> of Myrlea, legendary discoveries of, i. 247 <i>n.</i> 4.</li>
-<li><i>Asklêpiads</i>, i. 181.</li>
-<li><i>Asklêpius</i>, i. 178 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Asopius</i>, son of Phormio, vi. 231.</li>
-<li><i>Asopus</i>, Greeks and Persians at, before the battle of Platæa, v. 158 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Aspasia</i>, vi. 98 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Aspendus</i>, Phenician fleet at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 99, 100, 114;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Alkibiadês at, viii. 99;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês, return from, to Samos, viii. 116;</li>
-  <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_100">xii. 100</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Aspis</i>, <a href="#Page_421">xii. 421</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Assembly</i>, Spartan popular, ii. 345, 356;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Athenian judicial, iv. 137, 140 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Athenian political, iv. 139.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Assyria</i>, relations of, with Egypt, iii. 324.</li>
-<li><i>Assyrian</i> kings, their command of human labor, iii. 302.</li>
-<li><i>Assyrians</i> and Medes, iii. 224 <i>seq.</i>, 290 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>contrasted with Phenicians, Greeks, and Egyptians, iii. 303;</li>
-  <li>and Phenicians, effect of, on the Greek mind, iii. 343 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Astakus</i>, vi. 135, 141.</li>
-<li><i>Asteria</i>, i. 6.</li>
-<li><i>Asterius</i>, i. 220.</li>
-<li><i>Astræus</i>, i. 6; and Eôs, children of, i. 6.</li>
-<li><i>Astronomy</i>, physical, thought impious by ancient Greeks, i. 346 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and physics, knowledge of, among the early Greeks, ii. 114.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Astyages</i>, story of, iv. 182 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Astyanax</i>, death of, i. 305.</li>
-<li><i>Astyochus</i>, expedition of, to Ionia, vii. 383;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Lesbos, vii. 384;</li>
-  <li>at Chios and the opposite coast, vii. 391;</li>
-  <li>accidental escape of, vii. 392;</li>
-  <li>and Pedaritus, vii. 393, 394;</li>
-  <li>and Tissaphernês, treaty between, vii. 395 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mission of Lichas and others respecting, vii. 397;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over Charmînus, and junction with Antisthenês, vii. 397;</li>
-  <li>at Rhodes, viii. 94;</li>
-  <li>at Milêtus, viii. 97;</li>
-  <li>recall of, viii. 98.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Atalanta</i>, i. 56, 145 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Atarneus</i>, captured and garrisoned by Derkyllidas, ix. 219;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Hermeias of, xi. 441, and <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Atê</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Athamas</i>, i. 123 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Athenagoras</i>, vii. 184 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Athênê</i>, birth of, i. 10;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>various representations of, i. 54;</li>
-  <li>her dispute with Poseidon, i. 56, 191;</li>
-  <li>Chalkiœkus, temple of, and Pausanias, v. 272;</li>
-  <li>Polias, reported prodigy in the temple of, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 109.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Athenian</i>, victims for the Minôtaur, i. 221;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_510">[p. 510]</span>ceremonies commemorative of the destruction of the Minôtaur, i. 223;</li>
-  <li>democracy, Kleisthenês, the real author of, iv. 139;</li>
-  <li>people, judicial attributes of, iv. 140;</li>
-  <li>nobles, early violence of, iv. 152;</li>
-  <li>energy, development of, after Kleisthenês’s revolution, iv. 176;</li>
-  <li>seamen, contrasted with the Ionians at Ladê, iv. 300;</li>
-  <li>dikasts, temper of, in estimating past services, iv. 372;</li>
-  <li>democracy, origin of the apparent fickleness of, iv. 375 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>envoy, speech of, to Gelo, v. 219;</li>
-  <li>parties and politics, effect of the Persian war upon, v. 274 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>empire, v. 290 <i>seq.</i>, 304 <i>n.</i> 2, 346, vi. 398 <i>seq.</i>, 44 <i>n.</i>, 48; viii. 281-290;</li>
-  <li>power, increase of, after the formation of the Delian confederacy, v. 313;</li>
-  <li>auxiliaries to Sparta against the Helots, v. 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>democracy, consummation of, v. 380;</li>
-  <li>armament against Samos, under Periklês, Sophoklês, etc., vi. 26 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>private citizens, redress of the allies against, vi. 38;</li>
-  <li>assembly, speeches of the Korkyræan and Corinthian envoys to, vi. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>navel attack, vi. 63;</li>
-  <li>envoy, reply of, to the Corinthian envoy, at the Spartan assembly, vi. 85 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition to ravage Peloponnesus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431, vi. 134;</li>
-  <li>armament to Potidæa and Chalkidic Thrace, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 429, vi. 191;</li>
-  <li>assembly, debates in, respecting Mitylênê. vi. 244, 248 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>assembly, about the Lacedæmonian prisoners in Sphakteria, vi. 328 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>assembly, on Demosthenes’ application for reinforcements to attack Sphakteria, vi. 334 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>hoplites, at the battle of Amphipolis, vi. 477;</li>
-  <li>fleet, operations of, near Messênê and Rhegium, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 425, vii. 133;</li>
-  <li>assembly and the expedition to Sicily, vii. 145, 147 <i>seq.</i>, 279;</li>
-  <li>treasury, abundance in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 164;</li>
-  <li>fleet in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 302, 303 <i>seq.</i>, 315 <i>seq.</i>, 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>prisoners at Syracuse, vii. 344 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Samos, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 394;</li>
-  <li>democracy, securities in, against corruption, vii. 402;</li>
-  <li>assembly, vote of, in favor of oligarchical change, viii. 14;</li>
-  <li>assembly, at Kolônus, viii. 35;</li>
-  <li>democracy, reconstitution of, at Samos, viii. 46;</li>
-  <li>squadron, escape of from Sestos to Elæus, viii. 105;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Kynossêma, viii. 109 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Abydos, viii. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet, concentration of, at Kardia, viii. 120;</li>
-  <li>fleet, at the Bosphorus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 410, viii. 127;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Arginusæ, viii. 170 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>assembly, debate in, on the generals at Arginusæ, viii. 178-186, 190-194;</li>
-  <li>fleet, inaction of, after the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 211;</li>
-  <li>fleet, removal of, from Samos to Ægospotami, viii. 215;</li>
-  <li>fleet, capture of, at Ægospotami, viii. 216 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>kleruchs and allies after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 223;</li>
-  <li>tragedy, growth of, viii. 317, 319;</li>
-  <li>mind, influence of comedy on, viii. 331 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>character not corrupted between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 480 and 405, viii. 374 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>confederacy, new, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 378, x. 192 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Theban cavalry, battle of, near Mantinea, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 362, x. 333 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>marine, reform in the administration of, by Demosthenês, xi. 462 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Athenians</i> and the Hêrakleids, i. 94;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Sigeium, i. 339;</li>
-  <li>and Samians, contrast between, iv. 247;</li>
-  <li>active patriotism of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 500-400, iv. 178;</li>
-  <li>diminished active sentiment of, after the Thirty Tyrants, iv. 180;</li>
-  <li>alliance with Asiatic Greeks abandoned by, iv. 291;</li>
-  <li>Darius’s revenge against, iv. 297;</li>
-  <li>terror and sympathy of, on the capture of Milêtus, iv. 309;</li>
-  <li>appeal of, to Sparta, against the Medism of Ægina, iv. 318;</li>
-  <li>condition and character of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 490, iv. 334;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Sparta, before the battle of Marathon, iv. 341;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Marathon, iv. 348 <i>seq.</i>, 358;</li>
-  <li>alleged fickleness and ingratitude of, towards Miltiadês, iv. 370 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>answers of the Delphian oracle to, on the eve of Xerxes’s invasion, v. 59;</li>
-  <li>Pan-Hellenic patriotism of, on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 63 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>hopeless situation of, after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 106;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, on the approach of Xerxes, v. 107, <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Salamis, v. 115, 132 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_511">[p. 511]</span>honor awarded to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 146;</li>
-  <li>under Pausanias in Bœotia, v. 164;</li>
-  <li>and Alexander of Macedon, before the battle of Platæa, v. 170;</li>
-  <li>and Spartans at Platæa, v. 171, 174;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Platæa, v. 179 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and continental Ionians, after the battle of Mykalê, v. 199;</li>
-  <li>attack the Chersonese, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 479, v. 200;</li>
-  <li>the leaders of Grecian progress after the battle of Salamis, v. 242;</li>
-  <li>rebuild their city after the battle of Platæa, v. 243;</li>
-  <li>effect of the opposition to the fortification of Athens upon, v. 246;</li>
-  <li>induced by Themistoklês to build twenty new triremes annually, v. 252;</li>
-  <li>activity of, in the first ten years of their hegemony, v. 294 <i>seq.</i>, 303;</li>
-  <li>renounce the alliance of Sparta, and join Argos and Thessaly, v. 319 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, in Cyprus, Phœnicia, Egypt, and Megara, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 460, v. 321;</li>
-  <li>defeat the Æginetans, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 459, v. 323;</li>
-  <li>defeat of at Tanagra, v. 328;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Œnophyta, v. 331;</li>
-  <li>sail round Peloponnesus under Tolmidês, v. 331;</li>
-  <li>march against Thessaly, v. 334;</li>
-  <li>defeat and losses of, in Egypt, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 460-455, v. 383;</li>
-  <li>victories of, at Cyprus, under Anaxikratês, v. 337;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at Korôneia, v. 348;</li>
-  <li>personal activity of, after the reforms of Periklês and Ephialtês, vi. 1;</li>
-  <li>settlements of, in the Ægean, during the Thirty years’ truce, vi. 11;</li>
-  <li>pride of, in the empire of Athens, vi. 9;</li>
-  <li>decision of, respecting Corinth and Korkyra, vi. 62;</li>
-  <li>victory of near Potidæa, vi. 73;</li>
-  <li>blockade of Potidæa by, vi. 74;</li>
-  <li>counter-demand of, upon Sparta, for expiation of sacrilege, vi. 105;</li>
-  <li>final answer of, to the Spartans before the Peloponnesian war, vi. 110;</li>
-  <li>expel the Æginetans from Ægina, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431, vi. 186;</li>
-  <li>ravage of the Megarid by, in the Peloponnesian war, vi. 137;</li>
-  <li>irritation of, at their losses from the plague and the Peloponnesians, vi. 164;</li>
-  <li>energetic demonstration of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 428, vi. 226;</li>
-  <li>their feeling and conduct towards the revolted Mitylenæans, vi. 249 <i>seq.</i>, 255 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Lacedæmonians at Pylus, armistice between, vi. 324;</li>
-  <li>demands of, in return for the release of the Lacedæmonians in Sphakteria, vi. 329;</li>
-  <li>and Bœotians, debate between, after the battle of Delium, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 424, vi. 393 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>discontent of, with Sparta, on the non-fulfilment of the peace of Nikias, vii. 10;</li>
-  <li>recapture of Skiônê by, vii. 22;</li>
-  <li>and Amphipolis, vii. 104, xi. 215, 233 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>siege and capture of Mêlos by, vii. 109 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>treatment of Alkibiadês by, for his alleged profanation of the mysteries, vii. 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, near the Olympieion at Syracuse, vii. 221 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>forbearance of, towards Nikias, vii. 227 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>not responsible for the failure of the Sicilian expedition, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 227 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at Epipolæ, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 277;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, on receiving Nikias’s despatch, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 279, 280 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, in the harbor of Syracuse, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 316;</li>
-  <li>and Syracusans, conflicts between, in the Great Harbor, vii. 291, 294 <i>seq.</i>, 317 <i>seq.</i>, 323 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>postponement of their retreat from Syracuse by an eclipse of the moon, vii. 315;</li>
-  <li>blockade of, in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 319 <i>seq.</i>, 329 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Corinthians near Naupaktus, vii. 358 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>resolutions of, after the disaster at Syracuse, vii. 362 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>suspicions of, about Chios, vii. 368;</li>
-  <li>defeat Alkamenês and the Peloponnesian fleet, vii. 369;</li>
-  <li>effect of the Chian revolt on, vii. 372;</li>
-  <li>harassing operations of, against Chios, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 345 <i>seq.</i>, 391, 393;</li>
-  <li>victory of, near Milêtus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 385, 387;</li>
-  <li>retirement of, from Milêtus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 388;</li>
-  <li>naval defeat of, near Eretria, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 72 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>moderation of, on the deposition of the Thirty and the Four Hundred, viii. 88 <i>seq.</i>, 300 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Kyzikus, viii. 121;</li>
-  <li>convention of, with Pharnabazus, about Chalkêdon, viii. 132;</li>
-  <li>capture of Byzantium by, viii. 134;</li>
-  <li>different behavior of, towards Alkibiadês and Nikias, viii. 158;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Arginusæ, viii. 173 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_512">[p. 512]</span>remorse of, after the death of the generals at Arginusæ, viii. 205;</li>
-  <li>first proposals of, to Sparta after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 227;</li>
-  <li>repayment of the Lacedæmonians by, after the restoration of the democracy, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 403, viii. 305;</li>
-  <li>their treatment of Dorieus, ix. 272 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>restoration of the Long Walls at Corinth by, ix. 338;</li>
-  <li>and Evagoras of Cyprus, ix. 365, 375;</li>
-  <li>successes of Antalkidas against, ix. 344;</li>
-  <li>their alleged envy of distinguished generals, x. 108 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>and Alexander of Pheræ, x. 283;</li>
-  <li>project of, to seize Corinth, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 289;</li>
-  <li>and Charidemus in the Chersonese, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 360-358, x. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the alliance of Olynthus rejected by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, xi. 236;</li>
-  <li>their remissness in assisting Methônê, xi. 260;</li>
-  <li>change in the character of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431 and 360, xi. 279;</li>
-  <li>prompt resistance of, to Philip at Thermopylæ, xi. 296;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Olynthus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 349, xi. 346;</li>
-  <li>capture of, at Olynthus, xi. 365, 372;</li>
-  <li>letters of Philip to, xi. 411, 416, 417;</li>
-  <li>and the Phokians at Thermopylæ, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 374-346, xi. 418 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>letter of Philip to, declaring war, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 340, xi. 456 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>refusal of, to take part in the Amphiktyonic proceedings against Amphissa, xi. 478;</li>
-  <li>Philip asks the Thebans to assist in attacking, xi. 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Thebans, war of, against Philip in Phokis, xi. 493, 495 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Philip, peace of Demades between, xi. 507 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>their recognition of Philip as head of Greece, xi. 507, 511 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>captured at the Granikus, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>;</li>
-  <li>champions of the liberation of Greece, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 323, <a href="#Page_312">xii. 312</a>;</li>
-  <li>helpless condition of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 302-301, <a href="#Page_385">xii. 385</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Athens</i>, historical, impersonal authority of law in, ii. 81;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>treatment of homicide in, ii. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>military classification at, ii. 460;</li>
-  <li>meagre history of, before Drako, iii. 48;</li>
-  <li>tribunals for homicide at, iii. 77;</li>
-  <li>local superstitions at, about trial of homicide, iii. 79;</li>
-  <li>pestilence and suffering at, after the Kylonian massacre, iii. 82;</li>
-  <li>and Megara, war between, about Salamis, iii. 90 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>acquisition of Salamis by, iii. 91 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>state of, immediately before the legislation of Solon, iii. 93 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>rights of property sacred at, iii. 105, 112 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>rate of interest free at, iii. 108;</li>
-  <li>political rights of Solon’s four classes at, iii. 120 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>democracy at, begins with Kleisthenês, iii. 127;</li>
-  <li>distinction between the democracy at, and Solon’s constitution, iii. 131;</li>
-  <li>Solon’s departure from, iii. 147;</li>
-  <li>Solon’s return to, iii. 153;</li>
-  <li>connection of, with Thracian Chersonesus, under Peisistratus, iv. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>after the expulsion of Hippias, iv. 126;</li>
-  <li>introduction of universal admissibility to office at, iv. 145;</li>
-  <li>necessity for creating a constitutional morality at, in the time of Kleisthenês, iv. 153;</li>
-  <li>application of, for alliance with Persia, iv. 165;</li>
-  <li>and Platæa, first connection between, iv. 166;</li>
-  <li>successes of, against Bœotians and Chalkidians, iv. 170;</li>
-  <li>war of Ægina against, iv. 173, 316;</li>
-  <li>application of Aristagoras to, iv. 289;</li>
-  <li>treatment of Darius’s herald at, iv. 316;</li>
-  <li>traitors at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 490, iv. 356, 358;</li>
-  <li>penal procedure at, iv. 368 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Ægina war between, from <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 488 to 481, v. 47, 49 <i>seq.</i>, 50, 53, 323;</li>
-  <li>first growth of the naval force of, v. 51;</li>
-  <li>fleet of, the salvation of Greece, v. 53;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, no heralds sent from Xerxes to, v. 57;</li>
-  <li>Pan-Hellenic congress convened by, at the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Ægina, occupation of, Xerxes, v. 109, 112 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Mardonius at, v. 154 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>first step to the separate ascendancy of, over Asiatic Greeks, v. 200;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, in the repulse of the Persians, v. 242;</li>
-  <li>Long Walls at, v. 244 <i>seq.</i>, 322 <i>seq.</i>, ix. 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>plans of Themistoklês for the naval aggrandizement of, v. 249 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>increase of metics and commerce at, after the enlargement of Piræus, v. 251;</li>
-  <li>headship of the allied Greeks transferred from Sparta to, v. 256 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, first open separation between, v. 258 <i>seq.</i>, 290;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, on being made leader of the allied Greeks, v. 263 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_513">[p. 513]</span>stimulus to democracy at, from the Persian war, v. 275;</li>
-  <li>changes in the Kleisthenean constitution at, after the Persian war, v. 275 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>long-sighted ambition imputed to, v. 293;</li>
-  <li>enforcing sanction of the confederacy of Delos exercised by, v. 298;</li>
-  <li>increasing power and unpopularity of among the allied Greeks, v. 299 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>as guardian of the Ægean against piracy, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 476-466, v. 304;</li>
-  <li>bones of Theseus conveyed to, v. 304, 305;</li>
-  <li>quarrel of, with Thasos, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 465, v. 309, 311;</li>
-  <li>first attempt of, to found a city at Ennea Hodoi on the Strymon, v. 310;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Megara, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 461, v. 321;</li>
-  <li>growing hatred of Corinth and neighboring states to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 461, v. 321;</li>
-  <li>war of, with Corinth, Ægina, etc., <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 459, v. 322 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>reconciliation between leaders and parties at, after the battle of Tanagra, v. 329;</li>
-  <li>acquisition of Bœotia, Phokis, and Lokris by, v. 331;</li>
-  <li>and the Peloponnesians, five years’ truce between, v. 334;</li>
-  <li>and Persia, treaty between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 450, v. 335 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fund of the confederacy transferred from Delos to, v. 343;</li>
-  <li>position and prospects of, about <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 448, v. 344 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>commencement of the decline of, v. 346 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Delphi, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 452-447, v. 346;</li>
-  <li>loss of Bœotia by, v. 347 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>despondency at, after the defeat at Korôneia, v. 350;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, thirty years’ truce between, v. 350;</li>
-  <li>and Megara, feud between, v. 351;</li>
-  <li>magistrates and Areopagus in early, v. 352;</li>
-  <li>increase of democratical sentiment at, between the time of Aristeidês and of Periklês, v. 355;</li>
-  <li>choice of magistrates by lot at, v. 355;</li>
-  <li>oligarchical party at, v. 361;</li>
-  <li>maritime empire of, vi. 2 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 281-293, ix. 199 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>maritime revenue of, vi. 5 <i>seq.</i>, 6, <i>n.</i> 1, 36;</li>
-  <li>commercial relations of, in the Thirty years’ truce, vi. 11;</li>
-  <li>political condition of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 445-431, vi. 15 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>improvements in the city of, under Periklês, vi. 20 <i>seq.</i>, 23 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Periklês’s attempt to convene a Grecian congress at, vi. 25;</li>
-  <li>application of the Samians to Sparta for aid against, vi. 29;</li>
-  <li>funeral ceremony of slain warriors at, vi. 31;</li>
-  <li>and her subject-allies, vi. 33 <i>seq.</i>, 48;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, confederacies of, vi. 49;</li>
-  <li>reinforcement from, to Korkyra against Corinth, vi. 57 <i>seq.</i>, 67;</li>
-  <li>and Corinth, after the second naval battle between Corinth and Korkyra, vi., 69 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Perdikkas, vi. 71 <i>seq.</i>, 449, <i>seq.</i>, vii. 96;</li>
-  <li>non-aggressive, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 445-431, vi. 76;</li>
-  <li>Megara prohibited from trading with, vi. 76;</li>
-  <li>hostility of the Corinthians to, after their defeat near Potidæa, vi. 77;</li>
-  <li>discussion and decision of the Spartan assembly upon war with, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431, vi. 79 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>position and prospects of, on commencing the Peloponnesian war, vi. 94 <i>seq.</i>, 113 <i>seq.</i>, 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>requisitions addressed to, by Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431, vi. 97 <i>seq.</i>, 106 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>assembly at, on war with Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431, vi. 108 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, on the Theban night-surprise of Platæa, vi. 119 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Akarnanians, alliance between, vi. 121;</li>
-  <li>crowding of population into, on Archidamus’s invasion of Attica, vi. 129;</li>
-  <li>and Sicily, relations of, altered by the quarrel between Corinth and Korkyra, vi. 130;</li>
-  <li>clamor at, on Archidamus’s ravage of Acharnæ, vi. 131;</li>
-  <li>measures for the permanent defence of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431, vi. 138 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>alliance of Stitalkês with, vi. 141, 215 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>freedom of individual thought and action at, vi. 149 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>position of, at the time of Periklês’s funeral oration, vi. 152;</li>
-  <li>the plague at, vi. 154 <i>seq.</i>, 293;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, on learning the revolt of Mitylênê, vi. 223;</li>
-  <li>exhausted treasury of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 428, vi. 232;</li>
-  <li>new politicians at, after Periklês, vi. 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolutions at, contrasted with those at Korkyra, vi. 283;</li>
-  <li>political clubs at, vi. 290;</li>
-  <li>and the prisoners in Sphakteria vi. 325 <i>seq.</i>, 353 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fluctuation of feeling at, as to the Peloponnesian war, vi. 355;</li>
-  <li>and her Thracian subject-allies, vi. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Brasidas’s conquests in Thrace, vi. 413;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_514">[p. 514]</span>and Sparta, one year’s truce between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 423, vi. 432 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, relations between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 423-422, vi. 449, 452 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>necessity for voluntary accusers at, vi. 486;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, alliance between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 5;</li>
-  <li>application of Corinthians to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 20;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonian envoys at, about Panaktum and Pylus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 420, vii. 29;</li>
-  <li>and Argos, alliance between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 420, vii. 43 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>convention of, with Argos, Mantineia, and Elis, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 420, vii. 49 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>policy of, attempted by Alkibiades, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 419, vii. 62 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>attack of, upon Epidaurus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 419, vii. 64, 66;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, relations between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 419, vii. 69;</li>
-  <li>and Argos, renewed alliance between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 417, vii. 101;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, relations between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 416, vii. 103;</li>
-  <li>Sicilian expedition, vii. 132, 142, 144 <i>seq.</i>, 163 <i>seq.</i>, 364 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mutilation of the Hermæ at, vii. 167 <i>seq.</i>, 197 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>injurious effects of Alkibiadês’s banishment upon, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 216;</li>
-  <li>Nikias’s despatch to, for reinforcements, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 274 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, violation of the peace between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 286;</li>
-  <li>effects of the Lacedæmonian occupation of Dekeleia on, vii. 354 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>dismissal of Thracian mercenaries from, 357 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Chios, Erythræ, and Klazomenæ from, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 371;</li>
-  <li>appropriation of the reserve fund at, vii. 373;</li>
-  <li>loss of Teos by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 374;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Lebedos and Eræ from, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 375;</li>
-  <li>loss and recovery of Lesbos by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 384 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>recovery of Klazomenæ by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 384;</li>
-  <li>rally of, during the year after the disaster at Syracuse, viii. 1;</li>
-  <li>conspiracy of the Four Hundred at, viii. 1, 7 <i>seq.</i>, 31 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>loss of Orôpus by, viii. 25;</li>
-  <li>arrival of the Paralus at, from Samos, viii. 30;</li>
-  <li>constitutional morality of, viii. 25;</li>
-  <li>restoration of democracy at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 69 <i>seq.</i>, 77 <i>seq.</i>, 81 <i>seq.</i>, 89;</li>
-  <li>contrast between oligarchy at, and democracy at Samos, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 91 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Byzantium from, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 97;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Abydos and Lampsakus from, viii. 94;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Kyzikus from, viii. 112;</li>
-  <li>zeal of Pharnabazus against, viii. 113;</li>
-  <li>proposals of peace from Sparta to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 410, viii. 122 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>return of Alkibiadês to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 145 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fruitless attempt of Agis to surprise, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 150;</li>
-  <li>complaints at, against Alkibiadês, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 152 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conflicting sentiments at, caused by the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 175;</li>
-  <li>alleged proposals of peace from Sparta to, after the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 210;</li>
-  <li>condition of her dependencies, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 213 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>oath of mutual harmony at, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 225;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to Lysander, viii. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>return of oligarchical exiles to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 404, viii. 234;</li>
-  <li>oligarchical party at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 404, viii. 235;</li>
-  <li>imprisonment of Strombichidês and other democrats at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 404, viii. 236;</li>
-  <li>the Thirty tyrants at, viii. 237, 240 <i>seq.</i>, ix. 182 <i>seq.</i>, 186 <i>seq.</i>, 198;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonian garrison at, under Kallibius, viii. 242;</li>
-  <li>alteration of feeling in Greece after the capture of, by Lysander, viii. 259, 264, 275;</li>
-  <li>restoration of Thrasybulus and the exiles to, viii. 279;</li>
-  <li>restoration of the democracy at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 403, viii. 280, 294, 295, 295 <i>seq.</i>, 308 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>condition of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 405-403, viii. 293;</li>
-  <li>abolition of Hellenotamiæ and restriction of citizenship at <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 403, viii. 310 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>development of dramatic genius at, between the time of Kleisthenês and of Eukleidês, viii. 318 <i>seq.</i>, 327 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>accessibility of the theatre at, viii. 321;</li>
-  <li>growth of rhetoric and philosophy at, viii. 338 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>literary and philosophical antipathy at, viii. 348;</li>
-  <li>enlargement of the field of education at, viii. 349;</li>
-  <li>sophists at, viii. 350 <i>seq.</i>, 399;</li>
-  <li>banishment of Xenophon from, ix. 175;</li>
-  <li>Theban application to, for aid against Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 395, ix. 291 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>alliance of Thebes, Corinth, Argos and, against Sparta, ix. 301;</li>
-  <li>contrast between political conflicts at, and at Corinth, ix. 330 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_515">[p. 515]</span>alarm at, on the Lacedæmonian capture of the Long Walls at Corinth, ix. 340;</li>
-  <li>and Ægina, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 389, ix. 372 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>financial condition of, from <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 403 to 387, ix. 378 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>creation of the Theôric Board at, ix. 379;</li>
-  <li>property-taxes at, ix. 380 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, x. 2, 12;</li>
-  <li>applications of, to Persia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, x. 7, 8;</li>
-  <li>and Evagoras, x. 18 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>naval competition of, with Sparta, after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Macedonia, contrast between, x. 47;</li>
-  <li>Theban exiles at, after the seizure of the Kadmeia by Phœbidas, x. 61, 80 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>condemnation of the generals at, who had favored the enterprise of Pelopidas, x. 96;</li>
-  <li>contrast between judicial procedure at, and at Sparta, x. 102;</li>
-  <li>hostility of, to Sparta, and alliance with Thebes, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 378, x. 102 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>exertions of, to form a new maritime confederacy, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 378, x. 103 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>absence of Athenian generals from, x. 108 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>synod of new confederates at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 378, x. 112;</li>
-  <li>nature and duration of the Solonian census at, x. 113 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>new census at, in the archonship of Nausinikus, x. 115 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>symmories at, x. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>financial difficulties of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 374, x. 133;</li>
-  <li>displeasure of, against Thebes, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 374, x. 133, 159;</li>
-  <li>separate peace of, with the Lacedæmonians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 374, x. 137, 141;</li>
-  <li>disposition of, towards peace with Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 372, x. 158, 164;</li>
-  <li>and the dealings of Thebes with Platæa and Thespiæ, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 372, x. 162 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the peace of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 167, 172;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, difference between in passive endurance and active energy, x. 187;</li>
-  <li>the Theban victory at Leuktra not well received at, x. 189;</li>
-  <li>at the head of a new Peloponnesian land confederacy, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 201;</li>
-  <li>application of Arcadians to, for aid against Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 370, x. 213;</li>
-  <li>application of Sparta, Corinth, and Phlius to, for aid against Thebes, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 369, x. 234 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>ambitious views of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 244 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, alliance between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 369, x. 253;</li>
-  <li>embassies from, to Persia, x. 278, 280, 293;</li>
-  <li>loss of Orôpus by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 286;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Arcadia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 288;</li>
-  <li>partial readmission of, to the Chersonese, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 365, x. 295 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kotys, x. 298 <i>seq.</i>, 372, 373;</li>
-  <li>Theban naval operations against, under Epaminondas, x. 303 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>naval operations of Alexander of Pheræ against, x. 370;</li>
-  <li>and Miltokythes, x. 372;</li>
-  <li>restoration of the Chersonese to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, x. 379;</li>
-  <li>transmarine empire of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, x. 381;</li>
-  <li>condition of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 360-359, xi. 199;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of Philip towards, on his accession, xi. 212;</li>
-  <li>and Eubœa, xi. 217 <i>seq.</i>, 340 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>surrender of the Chersonese to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, xi. 219;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Chios, Kos, Rhodes, and Byzantium from, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, xi. 220 <i>seq.</i>, 231;</li>
-  <li>armaments and operations of, in the Hellespont, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 357, xi. 224;</li>
-  <li>loss of power to, from the Social War, xi. 232;</li>
-  <li>Philip’s hostilities against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358-356, xi. 237;</li>
-  <li>recovery of Sestos by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 353, xi. 257;</li>
-  <li>intrigues of Kersobleptes and Philip against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 353, xi. 258;</li>
-  <li>countenance of the Phokians by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 353, xi. 262;</li>
-  <li>applications of Sparta and Megalopolis to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 353, xi. 263, 290;</li>
-  <li>alarm about Persia at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 354, xi. 285;</li>
-  <li>Philip’s naval operations against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 351, xi. 304 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Olynthus, xi. 326, 331, 334, 345 <i>seq.</i>, 365, 372;</li>
-  <li>and Philip overtures for peace between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 348 xi. 368 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application of the Phokians to, for aid against Philip at Thermopylæ, xi. 376 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>embassies to Philip from, xi. 379 <i>seq.</i>; 401 <i>seq.</i>, 422, 430 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>resolution of the synod of allies at, respecting Philip, xi. 388;</li>
-  <li>assemblies at, in the presence of the Macedonian envoys, xi. 390 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>envoys from Philip to, xi. 386, 387, 390, 398, 401;</li>
-  <li>motion of Philokrates for peace and alliance between Philip and, xi. 390 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>ratification of peace and alliance between Philip and, xi. 398 <i>seq.</i>, 429 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_516">[p. 516]</span>alarm and displeasure at, on the surrender of Thermopylæ to Philip, xi. 423;</li>
-  <li>professions of Philip to, after his conquest of Thermopylæ, xi. 425;</li>
-  <li>and the honors conferred upon Philip by the Amphiktyons, xi. 429;</li>
-  <li>and Philip, formal peace between, from <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346 to 340, xi. 442;</li>
-  <li>mission of Python from Philip to, xi. 446;</li>
-  <li>and Philip, proposed amendments in the peace of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, between, xi. 446 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Philip, disputes between, about the Bosporus and Hellespont, xi. 450;</li>
-  <li>increased influence of Demosthenes at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 341-338, xi. 452;</li>
-  <li>services of Kalias the Chalkidian to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 341, xi. 452;</li>
-  <li>and Philip, declaration of war between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 340, xi. 455 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>votes of thanks from Byzantium and the Chersonese to, xi. 461;</li>
-  <li>accusation of the Amphissians against, at the Amphiktyonic assembly, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 470 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Thebes, unfriendly relations between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 484;</li>
-  <li>proceedings at, on Philip’s fortification of Elateia and application to Thebes for aid, xi. 484 <i>seq.</i> 491;</li>
-  <li>and Thebes, alliance of, against Philip, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 490;</li>
-  <li>Demosthenes crowned at, xi. 493, 495;</li>
-  <li>proceedings at, on the defeat at Chæroneia, xi. 502 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>lenity of Philip towards, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 505;</li>
-  <li>means of resistance at, after the battle of, Chæroneia, xi. 508;</li>
-  <li>honorary votes at, in favor of Philip, xi. 509;</li>
-  <li>sentiment at, on the death of Philip, <a href="#Page_10">xii. 10</a>;</li>
-  <li>submission of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_12">xii. 12</a>;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, on Alexander’s violation of the convention at Corinth, <a href="#Page_17">xii. 17</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>proceedings at, on the destruction of Thebes by Alexander, <a href="#Page_44">xii. 44</a>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander demands the surrender of anti-Macedonian leaders at, <a href="#Page_45">xii. 45</a>;</li>
-  <li>pacific policy of, in Alexander’s time, <a href="#Page_277">xii. 277</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>position of parties at, during and after the anti-Macedonian struggle of Agis, <a href="#Page_286">xii. 286</a>;</li>
-  <li>submission of, to Antipater, <a href="#Page_322">xii. 322</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>state of parties at, on the proclamation of Polysperchon, <a href="#Page_345">xii. 345</a>;</li>
-  <li>Kassander gets possession of, <a href="#Page_361">xii. 361</a>; under Demetrius Phalereus, <a href="#Page_362">xii. 362</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>census at, under Demetrius Phalereus, <a href="#Page_363">xii. 363</a>;</li>
-  <li>Demetrius Poliorketes at, <a href="#Page_373">xii. 373</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</li>
-  <li>alteration of sentiment at, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 338 and 307, <a href="#Page_376">xii. 376</a>;</li>
-  <li>in <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 501 and 307, contrast between, <a href="#Page_377">xii. 377</a>;</li>
-  <li>restrictive law against philosophers at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 307, <a href="#Page_379">xii. 379</a>;</li>
-  <li>embassy to Antigonus from, <a href="#Page_380">xii. 380</a>;</li>
-  <li>political nullity of, in the generation after Demosthenes, <a href="#Page_392">xii. 392</a>;</li>
-  <li>connection of, with Bosporus or Pantikapæum, <a href="#Page_480">xii. 480</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Athos</i>, iv. 23;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>colonies in, iv. 25;</li>
-  <li>Mardonius’s fleet destroyed near, iv. 314;</li>
-  <li>Xerxes’s canal through, v. 21 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Atlas</i>, i. 6, 8, 9.</li>
-<li><i>Atossa</i>, iv. 252.</li>
-<li><i>Atreids</i>, i. 157.</li>
-<li><i>Atreus</i>, i. 155 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Atropos</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Attalus, the Macedonian</i>, xi. 513;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Pausanias, xi. 515;</li>
-  <li>death of, xi. 518.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Attalus, uncle of Kleopatra</i>, death of, xi. 8.</li>
-<li><i>Attic</i> legends, i. 191 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>chronology. commencement of, iii. 49;</li>
-  <li>gentes, iii. 54 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>demes, iii. 63, 66, 68, iv. 133 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>law of debtor and creditor, iii. 99, 109 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>scale, ratio of, to the Æginæan and Euboic, iii. 171;</li>
-  <li>Dionysia, iv. 69.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Attica</i> original distribution of, i. 193;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>division of, by Kekrops, i. 195;</li>
-  <li>obscurity of the civil condition of, before Solon, iii. 49;</li>
-  <li>alleged duodecimal division of, in early times, iii. 50;</li>
-  <li>four Ionic tribes in, iii. 50 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>original separation and subsequent consolidation of communities in, iii. 69;</li>
-  <li>long continuance of the cantonal feeling in, iii. 70;</li>
-  <li>state of, after Solon’s legislation, iii. 154;</li>
-  <li>Spartan expeditions to, against Hippias, iv. 122;</li>
-  <li>Xerxes in, v. 111 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonian invasion of, under Pleistoanax, v. 349;</li>
-  <li>Archidamus’s invasions of, vi. 129 <i>seq.</i>, 154, 221;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonian invasion of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 427, vi. 239;</li>
-  <li>invasion of, by Agis, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 288;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_517">[p. 517]</span>king Pausanias’s expedition to, viii. 275 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Augê</i>, i. 177.</li>
-<li><i>Augeas</i>, i. 139.</li>
-<li><i>Aulis</i>, Greek forces assembled at, against Troy, i. 293 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Agesilaus at, ix. 258.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ausonians</i>, iii. 355.</li>
-<li><i>Autoklês</i> at the congress at Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 165;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in the Hellespont, x. 371 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Autolykus</i>, i. 119.</li>
-<li><i>Azan</i>, i. 176.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">B.</li>
-<li><i>Babylon</i>, iii. 291 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Cyrus’s capture of, iv. 213 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt, and reconquest of, by Darius, iv. 231 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_168">xii. 168</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Harpalus satrap of, <a href="#Page_240">xii. 240</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Babylonian</i> scale, ii. 319;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>kings, their command of human labor, iii. 302.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Babylonians</i>, industry of, iii. 300;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>deserts and predatory tribes surrounding, iii. 304.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bacchæ</i> of Euripides, i. 262 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Bacchiads</i>, ii. 307, iii. 2.</li>
-<li><i>Bacchic</i> rites, i. 33, 34, 38.</li>
-<li><i>Bacchus</i>, birth of, i. 260;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>rites of, i. 261.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bacon</i> and Sokratês, viii. 450 <i>n.</i> 1;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on the Greek philosophers, viii. 454 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bad</i>, meaning of, in early Greek writers, ii. 64;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>double sense of the Greek and Latin equivalents of, iii. 45 <i>n.</i> 4.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bagæus</i> and Orœtês, iv. 230.</li>
-<li><i>Bagoas</i>, xi. 439, 441, <a href="#Page_76">xii. 76</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Baktria</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_201">xii. 201</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Barbarian</i>, meaning of, ii. 276;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Grecian military feeling, contrast between, vi. 446.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bards</i>, ancient Grecian, ii. 136, 143.</li>
-<li><i>Bardylis</i>, defeat of, by Philip, xi. 215.</li>
-<li><i>Barka</i>, modern observations of, iv. 32 <i>n.</i> 2, 36 <i>n.</i> 3, 37 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>foundation of, iv. 42;</li>
-  <li>Persian expedition from Egypt against, iv. 48;</li>
-  <li>capture of, iv. 48;</li>
-  <li>submission of, to Kambysês, iv. 220.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Basilids</i>, iii. 162 <i>n.</i> 4, 188.</li>
-<li><i>Batis</i>, governor of Gaza, <a href="#Page_144">xii. 144</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Battus</i>, founder of Kyrênê, iv. 30 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>dynasty of, iv. 40 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the Third, iv. 43.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bebrykians</i>, iii. 207, 208.</li>
-<li><i>Bellerophôn</i>, i. 121 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Bêlus</i>, temple of, iii. 297.</li>
-<li><i>Bequest</i>, Solon’s law of, iii. 139.</li>
-<li><i>Berœa</i>, Athenian attack upon, vi. 76 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Bessus</i>, <a href="#Page_183">xii. 183</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Bias</i>, i. 91, 109 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Bisaltæ</i>, the king of, iv. 21, v. 43.</li>
-<li><i>Bithynia</i>, Derkyllidas in, ix. 216.</li>
-<li><i>Bithynians</i>, iii. 207.</li>
-<li><i>Boar</i>, the Kalydônian, i. 147, 148 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Bœotia</i>, affinities of, with Thessaly, ii. 18;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>transition from mythical to historical, ii. 19;</li>
-  <li>cities and confederation of, ii. 295;</li>
-  <li>Mardonius in, v. 153, 161;</li>
-  <li>Pausanias’s march to, v. 168;</li>
-  <li>supremacy of Thebes in, restored by Sparta, v. 319, 326;</li>
-  <li>expedition of the Lacedæmonians into, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 458, v. 326 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>acquisition of, by Athens, v. 331;</li>
-  <li>loss of, by Athens, v. 347 <i>seq.</i>, 351 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>scheme of Demosthenês and Hippokratês for invading, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 424, vi. 379;</li>
-  <li>and Argos, projected alliance between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 24 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, alliance between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 420, vii. 26;</li>
-  <li>and Eubœa, bridge connecting, viii. 112, 118;</li>
-  <li>Agesilaus on the northern frontier of, ix. 315;</li>
-  <li>expeditions of Kleombrotus to, x. 94 <i>seq.</i>, 129;</li>
-  <li>expulsion of the Lacedæmonians from, by the Thebans, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 374, x. 135;</li>
-  <li>proceedings in, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 188;</li>
-  <li>retirement of the Spartans from, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 190;</li>
-  <li>extinction of free cities in, by Thebes, xi. 201;</li>
-  <li>successes of Onomarchus in, xi. 293;</li>
-  <li>reconstitution of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bœotian</i> war, ix. 295 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>cities after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 29, 33.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bœotians</i>, ii. 14 <i>seq.</i> 293 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Chalkidians, successes of Athens against, iv. 171;</li>
-  <li>and Athenians, debate between, after the battle of Delium, vi. 403 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at peace during the One year’s truce between Athens and Sparta, vi. 457;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_518">[p. 518]</span>repudiate the peace of Nikias, vi. 493, vii. 3;</li>
-  <li>refuse to join Argos, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 16.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bϙtus</i>, genealogy of, i. 256 <i>n.</i> 2, ii. 18 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Bogês</i>, v. 295.</li>
-<li><i>Bomilkar</i>, <a href="#Page_416">xii. 416</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Boreas</i>, i. 6, 199, 200.</li>
-<li><i>Bosporus</i>, Alkibiades and the Athenian fleet at the, viii. 125;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Autokles in the, x. 372;</li>
-  <li>disputes between Philip and Athens about, xi. 450.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bosporus</i> or Pantikapæum, <a href="#Page_479">xii. 479</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Bottiæans</i>, iv. 14, 19 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Boulê</i>, Homeric, ii. 65;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Agora, ii. 74.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Branchidæ</i> and Alexander, <a href="#Page_202">xii. 202</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Brasidas</i>, first exploit of, vi. 135;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Knêmus, attempt of, upon Peiræus, vi. 211;</li>
-  <li>at Pylus, vi. 324;</li>
-  <li>sent with Helot and other Peloponnesian hoplites to Thrace, vi. 370;</li>
-  <li>at Megara, vi. 376 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>march of, through Thessaly to Thrace, vi. 399 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Perdikkas, relations between, vi. 400, 450, 443 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>prevails upon Akanthus to revolt from Athens, vi. 402 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, at Argilus, vi. 408, 409;</li>
-  <li>at Amphipolis, vi. 408 <i>seq.</i>, 476 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>repelled from Eion, vi. 411;</li>
-  <li>capture of Lêkythus by, vi. 424;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Skiônê to, vi. 435 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Perdikkas, proceedings of, towards Arrhibæus, vi. 400, 440, 443 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>personal ascendency of, vi. 412, 425;</li>
-  <li>operations of, after his acquisition of Amphipolis, vi. 420;</li>
-  <li>surprises and takes Toronê, vi. 422;</li>
-  <li>acquisition of Mendê by, vi. 439;</li>
-  <li>retreat of, before the Illyrians, vi. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonian reinforcement to, vi. 449;</li>
-  <li>attempt of, upon Potidæa, vi. 450;</li>
-  <li>opposition of, to peace on the expiration of the One year’s truce, vi. 455;</li>
-  <li>death and character of, vi. 473, 474, 479 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>speech of, at Akanthus, ix. 193 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>language of, contrasted with the acts of Lysander, ix. 194.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Brazen</i> race, the, i. 65.</li>
-<li><i>Brennus</i>, invasion of Greece by, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Briarcus</i>, i. 5.</li>
-<li><i>Bribery</i>, judicial, in Grecian cities, v. 188.</li>
-<li><i>Brisêis</i>, i. 294.</li>
-<li><i>Bromias</i>, xi. 298.</li>
-<li><i>Brontês</i>, i. 5.</li>
-<li><i>Brundusium</i>, iii. 391.</li>
-<li><i>Brute</i>, the Trojan, i. 482 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Bruttians</i>, xi. 10, 133.</li>
-<li><i>Bryant</i>, hypothesis on the Trojan war, i. 330 <i>n.</i> 1;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on Palæphatus, i. 418 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Bryas</i>, vii. 99.</li>
-<li><i>Budini</i>, iii. 244.</li>
-<li><i>Bukephalia</i>, <a href="#Page_229">xii. 229</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Bull</i>, Phalaris’s brazen, v. 205 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Bura</i>, destruction of, x. 157.</li>
-<li><i>Butadæ</i>, i. 197.</li>
-<li><i>Byblus</i>, surrender of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Byzantium</i>, iv. 27;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>extension of the Ionic revolt to, iv. 291;</li>
-  <li>Pausanias at, v. 268, 280;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 97;</li>
-  <li>Klearchus, the Lacedæmonian, sent to, viii. 128;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by the Athenians, viii. 134;</li>
-  <li>mission of Cheirisophus to, ix. 125;</li>
-  <li>return of Cheirisophus from, ix. 144;</li>
-  <li>the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 154 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, xi. 220 <i>seq.</i>, 231;</li>
-  <li>mission of Demosthenes to, xi. 453;</li>
-  <li>siege of, by Philip, xi. 459;</li>
-  <li>vote of thanks from, to Athens, xi. 461;</li>
-  <li>Philip concludes peace with, xi. 461.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">C.</li>
-<li><i>Calabrian</i> peninsula, Dionysius’s projected wall across, xi. 43.</li>
-<li><i>Calycê</i>, i. 137.</li>
-<li><i>Campanians</i>, xi. 9;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of Ætna, x. 407.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Canacê</i>, i. 136 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Carthage</i>, iii. 273;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>foundation and dominion of, iii. 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Tyre, amicable relations of, iii. 348;</li>
-  <li>projected expedition of Kambysês against, iv. 220;</li>
-  <li>empire, power, and population of, x. 391 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and her colonies, x. 394;</li>
-  <li>military force of, x. 396 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>political constitution of, x. 397 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>oligarchical system and sentiment at, x. 398 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_519">[p. 519]</span>powerful families at, x. 400;</li>
-  <li>intervention of, in Sicily, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 410, x. 401 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Dionysius, x. 469, 473, 481, 483;</li>
-  <li>distressat, on the failure of Imilkon’s expedition against Syracuse, x. 511;</li>
-  <li>danger of, from her revolted Libyan subjects, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 394, x. 511;</li>
-  <li>Dionysius renews the war with, xi. 41 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Dionysius concludes an unfavorable peace with, xi. 42;</li>
-  <li>new war of Dionysius with, xi. 44;</li>
-  <li>danger from, to Syracuse, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 344, xi. 134;</li>
-  <li>operations of Agathokles on the eastern coast of, <a href="#Page_419">xii. 419</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>sedition of Bomilkar at, <a href="#Page_435">xii. 435</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Carthaginian</i> invasion of Sicily, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 480, v. 221 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>fleet, entrance of, into the Great Harbor of Syracuse, x. 498.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Carthaginians</i>, and Phenicians, difference between the aims of, iii. 275;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Greeks, first known collision between, iii. 348;</li>
-  <li>peace of, with Gelo, after the battle of the Himera, v. 225;</li>
-  <li>and Egestæans, victory of, over the Selinuntines, x. 404;</li>
-  <li>blockade and capture of Agrigentum by, x. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>plunder of Syracuse by, x. 482;</li>
-  <li>in Sicily, expedition of Dionysius against, x. 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>naval victory of, off Katana, x. 495;</li>
-  <li>before Syracuse, x. 499 <i>seq.</i>, 506 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, in the Great Harbor of Syracuse, x. 501;</li>
-  <li>in Sicily, frequency of pestilence among, xi. 1;</li>
-  <li>purchase the robe of the Lakinian Hêrê, xi. 23;</li>
-  <li>and Hipponium, xi. 43;</li>
-  <li>invade Sicily, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 340, xi. 170, 171;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon’s victory over, at the Krimêsus, xi. 174 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>peace of Timoleon with, xi. 182;</li>
-  <li>their defence of Agrigentum against Agathokles, <a href="#Page_406">xii. 406</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over Agathokles at the Himera, <a href="#Page_408">xii. 408</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>recover great part of Sicily from Agathokles, <a href="#Page_409">xii. 409</a>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Agathokles to Africa against, <a href="#Page_410">xii. 410</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>religious terror of after the defeat of Hanno and Bomilkar, <a href="#Page_418">xii. 418</a>;</li>
-  <li>success of, against Agathokles in Numidia, <a href="#Page_427">xii. 427</a>;</li>
-  <li>victories of, over Archagathus, <a href="#Page_439">xii. 439</a>;</li>
-  <li>Archagathus blocked up at Tunês by, <a href="#Page_439">xii. 439</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over Agathokles near Tunês, <a href="#Page_442">xii. 442</a>;</li>
-  <li>nocturnal panic in the camp of, near Tunês, <a href="#Page_442">xii. 442</a>;</li>
-  <li>the army of Agathokles capitulate with, after his desertion, <a href="#Page_443">xii. 443</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Caspian</i> Gates, <a href="#Footnote_438">xii. 182 <i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Castes</i>, Egyptian, iii. 314 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Catalogue</i> in the Iliad, i. 290 <i>seq.</i>, ii. 157.</li>
-<li><i>Cato</i> the elder, and Kleon, vi. 485 <i>n.</i>, 486 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Census</i>, nature and duration of the Solonian, x. 113 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in the archonship of Nausinikus, x. 114 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Centaur</i> Nessus, i. 151.</li>
-<li><i>Centimanes</i>, i. 8.</li>
-<li><i>Ceremonies</i>, religious, a source of mythes, i. 62, 63.</li>
-<li><i>Cestus</i>, iv. 57 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Chabrias</i>, defeat of Gorgôpas by, ix. 375;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>proceedings of between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 387-378, x. 105;</li>
-  <li>at Thebes, x. 127;</li>
-  <li>victory of, near Naxos, x. 130 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Corinth, x. 258;</li>
-  <li>in Egypt, x. 361, 362;</li>
-  <li>and Charidemus, x. 379;</li>
-  <li>death of, xi. 223.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chæreas</i>, viii. 30, 46.</li>
-<li><i>Chæroneia</i>, victory of the Thebans over Onomarchus at, xi. 257;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>battle of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 338, xi. 498 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chaldæan</i> priests and Alexander, <a href="#Page_249">xii. 249</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Chaldæans</i>, iii. 290 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Chalkêdon</i> and Alkibiadês, viii. 126, 132.</li>
-<li><i>Chalkideus</i>, expedition of, to Chios, vii. 370, 371 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Tissaphernes, treaty between, vii. 376;</li>
-  <li>defeat and death of, vii. 385.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chalkidians</i>, Thracian, iv. 22 <i>seq.</i>, vi. 183, 396;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of Eubœa, successes of Athens against, iv. 170.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chalkidikê</i>, success of Timotheus in, x. 294;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>three expeditions from Athens to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 349-348, xi. 334 <i>n.</i>, 349;</li>
-  <li>success of Philip in, xi. 350 <i>seq.</i>, 364.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chalkis</i>, iii. 164 <i>seq.</i>; retirement of the Greek fleet to, on the loss of three triremes, v. 80.</li>
-<li><i>Chalybes</i>, iii. 252, ix. 106 <i>seq.</i>, 110.</li>
-<li><i>Champions</i>, select, change in Grecian opinions respecting, ii. 451.</li>
-<li><i>Chaonians</i>, iii. 413 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Chaos</i>, i. 4;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and her offspring, i. 4.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chares</i>, assistance of, to Phlius, x. 272;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_520">[p. 520]</span>recall of, from Corinth, x. 287;</li>
-  <li>unsuccessful attempt of, to seize Corinth, x. 289;</li>
-  <li>in the Chersonese, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, x. 379;</li>
-  <li>at Chios, xi. 374;</li>
-  <li>in the Hellespont, xi. 224;</li>
-  <li>accusation of Iphikrates and Timotheus by, xi. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Artabazus, xi. 230;</li>
-  <li>conquest of Sestos by, xi. 258;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Olynthus, xi. 349;</li>
-  <li>at the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 502;</li>
-  <li>capitulation of, at Mitylênê, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Charidemus</i>, x. 251;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Iphikrates, x. 299;</li>
-  <li>and Timotheus, x. 300, 301;</li>
-  <li>and Kephisodotus, x. 374, 377;</li>
-  <li>and Kersobleptes, x. 376, 377;</li>
-  <li>and the Athenians in the Chersonese, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 360-358, x. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Miltokythes, x. 378;</li>
-  <li>his popularity and expedition to Thrace, xi. 307;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Chalkidikê, xi. 349;</li>
-  <li>put to death by Darius, <a href="#Page_108">xii. 108</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Charidemus</i> and Ephialtes, banishment of, <a href="#Page_46">xii. 46</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Chariklês</i>, expedition of, to Peloponnesus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 288;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Peisander, vii. 198.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Charilaus</i> and Lykurgus, ii. 344;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the Samian, iv. 249.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Charites</i>, the, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Charitesia</i>, festival of, i. 128.</li>
-<li><i>Charlemagne</i>, legends of, i. 475.</li>
-<li><i>Charmandê</i>, dispute among the Cyreian forces near, ix. 35.</li>
-<li><i>Charmînus</i>, victory of Astyochus over, vii. 397.</li>
-<li><i>Charon</i> the Theban, x. 81 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Charondas</i>, iv. 417.</li>
-<li><i>Charopinus</i>, iv. 290.</li>
-<li><i>Cheirisophus</i>, ix. 80;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Xenophon, ix. 92, 95, 106 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the Kentritês, ix. 99;</li>
-  <li>mission of, to Byzantium, ix. 125;</li>
-  <li>return of, from Byzantium, ix. 144;</li>
-  <li>elected sole general of the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 145;</li>
-  <li>death of, ix. 148.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chersonese</i>, Thracian, iv. 27;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>connection of, with Athens under Peisistratus, iv. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>attacked by the Athenians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 479, v. 201;</li>
-  <li>operations of Periklês in, vi. 10;</li>
-  <li>retirement of Alkibiadês to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 159;</li>
-  <li>fortification of, by Derkyllidas, ix. 218;</li>
-  <li>partial readmission of Athenians to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 365, x. 296 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Epaminondas near, x. 301, 306;</li>
-  <li>Timotheus at, x. 302, 306, 368;</li>
-  <li>Ergophilus in the, x. 369 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Kotys in the, x. 373;</li>
-  <li>Kephisodotus in the, x. 374;</li>
-  <li>Charidemus and the Athenians in the, x. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>restoration of, to Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, x. 379, xi. 219;</li>
-  <li>Kersobleptes cedes part of, to Athens, xi. 258;</li>
-  <li>speech of Demosthenes on, xi. 451;</li>
-  <li>mission of Demosthenes to, xi. 453;</li>
-  <li>votes of thanks from, to Athens, xi. 461.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chians</i> at Ladê, iv. 304;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>activity of, in promoting revolt among the Athenian allies, vii. 374;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, against Lesbos, vii. 382 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>improved condition of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 94.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chimæra</i>, the, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Chios</i>, foundation of, iii. 147;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Histiæus at, iv. 299;</li>
-  <li>an autonomous ally of Athens, vi. 2;</li>
-  <li>proceeding of Athenians at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 425, vi. 360;</li>
-  <li>application from, to Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 365;</li>
-  <li>the Lacedæmonians persuaded by Alkibiadês to send aid to, vii. 367;</li>
-  <li>suspicions of the Athenians about, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 368;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Chalkideus and Alkibiadês to, vii. 369 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 371 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Strombichidês to, vii. 374;</li>
-  <li>harassing operations of the Athenians against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 385 <i>seq.</i>, 391, 393;</li>
-  <li>prosperity of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 480-412. vii. 387;</li>
-  <li>defeat of Pedaritus at, viii. 20;</li>
-  <li>removal of Mindarus from Milêtus to, viii. 101;</li>
-  <li>voyage of Mindarus from, to the Hellespont, viii. 102, 102 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolution at, furthered by Kratesippidas, viii. 140;</li>
-  <li>escape of Eteonikus from Mitylenê to, viii. 175, 189;</li>
-  <li>Eteonikus at, viii. 211;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, xi. 220 <i>seq.</i>, 231;</li>
-  <li>repulse of the Athenians at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, xi. 223;</li>
-  <li>acquisition of, by Memnon, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Macedonian admirals, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chivalry</i>, romances of, i. 475 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Chlidon</i>, x. 84.</li>
-<li><i>Chœrilus</i>, Näke’s comments on, ii. 137 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_521">[p. 521]</span>poem of, on the expedition of Xerxes into Greece, v. 39 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Choric</i> training at Sparta and Krête, iv. 84 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Choriênes</i>, Alexander’s capture of the rock of, <a href="#Page_214">xii. 214</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Chorus</i>, the Greek, iv. 83;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>improvements in, by Stesichorus, iv. 87.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chronicle</i> of Turpin, the, i. 475.</li>
-<li><i>Chronological</i> calculation destroys the religious character of mythical genealogies, i. 446;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>table from Clinton’s Fasti Hellenici, ii. 36 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>computations, the value of, dependent on the trustworthiness of the genealogies, ii. 41;</li>
-  <li>evidence of early poets, ii. 45.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chronologists</i>, modern, ii. 37.</li>
-<li><i>Chronologizing</i> attempts indicative of mental progress, ii. 56.</li>
-<li><i>Chronology</i> of mythical events, various schemes of, ii. 34 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Alexandrine, from the return of the Herakleids to the first Olympiad, ii. 304;</li>
-  <li>of Egyptian kings from Psammetichus to Amasis, iii. 330 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>Egyptian, iii. 339 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Grecian, between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars, v. 304 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>of the period between Philip’s fortification of Elateia and the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 494 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Chrysaor</i>, i. 1, 7.</li>
-<li><i>Chryseis</i>, i. 294.</li>
-<li><i>Chrysippus</i>, i. 160.</li>
-<li><i>Chrysopolis</i>, occupation of, by the Athenians, viii. 127.</li>
-<li><i>Cimmerian</i> invasion of Asia Minor, iii. 249 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Cimmerians</i>, iii. 234;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>driven out of their country by the Scythians, iii. 247 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Circê</i> and Æêtês, i. 252.</li>
-<li><i>Clinton’s</i> Fasti Hellenici, chronological table from, ii. 36 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>opinion on the computations of the date of the Trojan war, ii. 39;</li>
-  <li>vindication of the genealogies, ii. 42 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Coined</i> money, first introduction of, into Greece, ii. 318.</li>
-<li><i>Comedy</i>, growth, development, and influence of, at Athens, viii. 325 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Comic</i> poets, before Aristophanês, viii. 327;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>writers, mistaken estimate of, as witnesses and critics, viii. 332 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Commemorative</i> influence of Grecian rites, i. 454 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Congress</i> at Corinth, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 13-15;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 24;</li>
-  <li>at Mantinea, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 419, vii. 67 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Conón</i> on the legend of Kadmus, i. 258.</li>
-<li><i>Constitutional</i> forms, attachment of the Athenians to, viii. 41;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>morality, necessity for creating, in the time of Kleisthenês, iv. 159.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Corinth</i>, origin of, i. 119 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Dorians, at, ii. 9;</li>
-  <li>early distinction of, ii. 113;</li>
-  <li>isthmus of, ii. 216;</li>
-  <li>Herakleid kings of, ii. 306;</li>
-  <li>Dorian settlers at, ii. 309;</li>
-  <li>despots at, iii. 39 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>great power of, under Periander, iii. 43;</li>
-  <li>Sikyôn and Megara, analogy of, iii. 47;</li>
-  <li>voyage from, to Gadês in the seventh and sixth centuries <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, iii. 277;</li>
-  <li>relations of Korkyra with, iii. 404 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Korkyra, joint settlements of, iii. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>relations between the colonies of, iii. 407;</li>
-  <li>decision of, respecting the dispute between Thebes and Platæa, iv. 166;</li>
-  <li>protest of, at the first convocation at Sparta, iv. 175;</li>
-  <li>Pan-Hellenic congress at the Isthmus of, v. 57 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>rush of Peloponnesians to the Isthmus of, after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 106;</li>
-  <li>growing hatred of, to Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 461, v. 320;</li>
-  <li>operations of the Athenians in the Gulf of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 455, v. 332;</li>
-  <li>and Korkyra, war between, vi. 51 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, after the naval battle between Corinth and Korkyra, vi. 69 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>congress at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 13, 15 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Syracuse, embassy from, to Sparta, vii. 235;</li>
-  <li>synod at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 368;</li>
-  <li>altered feeling of, after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 259, 264, 275;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Thebes, Athens, and Argos, against Sparta, ix. 301;</li>
-  <li>anti-Spartan allies at, ix. 302;</li>
-  <li>battle of, ix. 307 <i>seq.</i>, 317;</li>
-  <li>Pharnabazus and the anti-Spartan allies at, ix. 320;</li>
-  <li>philo-Laconian party at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 392, ix. 328 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><i>coup d’état</i> of the government at, ix. 329;</li>
-  <li>contrast between political conflicts at, and at Athens, ix. 330 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>and Argos, consolidation of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 392, ix. 332;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_522">[p. 522]</span>victor of the Lacedæmonians within the Long Walls at ix. 333 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the Long Walls of, partly pulled down by the Lacedæmonians, ix. 335;</li>
-  <li>the Long Walls of, restored by the Athenians, and taken by Agesilaus and Teleutias, ix. 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 387, x. 12;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Athens, for aid against Thebes, x. 234 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Iphikrates at, x. 237;</li>
-  <li>and the Persian rescript in favor of Thebes, x. 282;</li>
-  <li>project of the Athenians to seize, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 289;</li>
-  <li>peace of, with Thebes, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 290 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application from Syracuse to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 344, xi. 134;</li>
-  <li>message from Hiketas to, xi. 143;</li>
-  <li>Dionysius the Younger at, xi. 151 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>reinforcement from, to Timoleon, xi. 152, 155, 157;</li>
-  <li>efforts of, to restore Syracuse, xi. 167, 168;</li>
-  <li>Philip chosen chief of the Greeks at the congress at, xi. 511;</li>
-  <li>convention at, under Alexander, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 336, <a href="#Page_13">xii. 13</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>violations of the convention at, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_16">xii. 16</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 335, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Corinthian envoys</i>, speech of, to the Athenian assembly, in reply to the Korkyræans, vi. 59;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>speech of, to the Spartan assembly, against Athens, vi. 82 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>speech of, at the congress of allies at Sparta, vi. 93 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Corinthian</i> genealogy of Eumelus, i. 119 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-<li><i>Corinthian</i> Gulf, naval conflicts of Corinthians and Lacedæmonians in, ix. 326;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>territory, Nikias’s expedition against, vi. 355 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>war, commencement of, ix. 301.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Corinthians</i>, early commerce and enterprise of, iii. 1;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>behavior of, at Salamis, v. 145;</li>
-  <li>defeated by Myronides, v. 324;</li>
-  <li>procure the refusal of the Samians’ application to Sparta for aid against Athens, vi. 30, 50;</li>
-  <li>instigate Potidæa, the Chalkidians and Bottiæans to revolt from Athens, vi. 65 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, near Potidæa, vi. 73;</li>
-  <li>strive to excite war against Athens after their defeat near Potidæa, vi. 78;</li>
-  <li>repudiate the peace of Nikias, vi. 493, vii. 2;</li>
-  <li>induce Argos to head a new Peloponnesian alliance, vii. 12;</li>
-  <li>hesitate to join Argos, vii. 16, 62;</li>
-  <li>join Argos, vii. 18;</li>
-  <li>application of, to the Bœotians and Athenians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 20;</li>
-  <li>and Karneia, vii. 308 <i>n.</i> 1;</li>
-  <li>and Athenians, naval battle between, near Naupaktus, vii. 358 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Lacedæmonians, naval and land conflicts between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 393, ix. 333 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Courts</i> of Requests, their analogy to Athenian dikasteries, v. 399 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Creditor</i> and debtor, law of, at Athens before Solon, iii. 95;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Roman law of, iii. 159.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Criticisms</i> on the first two volumes of this history, reply to, i. 408 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Crœsus</i> and Solon, alleged interview between, iii. 149 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>moral of Herodotus’s story about, iii. 153;</li>
-  <li>reign and conquests of, iii. 258 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>power and alliances of, iv. 182;</li>
-  <li>and Cyrus, war between, iv. 188 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the oracles, iv. 189, 190, 193;</li>
-  <li>solicits the alliance of Sparta, iv. 190;</li>
-  <li>fate of, impressive to the Greek mind, iv. 195.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Cumæ</i> in Campania, iii. 357 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Cyclades</i>, ii. 214, iii. 163;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Themistoklês levies fines on, v. 141.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Cycle</i>, epic, ii. 122 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Cyclic</i> poets, ii. 122 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Cyclôpes</i>, i. 4, 5.</li>
-<li><i>Cyprus</i>, influence of Aphroditê upon, i. 5;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Solon’s visit to, iii. 148;</li>
-  <li>Phenicians and Greeks in, iii. 277;</li>
-  <li>extension of the Ionic revolt to, iv. 291;</li>
-  <li>subjugation of, by Phenicians and Persians, iv. 293;</li>
-  <li>conquest of, by the Turks in 1570, iv. 293 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition to, under Kimon, v. 335;</li>
-  <li>before and under Evagoras, x. 14 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>subjugation of, to the Persian king Ochus, xi. 437;</li>
-  <li>surrender of the princes of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_137">xii. 137</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Cyrenaica</i>, iv. 36 <i>n.</i> 3, 37 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Cyropædia</i>, Xenophon’s, iv. 183.</li>
-<li><i>Cyrus the Great</i>, early history and rise of, iv. 183 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Crœsus, war between, iv. 188 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Lacedæmonians, iv. 199;</li>
-  <li>conquests of, in Asia, iv. 209;</li>
-  <li>capture of Babylon by, iv. 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>exploits and death of, iv. 215;</li>
-  <li>effects of his conquests upon the Persians, iv. 216 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_523">[p. 523]</span>the tomb of, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Cyrus the Younger</i>, arrival of, in Asia Minor, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 408, viii. 135, 137;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Lysander’s visits to, at Sardis, viii. 140 <i>seq.</i>, 214;</li>
-  <li>pay of the Peloponnesian fleet by, viii. 143;</li>
-  <li>and Kallikratidas, viii. 162;</li>
-  <li>entrusts his satrapy and revenues to Lysander, viii. 214;</li>
-  <li>and Artaxerxes Mnemon, viii. 312, ix. 8 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>youth and education of, ix. 5;</li>
-  <li>his esteem for the Greeks and hopes of the crown, ix. 6;</li>
-  <li>charge of Tissaphernes against, ix. 7;</li>
-  <li>strict administration and prudent behavior of, ix. 9;</li>
-  <li>forces of, collected at Sardis, ix. 11;</li>
-  <li>march of, from Sardis to Kunaxa, ix. 14 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>assistance of Epyaxa to, ix. 18;</li>
-  <li>review of his troops at Tyriæum, ix. 19;</li>
-  <li>and Syennesis, ix. 20;</li>
-  <li>at Tarsus, ix. 21 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>desertion of Xenias and Pasion from, ix. 28;</li>
-  <li>at Thapsakus, ix. 29 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Babylonia, ix. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>speech of, to his Greek forces in Babylonia, ix. 36;</li>
-  <li>his conception of Grecian superiority, ix. 37;</li>
-  <li>his present to the prophet Silanus, ix. 40;</li>
-  <li>passes the undefended trench, ix. 41;</li>
-  <li>at Kunaxa, ix. 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>character of, ix. 49;</li>
-  <li>probable conduct of, towards Greece, if victorious at Kunaxa, ix. 51;</li>
-  <li>and the Asiatic Greeks, ix. 207.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">D.</li>
-<li><i>Dædalus</i>, i. 225, 228 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dæmon</i> of Sokratês, viii. 408 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dæmons</i>, i. 65, 67, 70 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and gods, distinction between, i. 425 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>admission of, as partially evil beings, i. 427.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Damascus</i>, capture of, by the Macedonians, <a href="#Page_128">xii. 128</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Damasithymus</i> of Kalyndus, v. 135.</li>
-<li><i>Danaê</i>, legend of, i. 90.</li>
-<li><i>Danaos</i> and the Danaides, i. 88.</li>
-<li><i>Dancing</i>, Greek, iv. 85.</li>
-<li><i>Daphnæus</i>, at Agrigentum, x. 426 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>death of, x. 444.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dardanus</i>, son of Zeus, i. 285.</li>
-<li><i>Daric</i>, the golden, iv. 239 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Darius Hystaspes</i>, accession of, iv. 224 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>discontents of the satraps under, iv. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of the Medes against, iv. 227 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Babylon against, iv. 230;</li>
-  <li>organization of the Persian empire by, iv. 233 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>twenty satrapies of, iv. 235 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>organizing tendency, coinage, roads, and posts of, iv. 238 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Sylosôn, iv. 240;</li>
-  <li>conquering dispositions of, iv. 252;</li>
-  <li>probable consequences of an expedition by, against Greece before going against Scythia, iv. 260 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>invasion of Scythia by, iv. 262 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his orders to the Ionians at the bridge over the Danube, iv. 269;</li>
-  <li>return of, to Susa from Scythia, iv. 280;</li>
-  <li>revenge of, against the Athenians, iv. 297;</li>
-  <li>preparations of, for invading Greece, iv. 314;</li>
-  <li>submission of Greeks to, before the battle of Marathon, iv. 315;</li>
-  <li>heralds of, at Athens and Sparta, iv. 316;</li>
-  <li>instructions of, to Datis and Artaphernês, iv. 329;</li>
-  <li>resolution of, to invade Greece a second time, v. 1;</li>
-  <li>death of, v. 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Darius</i>, son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, x. 367.</li>
-<li><i>Darius Codomannus</i>, encouragement of anti-Macedonians in Greece by, <a href="#Page_20">xii. 20</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his accession and preparations for defence against Alexander, <a href="#Page_76">xii. 76</a>;</li>
-  <li>irreparable mischief of Memnon’s death to, <a href="#Page_106">xii. 106</a>;</li>
-  <li>change in the plan of, after Memnon’s death, <a href="#Page_107">xii. 107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li>
-  <li>puts Charidemus to death, <a href="#Page_108">xii. 108</a>;</li>
-  <li>Arrian’s criticism on the plan of, against Alexander, <a href="#Page_110">xii. 110</a>;</li>
-  <li>at Mount Amanus, <a href="#Page_115">xii. 115</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>advances into Kilikia, <a href="#Page_117">xii. 117</a>;</li>
-  <li>at Issus before the battle, <a href="#Page_117">xii. 117</a>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at Issus, <a href="#Page_118">xii. 118</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of his mother, wife, and family by Alexander, <a href="#Page_124">xii. 124</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li>
-  <li>his correspondence with Alexander, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li>
-  <li>inaction of, after the battle of Issus, <a href="#Page_152">xii. 152</a>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at Arbela, <a href="#Page_155">xii. 155</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>a fugitive in Media, <a href="#Page_178">xii. 178</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
-  <li>pursued by Alexander into Parthia, <a href="#Page_182">xii. 182</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conspiracy against, by Bessus and others, <a href="#Page_183">xii. 183</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>death of, <a href="#Page_185">xii. 185</a>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander’s disappointment in not taking him alive, <a href="#Page_186">xii. 186</a>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_524">[p. 524]</span>funeral, fate, and conduct of, <a href="#Page_186">xii. 186</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Darius Nothus</i>, ix. 2 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>death of, ix. 6.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Daskon</i>, attack of Dionysius on the Carthaginian naval station at, x. 508.</li>
-<li><i>Datames</i>, x. 360.</li>
-<li><i>Datis</i>, siege and capture of Eretria by, iv. 330 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conquest of Karystus by, iv. 331;</li>
-  <li>Persian armament at Samos under, iv. 329;</li>
-  <li>conquest of Naxos and other Cyclades by, iv. 330 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>forbearance of, towards Delos, iv. 330;</li>
-  <li>at Marathon, iv. 333, 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>return of, to Asia, after the battle of Marathon, iv. 362.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Debtor and creditor</i>, law of, at Athens before Solon, iii. 95;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Roman law of, iii. 159 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Debtors</i>, Solon’s relief of, iii. 99;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>treatment of, according to Gallic and Teutonic codes, iii. 110 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Debts</i>, the obligation of, inviolable at Athens, iii. 105, 113;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>distinction between the principal and interest of, in an early society, iii. 107.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Defence</i>, means of, superior to those of attack in ancient Greece, ii. 111.</li>
-<li><i>Deianeira</i>, i. 151.</li>
-<li><i>Deinokrates</i>, <a href="#Page_406">xii. 406</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dêïokes</i>, iii. 227 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Deities</i> not included in the twelve great ones, i. 10;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of guilds or trades, i. 344.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dekamnichus</i>, x. 47.</li>
-<li><i>Dekarchies</i> established by Lysander, ix. 184 <i>seq.</i>, 194, 197.</li>
-<li><i>Dekeleia</i>, legend of, 159;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>fortification of, by the Lacedæmonians, vii. 286, 288, 364;</li>
-  <li>Agis at, vii. 365, viii. 150.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Delian Apollo</i>, i. 45.</li>
-<li><i>Delian festival</i>, iii. 167 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>early splendor and subsequent decline of, iv. 54;</li>
-  <li>revival of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 426, vi. 312.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Delium</i>, Hippokratês’s march to, and fortification of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 424, vi. 382 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>battle of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 424, vi. 389 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>siege and capture of, by the Bœotians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 424, vi. 396;</li>
-  <li>Sokratês and Alkibiadês at the battle of, vi. 397.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dêlos</i>, Ionic festival at, iii. 167, <i>seq.</i>, iv. 54;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>forbearance of Datis towards, iv. 330;</li>
-  <li>the confederacy of, v. 263 <i>seq.</i>, 290 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the synod of, v. 301, 302;</li>
-  <li>first breach of union in the confederacy of, v. 312;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Thasos from the confederacy of, v. 315;</li>
-  <li>transfer of the fund of the confederacy from, to Athens, v. 343;</li>
-  <li>transition of the confederacy of, into an Athenian empire, v. 343;</li>
-  <li>purification of, by the Athenians, vi. 312;</li>
-  <li>restoration of the native population to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 23.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Delphi</i>, temple and oracle of, i. 48 <i>seq.</i>, ii. 253;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>oracle of, and the Battiad dynasty, iv. 41;</li>
-  <li>early state and site of, iv. 59;</li>
-  <li>growth of, iv. 62;</li>
-  <li>conflagration and rebuilding of the temple at, iv. 120 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the oracle at, worked by Kleisthenês, iv. 122;</li>
-  <li>oracle of, and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 59 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Xerxes’s detachment against, v. 417;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of Sparta and Athens at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 452-447, v. 346;</li>
-  <li>answer of the oracle of, to the Spartans on war with Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 432, vi. 92;</li>
-  <li>reply of the oracle at, about Sokratês, viii. 412 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Agesipolis and the oracle at, ix. 357;</li>
-  <li>claim of the Phokians to the presidency of the temple at, xi. 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Philomelus seizes and fortifies the temple at, xi. 247;</li>
-  <li>Philomelus takes part of the treasures in the temple at, xi. 252;</li>
-  <li>employment of the treasures in the temple at, by Onomarchus, xi. 255;</li>
-  <li>Phayllus despoils the temple at, xi. 297;</li>
-  <li>peculation of the treasures at, xi. 375;</li>
-  <li>miserable death of all concerned in the spoliation of the temple at, xi. 434;</li>
-  <li>relations of the Lokrians of Amphissa with, xi. 469;</li>
-  <li>Amphiktyonic meeting at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 470 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Delphian Apollo</i>, reply of, to the remonstrance of Crœsus, iv. 189.</li>
-<li><i>Delphians</i> and Amphiktyons, attack of, upon Kirrha, xi. 474.</li>
-<li><i>Delphinium</i> at Athens, iii. 78 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Deluge</i> of Deukaliôn, i. 96 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Demades</i>, reproof of Philip by, xi. 505;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>peace of, xi. 506 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>remark of, on hearing of Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_257">xii. 257</a>;</li>
-  <li>Macedonizing policy of, <a href="#Page_278">xii. 278</a>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_525">[p. 525]</span>and Phokion, embassy of, to Antipater, <a href="#Page_322">xii. 322</a>;</li>
-  <li>death of, <a href="#Page_338">xii. 338</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Demagogues</i>, iii. 18, 21, viii. 39 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Demaratus</i> and Kleomenês, iv. 325 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conversations of, with Xerxes, v. 40, 86, 96;</li>
-  <li>advice of, to Xerxes after the death of Leonidas, v. 96.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Demes, Attic</i>, iii. 63, 66, 68; iv. 132 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dêmêtêr</i>, i. 6, 7, 10;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>foreign influence on the worship of, i. 24, 25;</li>
-  <li>how represented in Homer and Hesiod, i. 37;</li>
-  <li>Homeric hymn to, i. 38 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>legends of, differing from the Homeric hymn, i. 44;</li>
-  <li>Hellenic importance of, i. 44.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dêmêtrius</i> of Skêpsis, on Ilium, i. 328.</li>
-<li><i>Demetrius Phalereus</i>, administration of, at Athens, <a href="#Page_362">xii. 362</a> <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>retires to Egypt, <a href="#Page_374">xii. 374</a>;</li>
-  <li>condemnation of, <a href="#Page_378">xii. 378</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Demetrius Poliorketes</i>, at Athens, <a href="#Page_373">xii. 373</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>exploits of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 307-304, <a href="#Page_381">xii. 381</a>;</li>
-  <li>his successes in Greece against Kassander, <a href="#Page_382">xii. 382</a>;</li>
-  <li>march of, through Thessaly into Asia, <a href="#Page_386">xii. 386</a>;</li>
-  <li>return of, from Asia to Greece, <a href="#Page_388">xii. 388</a>;</li>
-  <li>acquires the crown of Macedonia, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>;</li>
-  <li>Greece under, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>;</li>
-  <li>captivity and death of, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Demiurgi</i>, iii. 72.</li>
-<li><i>Demochares</i>, <a href="#Page_378">xii. 378</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Democracies</i>, Grecian, securities against corruption in, vii. 402.</li>
-<li><i>Democracy</i>, Athenian, iii. 128, 140; v. 380;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>effect of the idea of, upon the minds of the Athenians, iv. 179 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Athens, stimulus to, from the Persian war, v. 275;</li>
-  <li>reconstitution of, at Samos, viii. 46 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>restoration of, at Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 75 <i>seq.</i>, 80 <i>seq.</i>, and <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 403, viii. 288, 300;</li>
-  <li>moderation of Athenian, viii. 92, 304 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Samos, contrasted with the oligarchy of the Four Hundred, viii. 93 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Democratical</i> leaders at Athens, and the Thirty, viii. 240, 245 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>sentiment, increase of, at Athens, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 479-459, v. 355.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dêmokêdês</i>, romantic history of, iv. 253 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Demônax</i>, reform of Kyrênê by, iv. 44;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>constitution of, not durable, iv. 49.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Demophantus</i>, psephism of, viii. 80.</li>
-<li><i>Demos</i> at Syracuse, v. 206.</li>
-<li><i>Demosthenês the general</i>, in Akarnania, vi. 296;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expedition of, against Ætolia, vi. 296 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>saves Naupaktus, vi. 301;</li>
-  <li>goes to protect Amphilochian Argos, vi. 302;</li>
-  <li>his victory over Eurylochus at Olpæ, vi. 304 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his triumphant return from Akarnania to Athens, vi. 312;</li>
-  <li>fortifies and defends Pylus, vi. 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application of, for reinforcements from Athens, to attack Sphakteria, vi. 334 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, in Sphakteria, vi. 341 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>attempt of, to surprise Megara and Nisæ, vi. 372 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>scheme of, for invading Bœotia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 424, vi. 379;</li>
-  <li>unsuccessful descent upon Bœotia by, vi. 380;</li>
-  <li>his evacuation of the fort at Epidaurus, vii. 97;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Sicily, vii. 289, 298, 303;</li>
-  <li>arrival of, at Syracuse, vii. 302, 304;</li>
-  <li>plans of, on arriving at Syracuse, vii. 306;</li>
-  <li>night attack of, upon Epipolæ, vii. 306 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his proposals for removing from Syracuse, vii. 308 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Nikias, resolution of, after the final defeat in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 338;</li>
-  <li>capture and subsequent treatment of, vii. 341 <i>seq.</i>, 347;</li>
-  <li>respect for the memory of, vii. 348;</li>
-  <li>death of, vii. 347.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Demosthenes</i>, father of the orator, xi. 265.</li>
-<li><i>Demosthenes the orator</i>, first appearance of, as public adviser in the Athenian assembly, xi. 263;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>parentage and early youth of, xi. 263 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and his guardians, xi. 265;</li>
-  <li>early rhetorical tendencies of, xi. 266;</li>
-  <li>training and instructors of, xi. 268 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>action and matter of, xi. 271;</li>
-  <li>first known as a composer of speeches for others, xi. 272;</li>
-  <li>speech of, against Leptines, xi. 272;</li>
-  <li>speech of, on the Symmories, xi. 285 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>exhortations of, to personal effort and sacrifice, xi. 289, 357;</li>
-  <li>recommendations of, on Sparta and Megalopolis, xi. 291;</li>
-  <li>first Philippic of, xi. 309 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>opponents of, at Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 351, xi. 318;</li>
-  <li>earliest Olynthiac of, xi. 327 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_526">[p. 526]</span>practical effect of his speeches, xi. 329;</li>
-  <li>second Olynthiac of, xi. 331 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>allusions of, to the Theôric fund, xi. 334, 338;</li>
-  <li>third Olynthiac of, xi. 335 <i>seq.</i>, 336;</li>
-  <li>insulted by Meidias, xi. 343;</li>
-  <li>reproached for his absence from the battle of Tamynæ, xi. 344;</li>
-  <li>serves as hoplite in Eubœa, and is chosen senator for, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 349-348, xi. 345;</li>
-  <li>order of the Olynthiacs of, xi. 358 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Æschines, on the negotiations with Philip, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 347-346, xi. 371 <i>n.</i>, 378 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>speaks in favor of peace, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 347, xi. 372;</li>
-  <li>and the first embassy from Athens to Philip, xi. 380 <i>seq.</i>, 386;</li>
-  <li>failure of, in his speech before Philip, xi. 382;</li>
-  <li>and the confederate synod at Athens respecting Philip, xi. 389 <i>n.</i>, 390, 392 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>and the motion of Philokratês for peace and alliance with Philip, xi. 391 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the exclusion of the Phokians from the peace and alliance between Athens and Philip, xi. 400 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the second embassy from Athens to Philip, xi. 403, 405 <i>seq.</i>, 412, 415;</li>
-  <li>and the third embassy from Athens to Philip, xi. 422;</li>
-  <li>charges of, against Æschines, xi. 431;</li>
-  <li>and the peace and alliance of Athens with Philip, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 432;</li>
-  <li>recommends acquiescence in the Amphiktyonic dignity of Philip, xi. 435;</li>
-  <li>vigilance and warnings of, against Philip, after <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 246, xi. 444;</li>
-  <li>speech on the Chersonese and third Philippic of, xi. 451;</li>
-  <li>increased influence of, at Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 341-338, xi. 452;</li>
-  <li>mission of, to the Chersonese and, Byzantium, xi. 453;</li>
-  <li>vote of thanks to, at Athens, xi. 461;</li>
-  <li>reform in the administration of the Athenian marine by, xi. 462 <i>seq.</i>, 464 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his opposition to the proceedings of Æschines at the Amphiktyonic meeting, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 478;</li>
-  <li>on the special Amphiktyonic meeting at Thermopylæ, xi. 479;</li>
-  <li>advice of, on hearing of the fortification of Elateia by Philip, xi. 486;</li>
-  <li>mission of, to Thebes, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 488 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>crowned at Athens, xi. 493, 496;</li>
-  <li>at the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 498 <i>seq.</i>, 501;</li>
-  <li>confidence shown to, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 503, 509;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, on the death of Philip, <a href="#Page_10">xii. 10</a>;</li>
-  <li>correspondence of, with Persia, <a href="#Page_20">xii. 20</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>accusation against, respecting the revolt of Thebes against Alexander, <a href="#Page_34">xii. 34</a>;</li>
-  <li>position and policy of, in Alexander’s time, <a href="#Page_278">xii. 278</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Æschines, judicial contest between, <a href="#Page_286">xii. 286</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>accusation against, in the affair of Harpalus, <a href="#Page_294">xii. 294</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>recall of, from exile, <a href="#Page_314">xii. 314</a>;</li>
-  <li>flight of, to Kalauria, <a href="#Page_322">xii. 322</a>;</li>
-  <li>condemnation and death of, <a href="#Page_326">xii. 326</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>life and character of, <a href="#Page_328">xii. 328</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Derdas</i> at Olynthus, x. 65.</li>
-<li><i>Derkyllidas</i>, in Asia, ix. 209 <i>seq.</i>, 219 <i>seq.</i>, 255;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Abydos and Sestos, ix. 320;</li>
-  <li>superseded by Anaxibius at Abydos, ix. 368.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Despots</i>, in Greece, iii. 4, 18 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Sikyôn, iii. <i>seq.</i>, 39;</li>
-  <li>at Corinth, iii. 41 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>of Asiatic Greece, deposition of, by Aristagoras, iv. 285;</li>
-  <li>Sicilian, v. 206, 233.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Deukaliôn</i>, i. 96 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dexippus</i>, ix. 126, 149 <i>seq.</i>; x. 423, 429, 444.</li>
-<li><i>Diadochi</i>, Asia Hellenized by, <a href="#Page_269">xii. 269</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Diagoras</i>, prosecution of, vii. 208.</li>
-<li><i>Dialectics</i>, Grecian, iv. 87; viii. 338, 345 <i>seq.</i>, 454 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dictators</i> in Greece, iii. 19.</li>
-<li><i>Dido</i>, legend of, iii. 347.</li>
-<li><i>Digamma</i> and the Homeric poems, ii. 147.</li>
-<li><i>Diitrephês</i>, vii. 356 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dikæus</i>, vision of, v. 118.</li>
-<li><i>Dikasteries</i>, not established by Solon, iii. 125;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Athenian, iv. 140 <i>seq.</i>, v. 378 <i>seq.</i>, 385, 393;</li>
-  <li>constitution of, by Periklês, v. 355 <i>seq.</i>, 366;</li>
-  <li>working of, at Athens, v. 381 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Rhodes and other Grecian cities, v. 384 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>jurisdiction of, over the subject-allies of Athens, vi. 39 <i>seq.</i>, 42, 43, 45.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dikasts</i>, oath of, at Athens, iii. 105, viii. 298;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Athenian iv. 141, 372;</li>
-  <li>under Periklês, v. 357, 366, 376 <i>seq.</i>, 388.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dikon</i> of Kaulonia, xi. 28.</li>
-<li><i>Dimnus</i>, <a href="#Page_191">xii. 191</a>, 194.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_527">[p. 527]</span><i>Diodôrus</i>, his historical versions of mythes, i. 413;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>statement of, respecting the generals at Arginusæ, viii. 184.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Diodotus</i>, speech of, vi. 254 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Diogenes</i> and Alexander, <a href="#Page_48">xii. 48</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Diokleidês</i>, vii. 198, 204.</li>
-<li><i>Dioklês the Corinthian</i>, ii. 297.</li>
-<li><i>Dioklês the Syracusan</i>, the laws of, x. 389 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>aid to Himera under, x. 410, 412;</li>
-  <li>banishment of, x. 417.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dio Chrysostom’s</i> attempt to historicise the legend of Troy, i. 321.</li>
-<li><i>Dio Chrysostom</i> at Olbia, <a href="#Page_477">xii. 477</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Diomêdês</i>, return of, from Troy, i. 316.</li>
-<li><i>Diomedon</i>, pursuit of Chians by, vii. 375;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Teos and Lesbos, vii. 383;</li>
-  <li>at Milêtus and Chios, vii. 385 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Samos, viii. 28;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, by Kallikratidas, viii. 169.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dion</i>, his Dionysian connection, and character, xi. 58;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Plato, and the Pythagoreans, xi. 56 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>political views of, xi. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>maintains the confidence of Dionysius the Elder to the last, xi. 61;</li>
-  <li>his visits to Peloponnesus and Athens, xi. 61;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, on the accession of Dionysius the Younger, xi. 64 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>efforts of, to improve Dionysius the Younger, xi. 64 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>entreats Plato to visit Dionysius the Younger, xi. 69;</li>
-  <li>and Plato urge Dionysius the Younger to reform himself, xi. 73;</li>
-  <li>and Plato, intrigues of Philistus against, xi. 76;</li>
-  <li>alienation of Dionysius the Younger from, xi. 77;</li>
-  <li>banishment of, xi. 78;</li>
-  <li>property of, confiscated by Dionysius the Younger, xi. 82;</li>
-  <li>resolution of, to avenge himself on Dionysius the Younger, and free Syracuse, xi. 82 <i>seq.</i>, 85;</li>
-  <li>forces of, at Zakynthus, xi. 84, 87;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, against Dionysius the Younger, xi. 85 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>entry of, into Syracuse, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 357, xi. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>chosen general by the Syracusans, xi. 94;</li>
-  <li>captures Epipolæ and Euryalus, xi. 95;</li>
-  <li>blockade of Ortygia by, xi. 95, 98, 114;</li>
-  <li>negotiations of Dionysius the Younger with, xi. 97, 104;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over Dionysius the Younger, xi. 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>intrigues of Dionysius the Younger against, xi. 103;</li>
-  <li>suspicions of the Syracusans against, xi. 100, 193, 118;</li>
-  <li>and Herakleides, xi. 101, 103, 112, 115 <i>seq.</i>, 121, 122;</li>
-  <li>deposition and retreat of, from Syracuse, xi. 105;</li>
-  <li>at Leontini, xi. 106, 108, 109;</li>
-  <li>repulse of Nepsius and rescue of Syracuse by, xi. 108 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>entry of, into Syracuse, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 356, xi. 110;</li>
-  <li>entry of, into Ortygia, xi. 117;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, on his final triumph, xi. 118 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his omission to grant freedom to Syracuse, xi. 119 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>opposition to, as dictator, xi. 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>tyranny, unpopularity and disquietude of, xi. 122 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>death and character of, xi. 123 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Timoleon, contrast between, xi. 195 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dionysia</i>, Attic, i. 31, iv. 69.</li>
-<li><i>Dionysiac</i> festival at Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 349, xi. 343.</li>
-<li><i>Dionysius, Phôkæan</i>, iv. 305 <i>seq.</i>, 309.</li>
-<li><i>Dionysius the Elder</i>, and Konon, ix. 325;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>demonstration against, at Olympia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 384, x. 73 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 27 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>triremes of, captured by Iphikrates, x. 151;</li>
-  <li>first appearance of, at Syracuse, x. 420;</li>
-  <li>movement of the Hermokratean party to elevate, x. 432;</li>
-  <li>harangue of, against the Syracusan generals at Agrigentum, x. 433 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>one of the generals of Syracuse, x. 434 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>first expedition of, to Gela, x. 438;</li>
-  <li>accusations of, against his colleagues, x. 439;</li>
-  <li>election of, as sole general, x. 440;</li>
-  <li>stratagem of, to obtain a body-guard, x. 441 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>establishes himself as despot at Syracuse, x. 444 <i>seq.</i>, 454;</li>
-  <li>second expedition of, to Gela, x. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>charges of treachery against, x. 451, 456;</li>
-  <li>mutiny of the Syracusan horsemen against, x. 451 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Imilkon, peace between, x. 455 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>sympathy of Sparta with, x. 457;</li>
-  <li>strong position of, after his peace with Imilkon, x. 457;</li>
-  <li>fortification and occupation of Ortygia by, x. 458 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>re-distribution of property by, x. 459 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>exorbitant exactions of, x. 461;</li>
-  <li>mutiny of the Syracusan soldiers against, x. 462 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>besieged in Ortygia, x. 462 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>strengthens his despotism, x. 466 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conquers Ætna, Naxus, Katana, and Leontini, x. 467;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_528">[p. 528]</span>at Enna, x. 468;</li>
-  <li>resolution of, to make war upon Carthage, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 400, x. 469;</li>
-  <li>additional fortifications at Syracuse by, x. 471 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>preparations of, for war with Carthage, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 399-397, x. 473, 477 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>improved behavior of, to the Syracusans, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 399, x. 473;</li>
-  <li>conciliatory policy of, towards the Greek cities, near the Strait of Messênê, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 399, x. 474 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>marriage of, with Doris and Aristomachê, x. 476, 480;</li>
-  <li>exhorts the Syracusan assembly to war against Carthage, x. 481;</li>
-  <li>permits the plunder of the Carthaginians at Syracuse, x. 482;</li>
-  <li>declares war against Carthage, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 397, x. 483;</li>
-  <li>marches against the Carthaginians in Sicily, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 397, x. 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>siege and capture of Motyê by, x. 485 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of the Sikels from, x. 494;</li>
-  <li>provisions of, for the defence of Syracuse against the Carthaginians <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 396, x. 494;</li>
-  <li>naval defeat of, near Katana, x. 495;</li>
-  <li>retreat of, from Katana to Syracuse, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 395, x. 497;</li>
-  <li>Syracusan naval victory over the Carthaginians in the absence of, x. 501;</li>
-  <li>speech of Theôdorus against, x. 501 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>discontent of the Syracusans with, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 395, x. 501 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Pharakidas, x. 504;</li>
-  <li>attacks the Carthaginian camp before Syracuse and sacrifices his mercenaries, x. 507;</li>
-  <li>success of, by sea and land against the Carthaginians before Syracuse, x. 508;</li>
-  <li>secret treaty of, with Imilkon before Syracuse, x. 510;</li>
-  <li>and the Iberians, x. 510;</li>
-  <li>capture of Libyans by, x. 510;</li>
-  <li>difficulties of, from his mercenaries, xi. 2;</li>
-  <li>re-establishment of Messênê by, xi. 3;</li>
-  <li>conquests of, in the interior of Sicily, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, 394, xi. 4;</li>
-  <li>at Tauromenium, xi. 5, 8;</li>
-  <li>and the Sikels, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 394-393, xi. 5, 6;</li>
-  <li>declaration of Agrigentum against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 393, xi. 6;</li>
-  <li>victory of, near Abakæna, xi. 6;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, against Rhegium, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 393, xi. 7;</li>
-  <li>repulses Magon at Agyrium, xi. 7;</li>
-  <li>plans of against the Greek cities in southern Italy, xi. 8;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with the Lucanians against the Italiot Greeks, xi. 11;</li>
-  <li>attack of, upon Rhegium, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 390, xi. 11;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, against the Italian Greeks, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 389, xi. 14 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his capture and generous treatment of Italiot Greeks, xi. 15;</li>
-  <li>besieges and grants peace to Rhegium, xi. 16;</li>
-  <li>capture of Kaulonia and Hipponium by, xi. 7;</li>
-  <li>capture of Rhegium by, xi. 7, 18, 21;</li>
-  <li>cruelty of, to Phyton, xi. 19;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, ascendancy of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 387, xi. 22;</li>
-  <li>capture of Kroton, by xi. 23;</li>
-  <li>schemes of for conquests in Epirus and Illyria, xi. 23;</li>
-  <li>plunders Latium, Etruria, and the temple of Agylla, xi. 25;</li>
-  <li>poetical compositions of, xi. 26;</li>
-  <li>dislike and dread of, in Greece, xi. 25, 30;</li>
-  <li>harshness of, to Plato, xi. 39;</li>
-  <li>new constructions and improvements by, at Syracuse, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 387-383, xi. 39;</li>
-  <li>renews the war wish Carthage, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 383, xi. 41 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>disadvantageous peace of, with Carthage, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 383, xi. 42;</li>
-  <li>projected wall of, across the Calabrian peninsula, xi. 43;</li>
-  <li>relations of, with Central Greece, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 382-369, xi. 44;</li>
-  <li>war of, with Carthage, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 368, xi. 44;</li>
-  <li>gains the tragedy prize at the Lenæan festival at Athens, xi. 46;</li>
-  <li>death and character of, xi. 46 <i>seq.</i>, 62;</li>
-  <li>family left by, xi. 54, 62;</li>
-  <li>the good opinion of, enjoyed by Dion to the last, xi. 61;</li>
-  <li>drunken habits of his descendants, xi. 132.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dionysius the Younger</i>, age of, at his father’s death, xi. 55 <i>n.</i> 1;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>accession and character of, xi. 63;</li>
-  <li>Dion’s efforts to improve, xi. 67 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Plato’s visits to, xi. 69 <i>seq.</i>, 80 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Plato’s injudicious treatment of, xi. 73 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his hatred and injuries to Dion, xi. 77, 78, 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>detention of Plato by, xi. 79;</li>
-  <li>Dion’s expedition against, xi. 85 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>weakness and drunken habits of, xi. 87;</li>
-  <li>absence of, from Syracuse, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 357, xi. 89;</li>
-  <li>negotiations of, with Dion and the Syracusans, xi. 96, 104;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, by Dion, xi. 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>blockaded in Ortygia by Dion, xi. 98;</li>
-  <li>intrigues of, against Dion, xi. 101, 103;</li>
-  <li>his flight in Lokri, xi. 104;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_529">[p. 529]</span>return of, to Syracuse, xi. 133;</li>
-  <li>at Lokri, xi. 133;</li>
-  <li>his surrender of Ortygia to Timoleon, xi. 150;</li>
-  <li>at Corinth, xi. 151 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dionysius</i> of the Pontic Herakleia, <a href="#Page_465">xii. 465</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dionysus</i>, worship of, i. 23, 24, 30, 33;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>legend of, in the Homeric hymn to, i. 34;</li>
-  <li>alteration of the primitive Grecian idea of, i. 36 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Diopeithes</i>, xi. 450.</li>
-<li><i>Dioskuri</i>, i. 172.</li>
-<li><i>Diphilus</i> at Naupaktus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 358.</li>
-<li><i>Diphridas</i>, in Asia, ix. 363.</li>
-<li><i>Dirkê</i>, i. 263.</li>
-<li><i>Discussion</i>, growth of, among the Greeks, iv. 96.</li>
-<li><i>Dithyramb</i>, iv. 88.</li>
-<li><i>Dôdôna</i>, i. 396.</li>
-<li><i>Doloneia</i>, ii. 178, 189.</li>
-<li><i>Dolonkians</i> and Miltiadês the first, iv. 117.</li>
-<li><i>Dorian cities</i> in Peloponnesus about 450 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, ii. 298;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>islands in the Ægean and the Dorians in Argolis, ii. 323;</li>
-  <li>immigration to Peloponnesus, ii. 303;</li>
-  <li>settlers at Argos and Corinth, ii. 308 <i>seq.</i>, 311;</li>
-  <li>settlement in Sparta, ii. 328;</li>
-  <li>allotment of land at Sparta, ii. 416;</li>
-  <li>mode, the, ii. 433, iii. 212;</li>
-  <li>states, inhabitants of, iii. 31;</li>
-  <li>tribes at Sikyôn, names of, iii. 32, 35.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dorians</i>, early accounts of, 103 <i>seq.</i>; ii. 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>mythical title of, to the Peloponnesus, ii. 6;</li>
-  <li>their occupation of Argos, Sparta, Messenia, and Corinth, ii. 8, 9;</li>
-  <li>early Krêtan, ii. 310;</li>
-  <li>in Argolis and the Dorian islands in the Ægean, ii. 323;</li>
-  <li>of Sparta and Stenyklêrus, ii. 326 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>divided into three tribes, ii. 361;</li>
-  <li>Messenian, ii. 438;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic, iii. 201, 202;</li>
-  <li>of Ægina, iv. 172.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Doric</i> dialect, ii. 337 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 87;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>emigrations, ii. 25 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dorieus the Spartan Prince</i>, aid of, to Kinyps, iv. 39;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Krotoniates, iv. 415, 416;</li>
-  <li>Sicily, v. 207.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Dorieus the Rhodian</i>, vii. 394, viii. 116, 117;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture and liberation of, viii. 159;</li>
-  <li>treatment of, by the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, ix. 273 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Hermokrates in the Ægean, x. 385.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Doris</i>, i. 102, ii. 289.</li>
-<li><i>Doris</i>, wife of Dionysius, x. 476, 480.</li>
-<li><i>Doriskus</i>, Xerxes at, v. 31 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dorkis</i>, v. 256, 257.</li>
-<li><i>Dôrus</i>, i. 99 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Drako</i> and his laws, iii. 73 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dramatic</i> genius, development of, at Athens, viii. 317 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Drangiana</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_190">xii. 190</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Drepanê</i>, i. 239.</li>
-<li><i>Dryopians</i>, settlements of, formed by sea, ii. 310.</li>
-<li><i>Dryopis</i>, ii. 289.</li>
-<li><i>Duketius</i>, the Sikel prince, iii. 374, vii. 122 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Dymanes</i>, Hylleis, and Pamphyli, ii. 360.</li>
-<li><i>Dyrrachium</i>, iii. 407 <i>seq.</i></li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">E.</li>
-<li><i>Earliest Greeks</i>, residences of, ii. 108 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Early poets</i>, historical value of, ii. 45.</li>
-<li><i>Echemus</i>, i. 95, 177.</li>
-<li><i>Echidna</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Eclipse</i> of the sun in a battle between Medes and Lydians, iii. 231;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of the moon, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 315;</li>
-  <li>of the moon, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 333, <a href="#Page_151">xii. 151</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Edda</i>, the, i. 479.</li>
-<li><i>Edessa</i>, the dynasty of, iv. 13, 17.</li>
-<li><i>Eetioneia</i>, fort at, viii. 57, 63; viii. 67.</li>
-<li><i>Egesta</i>, application of, to Athens, vii. 145 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>application of, to Carthage, x. 401 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Syracusan attack upon, x. 489;</li>
-  <li>barbarities of Agathokles at, <a href="#Page_445">xii. 445</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Egypt</i>, influence of, upon the religion of Greece, i. 24, 29, 31;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the opening of, to Grecian commerce, i. 365;</li>
-  <li>ante-Hellenic colonies from, to Greece not probable, ii. 267;</li>
-  <li>Solon’s visit to, iii. 148;</li>
-  <li>Herodotus’s account of, iii. 308 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>antiquity of, iii. 311;</li>
-  <li>peculiar physical and moral features of, iii. 311;</li>
-  <li>large town-population in, iii. 319;</li>
-  <li>profound submission of the people in, iii. 320, 321;</li>
-  <li>worship of animals in, iii. 322;</li>
-  <li>relations of, with Assyria, iii. 324;</li>
-  <li>archæology and chronology of, iii. 339 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kyrênê, iv. 42;</li>
-  <li>Persian expedition from, against Barka, iv. 49;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_530">[p. 530]</span>Kambyses’s invasion and conquest of, iv. 219;</li>
-  <li>revolt and reconquest of, under Xerxes, v. 3;</li>
-  <li>defeat and losses of the Athenians in, v. 333;</li>
-  <li>unavailing efforts of Persia to reconquer, x. 13;</li>
-  <li>Agesilaus and Chabrias in, x. 362 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>reconquest of, by Ochus, xi. 439;</li>
-  <li>march of Alexander towards, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander in, <a href="#Page_146">xii. 146</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Egyptians</i>, ethnography of, iii. 264;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>contrasted with Greeks, Phenicians, and Assyrians, iii. 304;</li>
-  <li>and Ethiopians, iii. 313;</li>
-  <li>effect of, on the Greek mind, iii. 343.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Eileithyia</i>, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Eion</i>, capture of, by Kimon, v. 295 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>defended by Thucydidês against Brasidas, vi. 411;</li>
-  <li>Kleon at, vi. 471.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ekbatana</i>, foundation of, iii. 228;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Darius at, <a href="#Page_180">xii. 180</a>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Parmenio at, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ekdikus</i>, expedition of, to Rhodes, ix. 363.</li>
-<li><i>Ekklesia</i>, Athenian, iv. 139.</li>
-<li><i>Elæa</i>, iii. 191.</li>
-<li><i>Elæus</i>, escape of the Athenian squadron from Sestos to, viii. 106;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Mindarus and Thrasyllus at, viii. 109, 113.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Elateia</i>, re-fortification of, by Philip, xi. 483.</li>
-<li><i>Elatus</i>, i. 178.</li>
-<li><i>Elea</i>, Phôkæan colony at, iv. 206; vii. 127.</li>
-<li><i>Eleatic</i> school, viii. 343 <i>seq.</i>, 369.</li>
-<li><i>Elegiac</i> verse of Kallinus, Tyrtæus, and Mimnermus, iv. 78.</li>
-<li><i>Eleian</i> genealogy, i. 138, 141.</li>
-<li><i>Eleians</i> excluded from the Isthmian games, i. 140;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Olympic games, ii. 10, 321;</li>
-  <li>and Pisatans, ii. 434, 439;</li>
-  <li>their exclusion of the Lacedæmonians from the Olympic festival, vii. 57 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>desert the Argeian allies, vii. 76;</li>
-  <li>and Arcadians, X. 314 <i>seq.</i>, 324;</li>
-  <li>exclusion of, from the Olympic festival, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 364, x. 318 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Elektra</i> and Thaumas, progeny of, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Elektryôn</i>, death of, i. 92.</li>
-<li><i>Eleusinian</i> mysteries, i. 38, 41, 43;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>alleged profanation of, by Alkibiadês and others, vii. 175 <i>seq.</i>, 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>celebration of, protected by Alkibiades, viii. 150.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Eleusinians</i>, seizure and execution of by the Thirty at Athens, viii. 267.</li>
-<li><i>Eleusis</i>, temple of, i. 40;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>importance of mysteries to, i. 43;</li>
-  <li>early independence of, iii. 71;</li>
-  <li>retirement of the Thirty to, viii. 266;</li>
-  <li>capture of, viii. 274.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Eleutheria</i>, institution of, at Platæa, v. 189.</li>
-<li><i>Elis</i>, genealogy of, i. 137, 139;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Oxylus and the Ætolians at, ii. 9;</li>
-  <li>Pisa, Triphylia, and Lepreum, ii. 39, 440;</li>
-  <li>formation of the city of, v. 315;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Sparta to Argos, vii. 18 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Lepreum, vii. 18;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, war between, ix. 224 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>claim of, to Triphylia and the Pisatid, x. 260 <i>seq.</i>, 313;</li>
-  <li>alienation of, from the Arcadians, x. 260;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Sparta and Achaia, x. 313.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Elymi</i>, iii. 349.</li>
-<li><i>Emigrants</i> to Iônia, the, ii. 21 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Emigration</i>, early, from Greece, iii. 349.</li>
-<li><i>Emigrations</i> consequent on the Dorian occupation of the Peloponnesus, ii. 12;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Æolic, Ionic, and Doric, ii. 19 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Empedoklês</i>, i. 424 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 127, viii. 340.</li>
-<li><i>Emporiæ</i>, <a href="#Page_455">xii. 455</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Endius</i>, viii. 122 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Endymiôn</i>, stories of, i. 137.</li>
-<li><i>Eneti</i>, the, i. 319.</li>
-<li><i>England</i>, her government of her dependencies compared with the Athenian empire, vi. 48 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Eniênes</i>, ii. 286.</li>
-<li><i>Enna</i>, Dionysius at, x. 468.</li>
-<li><i>Ennea Hodoi</i>, v. 310, vi. 12.</li>
-<li><i>Enômoties</i>, ii. 456 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Entella</i>, Syracusan attack upon, x. 490, 497.</li>
-<li><i>Eos</i>, i. 6.</li>
-<li><i>Epaminondas</i>, and the conspiracy against the philo-Laconian oligarchy at Thebes, x. 81, 87, 124 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>training and character of, x. 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Pelopidas, x. 121;</li>
-  <li>and Kallistratus, x. 164, 288;</li>
-  <li>and Agesilaus at the congress at Sparta, x. 167 <i>seq.</i>, 173;</li>
-  <li>at Leuktra, x. 179;</li>
-  <li>and Orchomenus, x. 194;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_531">[p. 531]</span>proceedings and views of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 213 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expeditions of, into Peloponnesus, x. 215 <i>seq.</i>, x. 254 <i>seq.</i>, 266 <i>seq.</i>, 343 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>foundation of Megalopolis and Messênê by, x. 224 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his retirement from Peloponnesus, x. 233;</li>
-  <li>his trial of accountability, x. 239 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mildness of, x. 259;</li>
-  <li>and the Theban expedition to Thessaly, to rescue Pelopidas, x. 283, 285;</li>
-  <li>mission of, to Arcadia, x. 288;</li>
-  <li>Theban fleet and naval expedition under, x. 303 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Menekleidas, x. 268, 304 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the destruction of Orchomenus, x. 312;</li>
-  <li>and the arrest of Arcadians by the Theban harmost at Tegea, x. 326 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>attempted surprise of Mantinea by the cavalry of, x. 332 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the battle of Mantinea, x. 335 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>death of, x. 346 <i>seq.</i>, character of, x. 351 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Epeians</i>, i. 138, 141 <i>seq.</i>, ii. 12.</li>
-<li><i>Epeius</i> of Panopeus, i. 302, 312.</li>
-<li><i>Epeunaktæ</i>, iii. 387.</li>
-<li><i>Ephesus</i>, iii. 180 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of, by Crœsus, iii. 260;</li>
-  <li>defeat of Thrasyllus at, viii. 129;</li>
-  <li>Lysander at, viii. 152, 215;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ephetæ</i>, iii. 77, 79 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Ephialtês, the Alôid</i>, i. 136.</li>
-<li><i>Ephialtês, the general</i>, <a href="#Page_46">xii. 46</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Ephialtês, the statesman</i>, v. 366, 372;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Periklês, constitution of dikasteries by, v. 357 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>judicial reform of, v. 368.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ephors</i>, Spartan, ii. 350, 352 <i>seq.</i>, 358, vii. 24;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>appointment of, at Athens, viii. 236.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ephorus</i>, i. 409, ii. 369.</li>
-<li><i>Epic cycle</i>, ii. 122 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Epic poems</i>, lost, ii. 121;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>recited in public, not read in private, ii. 135;</li>
-  <li>variations in the mode of reciting, ii. 141 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>long, besides the Iliad and Odyssey, ii. 156.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Epic poetry</i> in early Greece, ii. 118 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Epic poets</i> and their dates, ii. 122.</li>
-<li><i>Epic</i> of the middle ages, i. 481.</li>
-<li><i>Epical</i> localities, transposition of, i. 245;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>age preceding the lyrical, iv. 74.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Epicharmus</i>, i. 376 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Epidamnus</i>, iii. 407 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Illyrians, iv. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>foundation of, vi. 51;</li>
-  <li>application of the democracy at, to Korkyra and Corinth, vi. 52;</li>
-  <li>attacked by the Korkyræans, vi. 53;</li>
-  <li>expeditions from Corinth to, vi. 53.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Epidaurus</i>, attack of Argos and Athens upon, vii. 64, 68;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>ravaged by the Argeians, vii. 69;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonian movements in support of, vii. 69;</li>
-  <li>attempts of the Argeians to storm, vii. 70;</li>
-  <li>operations of the Argeian allies near, vii. 90;</li>
-  <li>evacuation of the fort at, vii. 97.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Epigoni</i>, the, i. 278, ii. 130 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Epimenides</i>, visit of, to Athens, i. 28.</li>
-<li><i>Epimenides of Krete</i>, iii. 87 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Epimêtheus</i>, i. 6, 74.</li>
-<li><i>Epipolæ</i>, vii. 245;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>intended occupation of, by the Syracusans, vii. 247;</li>
-  <li>occupation of, by the Athenians, vii. 247;</li>
-  <li>defeat of the Athenians at, vii. 272;</li>
-  <li>Demosthenês’s night-attack upon, vii. 305 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of by Dion, xi. 95;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Timoleon, xi. 160.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Epirots</i>, ii. 233, iii. 351, 413 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>attack of, upon Akarnania, vi. 193 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Epirus</i>, discouraging to Grecian colonization, iii. 417;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Dionysius’s schemes of conquest in, xi. 23;</li>
-  <li>government of Olympias in, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>, <a href="#Footnote_922">395 <i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Epistatês</i>, iv. 138.</li>
-<li><i>Epitadas</i>, vi. 334, 345 <i>seq.</i>, 342.</li>
-<li><i>Epitadeus</i>, the Ephor, ii. 406.</li>
-<li><i>Epôdus</i>, introduction of, iv. 89.</li>
-<li><i>Epyaxa</i>, and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 18.</li>
-<li><i>Eræ</i>, revolt of, from Athens, vii. 375.</li>
-<li><i>Erasinides</i>, trial and imprisonment of, viii. 180.</li>
-<li><i>Eratosthenês</i>, viii. 248, 272, 292.</li>
-<li><i>Erechtheion</i>, restoration of, vi. 21.</li>
-<li><i>Erechtheus</i>, i. 191 <i>seq.</i>, 198, 204.</li>
-<li><i>Eresus</i>, Thrasyllus at, viii. 101.</li>
-<li><i>Eretria</i>, iii. 164 <i>seq.</i>, 170 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>assistance of, to the Milesians, iv. 290;</li>
-  <li>siege and capture of, by Datis, iv. 331 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fate of captives taken by Datis at, iv. 362;</li>
-  <li>naval defeat of the Athenians near viii. 71 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Phokion at, xi. 339 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_532">[p. 532]</span>Philippizing faction at, xi. 449;</li>
-  <li>liberation of, xi. 452.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ergoklês</i>, ix. 368 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Ergophilus</i>, x. 369 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Erichthonius</i>, i. 192, 196, 285.</li>
-<li><i>Eriphylê</i>, i. 272 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Erôs</i>, i. 4;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Aphrodite, function of, i. 5.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Erytheia</i>, i. 249.</li>
-<li><i>Erythræ</i>, iii. 187, vii. 371.</li>
-<li><i>Eryx</i>, defeat of Dionysius at, xi. 46.</li>
-<li><i>Eryxô</i> and Learchus, iv. 43.</li>
-<li><i>Eteokles</i>, i. 128, 267, 280.</li>
-<li><i>Eteonikus</i>, expulsion of, from Thasos, viii. 127;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Mitylênê, viii. 170;</li>
-  <li>escape of, from Mitylênê to Chios, viii. 174, 190;</li>
-  <li>at Chios, viii. 211;</li>
-  <li>removal of, from Chios to Ephesus, viii. 213;</li>
-  <li>in Ægina, ix. 372, 375.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ethiopians</i> and Egyptians, iii. 313.</li>
-<li><i>Etruria</i>, plunder of, by Dionysius, xi. 25.</li>
-<li><i>Euæphnus</i> and Polycharês, ii. 426.</li>
-<li><i>Eubœa</i>, iii. 163 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>resolution of Greeks to oppose Xerxes at the strait on the north of, v. 71;</li>
-  <li>advance of the Persian fleet to, v. 102;</li>
-  <li>revolt and reconquest of, by Periklês, v. 349;</li>
-  <li>application from, to Agis, vii. 364;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 73;</li>
-  <li>Peloponnesian fleet summoned from, by Mindarus, viii. 111;</li>
-  <li>bridge joining Bœotia and, viii. 112, 118;</li>
-  <li>rescued from Thebes by Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, xi. 216 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 350-349, xi. 339 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>intrigues of Philip in, xi. 339;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Phokion to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 342, xi. 340 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>hostilities in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 349-348, xi. 345;</li>
-  <li>Philippizing factions in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 342, xi. 449;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Phokion to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 341, xi. 452.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Eubœa in Sicily</i>, v. 215.</li>
-<li><i>Euboic scale</i>, ii. 319, 324, iii. 171.</li>
-<li><i>Euboic synod</i>, xi. 453.</li>
-<li><i>Eubulus</i>, xi. 277, 308, 366, 368, 394.</li>
-<li><i>Eudamidas</i>, x. 58, 65.</li>
-<li><i>Euemerus’s</i> treatment of mythes, i. 411.</li>
-<li><i>Euenus</i>, i. 112.</li>
-<li><i>Eukleides</i>, archonship of, viii. 280, 309.</li>
-<li><i>Eukles</i>, vi. 407, 409, 413 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Eumachus</i>, <a href="#Page_438">xii. 438</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Eumelus of Bosporus</i>, <a href="#Page_481">xii. 481</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Eumelus the poet</i>, i. 120 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Eumenes</i>, <a href="#Page_74">xii. 74</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Hephæstion, <a href="#Page_246">xii. 246</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Perdikkas, <a href="#Page_320">xii. 320</a>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over Kraterus and Neoptolemus, <a href="#Page_336">xii. 336</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>attempts of, to uphold Alexander’s dynasty in Asia, <a href="#Page_340">xii. 340</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Antigonus, <a href="#Page_337">xii. 337</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Eumenides</i>, Æschylus’s, and the Areopagus, iii. 80 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Eumolpus</i>, i. 202 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Eunomus</i>, ix. 374.</li>
-<li><i>Eupatridæ</i>, iii. 72 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Euphaes</i>, ii. 426.</li>
-<li><i>Euphemus</i>, speech of, at Kamarina, vii. 231.</li>
-<li><i>Euphiletus</i> and Melêtus, vii. 204.</li>
-<li><i>Euphræus</i>, xi. 206, 448.</li>
-<li><i>Euphrates</i>, Cyrus the Younger at, ix. 31;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 103;</li>
-  <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_150">xii. 150</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Euphron</i>, x. 269 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Euripides</i>, faults imputed to, i. 389 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>story about the dramas of, and the Athenian prisoners in Sicily, vii. 346;</li>
-  <li>number of tragedies by, viii. 319 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Æschylus and Sophokles, viii. 322 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Dekamnichus, x. 47.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Euripides</i>, financial proposal of, ix. 380 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Euripus</i>, bridge across, viii. 112, 118.</li>
-<li><i>Eurôpa</i>, i. 218 <i>seq.</i>, 527.</li>
-<li><i>Eurotas</i>, crossed by Epaminondas, x. 218.</li>
-<li><i>Euryalus</i>, Hamilkar’s attempt on, <a href="#Page_423">xii. 423</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Eurybatês</i>, v. 49.</li>
-<li><i>Eurybiades</i>, v. 75, 120 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Eurydike</i>, widow of Amyntas, x. 250.</li>
-<li><i>Eurydike</i>, granddaughter of Philip, <a href="#Page_333">xii. 333</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Euryleon</i>, v. 207.</li>
-<li><i>Eurylochus</i>, vi. 301, 302, 304, 305.</li>
-<li><i>Eurymedon</i>, victories of the, v. 308.</li>
-<li><i>Eurymedon</i> at Korkyra, vi. 274 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Sophokles, expedition of, to Korkyra and Sicily, vi. 316 <i>seq.</i>, 360 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Pylus, vi. 322 <i>seq.</i>, 333;</li>
-  <li>expeditions of, to Sicily, vii. 133, 136, 287;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_533">[p. 533]</span>return of, from Sicily to Athens, vii. 139.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Eurynomê</i> and Zeus, offspring of, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Euryptolemus</i>, viii. 177 <i>n.</i>, 184, 197, 200 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Eurypylus</i>, i. 301.</li>
-<li><i>Eurystheus</i>, i. 91, 92, 93, 94.</li>
-<li><i>Eurytos</i>, i. 139, 151.</li>
-<li><i>Eurytus</i>, v. 94.</li>
-<li><i>Eutæa</i>, Agesilaus at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 370, x. 211.</li>
-<li><i>Euthydemus</i>, Plato’s, viii. 392 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Euthykrates</i> and Lasthenes, xi. 351, 352.</li>
-<li><i>Euxine</i>, Greek settlements on, iii. 236; iv. 27, ix. 121;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>first sight of, by the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 111;</li>
-  <li>indigenous tribes on, ix. 122;</li>
-  <li>the Greeks on, and the Ten Thousand, ix. 123 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Xenophon’s idea of founding a new city on the, ix. 132 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Evadnê</i>, i. 278.</li>
-<li><i>Evagoras</i>, ix. 364, 374, x. 14 <i>seq.</i></li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">F.</li>
-<li><i>Family</i> tie, in legendary Greece, ii. 83;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>rites in Greece, iii. 51.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Fates</i>, i. 7;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Crœsus, iv. 195 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ferdousi</i>, Persian epic of, i. 641.</li>
-<li><i>Festivals</i>, Grecian, i. 51, ii. 228, iv. 53, 67 <i>seq.</i>, 71 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Athens, viii. 324.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Fiction</i>, plausible, i. 435; ii. 51.</li>
-<li><i>Fictitious</i> matter in Greek tradition, i. 433.</li>
-<li><i>Financial changes</i>, Kleisthenean, iv. 137.</li>
-<li><i>Five Thousand</i>, the, at Athens, viii. 31, 54 <i>n.</i>, 61, 75 <i>n.</i> 1, 78 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Flaying alive</i> by Persians and Turks, iv. 293 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Fleece, Golden</i>, legend of, i. 123.</li>
-<li><i>Flute</i>, use of, in Sparta, iv. 87.</li>
-<li><i>Fortification</i> of towns in early Greece, ii. 108 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of the Grecian camp in the Iliad, ii. 186.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Four Hundred</i>, the oligarchy of, viii. 30 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Frenzy</i>, religious, of women, i. 30 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Funeral</i> ceremony at Athens over slain warriors, vi. 31;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>orations, besides that of Periklês, vi. 142 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>obsequies of Hephæstion, <a href="#Page_252">xii. 252</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Funerals</i>, Solon’s regulations about iii. 140.</li>
-
-<li class="iix">G.</li>
-<li><i>Gadês</i>, iii. 271 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>voyage from Corinth to, in the seventh and sixth centuries <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, iii. 277.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Gæa</i>, i. 4, 6, 9.</li>
-<li><i>Gæsylus</i>, xi. 116.</li>
-<li><i>Games</i>, Olympic, i. 100, ii. 241 <i>seq.</i>, 317 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 55 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Isthmian, i. 124, ii. 306 <i>n.</i> 1, iv. 65;</li>
-  <li>the four great Grecian, ii. 240, iv. 67, 80 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Solon’s rewards to victors at, iii. 141;</li>
-  <li>Pythian, iv. 58, 64 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Nemean, iv. 65.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Gamori</i>, iii. 30;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Syracuse, v. 206.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Gargaphia</i>, fountain of, v. 165 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Gaugamela</i>, battle of, <a href="#Page_155">xii. 155</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Gauls</i>, embassy of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_28">xii. 28</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>invasion of Greece by, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Gaza</i>, capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Gedrosia</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Gela</i>, v. 208; and Syracuse, before <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 500, v. 204;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Kleander of, v. 208;</li>
-  <li>Gelo, despot of, v. 213 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>congress of Sicilian cities at, vii. 137;</li>
-  <li>and Hannibal’s capture of Selinus, x. 408;</li>
-  <li>expeditions of Dionysius to, x. 438, 439, 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Imilkon, x. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon and the fresh colonization of, xi. 187;</li>
-  <li>Agathokles at, <a href="#Page_408">xii. 408</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Geleontes</i>, iii. 51.</li>
-<li><i>Gelo</i>, v. 67, 204-239.</li>
-<li><i>Gelôni</i>, iii. 244.</li>
-<li><i>Gelonian</i> dynasty, fall of, v. 233;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>citizens of Syracuse, v. 234 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Genealogies</i>, Grecian, i. 80 <i>seq.</i>, 448;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Argeian, i. 81, mythical, i. 191, 445 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Egyptian, i. 448;</li>
-  <li>Clinton’s vindication of, ii. 37 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Genealogy</i>, Corinthian, of Eumelus, i. 120 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of Orchomenos, i. 127 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Eleian, i. 139;</li>
-  <li>Ætolian, i. 143;</li>
-  <li>Laconian, i. 168;</li>
-  <li>Messênian i. 171;</li>
-  <li>Arcadian, i. 173.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Generals</i>, Kleisthenean, iv. 136.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_534">[p. 534]</span><i>Gentes</i>, Attic, iii. 53 <i>seq.</i>, 66 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>analogy between those of Greece and other nations, iii. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Grecian, patronymic names of, iii. 63;</li>
-  <li>difference between Grecian and Roman, iii. 65;</li>
-  <li>non-members of, under Solon, iii. 133.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Geographical</i> knowledge, Hesiodic and Homeric, ii. 114;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>views of Alexander, <a href="#Footnote_548">xii. 232 <i>n.</i> 1</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Geography</i>, fabulous, i. 245 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Homeric, iii. 204;</li>
-  <li>of the retreat of the Ten Thousand, ix. 115 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Geological</i> features of Greece, ii. 215.</li>
-<li><i>Geomori</i>, iii. 30, 72.</li>
-<li><i>Gergis</i>, iii. 197;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Derkyllidas at, ix. 212.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Gergithes</i>, iii. 197.</li>
-<li><i>German</i> progress brought about by violent external influences, i. 463;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>mythes, i. 464.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Gerontes</i>, ii. 66.</li>
-<li><i>Geronthræ</i>, conquest of, ii. 419.</li>
-<li><i>Geryôn</i>, i. 7, 249.</li>
-<li><i>Getæ</i>, Alexander’s defeat of, <a href="#Page_24">xii. 24</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Gigantes</i>, birth of, i. 5, 9 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Gillus</i>, iv. 258.</li>
-<li><i>Giskon</i>, x. 401, 403 <i>n.</i>, xi. 180.</li>
-<li><i>Glaukæ</i>, <a href="#Page_230">xii. 230</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Glauke</i>, i. 117.</li>
-<li><i>Glaukon</i>, discourse of, in Plato’s Republic, viii. 391.</li>
-<li><i>Glaukus</i>, i. 224.</li>
-<li><i>Gnomic</i>, Greek poets, iv. 90 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Gnomon</i>, whence obtained by the Greeks, iii. 345.</li>
-<li><i>Goddesses</i>, and gods, twelve great, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Gods</i>, Grecian, how conceived by the Greeks, i. 3 <i>seq.</i>, 347 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and dæmons, i. 425 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and men, i. 449.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Golden Fleece</i>, legend of, i. 123.</li>
-<li><i>Golden race</i>, the, i. 65.</li>
-<li><i>Gongylus</i>, the Corinthian, vii. 265, 271.</li>
-<li><i>Good</i>, etc., meaning of, in early Greek writers, ii. 64;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>double sense of the Greek and Latin equivalents of, iii. 45 <i>n.</i> 4.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Gordian knot</i>, Alexander cuts the, <a href="#Page_104">xii. 104</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Gordium</i>, Alexander’s march from, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Gordius</i>, legend of, iii. 217.</li>
-<li><i>Gorgias</i> of Leontini, vii. 128, 132, viii. 369, 382.</li>
-<li><i>Gorgons</i>, i. 90.</li>
-<li><i>Gorgôpas</i> at Ægina, ix. 373 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Government</i> of historical and legendary Greece, ii. 60 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>heroic, ii. 75;</li>
-  <li>earliest changes of, in Greece, iii. 4 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>kingly, iii. 5 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>change from monarchical to oligarchical in Greece, iii. 15 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Governments</i>, Grecian, weakness of, iv. 152.</li>
-<li><i>Graces</i>, the, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Grææ</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Græci</i>, ii. 269.</li>
-<li><i>Græcia</i> Magna, iii. 399.</li>
-<li><i>Græco-Asiatic</i> cities, <a href="#Page_271">xii. 271</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Granikus</i>, battle of the, <a href="#Page_80">xii. 80</a> <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Athenians captured at the, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Graphê Paranomôn</i>, v. 375 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>abolition of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 36.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Grecian</i> mythes, i. 51, 426 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>genealogies, i. 80 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mythology, sources of our information on, i. 106;</li>
-  <li>intellect, expansive force of, i. 362;</li>
-  <li>progress between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 700 and 500, i. 365 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>antiquity, i. 445, 448; genealogies, i. 447;</li>
-  <li>townsman, intellectual acquisitions of a, i. 458;</li>
-  <li>poetry, matchless, i. 463;</li>
-  <li>progress self-operated, i. 463;</li>
-  <li>mythology, how it would have been affected by the introduction of Christianity, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 500, i. 467;</li>
-  <li>mythes, proper treatment of, i. 487 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>computation of time, ii. 115 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>festivals, intellectual influence of, ii. 228;</li>
-  <li>history, first and second periods of, ii. 270 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 52;</li>
-  <li>opinion, change in, on the decision of disputes by champions, ii. 451;</li>
-  <li>states, growing communion of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 600 and 547, ii. 461;</li>
-  <li>“faith”, iii. 115;</li>
-  <li>settlements on the Euxine, iii. 236;</li>
-  <li>marine and commerce, growth of, iii. 336;</li>
-  <li>colonies in Southern Italy, iii. 374 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>world about 560 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, iii. 398;</li>
-  <li>history, want of unity in, iv. 51, 52;</li>
-  <li>games, influence of, upon the Greek mind, iv. 70 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>art, beginnings and importance of, iv. 98 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>architecture, iv. 99;</li>
-  <li>governments, weakness of, iv. 152;</li>
-  <li>world, in the Thirty years’ truce, vi. 47;</li>
-  <li>and barbarian military feeling, contrast between, vi. 446;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_535">[p. 535]</span>youth, society and conversation of, vii. 33 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>states, complicated relations among, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 420, vii. 52, and <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 292;</li>
-  <li>philosophy, negative side of, viii. 345;</li>
-  <li>dialectics, their many-sided handling of subjects, viii. 454 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>states embassies from, at Pella, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 404 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>captives, mutilated, at Persepolis, <a href="#Page_173">xii. 173</a>;</li>
-  <li>history, bearing of Alexander’s Asiatic campaigns on, <a href="#Page_179">xii. 179</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mercenaries under Darius, <a href="#Page_183">xii. 183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
-  <li>envoys with Darius, <a href="#Page_189">xii. 189</a>;</li>
-  <li>world, state of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 334, <a href="#Page_275">xii. 275</a>;</li>
-  <li>exiles, Alexander’s rescript directing the recall of, <a href="#Page_310">xii. 310</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Greece</i>, legends of, originally isolated, afterwards thrown into series, i. 105;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>legendary and historical, state of society and manners in, ii. 57-118;</li>
-  <li>subterranean course of rivers in, ii. 218;</li>
-  <li>difficulty of land communication in, ii. 220;</li>
-  <li>accessibility of, by sea, ii. 222;</li>
-  <li>islands and colonies of, ii. 224;</li>
-  <li>difference between the land-states and sea-states in, ii. 225;</li>
-  <li>effects of the configuration of, ii. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mineral and other productions of, ii. 229 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>climate of, ii. 232;</li>
-  <li>difference between the inhabitants of different parts of, ii. 233;</li>
-  <li>ante-Hellenic inhabitants of, ii. 261;;</li>
-  <li>discontinuance of kingship in, iii. 7;</li>
-  <li>anti-monarchical sentiment of, iii. 11 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 176;</li>
-  <li>the voyage from, to Italy or Sicily, iii. 361;</li>
-  <li>seven wise men of, iv. 94 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>first advance of, towards systematic conjunction, iv. 174;</li>
-  <li>probable consequences of a Persian expedition against, before that against Scythia, iv. 261 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>on the eve of Xerxes’s invasion, v. 57, 60;</li>
-  <li>first separation of, into two distinct parties, v. 262 <i>seq.</i>, 290;</li>
-  <li>proceedings in central, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 470-464, v. 312;</li>
-  <li>state of feeling in, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 445-431, vi. 76;</li>
-  <li>bad morality of the rich and great in, vi. 284;</li>
-  <li>atmospherical disturbances in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 427, vi. 293;</li>
-  <li>warlike preparations in, during the winter of <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414-413, vii. 287;</li>
-  <li>alteration of feeling in, after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 259, 264, 275;</li>
-  <li>disgust in, at the Thirty at Athens, viii. 262;</li>
-  <li>degradation of, by the peace of Antalkidas, x. 2 <i>seq.</i>, 10;</li>
-  <li>effect of the battle of Leuktra on, x. 184, 185, 193;</li>
-  <li>relations of Dionysius with, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 382-369, xi. 44;</li>
-  <li>state of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 360-359, xi. 197;</li>
-  <li>decline of citizen-soldiership and increase of mercenaries in, after the Peloponnesian war, xi. 280 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>effect of the peace and alliance between Philip and Athens upon, xi. 430;</li>
-  <li>movements and intrigues of Philip throughout, after <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 443 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>state of, on Alexander’s accession, <a href="#Page_1">xii. 1</a>, 9 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>march of Alexander into, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 336, <a href="#Page_11">xii. 11</a>;</li>
-  <li>Macedonian interventions in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 336-335, <a href="#Page_16">xii. 16</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>terror in, on the destruction of Thebes by Alexander, <a href="#Page_43">xii. 43</a>;</li>
-  <li>connection of Alexander with, history of, <a href="#Page_50">xii. 50</a> <i>seq.</i>, 179 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>an appendage to Macedonia under Alexander, <a href="#Page_52">xii. 52</a>;</li>
-  <li>military changes in, during the sixty years before Alexander’s accession, <a href="#Page_53">xii. 53</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>possibility of emancipating, during Alexander’s earlier Asiatic campaigns, <a href="#Page_276">xii. 276</a>;</li>
-  <li>hopes raised in, by the Persian fleet and armies, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 334-331, <a href="#Page_276">xii. 276</a>;</li>
-  <li>submission of, to Antipater, <a href="#Page_285">xii. 285</a>;</li>
-  <li>effect of Alexander’s death on, <a href="#Page_311">xii. 311</a>;</li>
-  <li>confederacy for liberating, after Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_311">xii. 311</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Ptolemy of Egypt in, <a href="#Page_373">xii. 373</a>;</li>
-  <li>success of Demetrius Poliorketes in, against Kassander, <a href="#Page_382">xii. 382</a>;</li>
-  <li>under Demetrius Poliorketes and Antigonus Gonatas, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>;</li>
-  <li>invasion of, by the Gauls, <a href="#Page_390">xii. 390</a>;</li>
-  <li>of Polybius, <a href="#Page_391">xii. 391</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Greece, Proper</i>, geography of, ii. 211 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Greek</i> forces against Troy, i. 289 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>language and the mythes, i. 351;</li>
-  <li>tradition, matter of, uncertified, i. 433;</li>
-  <li>language, various dialects of, ii. 238;</li>
-  <li>alphabet, origin of, iii. 344 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Latin and Oscan languages, iii. 354;</li>
-  <li>settlements, east of the Strymôn in Thrace, iv. 20;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_536">[p. 536]</span>settlements on the Euxine south of the Danube, iv. 27;</li>
-  <li>settlements in Libya, and the nomads, iv. 38;</li>
-  <li>cities, local festivals in, iv. 51, 67 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>lyric poetry, iv. 73, 90;</li>
-  <li>poetry about the middle of the seventh century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, iv. 74;</li>
-  <li>music, about the middle of the seventh century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, iv. 75;</li>
-  <li>poetry, after Terpander, iv. 77;</li>
-  <li>hexameter, new metres superadded to, iv. 79;</li>
-  <li>chorus, iv. 83, 87;</li>
-  <li>dancing, iv. 85;</li>
-  <li>mind, positive tendencies of, in the time of Herodotus, iv. 105 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>philosophy, in the sixth century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, 380 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Artemisium, v. 79 <i>seq.</i>, 83 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Salamis, v. 111;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Mykalê, v. 193 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet after the battle of Mykalê, v. 200 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet, expedition of, against Asia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 478, v. 253;</li>
-  <li>generals and captains, slaughter of Cyreian, ix. 72 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>heroes, analogy of Alexander to the, <a href="#Page_71">xii. 71</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Greeks</i>, return of, from Troy, i. 309 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>their love of antiquities, i. 353;</li>
-  <li>their distaste for a real history of the past, i. 359;</li>
-  <li>Homeric, ii. 92, 114;</li>
-  <li>in Asia Minor, ii. 235, iii. 212;</li>
-  <li>extra-Peloponnesian north of Attica in the first two centuries, ii. 273 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>advance of, in government in the seventh and sixth centuries <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, iii. 20;</li>
-  <li>musical modes of, iii. 212;</li>
-  <li>and Phenicians in Sicily and Cyprus, iii. 276;</li>
-  <li>contrasted with Egyptians, Assyrians, and Phenicians, iii. 304;</li>
-  <li>influence of Phenicians, Assyrians, and Egyptians on, iii. 343 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Carthaginians, first known collision between, iii. 348;</li>
-  <li>Sicilian and Italian, monetary and statical scale of, iii. 369;</li>
-  <li>in Sicily, prosperity of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 735-485, iii. 368 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Sicily and in Greece Proper, difference between, iii. 372;</li>
-  <li>Italian, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 700-500, iii. 392, 394, 398;</li>
-  <li>their talent for command over barbarians, iv. 17;</li>
-  <li>first voyage of, to Libya, iv. 29;</li>
-  <li>and Libyans at Kyrene, iv. 39;</li>
-  <li>political isolation of, iv. 51;</li>
-  <li>tendencies to political union among, after <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 560, iv. 52;</li>
-  <li>growth of union among, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 776-560, iv. 53;</li>
-  <li>rise of philosophy and dialectic among, iv. 96;</li>
-  <li>writing among, iv. 97;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic, after Cyrus’s conquest of Lydia, iv. 198;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic, application of, to Sparta, 546 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, iv. 199;</li>
-  <li>and Darius, before the battle of Marathon, iv. 315;</li>
-  <li>eminent, liable to be corrupted by success, iv. 375 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Persians, religious conception of history common to, v. 11;</li>
-  <li>northern, and Xerxes, v. 64, 69;</li>
-  <li>confederate, engagement of, against such as joined Xerxes, v. 70;</li>
-  <li>effect of the battle of Thermopylæ on, v. 105 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the battle of Salamis, v. 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Medising, and Mardonius, v. 148;</li>
-  <li>Medising, at Platæa, v. 161;</li>
-  <li>at Platæa, v. 163 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Mykalê, v. 194 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic, first step to the ascendancy of Athens over, v. 200;</li>
-  <li>Sicilian, early governments of, v. 206;</li>
-  <li>Sicilian, progress of, between the battle of Salamis and Alexander, v. 241;</li>
-  <li>allied, oppose the fortification of Athens, v. 243 <i>seq.</i>, 246;</li>
-  <li>allied, transfer the headship from Sparta to Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 477, v. 260 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>allied, Aristeides assessment of, v. 263;</li>
-  <li>allied, under Athens, substitute money-payment for personal service, v. 298 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>effect of the Athenian disaster in Sicily upon, vii. 363;</li>
-  <li>and Tissaphernes, Alkibiades acts as interpreter between, viii. 4 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic, surrender of, by Sparta to Persia, ix. 205;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic, and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 206;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic, and Tissaphernes, ix. 207;</li>
-  <li>the Ten Thousand, their position and circumstances, ix. 11;</li>
-  <li>Ten Thousand, at Kunaxa, ix. 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Ten Thousand, after the battle of Kunaxa, ix. 52 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Ten Thousand, retreat of, ix. 56-121, 181 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Ten Thousand, after their return to Trapezus, ix. 121-180;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic, their application to Sparta for aid against Tissaphernes, ix. 207;</li>
-  <li>in the service of Alexander in Asia, <a href="#Page_74">xii. 74</a>;</li>
-  <li>unpropitious circumstances for, in the Lamian war, <a href="#Page_334">xii. 334</a>;</li>
-  <li>Italian, pressed upon by enemies from the interior, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_537">[p. 537]</span><i>Gurylls</i>, death of, x. 335.</li>
-<li><i>Guilds</i>, Grecian deities of, i. 344;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>German and early English, iii. 60 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>compared with ancient political associations, viii. 16 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Gyges</i>, i. 5, iii. 219 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Gylippus</i>, expedition of, to Syracuse, vii. 242, 265 <i>seq.</i>, 275 <i>seq.</i>, 298 <i>seq.</i>, 323, 330 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Gylon</i>, father of Kleobulê, the mother of Demosthenes, xi. 261 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Gymnêsii</i>, iii. 35.</li>
-<li><i>Gyndês</i>, distribution of, into channels by Cyrus, iv. 212.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">H.</li>
-<li><i>Hadês</i>, i. 6 <i>seq.</i>, 7, 9.</li>
-<li><i>Hæmôn</i> and Antigonê, i. 276.</li>
-<li><i>Haliartus</i>, Lysander at, ix. 294.</li>
-<li><i>Halikarnassus</i>, ii. 31, iii. 201;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_94">xii. 94</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Halonnesus</i>, dispute between Philip and the Athenians about, xi. 449 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Halys</i>, the, 207.</li>
-<li><i>Hamilkar</i>, defeat and death of, at Himera, v. 222 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hamilkar</i>, collusion of, with Agathokles, <a href="#Page_401">xii. 401</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>superseded in Sicily by another general of the same name, <a href="#Page_403">xii. 403</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hamilkar</i>, victory of, at the Himera, <a href="#Page_408">xii. 408</a> <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>attempt of, upon Syracuse, <a href="#Page_422">xii. 422</a>;</li>
-  <li>defeat and death of, <a href="#Page_424">xii. 424</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hannibal</i>, expeditions of, to Sicily, x. 402-415, 421 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hanno</i>, silly fabrication of, xi. 158.</li>
-<li><i>Harmodius</i> and Aristogeitôn, iv. 111 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Harmosts</i>, Spartan, ix. 189 <i>seq.</i>, 197, 201.</li>
-<li><i>Harpagus</i>, iv. 202, 207.</li>
-<li><i>Harpalus</i>, <a href="#Page_240">xii. 240</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Harpies</i>, the, i. 1, 266.</li>
-<li><i>Hêbê</i>, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Hectôr</i>, i. 286, 297.</li>
-<li><i>Hegemony</i>, Athenian, v. 291 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hegesippus</i>, xi. 446.</li>
-<li><i>Hegesistratus</i>, iv. 118, v. 191, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hekabê</i>, i. 286.</li>
-<li><i>Hekatæus</i> on Geryôn, i. 249;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on the Argonauts, i. 253;</li>
-  <li>and the mythes, i. 391;</li>
-  <li>and the Ionic revolt, iv. 284, 296.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hekatompylus</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_188">xii. 188</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hekatoncheires</i>, the, i. 4, 5.</li>
-<li><i>Hekatonymus</i> and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 129 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Helen</i>, i. 161, 168, 169;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>necklace of, i. 282;</li>
-  <li>and Paris, i. 287;</li>
-  <li>and Achilles, i. 294;</li>
-  <li>various legends of, i. 305 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Helenus</i> and Andromachê, i. 305.</li>
-<li><i>Heliæa</i>, iii. 128 <i>n.</i>, iv. 137, 141 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Heliasts</i>, iv. 141.</li>
-<li><i>Helikê</i>, destruction of, x. 157.</li>
-<li><i>Helios</i>, i. 6, 344.</li>
-<li><i>Helixus</i>, viii. 133.</li>
-<li><i>Hellanikus</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 390;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>contrasted with Saxo Grammaticus and Snorro Sturleson, i. 468.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hellas</i>, division of, i. 100;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>proper, ii. 212;</li>
-  <li>mountain systems of, ii. 212 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>islands and colonies of, ii. 224;</li>
-  <li>most ancient, ii. 268;</li>
-  <li>first historical manifestation of, as an aggregate body, iv. 318.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hellê</i> and Phryxus, i. 123.</li>
-<li><i>Hellên</i> and his sons, i. 99 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hellênes</i>, i. 99, ii. 236 <i>seq.</i>, 255 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hellenic</i> religion and customs in the Trôad, i. 337;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>cities, ii. 257.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hellênion</i> at Naukratis, iii. 336.</li>
-<li><i>Hellenism</i>, definition of, <a href="#Page_270">xii. 270</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hellenotamiæ</i>, v. 265, viii. 310.</li>
-<li><i>Hellespont</i>, bridges of Xerxes over, v. 15 <i>seq.</i>, 19 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>crossed by Xerxes, v. 31;</li>
-  <li>retreating march of Xerxes to, v. 144 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Grecian fleet at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 479, v. 200;</li>
-  <li>Strombichidês at, viii. 96;</li>
-  <li>Peloponnesian reinforcement to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 97;</li>
-  <li>Mindarus and Thrasyllus at, viii. 102, 109, 117;</li>
-  <li>Athenians and Peloponnesians at, after the battle of Kynossêma, viii. 117;</li>
-  <li>Thrasyllus and Alkibiadês at, viii. 131;</li>
-  <li>Thrasybulus at, ix. 366;</li>
-  <li>Iphikrates at, ix. 369 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Antalkidas at, ix. 384;</li>
-  <li>Epaminondas at, x. 301, 306;</li>
-  <li>Timotheus at, x. 301, 306, 368;</li>
-  <li>Autoklês at, x. 371 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>operations of the Athenians at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 357, xi. 224;</li>
-  <li>disputes between Athens and Philip about, xi. 450;</li>
-  <li>imprudence of the Persians in letting Alexander cross the, <a href="#Page_78">xii. 78</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_538">[p. 538]</span><i>Helôris</i>, unsuccessful expedition of, xi. 5, 7, 15.</li>
-<li><i>Helots</i>, ii. 373 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Pausanias and, v. 270;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, v. 315 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Ithômê, capitulation of, v. 333;</li>
-  <li>assassination of, vi. 368 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Brasidean, vii. 21;</li>
-  <li>brought back to Pylus, vii. 71;</li>
-  <li>and the invasion of, Laconia by Epaminondas, x. 219;</li>
-  <li>establishment of, with the Messenians, x. 229 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Helus</i>, conquered by Alkamenês, ii. 420.</li>
-<li><i>Hephæstion</i>, <a href="#Page_246">xii. 246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hephæstos</i>, i. 10, 58.</li>
-<li><i>Hêræon</i> near Mykênæ, i. 165.</li>
-<li><i>Hêræon Teichos</i>, siege of, by Philip, xi. 307.</li>
-<li><i>Hêrakleia Pontica</i>, i. 241; <a href="#Page_460">xii. 460</a> <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 146.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hêrakleia in Italy</i>, iii. 384, vi. 14.</li>
-<li><i>Hêrakleia in Sicily</i>, v. 207;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Dion at, xi. 89, 90 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hêrakleia Trachinea</i>, vi. 90 <i>seq.</i>; vii. 60, ix. 284, 302, xi. 90 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hêrakleid</i> kings of Corinth, ii. 307.</li>
-<li><i>Hêrakleides the Syracusan</i>, exile of, xi. 86;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>victory of, over Philistus, xi. 100;</li>
-  <li>and Dion, xi. 101, 105, 110, 112 <i>seq.</i>, 121;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over Nypsius, xi. 107;</li>
-  <li>death of, xi. 122.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hêrakleides</i>, governor of the Pontic Herakleia, <a href="#Page_469">xii. 469</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hêrakleids</i>, i. 94, 95, ii. 1 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Lydian dynasty of, iii. 222.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hêraklês</i>, i. 92 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>attack of, on Pylos, i. 110;</li>
-  <li>and Alkêstis, i. 113;</li>
-  <li>overthrows Orchomenos, i. 133;</li>
-  <li>death of, i. 151;</li>
-  <li>and Hylas, i. 234;</li>
-  <li>and Laomedôn, i. 286;</li>
-  <li>Tyrian temple of, iii. 269.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hêraklês</i>, son of Alexander, <a href="#Page_372">xii. 372</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hêrê</i>, i. 6, 7, 10, 58;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Mykênæ, i. 165;</li>
-  <li>temple of, near Argos, burnt, vi. 451;</li>
-  <li>Lakinian, robe of, xi. 52.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Herippidas</i>, ix. 285, 326, 339.</li>
-<li><i>Hermæ</i>, mutilation of, at Athens, vii. 167 <i>seq.</i>, 199 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hermeias</i> of Atarneus, xi. 441.</li>
-<li><i>Hermes</i>, i. 10, 58 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hermionê</i>, i. 163.</li>
-<li><i>Hermokratês</i>, at the congress at Gela, vii. 137;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Athenian armament, vii. 182;</li>
-  <li>recommendations of, after the battle near Olympieion, vii. 227;</li>
-  <li>speech of at Kamarina, vii. 229;</li>
-  <li>urges the Syracusans to attack the Athenians at sea, vii. 290;</li>
-  <li>postpones the Athenians’ retreat from Syracuse, vii. 330;</li>
-  <li>and Tissaphernês, vii. 390; viii. 98;</li>
-  <li>in the Ægean, x. 385 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>banishment of, x. 387 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his return to Sicily, and death, x. 415 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hermokratean</i> party, x. 432;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>exiles, x. 438.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hermolaus</i>, <a href="#Page_221">xii. 221</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hermotybii</i> and Kalasiries, iii. 316.</li>
-<li><i>Herodotus</i>, on Minôs, i. 228, 229;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on Helen and the Trojans, i. 308;</li>
-  <li>treatment of mythes by, i. 393 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his view of Lykurgus, ii. 343;</li>
-  <li>his story of Solon and Crœsus, iii. 151 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>chronological mistakes of, iii. 154 <i>n.</i>, 198 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>chronological discrepancies of, respecting Kyaxarês, iii. 232 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his description of Scythia, iii. 236 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his account of Babylon, iii. 295 <i>seq.</i>, 297 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>distinction between what he professes to have seen and heard, iii. 309;</li>
-  <li>on the effects of despotism and democracy upon the Athenians, iv. 178;</li>
-  <li>and Ktêsias, on Cyrus, iv. 185;</li>
-  <li>chronology of his life and authorship, iv. 277 <i>n.</i>, v. 49 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his narrative of Darius’s march into Scythia, iv. 265 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>does not mention Pythagoras in connection with the war between Sybaris and Kroton, iv. 416;</li>
-  <li>historical manner and conception of, v. 5, 11, <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>his estimate of the number of Xerxes’s army, v. 36 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>doubts about the motives ascribed to Xerxes at Thermopylæ by, v. 87;</li>
-  <li>a proof of the accuracy of, v. 89 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>on the movements of the Persian fleet before the battle of Salamis, v. 132 <i>nn.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Heroes</i> appear with gods and men on mythes, i. 64;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Greek, at Aulis, i. 293 <i>seq.</i>, 289;</li>
-  <li>Greek, analogy of Alexander to, <a href="#Page_70">xii. 70</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Heroic</i> race, i. 66, legends, i. 424.</li>
-<li><i>Hesiod</i>, theogony of, i. 3, 16, 20, 74;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>family affairs of, i. 72;</li>
-  <li>Iapetids in, i. 73;</li>
-  <li>complaints of, against kings, ii. 73;</li>
-  <li>dark picture of Greece by, ii. 91.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hesiodic</i> mythes traceable to Krête and Delphi, i. 15;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>“Works and Days”, i. 66 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_539">[p. 539]</span>philosophy, i. 367;</li>
-  <li>Greeks, ii. 114 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>epic, ii. 119.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hesionê</i>, i. 286.</li>
-<li><i>Hesperides</i>, dragon of, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Hesperides</i>, town of, iv. 32 <i>n.</i> 2, 42.</li>
-<li><i>Hestia</i>, i. 6, 7, 58.</li>
-<li><i>Hestiæa</i> on Ilium, i. 329.</li>
-<li><i>Hetæræ</i>, vi. 100.</li>
-<li><i>Hetæries</i>, at Athens, vi. 290, viii. 15.</li>
-<li><i>Hexameter</i>, the ancient, i. 73;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>new metres superadded to, iv. 75.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hierax</i>, ix. 373.</li>
-<li><i>Hiero of Syracuse</i>, v. 227 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hieromnêmôn</i>, ii. 246.</li>
-<li><i>Hiketas</i>, xi. 128;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Syracusans, xi. 134;</li>
-  <li>message of, to Corinth and to Timoleon, xi. 143, 144;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at Adranum, xi. 148;</li>
-  <li>and Magon, xi. 156 <i>seq.</i>, 159;</li>
-  <li>flight of, from Syracuse to Leontini, xi. 161;</li>
-  <li>capitulation of, with Timoleon, xi. 170;</li>
-  <li>invites the Carthaginians to invade Sicily, xi. 171;</li>
-  <li>defeat, surrender, and death of, xi. 181, 182.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Himera</i>, iii. 367;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>battle of, v. 221 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>treatment of, by Thêro, v. 228;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Hannibal, x. 410 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of Agathokles at the, <a href="#Page_408">xii. 408</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hindoos</i>, rivers personified by, i. 342 <i>n.</i> 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>their belief with regard to the small pox, i. 360 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>belief of, in fabulous stories, i. 430 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expensiveness of marriage among, iii. 141 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>sentiment of, with regard to the discontinuance of sacrifices, <a href="#Footnote_100">xii. 43 <i>n.</i> 1</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hindoo Koosh</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Alexander reduces the country between the Indus and, <a href="#Page_224">xii. 224</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hindostan</i>, hoarding in, <a href="#Footnote_421">xii. 175 <i>n.</i> 3</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hipparchus</i>, ii. 153 <i>n.</i>, iv. 111 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hipparinus</i>, son of Dionysius, xi. 130.</li>
-<li><i>Hippeis</i>, Solonian, iii. 118.</li>
-<li><i>Hippias</i>, of Elis, viii. 380 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hippias, Peisistratid</i>, iv. 111 <i>seq.</i>, 120 <i>seq.</i>, 281, 356 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Hippo</i>, iv. 385.</li>
-<li><i>Hippodameia</i>, i. 159.</li>
-<li><i>Hippodamus</i>, vi. 20.</li>
-<li><i>Hippokleidês</i>, iii. 39.</li>
-<li><i>Hippokratês the physician</i>, i. 373; viii. 426 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Hippokratês of Gela</i>, v. 213 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hippokratês, the Athenian general</i>, vi. 370 <i>seq.</i>, 379, 382 <i>seq.</i>, 388.</li>
-<li><i>Hippon</i>, xi. 184.</li>
-<li><i>Hipponikus</i>, iii. 102.</li>
-<li><i>Hipponium</i>, capture of, xi. 17;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>re-establishment of, xi. 43.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hipponoidas</i>, vii. 85, 89.</li>
-<li><i>Histiæus</i> and the bridge over the Danube, iv. 272;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Myrkinus, iv. 273, 277;</li>
-  <li>detention of, at Susa, iv. 277;</li>
-  <li>and the Ionic revolt, iv. 284, 299 <i>seq.</i>, 309.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Historians</i>, treatment of mythes by, i. 391 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Historical</i> proof, positive evidence indispensable to, i. 430;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>sense of modern times not to be applied to an unrecording age, i. 432;</li>
-  <li>evidence, the standard of, raised with regard to England, but not with regard to Greece, i. 485;</li>
-  <li>and legendary Greece compared, ii. 60 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Historicizing</i> innovations in the tale of Troy, i. 333;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of ancient mythes, i. 409 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>applicable to all mythes, or none, i. 422.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>History</i>, uninteresting to early Greeks, i. 359;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of England, how conceived down to the seventeenth century, i. 482 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and legend, Grecian, blank between, ii. 33 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Grecian first period of, from <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 776 to 560, ii. 270, 273;</li>
-  <li>Grecian, second period of, from <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 560 to 300, ii. 270 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>religious conception of, common to Greeks and Persians, v. 10.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Homer</i> and Hesiod, mythology of, i. 12;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>personality and poems of, ii. 127 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Homeric Zeus</i>, i. 12;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>hymns, i. 34, 37 <i>seq.</i>, 45, 59, 60, iii. 168 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>legend of the birth of Hêraklês, i. 93 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Pelops, i. 159;</li>
-  <li>gods, types of, i. 350;</li>
-  <li>age, mythical faith of, i. 359;</li>
-  <li>philosophy, i. 368;</li>
-  <li>account of the inhabitants of Peloponnesus, ii. 12;</li>
-  <li>Boulê and Agora, ii. 65 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Greeks, social condition of, ii. 97 <i>seq.</i>, 107;</li>
-  <li>Greeks, unity, idea of, partially revived, ii. 162 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>epoch, right conception of, ii. 174;</li>
-  <li>mode of fighting, ii. 457;</li>
-  <li>geography, iii. 204.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Homêrids</i>, the poetical gens of, ii. 132.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_540">[p. 540]</span><i>Homicide</i>, purification for, i. 25, 26;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>mode of dealing with, in legendary and historical Greece, ii. 93 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>tribunals for, at Athens, iii. 77;</li>
-  <li>Drake’s laws of, retained by Solon, iii. 134;</li>
-  <li>trial for and the senate of Areopagus, v. 368 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Homoioi</i>, Spartan, ii. 363, 418.</li>
-<li><i>Hoplêtes</i>, iii. 51.</li>
-<li><i>Hôræ</i>, the, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Horkos</i>, i. 7, 8.</li>
-<li><i>Horse</i>, the wooden, of Troy, i. 302, 309.</li>
-<li><i>Horsemen</i> at Athens, after the restoration of the democracy, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 403, viii. 305.</li>
-<li><i>Hospitality</i> in legendary Greece, ii. 84.</li>
-<li><i>Human</i> sacrifices in Greece, i. 126 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Hyakinthia</i> and the Lacedæmonians, v. 153.</li>
-<li><i>Hyakinthus</i>, i. 168.</li>
-<li><i>Hyblæan Megara</i>, iii. 365.</li>
-<li><i>Hydarnês</i>, v. 88.</li>
-<li><i>Hydaspes</i>, Alexander at the, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a> <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Alexander sails down the, <a href="#Page_333">xii. 333</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hydra</i>, the Lernæan, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Hydra</i>, sailors of, v. 51 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Hykkara</i>, capture of, vii. 216.</li>
-<li><i>Hylas</i> and Hêraklês, i. 234.</li>
-<li><i>Hylleis</i>, ii. 360.</li>
-<li><i>Hyllus</i>, i. 94, 177.</li>
-<li><i>Hymns</i>, Homeric, i. 34, 37 <i>seq.</i>, 45, 59, 60, iii. 168 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at festival in honor of gods, i. 49.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Hypaspistæ</i>, <a href="#Page_61">xii. 61</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hyperbolus</i>, iv. 151, vii. 108 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 27.</li>
-<li><i>Hyperides</i>, xi. 509, <a href="#Footnote_702">xii. 298 <i>n.</i> 1</a>, <a href="#Footnote_723">305 <i>n.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hyperiôn</i>, i. 5, 6.</li>
-<li><i>Hypermênes</i>, x. 146.</li>
-<li><i>Hypermnêstra</i>, i. 88.</li>
-<li><i>Hyphasis</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_231">xii. 231</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Hypomeiones</i>, Spartan, ii. 363, 418.</li>
-<li><i>Hyrkania</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_166">xii. 166</a>.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">I.</li>
-<li><i>Ialmenos</i> and Askalaphos, i. 130.</li>
-<li><i>Iapetids</i> in Hesiod, i. 74.</li>
-<li><i>Iapetos</i>, i. 5, 6.</li>
-<li><i>Iapygians</i>, iii. 392.</li>
-<li><i>Iasus</i>, capture of, vii. 389.</li>
-<li><i>Iberia</i> in Spain, iii. 275.</li>
-<li><i>Iberians</i> and Dionysius, x. 510.</li>
-<li><i>Ida</i> in Asia, iii. 195, 197.</li>
-<li><i>Ida</i> in Crête, Zeus at, i. 6.</li>
-<li><i>Idanthyrsus</i>, iv. 267.</li>
-<li><i>Idas</i>, i. 169, 171.</li>
-<li><i>Idomenê</i>, Demosthenês at, vi. 306 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Idrieus</i>, xi. 437.</li>
-<li><i>Ikarus</i>, i. 225.</li>
-<li><i>Iliad</i> and the Trojan war, i. 297;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Odyssey, date, structure, and authorship of, ii. 118-209.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ilium</i>, i. 286, 334 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Illyria</i>, Dionysius’s schemes of conquest in, xi. 24.</li>
-<li><i>Illyrians</i>, different tribes of, iv. 1 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>retreat of Perdikkas and Brasidas before, vi. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of Philip over, xi. 214 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_28">xii. 28</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ilus</i>, i. 285, 286.</li>
-<li><i>Imbros</i>, iv. 28, 278 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Imilkon</i> and Hannibal, invasion of Sicily by, x. 421 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Agrigentum, x. 425 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Gela, x. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Dionysius, x. 454 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Motyê, x. 479, 490;</li>
-  <li>capture of Messênê by, 491 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Campanians of Ætna, x. 497;</li>
-  <li>before Syracuse, x. 498 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>flight of, from Syracuse, x. 510;</li>
-  <li>miserable end of, x. 511.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Inachus</i>, i. 82.</li>
-<li><i>Indus</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_225">xii. 225</a> <i>seq.</i>, 233 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>voyage of Nearchus from the mouth of, to that of the Tigris, <a href="#Page_235">xii. 235</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Industry</i>, manufacturing, at Athens, iii. 136 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Infantry</i> and oligarchy, iii. 31.</li>
-<li><i>Inland</i> and maritime cities contrasted, ii. 225.</li>
-<li><i>Inô</i>, i. 123 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Inscriptions</i>, ii. 41.</li>
-<li><i>Interest</i> on loans, iii. 107 <i>seq.</i>, 159.</li>
-<li><i>Interpreters</i>, Egyptian, iii. 327.</li>
-<li><i>Io</i>, legend of, i. 84 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Iôn</i>, i. 198, 204.</li>
-<li><i>Iônia</i>, emigrants to, ii. 24 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conquest of, by Harpagus, iv. 202;</li>
-  <li>Mardonius’s deposition of despots in, iv. 312;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Astyochus to, vii. 382;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Thrasyllus to, viii. 129.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ionian</i>, the name a reproach, iii. 169.</li>
-<li><i>Ionians</i>, ii. 12, 13;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_541">[p. 541]</span>and Darius’s bridge over the Danube, iv. 271 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>abandonment of, by the Athenians, iv. 297;</li>
-  <li>at Ladê, iv. 301 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Mykalê, v. 192 <i>seq.</i>, 197;</li>
-  <li>after the battle of Mykalê, v. 199.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ionic</i> emigration, ii. 21, 24 <i>seq.</i>, iii. 172;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>tribes in Attica, iii. 50, 52 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>cities in Asia, iii. 172 <i>seq.</i>, 260;</li>
-  <li>and Italic Greeks, iii. 398;</li>
-  <li>revolt, iv. 285 <i>seq.</i>, 306 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>philosophers, iv. 378;</li>
-  <li>Sicilians and Athens, vii. 132;</li>
-  <li>alphabet and the Athenian laws, viii. 308.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Iphigeneia</i>, i. 293.</li>
-<li><i>Iphiklos</i>, i. 110.</li>
-<li><i>Iphikrates</i>, destruction of a Lacedæmonian <i>mora</i> by, ix. 327 <i>n.</i>, 341 <i>n.</i>, 348 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>military improvements and successes of, ix. 335 <i>seq.</i>, 353;</li>
-  <li>defeat of Anaxibius by, ix. 370 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 387-378, x. 105 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kotys, x. 106, 299, 369, 374;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Korkyra, x. 149 <i>seq.</i>, 154 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Timotheus, x. 149, 299, xi. 231 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to aid Sparta against Thebes, x. 237 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Thrace and Macedonia, x. 250 <i>seq.</i>, 299;</li>
-  <li>in the Hellespont, xi. 224;</li>
-  <li>and Chares, xi. 224 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Iphikrates the Younger</i>, <a href="#Page_129">xii. 129</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Ipsus</i>, battle of, <a href="#Page_387">xii. 387</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Iran</i>, territory of, iv. 184.</li>
-<li><i>Irasa</i>, iv. 31.</li>
-<li><i>Iris</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Iron race</i>, the, i. 66.</li>
-<li><i>Isagoras</i>, iv. 126, 164 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Ischagoras</i>, vi. 449.</li>
-<li><i>Ischolaus</i>, x. 217.</li>
-<li><i>Ischys</i>, i. 178.</li>
-<li><i>Isidas</i>, x. 332.</li>
-<li><i>Islands</i> in the Ægean, ii. 234.</li>
-<li><i>Ismenias</i> in the north of Bœotia, ix. 301;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Leontiades, x. 59;</li>
-  <li>trial and execution of, x. 63.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ismenias</i> and Pelopidas, x. 277 <i>seq.</i>, 283, 285.</li>
-<li><i>Isokratês</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 407 <i>n.</i> 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on the origin of Periœki, ii. 367;</li>
-  <li>panegyrical oration of, x. 44, 77;</li>
-  <li>the Plataic oration of, x. 163;</li>
-  <li>the Archidamus of, x. 228 <i>n.</i> 2, 229 <i>n.</i> 1, 291 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>his letter to Philip, xi. 282, 436.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Issêdones</i>, iii. 245.</li>
-<li><i>Issus</i>, Alexander at, before the battle, <a href="#Page_114">xii. 114</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Darius at, before the battle, <a href="#Page_117">xii. 117</a>;</li>
-  <li>battle of, <a href="#Page_118">xii. 118</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>inaction of Darius after the battle of, <a href="#Page_152">xii. 152</a>;</li>
-  <li>and its neighborhood, as connected with the battle, <a href="#Page_491">xii. 491</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Isthmian games</i>, i. 124, ii. 242, iv. 65 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Eleians excluded from, i. 140, ii. 306 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li><small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 368;</li>
-  <li>and Agesilaus, ix. 344.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Istônê</i>, Korkyræan fugitives at, vi. 278, 313, 357 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Italia</i>, iii. 350.</li>
-<li><i>Italian</i> Greeks, iii. 369, 392, 394 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 7 <i>seq.</i>, 133, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Italians</i>, iii. 369.</li>
-<li><i>Italy and Sicily</i>, early languages and history of, iii. 354 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Italy</i>, the voyage from Greece to, iii. 361;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Grecian colonies in, iii. 354, 360, 374 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>decline of Greek power in, after the fall of Sybaris, iv. 415;</li>
-  <li>Southern, affairs of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 382-369, xi. 43.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ithômê</i>, ii. 422, v. 316.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">J.</li>
-<li><i>Jason</i>, i. 114 <i>seq.</i>, 237 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Jason of Pheræ</i>, x. 137 <i>seq.</i>, 147 <i>n.</i>, 153, 189 <i>seq.</i>, 195 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Jaxartes</i>, Alexander at the, <a href="#Page_204">xii. 204</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Jocasta</i>, i. 266 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Jurkæ</i>, iii. 245.</li>
-<li><i>Jury-trial</i>, characteristics of, exhibited in the Athenian dikasteries, v. 385 <i>seq.</i></li>
-
-<li class="iix">K.</li>
-<li><i>Kabala</i>, victory of Dionysius at, xi. 41.</li>
-<li><i>Kabeirichus</i>, x. 85.</li>
-<li><i>Kadmeia</i>, at Thebes, seizure of, by Phœbidas, x. 58 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>surrender of, by the Lacedæmonians, x. 88 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kadmus</i>, i. 257 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kalais</i> and Zêtês, i. 199.</li>
-<li><i>Kalasiries</i> and Hermotybii, iii. 316.</li>
-<li><i>Kalauria</i>, i. 56;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Amphiktyony at, i. 133;</li>
-  <li>the Athenian allied armament at, x. 148;</li>
-  <li>death of Demosthenes at, <a href="#Page_327">xii. 327</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kalchas</i>, wanderings and death of, i. 313.</li>
-<li><i>Kalê Aktê</i>, foundation of, vii. 125.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_542">[p. 542]</span><i>Kallias</i>, treaty of, v. 336 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kallias, son of Kalliades</i>, vi. 70, 72.</li>
-<li><i>Kallias</i> at the congress at Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 165.</li>
-<li><i>Kallias of Chalkis</i>, xi. 341 <i>seq.</i>, 452.</li>
-<li><i>Kallibius, the Lacedæmonian</i>, viii. 242; ix. 188.</li>
-<li><i>Kallibius</i> of Tegea, x. 209.</li>
-<li><i>Kalliklês</i>, in Plato, viii. 382 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kallikratidas</i>, viii. 160 <i>seq.</i>, 263.</li>
-<li><i>Kallimachus</i>, the polemarch, iv. 341, 348.</li>
-<li><i>Kallinus</i>, iv. 73, 77.</li>
-<li><i>Kallipidæ</i>, iii. 239.</li>
-<li><i>Kallippus</i>, xi. 123 <i>seq.</i>, 128 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kallirrhoe</i>, i. 7, 282.</li>
-<li><i>Kallisthenês, the historian</i>, i. 410.</li>
-<li><i>Kallisthenes, the general</i>, failure and condemnation of, x. 370, xi. 423.</li>
-<li><i>Kallisthenes of Olynthus</i>, <a href="#Page_213">xii. 213</a>, 216 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kallistô</i>, i. 175.</li>
-<li><i>Kallistratus</i>, x. 110, 164, <i>seq.</i>, 172, 288, xi. 266.</li>
-<li><i>Kallixenus</i>, viii. 194 <i>seq.</i>, 203, 205.</li>
-<li><i>Kalpê</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 148 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kalydônian</i> boar, i. 143, 146 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kamarina</i>, iii. 366;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>restoration of, to independence, v. 237;</li>
-  <li>and the Athenians, vii. 194;</li>
-  <li>Athenian and Syracusan envoys at, vii. 229 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>neutral policy of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 233;</li>
-  <li>evacuation of, x. 450;</li>
-  <li>and Timoleon, xi. 187.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kambyses</i>, iv. 47, 218 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kandaulês</i>, iii. 220.</li>
-<li><i>Kannônus</i>, psephism of, viii. 197 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kanôpic branch of the Nile</i>., opening of, to Greek traffic, iii. 327.</li>
-<li><i>Kapaneus</i>. i. 273, 278.</li>
-<li><i>Kappadokia</i> subdued by Alexander, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Kardia</i>, Athenian fleet at, viii. 120;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>alliance of, with Philip, xi. 451;</li>
-  <li>Eumenes of, <a href="#Page_74">xii. 74</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Karduchians</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 95 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Karia</i>, resistance of, to Daurisês, iv. 294.</li>
-<li><i>Karmania</i>, Alexander’s bacchanalian procession through, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Karneian</i> festival, ii. 306 <i>n.</i>, v. 78.</li>
-<li><i>Karneius</i> Apollo, i. 49.</li>
-<li><i>Karnus</i>, ii. 3.</li>
-<li><i>Karpathus</i>, ii. 31.</li>
-<li><i>Karystus</i>, iv. 331, v. 303.</li>
-<li><i>Kassander</i>, Alexander’s treatment of, <a href="#Page_254">xii. 254</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>schemes of, on Antipater’s death, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Polysperchon, war between, <a href="#Page_360">xii. 360</a>;</li>
-  <li>gets possession of Athens, <a href="#Page_361">xii. 361</a>;</li>
-  <li>in Peloponnesus, <a href="#Page_365">xii. 365</a>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of Olympias by, <a href="#Page_366">xii. 366</a>;</li>
-  <li>confederacy of, with Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleukus against Antigonus, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</li>
-  <li>founds Kassandreia and restores Thebes, <a href="#Page_368">xii. 368</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Alexander, son of Polysperchon, <a href="#Page_368">xii. 368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;</li>
-  <li>and the Ætolians, <a href="#Page_370">xii. 370</a>;</li>
-  <li>measures of Antigonus against, <a href="#Page_369">xii. 369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</li>
-  <li>great power of, in Greece, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li>
-  <li>Ptolemy, and Lysimachus, pacification of, with Antigonus, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li>
-  <li>compact of Polysperchon with, <a href="#Page_372">xii. 372</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;</li>
-  <li>Ptolemy makes a truce with, <a href="#Page_373">xii. 373</a>;</li>
-  <li>success of Demetrius Poliorketes in Greece against, <a href="#Page_382">xii. 382</a>;</li>
-  <li>truce of, with Demetrius Poliorketes, <a href="#Page_387">xii. 387</a>;</li>
-  <li>death of, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kassandra</i>. i. 287.</li>
-<li><i>Kastôr</i> and Pollux, i. 169 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Katabothra</i>, ii. 218.</li>
-<li><i>Katana</i>, iii. 364;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Ætna, v. 236;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês at, vii. 194;</li>
-  <li>Nikias at, vii. 234;</li>
-  <li>conquest of, by Dionysius, x. 468;</li>
-  <li>Carthaginian naval victory near, x. 495;</li>
-  <li>Hiketas and Magon at, xi. 156.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Katônakophori</i>, iii. 35.</li>
-<li><i>Katreus</i> and Althæmenês, i. 224.</li>
-<li><i>Kaulonia</i>, iii. 384, xi. 14, 17;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Dikon of, xi. 28.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kaunus</i>, Antisthenês at, vii. 397.</li>
-<li><i>Käystru-Pedion</i>, march of Cyrus from Keramôn-Agora to, ix. 17 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Kebalinus</i>, <a href="#Page_191">xii. 191</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Kekrops</i>, i. 195 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the second, i. 204.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kelænæ</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_101">xii. 101</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Keleos</i>, i. 38 <i>seq.</i>, 196.</li>
-<li><i>Keleustes</i>, vi. 200 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kenchreæ</i>, Peloponnesian fleet at, vii. 382.</li>
-<li><i>Kentrites</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at the, ix. 99 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kephallênia</i>, iii. 410, vi. 135, 141.</li>
-<li><i>Kephalus</i>, i. 195 <i>n.</i> 4, 198;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Dionysius at Syracuse, xi. 167.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kephisodotus</i>, x. 374, 377.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_543">[p. 543]</span><i>Kerasus</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 127.</li>
-<li><i>Kersobleptes</i>, x. 366;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Charidemus, x. 366, 378, 379;</li>
-  <li>intrigue of, against Athens, xi. 258;</li>
-  <li>and the peace and alliance between Athens and Philip, xi. 396 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, by Philip, xi. 443.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kertch</i>, tumuli near, <a href="#Page_487">xii. 487</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Ketô</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Keyx</i> and Alcyone, i. 135.</li>
-<li><i>Kilikia</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_113">xii. 113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Darius in, <a href="#Page_116">xii. 116</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kimon</i> and Themistoklês, v. 278, 280;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of Skyros by, v. 304, 304 <i>n.</i> 2.;</li>
-  <li>victories of, at the Eurymedon, v. 308;</li>
-  <li>trial and acquittal of, v. 312, 365;</li>
-  <li>and the Spartan application for aid against the Helots, v. 318, 365;</li>
-  <li>recall of, from ostracism, v. 329;</li>
-  <li>death of, v. 335, 340;</li>
-  <li>political party of, v. 361;</li>
-  <li>and Periklês, v. 329, 362 <i>seq.</i>, 371;</li>
-  <li>character of, v. 364;</li>
-  <li>ostracism of, v. 366.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kimonian</i> treaty, the so-called, v. 337 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kinadon</i>, conspiracy and character of, ix. 251 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>King</i>, the, in legendary Greece, ii. 61 <i>seq.</i>, 74 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the, in historical Greece, ii. 76;</li>
-  <li>English theory of a, iii. 13.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kings</i>, Egyptian, iii. 321, 330 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Kingship</i>, discontinuance of, in Greece generally, ii. 76, iii. 8;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in mediæval and modern Europe, iii. 8 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kinyps</i> and Dorieus, iv. 36.</li>
-<li><i>Kirrha</i>, iv. 60 <i>n.</i>, 61 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 468 <i>seq.</i>, 474.</li>
-<li><i>Kirrhæans</i>, punishment of, iv. 62 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kissidas</i>, x. 265.</li>
-<li><i>Klarus</i>, temple of Apollo at, iii. 185.</li>
-<li><i>Klazomenæ</i>, iii. 188, vii. 372, 384, 391.</li>
-<li><i>Kleander</i> of Gela, v. 207.</li>
-<li><i>Kleander the Lacedæmonian</i>, ix. 149 <i>seq.</i>, 152, 154, 165, <a href="#Page_197">xii. 197</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Kleandridas</i>, vi. 14.</li>
-<li><i>Kleandridês</i>, v. 349.</li>
-<li><i>Klearchus the Lacedæmonian</i>, at the Hellespont, viii. 96;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Byzantium, viii. 128;</li>
-  <li>and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 8, 22 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Menon’s soldiers, ix. 35;</li>
-  <li>and Ariæus, ix. 52;</li>
-  <li>and Tissaphernes, ix. 63, 70 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Klearchus of the Pontic Herakleia</i>, <a href="#Page_461">xii. 461</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Klearidas</i>, vi. 450, 470, 472, vii. 3.</li>
-<li><i>Kleinas</i>, iii. 102.</li>
-<li><i>Kleisthenês of Sikyôn</i>, i. 279, ii. 129, iii. 32 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kleisthenês the Athenian</i>, revolution in Attic tribes by, iii. 63, 67;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the oracle at Delphi, iv. 121;</li>
-  <li>retirement and recall of, iv. 164, 165;</li>
-  <li>development of Athenian energy after, iv. 176;</li>
-  <li>changes in the constitution of, after the Persian war, v. 275.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kleïppidês</i>, vi. 224 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kleitarchus</i>, xi. 450, 452.</li>
-<li><i>Kleitus the Illyrian</i>, <a href="#Page_28">xii. 28</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kleitus, Alexander’s general</i>, <a href="#Page_85">xii. 85</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kleobulê</i>, mother of Demosthenes, xi. 263.</li>
-<li><i>Kleobûlus</i> and Xenarês, vii. 24 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kleokritus</i>, viii. 270.</li>
-<li><i>Kleombrotus</i>, x. 94 <i>seq.</i>, 129, 136, 176 <i>seq.</i>, 180 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kleomenês I.</i>, his expeditions to Athens, iv. 122, 164 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Aristagoras, iv. 287;</li>
-  <li>defeat of Argeians by, iv. 320 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>return of, without attacking Argos, iv. 321;</li>
-  <li>trial of, iv. 323;</li>
-  <li>and the Æginetans, iv. 325, 328;</li>
-  <li>and Demaratus, iv. 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>violent proceedings and death of, v. 45.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kleomenês III.</i>, ii. 349, 350.</li>
-<li><i>Kleomenês, Alexander’s satrap</i>, <a href="#Page_241">xii. 241</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Footnote_611">253 <i>n.</i> 1</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Kleon the Athenian</i>, first mention of, by Thucydidês, vi. 244;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>policy and character of, vi. 246, 480 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Mitylênê, vi. 249 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>political function of, vi. 290, 292;</li>
-  <li>and the prisoners in Sphakteria, vi. 329 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Pylus, vi. 336 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>warlike influence of, vi. 355, 457 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Amphipolis, vi. 462 <i>seq.</i>, 467 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of Torônê by, vi. 463;</li>
-  <li>at Eion, vi. 463;</li>
-  <li>Thucydidês’s treatment of, vi. 479, 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Aristophanês, vi. 481 <i>seq.</i>, 485.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kleon, of Halikarnassus</i>, ix. 237, 300.</li>
-<li><i>Kleônæ</i> and Argos, ii. 464, iv. 65 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Kleonikê</i> and Pausanias, v. 255.</li>
-<li><i>Kleonymus</i>, <a href="#Page_448">xii. 448</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Kleopatra, wife of Philip</i>, xi. 513 <i>seq.</i>, 518 <i>n.</i> 2, <a href="#Page_4">xii. 4</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_544">[p. 544]</span><i>Kleopatra, daughter of Philip</i>, xi. 514, <a href="#Page_321">xii. 321</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Kleophon</i>, viii. 123.</li>
-<li><i>Kleopus</i>, iii. 228.</li>
-<li><i>Kleruchies, Athenian</i>, revival of <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 365, vi. 31 <i>n.</i>, x. 296 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kleruchs, Athenian</i>, in Chalkis, iv. 170;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in Lesbos, vi. 257;</li>
-  <li>after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 223.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Klonas</i>, musical improvements of, iv. 75.</li>
-<li><i>Klothô</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Klymenê</i>, i. 6.</li>
-<li><i>Klytæmnêstra</i>, i. 162, 168.</li>
-<li><i>Knêmus</i>, vi. 193 <i>seq.</i>, 202, 213.</li>
-<li><i>Knidus</i>, settlement of, ii. 31;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>maritime contests near, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412 vii. 394;</li>
-  <li>Antisthenês and Astyochus at, vii. 397;</li>
-  <li>the battle of, ix. 283;</li>
-  <li>and Agesilaus, ix. 312;</li>
-  <li>reverses of Sparta after the battle of, 317.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Knights at Athens</i>, viii. 305, ix. 183.</li>
-<li><i>Knôpus</i>, iii. 187.</li>
-<li><i>Kodrids</i>, i. 112.</li>
-<li><i>Kodrus</i>, ii. 24;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>archons after, iii. 48.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kœnus</i>, <a href="#Page_194">xii. 194</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Kœos</i>, i. 5, 7.</li>
-<li><i>Kœratadus</i>, viii. 134, iv. 160, 163.</li>
-<li><i>Kôês</i>, iv. 270, 273, 285.</li>
-<li><i>Kokalus</i>, i. 225 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kôlæus</i>, his voyage to Tartêssus, iii. 279.</li>
-<li><i>Kôlakretæ</i>, iv. 137.</li>
-<li><i>Kolchians</i> and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 112, 126.</li>
-<li><i>Kolchis</i>, and the Argonautic expedition, i. 241, 255.</li>
-<li><i>Kolônus</i>, Athenian assembly at, viii. 35.</li>
-<li><i>Kolophôn</i>, iii. 184 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Konipodes</i>, iii. 35.</li>
-<li><i>Konon</i> at Naupaktus, vii. 358;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Andros, viii. 151;</li>
-  <li>appointment of, to succeed Alkibiadês, viii. 159;</li>
-  <li>at Samos, 160;</li>
-  <li>at Mitylênê, viii. 166 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>escape of, from Ægospotami, viii. 219;</li>
-  <li>renewed activity of, ix. 255, 269;</li>
-  <li>at Rhodes, ix. 270;</li>
-  <li>visit of, to the Persian court, ix. 280 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Pharnabazus, ix. 281, 318, 321 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>rebuilds the Long Walls of Athens, ix. 322;</li>
-  <li>large plans of, ix. 325;</li>
-  <li>sent as envoy to Tiribazus, ix. 359;</li>
-  <li>arrest of, ix. 361;</li>
-  <li>long absence of, from Athens, x. 108 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kopaïs</i>, lake of, i. 132.</li>
-<li><i>Korkyra</i> and the Argonauts, i. 243;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>early inhabitants of, iii. 402;</li>
-  <li>relations of, with Corinth, iii. 403 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>relations of, with Epirus, iii. 405;</li>
-  <li>and Corinth, joint settlements of, iii. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>commerce of, iii. 409;</li>
-  <li>and Corinth, disputes between, vi. 51 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application of the Epidamnian democracy to, vi. 52;</li>
-  <li>and Corinth, hostilities between, vi. 55, 63 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Corinth, decision of the Athenians between, vi. 62;</li>
-  <li>oligarchical violence at, vi. 270 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>vengeance of the victorious Demos at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 427, vi. 275 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Nikostratus and Alkidas at, vi. 282;</li>
-  <li>revolutions at, contrasted with those at Athens, vi. 283;</li>
-  <li>distress at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 425, vi. 313;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Eurymedon and Sophoklês to, vi. 313 <i>seq.</i>, 357 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>muster of the Athenian armament at, vii. 180;</li>
-  <li>Demosthenês’s voyage from, to Sicily, vii. 301;</li>
-  <li>renewed troubles at, viii. 118;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonian expedition against, x. 142 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Iphikrates to, x. 149 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Kleonymus and Agathokles in, <a href="#Page_449">xii. 449</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Korkyræan</i> envoys, speech of, to the Athenian assembly, vi. 58 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>captives return home from Corinth, vi. 266 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>oligarchical fugitives at Istônê, vi. 278, 313, 357.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Korkyræans</i>, and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 66;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>attack Epidamnus, vi. 53;</li>
-  <li>remonstrate with the Corinthians and Peloponnesians, vi. 54;</li>
-  <li>seek the alliance of Athens, vi. 56 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Korôbius</i> and the foundation of Kyrênê, iv. 30.</li>
-<li><i>Korôneia</i>, Athenian defeat at, v. 348;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Theban victory at, ix. 312 <i>seq.</i>, 317.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Korônis</i> and Asklêpius, i. 178.</li>
-<li><i>Korynephori</i>, iii. 35.</li>
-<li><i>Kôs</i>, settlement of, ii. 30;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of, by Astyochus, vii. 397;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, xi. 220 <i>seq.</i>, 231.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kossæi</i>, <a href="#Page_248">xii. 248</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Kottas</i>, i. 5.</li>
-<li><i>Kottyphus</i>, xi. 475, 479, 480.</li>
-<li><i>Kotyôra</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 126 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kotys</i> and Iphikrates, x. 106, 299, 369, 373;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Athens, x. 228 <i>seq.</i>, 372, 373;</li>
-  <li>and Timotheus, x. 301, 368;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_545">[p. 545]</span>and Miltokythes, x. 372;</li>
-  <li>capture of Sestos by, x. 373;</li>
-  <li>assassination of, x. 375.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kranaus</i>, i. 196.</li>
-<li><i>Krannon</i>, battle of, <a href="#Page_321">xii. 321</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Kraterus</i> and Philôtas, <a href="#Page_192">xii. 192</a> <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Antipater, <a href="#Page_320">xii. 320</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li>
-  <li>death of, <a href="#Page_336">xii. 336</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kratês</i>, comedy of, viii. 328.</li>
-<li><i>Kratesippidas</i>, viii. 128, 138.</li>
-<li><i>Kratinus</i>, viii. 327, 332 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kreôn, king of Thêbes</i>, i. 117, 276.</li>
-<li><i>Kreôn, archon at Athens</i>, iii. 48.</li>
-<li><i>Kresphontês</i>, ii. 2 <i>seq.</i>, 331 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Krêtan</i> settlements on the Gulf of Tarentum, i. 330;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Phrygian worship, iii. 215.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Krêtans</i> and Minôs, i. 229;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in the time of Homer, ii. 102;</li>
-  <li>and Xerxes, v. 66.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Krête</i>, migrations of Dorians to, ii. 30;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>early Dorians in, ii. 310;</li>
-  <li>Periœki in, ii. 364 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>Phalækus in, xi. 433.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Krêthêis</i> and Pêleus, i. 114.</li>
-<li><i>Krêtheus</i>, descendants of, i. 113.</li>
-<li><i>Kreüsa</i>, i. 198, 204.</li>
-<li><i>Krimêsus</i>, Timoleon’s victory over the Carthaginians at the, xi. 174 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Krios</i>, i. 5, 6.</li>
-<li><i>Krissa</i>, iv. 59 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kritias</i> and Sokratês, vii. 36 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>return of, to Athens, viii. 233 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Theramenês, viii. 237 <i>seq.</i>, 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>death of, viii. 290.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Krius</i>, iv. 325, 328.</li>
-<li><i>Krommyon</i>, capture of, ix. 335;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>recovery of, ix. 353.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kromnus</i>, capture of Lacedæmonians at, x. 316 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kronium</i>, Dionysius at, xi. 41.</li>
-<li><i>Kronos</i>, i. 5 <i>seq.</i>, 8.</li>
-<li><i>Krotôn</i>, foundation, territory, and colonies of, iii. 376 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>fall of, iii. 392;</li>
-  <li>maximum power of, iii. 394;</li>
-  <li>citizens and government of, iii. 399;</li>
-  <li>and Pythagoras, iv. 401 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Sybaris, iv. 413 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Dionysius, xi. 22;</li>
-  <li>expedition from Syracuse to, <a href="#Page_397">xii. 397</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Krypteia</i>, ii. 378.</li>
-<li><i>Kteatos</i> and Eurytos, i. 141.</li>
-<li><i>Ktêsias</i> and Herodotus on Cyrus, iv. 185;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on Darius, iv. 264.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ktesiphon</i>, xi. 371, <a href="#Page_286">xii. 286</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kunaxa</i>, battle of, ix. 42 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kurêtes</i>, ceremonies of, i. 31.</li>
-<li><i>Kyaxarês</i>, iii. 231, 254.</li>
-<li><i>Kydonta</i>, vi. 203.</li>
-<li><i>Kyknus</i>, i. 294.</li>
-<li><i>Kylôn the Athenian</i>, attempted usurpation of, iii. 81 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kylôn of Krotôn</i>, iv. 409.</li>
-<li><i>Kyllyrii</i> at Syracuse, v. 206.</li>
-<li><i>Kymæans</i> and Pactyas, iv. 201.</li>
-<li><i>Kymê</i>, iii. 190;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Alkibiadês at, viii. 153.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kynegeirus</i>, iv. 350.</li>
-<li><i>Kynossêma</i>, battle of, viii. 109 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kynurians</i>, ii. 303;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in Argolis, ii. 451.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kypselus</i>, iii. 40;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>fall of the dynasty of, iii. 43.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kyrênê</i>, foundation of, iv. 29 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>situation, fertility and prosperity of, iv. 31 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Libyans, iv. 35 <i>seq.</i>, 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>second migration of Greeks to, iv. 41;</li>
-  <li>and Egypt, iv. 42;</li>
-  <li>reform of, by Demônax, iv. 43;</li>
-  <li>Periœki at, iv. 45;</li>
-  <li>third immigration to, iv. 46;</li>
-  <li>submission of, to Kambysês, iv. 220;</li>
-  <li>history of, from about <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 450 to 306, <a href="#Page_428">xii. 428</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Ophellas, viceroy of, <a href="#Page_431">xii. 431</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Kythera</i>, capture of, by the Athenians, vi. 365 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Kytinium</i>, occupation of, by Philip, xi. 498.</li>
-<li><i>Kyzikus</i> and the Argonauts, i. 234;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, viii. 112;</li>
-  <li>siege of, by Mindarus, viii. 120;</li>
-  <li>battle of, viii. 121.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">L.</li>
-<li><i>Labdalum</i>, vii. 248, 269.</li>
-<li><i>Lacedæmonian</i> envoys to Persia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 430, vi. 181;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>embassy to Athens about the prisoners in Sphakteria, vi. 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>reinforcement to Brasidas in Chalkidikê, vi. 449;</li>
-  <li>envoys at the congress at Corinth, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 15;</li>
-  <li>envoys at Athens, about Panaktum and Pylus, vii. 29;</li>
-  <li>embassy to Athens, against the alliance of Athens with Argos, vii. 44 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>army, vii. 79, 81 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>assembly, speech of Alkibiadês in, vii. 237 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet under Agesandridas, viii. 66, 71;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_546">[p. 546]</span>fleet victory of, near Eretria, viii. 72 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><i>mora</i>, destruction of a, by Iphikrates, ix. 350 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>auxiliaries to the Phokians at Thermopylæ, xi. 419, 421.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lacedæmonians</i> and Cyrus the Great, iv. 199;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>attack of, upon Polykratês, iv. 243;</li>
-  <li>and Themistoklês, v. 149, 278, 280;</li>
-  <li>and Mardonius’s offer of peace to the Athenians, v. 151 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>invoke the aid of their allies against the Helots, v. 316;</li>
-  <li>dismiss their Athenian auxiliaries against the Helots, v. 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, into Bœotia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 458, v. 327 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Tanagra, v. 328;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, on Phormio’s victory over the Peloponnesian fleet near Rhium, vi. 202;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, for the recovery of Pylus, vi. 319, 320 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>occupation of Sphakteria by, vi. 320, 347;</li>
-  <li>blockade of, in Sphakteria, vi. 324 <i>seq.</i>, 333 <i>seq.</i>, 342 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>offers of peace from, after the capture of Sphakteria, vi. 353;</li>
-  <li>assassination of Helots by, vi. 368 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Peace of Nikias, vii. 3;</li>
-  <li>liberate the Arcadian subjects of Mantinea, and plant Helots at Lepreum, vii. 21;</li>
-  <li>exclusion of, from the Olympic festival, vii. 57 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>detachment of, to reinforce Epidaurus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 419, vii. 70;</li>
-  <li>and their allies, invasions of Argos by, vii. 71 <i>seq.</i>, 102;</li>
-  <li>Gylippus sent to Syracuse by, vii. 242;</li>
-  <li>fortification of Dekeleia by, vii. 288, 354;</li>
-  <li>and the Four Hundred, viii. 65;</li>
-  <li>recapture of Pylus by, viii. 131;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at Arginusæ, viii. 173 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>repayment of, by the Athenians, after the restoration of the democracy, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 403, viii. 305;</li>
-  <li>assassination of Alkibiadês demanded by, viii. 313;</li>
-  <li>the Cyreians under, ix. 170, 174, 208, 217, 318;</li>
-  <li>and Dorieus, ix. 271 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Corinthians, conflicts between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 393, ix. 326 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, within the Long Walls of Corinth, ix. 333 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 56;</li>
-  <li>seizure of the Kadmeia at Thebes by, x. 60 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>trial and execution of Ismenias by, x. 64;</li>
-  <li>their surrender of the Kadmeia at Thebes, x. 88 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at Tegyra, x. 134;</li>
-  <li>expulsion of, from Bœotia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 374, x. 135;</li>
-  <li>at Kromnus, x. 316 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Mantinea, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 362, x. 329, 335, 338, 340 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Alexander, <a href="#Page_13">xii. 13</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lachês</i>, expedition to Sicily under, vii. 132.</li>
-<li><i>Lachesis</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Laconia</i>, genealogy of, i. 168;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>population of, ii. 362;</li>
-  <li>gradual conquest of, ii. 417;</li>
-  <li>modern, ii. 418 <i>n.</i> 3, 454 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>invasions of, by Epaminondas, x. 215 <i>seq.</i>, 330 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>western, abstraction of, from Sparta, x. 226 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ladê</i>, combined Ionic fleet at, iv. 300 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>victory of Persian fleet at, iv. 304.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Laius</i> and Œdipus, i. 265.</li>
-<li><i>Lakes</i> and marshes of Greece, ii. 219.</li>
-<li><i>Lamachus</i>, vii. 148, 190 <i>seq.</i>, 256.</li>
-<li><i>Lamia</i>, Antipater at, <a href="#Page_315">xii. 315</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Lamian</i> war, <a href="#Page_315">xii. 315</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Lampsakus</i>, revolt of, viii. 94;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>recovery of, by Strombichidês, viii. 96.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Language</i>, Greek, dialects of, ii. 239.</li>
-<li><i>Lanikê</i>, <a href="#Page_208">xii. 208</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Laocoôn</i>, i. 303.</li>
-<li><i>Laomedôn</i>, i. 57, 285.</li>
-<li><i>Laphystios</i>, Zeus, i. 127.</li>
-<li><i>Laphystius</i> and Timoleon, xi. 192.</li>
-<li><i>Larissa</i>, Asiatic, iii. 191 <i>n.</i> 1, 192.</li>
-<li><i>Lash</i>, use of, by Xerxes, v. 24, 31.</li>
-<li><i>Lasthenes</i> and Euthykrates, xi. 351, 352.</li>
-<li><i>Latin</i>, Oscan, and Greek languages, iii. 354.</li>
-<li><i>Latium</i>, emigration from Arcadia to, iii. 351 <i>n.</i> 3;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>plunder of, by Dionysius, xi. 25.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Latins</i>, Œnotrians and Epirots, relationship of, iii. 351.</li>
-<li><i>Latona</i> and Zeus, offspring of, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Laurium</i>, mines of, v. 55 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Laws</i>, authority of, in historical Athens, ii. 81;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of Solon, iii. 131 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>of Zaleukus, iii. 382;</li>
-  <li>and psephisms, distinction between, v. 373;</li>
-  <li>enactment and repeal of, at Athens, v. 373 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Layard’s</i> “Nineveh and its Remains”, iii. 305.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_547">[p. 547]</span><i>Learchus</i> and Eryxô, iv. 43.</li>
-<li><i>Lebedos</i>, revolt of, from Athens, vii. 383.</li>
-<li><i>Lechæum</i>, capture of, by the Lacedæmonians, ix. 345 <i>n.</i> 1, 348.</li>
-<li><i>Leda</i>, and Tyndareus, i. 168 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Legend</i> of Dêmêtêr, i. 39 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of the Delphian oracle, i. 45;</li>
-  <li>of Pandôra, i. 75 <i>n.</i> 4, 76;</li>
-  <li>of Io, i. 84 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>of Hêraklês, i. 93 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Argonatic, i. 234 <i>n.</i> 3, 245 <i>seq.</i>, 255 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>of Troy, i. 289 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>of the Minyæ from Lemnos, ii. 27;</li>
-  <li>and history, Grecian, blank between, ii. 31 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Legendary</i> Greece, social state of, ii. 57-118;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>poems of Greece, value of, ii. 55 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Legends</i>, mystic, i. 32 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of Apollo, i. 45 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>of Greece, originally isolated, afterwards thrown into series, i. 105;</li>
-  <li>of Mêdea and Jasôn, i. 118 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>change of feeling with regard to, i. 186;</li>
-  <li>Attic, i. 191;</li>
-  <li>ancient, deeply rooted in the faith of the Greeks, i. 217, 348;</li>
-  <li>of Thebes, i. 256 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>divine, allegorized, heroic historicized, i. 424;</li>
-  <li>of saints, i. 469 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>of Asia Minor, iii. 227.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lekythus</i>, capture of, by Brasidas, vi. 425.</li>
-<li><i>Leleges</i>, ii. 264.</li>
-<li><i>Lelex</i>, i. 172.</li>
-<li><i>Lemnos</i> and the Argonauts, i. 233;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>early condition of, iv. 28;</li>
-  <li>conquest of, by Otanês, iv. 278;</li>
-  <li>Miltiadês at, iv. 279 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lending</i> houses, iii. 162.</li>
-<li><i>Leokrates</i>, xi. 504.</li>
-<li><i>Leon</i> and Diomedon, vii. 385 <i>seq.</i>; viii. 28.</li>
-<li><i>Leon the Spartan</i>, viii. 20, 94.</li>
-<li><i>Leon</i>, mission of, to Persia, x. 278, 280.</li>
-<li><i>Leonidas</i> at Thermopylæ, v. 76 <i>seq.</i>, 89 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Leonnatus</i>, <a href="#Page_317">xii. 317</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Leontiades</i>, the oligarchy under, x. 29 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conspiracy of, x. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Sparta, x. 62;</li>
-  <li>Thebes under, x. 79, 80;</li>
-  <li>conspiracy against, x. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>death of, x. 86.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Leontini</i>, iii. 364;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>intestine dissention at, vii. 140;</li>
-  <li>Demos at, apply to Athens, vii. 142, 143;</li>
-  <li>Dionysius at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 396, x. 442, 468, 492;</li>
-  <li>the mercenaries of Dionysius at, xi. 2;</li>
-  <li>Philistus at, xi. 99;</li>
-  <li>Dion at, xi. 106, 108, 109;</li>
-  <li>Hiketas at, xi. 160, 170;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to Timoleon, xi. 182.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Leosthenes the admiral</i>, x. 370.</li>
-<li><i>Leosthenes the general</i>, <a href="#Page_311">xii. 311</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Leotychides the Prokleid</i>, ii. 430;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>chosen king of Sparta, iv. 326;</li>
-  <li>and Æginetan hostages, iv. 328, v. 46;</li>
-  <li>at Mykalê, v. 193;</li>
-  <li>banishment of, v. 259.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Leotychides, son of Agis II.</i>, ix. 242, 244.</li>
-<li><i>Lepreum</i> and Elis, ii. 440, vii. 18;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Brasidean Helots at, vii. 21.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Leptines, brother of Dionysius</i>, x. 489, 491, 495, xi. 13, 33, 42.</li>
-<li><i>Leptines the Athenian</i>, xi. 272.</li>
-<li><i>Leptines, general of Agathokles</i>, <a href="#Page_434">xii. 434</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Lesbians</i>, their application to Sparta, vi. 76.</li>
-<li><i>Lesbos</i>, early history of, iii. 193 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>autonomous ally of Athens, vi. 2;</li>
-  <li>Athenian kleruchs in, vi. 257;</li>
-  <li>application from, to Agis, vii. 365;</li>
-  <li>expedition of the Chians against, vii. 382 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Thrasyllus at, viii. 102;</li>
-  <li>Kallikratidas in, viii. 166;</li>
-  <li>Thrasybulus in, ix. 166;</li>
-  <li>Memnon in, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>;</li>
-  <li>recovery of, by Macedonian admirals, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lethe</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Letô</i>, i. 6, 10.</li>
-<li><i>Leukas</i>, iii. 404 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Leukon</i> of Bosporus, <a href="#Page_481">xii. 481</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Leukothea</i>, the temple of, i. 242.</li>
-<li><i>Leuktra</i>, the battle of, x. 176 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>treatment of Spartans defeated at, x. 192 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>extension of Theban power after the battle of, x. 193;</li>
-  <li>proceedings in Peloponnesus after the battle of, x. 198, 242;</li>
-  <li>position of Sparta after the battle of, x. 201;</li>
-  <li>proceedings in Arcadia after the battle of, x. 204 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>proceedings and views of Epaminondas after the battle of, x. 213 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Libya</i>, first voyages of Greeks to, iv. 29;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>nomads of, iv. 38 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Kambyses against, iv. 220.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Libyans</i> and Greeks at Kyrênê, iv. 39 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Dionysius, x. 510.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Liby-Phœnicians</i>, x. 332.</li>
-<li><i>Lichas</i> and bones of Orestes, ii. 447;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_548">[p. 548]</span>and the Olympic festival, iv. 72 <i>n.</i> 2, vii. 53 <i>n.</i>, 59;</li>
-  <li>mission of to Milêtus, vii. 397, 398, viii. 98.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lilybæum</i>, defeat of Dionysius near, xi. 45.</li>
-<li><i>Limos</i>, i. 7, 10, <i>n.</i> 6.</li>
-<li><i>Lion</i>, the Nemean, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Lissus</i>, foundation of, xi. 24.</li>
-<li><i>Livy</i>, his opinion as to the chances of Alexander, if he had attacked the Romans, <a href="#Page_260">xii. 260</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on the character of Alexander, <a href="#Footnote_639">xii. 265 <i>n.</i> 3</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lixus</i> and Tingis, iii. 273 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Loans</i> on interest, iii. 109, 159.</li>
-<li><i>Localities</i>, epical, i. 245.</li>
-<li><i>Lochages</i>, Spartan, ii. 459.</li>
-<li><i>Lochus</i>, Spartan, ii. 458 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Macedonian, <a href="#Page_60">xii. 60</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Logographers</i> and ancient mythes, i. 377, 390 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Lokri, Epizephrian</i>, early history of, iii. 379 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Dionysius, x. 476, xi. 17, 21, 23;</li>
-  <li>Dionysius the Younger at, xi. 105, 132 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lokrian</i> coast opposite Eubœa, Athenian ravage of, vi. 136.</li>
-<li><i>Lokrians</i>, ii. 287;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Ozolian, ii. 290;</li>
-  <li>Italian, iii. 380 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 172 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>of Opus and Leonidas, v. 76;</li>
-  <li>and Phokians, xi. 251, 253;</li>
-  <li>of Amphissa, xi. 469.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lokris</i> and Athens, v. 331.</li>
-<li><i>Long Walls</i> at Megara, v. 324;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Athens, v. 325 <i>seq.</i>, 327, 331, vi. 20, viii. 231, ix. 328 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Corinth, ix. 340 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lucanians</i>, xi. 9 <i>seq.</i>, 132.</li>
-<li><i>Lucretius</i> and ancient mythes, i. 430 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Lydia</i>, early history of, iii. 220 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Lydian</i> music and instruments, iii. 212, 219;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>monarchy, iii. 262, iv. 191 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lydians</i>, iii. 215 <i>seq.</i>, 219, iv. 198.</li>
-<li><i>Lykæus</i>, Zeus, i. 174.</li>
-<li><i>Lykambes</i> and Archilochus, iv. 81.</li>
-<li><i>Lykaôn</i> and his fifty sons, i. 173 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Lykia</i>, conquest of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_99">xii. 99</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Lykidas</i>, the Athenian senator, v. 155.</li>
-<li><i>Lykomedes</i>, x. 259 <i>seq.</i>, 281, 288.</li>
-<li><i>Lykophrôn, son of Periander</i>, iii. 42.</li>
-<li><i>Lykophrôn, despot of Pheræ</i>, xi. 261, 292, 294.</li>
-<li><i>Lykurgus the Spartan</i>, laws and discipline of, ii. 337-349, 381-421.</li>
-<li><i>Lykurgus the Athenian</i>, <a href="#Page_278">xii. 278</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Lykus</i>, i. 204; and Dirkê, i. 263.</li>
-<li><i>Lynkeus</i> and Idas, i. 172.</li>
-<li><i>Lyre</i>, Hermes the inventor of, i. 59.</li>
-<li><i>Lyric poetry</i>, Greek, ii. 136, iv. 73, 93.</li>
-<li><i>Lysander</i>, appointments of, as admiral, viii. 138 <i>n.</i>, 212;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>character and influence of, viii. 139, ix. 309;</li>
-  <li>and Cyrus the Younger, viii. 140 <i>seq.</i>, 214, 215;</li>
-  <li>factions organized by, in the Asiatic cities, viii. 143;</li>
-  <li>at Ephesus, viii. 152, 212;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Notium, viii. 153;</li>
-  <li>superseded by Kallikratidas, viii. 162;</li>
-  <li>revolution at Milêtus by the partisans of, viii. 213;</li>
-  <li>operations of, after the battle of Arginusæ, viii. 215 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Ægospotami, viii. 217 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 222;</li>
-  <li>at Athens, viii. 226 <i>seq.</i>, 237;</li>
-  <li>conquest of Samos by, viii. 238;</li>
-  <li>triumphant return of, to Sparta, viii. 238;</li>
-  <li>ascendency and arrogance of, after the capture of Athens, viii. 261, ix. 204, 236 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>opposition to, at Sparta, viii. 262, ix. 204;</li>
-  <li>contrasted with Kallikratidas, viii. 263;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, against Thrasybulus, viii. 274;</li>
-  <li>dekarchies established by, ix. 184 <i>seq.</i>, 197;</li>
-  <li>contrasted with Brasidas, ix. 195;</li>
-  <li>recall and temporary expatriation of, ix. 205;</li>
-  <li>introduction of gold and silver to Sparta by, ix. 230 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>intrigues of, to make himself king, ix. 237, 239 <i>seq.</i>, 300;</li>
-  <li>and Agesilaus, ix. 242 <i>seq.</i>, 257, 260 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Bœotian war, ix. 292, 295;</li>
-  <li>death of, ix. 296.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lysias</i>, seizure of, by the Thirty at Athens, viii. 248;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>speech of, against Phormisius’s disfranchising proposition, viii. 294;</li>
-  <li>proposed citizenship of, viii. 309;</li>
-  <li>oration of, against Ergoklês, ix. 367;</li>
-  <li>oration of, at Olympia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 384, x. 73 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>panegyrical oration of, xi. 29 <i>seq.</i>, 35 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Lysikles</i>, vi. 232.</li>
-<li><i>Lysikles, general at Chæoroneia</i>, xi. 502.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_549">[p. 549]</span><i>Lysimachus</i>, confederacy of, with Kassander, Ptolemy, and Seleukus, against Antigonus, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Kassander, Ptolemy, and Seleukus, pacification of, with Antigonus, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Amastris, <a href="#Page_468">xii. 468</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Arsinoê, <a href="#Page_469">xii. 469</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>death of, <a href="#Page_470">xii. 470</a>;</li>
-  <li>and the Pentapolis on the south-west coast of the Euxine, <a href="#Page_472">xii. 472</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">M.</li>
-<li><i>Macedonia</i>, Mardonius in, iv. 313;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Perdikkas and Brasidas in, vi. 449, 453 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>increasing power of, from <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, x. 44;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, contrasted, x. 47;</li>
-  <li>kings of, after Archelaus, x. 48;</li>
-  <li>state of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 370, x. 248, 249;</li>
-  <li>Iphikrates in, x. 250 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Timotheus in, x. 300;</li>
-  <li>government of, xi. 210 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>military condition of, under Philip, xi. 282 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_55">xii. 55</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and conquered Greece, <a href="#Page_1">xii. 1</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li>
-  <li>and the Greeks, on Alexander’s accession, <a href="#Page_9">xii. 9</a>;</li>
-  <li>Antipater, viceroy of, <a href="#Page_67">xii. 67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, war between, <a href="#Page_281">xii. 281</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Grecian confederacy against, after Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_313">xii. 313</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Kassander in, <a href="#Page_366">xii. 366</a>;</li>
-  <li>Demetrius Poliorketes acquires the crown of, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Macedonian</i> dynasty, iv. 12, 13;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>envoys at Athens, xi. 387, 390, 398;</li>
-  <li>phalanx, xi. 501, <a href="#Page_59">xii. 59</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li>
-  <li>interventions in Greece, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 336-335, <a href="#Page_16">xii. 16</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>pike, <a href="#Page_57">xii. 57</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>troops, <a href="#Page_61">xii. 61</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>officers of Alexander’s army in Asia, <a href="#Page_72">xii. 72</a>;</li>
-  <li>fleet, master of the Ægean, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>;</li>
-  <li>soldiers of Alexander, mutiny of, <a href="#Page_242">xii. 242</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Macedonians</i>, ii. 233, iv. 1 <i>n.</i>, 8 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conquered by Megabazus, iv. 276;</li>
-  <li>poverty and rudeness of, xi. 283;</li>
-  <li>military aptitude of, <a href="#Page_67">xii. 67</a>;</li>
-  <li>small loss of, at the battle of the Granikus, <a href="#Page_86">xii. 86</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Machaôn</i> and Podaleirius, i. 180.</li>
-<li><i>Mæandrius</i>, iv. 245 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mæonians</i> and Lydians, iii. 219.</li>
-<li><i>Magians</i>, massacre of, after the assassination of Smerdis, iv. 225.</li>
-<li><i>Magistrates</i> of early Athens, v. 352 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Athenian, from the time of Periklês, v. 355, 357, 366 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Magna Græcia</i>, iii. 399.</li>
-<li><i>Magnesia</i>, iii. 179, 192; Xerxes’s fleet near, v. 84 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on the Pagasæan Gulf, xi. 304 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Magnetes</i>, Thessalian and Asiatic, ii. 285.</li>
-<li><i>Magon</i>, off Katana, x. 495;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>near Abakæna, xi. 6;</li>
-  <li>at Agyrium, xi. 7;</li>
-  <li>death of, xi. 41.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Magon</i> and Hiketas, xi. 156 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>death of, xi. 171.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Maia</i> and Zeus, offspring of, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Makrônes</i> and the Ten Thousand, ix. 112.</li>
-<li><i>Malians</i>, ii. 282.</li>
-<li><i>Malli</i>, <a href="#Page_234">xii. 234</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Mallus</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_114">xii. 114</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Mamerkus</i> and Timoleon, xi. 180 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Manetho</i> and the Sothiac period, iii. 339 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mania</i>, sub-satrap of Æolis, ix. 214 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mantinea</i> and Tegea, ii. 442 <i>seq.</i>, vi. 452, vii. 14;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Sparta, ii. 444, vii. 20, 94, x. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Argos, vii. 19;</li>
-  <li>congress at, vii. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>battle of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Agesipolis to, x. 36 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the river Ophis, x. 36 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>re-establishment of, x. 205 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>march of Agesilaus against, x. 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>muster of Peloponnesian enemies to Thebes at, x. 329;</li>
-  <li>attempted surprise of, by the cavalry of Epaminondas, x. 332 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>battle of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 362, x. 335 <i>seq.</i>, 357;</li>
-  <li>peace concluded after the battle of, x. 350.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mantineans</i> and the Pan-Arcadian union, x. 322 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>opposition of to Theban intervention, x. 326.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mantinico-Tegeatic</i> plain, x. 338.</li>
-<li><i>Mantitheus</i> and Aphepsion, vii. 200 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mantô</i>, iii. 184.</li>
-<li><i>Marakanda</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_204">xii. 204</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Marathon</i>, battle of, iv. 342-360.</li>
-<li><i>Marathus</i> surrenders to Alexander, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Mardi</i> and Alexander, <a href="#Page_178">xii. 178</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Mardonius</i>, in Ionia, iv. 313;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in Thrace and Macedonia, iv. 315;</li>
-  <li>fleet of, destroyed near Mount Athos, iv. 314;</li>
-  <li>urges Xerxes to invade Greece, v. 3 <i>seq.</i>, 7;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_550">[p. 550]</span>advice of, to Xerxes after the battle of Salamis, v. 138;</li>
-  <li>forces left with, in Thessaly, v. 141;</li>
-  <li>and Medizing Greeks, after Xerxes’s retreat, v. 148;</li>
-  <li>in Bœotia, v. 149, 158 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>offers of peace to Athens by, v. 150 <i>seq.</i>, 154;</li>
-  <li>at Athens, v. 154;</li>
-  <li>and his Phokiôn contingent, v. 161;</li>
-  <li>on the Asôpus, v. 167;</li>
-  <li>at Platæa, v. 169 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Marine</i>, military, unfavorable to oligarchy, iii. 31.</li>
-<li><i>Maritime</i> and inland cities contrasted, ii. 225.</li>
-<li><i>Marpessa</i> and Idas, i. 172.</li>
-<li><i>Marriage</i> in legendary Greece, ii. 83;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>among the Spartans, ii. 386;</li>
-  <li>among the Hindoos, iii. 141 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Marshes</i> and lakes of Greece, ii. 219.</li>
-<li><i>Marsyas</i>, iii. 213, 213 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Masistes</i>, v. 199.</li>
-<li><i>Masistius</i>, v. 164.</li>
-<li><i>Maskames</i>, v. 295.</li>
-<li><i>Massagetæ</i>, iii. 245.</li>
-<li><i>Massalia</i>, iii. 280, 348, 400 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_453">xii. 453</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mausôlus</i> and the Social War, xi. 222.</li>
-<li><i>Mazæus</i> at Thapsakus, <a href="#Page_150">xii. 150</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at the battle of Arbela, <a href="#Page_164">xii. 164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li>
-  <li>surrender of Babylon by, <a href="#Page_168">xii. 168</a>;</li>
-  <li>appointed satrap of Babylon by Alexander, <a href="#Page_169">xii. 169</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mazares</i>, iv. 200 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Medea</i> and the Argonauts, i. 237 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Medes</i>, early history of, iii. 224 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Persians, iv. 183, 224 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Media</i>, the wall of, iii. 304 <i>n.</i> 2, ix. 63, 65 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Darius a fugitive in, <a href="#Page_178">xii. 178</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Medius</i>, <a href="#Page_254">xii. 254</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Medus</i>, i. 205 <i>n.</i> 4, 242.</li>
-<li><i>Medusa</i>, i. 7, 90.</li>
-<li><i>Megabates</i>, iv. 283, 284.</li>
-<li><i>Megabazus</i>, iv. 275, 276.</li>
-<li><i>Megabyzus</i>, v. 333.</li>
-<li><i>Megaklês</i>, iii. 37 <i>n.</i>, 38, 82.</li>
-<li><i>Megalêpolis</i>, capture of, by Agathokles, <a href="#Page_414">xii. 414</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Megalopolis</i>, foundation of, ii. 448, x. 224 <i>seq.</i>, 233 <i>n.</i> 6;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the centre of the Pan-Arcadian confederacy, x. 232;</li>
-  <li>disputes at, x. 358;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, xi. 198, 263, 290, 300 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Megapenthes</i> and Perseus, i. 90.</li>
-<li><i>Megara</i>, early history of, iii. 2, 44 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Corinth and Sikyôn, analogy of, iii. 47;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, iii. 90 <i>seq.</i>, v. 321, 348, 351 <i>n.</i>, 352, vi. 76, 370 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Long Walls at, v. 322;</li>
-  <li>Brasidas at, vi. 375 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolution at, vi. 378 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Philippizing faction at, xi. 449.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Megara in Sicily</i>, iii. 365, v. 215.</li>
-<li><i>Megarian Sicily</i>, iii. 365.</li>
-<li><i>Megarians</i> under Pausanias, and Persian cavalry under Masistius, v. 164;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>repudiate the peace of Nikias, vi. 493, vii. 2;</li>
-  <li>refuse to join Argos, vii. 16;</li>
-  <li>recovery of Nisea by, viii. 131.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Megarid</i>, Athenian ravage of, in the Peloponnesian war, vi. 137.</li>
-<li><i>Meidias of Skepsis</i>, ix. 213 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Meidias the Athenian</i>, xi. 343, 343 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Meilaniôn</i> and Atalanta, i. 149.</li>
-<li><i>Meilichios</i>, meaning of, ix. 171 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Melampus</i>, i. 33, 109, 398, v. 89.</li>
-<li><i>Melannippus</i> and Tydeus, i. 274, 279.</li>
-<li><i>Melanthus</i>, ii. 23.</li>
-<li><i>Meleager</i>, legend of, i. 143 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Meleagrides</i>, i. 145.</li>
-<li><i>Melesippus</i>, vi. 126.</li>
-<li><i>Melian</i> nymphs, i. 5.</li>
-<li><i>Melissus</i>, vi. 28, viii. 341, 343.</li>
-<li><i>Melkarth</i>, temple of, iii. 269.</li>
-<li><i>Melon</i>, x. 81 <i>seq.</i>, 88.</li>
-<li><i>Melos</i>, settlement of, ii. 28;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expedition against, under Nikias, vi. 295;</li>
-  <li>capture of, vii. 109 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Antisthenês at, vii. 396.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Memnôn, son of Tithônus</i>, i. 298.</li>
-<li><i>Memnôn the Rhodian</i>, operations of, between Alexander’s accession and landing in Asia, <a href="#Page_49">xii. 49</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Mentor, xii., 75;</li>
-  <li>advice of, on Alexander’s landing in Asia, <a href="#Page_78">xii. 78</a>;</li>
-  <li>made commander-in-chief of the Persians, <a href="#Page_92">xii. 92</a>;</li>
-  <li>at Halikarnassus, <a href="#Page_95">xii. 95</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his progress with the Persian fleet, and death, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>change in the plan of Darius after his death, <a href="#Page_107">xii. 107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Memphis</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_146">xii. 146</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Men</i>, races of, in “Works and Days”, i. 64 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mende</i>, and Athens, vi. 441 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Menedæus</i>, and the Ambrakiots, vi. 305 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_551">[p. 551]</span><i>Menekleidas</i> and Epaminondas, x. 268, 305 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Menekles</i>, viii. 203.</li>
-<li><i>Menelaus</i>, i. 162 <i>seq.</i>, iii. 269 <i>n.</i> 4.</li>
-<li><i>Menestheus</i>, i. 312, ii. 22.</li>
-<li><i>Menœkeus</i>, i. 274.</li>
-<li><i>Menœtius</i>, i. 6, 8.</li>
-<li><i>Menon the Thessalian</i>, ix. 30, 71.</li>
-<li><i>Menon the Athenian</i>, x. 373.</li>
-<li><i>Mentor the Rhodian</i>, xi. 439 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_75">xii. 75</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Mercenary</i> soldiers, multiplication of, in Greece after the Peloponnesian war, xi. 281 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mermnads</i>, Lydian dynasty of, iii. 221.</li>
-<li><i>Meroe</i>, connection of, with Egyptian institutions, iii. 313.</li>
-<li><i>Messapians</i>, iii. 391;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Tarentines, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Messene</i>, foundation of, ii. 422, iii. 366;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>foundation of, by Epaminondas, x. 225, 233 <i>n.</i> 6, 261;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, x. 290, 350, xi. 198, 263, 290.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Messene, in Sicily</i>, chorus sent to Rhegium from, iv. 53 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>re-colonization of, by Anaxilaus, v. 213;</li>
-  <li>Laches at, vii. 134;</li>
-  <li>Athenian fleet near, vii. 136;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiades at, vii. 193;</li>
-  <li>Nikias at, vii. 223;</li>
-  <li>and Dionysius, x. 474 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 3;</li>
-  <li>Imilkon at, x. 492 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Timoleon, xi. 158.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Messenia</i>, Dorian settlements in, ii. 8, 311.</li>
-<li><i>Messenian</i> genealogy, i. 172; wars, ii. 421-438;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>victor proclaimed at Olympia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 368, x. 262.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Messenians</i> and Spartans, early proceedings of, ii. 328;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expelled by Sparta, ix. 229, xi. 3;</li>
-  <li>plan of Epaminondas for the restoration of, x. 214.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Messenians in Sicily</i>, defeated by Naxians and Sikels, vii. 135.</li>
-<li><i>Metaneira</i>, i. 38.</li>
-<li><i>Metapontium</i>, iii. 386.</li>
-<li><i>Methana</i>, Athenian Garrion at, vi. 451.</li>
-<li><i>Methône</i>, iv. 23;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Philip at, xi. 260.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Methône in Peloponnesus</i>, Athenian assault upon, vi. 134.</li>
-<li><i>Methymna</i>, vi. 222, 225;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Kallikratidas at, viii. 164.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Metics</i>, and the Thirty at Athens, viii. 247.</li>
-<li><i>Metis</i> and Zeus, daughter of, i. 9.</li>
-<li><i>Metrodorus</i>, i. 419, 444 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Metropolis</i>, relation of a Grecian, to its colonies, vi. 60 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Midas</i>, iii. 209, 217.</li>
-<li><i>Middle ages</i>, monarchy in, iii. 8 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mikythus</i>, v. 230, 231, 238.</li>
-<li><i>Milesian</i> colonies in the Troad, i. 339.</li>
-<li><i>Milesians</i> and Lichas, viii. 98;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Kallikratidas, viii. 164.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Miletus</i>, early history of, iii. 176 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Alyattês, iii. 255 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Crœsus, iii. 258;</li>
-  <li>sieges of, by the Persians, iv. 290, 305;</li>
-  <li>Histiæus of, iv. 273 <i>seq.</i>, 277, 280, 284, 298 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Phrynichus’s tragedy on the capture of, iv. 309;</li>
-  <li>exiles from, at Zanklê, v. 211 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Samos, dispute between, vi. 26;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, vii. 375, 385, 387 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Tissaphernes at, vii. 376, 399;</li>
-  <li>Lichas at, vii. 399;</li>
-  <li>Peloponnesian fleet at, viii. 25, 94, 95 <i>seq.</i>, 99;</li>
-  <li>revolution at, by the partisans of Lysander, viii. 213;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_92">xii. 92</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Military</i> array of legendary and historical Greece, ii. 106 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>divisions not distinct from civil in any Grecian cities but Sparta, ii. 456;</li>
-  <li>force of early oligarchies, iii. 31;</li>
-  <li>order, Egyptian, iii. 316;</li>
-  <li>arrangements, Kleisthenean, iv. 136.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Miltas</i>, xi. 88.</li>
-<li><i>Miltiades the First</i>, iv. 117.</li>
-<li><i>Miltiades the Second</i>, iv. 119;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the bridge over the Danube, iv. 271, 274 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>his retirement from the Chersonese, iv. 274;</li>
-  <li>capture of Lemnos and Imbros by, iv. 278;</li>
-  <li>escape of, from Persian pursuit, iv. 307;</li>
-  <li>adventures and character of, iv. 334 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>elected general, 490 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, iv. 341;</li>
-  <li>and the battle of Marathon, iv. 343 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, against Paros, iv. 363;</li>
-  <li>disgrace, punishment, and death of, iv. 365 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Milto</i>, ix. 47.</li>
-<li><i>Miltokythes</i>, x. 372, 378.</li>
-<li><i>Milton</i> on the early series of British kings, i. 484;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his treatment of British fabulous history, i. 487.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mimnermus</i>, iv. 82.</li>
-<li><i>Mindarus</i>, supersedes Astyochus, viii. 98;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_552">[p. 552]</span>deceived by Tissaphernês, viii. 99;</li>
-  <li>removal of, from Milêtus to Chios, viii. 181;</li>
-  <li>eludes Thrasyllus and reaches the Hellespont, viii. 102, 103 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the Hellespont, viii. 109;</li>
-  <li>Peloponnesian fleet summoned from Eubœa by, viii. 111;</li>
-  <li>siege of Kyzikus by, viii. 121;</li>
-  <li>death of, viii. 121.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mineral</i> productions of Greece, ii. 229.</li>
-<li><i>Minôa</i>, capture of, by Nikias, vi. 285.</li>
-<li><i>Minôs</i>, i. 219 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Minôtaur</i>, the, i. 220 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Minyæ</i>, i. 130, ii. 26 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Minyas</i>, i. 128 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Miraculous</i> legends, varied interpretation of, i. 472 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Mistake</i> of ascribing to an unrecording age the historical sense of modern times, i. 432.</li>
-<li><i>Mitford</i>, his view of the anti-monarchical sentiment of Greece, iii. 12 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mithridates the Persian</i>, ix. 87 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mithridates of Pontus</i>, <a href="#Page_463">xii. 463</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Mithrines</i>, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Mitylenæan</i> envoys, speech of, to the Peloponnesians at Olympia, vi. 226 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>prisoners sent to Athens by Pachês, vi. 243, 255.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mityleneans</i> at Sigeium, i. 339.</li>
-<li><i>Mitylênê</i>, iii. 193; political dissensions and poets of, iii. 198;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, vi. 221 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>blockade of, by Pachês, vi. 237 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Athenian assembly, vi. 244, 246 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>loss and recovery of, by Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 383, 384;</li>
-  <li>Kallikratidas at, viii. 167 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>removal of Kallikratidas from, viii. 170;</li>
-  <li>Eteonikus at, viii. 170, 174, 189;</li>
-  <li>blockade of, by Memnon, <a href="#Page_105">xii. 105</a>;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, by Chares, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mnassippus</i>, expedition of, to Korkyra, x. 142 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mnêmosynê</i>, i. 5, 10.</li>
-<li><i>Mnesiphilus</i>, v. 122.</li>
-<li><i>Mœræ</i>, and Crœsus, iv. 194 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mœris</i>, lake of, iii. 322 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Molionids</i>, the, i. 140.</li>
-<li><i>Molossian</i> kingdom of Epirus, <a href="#Page_395">xii. 395</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Molossians</i>, iii. 413 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Molossus</i>, i. 189.</li>
-<li><i>Mômus</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Monarchy</i>, in mediæval and modern Europe, iii. 8 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>aversion to, in Greece, after the expulsion of Hippias, iv. 176.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Money</i>, coined, not known to Homeric or Hesiodic Greeks, ii. 116;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>coined, first introduction of, into Greece, ii. 320.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Money-lending</i> at Florence in the middle ages, iii. 109 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Jewish law, iii. 111 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and ancient philosophers, iii. 113.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Money-standard</i>, Solon’s debasement of, iii. 100;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>honestly maintained at Athens after Solon, iii. 114.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Monsters</i>, offspring of the gods, i. 11.</li>
-<li><i>Monstrous</i> natures associated with the gods, i. 1.</li>
-<li><i>Monts de Piété</i>, iii. 162.</li>
-<li><i>Monuments</i> of the Argonautic expedition, i. 241 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Moon</i>, eclipse of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 315;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>eclipse of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 331, <a href="#Page_151">xii. 151</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mopsus</i>, iii. 184.</li>
-<li><i>Mora</i>, Spartan, ii. 458 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>destruction of a Spartan, by Iphikrates, ix. 351 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Moral</i> and social feeling in legendary Greece, ii. 79.</li>
-<li><i>Moralizing</i> Greek poets, iv. 91 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mosynæki</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 128.</li>
-<li><i>Mothakes</i>, ii. 418.</li>
-<li><i>Motyê</i>, capture of, by Dionysius, x. 485 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>recapture of, by Imilkon, x. 490.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Motyum</i>, Duketius at, vii. 123.</li>
-<li><i>Mountainous</i> systems of Greece, ii. 212 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Müller</i> on Sparta as the Dorian type, ii. 342.</li>
-<li><i>Multitude</i>, sentiment of a, compared with that of individuals, ix. 279.</li>
-<li><i>Munychia</i> and Peiræus, Themistoklês’ wall round, v. 249;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Menyllus in, <a href="#Page_326">xii. 326</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li>
-  <li>Nikanor in, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Muse</i>, inspiration and authority of the, i. 355.</li>
-<li><i>Muses</i>, the, i. 10.</li>
-<li><i>Music</i>, ethical effect of old Grecian, ii. 433;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Greek, improvements in, about the middle of the seventh century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, iv. 77;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_553">[p. 553]</span>comprehensive meaning of, among the ancient Greeks, viii. 349.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Musical</i> modes of the Greeks, iii. 212.</li>
-<li><i>Musicians</i>, Greek, in the seventh century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, iv. 76 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li>Μῦθος, i. 356, 432 <i>n.</i>, 458.</li>
-<li><i>Mutilated</i> Grecian captives at Persepolis, <a href="#Page_173">xii. 173</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Mutilation</i> of dead bodies in legendary and historical Greece, ii. 92;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of Bessus, <a href="#Page_206">xii. 206</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mutiny</i> at Athens immediately before Solon’s legislation, iii. 93.</li>
-<li><i>Mygdonia</i>, iii. 210.</li>
-<li><i>Mykalê</i>, Pan-Ionic festival at, iii. 177;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the battle of, v. 191 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mykalêssus</i>, massacre at, vii. 357 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Myknæ</i>, i. 90 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Myriandrus</i>, Alexander’s march from Kilikia to, <a href="#Page_114">xii. 114</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Alexander’s return from, <a href="#Page_117">xii. 117</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Myrkinus</i>, iv. 273, 296.</li>
-<li><i>Myrmidons</i>, origin of, i. 184.</li>
-<li><i>Myrôn</i>, iii. 32.</li>
-<li><i>Myrônidês</i>, v. 323, 331.</li>
-<li><i>Myrtilus</i>, i. 159.</li>
-<li><i>Mysia</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks in, ix. 172 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Mysians</i>, iii. 196, 205 <i>seq.</i>, 209.</li>
-<li><i>Mysteries</i>, principal Pan-Hellenic, i. 28, 38, 41, 43, v. 209 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and mythes, i. 496.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mystic</i> legends, connection of, with Egypt, i. 32;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>legends, contrast of, with Homeric hymns, i. 34;</li>
-  <li>brotherhoods, iii. 87.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mythe</i> of Pandôra and Prometheus, now used in “Works and Days”, i. 71;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>meaning of the word, i. 356.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mythes</i>, how to be told, i. 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Hesiodic, traceable to Krête and Delphi, i. 15;</li>
-  <li>Grecian, origin of, i. 4, 52, 61 <i>seq.</i>, 340 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>of the gods, discrepancies in, i. 53 <i>n.</i>, 54;</li>
-  <li>contain gods, heroes and men, i. 64;</li>
-  <li>formed the entire mental stock of the early Greeks, i. 340, 359;</li>
-  <li>difficulty of regarding them in the same light as the ancients did, i. 341;</li>
-  <li>Grecian, adapted to the personifying and patriotic tendencies of the Greeks, i. 344 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Grecian, beauty of, i. 351;</li>
-  <li>Grecian, how to understand properly, i. 351 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>how regarded by superior men in the age of Thucydides, i. 375;</li>
-  <li>accommodated to a more advanced age, i. 376 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>treatment of, by poets and logographers, i. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>treatment of, by historians, i. 391 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>historicised, i. 409 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>treatment of, by philosophers, i. 418 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>allegorized, i. 419 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>semi-historical interpretation of, i. 433;</li>
-  <li>allegorical theory of, i. 436;</li>
-  <li>connection of, with mysteries, i, 436;</li>
-  <li>supposed ancient meaning of, i. 438;</li>
-  <li>Plato on, i. 441 <i>seq.</i>, 420;</li>
-  <li>recapitulation of remarks on, i. 450 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>familiarity of the Greeks with, i. 456 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>bearing of, on Grecian art, i. 459 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>German, i. 363;</li>
-  <li>Grecian, proper treatment of, i. 487 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic, iii. 221.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mythical</i> world, opening of, i. 1;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>sentiment in “Works and Days”, i. 68 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>geography, i. 246 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>faith in the Homeric age, i. 357;</li>
-  <li>genealogies, i. 445 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>age, gods and men undistinguishable in, i. 449;</li>
-  <li>events, relics of, i. 457;</li>
-  <li>account of the alliance between the Hêrakleids and Dorians, ii. 2;</li>
-  <li>races of Greece, ii. 19.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mythology</i>, Grecian, sources of our information on, i. 106;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>German, Celtic, and Grecian, i. 462, 463;</li>
-  <li>Grecian, how it would have been affected by the introduction of Christianity, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 500, i. 467.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Mythopæic</i> faculty, stimulus to, i. 351;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>age, the, i. 361;</li>
-  <li>tendencies, by what causes enfeebled, i. 361 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>tendencies in modern Europe, i. 469 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Myûs</i>, iii. 172.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">N.</li>
-<li><i>Napoleon</i>, analogy between his relation to the confederation of the Rhine, and that of Alexander to the Greeks, <a href="#Page_51">xii. 51</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Nature</i>, first regarded as impersonal, i. 368.</li>
-<li><i>Naukraries</i>, iii. 52, 65.</li>
-<li><i>Naukratis</i>, iii. 327, 335 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Naupaktus</i>, origin of the name, ii. 3;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Pharmio’s victory near, vi. 206 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Eurylochus’s attack upon, vi. 301;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_554">[p. 554]</span>Demosthenês at, vi. 301;</li>
-  <li>naval battle at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 358 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Nausinikus</i>, census in the archonship of, x. 115 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Naval</i> attack, Athenian, vi. 63.</li>
-<li><i>Naxians</i> and Sikels, defeat of Messenians by, vii. 135.</li>
-<li><i>Naxos</i>, early power of, iii. 165;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expedition of Aristagoras against, iv. 282 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Datis at, iv. 330;</li>
-  <li>revolt and reconquest of, v. 307.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Naxos in Sicily</i>, iii. 363, vii. 193, x. 468.</li>
-<li><i>Nearchus</i>, voyages of, <a href="#Page_233">xii. 233</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Nebuchadnezzar</i>, iii. 333.</li>
-<li><i>Necklaces</i> of Eriphylê and Helen, i. 287 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Nectanebus</i>, xi. 440.</li>
-<li><i>Negative</i> side of Grecian philosophy, viii. 345.</li>
-<li><i>Neileus</i>, or <i>Nêleus</i>, i. 109, ii. 24, iii. 173.</li>
-<li><i>Nekôs</i>, iii. 329 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Nektanebis</i>, x. 362, 366.</li>
-<li><i>Nêleids</i> down to Kodrus, i. 111.</li>
-<li><i>Nêleus</i> and Pelias, i. 107 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Nemean</i> lion, the, i. 7;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>games, ii. 461, iv. 65 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Nemesis</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Neobulê</i> and Archilochus, iv. 81.</li>
-<li><i>Neon the Cyreian</i>, ix. 136 <i>seq.</i>, 147.</li>
-<li><i>Neon the Corinthian</i>, xi. 156 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Neoptolemus, son of Achilles</i>, i. 188, 300, 305.</li>
-<li><i>Neoptolemus the actor</i>, xi. 373.</li>
-<li><i>Nephelê</i>, i. 123 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Nereas</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Nereids</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Nessus</i>, the centaur, i. 150.</li>
-<li><i>Nestor</i>, i. 110.</li>
-<li><i>Niebelungen</i> Lied, i. 479.</li>
-<li><i>Nikæa</i> on the Hydaspes, <a href="#Page_229">xii. 229</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Nikanor</i>, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Nikias</i>, at Minôa, vi. 285;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>position and character of, vi. 285 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kleon, vi. 287 <i>seq.</i>, 457 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Mêlos, vi. 295;</li>
-  <li>in the Corinthian territory, vi. 355 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Mendê and Skiônê, vi. 441 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>peace of, vi. 490 <i>seq.</i> vii. 1 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Spartans taken at Sphakteria, vii. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>embassy of, to Sparta, vii. 44;</li>
-  <li>and Alkibiadês, vii. 104 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 158;</li>
-  <li>appointed commander of the Sicilian expedition, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 148;</li>
-  <li>speeches and influence of, on the Sicilian expedition, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 148 <i>seq.</i>, 155, 159;</li>
-  <li>his plan of action in Sicily, vii. 191;</li>
-  <li>dilatory proceedings of, in Sicily, vii. 219, 225, 258 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>stratagem of, for approaching Syracuse, vii. 221;</li>
-  <li>at the battle near the Olympeion at Syracuse, vii. 220;</li>
-  <li>measures of, after his victory near the Olympeion at Syracuse, vii. 223;</li>
-  <li>at Messênê in Sicily, vii. 223;</li>
-  <li>forbearance of the Athenians towards, vii. 225 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Katana, vii. 234;</li>
-  <li>in Sicily in the spring of <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 243;</li>
-  <li>his neglect in not preventing Gylippus’s approach to Sicily and Syracuse, vii. 263 <i>seq.</i>, 266 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fortification of Cape Plenimyrium by, vii. 270;</li>
-  <li>at Epipolæ, vii. 272;</li>
-  <li>despatch of, to Athens for reinforcements, vii. 275 <i>seq.</i>, 281 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>opposition of, to Demosthenês’s proposals for leaving Syracuse, vii. 308 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>consent of, to retreat from Syracuse, vii. 313;</li>
-  <li>exhortations of, before the final defeat of the Athenians in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 321 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Demosthenês, resolution of, after the final defeat in the harbor of Syracuse, vii. 330;</li>
-  <li>exhortations of, to the Athenians on their retreat from Syracuse, vii. 333 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and his division, surrender of, to Gylippus, vii. 343 <i>seq.</i>, 347 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>and Demosthenês, treatment of, by their Syracusan conquerors, vii. 346;</li>
-  <li>disgrace of, at Athens after his death, vii. 348;</li>
-  <li>opinion of Thucydidês about, vii. 349;</li>
-  <li>opinion and mistake of the Athenians about, vii. 351 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Nikodromus</i>, v. 47.</li>
-<li><i>Nikoklês</i>, x. 26.</li>
-<li><i>Nikomachus the Athenian</i>, viii. 307 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Nikomachus the Macedonian</i>, <a href="#Page_191">xii. 191</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Nikostratus</i>, vi. 271 <i>seq.</i>, 440 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Nikoteles</i>, x. 466.</li>
-<li><i>Nile</i>, the, iii. 309.</li>
-<li><i>Nineveh</i>, or <i>Ninus</i>, siege of, iii. 233;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of, iii. 255;</li>
-  <li>and Babylon, iii. 290;</li>
-  <li>site of, iii. 294 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>and its remains, iii. 305.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_555">[p. 555]</span><i>Nine Ways</i>, nine defeats of the Athenians at the, x. 302 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Ninon</i> and Kylon, iv. 409.</li>
-<li><i>Niobê</i>, i. 158.</li>
-<li><i>Nisæa</i>, alleged capture of, by Peisistratus, iii. 154 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>connected with Megara by “Long Walls”, v. 324;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to the Athenians, vi. 375 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>recovery of, by the Megarians, viii. 131.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Nisus</i>, i. 205, 221.</li>
-<li><i>Nobles</i>, Athenian, early violence of, iv. 152.</li>
-<li><i>Nomads</i>, Libyan, iv. 35 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Nomios</i> Apollo, i. 61.</li>
-<li><i>Nomophylakes</i>, v. 371.</li>
-<li><i>Nomothetæ</i>, iii. 123, 125, v. 372, viii. 296.</li>
-<li><i>Non-Amphiktyonic</i> races, ii. 270.</li>
-<li><i>Non-Hellenic</i> practices, ii. 256.</li>
-<li><i>Non-Olympiads</i>, ii. 435.</li>
-<li><i>Notium</i>, iii. 183;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Pachês at, vi. 242;</li>
-  <li>recolonized from Athens, vi. 243;</li>
-  <li>battle of, viii. 153.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Notus</i>, i. 6.</li>
-<li><i>Numidia</i>, Agathokles and the Carthaginians in, <a href="#Page_427">xii. 427</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Nymphæum</i>, xi. 264, <i>n.</i> 1, <a href="#Page_480">xii. 480</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Nymphs</i>, i. 5, 7.</li>
-<li><i>Nypsius</i>, xi. 107, 109, 111.</li>
-<li><i>Nyx</i>, i. 4, 6.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">O.</li>
-<li><i>Oarus</i>, fortresses near, iv. 266.</li>
-<li><i>Oath</i> of mutual harmony at Athens, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 225.</li>
-<li><i>Obæ</i> ar Obês, ii. 361.</li>
-<li><i>Ocean</i>, ancient belief about, iii. 286 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Oceanic</i> nymphs, i. 6.</li>
-<li><i>Oceanus</i>, i. 5, 6, 8.</li>
-<li><i>Ochus</i>, x. 367, xi. 437 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_75">xii. 75</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Odeon</i>, building of, vi. 31.</li>
-<li><i>Odes</i> at festivals in honor of gods, i. 52.</li>
-<li><i>Odin</i> and other gods degraded into men, i. 466.</li>
-<li><i>Odrysian</i> kings, vi. 215 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Odysseus</i>, i. 290;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Palamêdês, i. 294;</li>
-  <li>and Ajax, i. 299;</li>
-  <li>steals away the Palladium, i. 302;</li>
-  <li>return of, from Troy, i. 309;</li>
-  <li>final adventures and death of, i. 314 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the agora in the second book of the Iliad, ii. 70 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Odyssey</i> and Iliad, date, structure, authorship and character of, ii. 118-209.</li>
-<li><i>Œchalia</i>, capture of, i. 151.</li>
-<li><i>Œdipus</i>, i. 265 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Œneus</i> and his offspring, i. 143 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Œnoê</i>, vi. 127, viii. 83, ix. 353.</li>
-<li><i>Œnomaus</i> and Pelops, i. 158.</li>
-<li><i>Œnônê</i>, i. 301 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Œnophyta</i>, Athenian victory at, v. 331.</li>
-<li><i>Œnotria</i>, iii. 350 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Œnotrians</i>, iii. 351, 375, 393.</li>
-<li><i>Œta</i>, path over Mount, v. 78.</li>
-<li><i>Œtæi</i>, ii. 213.</li>
-<li><i>Office</i>, admissibility of Athenians citizens to, iv. 113.</li>
-<li><i>Ogygês</i>, i. 194.</li>
-<li><i>Okypetê</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Olbia</i>, <a href="#Page_474">xii. 474</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Oligarchical</i> government, change from monarchical to, in Greece, iii. 15 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>party at Athens, v. 365, viii. 235 <i>seq.</i>, 300 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Greeks, corruption of, vii. 401;</li>
-  <li>conspiracy at Samos, viii. 6 <i>seq.</i>, 26 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conspiracy at Athens, viii. 15, 31 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>exiles, return of, to Athens, viii. 232.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Oligarchies</i> in Greece, iii. 17, 29, 30, 31.</li>
-<li><i>Oligarchy</i>, conflict of, with despotism, iii. 28;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>vote of the Athenian assembly in favor of, viii. 14;</li>
-  <li>establishment of, in Athenian allied cities, viii. 34;</li>
-  <li>of the Four Hundred, viii. 36 <i>seq.</i>, 45 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 75, 88 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Olive trees</i>, sacred, near Athens, iii. 135 <i>n.</i> 2, vi. 267 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Olpæ</i>, Demosthenes’s victory at, vi. 303 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Olympia</i>, Agesipolis, and the oracle at, ix. 356;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Lysias at, x. 73 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>panegyrical oration of Isokrates at, x. 77;</li>
-  <li>occupation of, by the Arcadians, x. 315, 322;</li>
-  <li>topography of, x. 319 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>plunder of, by the Arcadians, x. 322 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Olympias</i>, xi. 262, 512, 516, 519;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Antipater, <a href="#Page_68">xii. 68</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Footnote_617">256 <i>n.</i> 2</a>;</li>
-  <li>intrigues of, after Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_333">xii. 333</a>;</li>
-  <li>return of, from Epirus to Macedonia, <a href="#Page_340">xii. 340</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>;</li>
-  <li>death of, <a href="#Page_366">xii. 366</a>;</li>
-  <li>Epirus governed by, <a href="#Footnote_922">xii. 395 <i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Olympic</i> games, and Aëthlius, i. 100;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>origin of, i. 140;</li>
-  <li>presidency of, ii. 10, 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_556">[p. 556]</span>nature and importance of, ii. 241, 242;</li>
-  <li>the early point of union between Spartans, Messenians, and Eleians, ii. 334;</li>
-  <li>and the Delian festival, iv. 54;</li>
-  <li>celebrity, history and duration of, iv. 55 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>interference of, with the defence of Thermopylæ, v. 77;</li>
-  <li>and the Karneia, v. 77 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conversation of Xerxes on, v. 113;</li>
-  <li>of the 90th Olympiad, vii. 52 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>celebration of, by the Arcadians and Pisatans, x. 318 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>legation of Dionysius to, xi. 28 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Olympieion</i> near Syracuse, battle of, vii. 219 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Olympus</i>, ii. 211.</li>
-<li><i>Olympus, the Phrygian</i>, iii. 213 <i>n.</i>, iv. 75.</li>
-<li><i>Olynthiac</i>, the earliest, of Demosthenês, xi. 327 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the second, of Demosthenês, xi. 331 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the third, of Demosthenês, xi. 335 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Olynthiacs</i> of Demosthenês, order of, xi. 358 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Olynthian</i> confederacy, x. 50 <i>seq.</i>, 68, 381, xi. 324;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>war, xi. 325-363.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Olynthus</i>, iv. 24;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture and re-population of, by Artabazus, v. 149;</li>
-  <li>increase of, by Perdikkas, vi. 69;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Eudamidas against, x. 58;</li>
-  <li>Teleutias at, x. 65 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Agesipolis at, x. 67;</li>
-  <li>submission of, to Sparta, x. 68;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, rejected by the Athenians, xi. 236;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Philip, xi. 236 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>secedes from the alliance of Philip, and makes peace with Athens, xi. 319;</li>
-  <li>hostility of Philip to, xi. 320;</li>
-  <li>Philip’s half-brothers flee to, xi. 321;</li>
-  <li>intrigues of Philip in, xi. 321;</li>
-  <li>attack of Philip upon, xi. 325, 381;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Athens, xi. 326;</li>
-  <li>renewed application of, to Athens, against Philip, xi. 331;</li>
-  <li>assistance from Athens to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 350, xi. 334;</li>
-  <li>three expeditions from Athens to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 349-348, xi. 334 <i>n.</i>, 349;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Athenians to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 349, xi. 346, 347;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Philip, xi. 350 <i>seq.</i>, 364, 365, 372.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Oneirus</i>, i. 7, ii. 185.</li>
-<li><i>Oneium</i>, Mount, Epaminondas at, x. 254.</li>
-<li><i>Onesilus</i>, iv. 292 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Onomakles</i>, viii. 84 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Onamakritus</i>, v. 3.</li>
-<li><i>Onomarchus</i>, and the treasures in the temple at Delphi, xi. 255;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>successes of, 256, 293;</li>
-  <li>at Chæroneia, xi. 257;</li>
-  <li>power of the Phokians under, xi. 261;</li>
-  <li>aid to Lykophron by, xi. 293;</li>
-  <li>death of, xi. 294.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ophellas</i>, <a href="#Page_428">xii. 428</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Ophis</i>, the, x. 36.</li>
-<li><i>Opici</i>, iii. 353.</li>
-<li><i>Opis</i>, Alexander’s voyage to, <a href="#Page_243">xii. 243</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Oracle at Delphi</i>, legend of, i. 41;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Krêtans, i. 226 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>and the Battiad dynasty, iv. 43;</li>
-  <li>answers of, on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 60 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Oracles</i>, consultation and authority of, among the Greeks, ii. 255;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in Bœotia consulted by Mardonius, v. 149.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Orations</i>, funeral, of Periklês, vi. 31, 144 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Orchomenians</i>, i. 313.</li>
-<li><i>Orchomenus</i>, ante-historical, i. 130 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Thêbes, i. 135, v. 159 <i>n.</i> 4, x. 194.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Orchomenus</i>, early historical, ii. 273;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capitulation of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 75;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Thebes to Sparta, ix. 293;</li>
-  <li>and the Pan-Arcadian union, x. 209, 210;</li>
-  <li>destruction of, x. 311.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Oreithyia</i>, i. 199.</li>
-<li><i>Orestês</i>, i. 163 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Agamemnôn transferred to Sparta, i. 165.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Orestês</i>, bones of, ii. 447.</li>
-<li><i>Oreus</i>, xi. 449, 452.</li>
-<li><i>Orgies</i>, post-Homeric, i. 27.</li>
-<li><i>Orœtês</i>, iv. 226, 245.</li>
-<li><i>Orontês the Persian nobleman</i>, ix. 36, 40 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Orontês</i>, the Persian satrap, x. 22, 24.</li>
-<li><i>Orôpus</i>, vi. 383 <i>n.</i> 2, viii. 25, x. 286.</li>
-<li><i>Orphans</i> in legendary and historical Greece, ii. 91.</li>
-<li><i>Orpheotelestæ</i>, iii. 87.</li>
-<li><i>Orpheus</i>, i. 21, 22.</li>
-<li><i>Orphic</i> Theogony, i. 16 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>egg, i. 18;</li>
-  <li>life, the, i. 23;</li>
-  <li>brotherhood, i. 34.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Orsines</i>, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Orthagoridæ</i>, iii. 33 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Orthros</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Ortygês</i>, iii. 187.</li>
-<li><i>Ortygia</i>, iii. 363;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>fortification and occupation of, by Dionysius, x. 458 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_557">[p. 557]</span>Dionysius besieged in, x. 462 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>blockade of, by Dion, xi. 95, 98, 114;</li>
-  <li>sallies of Nypsius from, xi. 107, 109, 111;</li>
-  <li>Dion’s entry into, xi. 117;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to Timoleon, xi. 150 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>advantage of, to Timoleon, xi. 155;</li>
-  <li>siege of, by Hiketas and Magon, xi. 156 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon’s demolition of the Dionysian works in, xi. 165;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon erects courts of justice in, xi. 165.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Oscan</i>, Latin and Greek languages, iii. 354.</li>
-<li><i>Oscans</i>, iii. 353.</li>
-<li><i>Ossa</i> and Pelion, ii. 214.</li>
-<li><i>Ostracism</i>, similarity of, to Solon’s condemnation of neutrality in sedition, iii. 145, 147 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 108 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of Hyperbolus, iv. 151, vii. 101 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>of Kimon, v. 366;</li>
-  <li>of Thucydidês, son of Melêsias, vi. 19;</li>
-  <li>projected contention of, between Nikias and Alkibiadês, vii. 106 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Syracuse, vii. 122.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Otanês</i>, iv. 223, 249 <i>seq.</i>, 277.</li>
-<li><i>Othryadês</i>, ii. 449.</li>
-<li><i>Othrys</i>, ii. 213 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Otos</i> and Ephialtês, i. 136.</li>
-<li><i>Ovid</i> at Tomi, <a href="#Footnote_1111">xii. 474 <i>n.</i></a></li>
-<li><i>Oxus</i> crossed by Alexander, <a href="#Page_201">xii. 201</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Oxylus</i>, i. 153, ii. 4, 9.</li>
-<li><i>Oxythemis Korônæus</i>, ii. 332 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">P.</li>
-<li><i>Pachês</i>, at Mitylênê, vi. 226, 237 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Notium, vi. 242;</li>
-  <li>pursues the fleet of Alkidas to Patmos, vi. 241;</li>
-  <li>sends Mitylenæan prisoners to Athens, vi. 243;</li>
-  <li>crimes and death of, vi. 258.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pæonians</i>, iv. 15;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conquest of, by Megabazus, iv. 276;</li>
-  <li>victory of Philip over, xi. 214.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pagasæ</i>, conquest of, by Philip, xi. 295;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>importance of the Gulf of, to Philip, xi. 303.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pagondas</i>, vi. 384 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Paktyas, the Lydian</i>, iv. 200 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Palæmon</i> and Inô, i. 124.</li>
-<li><i>Palæphatus</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 415 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Palamêdês</i>, i. 294.</li>
-<li><i>Palikê</i>, foundation of, vii. 123.</li>
-<li><i>Palladium</i>, capture of, i. 302.</li>
-<li><i>Pallakopas</i>, <a href="#Page_250">xii. 250</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Pallas</i>, i. 6, 8.</li>
-<li><i>Pallas, son of Pandiôn</i>, i. 205.</li>
-<li><i>Pallênê</i>, i. 318, iv. 24.</li>
-<li><i>Palus Mæotis</i>, tribes east of, iii. 242.</li>
-<li><i>Pammenes</i>, expedition of, to Megalopolis, x. 359, xi. 257, 299.</li>
-<li><i>Pamphyli</i>, Hylleis, and Dymanes, ii. 360.</li>
-<li><i>Pamphylia</i>, conquest of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_99">xii. 99</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Panaktum</i>, vii. 24, 29.</li>
-<li><i>Pan-Arcadian Ten Thousand</i>, x. 232, 322.</li>
-<li><i>Pan-Arcadian union</i>, x. 208 <i>seq.</i>, 321 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pandiôn</i>, i. 196.</li>
-<li><i>Pandiôn, son of Phineus</i>, i. 199.</li>
-<li><i>Pandiôn II.</i>, i. 204.</li>
-<li><i>Pandôra</i>, i. 71, 76 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pan-Hellenic</i> proceeding, the earliest approach to, iv. 50;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>feeling, growth of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 776-560, iv. 51;</li>
-  <li>character of the four great games, iv. 67;</li>
-  <li>congress at the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 57 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>patriotism of the Athenians on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 62;</li>
-  <li>union under Sparta after the repulse of Xerxes, v. 260;</li>
-  <li>schemes and sentiment of Periklês, vi. 18;</li>
-  <li>pretences of Alexander, <a href="#Page_51">xii. 51</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pan-Ionic</i> festival and Amphiktyony in Asia, iii. 177.</li>
-<li><i>Panoptês</i>, Argos, i. 84.</li>
-<li><i>Pantaleôn</i>, ii. 434.</li>
-<li><i>Pantikapæum</i>, <a href="#Page_479">xii. 479</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Pantitês</i>, story of, v. 94 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Paphlagonia</i>, submission of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Paphlagonians</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 144.</li>
-<li><i>Paragraphê</i>, viii. 299.</li>
-<li><i>Parali</i>, at Samos, viii. 29.</li>
-<li><i>Paralus</i>, arrival of, at Athens from Samos, viii. 30.</li>
-<li><i>Paranomôn</i>, Graphê, v. 375 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 36.</li>
-<li><i>Parasang</i>, length of, ix. 14 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Paris</i>, i. 286 <i>seq.</i>, 301.</li>
-<li><i>Parisades I.</i>, <a href="#Page_482">xii. 482</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Parmenidês</i>, viii. 343, 344 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Parmenio</i>, embassy of, from Philip to Athens, xi. 386, 388, 389, 398, 401;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>operations of, in Asia Minor against Memnon, <a href="#Page_49">xii. 49</a>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_558">[p. 558]</span>debate of, with Alexander at Milêtus, <a href="#Page_92">xii. 92</a>;</li>
-  <li>captures Damascus, <a href="#Page_128">xii. 128</a>;</li>
-  <li>at the battle of Arbela, <a href="#Page_158">xii. 158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li>
-  <li>invested with the chief command at Ekbatana, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a>;</li>
-  <li>family of, <a href="#Page_190">xii. 190</a>;</li>
-  <li>alleged conspiracy and assassination of, <a href="#Page_196">xii. 196</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Paropamisadæ</i>, subjugation of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_200">xii. 200</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Paros</i>, Theramenês at, viii. 118.</li>
-<li><i>Partheniæ</i>, iii. 387.</li>
-<li><i>Parthenon</i>, vi. 21, 22;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>records of offerings in, xi. 249 <i>n.</i>, 252 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Parthia</i>, Darius pursued by Alexander into, <a href="#Page_182">xii. 182</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Partition of lands</i> ascribed to Lykurgus, ii. 380, 393 <i>seq.</i>, 401 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>proposed by Agis, iii. 399, 401.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Parysatis, wife of Darius Nothus</i>, ix. 61, 72.</li>
-<li><i>Parysatis, daughter of Darius Nothus</i>, <a href="#Page_241">xii. 241</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Pasimêlus</i>, ix. 331 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pasion</i>, and Xenias, ix. 28.</li>
-<li><i>Pasiphaë</i> and the Minôtaur, i. 220.</li>
-<li><i>Pasippidas</i>, banishment of, viii. 128.</li>
-<li><i>Patizeithês</i>, conspiracy of, iv. 223.</li>
-<li><i>Patrokleidês</i>, amnesty proposed by, viii. 224.</li>
-<li><i>Patroklus</i>, treatment of, in the Iliad, ii. 177.</li>
-<li><i>Patronymic</i> names of demes, iii. 63 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Patrôus</i> Apollo, i. 50.</li>
-<li><i>Pattala</i>, <a href="#Footnote_562">xii. 235 <i>n.</i> 4</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Pausanias, the historian</i>, on the Achæans, i. 104;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his view of mythes, i. 414;</li>
-  <li>his history of the Bœotians between the siege of Troy and the Return of the Hêrakleids, ii. 16;</li>
-  <li>his account of the Messenian wars, ii. 425 <i>seq.</i>, 428 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>on Iphikrates at Corinth, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 369, x. 238 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pausanias, the Spartan regent</i>, at the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 165;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Platæa, v. 168 <i>seq.</i>, 177 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>misconduct of, after the battle of Platæa, v. 178 <i>seq.</i>, 181;</li>
-  <li>conduct of, after losing the command of the Greeks, v. 269;</li>
-  <li>detection and death of, v. 272 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Themistoklês, v. 273, 282.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pausanias the Spartan king</i>, and Lysander, viii. 262;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his expedition to Attica, viii. 275 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his attack upon Peiræus, viii. 276;</li>
-  <li>his pacification between the Ten at Athens and the exiles at Peiræus, viii. 277 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Bœotia, ix. 295 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>condemnation of, ix. 297 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the democratical leaders of Mantinea, x. 37.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pausanias the Macedonian</i>, x. 249, xi. 515 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pedaritus</i>, vii. 399, 391, viii. 19.</li>
-<li><i>Pedieis</i>, iii. 93.</li>
-<li><i>Pedigrees</i>, mythical, connect <i>gentes</i>, i. 193.</li>
-<li><i>Pegasus</i>, i. 4, 122.</li>
-<li><i>Peiræum</i>, Athenian victory near, vii. 369;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>defeat of the Athenian fleet near, vii. 381;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Agesilaus, ix. 343, 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>recovery of, by Iphikrates, ix. 353.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Peiræus</i>, fortification of, by Themistoklês, v. 249 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Athens, Long Walls between, v. 324 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 229, ix. 333 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>improvements at, under Periklês, vi. 20;</li>
-  <li>departure of the armament for Sicily from, vii. 181;</li>
-  <li>walls built at, by the Four Hundred, viii. 63;</li>
-  <li>approach of the Lacedæmonian fleet under Agesandridas to, viii. 66, 71;</li>
-  <li>Thrasybulus at, viii. 272 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>king Pausanias’s attack upon, viii. 276;</li>
-  <li>attack of Teleutias on, ix. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>attempt of Sphodrias to surprise, x. 98 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>seizure of, by Nikanor, <a href="#Page_346">xii. 346</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Peisander</i>, and the mutilation of the Hermæ, vii. 200;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the conspiracy of the Four Hundred, viii. 8, 12, 13 <i>seq.</i>, 21, 26, 33 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>statements respecting, viii. 32 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>punishment of, viii. 88.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Peisander, the Lacedæmonian admiral</i>, ix. 274, 283.</li>
-<li><i>Peisistratids</i>, and Thucydidês iv. 112 <i>n.</i> 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>fall of the dynasty of, iv. 122;</li>
-  <li>with Xerxes in Athens, v. 115 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Peisistratus</i>, iii. 153 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 102 <i>seq.</i>, 117.</li>
-<li><i>Peithias, the Korkyræan</i>, vi. 268 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pelasgi</i>, ii. 261 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in Italy, iii. 351;</li>
-  <li>of Lemnos and Imbros, iv. 277.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pelasgikon</i>, oracle about the, vi. 129 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Pelasgus</i>, i. 173.</li>
-<li><i>Pêleus</i>, i. 114, 187 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pelias</i>, i. 108 <i>seq.</i>, 114 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_559">[p. 559]</span><i>Pelion</i> and Ossa, ii. 214.</li>
-<li><i>Pella</i>, embassies from Grecian states at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 404 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>under Philip, <a href="#Page_66">xii. 66</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pellênê</i>, i. 318;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Phlius, x. 271.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pelopidas</i>, escape of, to Athens, x. 61;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conspiracy of, against the philo-Laconian rulers at Thebes, x. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>slaughter of Leontiades by, x. 86;</li>
-  <li>and Epaminondas, x. 121;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Tegyra, x. 134;</li>
-  <li>in Thessaly, x. 249, 263, 283 <i>seq.</i>, 303, 307 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Philip, x. 249 <i>n.</i> 2, 264;</li>
-  <li>and Alexander of Pheræ, x. 282 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>death of, x. 308.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pelopidas</i>, i. 153 <i>seq.</i>, 160.</li>
-<li><i>Peloponnesian</i> war, its injurious effects upon the Athenian empire, vi. 46;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>war, commencement of, vi. 103-153;</li>
-  <li>fleet, Phormio’s victories over, vi. 196 <i>seq.</i>, 203 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>war, agreement of the Peloponnesian confederacy at the commencement of, vii. 19 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>allies, synod of, at Corinth, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 368;</li>
-  <li>fleet of under Theramenês, vii. 387 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Rhodes, vii. 400 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 94;</li>
-  <li>fleet, return of, from Rhodes to Milêtus, viii. 25;</li>
-  <li>fleet discontent in, Milêtus, viii. 95, 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet, capture of, at Kyzikus, viii. 121;</li>
-  <li>fleet, pay of, by Cyrus, viii. 143;</li>
-  <li>confederacy, assembly of, at Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 404, viii. 228;</li>
-  <li>confederacy, Athens at the head of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 201;</li>
-  <li>allies of Sparta after the Peloponnesian war, xi. 280.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Peloponnesians</i>, immigrant, ii. 303;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conduct of, after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 106;</li>
-  <li>and Mardonius’s approach, v. 154 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the fortification of Athens, v. 243 <i>seq.</i>, 247;</li>
-  <li>five years’ truce of, with Athens, v. 334;</li>
-  <li>position and views of, in commencing the Peloponnesian war, vi. 94 <i>seq.</i>, 113, 124 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>invasions of Attica, by, under Archidamus, vi. 126 <i>seq.</i>, 154;</li>
-  <li>slaughter of neutral prisoners by, vi. 182;</li>
-  <li>and Ambrakiots attack Akarnania, vi. 194 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application of revolted Mitylenæans to, vi. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Ætolians attack Naupaktus, vi. 301;</li>
-  <li>and Tissaphernês, vii. 387, 395 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 4, 21 <i>seq.</i>, 113 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at Kynossêma, viii. 109 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Abydos, viii. 117;</li>
-  <li>aid of Pharnabazus to, viii. 126;</li>
-  <li>letters of Philip to, xi. 492.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Peloponnesus</i>, eponym of, i. 154;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>invasion and division of, by the Hêrakleids, ii. 4;</li>
-  <li>mythical tide of the Dorians to, ii. 6;</li>
-  <li>extension of Pindus through, ii. 212;</li>
-  <li>distribution of, about <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 450, ii. 299 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>difference between the distribution, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 450 and 776, ii. 302;</li>
-  <li>population of, which was believed to be indigenous, ii. 303;</li>
-  <li>southern inhabitants of, before the Dorian invasion, ii. 337;</li>
-  <li>events in, during the first twenty years of the Athenian hegemony, v. 315 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>voyage of Tolmidês round, v. 331;</li>
-  <li>ravages of, by the Athenians, vi. 135, 164;</li>
-  <li>political relations in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 23;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Alkibiadês into the interior of, vii. 63;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Konon and Pharnabazus to, ix. 322;</li>
-  <li>circumnavigation of, by Timotheus, x. 132;</li>
-  <li>proceedings in, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 198, 242;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Epaminondas to, x. 215 <i>seq.</i>, 254 <i>seq.</i>, 266 <i>seq.</i>, 328 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>state of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 362, x. 313 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>visits of Dion to, xi. 61;</li>
-  <li>disunion of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 360-359, xi. 199;</li>
-  <li>affairs of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 354-352, xi. 290 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>war in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 352-351, xi. 299;</li>
-  <li>intervention of Philip in, after <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 443;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Philip to, xi. 511;</li>
-  <li>Kassander and Polysperchon in, <a href="#Page_360">xii. 360</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</li>
-  <li>Kassander and Alexander, son of Polysperchon, in, <a href="#Page_368">xii. 368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pelops</i>, i. 154 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pelusium</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_146">xii. 146</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Penal</i> procedure at Athens, iv. 366 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Penestæ</i>, Thessalian, ii. 279 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pentakosiomedimni</i>, iii. 117.</li>
-<li><i>Pentapolis</i> on the south-west coast of the Euxine, <a href="#Page_458">xii. 458</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Pentekontêrs</i>, Spartan, ii. 459.</li>
-<li><i>Pentekostys</i>, i. 458.</li>
-<li><i>Penthesileia</i>, ii. 209, 298.</li>
-<li><i>Pentheus</i> and Agavê, i. 262 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Perdikkas I.</i>, iv. 17.</li>
-<li><i>Perdikkas II.</i>, relations and proceedings of, towards Athens, vi. 67 <i>seq.</i>, 71, 141, 370, 448 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 96, 104;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Sitalkês, xi. 217, 220;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_560">[p. 560]</span>application of, to Sparta, vi. 398;</li>
-  <li>and Brasidas, relations between, vi. 369, 448, 450 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>joins Sparta and Argos, vii. 96;</li>
-  <li>death of, x. 46.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Perdikkas, brother of Philip</i>, x. 300, 301, 370, 382, xi. 205 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Perdikkas, Alexander’s general</i>, <a href="#Page_256">xii. 256</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Pergamum</i>, i. 286 <i>n.</i> 5, 324.</li>
-<li><i>Pergamus</i>, custom in the temple of Asklêpius at, i. 301 <i>n.</i> 4.</li>
-<li><i>Pergamus in Mysia</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 172 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Periander, the Corinthian despot</i>, power and character of, iii. 41 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Perikles</i>, difference between the democracy after, and the constitution of Kleisthenês, iv. 148;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>effect of, on constitutional morality, iv. 163;</li>
-  <li>at the battle of Tanagra, v. 328;</li>
-  <li>expeditions of, to Sikyon and Akarnania, v. 332;</li>
-  <li>policy of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 450, v. 342;</li>
-  <li>reconquest of Eubœa by, v. 349;</li>
-  <li>and Ephialtês, constitution of dikasteries by, v. 355 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kimon, v. 362 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>public life and character of, v. 362 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Ephialtês, judicial reform of, v. 355 <i>seq.</i>, 366 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>real nature of the constitutional changes effected by, v. 367 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>commencement of the ascendancy of, v. 370;</li>
-  <li>and Kimon, compromise between, v. 329, 371;</li>
-  <li>his conception of the relation between Athens and her allies, vi. 4;</li>
-  <li>and Athenian kleruchs by, vi. 10;</li>
-  <li>and Thucydidês, son of Melêsias, vi. 15 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Pan-Hellenic schemes and sentiment of, vi. 18;</li>
-  <li>city-improvements at Athens under, vi. 20 <i>seq.</i>, 23 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>sculpture at Athens under, vi. 22;</li>
-  <li>attempt of, to convene a Grecian congress at Athens, vi. 25;</li>
-  <li>Sophoklês, etc., Athenian armament under, vi. 27 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>funeral orations of, vi. 31, 143 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>demand of the Spartans for his banishment, vi. 97, 105;</li>
-  <li>indirect attacks of his political opponents upon, vi. 98 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his family relations, and connection with Aspasia, vi. 101, 102;</li>
-  <li>charge of peculation against, vi. 103 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>stories of his having caused the Peloponnesian war, vi. 104 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>speech of, before the Peloponnesian war, vi. 107 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the ravages of Attica by Archidamus, vi. 128 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>last speech of, <a href="#Page_165">xii. 165</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>accusation and punishment of, vi. 168 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>old age and death of, vi. 170 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>life and character of, vi. 172 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>new class of politicians at Athens after, vi. 171 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Nikias compared, vi. 287.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Perriklymenos</i>, i. 112 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Perinthus</i>, iv. 27;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Athens, viii. 126, xi. 461;</li>
-  <li>siege of, by Philip, xi. 454, 458.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Periœki</i>, ii. 364 <i>seq.</i>, 369, 371 <i>n.</i> 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Libyan, iv. 40, 42, 45.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pêrô</i>, Bias and Melampus, i. 110 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Perseid</i> dynasty, i. 91.</li>
-<li><i>Persephonê</i>, i. 10;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>mysteries of, v. 208 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Persepolis</i>, Alexander’s march from Susa to, <a href="#Page_170">xii. 170</a> <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_172">xii. 172</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander’s return from India to, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Persês</i>, i. 6.</li>
-<li><i>Perseus</i>, exploits of, i. 89 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Persia</i>, application of Athens for alliance with, iv. 165;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>state of, on the formation of the confederacy of Delos, v. 267;</li>
-  <li>treatment of Themistoklês in, v. 284 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>operations of Athens and the Delian confederacy against, v. 303 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, treaty between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 450, v. 335 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic Greeks not tributary to, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 477-412, v. 337 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>surrender of the Asiatic Greeks by Sparta to, ix. 205;</li>
-  <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 385 <i>seq.</i>, x. 2 <i>seq.</i>, 158;</li>
-  <li>applications of Sparta and Athens to, x. 5 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>hostility of, to Sparta after the battle of Ægospotami, x. 8;</li>
-  <li>unavailing efforts of, to reconquer Egypt, x. 13;</li>
-  <li>and Evagoras, x. 20 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Spartan project against, for the rescue of the Asiatic Greeks, x. 44;</li>
-  <li>application of Thebes to, x. 277 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>embassy from Athens to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 293;</li>
-  <li>state of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 362, x. 360, 366;</li>
-  <li>alarm at Athens about, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 354, xi. 285;</li>
-  <li>projected invasion of, by Philip, xi. 511 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>correspondence of Demosthenes with, <a href="#Page_20">xii. 20</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>accumulation of royal treasures in, <a href="#Footnote_421">xii. 175 <i>n.</i> 3</a>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_561">[p. 561]</span>roads in, <a href="#Footnote_430">xii. 180 <i>n.</i></a></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Persian</i> version of the legend of Io, i. 86;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>noblemen, conspiracy of, against the false Smerdis, iv. 223 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>empire, organization of, by Darius Hystaspês, iv. 233 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>envoys to Macedonia, iv. 276;</li>
-  <li>armament against Cyprus, iv. 292;</li>
-  <li>force against Milêtus, iv. 299;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Ladê, iv. 304;</li>
-  <li>fleet and Asiatic Greeks, iv. 307;</li>
-  <li>armament under Datis, iv. 329 <i>seq.</i>, 345;</li>
-  <li>fleet before the battle of Salamis, v. 85 <i>seq.</i>, 99 <i>seq.</i>, 113, 119, 125, 127 <i>nn.</i>;</li>
-  <li>army, march of, from Thermopylæ to Attica, v. 114 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Salamis, v. 130 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet after the battle of Salamis, v. 137, 147;</li>
-  <li>army under Mardonius, v. 154 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Mykalê, v. 191;</li>
-  <li>army at Mykalê, v. 193;</li>
-  <li>army, after the defeat at Mykalê, v. 198;</li>
-  <li>war effect of, upon Athenian political sentiment, v. 274;</li>
-  <li>kings, from Xerxes to Artaxerxes Mnemon, vi. 362 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>cavalry, and the retreating Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 89 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>empire, distribution of, into satrapies and subsatrapies, ix. 209;</li>
-  <li>preparations for maritime war against Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 397, ix. 255, 268;</li>
-  <li>king, Thebans obtain money from, xi. 302;</li>
-  <li>forces in Phrygia on Alexander’s landing, <a href="#Page_75">xii. 75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li>
-  <li>Gates, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_171">xii. 171</a>;</li>
-  <li>fleet and armies, hopes raised in Greece by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 334-331, <a href="#Page_276">xii. 276</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Persians</i>, condition of, at the rise of Cyrus the Great, iv. 187;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conquests of, under Cyrus the Great, iv. 209, 216 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the first who visited Greece, iv. 257 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conquest of Thrace by, under Darius Hystaspês, iv. 273;</li>
-  <li>successes of, against the revolted coast of Asia Minor, iv. 289;</li>
-  <li>attempts of, to disunite the Ionians at Ladê, iv. 300;</li>
-  <li>narrow escape of Miltiadês from, iv. 307;</li>
-  <li>cruelties of, at Milêtus, iv. 308;</li>
-  <li>attempted revolt of Thasos from, iv. 314;</li>
-  <li>at Marathon, iv. 333, 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>after the battle of Marathon, iv. 351, 352;</li>
-  <li>change of Grecian feeling towards, after the battle of Marathon, iv. 355;</li>
-  <li>their religious conception of history, v. 10;</li>
-  <li>at Thermopylæ, v. 83, 85 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Psyttaleia, v. 128, 136;</li>
-  <li>at Salamis, v. 131 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Platæa, v. 163 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Mykalê, v. 197;</li>
-  <li>between Xerxes and Darius Codomannus, v. 241;</li>
-  <li>necessity of Grecian activity against, after the battles of Platæa and Mykalê, v. 296;</li>
-  <li>mutilation inflicted by, ix. 9;</li>
-  <li>heralds from, to the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 52;</li>
-  <li>impotence and timidity of, ix. 75;</li>
-  <li>imprudence of, in letting Alexander cross the Hellespont, <a href="#Page_78">xii. 78</a>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at the Granikus, <a href="#Page_80">xii. 80</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, at Issus, <a href="#Page_118">xii. 118</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>incorporation of, in the Macedonian phalanx, <a href="#Page_251">xii. 251</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Persis</i>, subjugation of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_177">xii. 177</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Alexander’s return from India to, <a href="#Page_237">xii. 237</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Personages</i>, quasi-human, in Grecian mythology, i. 342 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Personal</i> ascendency of the king in legendary Greece, ii. 61;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>feeling towards the gods, the king, or individuals in legendary Greece, ii. 80 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>sympathies the earliest form of social existence, ii. 84.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Personalities</i>, great predominance of, in Grecian legend, ii. 74.</li>
-<li><i>Personality</i> of divine agents in mythes, i. 2.</li>
-<li><i>Personification</i>, tendency of the ancient Greeks to, i. 342 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of the heavenly bodies by Boiocalus, the German chief, i. 345 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pestilence</i> and suffering at Athens after the Kylonian massacre, iii. 84.</li>
-<li><i>Petalism</i> at Syracuse, iv. 163, vii. 122.</li>
-<li><i>Peuke</i>, <a href="#Page_23">xii. 23</a>, <a href="#Footnote_61">25 <i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Peukestes</i>, <a href="#Page_234">xii. 234</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Pezetæri</i>, <a href="#Page_59">xii. 59</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Phæax</i>, expedition of, to Sicily, vii. 143.</li>
-<li><i>Phalækus</i> succeeds to the command of the Phokians, xi. 301;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>decline of the Phokians under, xi. 374, 418;</li>
-  <li>opposition to, in Phokis, xi. 375;</li>
-  <li>opposition of, to aid from Athens to Thermopylæ, xi. 376;</li>
-  <li>position of, at Thermopylæ, xi. 375, 418 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>death of, xi. 434.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_562">[p. 562]</span><i>Phalanthus</i>, œkist of Tarentum, iii. 387 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Phalanx</i>, Macedonian, xi. 501, <a href="#Page_57">xii. 57</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Phalaris</i>, iv. 378, v. 204.</li>
-<li><i>Phalerium</i>, Xerxes at, v. 118.</li>
-<li><i>Phalinus</i>, ix. 52.</li>
-<li><i>Phanes</i>, and Zeus, i. 18.</li>
-<li><i>Phanosthenes</i>, viii. 159.</li>
-<li><i>Pharakidas</i>, x. 504 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pharax</i>, ix. 270, 271 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Pharax the officer of Dionysius</i>, xi. 115, 116, 133.</li>
-<li><i>Pharis</i>, conquest of, ii. 420.</li>
-<li><i>Pharnabazus</i> and Tissaphernês, embassy from, to Sparta, vii. 366;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Derkyllidas, viii. 94;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, viii. 114, 125;</li>
-  <li>Athenian victory over, viii. 130;</li>
-  <li>convention of, about Chalkêdon, viii. 132;</li>
-  <li>and Alkibiades, viii. 133, 311 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Greek envoys, viii. 135, 137;</li>
-  <li>after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 311;</li>
-  <li>and Anaxibius, ix. 154, 166;</li>
-  <li>and Lysander, ix. 204;</li>
-  <li>and the subsatrapy of Æolis, ix. 210 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Agesilaus, ix. 269, 279 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Konon, ix. 283, 322, 325 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Abydos, ix. 324;</li>
-  <li>and the anti-Spartan allies at Corinth, ix. 327;</li>
-  <li>and the Syracusans, x. 386;</li>
-  <li>anti-Macedonian efforts of, <a href="#Page_127">xii. 127</a>;</li>
-  <li>capture of, with his force, at Chios, <a href="#Page_142">xii. 142</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pharsalus</i>, Polydamas of, x. 137 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Halus, xi. 411.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phaselis</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_100">xii. 100</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Phayllus</i>, xi. 293, 297 <i>seq.</i>, 301.</li>
-<li><i>Pheidias</i>, vi. 23, 102.</li>
-<li><i>Pheidôn the Temenid</i>, ii. 314;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>claims and projects of, as representative of Hêraklês, ii. 316;</li>
-  <li>and the Olympic games, ii. 316 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>coinage and scale of, ii. 318 <i>seq.</i>, 323 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>various descriptions of, ii. 320.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pheidôn, one of the Thirty</i>, viii. 271, 293.</li>
-<li><i>Phenicia</i>, ante-Hellenic colonies from, to Greece not probable, ii. 262 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>situation and cities of, iii. 267;</li>
-  <li>reconquest of, by Darius Nothus, xi. 438, 440 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>Alexander in, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phenician</i> version of the legend of Io, i. 86;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>colonies, iii. 271 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fleet at Aspendus, viii. 99, 100, 114;</li>
-  <li>towns, surrender of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phenicians</i> in Homeric times, ii. 103 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>historical, iii. 204, 289, 303, 308, 342 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Persians, subjugation of Cyprus by, iv. 293;</li>
-  <li>and Persians at Milêtus, iv. 300 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Persians, reconquest of Asiatic Greeks by, iv. 307;</li>
-  <li>and the cutting through Athos, v. 24;</li>
-  <li>and Greeks in Sicily, v. 207;</li>
-  <li>in Cyprus, x. 14 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pheræ, Jason of</i>, x. 138 <i>seq.</i>, x. 147 <i>n.</i>, 153, 189 <i>seq.</i>, 195 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pheræ, Alexander of</i>, x. 248, xi. 202 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>despots of, xi. 202 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Philip and the despots of, xi. 261, 292, 294 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Philip takes the oath of alliance with Athens at, xi. 417;</li>
-  <li>Alexander of, and Pelopidas, 256, 277 <i>seq.</i>, 297, 301 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander of, subdued by the Thebans, x. 309 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>hostilities of Alexander of, against Athens, x. 369.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pherekydes</i>, i. 390, iv. 390.</li>
-<li><i>Phretime</i>, iv. 45 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Philæus</i>, eponym of an Attic dême, i. 189.</li>
-<li><i>Philaidæ</i>, origin of, i. 189.</li>
-<li><i>Philip of Macedon</i>, detained as a hostage at Thebes, x. 249 <i>n.</i> 1, 263, xi. 207 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>accession of, x. 382, xi. 212 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>as subordinate governor in Macedonia, xi. 207, 208;</li>
-  <li>position of, on the death of Perdikkas, xi. 209;</li>
-  <li>capture of Amphipolis by, xi. 232 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his alliance with Olynthus and hostilities against Athens, xi. 236 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of Pydna and Potidæa by, xi. 237 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>increased power of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358-356, xi. 239;</li>
-  <li>marriage of, with Olympias, xi. 240;</li>
-  <li>intrigue of, with Kersobleptes against Athens, xi. 158;</li>
-  <li>his activity, and conquest of Methônê, xi. 259 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the despots of Pheræ, xi. 261, 292 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>development of Macedonian military force under, xi. 282 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Onomarchus, xi. 293;</li>
-  <li>conquest of Pheræ and Pagasæ by, xi. 295;</li>
-  <li>checked at Thermopylæ by the Athenians, xi. 296;</li>
-  <li>power and attitude of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 352-351, xi. 322;</li>
-  <li>naval power and operations of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 351, xi. 297 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Thrace, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 351, xi. 301;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_563">[p. 563]</span>hostility of, to Olynthus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 351-350, xi. 320;</li>
-  <li>flight of his half-brothers to Olynthus, xi. 321;</li>
-  <li>intrigues of, in Olynthus, xi. 322;</li>
-  <li>destruction of the Olynthian confederacy by, xi. 324, 325, 331, 350 <i>seq.</i>, 364;</li>
-  <li>Athenian expedition to Olynthus against, xi. 334;</li>
-  <li>intrigues of, in Eubœa, xi. 339;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, overtures for peace between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 348, xi. 369 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Thebans invoke the aid of, against the Phokians, xi. 375;</li>
-  <li>and Thermopylæ, xi. 377, 407, 410, 416, 421, 424;</li>
-  <li>embassies from Athens to, xi. 375 <i>seq.</i>, 401 <i>seq.</i>, 422;</li>
-  <li>envoys to Athens from, xi. 386, 387, 390, 398, 401;</li>
-  <li>synod of allies at Athens about, xi. 388;</li>
-  <li>peace and alliance between Athens, and, xi. 390 <i>seq.</i>, 409, 429 <i>seq.</i>, 442, 446 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fabrications of Æschines and Philokrates about, xi. 398, 408, 409, 412 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Thrace, xi. 402, 404, 450 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>letter of, taken by Æschines to Athens, xi. 410, 416;</li>
-  <li>surrender of Phokis to, xi. 421;</li>
-  <li>declared sympathy of, with the Thebans, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 421;</li>
-  <li>visit of Æschines to, in Phokis, xi. 423;</li>
-  <li>admitted into the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 425;</li>
-  <li>ascendancy of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 428 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>named president of the Pythian festival, xi. 428;</li>
-  <li>position of, after the Sacred War, xi. 434;</li>
-  <li>letter of Isokrates to, xi. 436;</li>
-  <li>movements of, after <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 443 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>warnings of Demosthenês against, after <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 444;</li>
-  <li>mission of Python from, to Athens, xi. 446;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, dispute between about Halonnesus, xi. 448 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kardia, xi. 450;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, disputes between, about the Bosporus and Hellespont, xi. 450;</li>
-  <li>at Perinthus and the Chersonese, xi. 454, 458 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, declaration of war between, xi. 454 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>makes peace with Byzantium, Chios, and other islands, attacks the Scythians, and is defeated by the Triballi, xi. 461;</li>
-  <li>and the Amphissians, xi. 480 <i>seq.</i>, 497;</li>
-  <li>re-fortification of Elateia by, xi. 482, 484 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Thebes for aid in attacking the Athenians, xi. 483 <i>seq.</i>, 489;</li>
-  <li>alliance of Athens and Thebes against, xi. 490 <i>seq.</i>, 593 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>letters of, to the Peloponnesians for aid, xi. 492;</li>
-  <li>victory of, at Chæroneia, xi. 497 <i>seq.</i>, 505;</li>
-  <li>military organization of, xi. 501, <a href="#Page_56">xii. 56</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Athenians, peace of Demades between, xi. 507 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>honorary votes at Athens in favor of, xi. 509;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, into Peloponnesus, xi. 510;</li>
-  <li>at the congress at Corinth, xi. 511;</li>
-  <li>preparations of, for the invasion of Persia, xi. 512;</li>
-  <li>repudiates Olympias, and marries Kleopatra, xi. 512;</li>
-  <li>and Alexander, dissensions between, xi. 513;</li>
-  <li>assassination of, xi. 514 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_6">xii. 6</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>character of, xi. 519 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>discord in the family of, <a href="#Page_4">xii. 4</a>;</li>
-  <li>military condition of Macedonia before, <a href="#Page_55">xii. 55</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Philip Aridæus</i>, <a href="#Page_319">xii. 319</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Philippi</i>, foundation of, xi. 241.</li>
-<li><i>Philippics</i> of Demosthenes, xi. 309 <i>seq.</i>, 445, 451.</li>
-<li><i>Philippizing</i> factions in Megara and Eubœa, xi. 448.</li>
-<li><i>Philippus, the Theban polemarch</i>, x. 82, 85.</li>
-<li><i>Philippus, Alexander’s physician</i>, <a href="#Page_113">xii. 113</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Philiskus</i>, x. 261.</li>
-<li><i>Philistides</i>, xi. 449, 452.</li>
-<li><i>Philistus</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 410;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>banishment of, xi. 33;</li>
-  <li>recall of, xi. 67;</li>
-  <li>intrigues of, against Plato and Dion, xi. 76;</li>
-  <li>tries to intercept Dion in the Gulf of Tarentum, xi. 89;</li>
-  <li>at Leontini, xi. 99;</li>
-  <li>defeat and death of, xi. 100.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Philokrates</i>, motion of, to allow Philip to send envoys to Athens, xi. 371;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>motion of, to send envoys to Philip, xi. 379;</li>
-  <li>motion of, for peace and alliance with Philip, xi. 390 <i>seq.</i>, 416;</li>
-  <li>fabrications of, about Philip, xi. 398, 408, 409, 412;</li>
-  <li>impeachment and condemnation of, xi. 433.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Philoktetes</i>, i. 301, 310.</li>
-<li><i>Philolaus</i> and Dioklês, ii. 297.</li>
-<li><i>Philomela</i>, i. 196 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Philomelus</i>, xi. 245;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>seizes the temple at Delphi, xi. 248;</li>
-  <li>and Archidamus, xi. 247;</li>
-  <li>and the Pythia at Delphi, xi. 250;</li>
-  <li>successful battles of, with the Lokrians, xi. 251;</li>
-  <li>defeat and death of, xi. 255;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_564">[p. 564]</span>takes part of the treasures in the temple at Delphi, xi. 252.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Philonomus</i> and the Spartan Dorians, ii. 327.</li>
-<li><i>Philosophers</i>, mythes allegorized by, i. 418 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Philosophy</i>, Homeric and Hesiodic, i. 368;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Ionic, i. 372 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>ethical and social among the Greeks, iv. 76.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Philotas</i>, alleged conspiracy, and execution of, <a href="#Page_190">xii. 190</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Footnote_472">197 <i>n.</i> 2</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Philoxenus</i> and Dionysius, xi. 26.</li>
-<li><i>Phineus</i>, i. 199, 235.</li>
-<li><i>Phlegyæ</i>, the, i. 128.</li>
-<li><i>Phlius</i>, return of philo-Laconian exiles to, x. 42;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>intervention of Sparta with, x. 70;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to Agesilaus, x. 70 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Athens, x. 234 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fidelity of, to Sparta, x. 257, 270;</li>
-  <li>invasion of, by Euphron, x. 270;</li>
-  <li>and Pellênê, x. 271;</li>
-  <li>assistance of Chares to, x. 272;</li>
-  <li>and Thebes, x. 290 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phœbe</i>, i. 5, 6.</li>
-<li><i>Phœbidas</i>, at Thebes, x. 58 <i>seq.</i>, 62, 63, 128.</li>
-<li><i>Phœnissæ</i> of Phrynichus, v. 138 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Phœnix</i>, i. 257.</li>
-<li><i>Phôkæa</i>, foundation of, iii. 188;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>surrender of, to Harpagus, iv. 203;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês at, viii. 152.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phôkæan</i> colonies at Atalia and Elea, iv. 206.</li>
-<li><i>Phôkæans</i>, exploring voyages of, iii. 281;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>effects of their exploring voyages upon Grecian knowledge and fancy, iii. 282;</li>
-  <li>emigration of, iv. 205 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phokian</i> defensive wall at Thermopylæ, ii. 283;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>townships, ravage of, by Xerxes’s army, v. 114.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phokians</i>, ii. 288;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>application of Leonidas to, v. 76;</li>
-  <li>at Leuktra, x. 181, 182;</li>
-  <li>and the presidency of the temple at Delphi, xi. 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Thebans strive to form a confederacy against, xi. 251;</li>
-  <li>take the treasures of the temple at Delphi, xi. 252, 255, 297, 374;</li>
-  <li>war of, with the Lokrians, Thebans, and Thessalians, xi. 254;</li>
-  <li>under Onomarchus, xi. 261, 293;</li>
-  <li>under Phayllus, xi. 297 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>under Phalækus, xi. 374, 418;</li>
-  <li>Thebans invoke the aid of Philip against, xi. 375;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Athens, xi. 376;</li>
-  <li>exclusion of, from the peace and alliance between Philip and Athens, xi. 396 <i>seq.</i>, 411;</li>
-  <li>envoys from, to Philip, xi. 404, 406;</li>
-  <li>motion of Philokrates about, xi. 416;</li>
-  <li>at Thermopylæ, xi. 418 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>treatment of, after their surrender to Philip, xi. 425 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>restoration of, by the Thebans and Athenians, xi. 493.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phokion</i>, first exploits of, x. 131;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>character and policy of, xi. 273 <i>seq.</i>, 308, <a href="#Page_278">xii. 278</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Eubœa, xi. 340 <i>seq.</i>, 452;</li>
-  <li>at Megara, xi. 449;</li>
-  <li>in the Propontis, xi. 460;</li>
-  <li>and Alexander’s demand that the anti-Macedonian leaders at Athens should be surrendered, <a href="#Page_46">xii. 46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Demades, embassy of, to Antipater, <a href="#Page_322">xii. 322</a>;</li>
-  <li>at Athens under Antipater, <a href="#Page_324">xii. 324</a>;</li>
-  <li>and Nikanor, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>, 346 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Alexander, son of Polysperchon, <a href="#Page_348">xii. 348</a>;</li>
-  <li>condemnation and death of, <a href="#Page_349">xii. 349</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>altered sentiment of the Athenians towards, after his death, <a href="#Page_357">xii. 357</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phokis</i>, acquisition of, by Athens, v. 331;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>loss of, by Athens, v. 348;</li>
-  <li>invasion of, by the Thebans, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 374, x. 136;</li>
-  <li>accusation of Thebes against, before the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 243;</li>
-  <li>resistance of, to the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 246 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Philip in, xi. 421, 482, 492 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phôkus</i>, i. 185.</li>
-<li><i>Phokylidês</i>, iv. 92.</li>
-<li><i>Phorkys</i> and Kêtô, progeny of, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Phormio</i> at Potidæa, vi. 74;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Amphilochian Argos, vi. 121;</li>
-  <li>at Naupaktus, vi. 180;</li>
-  <li>his victories over the Peloponnesian fleet, vi. 199 <i>seq.</i>, 206 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Akarnania, vi. 213;</li>
-  <li>his later history, vi. 277 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phormisius</i>, disfranchising proposition of, viii. 294.</li>
-<li><i>Phorôneus</i>, i. 82, 83.</li>
-<li><i>Phraortês</i>, iii. 228.</li>
-<li><i>Phratries</i>, iii. 52 <i>seq.</i>, 63;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and gentes, non-members of, iii. 133.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phrikônis</i>, iii. 192.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_565">[p. 565]</span><i>Phrygia</i>, Persian forces in, on Alexander’s landing, <a href="#Page_75">xii. 75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>submission of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_89">xii. 89</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phrygian</i> influence on the religion of the Greeks, i. 26, 28;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>music and worship, iii. 213 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phrygians</i> and Trojans, i. 335;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Thracians, iii. 210, 213;</li>
-  <li>ethnical affinities and early distribution of, iii. 209 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phrynichus the tragedian</i>, his capture of Milêtus, iv. 309;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his Phœnissæ, v. 138, <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phrynichus the commander</i>, at Milêtus, vii. 388;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Amorgês, vii. 389 <i>n.</i> 1;</li>
-  <li>and Alkibiadês, viii. 10 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>deposition of, viii. 15;</li>
-  <li>and the Four Hundred, viii. 11, 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>assassination of, viii. 66, 85, <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>decree respecting the memory of, viii. 85.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phrynon</i>, xi. 370.</li>
-<li><i>Phryxus</i> and Hellê, i. 123 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Phthiôtis</i> and Deukalion, i. 96.</li>
-<li>Φύσις, first use of, in the sense of <i>nature</i>, i. 368.</li>
-<li><i>Phyê-Athênê</i>, iv. 104.</li>
-<li><i>Phylarch</i>, Athenian, ii. 461.</li>
-<li><i>Phylê</i>, occupation of, by Thrasybulus, viii. 265.</li>
-<li><i>Phyllidas</i> and the conspiracy against the philo-Laconian oligarchy at Thebes, x. 81 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Physical</i> astronomy thought impious by ancient Greeks, i. 346 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>science, commencement of, among the Greeks, i. 368.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Phytalids</i>, their tale of Dêmêtêr, i. 44.</li>
-<li><i>Phyton</i>, xi. 18 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pierians</i>, original seat of, iv. 14.</li>
-<li><i>Piété, Monts de</i>, iii. 162.</li>
-<li>Πῖλοι of the Lacedæmonians in Sphakteria, vi. 344 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pinarus</i>, Alexander and Darius on the, <a href="#Page_118">xii. 118</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pindar</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 378 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pindus</i>, ii. 211 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Piracy</i> in early Greece, ii. 90, 113.</li>
-<li><i>Pisa</i> and Ellis, relations of, ii. 439.</li>
-<li><i>Pisatans</i> and the Olympic games, ii. 318, 434, ix. 228, x. 318 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Eloians, ii. 434, 439.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pisatic</i> sovereignty of Pelops, i. 157.</li>
-<li><i>Pisidia</i>, conquest of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_99">xii. 99</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Pissuthnes</i>, vi. 26, 28, ix. 8.</li>
-<li><i>Pitane</i>, iii. 190.</li>
-<li><i>Pittakus</i>, power and merit of, iii. 198 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Plague at Athens</i>, vi. 154 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>revival of, vi. 293.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Platæa</i>, and Thebes, disputes between, iv. 166;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Athens, first connection of, iv. 165;</li>
-  <li>battle of, v. 164 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revelation of the victory of, at Mykalê the same day, v. 194;</li>
-  <li>night-surprise of, by the Thebans, vi. 114 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>siege of, by Archidamus, vi. 188 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to the Lacedæmonians, vi. 264 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>restoration of, by Sparta, x. 30 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by the Thebans, x. 159 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Platæans</i> at Marathon, iv. 248.</li>
-<li><i>Plato</i>, his treatment of mythes, i. 441;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on the return of the Hêrakleids, ii. 6;</li>
-  <li>on homicide, ii. 96 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his Republic and the Lykurgean institutions, ii. 390;</li>
-  <li>and the Sophists, viii. 345-399;</li>
-  <li>and Xenophon, evidence of, about Sokratês, viii. 403 <i>seq.</i>, 444 <i>n.</i>, 450 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his extension and improvement of the formal logic founded by Sokratês, viii. 429;</li>
-  <li>purpose of his dialogues, viii. 453;</li>
-  <li>incorrect assertions in the Menexenus of, ix. 360 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the letters of, x. 435 <i>n.</i> 1;</li>
-  <li>and Dionysius the Elder, xi. 38, 60;</li>
-  <li>and Dion, xi. 39, 57 <i>seq.</i>, 69, 84;</li>
-  <li>and Dionysius the Younger, xi. 52, 69-80;</li>
-  <li>Dion, and the Pythagoreans, xi. 56 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>statements and advice of, on the condition of Syracuse, xi. 130 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the kings of Macedonia, xi. 206.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Plausible fiction</i>, i. 435, ii. 51.</li>
-<li><i>Pleistoanax</i>, v. 349, 429 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Plemmyrium</i>, vii. 270, 290 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Plutarch</i> and Lykurgus, ii. 337, 343, 403 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on the ephor Epitadeus, ii. 405;</li>
-  <li>and Herodotus, iv. 202 <i>n.</i>, v. 6 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>on Periklês, vi. 172.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Plutarch of Eretria</i>, xi. 340 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Plyntêria</i>, viii. 144.</li>
-<li><i>Podaleirus</i> and Machaôn, i. 180.</li>
-<li><i>Podarkês</i>, birth of, i. 110.</li>
-<li><i>Poems</i>, lost epic, ii. 120;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>epic, recited in public, not read in private, ii. 135.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_566">[p. 566]</span><i>Poetry</i>, Greek, transition of, from the mythical past to the positive present, i. 349;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>epic, ii. 117 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>epic, Homeric and Hesiodic, ii. 118;</li>
-  <li>didactic and mystic hexameter, ii. 119;</li>
-  <li>lyric and choric, intended for the ear, ii. 137;</li>
-  <li>Greek, advances of, within a century and a half after Terpander, iv. 77.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Poets</i> inspired by the Muse, i. 355;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>iambic, elegiac, and lyric, predominance of the present in, i. 363;</li>
-  <li>and logographers, their treatment of mythes, i. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>early, chronological evidence of, ii. 45 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>epic, and their probable dates, ii. 122;</li>
-  <li>cyclic, ii. 123 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>gnomic or moralizing, iv. 91 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Polemarch</i>, Athenian, iii. 74.</li>
-<li><i>Polemarchs</i>, Spartan, ii. 459.</li>
-<li><i>Polemarchus</i>, viii. 248.</li>
-<li><i>Political clubs</i> at Athens, viii. 15.</li>
-<li><i>Politicians</i>, new class of, at Athens, after Periklês, vi. 245 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pollis</i>, defeat of, by Chabrias, x. 130.</li>
-<li><i>Pollux</i> and Castor, i. 171 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Polyarchus</i>, xi. 154.</li>
-<li><i>Polybiades</i>, x. 68.</li>
-<li><i>Polybius</i>, his transformation of mythes to history, i. 412;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>perplexing statement of, respecting the war between Sybaris and Kroton, iv. 416;</li>
-  <li>the Greece of, <a href="#Page_318">xii. 318</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Polychares</i>, and Euæphnus, ii. 426.</li>
-<li><i>Polydamas of Pharsalus</i>, x. 137 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Polydamas the Macedonian</i>, <a href="#Page_197">xii. 197</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Polydamidas</i>, at Mendê, vi. 440 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Polykrates of Samos</i>, iv. 241 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Polykrates the Sophist</i>, harangue of, on the accusation against Sokratês, viii. 478 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Polynikes</i>, i. 267, 269 <i>seq.</i>, 273, 280.</li>
-<li><i>Polyphron</i>, x. 248.</li>
-<li><i>Polysperchon</i>, appointed by Antipater as his successor, <a href="#Page_339">xii. 339</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>plans of, <a href="#Page_340">xii. 340</a>;</li>
-  <li>edict of, at Pella, <a href="#Page_343">xii. 343</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Phokion and Agnonides heard before, <a href="#Page_351">xii. 351</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kassander, <a href="#Page_360">xii. 360</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;</li>
-  <li>flight of, Ætalia, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Polystratus</i>, one of the Four Hundred, viii. 68 <i>n.</i> 1, 69 <i>n.</i>, 78, 88.</li>
-<li><i>Polyxena</i>, death of, i. 305.</li>
-<li><i>Polyzelus</i> and Hiero, v. 228.</li>
-<li><i>Pompey</i> in Colchis, i. 243.</li>
-<li><i>Pontic Greeks</i>, <a href="#Page_458">xii. 458</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pontic Herakleia</i>, <a href="#Page_460">xii. 460</a>-471.</li>
-<li><i>Pontus</i> and Gæa, children of, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Popular belief</i> in ancient mythes, i. 424, 427.</li>
-<li><i>Porus</i>, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Poseidôn</i>, i. 6, 9, 56;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>prominence of, in Æolid legends, i. 110;</li>
-  <li>Erechtheus, i. 192, 193;</li>
-  <li>and Athênê, i. 195;</li>
-  <li>and Laomedôn, i. 285.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Positive</i> evidence indispensable to historical proof, i. 429.</li>
-<li><i>Positive</i> tendencies of the Greek mind in the time of Herodotus, iv. 105 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Post-Homeric</i> poems on the Trojan war, i. 297.</li>
-<li><i>Potidæa</i> and Artabazus, v. 149;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>relations of, with Corinth and Athens, vi. 67;</li>
-  <li>designs of Perdikkas and the Corinthians upon, vi. 68;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, vi. 69 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Athenian victory near, vi. 73;</li>
-  <li>blockade of, by the Athenians, vi. 74, 140, 164, 182;</li>
-  <li>Brasidas’s attempt upon, vi. 150;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Philip and the Olynthians, xi. 238.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Prasiæ</i>, expedition of Pythodôrus to, vii. 285.</li>
-<li><i>Praxitas</i>, ix. 327 <i>n.</i> 1, 333 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Priam</i>, i. 285, 292 <i>n.</i> 5, 304.</li>
-<li><i>Priene</i>, iii. 172, 178, vi. 26.</li>
-<li><i>Priests</i>, Egyptian, iii. 314.</li>
-<li><i>Primitive</i> and historical Greece, ii. 57-118.</li>
-<li><i>Private property</i>, rights of, at Athens, viii. 304.</li>
-<li><i>Probability</i> alone not sufficient for historical proof, i. 429.</li>
-<li><i>Pro-Bouleutic Senate</i>, Solon’s, iii. 121.</li>
-<li><i>Probûli</i>, board of, vii. 362.</li>
-<li><i>Prodikus</i>, viii. 370, 380 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Prœtos</i> and his daughters, i. 88 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Proknê</i>, i. 197 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Prokris</i>, i. 198.</li>
-<li><i>Promêtheus</i>, i. 6;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Zeus, i. 63, 76, 79 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Pandora, i. 75;</li>
-  <li>and Epimêtheus, i. 75;</li>
-  <li>Æschylus’s, i. 382 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Property</i>, rights of, at Athens, iii. 106, 114 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Prophecies</i>, Sibylline, i. 338.</li>
-<li><i>Propontis</i>, Phokion in, xi. 460.</li>
-<li><i>Propylæa</i>, building of, vi. 21, 23 <i>n.</i> 4.</li>
-<li><i>Prose writing</i> among the Greeks, iv. 97.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_567">[p. 567]</span><i>Protagoras</i>, viii. 376, 379 <i>seq.</i>, 389 <i>seq.</i>, 392 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Protesilaus</i>, i. 290, v. 201.</li>
-<li><i>Prothoüs</i>, x. 176.</li>
-<li><i>Proxenus of Tegea</i>, x. 209.</li>
-<li><i>Prytaneium</i>, Solon’s regulations about, iii. 143.</li>
-<li><i>Prytanes</i>, iv. 138.</li>
-<li><i>Prytanies</i>, iv. 138.</li>
-<li><i>Prytanis</i>, <a href="#Page_485">xii. 485</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Psammenitus</i>, iv. 219.</li>
-<li><i>Psammetichus I.</i>, iii. 325 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Psammetichus</i> and Tamos, x. 13.</li>
-<li><i>Psammis</i>, iii. 333.</li>
-<li><i>Psephism</i>, Demophantus’s democratical, viii. 81.</li>
-<li><i>Psephisms</i> and laws, distinction between, v. 373.</li>
-<li><i>Psyttaleia</i>, Persian troops in, v. 128, 136.</li>
-<li><i>Ptolemy of Alôrus</i>, x. 249, 250;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Pelopidas, x. 263;</li>
-  <li>assassination of, x. 300.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ptolemy of Egypt</i>, attack of Perdikkas on, <a href="#Page_335">xii. 335</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>alliance of, with Kassander, Lysimachus and Seleukus against Antigonus, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;</li>
-  <li>proclamations of, to the Greeks, <a href="#Page_369">xii. 369</a>;</li>
-  <li>Lysimachus and Kassander, pacification of, with Antigonus, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li>
-  <li>in Greece, <a href="#Page_373">xii. 373</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ptolemy, nephew of Antigonus</i>, <a href="#Page_370">xii. 370</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Public speaking</i>, its early origin and intellectual effects, ii. 77 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Punjab</i>, Alexander’s conquests in the, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Purification</i> for homicide, i. 25, 26.</li>
-<li><i>Pydna</i>, siege of, by Archestratus, vi. 70;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>siege of, by Archelaus, viii. 118;</li>
-  <li>and Philip, xi. 236, 237.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pylæ</i>, in Babylonia, ix. 36 <i>n.</i> 2., 43 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pylagoræ</i>, ii. 247.</li>
-<li><i>Pylians</i>, ii. 12, 335.</li>
-<li><i>Pylus</i>, attack of Hêraklês on, i. 110;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>long independence of, ii. 331 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>occupation and fortification of, by the Athenians, vi. 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>armistice concluded at, vi. 324, 332;</li>
-  <li>Kleon’s expedition to, vi. 365 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>cession of, demanded by the Lacedæmonians, vii. 29;</li>
-  <li>helots brought back to, by the Athenians, vii. 70;</li>
-  <li>recapture of, by the Lacedæmonians, viii. 131.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pyramids</i>, Egyptian, iii. 321.</li>
-<li><i>Pyrrha</i> and Deukaliôn, i. 96.</li>
-<li><i>Pyrrho</i> and Sokratês, viii. 489 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Pyrrhus, son of Achilles</i>, i. 188.</li>
-<li><i>Pyrrhus, king of Epirus</i>, and Antipater, son of Kassander, <a href="#Page_389">xii. 389</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Pythagoras, the philosopher</i>, i. 367 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 390-411, 416.</li>
-<li><i>Pythagoras, the Ephesian despot</i>, iii. 182.</li>
-<li><i>Pythagorean order</i>, iv. 395, 403 <i>seq.</i>, 416.</li>
-<li><i>Pythagoreans</i>, logical distinction of genera and species unknown to, viii. 427 <i>n.</i> 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Plato, and Dion, xi. 57 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Pytheas</i>, <a href="#Page_457">xii. 457</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Pythia</i>, the, at Delphi, and Philomelus, xi. 250.</li>
-<li><i>Pythian Apollo</i>, i. 47.</li>
-<li><i>Pythian games</i>, ii. 240, 243, iv. 58, 63 <i>seq.</i>, iv. 65, x. 137 <i>n.</i> 1, 195, xi. 428.</li>
-<li><i>Pythius, the Phrygian</i>, v. 27.</li>
-<li><i>Pythodôrus</i>, vii. 133, 139, 285.</li>
-<li><i>Python</i>, mission of, to Athens, xi. 446.</li>
-<li><i>Pythonikus</i>, vii. 175, 197.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">Q.</li>
-<li><i>Quadriremes</i>, x. 479.</li>
-<li><i>Quinqueremes</i>, v. 47 <i>n.</i> 2, x. 479.</li>
-
-<li class="iix">R.</li>
-<li><i>Races</i> of men in “Works and Days”, i. 64 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Religious</i> ceremonies a source of mythes, i. 62, 63, 451 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>views paramount in the Homeric age, i. 357;</li>
-  <li>views, opposition of, to scientific, among the Greeks, i. 358, 370 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>festivals, Grecian, iv. 53, 67 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 353;</li>
-  <li>associations, effect of, on early Grecian art, iv. 99.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Reply</i> to criticisms on the first two volumes of this history, i. 408 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Rhadamanthus</i> and Minôs, i. 219.</li>
-<li><i>Rhapsodes</i>, ii. 129, 137 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Rhea</i>, i. 5, 6.</li>
-<li><i>Rhegians</i> and Tarentines, expedition of, against the Iapygians, v. 238.</li>
-<li><i>Rhegium</i>, iii. 383;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the chorus sent from Messênê to, iv. 53 <i>n.</i> 1;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, vii. 128 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>the Athenian fleet near, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 425, vii. 134;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_568">[p. 568]</span>progress of the Athenian armament for Sicily to, vii. 181;</li>
-  <li>discouragement of the Athenians at, vii. 190;</li>
-  <li>relations of, with Dionysius, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 399, x. 474 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Dionysius, xi. 5, 71, 11, 16 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Dionysius the Younger, xi. 133;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon at, xi. 144 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Rhetoric</i>, v. 402, viii. 335, 339, 346 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Rhetors</i> and sophists, v. 402 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Rhetra</i>, the primitive constitutional, ii. 344 <i>n.</i> 2, 345 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Rhetræ</i>, the Three Lykurgean, ii. 355 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Rhienus</i> and the second Messenian war, ii. 430.</li>
-<li><i>Rhium</i>, Phormio in the Gulf at, vi. 196 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Rhodes</i>, founder of, ii. 30;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>dikasteries at, v. 384 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>and the Olympic games, vii. 52 <i>n.</i> 4;</li>
-  <li>the Peloponnesian fleet at, vii. 399, 400 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 94, ix. 368, 373;</li>
-  <li>Dorieus at, viii. 116;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Sparta, ix. 271;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from Athens, xi. 220 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>siege of, by Demetrius Poliorketes, <a href="#Page_381">xii. 381</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Rhodians</i> and the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 504.</li>
-<li><i>Rhodôpis</i>, iii. 337 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Rhœkus</i> of Samos, iv. 100.</li>
-<li><i>Rhœsakes</i>, <a href="#Page_84">xii. 84</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Rites</i>, post-Homeric, i. 27, 28;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>ecstatic, i. 30 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Rivers</i>, mythical personages identified with, i. 342 <i>n.</i> 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of Greece, ii. 217.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Robbery</i>, violent, how regarded in Greece and Europe, ii. 111 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Romances</i> of chivalry, i. 475, ii. 156 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Roman kings</i>, authority of, ii. 68 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Roman law</i> of debtor and creditor, iii. 159 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Romans</i>, respect of, for Illium, i. 327;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>belief of, with regard to earthquakesi. 400 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>dislike of, to paijudicial pleading, viii. 361 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>embassy from, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_248">xii. 248</a> <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>Livy’s opinion as to the chances of Alexander, if he had attacked the, <a href="#Page_260">xii. 260</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Rome</i>, reduction of the rate of interest at, iii. 112 <i>n.</i> 1;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>debasement of coin at, iii. 114;</li>
-  <li>new tables at, iii. 115 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>law of debtor and creditor at, iii. 159 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>political associations at, viii, 16 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>and Carthage, treaties between, x. 392 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Roxana</i>, <a href="#Page_214">xii. 214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">S.</li>
-<li><i>Sacred games</i>, Solon’s rewards to victors at, iii. 141;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>objects, Greek view of material connection with, iii. 84 <i>n.</i> 1., 260.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sacred War</i>, the first, iv. 63 <i>seq.</i>, v. 346;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the second, xi. 241 <i>seq.</i>, 374, 421 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>position of Philip after the second, xi. 434;</li>
-  <li>the third, xi. 467.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sacrifices</i>, i. 62;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>human, in Greece, i. 126 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sacrilege</i>, French legislation upon, vii. 212 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sadyattês</i>, iii. 253.</li>
-<li><i>Saga</i>, the, Ampère on, i. 357 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sage</i>, a universal manifestation of the human mind, i. 461.</li>
-<li><i>Sagen-poesie</i>, applied as a standard to the Iliad and Odyssey, ii. 162.</li>
-<li><i>Sagra</i>, date of the battle at, iv. 411 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Saints</i>, legends of, i. 469 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sakadas</i>, iv. 89.</li>
-<li><i>Salæthus</i>, vi. 237 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Salamis</i>, the serpent of, i. 186;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>war between Athens and Megara about, iii. 98 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>retreat of the Greek fleet from Artemisium to, v. 102, 107;</li>
-  <li>the battle of, v. 104-147;</li>
-  <li>Persian and Greek fleets after the battle of, v. 147;</li>
-  <li>migration of Athenians to, on Mardonius’s approach, v. 154;</li>
-  <li>seizure of prisoners at, by the Thirty Tyrants at Athens, viii. 267.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Salamis in Cyprus</i>, i. 189, x. 14 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Salmoneus</i>, i. 108.</li>
-<li><i>Samian exiles</i>, application of, to Sparta, iv. 242;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>attack of, on Siphnos, iv. 244;</li>
-  <li>at Zanklê, v. 211.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Samians</i> and Athenians, contrast between, iv. 247;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>slaughter of, by Otanês, iv. 249;</li>
-  <li>at Ladê, iv. 304;</li>
-  <li>migration of, to Sicily, iv. 305;</li>
-  <li>transfer of the fund of the confederacy from Delos to Athens proposed by, v. 343;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_569">[p. 569]</span>application of, to Sparta for aid against Athens, vi. 29.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Samnites</i>, xi. 8.</li>
-<li><i>Samos</i>, foundation of, iii. 173;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>condition of, on the accession of Darius Hystaspês, iv. 240;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonians and Polykratês at, iv. 243;</li>
-  <li>Persian armament under Datis at, iv. 329;</li>
-  <li>Persian fleet at, after the battle of Salamis, v. 147, 192;</li>
-  <li>Greek fleet moves to the rescue of, from the Persians, v. 192;</li>
-  <li>an autonomous ally of Athens, vi. 2;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from the Athenians, vi. 25 <i>seq.</i>, 29;</li>
-  <li>and Milêtus, dispute between, about Priênê, vi. 26;</li>
-  <li>Athenian armament against, under Periklês, Sophoklês, etc., vi. 27 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>blockaded, vi. 28;</li>
-  <li>government of, after its capture by Periklês, vi. 30;</li>
-  <li>democratical revolution at, vii. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>powerful Athenian fleet at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 386;</li>
-  <li>oligarchical conspiracy at, viii. 7 <i>seq.</i>, 25 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>embassy from the Four Hundred to, viii. 44, 52 <i>seq.</i>, 55;</li>
-  <li>Athenian democracy reconstituted at, viii. 46 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the Athenian democracy at, and Alkibiadês, viii. 49 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>eagerness of the Athenian democracy at, to sail to Peiræus, viii. 52, 54;</li>
-  <li>envoys from Argosto the Athenian Demos at, viii. 57;</li>
-  <li>Athenian democracy at, contrasted with the oligarchy of the Four Hundred, viii. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Strombichidês’s arrival at, from the Hellespont, viii. 96;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês’s return from Aspendus to, viii. 115;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês sails from, to the Hellespont, viii. 116;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 155;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês leaves Antiochus in command at, viii. 153;</li>
-  <li>dissatisfaction of the armament at, with Alkibiadês, viii. 154;</li>
-  <li>Konon at, viii. 160;</li>
-  <li>Lysander at, viii. 223, 237;</li>
-  <li>conquest of, by Timotheus, x. 294, 297 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Samothracians</i>, exploit of, at Salamis, v. 135.</li>
-<li><i>Sangala</i>, capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_231">xii. 231</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Sapphô</i>, i. 363, iv. 90 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sardinia</i>, proposition of Bias for a Pan-Ionic emigration to, iv. 207.</li>
-<li><i>Sardis</i>, iii. 220;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of, by Cyrus, iv. 192;</li>
-  <li>march of Aristagoras to, and burning of, iv. 290;</li>
-  <li>march of Xerxes to, and collection of his forces at, v. 14;</li>
-  <li>march of Xerxes from, v. 27;</li>
-  <li>retirement of the Persian army to, after their defeat at Mykalê, v. 198;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês’s imprisonment at, and escape from, viii. 119, 120;</li>
-  <li>forces of Cyrus the Younger collected at, ix. 8;</li>
-  <li>march of Cyrus the Younger from, to Kunaxa, ix. 11 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of Agesilaus near, ix. 267;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_89">xii. 89</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sarissa</i>, <a href="#Page_57">xii. 57</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sarmatians</i>, iii. 243.</li>
-<li><i>Sarpêdôn</i>, i. 219.</li>
-<li><i>Sataspes</i>, iii. 285, 288 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Satrapies</i> of Darius Hystaspes, iv. 235 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Satraps</i> under Darius Hystaspes, discontents of, iv. 226 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of Alexander, <a href="#Page_239">xii. 239</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Satyrus of Herakleia</i>, <a href="#Page_564">xii. 564</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Satyrus I.</i> of Bosporus, xi. 264 <i>n.</i> 1, <a href="#Page_481">xii. 481</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Satyrus the actor</i>, xi. 270, 364.</li>
-<li><i>Satyrus II.</i> of Bosporus, <a href="#Page_484">xii. 484</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Saxo Grammaticus</i> and Snorro Sturleson contrasted with Pherekydes and Hellanikus, i. 468.</li>
-<li><i>Scales</i> Æginæan and Euboic, ii. 319 <i>seq.</i>, 325;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Æginæan, Euboic and Attic, iii. 171.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Scandinavian</i> mythical genealogies, i. 465 <i>n.</i> 3;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Teutonic epic, i. 479 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Scardus</i>, ii. 212.</li>
-<li><i>Science</i>, physical, commencement of, among the Greeks, i. 367.</li>
-<li><i>Scientific</i> views, opposition of, to religions, among the Greeks, i. 359-370 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Scission</i> between the superior men and the multitude among the Greeks, i. 375.</li>
-<li><i>Sculpture</i> at Athens, under Periklês, vi. 22.</li>
-<li><i>Scurrility</i> at festivals, iv. 80 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Scylla</i>, i. 1, 221.</li>
-<li><i>Scythia</i>, iii. 235;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Darius’s invasion of, iv. 263 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Scythians</i>, iii. 233 <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_475">xii. 475</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>invasion of Asia Minor and Upper Asia by, iii. 245 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>strong impression produced by, upon Herodotus’s imagination, iv. 268;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_570">[p. 570]</span>attack of Philip on, xi. 462;</li>
-  <li>and Alexander, <a href="#Page_206">xii. 206</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Secession</i> of the mythical races of Greece, ii. 19.</li>
-<li><i>Seisachtheia</i>, or debtors’ relief-law of Solon, iii. 99 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Selene</i>, i. 6, 346 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Seleukus</i>, alliance of, with Kassander, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy against Antigonus, <a href="#Page_367">xii. 367</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Kassander, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy, pacification of, with Antigonus, <a href="#Page_371">xii. 371</a>;</li>
-  <li>and the Pontic Hêrakleia, <a href="#Page_470">xii. 470</a>;</li>
-  <li>death of, <a href="#Page_470">xii. 470</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Selinuntines</i>, defeat of, by the Egestæans and Carthaginians, x. 404.</li>
-<li><i>Selinus</i>, iii. 367;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Egesta, vii. 145, x. 401, 404;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Syracuse, x. 404;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Hannibal, x. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>abandonment of, by the rest of Sicily, x. 408;</li>
-  <li>Hermokrates at, x. 417.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Selli</i>, ii. 268.</li>
-<li><i>Selymbria</i>, viii. 126, 133, xi. 455 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Selymbris</i>, iv. 27.</li>
-<li><i>Semele</i>, i. 259.</li>
-<li><i>Semi-historical</i> interpretation of ancient mythes, i. 433.</li>
-<li><i>Senate</i> and Agora subordinate in legendary, paramount in historical Greece, ii. 76;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Spartan, ii. 345, 357;</li>
-  <li>of Areopagus, iii. 73;</li>
-  <li>powers of, enlarged by Solon, iii. 122;</li>
-  <li>of Four Hundred, Solon’s, iii. 121;</li>
-  <li>of Five Hundred, iv. 137;</li>
-  <li>at Athens, expulsion of, by the Four Hundred, viii. 39.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Senators</i>, addition to the oath of Athenian, viii. 298.</li>
-<li><i>Sentiment</i>, mingled ethical and mythical, in “Works and Days”, i. 69 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sepias Akte</i>, Xerxes’s fleet at, v. 83 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Servitude</i>, temporary, of the gods, i. 57, 113 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Sestos</i>, capture of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 479, v. 202 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>escape of the Athenian squadron from, to Elæus, viii. 105;</li>
-  <li>Derkyllidas at, ix. 320;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Kotys, x. 373;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, x. 379 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conquest of, by Chares, xi. 257.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Seuthes</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 154, 169 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Seven chiefs</i> against Thebes, the, i. 274.</li>
-<li><i>Seven wise men</i> of Greece, iv. 95 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sibyl</i>, the Erythræan, i. 28.</li>
-<li><i>Sibylline</i> prophecies, i. 28, 338.</li>
-<li><i>Sicilian</i> Greeks, prosperity of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 735 and 485, iii. 367 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Greeks, peculiarity of their monetary and statical scale, iii. 369;</li>
-  <li>comedy, iii. 373;</li>
-  <li>Greeks, early governments of, v. 206;</li>
-  <li>Greeks, and Phenicians, v. 207;</li>
-  <li>cities, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431, vii. 127, 131;</li>
-  <li>and Italian Dorians, aid expected from, by Sparta, vii. 129;</li>
-  <li>cities, general peace between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 424, vii. 138;</li>
-  <li>aid to Syracuse, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 295.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sicily</i>, Phenicians and Greeks in, iii. 276;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>ante-Hellenic population of, iii. 350, 361, 372;</li>
-  <li>and Italy, early languages and history of, iii. 354 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Italy, date of earliest Grecian colony in, iii. 356;</li>
-  <li>rapid multiplication of Grecian colonies in, after <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 735, iii. 360;</li>
-  <li>the voyage from Greece to, iii. 361;</li>
-  <li>spot where the Greeks first landed in, iii. 361;</li>
-  <li>Megarian, iii. 365;</li>
-  <li>subcolonies from, iii. 366;</li>
-  <li>Sikel or Sikan caverns in, iii. 368 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mixed population of, iii. 369;</li>
-  <li>difference between Greeks in, and those in Greece Proper, iii. 372;</li>
-  <li>despots in, about <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 500, v. 204;</li>
-  <li>Carthaginian invasion of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 480, v. 220;</li>
-  <li>expulsion of despots from, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 465, v. 233;</li>
-  <li>after the expulsion of the despots, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 465, v. 234, 236 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 118;</li>
-  <li>return of Duketius to, vii. 122;</li>
-  <li>intellectual movement in, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 461-416, vii. 127;</li>
-  <li>relations of, to Athens and Sparta, altered by the quarrel between Corinth and Korkyra, vii. 129;</li>
-  <li>Dorians attack the Ionians in, about <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 427, vii. 131;</li>
-  <li>Ionic cities in, solicit aid from Athens, against the Dorians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 427, vii. 132;</li>
-  <li>Athenian expedition to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 427, vii. 133;</li>
-  <li>Athenian expedition to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 425, vii. 133;</li>
-  <li>Athenian expedition to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 422, vii. 142;</li>
-  <li>Athenian expedition to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 148-162, 179-191, 217-278;</li>
-  <li>Athenian expedition to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 279-287, 288-353;</li>
-  <li>effect of the Athenian disaster in, upon all Greeks, vii. 363;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_571">[p. 571]</span>intervention of Carthage in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 410, x. 401 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>invasion of, by Hannibal, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 409, x. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>abandonment of Selinus by the Hellenic cities of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 409, x. 408;</li>
-  <li>Hannibal’s return from, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 409, x. 415;</li>
-  <li>return of Hermokrates to, x. 415;</li>
-  <li>invasion of, by Hannibal and Imilkon, x. 422 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>southern, depressed condition of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 405, x. 457;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Dionysius against the Carthaginians in, x. 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>frequency of pestilence among the Carthaginians in, xi. 1;</li>
-  <li>Dionysius’s conquests in the interior of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 394, xi. 4;</li>
-  <li>condition of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 353-344, xi. 130;</li>
-  <li>voyage of Timoleon to, xi. 143 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>invasion of, by the Carthaginians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 340, xi. 170;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon in, xi. 170-195;</li>
-  <li>expedition to, under Giskon, xi. 180;</li>
-  <li>Agathokles in, <a href="#Page_439">xii. 439</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>ceases to be under Hellenic agency after Agathokles, <a href="#Page_451">xii. 451</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sidon</i>, iii. 265;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>conquest of, by Darius Nothus, xi. 438;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to Alexander, <a href="#Page_130">xii. 130</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sidus</i>, capture of, by the Lacedæmonians, ix. 335;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>recovery of, by Iphikrates, ix. 353.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Siege of Troy</i>, i. 284-306.</li>
-<li><i>Sigeium</i>, Mitylenæan at, i. 339;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Peisistratus, iv. 117.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sikans</i>, iii. 349, 351 <i>n.</i> 3, 369.</li>
-<li><i>Sikel</i> prince, Duketius, iii. 374.</li>
-<li><i>Sikels</i>, iii. 349;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in Italy, iii. 351, 375;</li>
-  <li>migration of, from Italy to Sicily, iii. 353 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>in Sicily, iii. 367, x. 494, xi. 5, 6.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sikinnus</i>, v. 126, 140, 313 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Sikyôn</i>, origin of, i. 120 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>early condition of, iii. 4;</li>
-  <li>despots at, iii. 32 <i>seq.</i>, 38;</li>
-  <li>classes of people at, iii. 35;</li>
-  <li>names of Dorion and non-Dorion tribes at, iii. 34, 37;</li>
-  <li>Corinth, and Megara, analogy of, iii. 47;</li>
-  <li>Athenian attacks upon, v. 332;</li>
-  <li>Spartan and Argeian expedition against, vii. 97;</li>
-  <li>desertion of, from Sparta to Thebes, x. 257;</li>
-  <li>intestine dissensions at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 367-366, x. 269 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Euphron at, x. 269 <i>seq.</i>, 272, 273.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Silanus the prophet</i>, ix. 40, 133 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Silphium</i>, iv. 33.</li>
-<li><i>Silver race</i>, the, i. 65.</li>
-<li><i>Simon</i>, i. 304.</li>
-<li><i>Simonidês of Keôs</i>, epigram of, on the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 104;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>mediation of, between Hiero and Thero, v. 227.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Simonidês of Amorgus</i>, poetry of, i. 463, iv. 73, 82.</li>
-<li><i>Sinôpe</i> and the Amazons, i. 212 <i>n.</i> 3;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>date of the foundation of, iii. 249 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>Perikles’s expedition to, vi. 10;</li>
-  <li>and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 129 <i>seq.</i>, 144;</li>
-  <li>long independence of, <a href="#Page_459">xii. 459</a>;</li>
-  <li>envoys from with Darius, <a href="#Page_459">xii. 459</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Siphnus</i>, iii. 166;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>attack of Samian exiles on, iv. 244.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sirens</i>, the, i. 1.</li>
-<li><i>Siris</i>, or Herakleia, iii. 384.</li>
-<li><i>Sisygambis</i>, <a href="#Page_124">xii. 124</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Sisyphus</i>, i. 118 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sitalkes</i>, vi. 141, 215 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sithonia</i>, iv. 24, 25.</li>
-<li><i>Sittake</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 65.</li>
-<li><i>Skalds</i>, Icelandic, songs of, ii. 150 <i>n.</i> 2, ii. 157 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Skedasus</i>, x. 178.</li>
-<li><i>Skepsis</i>, Derkyllidas at, ix. 213.</li>
-<li><i>Skillus</i>, Xenophon at, ix. 176 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Skiône</i>, revolt of, from Athens to Brasidas, vi. 435 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>dispute about, after the One year’s truce between Athens and Sparta, vi. 437;</li>
-  <li>blockade of, by the Athenians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 423, vi. 442;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by the Athenians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 22.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Skiritæ</i>, vii. 80, 84, x. 233.</li>
-<li><i>Skylax</i>, iv. 237, 283, x. 227 <i>n.</i> 6.</li>
-<li><i>Skyllêtium</i>, iii. 384.</li>
-<li><i>Skyros</i>, conquest of, by Kimon, v. 303.</li>
-<li><i>Skytalism</i> at Argos, x. 200 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Skythês</i> of Zanklê, v. 211 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Skythini</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 110.</li>
-<li><i>Slavery</i> of debtors in Attica before Solon, iii. 94.</li>
-<li><i>Slaves</i> in legendary Greece, ii. 97 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Smerdis</i>, iv. 221 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sminthian Apollo</i>, i. 50, 337.</li>
-<li><i>Smyrna</i>, iii. 182, 189.</li>
-<li><i>Social War</i>, xi. 220, 231.</li>
-<li><i>Socratic philosophers</i>, their unjust condemnation of rhapsodes, ii. 139.</li>
-<li><i>Socratici viri</i>, viii. 403 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_572">[p. 572]</span><i>Sogdian rock</i>, capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_214">xii. 214</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Sogdiana</i>, Alexander in, <a href="#Page_202">xii. 202</a> <i>seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Sôkratês</i>, his treatment of the discrepancy between scientific and religious views, i. 370;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>treatment of, by the Athenians, i. 374 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>alleged impiety of, attacked by Aristophanês, i. 401 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the sophists, v. 404, vii. 35 <i>n.</i> 2; viii. 387 <i>n.</i>, 400, 441 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the battle of Delium, vi. 396;</li>
-  <li>and Alkibiadês, vii. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kritias, vii. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the Athenian assembly, on the generals at Arginusæ, vii. 200;</li>
-  <li>and the Thirty, viii. 244, 257;</li>
-  <li>and Parmenidês, viii. 346 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>dislike of, to teaching for pay, viii. 342;</li>
-  <li>life, character, philosophy, teaching, and death of, viii. 400-496.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Solemnities</i> and games, i. 106.</li>
-<li><i>Soli</i> in Cyprus, iii. 148.</li>
-<li><i>Sollium</i>, Athenian capture of, vi. 135.</li>
-<li><i>Soloeis</i>, Cape, iii. 272 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Solon</i> and the Iliad, ii. 152 <i>n.</i> 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>civil condition of Attica before, iii. 48;</li>
-  <li>life, character, laws, and constitution of, iii. 88-159.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sophokles</i>, his Œdipus, i. 270;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his treatment of mythes, i. 379 <i>seq.</i>, 385;</li>
-  <li>Periklês, etc., Athenian armament under, against Samos, vi. 27 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>number of tragedies by, viii. 319 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Æschylus and Euripidês, viii. 332;</li>
-  <li>and Herodotus, viii. 323 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sophokles</i> and Eurymedon, expeditions of, to Sicily and Korkyra, vi. 313 <i>seq.</i>, 357 <i>seq.</i>, vii. 133, 136, 139.</li>
-<li><i>Sôsis</i>, xi. 104.</li>
-<li><i>Sosistratus</i>, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Sothiac period</i> and Manetho, iii. 340 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sparta</i> and Mykênæ, i. 165 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>occupation of, by the Dorians, ii. 311, 326 <i>seq.</i>, 360;</li>
-  <li>and the disunion of Greek towns, ii. 259;</li>
-  <li>not strictly a city, ii. 261;</li>
-  <li>inferior to Argos and neighboring Dorians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 776, ii. 307, 312;</li>
-  <li>first historical view of, ii. 323;</li>
-  <li>not the perfect Dorian type, ii. 341;</li>
-  <li>pair of kings at, ii. 349;</li>
-  <li>classification of the population at, ii. 348 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>syssitia and public training at, ii. 380 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>partition of lands at, ascribed to Lykurgus, ii. 393-415;</li>
-  <li>progressive increase of, ii. 417;</li>
-  <li>and Lepreum, ii. 440;</li>
-  <li>Argos, and Arcadia, relations of, ii. 443 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>and Mantinea, ii. 444;</li>
-  <li>and Arcadia, ii. 445 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Tegea, ii. 446 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>bones of Orestês taken to, ii. 447;</li>
-  <li>acquisitions of, towards Argos, ii. 450 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>extensive possessions and power of by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 540, ii. 453 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>military institutions of, ii. 456 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>recognized superiority of, ii. 461, iv. 242, 318;</li>
-  <li>peculiar government of, iii. 6;</li>
-  <li>alleged intervention of, with the Nemean and Isthmian games, iv. 66 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>exclusive character of her festivals, iv. 69;</li>
-  <li>musical and poetical tendencies at, iv. 83 <i>seq.</i>, 86 <i>n.</i> 1;</li>
-  <li>choric training at, iv. 84 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>first appearance of, as head of Peloponnesian allies, iv. 169, 174 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>preparations at, for attacking Athens, after the failure of Kleomenês, iv. 173 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Crœsus, iv. 190;</li>
-  <li>and Asiatic Greeks, iv. 199, iv. 207, 208;</li>
-  <li>and Samian exiles, iv. 242;</li>
-  <li>and Aristagoras, iv. 287 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>treatment of Darius’s herald at, iv. 317;</li>
-  <li>appeal of Athenians to, against the Medism of Ægina, iv. 318;</li>
-  <li>war of, against Argos, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 496-5, iv. 320 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>no heralds sent from Xerxes to, v. 57;</li>
-  <li>Pan-Hellenic congress convened by, at the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 57 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>leaves Athens undefended against Mardonius, v. 153 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>headship of the allied Greeks transferred from, to Athens, v. 261 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, first open separation between, v. 263, 265 <i>seq.</i>, 290;</li>
-  <li>secret promise of, to the Thasians, to invade Attica, v. 312;</li>
-  <li>restores the supremacy of Thebes in Bœotia, v. 313, 331;</li>
-  <li>and the rest of Peloponnesus, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 477-457, v. 314;</li>
-  <li>earthquake and revolt of Helots at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 464, v. 315 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Athenian auxiliaries to, against the Helots, v. 316 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Athenians renounce the alliance of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 464, v. 319;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, five years’ truce between, v. 334;</li>
-  <li>and Delphi, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 452-447, v. 346;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, thirty years’ truce between, v. 350;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_573">[p. 573]</span>application of Samians to, vi. 29;</li>
-  <li>imperial, compared with imperial Athens, vi. 39, ix. 187 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and her subject-allies, vi. 41;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, confederacies of, vi. 46;</li>
-  <li>promise of, to the Potidæans, to invade Attica, vi. 69;</li>
-  <li>application of the Lesbians to, vi. 76;</li>
-  <li>assembly at, before the Peloponnesian war, vi. 78 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>relations of, with her allies, vi. 79;</li>
-  <li>congress of allies at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 432, vi. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>requisitions addressed to Athens by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431, vi. 97 <i>seq.</i>, 105 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>efforts of, to raise a naval force on commencing the Peloponnesian war, vi. 125;</li>
-  <li>and the Mitylenæans, vi. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>despatches from Artaxerxes to, vi. 360 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Athens one year’s truce between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 423, vi. 437 <i>seq.</i>, 453, 457 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Peace of Nikias, vii. 2, 9;</li>
-  <li>and Argos, uncertain relations between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 3;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, alliance between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 5;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Elis from, vii. 17 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>congress at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 24;</li>
-  <li>and Bœotia, alliance between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 420, vii. 26;</li>
-  <li>and Argos, fifty years’ peace between, vii. 28 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>embassy of Nikias to, vii. 44;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, relations between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 419, vii. 70;</li>
-  <li>and the battle of Mantinea, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 86;</li>
-  <li>and Argos, peace and alliance between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>submission of Mantinea to, vii. 95;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, relations between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 416, vii. 103;</li>
-  <li>and Sicily, relations of, altered by the quarrel between Corinth and Korkyra, vii. 129;</li>
-  <li>aid expected from the Sicilian Dorians by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431, vii. 130;</li>
-  <li>embassy from Syracuse and Corinth to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 235 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês at, vii. 236 <i>seq.</i>, viii. 2;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, violation of the peace between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 285;</li>
-  <li>resolution of, to fortify Dekeleia and send a force to Syracuse, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 286;</li>
-  <li>application from Chios to, vii. 365;</li>
-  <li>embassy from Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus to, vii. 366;</li>
-  <li>embassy from the Four Hundred to, viii. 63, 84;</li>
-  <li>proposals of peace from, to Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 410, viii. 122 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>alleged proposals of peace from, to Athens, after the battle of Argenusæ, viii. 210;</li>
-  <li>first proposals of Athens to, after the battle of Ægospotami, viii. 226;</li>
-  <li>embassies of Theramenês to, viii. 227, 228;</li>
-  <li>assembly of the Peloponnesian confederacy at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 404, viii. 228;</li>
-  <li>terms of peace granted to Athens by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 404, viii. 229;</li>
-  <li>triumphant return of Lysander to, viii. 238;</li>
-  <li>and her allies, after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 259;</li>
-  <li>oppressive dominion of after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 260;</li>
-  <li>opposition to Lysander at, viii. 262;</li>
-  <li>pacification by, between the Ten at Athens and the exiles at Peiræus, viii. 278;</li>
-  <li>empire of, contrasted with her promises of liberty, ix. 191 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>change in the language and plans of, towards the close of the Peloponnesian war, ix. 194;</li>
-  <li>and the Thirty at Athens, ix. 197;</li>
-  <li>opportunity lost by, for organizing a stable confederacy throughout Greece, ix. 199 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>alienation of the allies of, after the battle of Ægospotami, ix. 223 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Elis, war between, ix. 225 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>refuses to restore the Olympic presidency to the Pisatans, ix. 229;</li>
-  <li>expels the Messenians from Peloponnesus, ix. 229;</li>
-  <li>introduction of gold and silver to, by Lysander, ix. 230 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 432 and after <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 404, contrast between, ix. 232;</li>
-  <li>position of kings at, ix. 238 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conspiracy of Kinadon at, ix. 247 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Persian preparations for maritime war against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 397, ix. 255, 270;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Rhodes from, ix. 271;</li>
-  <li>relations of, with her neighbors and allies, after the accession of Agesilaus, ix. 284;</li>
-  <li>and Hêrakleia Trachynia, ix. 285, 302;</li>
-  <li>and Timokrates, ix. 286 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Thebes, war between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 395, ix. 289 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>alliance of Thebes, Athens, Corinth, and Argos against, ix. 301;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of, against Thebes, Athens, Corinth, and Argos, ix. 303, 305 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_574">[p. 574]</span>consequences of the battles of Corinth, Knidus, and Korôneia to, ix. 317 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>hostility of, to partial land confederacies in Greece, ix. 361;</li>
-  <li>congress at, on the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 386;</li>
-  <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, x. 2 <i>seq.</i>, 9 <i>seq.</i>, 28;</li>
-  <li>applications of, for Persian aid, x. 5 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Persia after the battle of Ægospotami, x. 8;</li>
-  <li>and Grecian autonomy, x. 11 <i>seq.</i>, 28;</li>
-  <li>miso-Theban proceedings of, after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 28 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>restores Platæa, x. 30 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>oppressive conduct of towards Mantinea, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 386, x. 35 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mischievous influence of, after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 40 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>naval competition of Athens with, after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 42 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Olynthian confederacy, x. 52 <i>seq.</i>, 57, 65 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the surprise of Thebes by Phœbidas, x. 61 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Phlius, x. 70;</li>
-  <li>ascendency and unpopularity of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 379, x. 72 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Xenophon on the conduct of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 387-379, x. 77;</li>
-  <li>effect of the revolution at Thebes, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 379, on, x. 93;</li>
-  <li>trial of Sphodrias at, x. 100 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>war declared by Athens against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 378, x. 102;</li>
-  <li>separate peace of Athens with, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 374, x. 137, 141;</li>
-  <li>and Polydamas, x. 137 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>decline of the power of, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 382-374, x. 140;</li>
-  <li>discouragement of, by her defeat at Korkyra and by earthquakes, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 372, x. 157;</li>
-  <li>disposition of Athens to peace with, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 372, x. 158, 165;</li>
-  <li>general peace settled at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 165 <i>seq.</i>, 174, 198;</li>
-  <li>effect of the news of the defeat at Leuktra on, x. 186;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, difference between in passive endurance and active energy, x. 188;</li>
-  <li>reinforcements from, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 188;</li>
-  <li>treatment of defeated citizens on their return from Leuktra, x. 192 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Thebes, alleged arbitration of the Achæans between, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 199 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>position of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 201;</li>
-  <li>and the Amphiktyonic assembly, x. 202 <i>seq.</i>, xi. 242;</li>
-  <li>feeling against Agesilaus at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 207;</li>
-  <li>hostile approaches of Epaminondas to, x. 218 <i>seq.</i>, 330 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>abstraction of Western Laconia from, x. 226 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Athens for aid against Thebes, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 369, x. 234 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, alliance between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 369, x. 253;</li>
-  <li>reinforcement from Syracuse in aid of, x. 258;</li>
-  <li>peace of her allies with Thebes, x. 290 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>alliance of Elis and Achaia with, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 365, x. 313;</li>
-  <li>and Dionysius, x. 457, 505, xi. 22;</li>
-  <li>degradation of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 360-359, xi. 197 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>countenance of the Phokians by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 353, xi. 262;</li>
-  <li>plans of, against Megalopolis and Messênê, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 353, ix. 263, 290;</li>
-  <li>decline in military readiness among the Peloponnesian allies of, after the Peloponnesian war, xi. 280;</li>
-  <li>ineffectual campaign of, against Megalopolis, xi. 299 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>envoys from, to Philip, xi. 405, 409;</li>
-  <li>envoys from, with Darius, <a href="#Page_189">xii. 189</a>;</li>
-  <li>anti-Macedonian policy of, after Alexander’s death, <a href="#Page_281">xii. 281</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Spartan</i> kings, ii. 11, 76, 353 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>senate, assembly, and ephors, ii. 349 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>popular assembly, ii. 357;</li>
-  <li>constitution, ii. 359 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>government, secrecy of, ii. 378;</li>
-  <li>discipline, ii. 381 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>women, ii. 383 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>law and practice of succession, erroneous suppositions about, ii. 409 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>arbitration of the dispute between Athens and Megan about Salamis, iii. 92;</li>
-  <li>expeditions against Hippias, iv. 122;</li>
-  <li>empire, commencement of, ix. 181, 184 <i>seq.</i>, 188 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>empire, Theopompus on, ix. 195 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>allies at the battle of Leuktra, x. 182.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Spartans</i>, and Pheidôn, ii. 318;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Messenians, early proceedings of, ii. 329;</li>
-  <li>local distinctions among, ii. 361;</li>
-  <li>the class of, ii. 361 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Helots, ii. 373 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>marriage among, ii. 385; their ignorance of letters, ii. 390 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>musical susceptibilities of, ii. 433;</li>
-  <li>and the second Messenian war, ii. 434, 437;</li>
-  <li>careful training of, when other states had none, ii. 455;</li>
-  <li>and the battle of Marathon, iv. 342, 358;</li>
-  <li>unwillingness of, to postpone or neglect festivals, v. 77;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_575">[p. 575]</span>at Platæa, v. 157, 166 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the continental Ionians after the battle of Mykalê, v. 193;</li>
-  <li>and the fortification of Athens, v. 243 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>favorable answer of the oracle at Delphi to, on war with Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 432, vi. 91;</li>
-  <li>final answer of the Athenians to, before the Peloponnesian war, vi. 106;</li>
-  <li>their desire for peace, to regain the captives from Sphakteria, vi. 428 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Thebans, at the battle of Korôneia, ix. 317;</li>
-  <li>project of, for the rescue of the Asiatic Greeks, x. 44;</li>
-  <li>miso-Theban impulse of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 175;</li>
-  <li>confidence and defeat of, at Leuktra, x. 179 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>retirement of, from Bœotia after the battle of Leuktra, x. 190;</li>
-  <li>refusal of, to acknowledge the independence of Messênê, x. 290, 350;</li>
-  <li>and Dion, xi. 61.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sparti</i>, i. 259, 261.</li>
-<li><i>Spartokidæ</i>, <a href="#Page_479">xii. 479</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Speaking</i>, public, its early origin and intellectual effects, ii. 77 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sperthiês</i> and Bulis, vi. 182 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Speusippus</i>, indictment of, by Leogoras, vii. 206 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Sphakteria</i>, locality of, vi. 314;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>occupation of, by the Lacedæmonians, vi. 320, 346;</li>
-  <li>blockade of Lacedæmonians in, vi. 324, 332 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonian embassy to Athens for the release of the prisoners in, vi. 324 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Demosthenês’s application for reinforcements to attack, vi. 334 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>condition of, on the attack by Demosthenês and Kleon, vi. 340;</li>
-  <li>victory of Demosthenês and Kleon over Lacedæmonians in, vi. 341 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>surrender of Lacedæmonians in, vi. 345 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>arrival of prisoners from, at Athens, vi. 351;</li>
-  <li>restoration of prisoners taken at, vii. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>disfranchisement of restored prisoners from, vii. 22.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sphendaleis</i>, Attic deme of, v. 158 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Sphinx</i>, the, i. 7, 266.</li>
-<li><i>Spodrias</i>, attempt of, to surprise Peiræus, x. 98 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Spitamenes</i>, <a href="#Page_207">xii. 207</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Spithridates</i>, and the Lacedæmonians, ix. 260, 274 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Stables</i>, the Augean, i. 139.</li>
-<li><i>Stageira</i>, iv. 25.</li>
-<li><i>Standard</i> of historical evidence raised with regard to England, but not with regard to Greece, i. 484.</li>
-<li><i>Stasippus</i>, x. 209.</li>
-<li><i>Statira</i>, <a href="#Page_124">xii. 124</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Statues</i>, Greek, identified with the beings they represented, i. 460.</li>
-<li><i>Stenyklêrus</i>, Dorians of, ii. 328.</li>
-<li><i>Steropês</i>, i. 5.</li>
-<li><i>Stesichorus, the lyric poet</i>, and Helen, i. 307 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>dialect of, iv. 78 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Stesiklês</i>, x. 144, 147 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Sthenelaïdas</i>, the ephor, vi. 90 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Story</i> of striking off the overtopping ears of corn, iii. 24 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Strabo</i> on the Amazons, i. 214;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his version of the Argonautic expedition, i. 255;</li>
-  <li>on Old and New Ilium, i. 329 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his transformation of mythes to history, i. 413.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Strangers</i>, supplication of, ii. 79 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>reception of, in legendary Greece, ii. 85.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Stratêgi</i>, Kleisthenean, iv. 136;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>enlarged functions of Athenian, after the Persian war, v. 276.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Stratolas</i>, x. 320.</li>
-<li><i>Stratus</i>, attack of Peloponnesians, Ambrakiots and Epirots upon, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 429, vi. 194.</li>
-<li><i>Strelitzes</i>, suppression of the revolt of, by Peter the Great, iv. 232 <i>n.</i> 3.</li>
-<li><i>Strombichidês</i>, pursuit of Chalkideus and Alkibiadês by, vii. 371;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expedition of, to Chios, vii. 374, 390, 392;</li>
-  <li>removal of, from Chios to the Hellespont, viii. 94;</li>
-  <li>arrival of, at Samos, from the Hellespont, viii. 95;</li>
-  <li>and other Athenian democrats, imprisonment of, viii. 236;</li>
-  <li>trial and execution of, viii. 240 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Strophê</i>, introduction of, iv. 89.</li>
-<li><i>Struthas</i>, victory of, over Thimbron, ix. 362.</li>
-<li><i>Strymôn</i>, Greek settlements east of, in Thrace, iv. 25;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Xerxes’s bridges across the, v. 25.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Styx</i>, i. 7, 8.</li>
-<li><i>Styx</i>, rocks near, ii. 301 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Subterranean</i>, course of rivers in Greece, ii. 219.</li>
-<li><i>Succession</i>, Solon’s laws of, iii. 139.</li>
-<li><i>Suli</i>, iii. 418.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_576">[p. 576]</span><i>Suppliants</i>, reception of, in legendary Greece, ii. 85.</li>
-<li><i>Supplication</i> of strangers, ii. 79 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Susa</i>, sum found in by Alexander the Great, iv. 236 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Pharnabazus conveys Greek escorts towards, viii. 135;</li>
-  <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_168">xii. 168</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander’s march from, to Persepolis, <a href="#Page_246">xii. 246</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Susia</i>, <a href="#Page_189">xii. 189</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Susian Gates</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_171">xii. 171</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Syagrus</i>, reply of, to Gelôn, i. 167.</li>
-<li><i>Sybaris</i>, foundation, territory and colonies of, iii. 376 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>fall of, iii. 392, 399, iv. 413 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>maximum power of, iii. 394 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Krotôn, war between, iv. 412.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Sybarites</i>, character of, iii. 394 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>defeat of, by the Krotoniates, iv. 413;</li>
-  <li>descendants of, at Thurii, vi. 13.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>“Sybaritic tales”</i>, iii. 394.</li>
-<li><i>Syennesis of Kilikia</i>, and Cyrus the Younger, ix. 18.</li>
-<li><i>Sylosôn</i>, iv. 248 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Symmories</i> at Athens, x. 117 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>speech of Demosthenês on the, xi. 285 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Symplêgades</i>, the, i. 235.</li>
-<li><i>Syntagma</i>, Macedonian, <a href="#Page_60">xii. 60</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Syracusan</i> assembly, on the approaching Athenian expedition, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 183 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>ships, improvements in, to suit the narrow harbor, vii. 297;</li>
-  <li>squadron under Hermokrates against Athens in the Ægean, x. 385 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>generals at Agrigentum, complaints against, x. 427, 431;</li>
-  <li>generals at Agrigentum, speech of Dionysius against, x. 433 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>horsemen, mutiny of, against Dionysius, x. 451 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>soldiers mutiny of, against Dionysius, x. 462 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Syracusans</i>, confidence and proceedings of, after the capture of Plemmyrium, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 293 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Athenians, conflicts between, in the Great Harbor, vii. 294, 299 <i>seq.</i>, 316 <i>seq.</i>, 324 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>defeat of the Athenian night attack upon Epipolæ by, vii. 305 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>their blockade of the Athenians in the harbor, vii. 318;</li>
-  <li>captured by Thrasyllus, viii. 129;</li>
-  <li>delay of, in aiding Selinus, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 409, x. 404, 408;</li>
-  <li>improvement in Dionysius’s behavior towards, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 399, x. 473;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over the Carthaginians in the great Harbor, x. 501;</li>
-  <li>negotiations of Dionysius the Younger with Dion and the, xi. 96;</li>
-  <li>defeat of Dionysius the Younger, by Dion and the, xi. 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application from, to Dion at Leontini, xi. 108;</li>
-  <li>gratitude of, to Dion, xi. 112;</li>
-  <li>opposition of, to Dion as dictator, xi. 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Hiketas and Corinth, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 344, x. 134 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Timoleon, application of, to Corinth, xi. 167.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Syracuse</i>, foundation of, iii. 363;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>petalism or ostracism at, iv. 162;</li>
-  <li>inferior to Agrigentum and Gela, before <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 500, v. 204;</li>
-  <li>in <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 500, v. 205;</li>
-  <li>increased population and power of, under Gelo, v. 214 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>prisoners awarded to, after the battle of Himera, v. 225;</li>
-  <li>topography of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 465, v. 235 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fall of the Gelonian dynasty at, v. 235 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Gelonian citizens of, v. 237 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>reaction against despotism at, after the fall of the Gelonian dynasty, v. 240;</li>
-  <li>political dissensions and failure of ostracism at, vii. 122;</li>
-  <li>foreign exploits of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 452, vii. 123;</li>
-  <li>Duketius at, vii. 124;</li>
-  <li>and Agrigentum, hostilities between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 446, vii. 125;</li>
-  <li>conquests and ambitious schemes of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 440, vii. 126;</li>
-  <li>incredulity and contempt at, as to the Athenian armament for Sicily, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 182;</li>
-  <li>quiescence of the democracy at, vii. 183 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>preparations at, on the approach of the Athenian armament at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 190;</li>
-  <li>empty display of the Athenian armament at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 194;</li>
-  <li>increased confidence at, through Nikias’s inaction, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 218;</li>
-  <li>landing of Nikias and his forces in the Great Harbor of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 219;</li>
-  <li>defensive measures of, after the battle near the Olympieion, vii. 228;</li>
-  <li>embassy from, to Corinth and Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415, vii. 235;</li>
-  <li>local condition and fortifications of, in the spring of <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 244;</li>
-  <li>localities outside the walls of, vii. 245;</li>
-  <li>possibilities of the siege of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 415 and 414, vii. 245;</li>
-  <li>siege of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 248 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>battle near, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 255 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_577">[p. 577]</span>entrance of the Athenian fleet into the Great Harbor at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 414, vii. 256;</li>
-  <li>approach of Gylippus to, vii. 262 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>arrival of Gylippus and Gongylus at, vii. 265;</li>
-  <li>expedition to, under Demosthenês <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 289;</li>
-  <li>Athenian victory in the harbor of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 291;</li>
-  <li>defeat of a Sicilian reinforcement to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 295;</li>
-  <li>disadvantages of the Athenian fleet in the harbor of, vii. 296;</li>
-  <li>arrival of Demosthenês at, vii. 301, 303;</li>
-  <li>philo-Athenians at, during the siege, vii. 311 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>increase of force and confidence in, after the night attack upon Epipolæ, vii. 314;</li>
-  <li>postponement of the Athenians’ retreat from, by an eclipse of the moon, vii. 315;</li>
-  <li>number and variety of forces engaged at, vii. 318;</li>
-  <li>postponement of the Athenians’ retreat from, by Hermokratês, vii. 330;</li>
-  <li>retreat of the Athenians from, vii. 331 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>number and treatment of Athenian prisoners at, vii. 344 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>topography of, and the operations during the Athenian siege, vii. 401 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>rally of Athens during the year after the disaster at, viii. 1;</li>
-  <li>reinforcement from, in aid of Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 368, x. 258;</li>
-  <li>after the destruction of the Athenian armament, x. 383, 389 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the quarrel between Selinus and Egesta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 410, x. 403 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>embassy from, to Hannibal, at Selinus, x. 409;</li>
-  <li>aid from, to Himera, against Hannibal, x. 410, 411;</li>
-  <li>attempts of Hermokrates to enter, x. 416 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>first appearance of Dionysius at, x. 420;</li>
-  <li>discord at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, x. 421;</li>
-  <li>reinforcement from, to Agrigentum, x. 426;</li>
-  <li>movement of the Hermokratean party at, to raise Dionysius to power, x. 432;</li>
-  <li>Dionysius one of the generals at, 434 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>return of the Hermokratean exiles to, x. 436;</li>
-  <li>return of Dionysius from Gela, to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 405, x. 429;</li>
-  <li>establishment of Dionysius as despot at, x. 444 <i>seq.</i>, 454;</li>
-  <li>re-distribution of property at, by Dionysius, x. 459 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>locality of, x. 470;</li>
-  <li>additional fortifications at, by Dionysius, x. 471 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>plunder of Carthaginians at, by permission of Dionysius, x. 482;</li>
-  <li>provisions of Dionysius for the defence of, against the Carthaginians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 396, x. 494;</li>
-  <li>retreat of Dionysius from, to Katana, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 395, x. 497;</li>
-  <li>siege of, by Imilkon, x. 498 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Carthaginians before, x. 498 <i>seq.</i>, 506 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>exultation at, over the burning of the Carthaginian fleet at Daskon, x. 509;</li>
-  <li>new constructions and improvements by Dionysius at, xi. 39;</li>
-  <li>feeling at, towards Dionysius the Younger and Dion, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 357, xi. 86;</li>
-  <li>Dion’s march from Herakleia to, xi. 90;</li>
-  <li>Timokrates, governor of, xi. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Dion’s entries into, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 357 and <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 356, xi. 92 <i>seq.</i>, 110;</li>
-  <li>flight of Dionysius the Younger from, to Lokri, xi. 104;</li>
-  <li>rescue of, by Dion, xi. 108 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>condition of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 353-344, xi. 129 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>return of Dionysius the Younger to, xi. 132;</li>
-  <li>first arrival of Timoleon at, xi. 149;</li>
-  <li>return of Timoleon from Adranum to, xi. 158;</li>
-  <li>flight of Magon from, xi. 159 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon’s temptations and conduct on becoming master of, xi. 163 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon’s recall of exiles to, xi. 166;</li>
-  <li>desolate condition of, on coming into the hands of Timoleon, xi. 166, 167;</li>
-  <li>efforts of Corinth to reconstitute, xi. 167, 168;</li>
-  <li>influx of colonists to, on the invitation of Corinth and Timoleon, xi. 169;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon marches from, against the Carthaginians, xi. 172 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon lays down his power at, xi. 185;</li>
-  <li>great influence of Timoleon at, after his resignation, xi. 186, 193;</li>
-  <li>residence of Timoleon at, xi. 190;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon in the public assembly of, xi. 190 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the constitution established by Timoleon at, exchanged for a democracy, <a href="#Page_393">xii. 393</a>;</li>
-  <li>expedition from, to Krotôn, about <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 320, <a href="#Page_397">xii. 397</a>;</li>
-  <li>revolutions at, about <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 320, <a href="#Page_399">xii. 399</a>, 400;</li>
-  <li>massacre at, by Agathokles in collusion with Hamilkar, <a href="#Page_401">xii. 401</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Agathokles constituted despot of, <a href="#Page_402">xii. 402</a>;</li>
-  <li>Hamilkar’s unsuccessful attempt to take, <a href="#Page_422">xii. 422</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_578">[p. 578]</span>barbarities of Agathokles at, after his African expedition, <a href="#Page_446">xii. 446</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Syrians</i>, not distinguished from Assyrians in Greek authors, iii. 290 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Syrphax</i>, <a href="#Page_90">xii. 90</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Syssitia</i>, or public mess at Sparta, ii. 381.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">T.</li>
-<li><i>Tachos</i>, x. 361 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Tagus</i>, Thessalian, ii. 281.</li>
-<li><i>Talôs</i>, i. 240.</li>
-<li><i>Tamos</i>, x. 13.</li>
-<li><i>Tamynæ</i>, Phokion’s victory at, xi. 341;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Demosthenes reproached for his absence from the battle of, xi. 344.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tanagra</i>, battle of, v. 328;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>reconciliation of leaders and parties at Athens, after the battle of, v. 329.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tantalus</i>, i. 157.</li>
-<li><i>Taochi</i>, and the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 109 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Taphians</i> in Homer’s time, ii. 102.</li>
-<li><i>Taranto</i>, fishery at, iii. 389 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Tarentines</i> and Rhegians, expedition of, against the Iapygians, v. 238;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Mesapians, <a href="#Page_394">xii. 394</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tarentum</i>, foundation of cities in the Gulf of, i. 230;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Greek settlements on the Gulf of, iii. 384;</li>
-  <li>foundation and position of, iii. 387 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tarsus</i>, origin of, i. 85 <i>n.</i>, iii. 277;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Cyrus the Younger at, ix. 20 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander at, <a href="#Page_112">xii. 112</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tartarus</i>, i. 4, 8, 9.</li>
-<li><i>Tartessus</i>, iii. 274;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>not visited by Greeks before <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 630, iii. 277;</li>
-  <li>Kôlæus’s voyage to, iii. 278.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tauri</i> in the Crimea, iii. 245.</li>
-<li><i>Tauromenium</i>, iii. 362;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>commencement of, x. 493;</li>
-  <li>repulse of Dionysius at, xi. 5;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by Dionysius, xi. 8;</li>
-  <li>Timoleon at, xi. 146.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Taurus</i>, <a href="#Page_182">xii. 182</a> <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Taurus, Mount</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_111">xii. 111</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Taxiarch</i>, ii. 460.</li>
-<li><i>Taxila</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_227">xii. 227</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Tearless Battle</i>, the, x. 265 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Tegea</i> and Mantinea, ii. 443 <i>seq.</i>, vi. 452, vii. 13;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Sparta, ii. 447 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>bones of Orestês taken from, ii. 448;</li>
-  <li>refusal of, to join Argos, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 421, vii. 19;</li>
-  <li>plans of the Argeian allies against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 76;</li>
-  <li>march of Agis to the relief of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 418, vii. 77;</li>
-  <li>revolution at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 370, x. 209;</li>
-  <li>seizure of Arcadians at, by the Theban harmost, x. 324 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Epaminondas at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 362, x. 329, 330, 333, 335 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>march of Epaminondas from, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 362, x. 333 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tegyra</i>, victory of Pelopidas at, x. 134.</li>
-<li><i>Teian</i> inscriptions, iii. 186 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Telamôn</i>, i. 189 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Telegonus</i>, i. 315.</li>
-<li><i>Têlekus</i>, conquests of, ii. 421;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>death of, ii. 425.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Teleontes</i>, iii. 51.</li>
-<li><i>Têlephus</i>, i. 177, 292.</li>
-<li><i>Teleutius</i> and Agesilaus, capture of the Long Walls at Corinth, and of Lechæum by, ix. 339 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expedition of, to Rhodes, ix. 364, 368;</li>
-  <li>at Ægina, ix. 373, 376;</li>
-  <li>attack of, on the Peiræus, ix. 377 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Olynthus, x. 65 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Têlinês</i>, iv. 106 <i>n.</i>, v. 208 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Telys, of Sybaris</i>, iv. 412 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Temenion</i> and Solygeius, ii. 309.</li>
-<li><i>Temenus</i>, Kresphontês, and Aristodêmus, ii. 2 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Kresphontês, family of, lowest in the series of subjects for heroic drama, ii. 10.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Temnos</i>, situation of, iii. 191 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Tempe</i>, remarks of Herodotus on the legend of, i. 400;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Delphian procession to, ii. 275 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>Grecian army sent to defend, against Xerxes, v. 68;</li>
-  <li>abandonment of the defence of, against Xerxes, v. 69 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Temple of Eleusis</i> built by order of Dêmêtêr, i. 40.</li>
-<li><i>Tenedos</i>, continental settlements of, iii. 195;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>recovery of, by Macedonian admiralty, <a href="#Page_141">xii. 141</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ten</i>, appointment of the, at Athens, viii. 271;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>measures of the, at Athens, viii. 272;</li>
-  <li>peace between the, at Athens, and Thrasybulus, viii. 279 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>treatment of the, at Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 403, viii. 293.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ten generals</i> appointed to succeed Alkibiadês, viii. 159.</li>
-<li><i>Tennes</i>, the Sidonian prince, xi. 438.</li>
-<li><i>Ten Thousand Greeks</i>, position and circumstances of, ix. 11;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_579">[p. 579]</span>commencement of their retreat, ix. 52;</li>
-  <li>Persian heralds to, on commencing their retreat, ix. 52;</li>
-  <li>negotiations and convention of Tissaphernes with, ix. 59 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>quarrel of, with Ariæus, ix. 63;</li>
-  <li>retreating march of, under Tissaphernes, ix. 63 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the Tigris, ix. 65 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the Greater Zab, ix. 69;</li>
-  <li>summoned by Ariæus to surrender, ix. 76;</li>
-  <li>distress of, after the seizure of the generals, ix. 76;</li>
-  <li>new generals appointed by, ix. 80;</li>
-  <li>great ascendency of Xenophon over, ix. 83 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>crossing of the Great Zab by, ix. 88;</li>
-  <li>harassing attacks of the Persian cavalry on, ix. 88 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>retreat of, along the Tigris, ix. 90 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Karduchians, ix. 96 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the Kentritês, ix. 100 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Armenia, ix. 102 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Chalybes, ix. 107 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Taochi, ix. 107 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Skythine, ix. 110;</li>
-  <li>first sight of the Euxine by, ix. 111;</li>
-  <li>and the Makrônes, ix. 112;</li>
-  <li>and the Kolchians, ix. 112, 127;</li>
-  <li>at Trapezus, ix. 113, 124 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>geography of the retreat of, ix. 115 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>feelings of the Greeks on the Euxine towards, ix. 123 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>leave Trapezus, ix. 127;</li>
-  <li>at Kerasus, ix. 127;</li>
-  <li>march of, to Kotyôra, ix. 128;</li>
-  <li>at Kotyôra, ix. 129 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Paphlagonians, ix. 144;</li>
-  <li>sail to Sinopê, ix. 144;</li>
-  <li>at Herakleia, ix. 146;</li>
-  <li>at Kalpê, ix. 147;</li>
-  <li>and Kleander, ix. 149 <i>seq.</i>, 164;</li>
-  <li>and Anaxibius, ix. 154 <i>seq.</i>, 163;</li>
-  <li>and Seuthes, ix. 154, 165 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>after leaving Byzantium, ix. 163 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Aristarchus, ix. 164 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>under the Lacedæmonians, ix. 168, 173, 206, 214;</li>
-  <li>in Mysia, ix. 172 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Xenophon’s farewell of, ix. 175;</li>
-  <li>effects of their retreat on the Greek mind, ix. 179 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Ten Thousand</i>, the Pan-Arcadian, x. 232.</li>
-<li><i>Teôs</i>, foundation of, iii. 185;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>inscriptions of, iii. 186 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>emigration from, on the conquest of Harpagus, iv. 203;</li>
-  <li>loss of, to Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 412, vii. 383;</li>
-  <li>capture of, by the Lacedæmonians, viii. 154.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tereus</i>, i. 196.</li>
-<li><i>Terpander</i>, ii. 141;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>musical improvements of, iv. 75.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tethys</i>, i. 5, 6.</li>
-<li><i>Teukrians</i>, the, i. 335;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Mysians, ethnical affinities and migrations of, iii. 208 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Teukrus</i>, i. 189.</li>
-<li><i>Teukrus, the metic</i>, vii. 195, 197, 205 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Teuthrania</i> mistaken by the Greeks for Troy, i. 292.</li>
-<li><i>Teutonic and Scandinavian epic</i>, its analogy with the Grecian, i. 479 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>points of distinction between the Grecian and, i. 481.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thais</i> and the burning of the palace of Persepolis, <a href="#Footnote_424">xii. 176 <i>n.</i> 3</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Thales</i>, Xenophanês, and Pythagoras, i. 367 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>predictions ascribed to, ii. 116;</li>
-  <li>alleged prediction of an eclipse of the sun by, iii. 231 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>suggestion of, respecting the twelve Ionic cities in Asia, iii. 259;</li>
-  <li>philosophy and celebrity of, iv. 381 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thaletas</i>, iv. 83, 86.</li>
-<li><i>Thamyris</i>, analogy between the story of, and that of Marsyas, iii. 214.</li>
-<li><i>Thanatos</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Thapsakus</i>, Cyrus the Younger end his forces at, ix. 29 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Alexander crosses the Euphrates at, <a href="#Page_150">xii. 150</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thasos</i>, island of, iv. 25;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>attempted revolt of, from the Persians, iv. 313;</li>
-  <li>contribution levied by Xerxes on, v. 42;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, from the confederacy of Delos, v. 310;</li>
-  <li>blockade and conquest of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 464-463, v. 312;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Sparta, for aid against Athens, v. 312;</li>
-  <li>expulsion of the Lacedæmonians from, viii. 127;</li>
-  <li>reduction of, by Thrasyllus, viii. 144;</li>
-  <li>slaughter at, by Lysander, viii. 222.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thaumas</i>, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Theagenes of Rhegium</i>, the first to allegorize mythical narratives, v. i. 418.</li>
-<li><i>Theagenes, despot of Megara</i>, iii. 44.</li>
-<li><i>Theagenes of Thasus</i>, statue of, 17, v. <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Theatre</i>, Athenian, accessibility of, to the poorest citizens, viii. 320.</li>
-<li><i>Thebaïd</i> of Antimachus, i. 268.</li>
-<li><i>Thebaïs</i>, the Cyclic, i. 268;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>ascribed to Homer, ii. 129.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Theban</i> contingent of Leonidas, doubts about, v. 91, 95;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_580">[p. 580]</span>leaders put to death after the battle of Platæa, v. 187;</li>
-  <li>prisoners in the night-surprise at Platæa, slaughter of, vi. 118 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>military column, depth of, vi. 386, 390;</li>
-  <li>band of Three Hundred, vi. 387;</li>
-  <li>exiles at Athens, x. 61, 80 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thebans</i> and Æginetans, i. 184;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>against the seven chiefs, i. 273;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Ægina, for assistance against Athens, iv. 172;</li>
-  <li>and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 76;</li>
-  <li>defeated by the Athenians at Platæa, v. 179;</li>
-  <li>night-surprise of Platæa by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 431, vi. 114 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>capture of, in the night-surprise of Platæa, vi. 116 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>captured in the night-surprise of Platæa, slaughter of, vi. 118 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>opposition of, to peace with Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 404, viii. 229 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>humiliation of Agesilaus by, ix. 256;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Athens for aid against Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 395, ix. 291 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the battle of Corinth, ix. 306 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Spartans at the battle of Korôneia, ix. 315;</li>
-  <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 386;</li>
-  <li>expulsion of the Lacedæmonians from Bœotia by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 374, x. 135;</li>
-  <li>invasion of Phokis by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 374, x. 136;</li>
-  <li>discouragement and victory of, at Leuktra, x. 177 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and allies, invasion of Laconia by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 370, x. 215 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>displeasure of, with Epaminondas, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 367, x. 268;</li>
-  <li>expeditions of, to Thessaly, to rescue Pelopidas, x. 283, 303 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>destruction of Orchomenus by, x. 311;</li>
-  <li>under Pammenes, expedition of, to Megalopolis, x. 359;</li>
-  <li>extinction of free cities in Bœotia by, xi. 201;</li>
-  <li>exertions of, to raise a confederacy against the Phokians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 356, ix. 251;</li>
-  <li>Lokrians and Thessalians, war of, against the Phokians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 355, xi. 254;</li>
-  <li>assistance under Pammenes sent by, to Artabazus, xi. 257, 299;</li>
-  <li>assistance of, to Megalopolis against Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 352-351, xi. 299 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>obtain money from the Persian king, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 350-349, xi. 302;</li>
-  <li>invoke the aid of Philip to put down the Phokians, xi. 375;</li>
-  <li>Philip declares his sympathy with, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 421;</li>
-  <li>invited by Philip to assist in an attack upon Attica, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 483 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Athenians, war of, against Philip in Phokis, xi. 493, 494 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of, against Alexander, <a href="#Page_29">xii. 29</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thêbê</i>, xi. 204 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Thebes</i> and Orchomenos, i. 135;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>legends of, i. 256 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>how founded by Kadmus, i. 258;</li>
-  <li>five principal families at, i. 259;</li>
-  <li>foundation of, by Amphiôn, i. 263;</li>
-  <li>poems on the sieges of, i. 266;</li>
-  <li>sieges of, i. 269 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the seven chiefs against, i. 273 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>repulse of the seven chiefs against, i. 274 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the seven chiefs against death of all but Adrastus, i. 276;</li>
-  <li>the seven chiefs against, burial of the fallen, i. 277;</li>
-  <li>second siege of, i. 279, 280;</li>
-  <li>early legislation of, ii. 297;</li>
-  <li>and Platæa, disputes between, iv. 166;</li>
-  <li>summoned to give up its leaders after the battle of Platæa, v. 186;</li>
-  <li>discredit of, for its <i>Medism</i>, v. 314;</li>
-  <li>supremacy of, in Bœotia restored by Sparta, v. 314, 327;</li>
-  <li>mastery of Athens over, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 456, v. 331;</li>
-  <li>reinforcements from, in support of the night-surprise at Platæa, vi. 114 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>hard treatment of Thespiæ by, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 423, vi. 452;</li>
-  <li>altered feeling of, after the capture of Athens by Lysander, viii. 259, 264, 275;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, war between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 395, ix. 289 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>revolt of Orchomenos from, to Sparta, ix. 293;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Athens, Corinth, and Argos, against Sparta, ix. 301;</li>
-  <li>increased importance of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 395, ix. 301;</li>
-  <li>alarm at, and proposals of peace from, on the Lacedæmonian capture of the Long Walls at Corinth, ix. 341;</li>
-  <li>envoys from, to Agesilaus, ix. 347, 352;</li>
-  <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, x. 12;</li>
-  <li>proceedings of Sparta against, after the peace of Antalkidas, x. 28 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>seizure of the Kadmeia at, by Phœbidas, x. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>government of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 382, x. 59 <i>n.</i> 1;</li>
-  <li>under Leontiades and other philo-Laconian oligarchs, x. 79 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conspiracy against the philo-Laconian oligarchy at, x. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 378, x. 102;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_581">[p. 581]</span>state of, after the revolution of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 379, x. 119;</li>
-  <li>the Sacred Band at, x. 120;</li>
-  <li>expeditions of Agesilaus against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 378 and 377, x. 127 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>displeasure of Athens against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 474, x. 134, 158;</li>
-  <li>dealings of, with Platæa and Thespiæ, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 372, x. 159 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>exclusion of, from the peace of <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 371, x. 167 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>increased power of, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 193;</li>
-  <li>and Sparta, alleged arbitration of the Achæans between, after the battle of Leuktra, x. 199 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>influence of, in Thessaly, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 369, x. 248;</li>
-  <li>alienation of the Arcadians from, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 368, x. 259 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>assassination of Euphron at, x. 273 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>application of, to Persia, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 367, x. 277 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Persian rescript in favor of, x. 278 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>protest of the Arcadians against the headship of, x. 281;</li>
-  <li>peace of Corinth, Epidaurus an Phlius with, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 290 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>opposition of the Mantineans and other Arcadians to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 362, x. 326;</li>
-  <li>power of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 360-359, xi. 200 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Philip at, xi. 207 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Eubœa rescued from, by Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 358, xi. 217 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>accusation of, against Sparta before the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 243;</li>
-  <li>accusation of, against Phokis before the Amphiktyonic assembly, xi. 243;</li>
-  <li>the Phokians countenanced by Athens and Sparta as rivals of, xi. 262;</li>
-  <li>envoys to Philip from, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 405, 408;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, unfriendly relations between, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 484;</li>
-  <li>mission of Demosthenês to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 486 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Athens, alliance of, against Philip, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 490;</li>
-  <li>severity of Philip towards, after the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 505;</li>
-  <li>march of Alexander from Thrace to, <a href="#Page_36">xii. 36</a>;</li>
-  <li>capture and destruction of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_37">xii. 37</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>restored by Kassander, <a href="#Page_441">xii. 441</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thebes in Egypt</i>, iii. 312.</li>
-<li><i>Theft</i>, laws of, at Athens, iii. 142.</li>
-<li><i>Theia</i>, i. 5.</li>
-<li><i>Themis</i>, i. 5, 10.</li>
-<li><i>Themistoklês</i>, character of, iv. 337 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Aristeidês, rivalry between, v. 50, 273;</li>
-  <li>change of Athens from a land-power to a sea-power proposed by, v. 52;</li>
-  <li>long-sighted views of, in creating a navy at Athens, v. 53, 293 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>and the Laurian mines, v. 54;</li>
-  <li>his explanation of the answer of the Delphian oracle on Xerxes’s invasion, v. 61;</li>
-  <li>prevails upon the Greeks to stay and fight at Artemisium, v. 97 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>inscribed invitations of, to the Ionians under Xerxes, v. 102;</li>
-  <li>activity and resource of, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 110;</li>
-  <li>opposes the removal of the Greek fleet from Salamis to the isthmus of Corinth, v. 121 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Eurybiadês at Salamis, v. 123 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Adeimantus of Corinth, at Salamis, v. 122, 125;</li>
-  <li>his message to Xerxes before the battle of Salamis, v. 126;</li>
-  <li>his message to Xerxes after the battle of Salamis, v. 139;</li>
-  <li>levies fines on the Cyclades, v. 141;</li>
-  <li>honors rendered to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 146;</li>
-  <li>alleged proposal of, to burn all the Grecian ships except the Athenian, v. 203 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>stratagem of, respecting the fortification of Athens, v. 244 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>plans of, for the naval aggrandizement of Athens, v. 248 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>persuades the Athenians to build twenty new triremes annually, v. 252;</li>
-  <li>and Pausanias, v. 273, 282;</li>
-  <li>opponents and corruption of, after the Persian war, v. 278 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Timokreon, v. 278;</li>
-  <li>first accusation of treason against, v. 280;</li>
-  <li>two accusations of treason against, v. 280 <i>n.</i> 1;</li>
-  <li>ostracism of, v. 281, 282 <i>n.</i> 1;</li>
-  <li>second accusation of treason against, v. 382;</li>
-  <li>flight and adventures of, on charge of <i>Medism</i>, v. 283 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Admêtus, v. 283;</li>
-  <li>and Artaxerxes Longimanus, v. 285 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in Persia, v. 285 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>rewards and death of, v. 287 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Theodôrus of Samos</i>, iv. 98 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Theodôrus the Syracusan</i>, speech of, against Dionysius, x. 501 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Theognis</i>, iii. 44, iv. 92.</li>
-<li><i>Theogony</i> of the Greeks not a cosmogony, i. 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>of Hesiod, i. 3;</li>
-  <li>Orphic, i. 17 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Hesiodic and Orphic, compared, i. 20 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Hesiodic legend of Pandôra in, i. 75.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_582">[p. 582]</span><i>Theoklês</i>, the founder of Naxos, in Sicily, iii. 361;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>expels the Sikels from Leontini and Katana, iii. 363.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Theology</i>, triple, of the pagan world, i. 439.</li>
-<li><i>Theophrastus</i>, the phytologist, i. 360 <i>n.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his treatment of mythes, i. 412.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Theopompus, the Spartan king</i>, ii. 424 <i>nn.</i></li>
-<li><i>Theopompus, the historian</i>, on the Spartan empire, ix. 195 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Theôric Board</i> at Athens, creation of, ix. 379.</li>
-<li><i>Theôric Fund</i>, allusions of Demosthenês to, xi. 334, 338;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>motion of Apollodorus about, xi. 348;</li>
-  <li>not appropriated to war purposes till just before the battle of Chæroneia, xi. 353;</li>
-  <li>true character of, xi. 353 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>attempt of the Athenian property-classes to evade direct taxation by recourse to, xi. 357;</li>
-  <li>application of, to military purposes, xi. 492.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Theôrikon</i>, viii. 321.</li>
-<li><i>Theôrs</i>, ii. 243.</li>
-<li><i>Thêra</i>, ii. 27;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>foundation of Kyrênê from, iv. 29 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Theramenês</i>, Peloponnesian fleet under, vii. 388;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>statement of, respecting the Four Hundred, viii. 13 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to the Hellespont, viii. 118;</li>
-  <li>accusation of the generals at Arginusæ by, viii. 181 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>probable conduct of, at Arginusæ, viii. 185 <i>seq.</i>, 187 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>first embassy of, to Sparta, viii. 227;</li>
-  <li>second embassy of, to Sparta, viii. 228;</li>
-  <li>and the executions by the Thirty, viii. 241, 242, 245;</li>
-  <li>and Kritias, dissentient views of, viii. 241 <i>seq.</i>, 249;</li>
-  <li>exasperation of the majority of the Thirty against, viii. 249;</li>
-  <li>denunciation of, by Kritias in the senate, viii. 249;</li>
-  <li>reply of, to Kritins’s denunciation in the senate, viii. 251;</li>
-  <li>condemnation and death of, vii. 253 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Theramenês</i> the Athenian, viii. 19;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his opposition to the Four Hundred, viii. 58 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his impeachment of the embassy of the Four Hundred to Sparta, viii. 84 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Therimachus</i>, ix. 366.</li>
-<li><i>Therma</i>, Xerxes’s movements from, to Thermopylæ, v. 83;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of, by Archestratus, vi. 70.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thermaic Gulf</i>, original occupants on, iv. 13.</li>
-<li><i>Thermopylæ</i>, Greeks north of, in the first two centuries, ii. 274;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Phokian defensive wall at, ii. 283;</li>
-  <li>resolution of Greeks to defend against Xerxes, v. 71;</li>
-  <li>the pass of, v. 73 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>path over Mount Œta avoiding, v. 73;</li>
-  <li>movements of Xerxes from Therma to, v. 83;</li>
-  <li>impressions of Xerxes about the defenders at, v. 86;</li>
-  <li>repeated Persian attacks upon, repulsed, v. 87;</li>
-  <li>debate among the defenders of, when the Persians approached their rear, v. 89;</li>
-  <li>manœuvres ascribed to Xerxes respecting the dead at, v. 103;</li>
-  <li>numbers slain at, on both sides, v. 103;</li>
-  <li>inscriptions commemorative of the battle at, v. 104;</li>
-  <li>effect of the battle of, on the Greeks and Xerxes, v. 105 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conduct of the Peloponnesians after the battle of, v. 106;</li>
-  <li>hopeless situation of the Athenians after the battle of, v. 106;</li>
-  <li>Onomarchus at, xi. 256;</li>
-  <li>Philip checked at, by the Athenians, xi. 296;</li>
-  <li>position of Phalækus at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 347-346, xi. 374, 418;</li>
-  <li>application of the Phokians to Athens for aid against Philip at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 347, xi. 376;</li>
-  <li>importance of, to Philip and Athens, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 347, xi. 378;</li>
-  <li>march of Philip to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 407 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>plans of Philip against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 410;</li>
-  <li>letters of Philip inviting the Athenians to join him at, xi. 417;</li>
-  <li>Phokians at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 347-346, xi. 418 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>surrender of, to Philip, xi. 421;</li>
-  <li>professions of Philip after his conquest of, xi. 424;</li>
-  <li>special meeting of the Amphiktyous at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 339, xi. 479.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thermus</i>, ii. 291.</li>
-<li><i>Thêro of Agrigentum</i> and Gelo, v. 220 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Hiero, v. 228;</li>
-  <li>severe treatment of Himeræans by, v. 228;</li>
-  <li>death of, v. 230.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thersander</i>, the Orchomenian, at the Theban banquet to Mardonius, v. 160.</li>
-<li><i>Thersitês</i>, i. 298, ii. 70 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Therseium</i> at Athens, v. 306.</li>
-<li><i>Thêseus</i>, i. 169, 207 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and the Minôtaur, i. 223;</li>
-  <li>obtains burial for the fallen chiefs against Thêbes, i. 277;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_583">[p. 583]</span>the political reforms of, ii. 21;</li>
-  <li>and Menestheus, ii. 22;</li>
-  <li>restoration of the sons of, to his kingdom, ii. 23;</li>
-  <li>consolidation of Attica by, iii. 69;</li>
-  <li>bones of, conveyed to Athens, v. 304.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thesmoi</i>, iii. 76.</li>
-<li><i>Thesmophoria</i>, festival of, i. 44.</li>
-<li><i>Thesmothetæ</i>, iii. 74.</li>
-<li><i>Thespiæ</i>, hard treatment of, by Thebes, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 423, vi. 452;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>severity of Thebes towards, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 372, x. 162.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thespian</i> contingent of Leonidas, v. 91.</li>
-<li><i>Thespians</i>, distress of, caused by Xerxes’s invasion, v. 91 <i>n.</i> 1;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at the battle of Leuktra, x. 180;</li>
-  <li>expulsion of, from Bœotia, after the buds of Leuktra, x. 195.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thespis</i> and Solon, story of, iii. 146.</li>
-<li><i>Thesprotians</i>, iii. 414 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Thessalian</i> cities, disorderly confederacy of, ii. 282;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Athenian cavalry, skirmishes of, with Archidamus, vi. 134;</li>
-  <li>cavalry sent home by Alexander, <a href="#Page_181">xii. 181</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thessalians</i>, migration of, from Thesprôtis to Thessaly, ii. 14;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>non-Hellenic character of, ii. 15;</li>
-  <li>and their dependants in the first two centuries, ii. 274 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>character and condition of, ii. 276 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Xerxes’s invasion, v. 67, 69;</li>
-  <li>alliance of, with Athens and Argos, about <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 461, v. 320;</li>
-  <li>Thebans, and Lokrians, war of, with the Phokians, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 355, xi. 254.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thessalus</i>, son of Kimon, impeachment of Alkibiadês by, vii. 210.</li>
-<li><i>Thessaly</i>, affinities of, with Bœotia, ii. 17;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>quadruple division of, ii. 281;</li>
-  <li>power of, when united, ii. 283;</li>
-  <li>Athenian march against, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 454, v. 382;</li>
-  <li>Brasidas’s march through, to Thrace, vi. 399 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Lacedæmonian reinforcements to Brasidas prevented from passing through, vi. 449;</li>
-  <li>state of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 370, x. 248;</li>
-  <li>influence of Thebes in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 369, x. 248;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Pelopidas to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 369, x. 248;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Pelopidas to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 368, x. 263;</li>
-  <li>expeditions of Pelopidas to, x. 264 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>mission of Pelopidas to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 282;</li>
-  <li>expedition of Pelopidas to, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 363, x. 303, 307 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>despots of, xi. 202 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>first expedition of Philip into, against the despots of Pheræ, xi. 261, 292, 295 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>second expedition of Philip into, against the despots of Pheræ, xi. 292;</li>
-  <li>victory of Leosthenes over Antipater in, <a href="#Page_315">xii. 315</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thêtes</i> in legendary Greece, ii. 100;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>in Attica immediately before Solon’s legislation, iii. 94 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mutiny of, iii. 97.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thetis</i> and Pêleus, i. 187.</li>
-<li><i>Thimbron</i>, expedition of, to Asia, ix. 208;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>defeat and death of, ix. 362, <a href="#Page_429">xii. 429</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thirlwall’s</i> opinion on the partition of land ascribed to Lykurgus, ii. 401 <i>seq.</i>, 404, 407 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Thirty at Athens</i>, nomination of, viii. 236;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>proceedings of, viii. 239 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>executions by, viii. 240 <i>seq.</i>, 243 <i>seq.</i>, 247 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>discord among, viii. 243;</li>
-  <li>three thousand hoplites nominated by, viii. 246;</li>
-  <li>disarming of hoplites by, viii. 247;</li>
-  <li>murders and spoliations by, viii. 247, 256;</li>
-  <li>tyranny of, after the death of Theramenês, viii. 256;</li>
-  <li>intellectual teaching forbidden by, viii. 257;</li>
-  <li>and Sokratês, viii. 258;</li>
-  <li>growing insecurity of, viii. 259;</li>
-  <li>disgust in Greece at the enormities of, viii. 262;</li>
-  <li>repulse and defeat of, by Thrasybulus at Phylê, viii. 265;</li>
-  <li>seizure and execution of prisoners at Eleusis and Salamis by, viii. 267;</li>
-  <li>defeat of, by Thrasybulus at Peiræus, viii. 269 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>deposition of, viii. 271;</li>
-  <li>reaction against, on the arrival of king Pausanias, viii. 275;</li>
-  <li>flight of the survivors of the, viii. 280;</li>
-  <li>treatment of, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 403, viii. 292;</li>
-  <li>oppression and suffering of Athens under the, ix. 185;</li>
-  <li>Athens rescued from the, ix. 185;</li>
-  <li>the knights or horsemen supporters of the, ix. 186;</li>
-  <li>Athens under the, a specimen of the Spartan empire, ix. 187;</li>
-  <li>compared with the Lysandrian Dekarchies, ix. 188;</li>
-  <li>and Kallibius, ix. 188;</li>
-  <li>put down by the Athenians themselves, ix. 198.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thorax</i> and Xenophon, ix. 134 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Thrace</i>, Chalkidic colonies in, iv. 22 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Greek settlements east of the Strymôn in, iv. 25;</li>
-  <li>conquest of, by the Persians under Darius, iv. 273;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_584">[p. 584]</span>and Macedonia, march of Mardonius into, iv. 373;</li>
-  <li>contributions levied by Xerxes on towns in, v. 41;</li>
-  <li>Brasidas’s expedition to, vi. 370, 397 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>war continued in, the one year’s truce between Athens and Sparta, vi. 438;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês and Thrasybulus in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 407, viii. 144;</li>
-  <li>Iphikrates in, between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 387-378, x. 106 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Iphikrates in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 368-365, x. 250 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Philip in, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 351, xi. 306, and <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 346, xi. 402, 404, and <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 342-341, xi. 450 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander’s expedition into, <a href="#Page_22">xii. 22</a> <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>march of Alexander from, to Thebes, <a href="#Page_36">xii. 36</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thracian</i> influence upon Greece, i. 31;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>race in the north of Asia Minor, iii. 207;</li>
-  <li>Chersonesus, iv. 27;</li>
-  <li>subject-allies of Athens not oppressed by her, vi. 404 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>mercenaries under Diitrephês, vii. 356 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thracians</i> in the time of Herodotus and Thucydides, ii. 88;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Phrygians, affinities between, iii. 208 <i>seq.</i>, 212;</li>
-  <li>affinities and migrations of, iii. 208 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>numbers and abode of, iv. 15;</li>
-  <li>general character of, iv. 15 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Asiatic characteristics of, iv. 17;</li>
-  <li>venality of, vi. 217 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thrasius</i>, xi. 173, 180.</li>
-<li><i>Thrasybulus of Syracuse</i>, v. 232 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Thrasybulus, the Athenian</i>, speech of, at Samos, viii. 47;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>efforts of, at Samoa, in favor of Alkibiadês, viii. 50;</li>
-  <li>in Thrace, viii. 144;</li>
-  <li>accusation of the generals at Arginusæ by, viii. 182 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>flight of, from Attica, viii. 242;</li>
-  <li>occupation of Phylê, and repulse and defeat of the Thirty by, viii. 265;</li>
-  <li>occupation of Peiræus by, viii. 268;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over the Thirty at Peiræus, viii. 269 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>increasing strength of, at Peiræus, vii. 273;</li>
-  <li>straitened condition of, in Peiræus, viii. 274;</li>
-  <li>at Peiræus, king Pausanias’s attack upon, viii. 276;</li>
-  <li>and the Ten at Athens, peace between, viii. 277;</li>
-  <li>and the exiles, restoration of, to Athens, viii. 279;</li>
-  <li>assistance of, to Evander and others, viii. 306 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>honorary reward to, viii. 309;</li>
-  <li>aid to the Thebans by, ix. 295;</li>
-  <li>acquisitions of, in the Hellespont and Bosporus, ix. 366;</li>
-  <li>victory of, in Lesbos, ix. 367;</li>
-  <li>death and character of, ix. 367.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thrasydæus</i>, v. 226;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>cruel government, defeat, and death of, v. 228, ix. 223, 226.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thrasyklês</i> and Strombichidês, expedition of, to Chios, vii. 374.</li>
-<li><i>Thrasyllus</i>, vii. 73, 74;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>at Samos, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 46, 48;</li>
-  <li>at Lesbos, viii. 101;</li>
-  <li>eluded by Mindarus, viii. 102;</li>
-  <li>at Elæus, viii. 109;</li>
-  <li>repulse of Agis by, viii. 128;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Ionia, viii. 129;</li>
-  <li>and Alkibiadês, at the Hellespont, viii. 130.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thrasylochus</i> and Demosthenês, xi. 268 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Thrasymachus</i>, rhetorical precepts of, viii. 370;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>doctrine of, in Plato’s Republic, viii. 390 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Three thousand</i>, nominated the Thirty at Athens, viii. 246.</li>
-<li><i>Thucydidês</i>, altered intellectual and ethical standard in the age of, i. 366;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his treatment of ancient mythes, i. 391, 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his version of the Trojan war, i. 405 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>on the dwellings of the earliest Greeks, ii. 109;</li>
-  <li>his date for the return of the Herakleids, ii. 13;</li>
-  <li>silence of, on the treaty between Athens and Persia, v. 336;</li>
-  <li>descent of, vi. 12 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>various persons named, vi. 28 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>his division of the year, vi. 114 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>his judgment respecting Periklês, vi. 173, 176;</li>
-  <li>first mention of Kleon by, vi. 244;</li>
-  <li>reflections of, on the Korkyræan massacre, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 427, vi. 278 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>structure of his history, vi. 309 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>judgment of, on Kleon’s success at Pylus, vi. 347 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>on Kythêra, vi. 364 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the capitulation of Amphipolis to Brasidas, vi. 409, 410, 412 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>banishment of, vi. 413 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>on Kleon’s views and motives in desiring war, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 422, vi. 456 <i>seq.</i>, 459;</li>
-  <li>passages of, on the battle of Amphipolis, vi. 405 <i>nn.</i>, 466 <i>n.</i>, 468 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>feelings of, towards Brasidas and Kleon, vi. 474;</li>
-  <li>treatment of Kleon by, vi. 474, 477 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>dialogue set forth by, between the Athenian envoys and Executive Council of Mêlos, vii. 109 <i>seq.</i>, 115 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_585">[p. 585]</span>his favorable judgment of the Athenians at the restoration of the democracy, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 90 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>study of, by Demosthenes, xi. 269.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thucydides, son of Melesias</i>, v. 342;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>rivalry of, with Periklês, vi. 15 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>ostracised, vi. 19;</li>
-  <li>history of, after his ostracism, vi. 28 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thurians</i>, defeat of, by the Lucanians, xi. 13.</li>
-<li><i>Thurii</i>, foundation of, vi. 13 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>few Athenian settlers at, vi. 15;</li>
-  <li>revolution at, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, x. 384.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thyania</i>, surprise of, by the Phliasians and Chares, x. 272.</li>
-<li><i>Thyestean banquet</i>, the, i. 162.</li>
-<li><i>Thyestes</i>, i. 161 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Thymochares</i>, defeat of, near Eretria, viii. 72 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Thymodes</i>, <a href="#Page_116">xii. 116</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Thynians</i>, iii. 207.</li>
-<li><i>Thyrea</i>, conquest of, ii. 449;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of, by Nikias, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 424, vi. 366;</li>
-  <li>stipulation about, between Sparta and Argos, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 420, vii. 27.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Thyssagetæ</i>, iii. 244.</li>
-<li><i>Tigris</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at the, ix. 64 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>retreat of the Ten Thousand along the, ix. 88 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>forded by Alexander, <a href="#Page_151">xii. 151</a>;</li>
-  <li>voyage of Nearchus from the mouth of the Indus to that of the, <a href="#Page_235">xii. 235</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li>
-  <li>Alexander’s voyage up the, to Opis, <a href="#Page_243">xii. 243</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tilphusios Apollo</i>, origin of the name, i. 48.</li>
-<li><i>Timæus’s</i> treatment of mythes, i. 410.</li>
-<li><i>Timagoras</i>, his mission to Persia, and execution, x. 278, 280, 280 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Timandra</i>, i. 168.</li>
-<li><i>Timarchus</i>, decree of, xi. 368, 369 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Timasion</i>, and Xenophon, ix. 134 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Time</i>, Grecian computation of, ii. 115 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Timegenidas</i>, death of, v. 187.</li>
-<li><i>Timocracy</i> of Solon, iii. 120 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Timokrates, the Rhodian</i>, ix. 286 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Timokrates, of Syracuse</i>, xi. 92 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Timokreon</i> and Themistoklês, v. 279.</li>
-<li><i>Timolaus</i>, speech of, ix. 304.</li>
-<li><i>Timoleon</i>, appointment of, to aid Syracuse, xi. 136, 142;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>life and character of, before <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 344, xi. 136 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Timophanes, xi. 136 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>preparations of, for his expedition to Syracuse, xi. 143;</li>
-  <li>voyage of, from Corinth to Sicily, xi. 143 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>message from Hiketas to, xi. 144;</li>
-  <li>at Rhegium, xi. 144 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Tauromenium, xi. 146;</li>
-  <li>at Adranum, xi. 148, 156;</li>
-  <li>first arrival of, at Syracuse, xi. 149;</li>
-  <li>surrender of Ortygia to, xi. 150 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>reinforcement from Corinth to, xi. 152, 155, 157;</li>
-  <li>admiration excited by the successes of, xi. 152, 162;</li>
-  <li>advantage of Ortygia to, xi. 155;</li>
-  <li>return of, from Adranum to Syracuse, xi. 158;</li>
-  <li>Messênê declares in favor of, xi. 158;</li>
-  <li>capture of Epipolæ by, xi. 160;</li>
-  <li>favor of the gods towards, xi. 161, 179, 181;</li>
-  <li>ascribes his successes to the gods, xi. 163;</li>
-  <li>temptations and conduct of, on becoming master of Syracuse, xi. 163 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>demolition of the Dionysian stronghold in Ortygia by, xi. 165;</li>
-  <li>erection of courts of justice at Syracuse by, xi. 166;</li>
-  <li>recall of exiles to Syracuse, by, xi. 166;</li>
-  <li>capitulation of Hiketas with, at Leontini, xi. 170;</li>
-  <li>puts down the despots in Sicily, xi. 170, 180 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>march of, from Syracuse against the Carthaginians, xi. 172 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Thrasius, xi. 172, 180;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over the Carthaginians at the Krimêsus, xi. 174 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Mamerkus, xi. 180 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>partial defeats of his troops, xi. 180;</li>
-  <li>victory of, over Hiketas at the Damurias, xi. 181;</li>
-  <li>surrender of Leontini and Hiketas to, xi. 182;</li>
-  <li>peace of, with the Carthaginians, xi. 182;</li>
-  <li>capture of Messênê and Hippon by, xi. 184;</li>
-  <li>lays down his power at Syracuse, xi. 185;</li>
-  <li>great influence of, after his resignation at Syracuse, xi. 186, 193;</li>
-  <li>and the immigration of new Greek settlers into Sicily, xi. 188 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>residence of, at Syracuse, xi. 190;</li>
-  <li>in the public assembly at Syracuse, xi. 190 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>uncorrupted moderation and public spirit of, xi. 192;</li>
-  <li>freedom and prosperity in Sicily, introduced by, xi. 193;</li>
-  <li>death and obsequies of, xi. 194;</li>
-  <li>and Dion, contrast between, xi. 196 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_586">[p. 586]</span>the constitution established at Syracuse by, exchanged for an oligarchy, <a href="#Page_393">xii. 393</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Timomachus</i> in the Hellespont, x. 373.</li>
-<li><i>Timophanes</i> and Timoleon, xi. 136 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Timotheus, son of Konon</i>, x. 110;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>circumnavigation of Peloponnesus by, x. 132;</li>
-  <li>at Zakynthus, x. 141;</li>
-  <li>appointment of, to aid Korkyra, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 373, x. 144;</li>
-  <li>delay of, in aiding Korkyra, x. 146 <i>seq.</i>, 147 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Iphikrates, x. 149, 288, 299 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>trial and acquittal of, x. 153 <i>seq.</i>, 154 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>expedition of, to Asia Minor, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 366, x. 252, 294 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Charidemus, x. 299, 300;</li>
-  <li>successes of, in Macedonia and Chalkidikê, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 365-364, x. 300;</li>
-  <li>failure of, at Amphipolis, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 364, x. 301;</li>
-  <li>and Kotys, x. 302;</li>
-  <li>in the Chersonese, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 363, x. 302, 306, 368;</li>
-  <li>in the Hellespont, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 357, xi. 224;</li>
-  <li>accusation of, by Chares, xi. 226 <i>seq.</i>, 228 <i>n.</i> 4;</li>
-  <li>arrogance and unpopularity of, xi. 227;</li>
-  <li>exile and death of, xi. 229.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Timotheus, of the Pontic Herakleia</i>, <a href="#Page_465">xii. 465</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Tiribazus</i> and The Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 99, 102;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>embassy of Antalkidas, Konon, and others to, ix. 359 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Antalkidas at, Susa, ix. 383;</li>
-  <li>and the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 385;</li>
-  <li>and Orontes, x. 22, 23.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tisamenus, son of Orestes</i>, ii. 4, 7, 8 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Tisamenus, the Athenian</i>, decree of, viii. 295.</li>
-<li><i>Tisiphonus</i>, despot at Pheræ, xi. 205.</li>
-<li><i>Tissaphernes</i> and Pharnabazus, embassy from, to Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 413, vii. 366;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Chalkideus, treaty between, vii. 376;</li>
-  <li>first treaty of, with the Peloponnesians, vii. 376;</li>
-  <li>payment of the Peloponnesian fleet by, vii. 389;</li>
-  <li>and Astyochus, treaty between, vii. 395 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>second treaty of, with the Peloponnesians, vii. 395 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Lichas, at Milêtus, vii. 398;</li>
-  <li>double-dealing and intrigues of, with the Peloponnesian fleet, vii. 398, 400 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>escape and advice of Alkibiades, to, viii. 3 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the Greeks, Alkibiadês acts as interpreter between, viii. 5;</li>
-  <li>reduction of pay to the Peloponnesian fleet by, viii. 5;</li>
-  <li>third treaty of, with the Peloponnesians, viii. 23 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>envoy from, to Sparta, <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 411, viii. 98;</li>
-  <li>false promises of, to Mindarus, viii. 99;</li>
-  <li>and the Phenician fleet at Aspendus, viii. 99, 100, 111;</li>
-  <li>and the Peloponnesians at the Hellespont, viii. 110 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>Alkibiadês arrested by, viii. 120;</li>
-  <li>charge of, against Cyrus the Younger, ix. 7;</li>
-  <li>negotiations and convention of, with the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 59 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>retreating march of the Ten Thousand under, ix. 63 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>treachery of, towards Klearchus and other Greeks, ix. 70 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>plan of, against the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 75;</li>
-  <li>attack of, on the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 90;</li>
-  <li>and the Asiatic Greeks, ix. 206;</li>
-  <li>and Derkyllidas, ix. 209, 219 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Agesilaus, ix. 261, 267;</li>
-  <li>death of, ix. 268.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Titanides</i>, the, i. 4.</li>
-<li><i>Titans</i>, the, i. 4, 5, 8;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the Orphic, i. 17.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li>Τίθεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα, meaning of, vi. 114 <i>n.</i> 3, 356 <i>n.</i> 2, 373 <i>n.</i>, 385 <i>n.</i> 2, 387 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Tithraustes</i> supersedes Tissaphernes, and opens negotiations with Agesilaus, ix. 268;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>sends an envoy to Greece against Sparta, ix. 286 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>victory of Chares and Artabazus over, xi. 231.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tolmidês</i>, voyage of, round Peloponnesus, v. 333;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>defeat and death of, v. 348.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tomi</i>, legendary origin of the name, i. 238 <i>n.</i> 3, <a href="#Page_473">xii. 473</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Topographical</i> impossibilities in the legend of Troy no obstacles to its reception, i. 332;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>criticisms inapplicable to the legend of Troy, i. 333.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Torgium</i>, victory of Agathokles over Deinokrates at, <a href="#Page_447">xii. 447</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Torônê</i>, surprise and capture of, by Brasidas, vi. 422;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of, by Kleon, vi. 462.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Torrhêbia</i>, iii. 223.</li>
-<li><i>Torture</i>, use of, to elicit truth, vii. 201 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Town-occupations</i>, encouragement to, at Athens, iii. 136.</li>
-<li><i>Towns</i>, fortification of, in early Greece, ii. 108 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_587">[p. 587]</span><i>Trades</i>, Grecian deities of, i. 342.</li>
-<li><i>Tradition, Greek</i>, matter of, uncertified, i. 433;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>fictitious matter in, does not imply fraud, i. 434.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Træzen</i>, removal of Athenians to, on Xerxes’s approach, v. 108.</li>
-<li><i>Tragedies</i>, lost, of Promêtheus, i. 78 <i>n.</i> 2.</li>
-<li><i>Tragedy</i>, Athenian, growth of, viii. 318;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Athenian, abundant production of, viii. 319;</li>
-  <li>Athenians, effect of, on the public mind, viii. 321;</li>
-  <li>Grecian, ethical sentiment in, viii. 336.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Trapezus</i>, legendary origin of, i. 175;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>date of the foundation of, iii. 252 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>the Ten Thousand at, xi. 111, 120 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>departure of the Ten Thousand from, ix. 127.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Trench</i> of Artaxerxes from the Euphrates to the wall of Media, ix. 40, 42 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Triballi</i>, defeat of Philip by, xi. 462;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>victory of Alexander over, <a href="#Page_23">xii. 23</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tribes</i> and demes of Kleisthenês, iv. 132 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Tribute</i> of the subject-allies of Athens, vi. 5 <i>n.</i> 1, 6 <i>n.</i> 1.</li>
-<li><i>Trierarchic</i> reform of Demosthenês, xi. 462 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Trinakria</i>, town of, vii. 125.</li>
-<li><i>Triphylia</i>, Minyæ in, ii. 27;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>and Elis, ii. 442, x. 260, 313.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Triphylians</i>, ii. 303.</li>
-<li><i>Triple</i> theology of the pagan world, i. 439;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>partition of past time by Varro, i. 488.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tripolis</i>, iii. 268.</li>
-<li><i>Trireme</i>, equipment of a, vi. 200 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Tritantæchmês</i>, exclamation of, on the Greeks and the Olympic games, v. 113.</li>
-<li><i>Tritôn</i> and the Argonauts, i. 239.</li>
-<li><i>Tritônis</i>, Lake, iv. 35 <i>n.</i> 1;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>prophecies about, iv. 39.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Trittyes</i>, iii. 52, 67 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Trôad</i>, the, i. 334.</li>
-<li><i>Trôas Alexandreia</i>, i. 328.</li>
-<li><i>Trôas historical</i>, and the Teukrians, i. 334.</li>
-<li><i>Trojan war</i>, Thucydidês’s version of, i. 405 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the date of, ii. 38, 54.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Trojans</i>, allies of, i. 293;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>new allies of, i. 298;</li>
-  <li>and Phrygians, i. 335.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Trophonius</i> and Agamêdês, i. 130.</li>
-<li><i>Trôs</i>, i. 285.</li>
-<li><i>Troy</i>, legend of, i. 284-340.</li>
-<li><i>Tunês</i>, capture of, by Agathokles, <a href="#Page_414">xii. 414</a>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>mutiny in the army of Agathokles at, <a href="#Page_426">xii. 426</a>;</li>
-  <li>Archagathus blocked up by the Carthaginians at, <a href="#Page_439">xii. 439</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>;</li>
-  <li>the Carthaginians over Agathokles near, <a href="#Page_442">xii. 442</a>;</li>
-  <li>nocturnal panic in the Carthaginian camp near, <a href="#Page_442">xii. 442</a>;</li>
-  <li>Agathokles deserts his army at, and they capitulate, <a href="#Page_443">xii. 443</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Turpin</i>, chronicle of, i. 475.</li>
-<li><i>Tychê</i>, near Syracuse, vii. 245.</li>
-<li><i>Tydeus</i>, i. 152, 271.</li>
-<li><i>Tyndareus</i>, and Lêda, i. 168 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Tyndarion</i>, vii. 121.</li>
-<li><i>Tyndaris</i>, foundation of, xi. 4.</li>
-<li><i>Types</i>, manifold, of the Homeric gods, i. 349.</li>
-<li><i>Typhaôn</i> and Echidna, offspring of, i. 7.</li>
-<li><i>Typhôeus</i>, i. 9.</li>
-<li><i>Tyre</i>, iii. 266 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>siege and subjugation of, by Nebuchadnezzar, iii. 332;</li>
-  <li>and Carthage, amicable relations between, iii. 348;</li>
-  <li>siege and capture of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_132">xii. 132</a> <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Tyrô</i>, different accounts of, i. 107.</li>
-<li><i>Tyrrhenians</i>, O. Müller’s view of the origin of, iii. 180.</li>
-<li><i>Tyrtæus</i> and the first Messenian war, ii. 422, 424, 427;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>efficiency of, in the second Messenian war, ii. 431 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>poetry of, iv. 82;</li>
-  <li>age and metres of, iv. 78.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">U.</li>
-<li><i>Uranos</i>, i. 4, 5.</li>
-<li><i>Usury</i> and the Jewish law, iii. 111 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Utica</i>, iii. 271;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>capture of, by Agathokles, <a href="#Page_437">xii. 437</a>.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Uxii</i>, conquest of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_170">xii. 170</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="iix">V.</li>
-<li><i>Varro’s</i> triple division of pagan theology, i. 439;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his triple partition of past time, i. 488.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Veneti</i>, the, i. 319.</li>
-<li><i>Villagers</i> regarded as inferiors by Hellens, ii. 259, 263.</li>
-<li><i>Villages</i> numerous in early Greece, ii. 261.</li>
-<li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_588">[p. 588]</span><i>Volsunga Saga</i>, i. 479.</li>
-
-<li class="iix">W.</li>
-<li><i>War</i>, the first sacred, iv. 62 <i>seq.</i>, v. 346;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>the social, xi. 220, 231;</li>
-  <li>the second sacred, xi. 241 <i>seq.</i>, 374, 421 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the third sacred. xi. 468.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Wise men</i> of Greece, seven, iv. 94 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Wolf’s</i> Prolegomena to Homer, ii. 142;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>his theory on the composition of the Iliad and Odyssey, ii. 150 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Women</i>, Solon’s laws respecting, iii. 140.</li>
-<li><i>Wooden horse</i> of Troy, the, i. 303, 309.</li>
-<li><i>“Works and Days”</i>, races of men in, i. 64 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>differs from the Theogony and Homer, i. 66;</li>
-  <li>mingled ethical and mythical sentiment in, i. 67 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>the earliest didactic poem, i. 69;</li>
-  <li>personal feeling pervading, i. 71;</li>
-  <li>probable age of, i. 72;</li>
-  <li>legend of Pandôra in, i. 76;</li>
-  <li>general feeling of the poet in, i. 77;</li>
-  <li>on women, i. 77.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Writing</i>, unknown to Homeric and Hesiodic Greeks, ii. 116;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>few traces of, long after the Homeric age, ii. 142;</li>
-  <li>among the Greeks, iv. 97.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-</ul>
-
-<ul class="IX">
-<li class="iix">X.</li>
-<li><i>Xanthippus</i> and Miltiadês, iv. 357, 365.</li>
-<li><i>Xanthippus son of Periklês</i>, vi. 100.</li>
-<li><i>Xenarês</i> and Kleobulus, the anti-Athenian ephors, vii. 24 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Xenias</i> and Pasion, desertion of Cyrus by, ix. 28.</li>
-<li><i>Xenodokus</i>, <a href="#Page_425">xii. 425</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Xenokrates</i>, embassy of, to Antipater, <a href="#Page_323">xii. 323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Xenophanes</i>, his condemnation of ancient legends, i. 397;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Thalês, and Pythagoras, i. 367 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his treatment of ancient mythes, i. 418;</li>
-  <li>philosophy and school of, iv. 387 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Xenophôn</i>, his treatment of ancient mythes, i. 410;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>on Spartan women, ii. 388, 389 <i>n.</i> 1;</li>
-  <li>his Cyropædia, iii. 229 <i>n.</i> 2; iv. 183;</li>
-  <li>his version of Cyrus’s capture of Babylon, iv. 213 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>on the dikasteries, vi. 42, 46 <i>n.</i> 2;</li>
-  <li>and Plato, evidence of, about Sokratês, viii. 409 <i>seq.</i>, 448 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>the preceptorial and positive exhortation of Sokrates exhibited by, viii. 450;</li>
-  <li>remarks of, on the accusation against Sokrates, viii. 473;</li>
-  <li>on the condemnation of Sokrates, viii. 482;</li>
-  <li>and his joining of the Cyreian army, ix. 12;</li>
-  <li>length of the parasang in, ix. 14 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>dream of, after the seizure of the generals, ix. 77;</li>
-  <li>address of, to the captains of the Ten Thousand, after the seizure of the generals, ix. 78;</li>
-  <li>chosen a general of the Ten Thousand, ix. 80;</li>
-  <li>first speech of, to the Ten Thousand, after being chosen a general, ix. 81 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>great ascendancy acquired by, over the Ten Thousand, ix. 83 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Cheirisophus, ix. 92, 96, 106, 107;</li>
-  <li>prowess of, against the Persians, ix. 92 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>in the mountains of the Karduchians, ix. 95 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at the Kentritês, ix. 100 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>propositions of, to the Ten Thousand at Trapezus, ix. 125;</li>
-  <li>his idea of founding a new city on the Euxine, ix. 132 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>charges against, and speeches of, at Kotyôra, ix. 139 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>offered the sole command of the Ten Thousand, ix. 195;</li>
-  <li>at Herakleia and Kalpê, ix. 146 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Kleander, ix. 153, 155;</li>
-  <li>at Byzantium, ix. 154;</li>
-  <li>and Anaxibius, ix. 164, 165 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>takes leave of the Ten Thousand, ix. 164;</li>
-  <li>rejoins the Ten Thousand, ix. 165;</li>
-  <li>and Aristarchus, ix. 166;</li>
-  <li>and Seuthes, ix. 154, 167 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>his poverty and sacrifice to Zeus Meilichios, ix. 171 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>at Pergamus in Mysia, ix. 172 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>takes his second farewell of the Ten Thousand, ix. 174;</li>
-  <li>and the Cyreian army under the Lacedæmonians, ix. 174, 208, 314, 317;</li>
-  <li>banishment of, by the Athenians, ix. 174, 175 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>at Skillus, ix. 176 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>later life of, ix. 177;</li>
-  <li>and Deinarchus, ix. 178 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>on the conduct of Sparta between <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 387-379, x. 77;</li>
-  <li>partiality of, to Sparta in his Hellenica, x. 230 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_589">[p. 589]</span>on the results of the battle of Mantinea, x. 350.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Xerxes</i>, chosen as successor to Darius, v. 2;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>instigated to the invasion of Greece, v. 3;</li>
-  <li>resolves to invade Greece, v. 4;</li>
-  <li>deliberation and dreams of, respecting the invasion of Greece, v. 6 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>vast preparations of, for the invasion of Greece, v. 13 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>march of, to Sardis, and collection of his forces there, v. 14;</li>
-  <li>throws two bridges across the Hellespont, v. 15;</li>
-  <li>wrath of, on the destruction of his bridges across the Hellespont, v. 16;</li>
-  <li>punishment of the Hellespont by, v. 16 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>second bridges of, over the Hellespont, v. 18 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>ship-canal of, across the isthmus of Mount Athos, v. 22 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>bridges of, across the Strymôn, v. 25;</li>
-  <li>demands of, sent to Greece before his invasion, v. 25, 56;</li>
-  <li>and the mare which brought forth a hare, v. 25 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>march of, from Sardis, v. 25;</li>
-  <li>and Pythius, the Phrygian, v. 27;</li>
-  <li>march of, to Abydos, v. 28;</li>
-  <li>respect shown to Ilium by, v. 29;</li>
-  <li>crossing of the Hellespont by, v. 29 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>march of, to Doriskus, v. 31;</li>
-  <li>review and muster of the forces of, at Doriskus, v. 31, 40;</li>
-  <li>numbering of the army of, at Doriskus, v. 33;</li>
-  <li>number of the army of, v. 33 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>conversations of, with Demaratus, v. 40, 86, 96;</li>
-  <li>march of, from Doriskus along Thrace, v. 41 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>crosses the Strymôn and marches to Akanthus, v. 43;</li>
-  <li>march of, to Therma, v. 44;</li>
-  <li>favorable prospects of, on reaching the boundary of Hellas, v. 44;</li>
-  <li>preparations of, known beforehand in Greece, v. 56;</li>
-  <li>heralds of, obtain submission from many Grecian cities, v. 57;</li>
-  <li>alarm and mistrust in Greece on the invasion of, v. 59;</li>
-  <li>unwillingness or inability of northern Greeks to resist, v. 64;</li>
-  <li>inability of Gelon to join in resisting the invasion of, v. 67;</li>
-  <li>the Thessalians and the invasion of, v. 67;</li>
-  <li>Grecian army sent to defend Tempê against, v. 68;</li>
-  <li>abandonment of the defence of Tempê against, v. 69 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>submission of northern Greeks to, after the retreat from Tempê, v. 69;</li>
-  <li>engagement of confederate Greeks against, such as joined, v. 70;</li>
-  <li>first encounter of the fleet of, with that of the Greeks, v. 79;</li>
-  <li>movements of, from Therma to Thermopylæ, v. 82;</li>
-  <li>movements of the fleet of, from Therma to Thermopylæ, v. 82 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>destruction of the fleet of, by storm at Magnesia, v. 84 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>delay of, with his land force near Trachis, v. 86 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>impressions of, about the defenders at Thermopylæ, v. 87;</li>
-  <li>at Thermopylæ, doubts about the motives ascribed by Herodotus to, v. 87;</li>
-  <li>the mountain-path avoiding Thermopylæ revealed to, v. 88;</li>
-  <li>impressions of, after the combat with Leonidas, v. 95;</li>
-  <li>Demaratus’s advice to, after the death of Leonidas, v. 96;</li>
-  <li>manœuvres ascribed to, respecting the dead at Thermopylæ, v. 103;</li>
-  <li>losses of, repaired after the battle of Thermopylæ, v. 105;</li>
-  <li>abandonment of Attica on the approach of, v. 107 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>occupation of Attica and Athens by, v. 111;</li>
-  <li>conversation of, with Arcadians, on the Olympic games, v. 113;</li>
-  <li>detachment of, against Delphi, v. 114;</li>
-  <li>capture of the Acropolis at Athens by, v. 116 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>number of the fleet of, at Salamis, v. 118 <i>n.</i> 3;</li>
-  <li>reviews his fleet at Phalêrum, and calls a council of war, v. 119;</li>
-  <li>resolution of, to fight at Salamis, v. 119;</li>
-  <li>Themistoklês’s message to, before the battle of Salamis, v. 127;</li>
-  <li>surrounds the Greeks at Salamis, v. 128 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and the fleets at Salamis, position of, v. 131;</li>
-  <li>story of three nephews of, at Salamis, v. 132 <i>n.</i>;</li>
-  <li>fears of, after the battle of Salamis, v. 138;</li>
-  <li>resolves to go back to Asia after the battle of Salamis, v. 139 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>sends his fleet to Asia after the battle of Salamis, v. 139;</li>
-  <li>Mardonius’s proposal to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 140;</li>
-  <li>Themistoklês’s message to, after the battle of Salamis, v. 141;</li>
-  <li>retreating march of, to the Hellespont, v. 142 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>and Artayktês, v. 202;</li>
-  <li>causes of the repulse of, from Greece, v. 240;</li>
-  <li>comparison between the invasion of, and that of Alexander, v. 241;</li>
-  <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_590">[p. 590]</span>death of, ix. 2.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Xuthus</i>, i. 99 <i>seq.</i>, 103;
-  <ul class="IX">
-   <li>and Kreüsa, i. 204.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-
-<li class="iix">Z.</li>
-<li><i>Zab, the Great</i>, the Ten Thousand Greeks at, ix. 69 <i>seq.</i>;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>crossed by the Ten Thousand Greeks, ix. 88.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Zagreus</i>, i. 18, 19 <i>n.</i></li>
-<li><i>Zakynthus</i>, iii. 410;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Timotheus at, x. 141;</li>
-  <li>forces of Dion mustered at, xi. 84, 87;</li>
-  <li>Dion’s voyage from, to Herakleia, xi. 88.</li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Zaleukus</i>, iii. 382.</li>
-<li><i>Zalmoxis</i>, i. 448.</li>
-<li><i>Zanklê</i>, iii. 365;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>fate of, v. 211 <i>seq.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Zariaspa</i>, Alexander at, <a href="#Page_206">xii. 206</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Zêlos</i>, i. 8.</li>
-<li><i>Zeno of Elea</i>, viii. 341, 344, 345.</li>
-<li><i>Zephyrus</i>, i. 6.</li>
-<li><i>Zêtês</i> and Kalais, i. 199.</li>
-<li><i>Zethus</i> and Amphiôn, Homeric legend of, i. 257, 263 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Zeugitæ</i>, iii. 118;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Boeckh’s opinion on the pecuniary qualification of, iii. 119 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Zeus</i>, i. 3, 7, 8 <i>seq.</i>, 12;
-  <ul class="IX">
-  <li>Homeric, i. 13;</li>
-  <li>account of, in the Orphic Theogony, i. 18;</li>
-  <li>mythical character, names, and functions, i. 61 <i>seq.</i>;</li>
-  <li>origin of the numerous mythes of, i. 62;</li>
-  <li>and Promêtheus, i. 63, 75;</li>
-  <li>and Danaê, i. 90;</li>
-  <li>and Alkmênê, i. 93;</li>
-  <li>and Ægina, i. 184;</li>
-  <li>and Eurôpa, i. 257;</li>
-  <li>and Ganymêdês, i. 285;</li>
-  <li>in the fourth book of the Iliad different from Zeus in the first and eighth, ii. 190;</li>
-  <li>fluctuation of Greek opinion on the supremacy of, iv. 196 <i>n.</i></li>
-  </ul></li>
-<li><i>Zeus Ammon</i>, Alexander’s visit to the oracle of, <a href="#Page_147">xii. 147</a>.</li>
-<li><i>Zeus Laphystios</i>, i. 127.</li>
-<li><i>Zeus Lykæus</i>, i. 174.</li>
-<li><i>Zeus Meilichios</i>, Xenophon’s sacrifice to, ix. 171 <i>seq.</i></li>
-<li><i>Zopyrus</i>, iv. 231.</li>
-</ul>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<div class="footnotes">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">FOOTNOTES</h2>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_1">[1]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. c. 5, 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_2"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_2">[2]</a></span> Æschines cont. Timarch. p. 167.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_3"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_3">[3]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_4"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_4">[4]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 9. Justin says that
-Alexander was the companion of his father during part of the war in
-Thrace (ix. 1).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_5"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_5">[5]</a></span> Vol. XI. Ch. xc. p. 513.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_6"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_6">[6]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 10. Arrian, iii. 6,
-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_7"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_7">[7]</a></span> See the third chapter of Plutarch’s
-life of Demetrius Poliorkêtês; which presents a vivid description
-of the feelings prevalent between members of regal families in
-those ages. Demetrius, coming home from the chase with his hunting
-javelins in his hand, goes up to his father Antigonus, salutes him,
-and sits down by his side without disarming. This is extolled as
-an unparalleled proof of the confidence and affection subsisting
-between the father and the son. In the families of all the other
-Diadochi (says Plutarch) murders of sons, mothers, and wives,
-were frequent—murders of brothers were even common, assumed to be
-precautions necessary for security. Οὕτως ἄρα πάντη δυσκωνοίνητον ἡ
-ἀρχὴ καὶ μεστὸν ἀπιστίας καὶ δυσνοίας, ὥστε ἀγάλλεσθαι τὸν μέγιστον
-τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου διαδόχων καὶ πρεσβύτατον, ὅτι μὴ φοβεῖται τὸν υἱὸν,
-ἀλλὰ προσίεται τὴν λόγχην ἔχοντα τοῦ σώματος πλήσιον. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ
-καὶ μόνος, ὡς εἰπεῖν, <span class="gesperrt">ὁ οἶκος οὗτος</span>
-ἐπὶ πλείστας διαδοχὰς τῶν τοιούτων κακῶν ἐκαθάρευσε, μᾶλλον δὲ
-<span class="gesperrt">εἷς μόνος</span> τῶν ἀπ᾽ Ἀντιγόνου Φίλιππος
-ἀνεῖλεν υἱόν. <span class="gesperrt">Αἱ δὲ ἄλλαι σχεδὸν ἁπᾶσαι</span>
-διαδοχαὶ πολλῶν μὲν ἔχουσι παίδων, πολλῶν δὲ μητέρων φόνους καὶ
-γυναικῶν· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀδελφοὺς ἀναιρεῖν, ὥσπερ οἱ γεωμέτραι τὰ
-αἰτήματα λαμβάνουσιν, οὕτω <span class="gesperrt">συνεχωρεῖτο κοινόν
-τι νομιζόμενον αἴτημα καὶ βασιλικὸν</span> ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας.</p>
-
-<p>Compare Tacitus, Histor. v. 8, about the family feuds of the
-kings of Judæa; and Xenoph. Hieron. iii. 8.</p>
-
-<p>In noticing the Antigonid family as a favorable exception, we
-must confine our assertion to the first century of that family. The
-bloody tragedy of Perseus and Demetrius shortly preceded the ruin of
-the empire.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_8"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_8">[8]</a></span> Arrian, i. 25, 2; Justin, xi. 2.
-See Vol. XI. p. 517.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_9"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_9">[9]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post Alexandrum,
-Fragm. ap. Photium, cod. 92. p. 220; Plutarch, De Fortunâ Alex. Magn.
-p. 327. πᾶσα δὲ ὕπουλος ἦν ἡ Μακεδονία (after the death of Philip)
-πρὸς Ἀμύνταν ἀποβλέπουσα καὶ τοὺς Ἀερόπου παῖδας.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_10"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_10">[10]</a></span> Diod. xvii. 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_11"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_11">[11]</a></span> Arrian, i. 25, 2; Curtius, vii.
-1, 6. Alexander son of Aëropus was son-in-law of Antipater. The case
-of this Alexander—and of Olympias—afforded a certain basis to those
-who said (Curtius, vi. 43) that Alexander had dealt favorably with
-the accomplices of Pausanias.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_12"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_12">[12]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 10-27; Diodor.
-xvii. 51; Justin, xi. 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_13"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_13">[13]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 14, 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_14"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_14">[14]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 9, 17. vi. 10, 24.
-Arrian mentioned this Amyntas son of Perdikkas (as well as the fact
-of his having been put to death by Alexander before the Asiatic
-expedition), in the lost work τὰ μετὰ Ἀλέξανδρον—see Photius Cod.
-92. p. 220. But Arrian, in his account of Alexander’s expedition,
-<i>does not mention</i> the fact; which shows that his silence is not to
-be assumed as a conclusive reason for discrediting allegations of
-others.</p>
-
-<p>Compare Polyænus, v. 60; and Plutarch, Fort. Alex. Magn. p. 327.
-</p>
-
-<p>It was during this expedition into Thrace and Illyria, about
-eight months after his accession, that Alexander promised to give his
-sister Kynna in marriage to Langarus prince of the Agrianes (Arrian,
-Exp. Al. M. i. 5, 7). Langarus died of sickness soon after; so that
-this marriage never took place. But when the promise was made, Kynna
-must have been a widow. Her husband Amyntas must therefore have been
-put to death during the first months of Alexander’s reign.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_15"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_15">[15]</a></span> See my last preceding volume,
-Chap. xc. p. 518; Diod. xvii. 2; Curtius, vii. 1, 6; Justin, ix. 7
-xi. 2. xii. 6; Plutarch, Alexand. 10; Pausanias, viii. 7, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_16"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_16">[16]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17 10; Plutarch, Alex.
-20, Curtius, iii. 28, 18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_17"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_17">[17]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 42, 20. Compare with
-this custom, a passage in the Ajax of Sophokles, v. 725.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_18"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_18">[18]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiphont. c. 29.
-p. 469. c. 78 p. 608; Plutarch, Demosth. 22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_19"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_19">[19]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 547. c.
-50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_20"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_20">[20]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_21"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_21">[21]</a></span> We gather this from Æschines adv.
-Ktesiph. p. 551. c. 52.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_22"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_22">[22]</a></span> Diodorus (xvii. 5) mentions this
-communication of Demosthenes to Attalus; which, however, I cannot
-but think improbable. Probably Charidemus was the organ of the
-communications.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_23"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_23">[23]</a></span> This letter from Darius is
-distinctly alluded to, and even a sentence cited from it, by Æschines
-adv. Ktesiph. p. 633, 634. c. 88. We know that Darius wrote in very
-different language not long afterwards, near the time when Alexander
-crossed into Asia (Arrian, ii. 14, 11). The first letter must have
-been sent shortly after Philip’s death, when Darius was publicly
-boasting of having procured the deed, and before he had yet learnt to
-fear Alexander. Compare Diodor. xvii. 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_24"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_24">[24]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_25"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_25">[25]</a></span> Diodorus (xvii. 3) says that
-the Thebans passed a vote to expel the Macedonian garrison in the
-Kadmeia. But I have little hesitation in rejecting this statement.
-We may be sure that the presence of the Macedonian garrison was
-connected with the predominance in the city of a party favorable to
-Macedonia. In the ensuing year, when the resistance really occurred,
-this was done by the anti-Macedonian party, who then got back from
-exile.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_26"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_26">[26]</a></span> Demadis Fragment. ὑπὲρ τῆς
-δωδεκαετίας, p. 180.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_27"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_27">[27]</a></span> Arrian, i. 1, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_28"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_28">[28]</a></span> Plutarch, Reipub. Ger. Præcept.
-p. 804.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_29"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_29">[29]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 564.
-c. 50; Deinarchus cont. Demosth. p. 57; Diodor. xvii. 4; Plutarch,
-Demosth. c. 23 (Plutarch confounds the proceedings of this year
-with those of the succeeding year). Demades, in the fragment of his
-oration remaining to us, makes no allusion to this proceeding of
-Demosthenes.</p>
-
-<p>The decree, naming Demosthenes among the envoys, is likely
-enough to have been passed chiefly by the votes of his enemies. It
-was always open to an Athenian citizen to accept or decline such an
-appointment.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_30"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_30">[30]</a></span> Several years afterwards, Demades
-himself was put to death by Antipater, to whom he had been sent as
-envoy from Athens (Diodor. xviii. 48).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_31"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_31">[31]</a></span> Arrian, i. 1, 2. αἰτεῖν παρ᾽
-αὐτῶν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς Πέρσας στρατείας, ἥντινα Φιλίππῳ ἤδη
-ἔδοσαν· καὶ αἰτήσαντα λαβεῖν παρὰ πάντων, πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων, etc.
-</p>
-
-<p>Arrian speaks as if this request had been addressed only to the
-Greeks <i>within</i> Peloponnesus; moreover he mentions no assembly at
-Corinth, which is noticed (though with some confusion) by Diodorus,
-Justin, and Plutarch. Cities out of Peloponnesus, as well as within
-it, must have been included; unless we suppose that the resolution of
-the Amphiktyonic assembly, which had been previously passed, was held
-to comprehend all the extra-Peloponnesian cities, which seems not
-probable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_32"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_32">[32]</a></span> Demosthenes (or
-Pseudo-Demosthenes), Orat. xvii. De Fœdere Alexandrino, p. 213, 214.
-ἐπιτάττει ἡ συνθήκη εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ, ἐλευθέρους εἶναι καὶ αὐτονόμους
-τοὺς Ἕλληνας.—Ἐστὶ γὰρ γεγραμμένον, ἐάν τινες τὰς πολιτείας τὰς
-παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις οὔσας, ὅτε τοὺς ὅρκους τοὺς περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ὤμνυσαν,
-καταλύσωσι, πολεμίους εἶναι πᾶσι τοῖς τῆς εἰρήνης μετέχουσιν....</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_33"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_33">[33]</a></span> Demosthen. Orat. de Fœdere Alex.
-p. 213.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_34"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_34">[34]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p 215.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_35"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_35">[35]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 217. ἔστι γὰρ
-δήπου ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις, τὴν θάλατταν πλεῖν τοὺς μετέχοντας τῆς
-εἰρήνης, καὶ μηδένα κωλύειν αὐτοὺς μηδὲ κατάγειν πλοῖον μηδενὸς
-τούτων· ἐὰν δέ τις παρὰ ταῦτα ποιῇ, πολέμιον εἶναι πᾶσι τοῖς τῆς
-εἰρήνης μετέχουσιν....</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_36"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_36">[36]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 218, 219.
-Böhnecke, in his instructive comments on this convention (Forschungen
-auf dem Gebiete der Attischen Redner, p. 623), has treated the
-prohibition here mentioned as if it were one specially binding the
-Macedonians not to sail with armed ships into the Peiræus. This
-undoubtedly is the particular case on which the orator insists; but
-I conceive it to have been only a particular case under a general
-prohibitory rule.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_37"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_37">[37]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 1, 7; ii. 2, 4.
-Demosth. de Fœd. Alex, p. 213. Tenedos, Mitylênê, Antissa, and Eresus,
-can hardly have been members of the convention when first sworn.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_38"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_38">[38]</a></span> Demosth. Orat. de Fœd.
-Alex. p. 215. ἐστὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ἐπιμελεῖσθαι <span
-class="gesperrt">τοὺς συνεδρεύοντας καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ κοινῇ φυλακῇ
-τεταγμένους</span>, ὅπως ἐν ταῖς κοινωνούσαις πόλεσι μὴ γίγνωνται
-θάνατοι μηδὲ φυγαὶ παρὰ τοὺς κειμένους ταῖς πόλεσι νόμους.... Οἱ δὲ
-τοσοῦτον δέουσι τούτων τι κωλύειν, ὥστε καὶ συγκατασκευάζουσιν, etc.
-(p. 216).</p>
-
-<p>The persons designated by οἱ δὲ, and denounced throughout this
-oration generally, are, Alexander or the Macedonian officers and
-soldiers.</p>
-
-<p>A passage in Deinarchus cont. Demosth. p. 14, leads to the
-supposition, that a standing Macedonian force was kept at Corinth,
-occupying the Isthmus. The Thebans, however, declared against
-Macedonia (in August or September 335 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>),
-and proceeding to besiege the Macedonian garrison in the Kadmeia,
-sent envoys to entreat aid from the Arcadians. “These envoys (says
-Deinarchus) got with difficulty by sea to the Arcadians”—οἳ κατὰ
-θάλασσαν <span class="gesperrt">μόλις</span> ἀφίκοντο πρὸς ἐκείνους.
-Whence should this difficulty arise, except from a Macedonian
-occupation of Corinth?</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_39"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_39">[39]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 10. παρὰ τὰ κοινῇ
-δόξαντα τοῖς Ἕλλησιν. After the death of Darius, Alexander pronounced
-that the Grecian mercenaries who had been serving with that prince,
-were highly criminal for having contravened the general vote of the
-Greeks (παρὰ τὰ δόγματα τὰ Ἑλλήνων), except such as had taken service
-before that vote was passed, and except the Sinopeans, whom Alexander
-considered as subjects of Persia and not partakers τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν
-Ἑλλήνων (Arrian, iii. 23, 15; iii. 24, 8, 9).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_40"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_40">[40]</a></span> This is the oration περὶ τῶν
-πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον συνθηκῶν already more than once alluded to above.
-Though standing among the Demosthenic works, it is supposed by
-Libanius as well as by most modern critics not to be the production
-of Demosthenes—upon internal grounds of style, which are certainly
-forcible. Libanius says that it bears much resemblance to the style
-of Hyperides. At any rate, there seems no reason to doubt that it is
-a genuine oration of one of the contemporary orators. I agree with
-Böhnecke (Forschungen, p. 629) in thinking that it must have been
-delivered a few months after the convention with Alexander, before
-the taking of Thebes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_41"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_41">[41]</a></span> Demosthenes (or Pseudo-Demosth.),
-Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p. 216. Οὕτω μὲν τοίνυν ῥᾳδίως τὰ ὅπλα ἐπήνεγκε
-ὁ Μακεδὼν, ὥστε οὐδὲ κατέθετο πώποτε, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι καὶ νῦν περιέρχεται
-καθ᾽ ὅσον δύναται, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_42"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_42">[42]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 214, 215.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_43"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_43">[43]</a></span> Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.)
-Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p. 212, 214, 215, 220, where the orator speaks
-of Alexander as the τύραννος of Greece.</p>
-
-<p>The orator argues (p. 213) that the Macedonians had recognized
-despotism as contrary to the convention, in so far as to expel the
-despots from the towns of Antissa and Eresus in Lesbos. But probably
-these despots were in correspondence with the Persians on the
-opposite mainland, or with Memnon.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_44"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_44">[44]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 215. τοὺς δ᾽
-ἰδίους ὑμᾶς νόμους ἀναγκάζουσι λύειν, τοὺς μὲν κεκριμένους ἐν
-τοῖς δικαστηρίοις ἀφιέντες, ἕτερα δὲ παμπλήθη τοιαῦτα βιαζόμενοι
-παρανομεῖν....</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_45"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_45">[45]</a></span> Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.)
-Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p. 217. εἰς τοῦτο γὰρ ὑπεροψίας ἦλθον, ὥστε εἰς
-Τένεδον ἅπαντα τὰ ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου πλοῖα κατήγαγον, καὶ σκευωρούμενοι
-περὶ αὐτὰ οὐ πρότερον ἀφεῖσαν, πρὶν ὑμεῖς ἐψηφίσασθε τριήρεις ἕκατον
-πληροῦν καὶ καθέλκειν εὐθὺς τότε—ὃ παρ᾽ ἐλάχιστον ἐποίησεν αὐτοὺς
-ἀφαιρεθῆναι δικαίως τὴν κατὰ θάλασσαν ἡγεμονίαν.... p. 218. Ἕως γὰρ
-ἂν ἐξῇ τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν καὶ μόνοις ἀναμφισβητήτως εἶναι κυρίοις (the
-Athenians), τοῖς γε κατὰ γῆν πρὸς τῇ ὑπαρχούσῃ δυνάμει ἐστὶ προβολὰς
-ἑτέρας ἰσχυροτέρας εὑρέσθαι, etc.</p>
-
-<p>We know that Alexander caused a squadron of ships to sail round
-to and up the Danube from Byzantium (Arrian, i. 3, 3), to meet him
-after his march by land from the southern coast of Thrace. It is not
-improbable that the Athenian vessels detained may have come loaded
-with a supply of corn, and that the detention of the corn-ships may
-have been intended to facilitate this operation.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_46"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_46">[46]</a></span> Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.)
-Orat. De Fœdere Alex. p. 219.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_47"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_47">[47]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 211. οἶμαι γὰρ
-οὐδὲν οὕτω τοῖς δημοκρατουμένοις πρέπειν, ὡς περὶ τὸ ἴσον καὶ τὸ
-δίκαιον σπουδάζειν.</p>
-
-<p>I give here the main sense, without binding myself to the exact
-phrases.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_48"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_48">[48]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 213. καὶ γὰρ ἔτι
-προσγέγραπται ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις, πολέμιον εἶναι, τὸν ἐκεῖνα ἅπερ
-Ἀλέξανδρος ποιοῦντα, ἁπᾶσι τοῖς τῆς εἰρήνης κοινωνοῦσι, καὶ τὴν χώραν
-αὐτοῦ, καὶ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἅπαντας. Compare p. 214 init.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_49"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_49">[49]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 217. οὐδεὶς
-ὑμῖν ἐγκαλέσει ποτε τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὡς ἄρα παρέβητέ τι τῶν κοινῇ
-ὁμολογηθέντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ χάριν ἕξουσιν ὅτι μόνοι ἐξηλέγξατε τοὺς ταῦτα
-ποιοῦντας, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_50"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_50">[50]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 214. νυνὶ δ᾽, ὅτ᾽
-εἰς ταὐτὸ δίκαιον ἅμα καὶ ὁ καιρὸς καὶ τὸ σύμφερον συνδεδράμηκεν,
-ἄλλον ἄρα τινὰ χρόνον ἀναμενεῖτε τῆς ἰδίας ἐλευθερίας ἅμα καὶ τῆς τῶν
-ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ἀντιλαβέσθαι;</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_51"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_51">[51]</a></span> Demosth. ib. p. 220. εἰ ἄρα ποτὲ
-δεῖ παύσασθαι αἰσχρῶς ἑτέροις ἀκολουθοῦντας, ἀλλὰ μηδ᾽ ἀναμνησθῆναι
-μηδεμιᾶς φιλοτιμίας τῶν ἐξ ἀρχαιοτάτου καὶ πλείστου καὶ μάλιστα
-πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἡμῖν ὑπαρχουσῶν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_52"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_52">[52]</a></span> Demosth. (or Pseudo-Demosth.)
-Orat. De Fœdere Alex. ἐὰν οὖν κελεύητε, γράψω, καθάπερ αἱ συνθῆκαι
-κελεύουσι, πολεμεῖν τοῖς παραβεβηκόσιν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_53"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_53">[53]</a></span> Diodorus, xvii. 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_54"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_54">[54]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 634;
-Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 11-19, p. 9-14. It is Æschines who states
-that the 300 talents were sent to the Athenian people, and refused by
-them.</p>
-
-<p>Three years later, after the battle of Issus, Alexander in his
-letter to Darius accuses that prince of having sent both letters
-and money into Greece, for the purpose of exciting war against him.
-Alexander states that the Lacedæmonians accepted the money, but that
-all the other Grecian cities refused it (Arrian, ii. 14, 9). There is
-no reason to doubt these facts; but I find nothing identifying the
-precise point of time to which Alexander alludes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_55"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_55">[55]</a></span> Strabo speaks of the Thracian
-ἔθνη as twenty-two in number, capable of sending out 200,000 foot,
-and 15,000 horses (Strabo, vii. Fragm. Vatic. 48).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_56"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_56">[56]</a></span> Strabo, vii. p. 331 (Fragm.);
-Arrian, i. 1, 6; Appian, Bell. Civil. iv. 87, 105, 106. Appian gives
-(iv. 103) a good general description of the almost impassable and
-trackless country to the north and north-east of Philippi.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_57"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_57">[57]</a></span> Arrian, i. 1, 12, 17. The precise
-locality of that steep road whereby Alexander crossed the Balkan,
-cannot be determined. Baron von Moltke, in his account of the Russian
-campaign in Bulgaria (1828-1829), gives an enumeration of four roads,
-passable by an army, crossing this chain from north to south (see
-chap. i. of that work). But whether Alexander passed by any one of
-these four, or by some other road still more to the west, we cannot
-tell.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_58"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_58">[58]</a></span> Arrian, i. 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_59"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_59">[59]</a></span> Strabo, vii. p. 303.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_60"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_60">[60]</a></span> Arrian, i. 4, 2-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_61"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_61">[61]</a></span> Neither the point where Alexander
-crossed the Danube,—nor the situation of the island called Peukê,—nor
-the identity of the river Lyginus—nor the part of Mount Hæmus which
-Alexander forced his way over—can be determined. The data given by
-Arrian are too brief and too meagre to make out with assurance any
-part of his march after he crossed the Nestus. The facts reported by
-the historian represent only a small portion of what Alexander really
-did in this expedition.</p>
-
-<p>It seems clear, however, that the main purpose of Alexander
-was to attack and humble the Triballi. Their locality is known
-generally as the region where the modern Servia joins Bulgaria.
-They reached eastward (in the times of Thucydides, ii. 96) as far
-as the river Oskius or Isker, which crosses the chain of Hæmus from
-south to north, passes by the modern city of Sophia, and falls into
-the Danube. Now Alexander, in order to conduct his army from the
-eastern bank of the river Nestus, near its mouth, to the country of
-the Triballi, would naturally pass through Philippopolis, which city
-appears to have been founded by his father Philip, and therefore
-probably had a regular road of communication to the maritime regions.
-(See Stephanus Byz. v. Φιλιππόπολις.) Alexander would cross Mount
-Hæmus, then, somewhere north-west of Philippopolis. We read in the
-year 376 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> (Diodor. xv. 36) of an invasion of
-Abdêra by the Triballi; which shows that there was a road, not unfit
-for an army, from their territory to the eastern side of the mouth
-of the river Nestus, where Abdêra was situated. This was the road
-which Alexander is likely to have followed. But he must probably have
-made a considerable circuit to the eastward; for the route which Paul
-Lucas describes himself as having taken direct from Philippopolis to
-Drama, can hardly have been fit for an army.</p>
-
-<p>The river Lyginus may perhaps be the modern Isker, but this
-is not certain. The Island called Peukê is still more perplexing.
-Strabo speaks of it as if it were near the mouth of the Danube
-(vii. p. 301-305). But it seems impossible that either the range of
-the Triballi, or the march of Alexander, can have extended so far
-eastward. Since Strabo (as well as Arrian) copied Alexander’s march
-from Ptolemy, whose authority is very good, we are compelled to
-suppose that there was a second island called Peukê higher up the
-river.</p>
-
-<p>The Geography of Thrace is so little known, that we cannot wonder
-at our inability to identify these places. We are acquainted, and
-that but imperfectly, with the two high roads, both starting from
-Byzantium or Constantinople. 1. The one (called the King’s Road, from
-having been in part the march of Xerxes in his invasion of Greece,
-Livy, xxxix. 27; Herodot. vii. 115) crossing the Hebrus and the
-Nestus, touching the northern coast of the Ægean Sea at Neapolis, a
-little south of Philippi, then crossing the Strymon at Amphipolis,
-and stretching through Pella across Inner Macedonia and Illyria to
-Dyrrachium (the Via Egnatia). 2. The other, taking a more northerly
-course, passing along the upper valley of the Hebrus from Adrianople
-to Philippopolis, then through Sardicia (Sophia) and Naissus (Nisch),
-to the Danube near Belgrade; being the high road now followed from
-Constantinople to Belgrade.</p>
-
-<p>But apart from these two roads, scarcely anything whatever is
-known of the country. Especially the mountainous region of Rhodopê,
-bounded on the west by the Strymon, on the north and east by the
-Hebrus, and on the south by the Ægean, is a Terra Incognita, except
-the few Grecian colonies on the coast. Very few travellers have
-passed along, or described the southern or King’s Road, while the
-region in the interior, apart from the high road, was absolutely
-unexplored until the visit of M. Viquesnel in 1847, under scientific
-mission from the French government. The brief, but interesting
-account, composed by M. Viquesnel, of this rugged and impracticable
-district, is contained in the “Archives des Missions Scientifiques
-et Litteraires”, for 1850, published at Paris. Unfortunately, the
-map intended to accompany that account has not yet been prepared;
-but the published data, as far as they go, have been employed by
-Kiepert in constructing his recent map of Turkey in Europe; the best
-map of these regions now existing, though still very imperfect.
-The Illustrations (Erläuterungen) annexed by Kiepert to his map of
-Turkey, show the defective data on which the chartography of this
-country is founded. Until the survey of M. Viquesnel, the higher
-part of the course of the Strymon, and nearly all the course of the
-Nestus, may be said to have been wholly unknown.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_62"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_62">[62]</a></span> Arrian, i. 4, 5; Strabo, vii. p.
-301.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_63"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_63">[63]</a></span> For the situation of Pelion,
-compare Livy, xxxi. 33, 34, and the remarks of Colonel Leake, Travels
-in Northern Greece, vol. iii. ch. 28. p. 310-324.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_64"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_64">[64]</a></span> Assuming Alexander to have been
-in the Territory of the Triballi, the modern Servia, he would in this
-march follow mainly the road which is now frequented between Belgrade
-and Bitolia; through the plain of Kossovo, Pristina, Katschanik
-(rounding on the north-eastern side the Ljubatrin, the north-eastern
-promontory terminating the chain of Skardus), Uschkub, Kuprili, along
-the higher course of the Axius or Vardar, until the point where the
-Erigon or Tscherna joins that river below Kuprili. Here he would be
-among the Pæonians and Agrianes, on the east—and the Dardani and
-Autariatæ, seemingly on the north and west. If he then followed the
-course of the Erigon, he would pass through the portions of Macedonia
-then called Deuripia and Pelagonia: he would go between the ridges of
-the mountains, through which the Erigon breaks, called Nidje on the
-south, and Babuna on the north. He would pass afterwards to Florina,
-and not to Bitolia.</p>
-
-<p>See Kiepert’s map of these regions—a portion of his recent map of
-Turkey in Europe—and Griesbach’s description of the general track.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_65"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_65">[65]</a></span> Arrian, i. 5, 12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_66"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_66">[66]</a></span> Arrian, i. 6, 3-18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_67"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_67">[67]</a></span> Arrian, i. 6, 19-22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_68"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_68">[68]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_69"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_69">[69]</a></span> Ælian, V. H. xii. 57.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_70"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_70">[70]</a></span> Demades, ὑπὲρ τῆς δωδεκαετίας,
-s. 14. Θηβαῖοι δὲ μέγιστον εἶχον δεσμὸν τὴν τῶν Μακεδόνων φρουρὰν,
-ὑφ᾽ ἧς οὐ μόνον τὰς χεῖρας συνεδέθησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν παῤῥησίαν
-ἀφῄρηντο....</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_71"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_71">[71]</a></span> The Thebans, in setting
-forth their complaints to the Arcadians, stated—ὅτι οὐ τὴν πρὸς
-τοὺς Ἕλληνας φιλίαν Θηβαῖοι διαλῦσαι βουλόμενοι, τοῖς πράγμασιν
-ἐπανέστησαν, οὐδ᾽ ἐναντίον τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὐδὲν πράξοντες, <span
-class="gesperrt">ἀλλὰ τὰ παρ’ αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐν τῇ πόλει
-γινόμενα φέρειν οὐκέτι δυνάμενοι, οὐδὲ τὴν δούλειαν ὑπομένειν, οὐδὲ
-τὰς ὕβρεις ὁρᾷν τὰς εἰς τὰ ἐλεύθερα σώματα γινομένας</span>.</p>
-
-<p>See Demades περὶ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, s. 13, the speech of Cleadas,
-Justin, xi. 4; and (Deinarchus cont. Demosth. s. 20) compare Livy,
-xxxix. 27—about the working of the Macedonian garrison at Maroncia,
-in the time of Philip son of Demetrius.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_72"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_72">[72]</a></span> Demades περὶ τῆς δωδεκαετίας,
-Fragm. ad fin.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_73"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_73">[73]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 3. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ
-πολὺς ὁ λόγος (of the death of Alexander) καὶ παρὰ πολλῶν ἐφοίτα, ὅτι
-τε χρόνον ἀπῆν οὐκ ὀλίγον καὶ ὅτι οὐδεμία ἀγγελία παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀφῖκτο,
-etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_74"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_74">[74]</a></span> Demades περὶ τῆς δωδεκαετίας, ad
-fin. ἡνίκα Δημοσθένης καὶ Λυκοῦργος τῷ μὲν λόγῳ παραταττόμενοι τοὺς
-Μακεδόνας ἐνίκων ἐν Τριβάλλοις, μόνον δ᾽ οὐχ ὁρατὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος
-νεκρὸν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον προέθηκαν ... ἐμὲ δὲ στυγνὸν καὶ περίλυπον
-ἔφασκον εἶναι μὴ συνευδοκοῦντα, etc.</p>
-
-<p>Justin, xi. 2. “Demosthenem oratorem, qui Macedonum deletas omnes
-cum rege copias à Triballis affirmaverit, producto in concionem
-auctore, qui in eo praelio, in quo rex ceciderit, se quoque
-vulneratum diceret.”</p>
-
-<p>Compare Tacitus, Histor. i. 34. “Vix dum egresso Pisone, occisum
-in castris Othonem, vagus primum et incertus rumor, mox, ut <i>in
-magnis mendaciis, interfuisse se quidam, et vidisse affirmabant</i>,
-credulà famâ inter gaudentes et incuriosos.... Obvius in palatio
-Julius Atticus, speculator, cruentum gladium ostentans, occisum <i>à
-se</i> Othonem exclamavit.”</p>
-
-<p>It is stated that Alexander was really wounded in the head by a
-stone, in the action with the Illyrians (Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. p.
-327).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_75"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_75">[75]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 1: compare
-Deinarchus cont. Demosthenes, s. 75. p. 53.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_76"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_76">[76]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 3-17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_77"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_77">[77]</a></span> Xenoph. Hellen. v. 4, 11. See
-Volume X. Ch. lxxvii. p. 81 of this History.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_78"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_78">[78]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 14.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_79"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_79">[79]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_80"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_80">[80]</a></span> Deinarchus cont. Demosth. p. 14.
-s. 19. καὶ Ἀρκάδων ἡκόντων εἰς εσθμὸν, καὶ τὴν μὲν παρὰ Ἀντιπάτρου
-πρεσβείαν ἄπρακτον ἀποστειλάντων, etc.</p>
-
-<p>In the vote passed by the people of Athens some years afterwards,
-awarding a statue and other honors to Demosthenes, these proceedings
-in Peloponnesus are enumerated among his titles to public
-gratitude—καὶ ὡς ἐκώλυσε Πελοποννησίους ἐπὶ Θήβας Ἀλεξάνδρῳ βοηθῆσαι,
-χρήματα δοὺς καὶ αὐτὸς πρεσβεύσας, etc. (Plutarch, Vit. X. Orator. p.
-850).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_81"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_81">[81]</a></span> Arrian, i. 10, 2; Æschines adv.
-Ktesiphont. p. 634.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_82"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_82">[82]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 634;
-Deinarch. adv. Demosth. p. 15, 16. s. 19-22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_83"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_83">[83]</a></span> See Herod. viii. 143. Demosthenes
-in his orations frequently insists on the different rank and position
-of Athens, as compared with those of the smaller Grecian states—and
-of the higher and more arduous obligations consequent thereupon. This
-is one grand point of distinction between his policy and that of
-Phokion. See a striking passage in the speech De Coronâ, p. 245. s.
-77; and Orat. De Republ. Ordinand. p. 176. s. 37.</p>
-
-<p>Isokrates holds the same language touching the obligations of
-Sparta,—in the speech which he puts into the mouth of Archidamus.
-“No one will quarrel with Epidaurians and Phliasians, for looking
-only how they can get through and keep themselves in being. But for
-Lacedæmonians, it is impossible to aim simply at preservation and
-nothing beyond—by any means, whatever they may be. If we cannot
-preserve ourselves with honor, we ought to prefer a glorious death.”
-(Isokrates, Orat. vi. Archid. s. 106.)</p>
-
-<p>The backward and narrow policy, which Isokrates here proclaims as
-fit for Epidaurus and Phlius, but not for Sparta—is precisely what
-Phokion always recommended for Athens, even while Philip’s power was
-yet nascent and unsettled.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_84"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_84">[84]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_85"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_85">[85]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7. 6. See, respecting
-this region, Colonel Leake’s Travels in Northern Greece, ch. vi. p.
-300-304; ch. xxviii. p. 303-305, etc.; and for Alexander’s line of
-march, <a href="#Map">the map</a> at the end of the volume.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_86"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_86">[86]</a></span> Diodorus (xvii. 9) incorrectly
-says that Alexander came back unexpectedly from <i>Thrace</i>. Had this
-been the fact, he would have come by Pella.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_87"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_87">[87]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 9; Plutarch.
-Alexand. 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_88"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_88">[88]</a></span> Arrian, i. 7, 16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_89"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_89">[89]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_90"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_90">[90]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_91"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_91">[91]</a></span> The attack of Perdikkas was
-represented by Ptolemy, from whom Arrian copies (i. 8, 1), not
-only as being the first and only attack made by the Macedonian
-army on Thebes, but also as made by Perdikkas <i>without orders from
-Alexander</i>, who was forced to support it in order to preserve
-Perdikkas from being overwhelmed by the Thebans. According to Ptolemy
-and Arrian, therefore, the storming of Thebes took place both without
-the orders, and against the wishes, of Alexander; the capture
-moreover was effected rapidly with little trouble to the besieging
-army (ἡ ἅλωσις δι᾽ ὀλίγου τε καὶ <span class="gesperrt">οὐ ξὺν πόνῳ
-τῶν ἑλόντων</span> ξυνενεχθεῖσα, Arr. i. 9, 9): the bloodshed and
-pillage was committed by the vindictive sentiment of the Bœotian
-allies.</p>
-
-<p>Diodorus had before him a very different account. He affirms that
-Alexander both combined and ordered the assault—that the Thebans
-behaved like bold and desperate men, resisting obstinately and for
-a long time—that the slaughter afterwards was committed by the
-general body of the assailants; the Bœotian allies being doubtless
-conspicuous among them. Diodorus gives this account at some length,
-and with his customary rhetorical amplifications. Plutarch and Justin
-are more brief; but coincide in the same general view, and not in
-that of Arrian. Polyænus again (iv. 3 12) gives something different
-from all.</p>
-
-<p>To me it appears that the narrative of Diodorus is (in its basis,
-and striking off rhetorical amplifications) more credible than that
-of Arrian. Admitting the attack made by Perdikkas, I conceive it to
-have been a portion of the general plan of Alexander. I cannot think
-it probable that Perdikkas attacked without orders, or that Thebes
-was captured with little resistance. It was captured by <i>one</i> assault
-(Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 524), but by an assault well-combined and
-stoutly contested—not by one begun without preparation or order,
-and successful after hardly any resistance. Alexander, after having
-offered what he thought liberal terms, was not the man to shrink
-from carrying his point by force; nor would the Thebans have refused
-those terms, unless their minds had been made up for strenuous and
-desperate defence, without hope of ultimate success.</p>
-
-<p>What authority Diodorus followed, we do not know. He may have
-followed Kleitarchus, a contemporary and an Æolian, who must have had
-good means of information respecting such an event as the capture
-of Thebes (see Geier, Alexandri M. Historiarum Scriptores ætate
-suppares, Leips. 1844, p. 6-152; and Vossius, De Historicis Græcis.
-i. x. p. 90, ed. Westermann). I have due respect for the authority
-of Ptolemy, but I cannot go along with Geier and other critics
-who set aside all other witnesses, even contemporary, respecting
-Alexander, as worthy of little credit, unless where such witnesses
-are confirmed by Ptolemy or Aristobulus. We must remember that
-Ptolemy did not compose his book until after he became king of Egypt,
-in 306 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>; nor indeed until after the battle
-of Ipsus in 301, according to Geier (p. 1); at least twenty-nine
-years after the sack of Thebes. Moreover, Ptolemy was not ashamed
-of what Geier calls (p. 11) the “pious fraud” of announcing, that
-two speaking serpents conducted the army of Alexander to the holy
-precinct of Zeus Ammon (Arrian, iii. 3). Lastly, it will be found
-that the depositions which are found in other historians, but not in
-Ptolemy and Aristobulus, relate principally to matters discreditable
-to Alexander. That Ptolemy and Aristobulus <i>omitted</i>, is in my
-judgment far more probable, than that other historians <i>invented</i>.
-Admiring biographers would easily excuse themselves for refusing to
-proclaim to the world such acts as the massacre of the Branchidæ, or
-the dragging of the wounded Batiz at Gaza.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_92"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_92">[92]</a></span> Arrian, i. 8; Diodor. xvii. 12,
-13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_93"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_93">[93]</a></span> Diodorus (xvii. 14) and Plutarch
-(Alexand. 11) agree in giving the totals of 6000 and 30,000.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_94"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_94">[94]</a></span> Arrian, i. 9; Diodor. xvii.
-14.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_95"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_95">[95]</a></span> Justin, xi. 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_96"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_96">[96]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 14; Justin,
-xi. 4: “pretium non ex ementium commodo, sed ex inimicorum odio
-extenditur.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_97"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_97">[97]</a></span> Arrian, i. 9, 13. Τοῖς δὲ
-μετασχοῦσι τοῦ ἔργου ξυμμάχοις, οἷς δὴ καὶ ἐπέτρεψεν Ἀλέξανδρος τὰ
-κατὰ τὰς Θήβας διαθεῖναι, ἔδοξε, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_98"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_98">[98]</a></span> Arrian, i. 9, 10. He informs us
-(i. 9, 12) that there were many previous portents which foreshadowed
-this ruin: Diodorus (xvii. 10) on the contrary, enumerates many
-previous signs, all tending to encourage the Thebans.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_99"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_99">[99]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 11. ἡ μὲν πόλις
-ἥλω καὶ διαρπασθεῖσα κατεσκάφη, τὸ μὲν ὅλον προσδοκήσαντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς
-Ἕλληνας πάθει τηλικούτῳ ἐκπλαγέντας καὶ πτήξαντας ἀτρεμήσειν, ἄλλως
-δὲ καὶ καλλωπισαμένου χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς τῶν συμμάχων ἐγκλήμασιν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_100"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_100">[100]</a></span> Arrian, i. 11, 13. To
-illustrate farther the feeling of the Greeks, respecting the wrath
-of the gods arising from the discontinuance of worship where it had
-been long continued—I transcribe a passage from Colonel Sleeman’s
-work respecting the Hindoos, whose religious feelings are on so many
-points analogous to those of the Hellênes:—</p>
-
-<p>“Human sacrifices were certainly offered in the city of Saugor
-during the whole Mahratta government, up to the year 1800—when they
-were put a stop to by the local governor, Assa Sahib, a very humane
-man. I once heard a learned Brahmin priest say, that he thought
-the decline of his (Assa Sahib’s) family and government arose from
-this innovation. ‘There is (said he) no sin in not offering human
-sacrifices to the gods, where none have been offered; <i>but where the
-gods have been accustomed to them, they are very naturally annoyed
-when the rite is abolished, and visit the place and the people with
-all kinds of calamity</i>.’ The priest did not seem to think that there
-was anything singular in this mode of reasoning: perhaps three
-Brahmin priests out of four would have reasoned in the same manner.”
-(Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official, vol. i.
-ch. xv. p. 130).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_101"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_101">[101]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 13: compare
-Justin, xi. 4; and Isokrates ad Philipp. (Or. v. s. 35), where he
-recommends Thebes to Philip on the ground of pre-eminent worship
-towards Herakles.</p>
-
-<p>It deserves notice, that while Alexander himself repented of the
-destruction of Thebes, the macedonizing orator at Athens describes
-it as a just, though deplorable penalty, brought by the Thebans upon
-themselves by reckless insanity of conduct (Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p.
-524).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_102"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_102">[102]</a></span> Arrian, i. 10, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_103"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_103">[103]</a></span> The name of Diotimus is
-mentioned by Arrian (i. 10, 6), but not by Plutarch; who names Demon
-instead of him (Plutarch, Demosth. c. 23) and Kallisthenes instead of
-Hyperides. We know nothing about Diotimus, except that Demosthenes
-(De Coronâ, p. 264) alludes to him along with Charidemus, as having
-received an expression of gratitude from the people, in requital for
-a present of shields which he had made. He is mentioned also, along
-with Charidemus and others, in the third of the Demosthenic epistles,
-p. 1482.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_104"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_104">[104]</a></span> Arrian, i. 10, 6; Plutarch,
-Vit. X. Orat. p. 847. ἐξῄτει αὐτὸν (Demosthenes) ἀπειλὼν εἰ μὴ
-δοίησαν. Diodor. xvii. 15; Plutarch, Demosth. 23.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_105"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_105">[105]</a></span> Livy; ix. 18. “(Alexander),
-adversus quem Athenis, in civitate fractâ Macedonum armis, cernente
-tum maxime prope fumantes Thebarum ruinas, concionari libere ausi
-sint homines,—id quod ex monumentis orationum patet”, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_106"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_106">[106]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 9-17;
-Diodor. xvii. 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_107"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_107">[107]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 15. Ὁ δὲ δῆμος
-τοῦτον μὲν (Phokion) τοῖς θορύβοις ἐξέβαλε, προσάντως ἀκούων τοὺς
-λόγους.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_108"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_108">[108]</a></span> Arrian, i. 10, 8; Diodor. xvii.
-15; Plutarch, Phokion, 17; Justin, xi. 4; Deinarchus cont. Demosth.
-p. 26.</p>
-
-<p>Arrian states that the visit of Demades with nine other Athenian
-envoys to Alexander, occurred <i>prior</i> to the demand of Alexander
-for the extradition of the ten citizens. He (Arrian) affirms that
-immediately on hearing the capture of Thebes, the Athenians passed a
-vote, on the motion of Demades, to send ten envoys, for the purpose
-of expressing satisfaction that Alexander had come home safely from
-the Illyrians, and that he had punished the Thebans for their revolt.
-Alexander (according to Arrian) received this mission courteously,
-but replied by sending a letter to the Athenian people, insisting on
-the surrender of the ten citizens.</p>
-
-<p>Now both Diodorus and Plutarch represent the mission of Demades
-as <i>posterior</i> to the demand made by Alexander for the ten citizens;
-and that it was intended to meet and deprecate that demand.</p>
-
-<p>In my judgment, Arrian’s tale is the less credible of the two. I
-think it highly improbable that the Athenians would by public vote
-express satisfaction that Alexander had punished the Thebans for
-their revolt. If the macedonizing party at Athens was strong enough
-to carry so ignominious a vote, they would also have been strong
-enough to carry the subsequent proposition of Phokion—that the ten
-citizens demanded should be surrendered. The fact, that the Athenians
-afforded willing shelter to the Theban fugitives, is a farther reason
-for disbelieving this alleged vote.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_109"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_109">[109]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 17;
-Plutarch, Alexand. 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_110"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_110">[110]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 14.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_111"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_111">[111]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 14.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_112"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_112">[112]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_113"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_113">[113]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 10; i.
-29, 9, about the Grecian prisoners taken at the victory of the
-Granikus—ὅσους δὲ αὐτῶν αἰχμαλώτους ἔλαβε, τούτους δὲ δήσας ἐν
-πέδαις, εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀπέπεμψεν ἐργάζεσθαι, ὅτι παρὰ τὰ κοινῇ
-δόξαντα τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, Ἕλληνες ὄντες, ἐναντία τῇ Ἑλλάδι ὑπὲρ τῶν
-βαρβάρων ἐμάχοντο. Also iii. 23, 15, about the Grecian soldiers
-serving with the Persians, and made prisoners in Hyrkania—Ἀδικεῖν γὰρ
-μεγάλα (said Alexander) τοὺς στρατευομένους ἐναντία τῇ Ἑλλάδι παρὰ
-τοῖς βαρβάροις παρὰ τὰ δόγματα τῶν Ἑλλήνων.</p>
-
-<p>Toward the end of October 1812, near Moscow, General
-Winzingerode, a German officer in the Russian service,—with his
-aide-de-camp a native Russian, Narishkin,—became prisoner of the
-French. He was brought to Napoleon—“At the sight of that German
-general, all the secret resentments of Napoleon took fire. ‘Who are
-you (he exclaimed)? a man without a country! When I was at war with
-the Austrians, I found you in their ranks. Austria has become my
-ally, and you have entered into the Russian service. You have been
-one of the warmest instigators of the present war. Nevertheless, you
-are a native of the Confederation of the Rhine: <i>you are my subject</i>.
-You are not an ordinary enemy: you are a rebel: I have a right to
-bring you to trial. <i>Gens d’armes</i>, seize this man!’ Then addressing
-the aide-de-camp of Winzingerode, Napoleon said, ‘As for you, Count
-Narishkin, I have nothing to reproach you with: you are a Russian,
-you are doing your duty.’” (Ségur’s account of the Campaign in
-Russia, book ix. ch. vi. p. 132.)</p>
-
-<p>Napoleon did not realize these threats against Winzingerode; but
-his language expresses just the same sentiment as that of Alexander
-towards the captive Greeks.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_114"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_114">[114]</a></span> Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 14 Ὅλως
-μὲν γὰρ ἡ Μακεδονικὴ δύναμις καὶ ἀρχὴ <span class="gesperrt">ἐν μὲν
-προσθήκῃ μερίς</span> ἐστὶ τις οὐ σμικρὰ, οἷον ὑπῆρξέ ποθ᾽ ὑμῖν ἐπὶ
-Τιμοθέου πρὸς Ὀλυνθίους ... αὐτὴ δὲ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν ἀσθενὴς καὶ πολλῶν
-κακῶν ἐστὶ μεστὴ.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_115"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_115">[115]</a></span> Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 123,
-124: compare Olynth. ii. p. 22. I give here the substance of what is
-said by the orator, not strictly adhering to his words.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_116"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_116">[116]</a></span> Isokrates, in several of his
-discourses, notes the gradual increase of these mercenaries—men
-without regular means of subsistence, or fixed residence, or civic
-obligations. Or. iv. (Panegyr.) s. 195; Or. v. (Philippus), s.
-112-142; Or. viii. (De Pace), s. 31-56.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_117"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_117">[117]</a></span> Xenoph. Magist. Equit. ix.
-4. Οἶδα δ᾽ ἐγὼ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸ ἱππικὸν ἀρξάμενον εὐδοκιμεῖν,
-ἐπεὶ ξένους ἱππέας προσέλαβον· καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσι πανταχοῦ τὰ
-ξενικὰ ὁρῶ εὐδοκιμοῦντα.</p>
-
-<p>Compare Demosth. Philippic. i. p. 46; Xenoph. Hellenic. iv. 4,
-14; Isokrates, Orat. vii. (Areopagit.), s. 93.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_118"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_118">[118]</a></span> For an explanation of the
-improved arming of peltasts introduced by Iphikrates, see Vol. IX.
-Ch. lxxv. p. 335 of this History. Respecting these improvements,
-the statements both of Diodorus (xv. 44) and of Nepos are obscure.
-MM. Rüstow and Köchly (in their valuable work, Geschichte des
-Griechischen Kriegswesens, Aarau, 1852, B. ii. p. 164) have
-interpreted the statements in a sense to which I cannot subscribe.
-They think that Iphikrates altered not only the arming of peltasts,
-but also that of hoplites; a supposition, which I see nothing to
-justify.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_119"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_119">[119]</a></span> Besides the many scattered
-remarks in the Anabasis, the Cyropædia is full of discussion and
-criticism on military phænomena. It is remarkable to what an extent
-Xenophon had present to his mind all the exigencies of war, and the
-different ways of meeting them. See as an example, Cyropæd. vi. 2;
-ii. 1.</p>
-
-<p>The work on sieges, by Æneas (Poliorketica), is certainly
-anterior to the military improvements of Philip of Macedon:
-probably about the beginning of his reign. See the preface to it
-by Rüstow and Köchly, p. 8, in their edition of Die Griechischen
-Kriegs-schriftsteller, Leips. 1853. In this work, allusion is made to
-several others, now lost, by the same author—Παρασκευαστικὴ βίβλος,
-Ποριστικὴ Βίβλος, Στρατοπεδευτικὴ, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_120"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_120">[120]</a></span> See the striking speech
-addressed by Alexander to the discontented Macedonian soldiers, a few
-months before his death, at Opis or Susa (Arrian, vii).</p>
-
-<p>... Φίλιππος γὰρ παραλαβὼν ὑμᾶς πλανήτας καὶ ἀπόρους, ἐν
-διφθέραις τοὺς πολλοὺς νέμοντας ἀνὰ τὰ ὄρη πρόβατα κατὰ ὄλιγα, καὶ
-ὑπὲρ τούτων κακῶς μαχομένους Ἰλλυριοῖς τε καὶ Τριβαλλοῖς καὶ τοῖς
-ὁμόροις Θρᾳξὶ, χλαμύδας μὲν ὑμῖν ἀντὶ τῶν διφθερῶν φορεῖν ἔδωκε,
-κατήγαγε δὲ ἐκ τῶν ὀρῶν ἐς τὰ πεδία, ἀξιομάχους καταστήσας τοῖς
-προσχώροις τῶν βαρβάρων, ὡς μὴ χωρίων ἔτι ὀχυρότητι πιστεύοντας
-μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ οἰκείᾳ ἀρετῇ σώζεσθαι....</p>
-
-<p>In the version of the same speech given by Curtius (x. 10,
-23), we find, “Modo sub Philippo seminudis, amicula ex purpurâ
-sordent, aurum et argentum oculi ferre non possunt: lignea enim vasa
-desiderant, et ex cratibus scuta rubiginemque gladiorum”, etc.</p>
-
-<p>Compare the description given by Thucydides, iv. 124, of the army
-of Brasidas and Perdikkas, where the Macedonian foot are described as
-ἄλλος ὅμιλος τῶν βαρβάρων πολύς.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_121"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_121">[121]</a></span> Herodot. viii. 137.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_122"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_122">[122]</a></span> Thucyd. ii. 100; Xenoph.
-Hellen. v. 2, 40-42.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_123"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_123">[123]</a></span> Respecting the length of the
-pike of the Macedonian phalanx, see <a href="#App_92">Appendix</a> to
-this Chapter.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_124"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_124">[124]</a></span> The impression of admiration,
-and even terror, with which the Roman general Paulus Emilius was
-seized, on first seeing the Macedonian phalanx in battle array at
-Pydna—has been recorded by Polybius (Polybius, Fragm. xxix. 6, 11;
-Livy, xliv. 40).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_125"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_125">[125]</a></span> Harpokration and Photius,
-v. Πεζέταιροι, Demosth. Olynth. ii. p. 23; Arrian, iv. 23, 1. τῶν
-πεζεταίρων καλουμένων τὰς Τάξεις, and ii. 23, 2, etc.</p>
-
-<p>Since we know from Demosthenes that the pezetæri date from the
-time of Philip, it is probable that the passage of Anaximenes (as
-cited by Harpokration and Photius) which refers them to Alexander,
-has ascribed to the son what really belongs to the father. The term
-ἑταῖροι, in reference to the kings of Macedonia, first appears in
-Plutarch, Pelopidas, 27, in reference to Ptolemy, before the time
-of Philip; see Otto Abel, Makedonien vor König Philip, p. 129 (the
-passage of Ælian referred to by him seems of little moment). The term
-Companions or Comrades had under Philip a meaning purely military,
-designating foreigners as well as Macedonians serving in his army:
-see Theopompus, Frag. 249. The term, originally applied only to a
-select few, was by degrees extended to the corps generally.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_126"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_126">[126]</a></span> Arrian, i. 14, 3; iii. 16, 19;
-Diodor. xvii. 57. Compare the note of Schmieder on the above passage
-of Arrian; also Droysen, Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen, p. 95,
-96, and the elaborate note of Mützel on Curtius, v. 2, 3. p. 400.</p>
-
-<p>The passage of Arrian (his description of Alexander’s army
-arrayed at the Granikus) is confused, and seems erroneous in some
-words of the text; yet it may be held to justify the supposition of
-six Taxeis of pezetæri in Alexander’s phalanx on that day. There seem
-also to be six Taxeis at Arbêla (iii. 11, 16).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_127"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_127">[127]</a></span> Arrian. Tactic. c. 10; Ælian.
-Tactic. c. 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_128"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_128">[128]</a></span> Curtius, v. 2, 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_129"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_129">[129]</a></span> This is to be seen in the
-arrangement made by Alexander a short time before his death, when
-he incorporated Macedonian and Persian soldiers in the same lochus;
-the normal depth of sixteen was retained; all the front ranks or
-privileged men being Macedonians. The Macedonians were much hurt at
-seeing their native regimental array shared with Asiatics (Arrian,
-vii. 11, 5; vii. 23, 4-8).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_130"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_130">[130]</a></span> The proper meaning of
-ὑπασπισταὶ, as guards or personal attendants on the prince, appears
-in Arrian, i. 5, 3; vii. 8, 6.</p>
-
-<p>Neoptolemus, as ἀρχιυπασπιστὴς to Alexander, carried the shield
-and lance of the latter, on formal occasions (Plutarch, Eumenes,
-1).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_131"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_131">[131]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 4, 3, 4; ii. 20,
-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_132"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_132">[132]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 30, 11; v. 23,
-11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_133"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_133">[133]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 20, 5; ii. 23, 6;
-iii. 18, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_134"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_134">[134]</a></span> Droysen and Schmieder give the
-number of hypaspists in Alexander’s army at Issus, as 6000. That this
-opinion rests on no sufficient evidence, has been shown by Mützel (ad
-Curtium, v. 2, 3. p. 399). But that the number of hypaspists left by
-Philip at his death was 6000 seems not improbable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_135"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_135">[135]</a></span> See Arrian, v. 14, 1; v. 16, 4;
-Curtius, vi. 9, 22. “Equitatui, optimæ exercitûs parti”, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_136"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_136">[136]</a></span> We are told that Philip, after
-his expedition against the Scythians about three years before his
-death, exacted and sent into Macedonia 20,000 chosen mares, in order
-to improve the breed of Macedonian horses. The regal haras were
-in the neighborhood of Pella (Justin, ix. 2; Strabo, xvi. p. 752,
-in which passage of Strabo, <i>the details</i> apply to the <i>haras</i> of
-Seleukus Nikator at Apameia, not to that of Philip at Pella).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_137"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_137">[137]</a></span> Arrian, i. 2, 8, 9 (where we
-also find mentioned τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἄνωθεν Μακεδονίας ἱππέας), i. 12, 12;
-ii. 9, 6; iii. 11, 12.</p>
-
-<p>About the ἱππεῖς σαρισσόφοροι, see i. 13, 1.</p>
-
-<p>It is possible that there may have been sixteen squadrons of
-heavy cavalry, and eight squadrons of the Sarissophori,—each squadron
-from 180 to 250 men—as Rüstow and Köchly conceive (p. 243). But there
-is no sufficient evidence to prove it; nor can I think it safe to
-assume, as they do, that Alexander carried over with him to Asia
-<i>just half</i> of the Macedonian entire force.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_138"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_138">[138]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 11, 11; iii. 13,
-1; iii. 18, 8. In the first of these passages, we have ἴλαι βασιλικαὶ
-in the plural (iii. 11, 12). It seems too that the different ἴλαι
-alternated with each other in the foremost position, or ἡγεμονία for
-particular days (Arrian, i. 14, 9).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_139"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_139">[139]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 19.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_140"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_140">[140]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 13, 1. Ἐκ Φιλίππου
-ἦν ἤδη καθεστηκὸς, τῶν ἐν τέλει Μακεδόνων τοὺς παῖδας, ὅσοι ἐς
-ἡλικίαν ἐμειρακίσαντο, καταλέγεσθαι ἐς θεραπείαν τοῦ βασιλέως. Τὰ
-δὲ περὶ τὴν ἄλλην δίαιταν τοῦ σώματος διακονεῖσθαι βασιλεῖ, καὶ
-κοιμώμενον φυλάσσειν, τούτοις ἐπετέτραπτο· καὶ ὁπότε ἐξελαύνοι
-βασιλεὺς, τοὺς ἵππους παρὰ τῶν ἱπποκόμων δεχόμενοι ἐκεῖνοι προσῆγον,
-καὶ ἀνέβαλον οὗτοι βασιλέα τὸν Περσικὸν τρόπον, καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ θήρᾳ
-φιλοτιμίας βασιλεῖ κοινωνοὶ ἦσαν, etc.</p>
-
-<p>Curtius, viii. 6. 1. “Mos erat principibus Macedonum adultos
-liberos regibus tradere, ad munia haud multum servilibus ministeriis
-abhorrentia. Excubabant servatis noctium vicibus proximi foribus
-ejus ædis, in quâ rex aquiescebat. Per hos pellices introducebantur,
-alio aditu quam quem armati obsidebant. Iidem acceptos ab agasonibus
-equos, quum rex ascensurus esset, admovebant; comitabanturque et
-venantem, et in præliis, omnibus artibus studiorum liberalium
-exculti. Præcipuus honor habebatur, quod licebat sedentibus vesci
-cum rege. Castigandi eos verberibus nullius potestas præter ipsum
-erat. Hæc cohors velut seminarium ducum præfectorumque apud Macedonas
-fuit: hinc habuere posteri reges, quorum stirpibus post multas ætates
-Romani opes ademerunt.” Compare Curtius, v. 6, 42; and Ælian, V. H.
-xiv. 49.</p>
-
-<p>This information is interesting, as an illustration of Macedonian
-manners and customs, which are very little known to us. In the last
-hours of the Macedonian monarchy, after the defeat at Pydna (168
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), the <i>pueri regii</i> followed the defeated
-king Perseus to the sanctuary at Samothrace, and never quitted him
-until the moment when he surrendered himself to the Romans (Livy,
-xlv. 5).</p>
-
-<p>As an illustration of the scourging, applied as a punishment to
-these young Macedonians of rank, see the case of Dekamnichus, handed
-over by king Archelaus to Euripides, to be flogged (Aristotle, Polit.
-v. 8, 13).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_141"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_141">[141]</a></span> Curtius, v. 6, 42; Diodor.
-xvii. 65.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_142"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_142">[142]</a></span> We read this about the youthful
-Philippus, brother of Lysimachus (Curtius, viii. 2, 36).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_143"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_143">[143]</a></span> Arrian, i. 6, 17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_144"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_144">[144]</a></span> Demosthenes, De Coronâ, p.
-247.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_145"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_145">[145]</a></span> Livy. xlii. 51; xliv. 46,
-also the comparison in Strabo, xvi. p. 752, between the military
-establishments of Seleukus Nikator at Apameia in Syria, and those of
-Philip at Pella in Macedonia.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_146"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_146">[146]</a></span> Justin, xi. 6. About the
-debt of 500 talents left by Philip, see the words of Alexander,
-Arrian, vii. 9, 10. Diodorus affirms (xvi. 8) that Philip’s annual
-return from the gold mines was 1000 talents; a total not much to be
-trusted.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_147"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_147">[147]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_148"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_148">[148]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_149"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_149">[149]</a></span> Justin, xi. 5. “Proficiscens
-ad Persicum bellum, omnes novercæ suæ cognatos, quos Philippus
-in excelsiorem dignitatis locum provehens imperiis præfecerat,
-interfecit. Sed nec suis, qui apti regno videbantur, pepercit; ne qua
-materia seditionis procul se agente in Macedoniâ remaneret.” Compare
-also xii. 6, where the Pausanias mentioned as having been put to
-death by Alexander is not the assassin of Philip. Pausanias was a
-common Macedonian name (see Diodor. xvi. 93).</p>
-
-<p>I see no reason for distrusting the general fact here asserted by
-Justin. We know from Arrian (who mentioned the fact incidentally in
-his work τὰ μετὰ Ἀλέξανδρον, though he says nothing about it in his
-account of the expedition of Alexander—see Photius, Cod. 92. p. 220)
-that Alexander put to death, in the early period of his reign, his
-first cousin and brother-in-law Amyntas. Much less would he scruple
-to kill the friends or relatives of Kleopatra. Neither Alexander
-nor Antipater would account such proceeding anything else than a
-reasonable measure of prudential policy. By the Macedonian common
-law, when a man was found guilty of treason, all his relatives were
-condemned to die along with him (Curtius, vi. 11, 20).</p>
-
-<p>Plutarch (De Fortunâ Alex. Magn. p. 342) has a general allusion
-to these precautionary executions ordered by Alexander. Fortune
-(he says) imposed upon Alexander δεινὴν πρὸς ἄνδρας ὁμοφύλους
-καὶ συγγενεῖς διὰ φόνου καὶ σιδήρου καὶ πυρὸς ἀνάγκην ἀμύνης,
-ἀτερπέστατον τέλος ἔχουσαν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_150"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_150">[150]</a></span> Kassander commanded a corps of
-Thracians and Pæonians: Iollas and Philippus were attached to the
-king’s person (Arrian, vii. 27, 2; Justin, xii. 14; Diodor. xvii.
-17).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_151"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_151">[151]</a></span> Justin, xvi. 1, 14.
-“Antipatrum—amariorem semper ministrum regni, quam ipsos reges,
-fuisse”, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_152"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_152">[152]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 25-39;
-Arrian, vii. 12, 12. He was wont to say, that his mother exacted from
-him a heavy house-rent for his domicile of ten months.</p>
-
-<p>Kleopatra also (sister of Alexander and daughter of Olympias)
-exercised considerable influence in the government. Dionysius, despot
-of the Pontic Herakleia, maintained himself against opposition in his
-government, during Alexander’s life, mainly by paying assiduous court
-to her (Memnon. Heracl. c. 4. ap. Photium, Cod. 224).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_153"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_153">[153]</a></span> Arrian, i. 11, 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_154"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_154">[154]</a></span> The Athenians furnished twenty
-ships of war. Diodor. xvii. 22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_155"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_155">[155]</a></span> Arrian, i. 11; Plutarch,
-Alexand. 15; Justin, xi. 5. The ceremony of running round the column
-of Achilles still subsisted in the time of Plutarch—ἀλειψάμενος
-λίπα καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἑταίρων συναναδραμὼν γυμνὸς, <span
-class="gesperrt">ὥσπερ ἔθος ἔστιν</span>, etc. Philostratus, five
-centuries after Alexander, conveys a vivid picture of the numerous
-legendary and religious associations connected with the plain of
-Troy and with the tomb of Protesilaus at Elæus, and of the many
-rites and ceremonies performed there even in his time (Philostrat.
-Heroica, xix. 14, 15. p. 742, ed. Olearius—δρόμοις δ᾽ ἐῤῥυθμισμένοις
-συνηλάλαζον, ἀνακαλοῦντες τὸν Ἀχιλλέα, etc., and the pages preceding
-and following).</p>
-
-<p>Dikæarchus (Fragm. 19, ed. Didot. ap. Athenæum, xiii. p. 603)
-had treated in a special work about the sacrifices offered to
-Athênê at Ilium (Περὶ τῆς ἐν Ἰλίῳ θυσίας) by Alexander, and by many
-others before him; by Xerxes (Herodot. vii. 43), who offered up
-1000 oxen—by Mindarus (Xenoph. Hellen. i. 1, 4), etc. In describing
-the proceedings of Alexander at Ilium, Dikæarchus appears he have
-dwelt much on the warm sympathy which that prince exhibited for the
-affection between Achilles and Patroklus: which sympathy Dikæarchus
-illustrated by characterizing Alexander as φιλόπαις ἐκμανῶς, and
-by recounting his public admiration for the eunuch Bagôas: compare
-Curtius, x. i. 25—about Bagôas.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_156"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_156">[156]</a></span> Plutarch, Fort. Al. M. ii.
-p. 334. Βριθὺς ὁπλιτοπάλας, δαΐος ἀντιπάλοις—ταύτην ἔχων τέχνην
-προγονικὴν ἀπ᾽ Αἰακιδῶν, etc.</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<p class="i0">Ἄλκην μὲν γὰρ ἔδωκεν Ὀλύμπιος Αἰακίδησι,</p>
-<p class="i0">Νοῦν δ᾽ Ἀμυθαονίδαις, πλοῦτον δ᾽ ἔπορ᾽ Ἀτρεΐδῃσιν.</p>
-<p class="ir">(Hesiod. Fragment. 223, ed. Marktscheffel.)</p>
-</div></div>
-
-<p class="ti0 mt1">Like Achilles, Alexander was distinguished for
-swiftness of foot (Plutarch, Fort. Al. M. i. p. 331).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_157"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_157">[157]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 17. Plutarch
-(Alexand. 15) says that the highest numbers which he had read of,
-were,—43,000 infantry with 5000 cavalry: the lowest numbers, 30,000
-infantry with 4000 cavalry (assuming the correction of Sintenis,
-τετρακισχιλίους in place of πεντακισχιλίους, to be well founded, as
-it probably is—compare Plutarch, Fort. Alex. M. i. p. 327).</p>
-
-<p>According to Plutarch (Fort. Al. M. p. 327), both Ptolemy and
-Aristobulus stated the number of infantry to be 30,000; but Ptolemy
-gave the cavalry as 5000, Aristobulus, as only 4000. Nevertheless,
-Arrian—who professes to follow mainly Ptolemy and Aristobulus,
-whenever they agree—states the number of infantry as “not much more
-than 30,000; the cavalry as more than 5000” (Exp. Al. i. 11, 4).
-Anaximenes alleged 43,000 infantry, with 5500 cavalry. Kallisthenes
-(ap. Polybium. xii. 19) stated 40,000 infantry, with 4500 cavalry.
-Justin (xi. 6) gives 32,000 infantry, with 4500 cavalry.</p>
-
-<p>My statement in the text follows Diodorus, who stands
-distinguished, by recounting not merely the total, but the component
-items besides. In regard to the total of infantry, he agrees with
-Ptolemy and Aristobulus: as to cavalry, his statement is a mean
-between the two.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_158"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_158">[158]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_159"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_159">[159]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 9, 10—the speech
-which he puts in the mouth of Alexander himself—and Curtius, x. 2,
-24.</p>
-
-<p>Onesikritus stated that Alexander owed at this time a debt of 200
-talents (Plutarch, Alex. 15).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_160"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_160">[160]</a></span> Plutarch, Fort. Alex. M. i. p.
-327; Justin, xi. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_161"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_161">[161]</a></span> Arrian, i. 13, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_162"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_162">[162]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 28, 6; Arrian,
-Indica, 18; Justin, xv. 3-4. Porphyry (Fragm. ap. Syncellum, Frag.
-Histor. Græc. vol. iii. p. 695-698) speaks of Lysimachus as a
-Thessalian from Kranon; but this must be a mistake: compare Justin,
-xv. 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_163"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_163">[163]</a></span> Neoptolemus belonged, like
-Alexander himself, to the Æakid gens (Arrian, ii. 27, 9).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_164"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_164">[164]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, c. 1;
-Cornelius Nepos, Eumen. c. 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_165"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_165">[165]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 13, 1; Plutarch,
-Eum. 2, 3, 8, 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_166"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_166">[166]</a></span> Demosth. Philipp. iii. p. 19,
-respecting Philip—οὐ μόνον οὐχ Ἕλληνος ὄντος, οὐδὲ προσήκοντος οὐδὲν
-τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ βαρβάρου ἐντεῦθεν ὅθεν καλὸν εἰπεῖν, <span
-class="gesperrt">ἀλλ᾽ ὀλέθρου Μακεδόνος</span>, ὅθεν οὐδ᾽ ἀνδράποδον
-σπουδαῖον οὐδὲν ἦν πρότερον πρίασθαι.</p>
-
-<p>Compare this with the exclamations of the Macedonian soldiers
-(called Argyraspides) against their distinguished chief Eumenes,
-calling him Χεῤῥονησίτης ὄλεθρος (Plutarch, Eumenes, 18).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_167"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_167">[167]</a></span> See, in reference to these
-incidents, my last preceding volume, Vol. XI. Ch. xc. p. 441
-<i>seq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_168"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_168">[168]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 52; Curtius, vi.
-4, 25; vi. 5, 2. Curtius mentions also Manapis, another Persian
-exile, who had fled from Ochus to Philip.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_169"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_169">[169]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 52. About the
-strength of the fortress of Athens, see Xenoph. Hellen. iii. 2, 11;
-Diodor. xiii. 64. It had been held in defiance of the Persians, even
-before the time of Hermeias—Isokrates. Compare also Isokrates, Or.
-iv. (Panegyr.) s. 167.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_170"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_170">[170]</a></span> Letter of Alexander, addressed
-to Darius after the battle of Issus, apud Arrian, ii. 14, 7. Other
-troops sent by the Persians into Thrace (besides those despatched to
-the relief of Perinthus), are here alluded to.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_171"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_171">[171]</a></span> Demosthenes, Philippic. iv. p.
-139, 140; Epistola Philippi apud Demosthen. p. 160.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_172"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_172">[172]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 5; Justin, x. 3;
-Curtius, x. 5, 22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_173"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_173">[173]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 14, 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_174"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_174">[174]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_175"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_175">[175]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 14, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_176"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_176">[176]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_177"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_177">[177]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 7: compare
-Arrian, i. 17, 9. ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν τὴν Μέμνονος ἔπεμψεν—which doubtless
-means this region, conquered by Mentor from Hermeias of Atarneus.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_178"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_178">[178]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 7; Polyænus, v.
-34, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_179"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_179">[179]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 7. We read also
-of military operations near Magnesia between Parmenio and Memnon
-(Polyænus, v. 34, 4).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_180"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_180">[180]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 18, 19; Arrian,
-i. 12, 14; i. 16, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_181"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_181">[181]</a></span> Arrian, i. 12, 16; i. 13, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_182"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_182">[182]</a></span> Compare the policy recommended
-by Memnon, as set forth in Arrian (i. 12, 16), and in Diodorus (xvii.
-18). The superiority of Diodorus is here incontestable. He proclaims
-distinctly both the defensive and the offensive side of Memnon’s
-policy; which, when taken together, form a scheme of operations no
-less effective than prudent. But Arrian omits all notice of the
-offensive policy, and mentions only the defensive—the retreat and
-destruction of the country; which, if adopted alone, could hardly
-have been reckoned upon for success, in starving out Alexander, and
-might reasonably be called in question by the Persian generals.
-Moreover, we should form but a poor idea of Memnon’s ability, if in
-this emergency he neglected to avail himself of the irresistible
-Persian fleet.</p>
-
-<p>I notice the rather this point of superiority of Diodorus,
-because recent critics have manifested a tendency to place too
-exclusive a confidence in Arrian, and to discredit almost all
-allegations respecting Alexander except such as Arrian either
-certifies or countenances. Arrian is a very valuable historian; he
-has the merit of giving us plain narrative without rhetoric, which
-contrasts favorably both with Diodorus and with Curtius; but he must
-not be set up as the only trustworthy witness.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_183"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_183">[183]</a></span> Arrian, i. 12, 18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_184"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_184">[184]</a></span> Xenophon, Hellenic. iv. 1,
-33.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_185"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_185">[185]</a></span> Strabo, xiii. p. 602. The
-rivers Skamander, Æsepus, and Granikus, all rise from the same
-height, called Kotylus. This comes from Demetrius, a native of
-Skepsis.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_186"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_186">[186]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 18, 19. Οἱ
-βάρβαροι, τὴν ὑπώρειαν κατειλημμένοι, etc. “prima congressio in
-campis Adrastiis fuit.” Justin, xi. 6: compare Strabo, xiii. p. 587,
-588.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_187"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_187">[187]</a></span> Arrian, i. 14, 3. The text
-of Arrian is not clear. The name of Kraterus occurs twice. Various
-explanations are proposed. The words ἔστε ἐπὶ τὸ μέσον τῆς ξυμπάσης
-τάξεως seem to prove that there were three τάξεις of the phalanx
-(Kraterus, Meleager, and Philippus) included in the left half of
-the army—and three others (Perdikkas, Kœnus, and Amyntas) in the
-right half; while the words ἐπὶ δὲ, ἡ Κρατέρου τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδρου
-appear wrongly inserted. There is no good reason for admitting two
-distinguished officers, each named Kraterus. The name of Philippus
-and his τάξις is repeated twice; once in counting from the right of
-the τάξεις,—once again in counting from the left.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_188"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_188">[188]</a></span> Plutarch states that Alexander
-struck into the river with thirteen squadrons (ἴλαι) of cavalry.
-Whether this total includes all then present in the field, or only
-the Companion-cavalry—we cannot determine (Plutarch, Alex. 16).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_189"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_189">[189]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 19.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_190"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_190">[190]</a></span> Arrian, i. 14, 8. Χρόνον μὲν δὴ
-ἀμφότερα τὰ στρατεύματα, ἐπ᾽ ἀκροῦ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐφεστῶτες, ὑπὸ τοῦ τὸ
-μέλλον ὀκνεῖν ἡσυχίαν ἦγον· καὶ σιγὴ ἦν πολλὴ ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρων.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_191"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_191">[191]</a></span> Arrian, i. 14, 9. τοὺς
-προδρόμους ἱππέας mean the same cavalry as those who are called (in
-14, 2) σαρισσοφόρους ἱππέας, under Amyntas son of Arrhibæus.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_192"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_192">[192]</a></span> Arrian, i. 14, 10. Αὐτὸς δὲ
-(Alexander) ἄγων τὸ δέξιον κέρας ... ἐμβαίνει ἐς τὸν πόρον, λοξὴν ἀεὶ
-παρατείνων τὴν τάξιν, ᾗ παρεῖλκε τὸ ῥεῦμα, ἵνα δὴ μὴ ἐκβαίνοντι αὐτῷ
-οἱ Πέρσαι κατὰ κέρας προσπίπτοιεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς, ὡς ἀνυστὸν, τῇ
-φάλαγγι προσμίξῃ αὐτοῖς.</p>
-
-<p>Apparently, this passage λοξὴν ἀεὶ παρατείνων τὴν τάξιν, ᾗ
-παρεῖλκε τὸ ῥεῦμα is to be interpreted by the phrase which follows
-describing the purpose to be accomplished.</p>
-
-<p>I cannot think that the words imply a movement <i>in échelon</i>, as
-Rüstow and Köchly contend (Geschichte des Griechischen Kriegswesens,
-p. 271)—nor a crossing of the river against the stream, to break the
-force of the current, as is the opinion of others.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_193"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_193">[193]</a></span> Arrian, i. 15, 5. Καὶ περὶ
-αὐτὸν (Alexander himself) ξυνειστήκει μάχη καρτερὰ, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ
-ἄλλαι ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαις τῶν τάξεων τοῖς Μακεδόσι διέβαινον οὐ χαλεπῶς ἤδη.
-</p>
-
-<p>These words deserve attention, because they show how incomplete
-Arrian’s description of the battle had before been. Dwelling almost
-exclusively upon the personal presence and achievements of Alexander,
-he had said little even about the right half of the army, and nothing
-at all about the left half of it under Parmenio. We discover from
-these words that <i>all</i> the τάξεις of the phalanx (not only the three
-in Alexander’s half, but also the three in Parmenio’s half) passed
-the river nearly at the same time, and for the most part, with little
-or no resistance.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_194"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_194">[194]</a></span> Arrian, i. 15, 6-12; Diodor.
-xvi. 20; Plutarch, Alex. 16. These authors differ in the details. I
-follow Arrian.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_195"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_195">[195]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 21.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_196"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_196">[196]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 1. Plutarch
-says that the infantry, on seeing the cavalry routed, demanded
-to capitulate on terms with Alexander; but this seems hardly
-probable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_197"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_197">[197]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 4; Diodor. xvii.
-21. Diodorus says that on the part of the Persians more than 10,000
-foot were killed, with 2000 cavalry; and that more than 20,000 men
-were made prisoners.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_198"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_198">[198]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 5, 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_199"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_199">[199]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 7, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_200"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_200">[200]</a></span> Arrian, in describing another
-battle, considers that the proportion of twelve to one, between
-wounded and killed, is above what could have been expected (v. 24,
-8). Rüstow and Köchly (p. 273) state that in modern battles, the
-ordinary proportion of wounded to killed is from 8:1 to 10:1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_201"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_201">[201]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 8; Plutarch,
-Alexand. 16. Aristobulus (apud Plutarch. <i>l.&nbsp;c.</i>) said that
-there were slain, among the companions of Alexander (τῶν περὶ τὸν
-Ἀλέξανδρον) thirty-four persons, of whom nine were infantry. This
-coincides with Arrian’s statement about the twenty-five companions of
-the cavalry, slain.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_202"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_202">[202]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 10, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_203"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_203">[203]</a></span> Arrian usually calls the battle
-of the Granikus an ἱππομαχία (i. 17, 10 and elsewhere).</p>
-
-<p>The battle was fought in the Attic month Thargelion: probably the
-beginning of May (Plutarch, Camillus, 19).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_204"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_204">[204]</a></span> Æschylus, Pers. 950 <i>seqq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_205"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_205">[205]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17, 1, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_206"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_206">[206]</a></span> About the almost impregnable
-fortifications and position of Sardis, see Polybius, vii. 15-18;
-Herod. i. 84. It held out for nearly two years against Antiochus III.
-(<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 216), and was taken at last only by the
-extreme carelessness of the defenders; even then, the citadel was
-still held.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_207"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_207">[207]</a></span> Herodot. vii. 106, 107.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_208"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_208">[208]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17, 5-9; Diodor.
-xvii. 21.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_209"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_209">[209]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17, 12. Respecting
-these commotions at Ephesus, which had preceded the expedition of
-Alexander, we have no information: nor are we told who Heropythus was
-or under what circumstances he had liberated Ephesus. It would have
-been interesting to know these facts, as illustrating the condition
-of the Asiatic Greeks previous to Alexander’s invasion.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_210"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_210">[210]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17, 10-13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_211"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_211">[211]</a></span> Arrian, i. 18, 5, 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_212"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_212">[212]</a></span> Arrian, i. 18, 10-13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_213"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_213">[213]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_214"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_214">[214]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 23.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_215"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_215">[215]</a></span> Arrian, i. 18, 9-15; i. 20,
-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_216"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_216">[216]</a></span> Arrian, i. 19; Diodor. xvii.
-22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_217"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_217">[217]</a></span> Arrian, i. 20, 1-4; Diodor.
-xvii. 22. At the same time, the statement of Diodorus can hardly be
-correct (xvii. 24), that Alexander sent his battering engines from
-Miletus to Halikarnassus by sea. This would only have exposed them
-to be captured by the Persian fleet. We shall see that Alexander
-reorganized his entire fleet during the ensuing year.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_218"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_218">[218]</a></span> Arrian, i. 23, 11, 12; Diodor.
-xvii. 24; Strabo, xiv. p. 657.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_219"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_219">[219]</a></span> Arrian, i. 20, 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_220"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_220">[220]</a></span> Arrian, i. 20, 5. ξύμπαντα
-ταῦτα Μέμνων τε αὐτὸς παρὼν ἐκ πολλοῦ παρεσκευάκει, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_221"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_221">[221]</a></span> Compare Arrian, i. 21, 7, 8;
-Diodor. xvii. 25, 26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_222"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_222">[222]</a></span> Both Arrian, (i. 21, 5) and
-Diodorus (xvii. 25) mention this proceeding of the two soldiers of
-Perdikkas, though Diodorus says that it occurred at night, which
-cannot well be true.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_223"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_223">[223]</a></span> Arrian, i. 21, 7-12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_224"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_224">[224]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_225"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_225">[225]</a></span> The last desperate struggle
-of the besieged, is what stands described in i. 22 of Arrian, and
-in xvii. 26, 27 of Diodorus; though the two descriptions are very
-different. Arrian does not name Ephialtes at Halikarnassus. He
-follows the Macedonian authors, Ptolemy and Aristobulus; who probably
-dwelt only on Memnon and the Persians as their real enemies, treating
-the Greeks in general as a portion of the hostile force. On the
-other hand, Diodorus and Curtius appear to have followed, in great
-part, Grecian authors; in whose view eminent Athenian exiles, like
-Ephialtes and Charidemus, counted for much more.</p>
-
-<p>The fact here mentioned by Diodorus, that Ephialtes drove
-back the young Macedonian guard, and that the battle was restored
-only by the extraordinary efforts of the old guard—is one of much
-interest, which I see no reason for mistrusting, though Arrian says
-nothing about it. Curtius (v. 2; viii. 1) makes allusion to it on
-a subsequent occasion, naming Atharrias: the part of his work in
-which it ought to have been narrated, is lost. On this, as on other
-occasions, Arrian slurs over the partial reverses, obstructions, and
-losses, of Alexander’s career. His authorities probably did so before
-him.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_226"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_226">[226]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 27; Curtius,
-v. 1. viii. 2. ... οἱ γὰρ πρεσβύτατοι τῶν Μακεδόνων, διὰ μὲν τὴν
-ἡλικίαν ἀπολελυμένοι τῶν κινδύνων, συνεστρατευμένοι δὲ Φιλίππῳ ...
-τοῖς μὲν φυγομαχοῦσι νεωτέροις πικρῶς ὠνείδισαν τὴν ἀνανδρίαν, αὐτοὶ
-δὲ συναθροισθέντες καὶ συνασπίσαντες, ὑπέστησαν τοὺς δοκοῦντας ἤδη
-νενικηκέναι....</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_227"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_227">[227]</a></span> Arrian, i. 22, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_228"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_228">[228]</a></span> Arrian, i. 23, 3, 4; Diodor.
-xvii. 27.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_229"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_229">[229]</a></span> Arrian, i. 23, 11; Diodor.
-xvii. 7; Strabo, xiv. p. 657.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_230"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_230">[230]</a></span> Arrian, i. 24, 6-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_231"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_231">[231]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 28.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_232"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_232">[232]</a></span> Arrian, i. 24, 11; Plutarch,
-Alexand. 17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_233"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_233">[233]</a></span> Arrian, i. 26, 4. οὐκ ἄνευ τοῦ
-θείου, ὡς αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξηγοῦντο, etc. Strabo, xiv. p.
-666; Curtius, v. 3, 22.</p>
-
-<p>Plutarch’s words (Alexand. 17) must be taken to mean that
-Alexander did not boast so much of this special favor from the gods,
-as some of his panegyrists boasted for him.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_234"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_234">[234]</a></span> Arrian, i. 27, 1-8</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_235"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_235">[235]</a></span> Curtius. iii. 1, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_236"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_236">[236]</a></span> Arrian, i. 29, 1-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_237"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_237">[237]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 3; Curtius, iii. 2,
-17; Plutarch, Alex. 18; Justin, xi. 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_238"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_238">[238]</a></span> Arrian, i. 29, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_239"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_239">[239]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 1, 4-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_240"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_240">[240]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 29.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_241"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_241">[241]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 2, 6; Curtius, iii.
-3, 19; iii. 4, 8. “Nondum enim Memnonem vitâ excessisse cognoverat
-(Alexander)—satis gnarus, cuncta in expedito fore, si nihil ab eo
-moveretur.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_242"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_242">[242]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 31.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_243"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_243">[243]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 30, 31. Diodorus
-represents the Persian king as having begun to issue letters of
-convocation for the troops, <i>after</i> he heard the death of Memnon;
-which cannot be true. The letters must have been sent out before.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_244"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_244">[244]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_245"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_245">[245]</a></span> Herodot. vii. 56—and the
-colloquy between Xerxes and Demaratus, vii. 103, 104—where the
-language put by Herodotus into the mouth of Xerxes is natural and
-instructive. On the other hand, the superior penetration of Cyrus
-the younger expresses supreme contempt for the military inefficiency
-of an Asiatic multitude—Xenophon, Anabas. i. 7, 4. Compare the blunt
-language of the Arcadian Antiochus—Xen. Hellen. vii. i. 38; and
-Cyropæd. viii. 8, 20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_246"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_246">[246]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 2, 10-20; Diodor.
-xvii. 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_247"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_247">[247]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 2, 1; ii. 13, 3.
-Curtius, iii. 3, 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_248"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_248">[248]</a></span> Arrian, i. 29. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_249"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_249">[249]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 4, 2; Curtius, iii.
-1, 22; Plutarch, Alex. 18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_250"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_250">[250]</a></span> Respecting this pass, see Vol.
-IX. Ch. lxix. p. 20 of the present History. There are now two passes
-over Taurus, from Erekli on the north side of the mountain—one,
-the easternmost descending upon Adana in Kilikia—the other, the
-westernmost, upon Tarsus. In the war (1832) between the Turks and
-Ibrahim Pacha, the Turkish commander left the westernmost pass
-undefended, so that Ibrahim Pacha passed from Tarsus along it without
-opposition. The Turkish troops occupied the easternmost pass, but
-defended themselves badly, so that the passage was forced by the
-Egyptians (Histoire de la Guerre de Mehemed Ali, par Cadalvène et
-Barrault, p. 243).</p>
-
-<p>Alexander crossed Taurus by the easternmost of the two passes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_251"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_251">[251]</a></span> Xenoph. Anabas. i. 2. 21;
-Diodor. xiv. 20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_252"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_252">[252]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 4, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_253"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_253">[253]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 4, 11.
-“Contemplatus locorum situm (Alexander), non alias dicitur magis
-admiratus esse felicitatem suam”, etc.</p>
-
-<p>See Plutarch, Demetrius, 47, where Agathokles (son of Lysimachus)
-holds the line of Taurus against Demetrius Poliorkêtes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_254"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_254">[254]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 4, 3-8; Curtius,
-iii. 4. Curtius ascribes to Arsames the intention of executing what
-had been recommended by Memnon before the battle of Granikus—to
-desolate the country in order to check Alexander’s advance. But this
-can hardly be the right interpretation of the proceeding. Arrian’s
-account seems more reasonable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_255"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_255">[255]</a></span> When Hephæstion died of fever
-at Ekbatana, nine years afterwards, Alexander caused the physician
-who had attended him to be crucified (Plutarch, Alexand. 72; Arrian,
-vii. 14).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_256"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_256">[256]</a></span> This interesting anecdote is
-recounted, with more or less of rhetoric and amplification, in all
-the historians—Arrian, ii. 4; Diodor. xvii. 31; Plutarch, Alexand.
-19; Curtius, iii. 5; Justin, xi. 8.</p>
-
-<p>It is one mark of the difference produced in the character of
-Alexander, by superhuman successes continued for four years—to
-contrast the generous confidence which he displayed towards
-Philippus, with his cruel prejudgment and torture of Philôtas four
-years afterwards.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_257"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_257">[257]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 5, 1; Diodor. xvii.
-32; Curtius, iii. 7, 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_258"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_258">[258]</a></span> Cyrus the younger was five days
-in marching from Tarsus to Issus, and one day more from Issus to the
-gates of Kilikia and Syria.—Xenoph. Anab. i. 4, 1; Vol. IX. Chap.
-lxix. p. 27 of this history.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_259"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_259">[259]</a></span> Arrian, ii, 5, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_260"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_260">[260]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_261"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_261">[261]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 3, 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_262"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_262">[262]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 7, 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_263"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_263">[263]</a></span> Curtius, iii. 7, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_264"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_264">[264]</a></span> From Æschines (cont.
-Ktesiphont. p. 552) it seems that Demosthenes, and the
-anti-Macedonian statesmen at Athens, received letters at this moment
-written in high spirits, intimating that Alexander was “caught and
-pinned up” in Kilikia. Demosthenes (if we may believe Æschines) went
-about showing these letters, and boasting of the good news which was
-at hand. Josephus (Ant. Jud. xi. 8, 3) also reports the confident
-anticipations of Persian success, entertained by Sanballat at
-Samaria, as well as by all the Asiatics around.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_265"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_265">[265]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 6; Curtius, iii. 8,
-2; Diodor. xvii. 32.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_266"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_266">[266]</a></span> Cicero, Epist. ad Famil. xv.
-4. See the instructive commentary of Mützel ad Curtium, iii. 8, p.
-103, 104. I have given in an <a href="#App_98">Appendix to this
-Volume</a>, some explanatory comments on the ground near Issus.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_267"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_267">[267]</a></span> Plutarch (Alexand. 20) states
-this general fact correctly; but he is mistaken in saying that the
-two armies missed one another in the night, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_268"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_268">[268]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 7, 2; Curtius, iii.
-8, 14. I have mentioned, a few pages back, that about a fortnight
-before, Alexander had sent Parmenio forward from Tarsus to secure
-the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, while he himself marched backward to
-Soli and Anchilaus. He and Parmenio must have been separated at this
-time by a distance, not less than eight days of ordinary march. If
-during this interval, Darius had arrived at Issus, he would have been
-just between them, and would have cut them off one from the other.
-It was Alexander’s good luck that so grave an embarrassment did not
-occur.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_269"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_269">[269]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 7, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_270"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_270">[270]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 7; Curtius, iii.
-10; Diodor. xvii. 33.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_271"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_271">[271]</a></span> Kallisthenes called the
-distance 100 stadia (ap. Polyb. xii. 19). This seems likely to be
-under the truth.</p>
-
-<p>Polybius criticises severely the description given by
-Kallisthenes of the march of Alexander. Not having before us the
-words of Kallisthenes himself, we are hardly in a condition to
-appreciate the goodness of the criticism; which in some points is
-certainly overstrained.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_272"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_272">[272]</a></span> Kallisthenes ap. Polybium, xii.
-17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_273"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_273">[273]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 8, 4-13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_274"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_274">[274]</a></span> Compare Kallisthenes ap. Polyb.
-xii. 17.; and Arrian, ii. 8, 8. Considering how narrow the space was,
-such numerous bodies as these 30,000 horse and 20,000 foot must have
-found little facility in moving. Kallisthenes did not notice them, as
-far as we can collect from Polybius.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_275"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_275">[275]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 8, 9. Τοσούτους γὰρ
-<span class="gesperrt">ἐπὶ φάλαγγος ἁπλῆς</span> ἐδέχετο τὸ χωρίον,
-ἵνα ἐτάσσοντο.</p>
-
-<p>The depth of this single phalanx is not given, nor do we know
-the exact width of the ground which it occupied. Assuming a depth
-of sixteen, and one pace in breadth to each soldier, 4000 men would
-stand in the breadth of a stadium of 250 paces; and therefore 80,000
-men in a breadth of twenty stadia (see the calculation of Rüstow
-and Köchly, p. 280, about the Macedonian line). Assuming a depth of
-twenty-six, 6500 men would stand in the stadium, and therefore 90,000
-in a total breadth of 14 stadia, which is that given by Kallisthenes.
-But there must have been intervals left, greater or less, we know not
-how many; the covering detachments, which had been thrown out before
-the river Pinarus, must have found some means of passing through to
-the rear, when recalled.</p>
-
-<p>Mr. Kinneir states that the breadth between Mount Amanus and the
-sea varies between one mile and a half (English) and three miles. The
-fourteen stadia of Kallisthenes are equivalent to nearly one English
-mile and three-quarters.</p>
-
-<p>Neither in ancient nor in modern times have Oriental armies ever
-been trained, by native officers, to regularity of march or array—see
-Malcolm, Hist. of Persia, ch. xxiii. vol. ii. p. 498; Volney, Travels
-in Egypt and Syria, vol. i. p. 124.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_276"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_276">[276]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 10, 2. Kallisthenes
-appears to have reckoned the mercenaries composing the Persian
-phalanx at 30,000—and the cavalry at 30,000. He does not seem to have
-taken account of the Kardakes. Yet Polybius in his criticism tries to
-make out that there was not room for an array of even 60,000; while
-Arrian enumerates 90,000 hoplites, not including cavalry (Polyb. xii.
-18).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_277"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_277">[277]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 9; Kallisthenes ap.
-Polyb. xii. 17. The slackness of this Persian corps on the flank, and
-the ease with which Alexander drove them back—a material point in
-reference to the battle—are noticed by Curtius, iii. 9, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_278"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_278">[278]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11, 6. εὐθὺς, ὡς
-εἶχεν ἐπὶ τοῦ ἅρματος, ξὺν τοῖς πρώτοις ἔφευγε, etc.</p>
-
-<p>This simple statement of Arrian is far more credible than the
-highly wrought details given by Diodorus (xvii. 34) and Curtius
-(iii. 11, 9) about a direct charge of Alexander upon the chariot of
-Darius, and a murderous combat immediately round that chariot, in
-which the horses became wounded and unmanageable, so as to be on the
-point of overturning it. Chares even went so far as to affirm that
-Alexander had come into personal conflict with Darius, from whom he
-had received his wound in the thigh (Plutarch, Alex. 20). Plutarch
-had seen the letter addressed by Alexander to Antipater, simply
-intimating that he had received a slight wound in the thigh.</p>
-
-<p>In respect to this point, as to so many others, Diodorus and
-Curtius have copied the same authority.</p>
-
-<p>Kallisthenes (ap. Polyb. xii. 22) stated that Alexander had laid
-his plan of attack with a view to bear upon the person of Darius,
-which is not improbable (compare Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 22), and was in
-fact realized, since the first successful charge of the Macedonians
-came so near to Darius as to alarm him for the safety of his own
-person. To the question put by Polybius—How did Alexander know in
-what part of the army Darius was?—we may reply, that the chariot and
-person of Darius would doubtless be conspicuous: moreover the Persian
-kings were habitually in the centre—and Cyrus the younger, at the
-battle of Kunaxa, directed the attack to be made exactly against the
-person of his brother Artaxerxes.</p>
-
-<p>After the battle of Kunaxa, Artaxerxes assumed to himself the
-honor of having slain Cyrus with his own hand, and put to death those
-who had really done the deed, because they boasted of it (Plutarch,
-Artax. 16).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_279"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_279">[279]</a></span> This is the supposition of Mr.
-Williams, and it appears to me probable though Mr. Ainsworth calls
-it in question, in consequence of the difficulties of the ground
-southward of Myriandrus towards the sea. [See Mr. Ainsworth’s Essay
-on the Cilician and Syrian Gates, Journal of the Geograph. Society,
-1838, p. 194]. These Greeks, being merely fugitives with arms in
-their hands—with neither cavalry nor baggage—could make their way
-over very difficult ground.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_280"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_280">[280]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11, 3; Curtius,
-iii. 11, 13. Kallisthenes stated the same thing as Arrian—that this
-Persian cavalry had crossed the Pinarus, and charged the Thessalians
-with bravery. Polybius censures him for it, as if he had affirmed
-something false and absurd (xii. 18). This shows that the criticisms
-of Polybius are not to be accepted without reserve. He reasons as if
-the Macedonian phalanx <i>could</i> not cross the Pinarus—converting a
-difficulty into an impossibility (xii. 22).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_281"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_281">[281]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11; Curtius, iii.
-11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_282"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_282">[282]</a></span> Arrian, i. 11, 11; Kallisthenes
-ap. Polyb. xii 20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_283"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_283">[283]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11; Diodor. xvii.
-Curtius (ii. 11, 27) says that the Macedonians lost thirty-two foot
-and one hundred and fifty horse, killed; with 504 men wounded;—Justin
-states, 130 foot, and 150 horse (xi. 9).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_284"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_284">[284]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 12, 8—from Ptolemy
-and Aristobulus. Compare Diodor. xvii. 36; Curtius, iii. 11, 24; iii.
-12, 17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_285"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_285">[285]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 22. ἐγὼ γὰρ
-(Alexander) οὐχ ὅτι ἑωρακὼς ἂν εὑρεθείην τὴν Δαρείου γυναῖκα ἢ
-βεβουλευμένος ἰδεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τῶν λεγόντων περὶ τῆς εὐμορφίας αὐτῆς
-προσδεδεγμένος τὸν λόγον.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_286"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_286">[286]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 13, 2, 3; Diodor.
-xvii. 48. Curtius says that these Greeks got away by by-paths across
-the mountains (Amanus)—which may be true (Curtius, iii. 11, 19).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_287"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_287">[287]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 12, 1; Curtius,
-iii. 12, 27; Diodor. xvii. 40. The “Aræ Alexandri, in radicibus
-Amani”, are mentioned by Cicero (ad Famil. xv. 4) When commanding in
-Kilikia he encamped there with his army four days.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_288"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_288">[288]</a></span> See this faith put forward
-in the speech of Xerxes—Herodot. vii. 48; compare the speech of
-Achæmenes, vii. 236.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_289"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_289">[289]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 10, 2. καὶ ταύτῃ
-ὡς δῆλος ἐγένετο (Darius) τοῖς ἀμφ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον τῇ γνώμῃ δεδουλωμένος
-(a remarkable expression borrowed from Thucydides, iv. 34). Compare
-Arrian, ii. 6, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_290"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_290">[290]</a></span> Immediately before the battle
-of Kunaxa, Cyrus the younger was asked by some of the Grecian
-Officers, whether he thought that his brother Artaxerxes (who had
-as yet made no resistance) would fight—“To be sure he will (was the
-reply) if he is the son of Darius and Parysatis, and my brother, I
-shall not obtain the crown without fighting!” Personal cowardice,
-in a king of Persia at the head of his army, seemed inconceivable
-(Xenoph. Anab. i. 7, 9)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_291"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_291">[291]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 5, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_292"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_292">[292]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 13, 4-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_293"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_293">[293]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 48.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_294"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_294">[294]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 48; Curtius,
-iv. 5, 11. Curtius seems to mention this vote later, but it must
-evidently have been passed at the first Isthmian festival after the
-battle of Issus.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_295"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_295">[295]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11, 13; Curtius,
-iii. 13. The words of Arrian (ii. 15, 1)—ὀπίσω κομίσαντα ἐς
-Δαμασκὸν—confirm the statement of Curtius, that this treasure was
-captured by Parmenio, not in the town, but in the hands of fugitives
-who were conveying it away from the town.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_296"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_296">[296]</a></span> A fragment of the letter from
-Parmenio to Alexander is preserved, giving a detailed list of the
-articles of booty (Athenæus, xiii. p. 607).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_297"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_297">[297]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 15, 5; Curtius,
-iii. 13, 13-16. There is some discrepancy between the two (compare
-Arrian, iii. 24, 7) as to the names of the Lacedæmonian envoys.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_298"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_298">[298]</a></span> See above, in the History, Vol.
-X. Ch. lxxvii. p. 108; Vol. X. Ch. lxxix. p. 251; and Æschines, Fals.
-Leg. p. 263. c. 13.</p>
-
-<p>Alexander himself had consented to be adopted by Ada princess of
-Karia as her son (Arrian, i. 23, 12).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_299"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_299">[299]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 14, 11; ii. 15,
-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_300"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_300">[300]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 45.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_301"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_301">[301]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 15, 8; ii. 20, 1.
-Curtius, iv. 1, 6-16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_302"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_302">[302]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 14; Curtius, iv.
-i. 10; Diodor. xvii. 39. I give the substance of this correspondence
-from Arrian. Both Curtius and Diodorus represent Darius as offering
-great sums of money and large cessions of territory, in exchange for
-the restitution of the captives. Arrian says nothing of the kind.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_303"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_303">[303]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 12, 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_304"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_304">[304]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 1, 20-25; Justin,
-xi. 10. Diodorus (xvii. 47) tells the story as if it had occurred at
-Tyre, and not at Sidon; which is highly improbable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_305"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_305">[305]</a></span> Arrian. iii 15, 9. ὡς ἐγνωκότων
-Τυρίων πράσσειν, ὅ,τι ἂν ἐπαγγέλλῃ Ἀλέξανδρος. Compare Curtius, iv.
-2, 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_306"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_306">[306]</a></span> Curtius (<i>ut suprà</i>) adds
-these motives: Arrian asserts nothing beyond the simple request. The
-statement of Curtius represents what is likely to have been the real
-fact and real feeling of Alexander.</p>
-
-<p>It is certainly true that Curtius overloads his narrative with
-rhetorical and dramatic amplification; but it is not less true that
-Arrian falls into the opposite extreme—squeezing out <i>his</i> narrative
-until little is left beyond the dry skeleton.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_307"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_307">[307]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 16, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_308"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_308">[308]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 2, 4; Justin,
-xi. 10. This item, both prudent and probable, in the reply of the
-Tyrians, is not noticed by Arrian.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_309"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_309">[309]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 16, 11. τοὺς μὲν
-πρέσβεις πρὸς ὀργὴν ὀπίσω ἀπέπεμψεν, etc. Curtius, iv. 2, 5. “Non
-tenuit iram, cujus alioqui potens non erat”, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_310"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_310">[310]</a></span> Diodorus, xvii. 40. Οἱ
-δὲ Τύριοι, βουλομένου τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τῷ Τυρίῳ θῦσαι,
-προπετέστερον διεκώλυσαν αὐτὸν τῆς εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσόδου.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_311"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_311">[311]</a></span> Arrian, i. 18, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_312"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_312">[312]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 24, 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_313"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_313">[313]</a></span> This is the view expressed
-by Alexander himself, in his address to the army, inviting them to
-undertake the siege of Tyre (Arrian, ii. 17, 3-8).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_314"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_314">[314]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 16, 12. Curtius
-says (iv. 2, 2), “Tyros facilius <i>societatem</i> Alexandri acceptura
-videbatur, quam <i>imperium</i>.” This is representing the pretensions of
-the Tyrians as greater than the fact warrants. They did not refuse
-the <i>imperium</i> of Alexander, though they declined compliance with one
-extreme demand.</p>
-
-<p>Ptolemy I. (son of Lagus) afterwards made himself master of
-Jerusalem, by entering the town on the Sabbath, under pretence of
-offering sacrifice (Josephus, Antiq. Jud. xii. 1).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_315"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_315">[315]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 2, 7, 8. The site
-of Tyre at the present day presents nothing in the least conformable
-to the description of Alexander’s time.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_316"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_316">[316]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 18, 3; ii. 21, 4;
-ii. 22, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_317"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_317">[317]</a></span> Azemilchus was with
-Autophradates when Alexander declared hostility against Tyre (Arrian,
-ii. 15, 10); he was in Tyre when it was captured (Arrian, ii. 24,
-8).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_318"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_318">[318]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 2, 10; Arrian, ii.
-24, 8; Diodor. xvli. 40, 41. Curtius (iv. 2, 15) says that Alexander
-sent envoys to the Tyrians to invite them to peace; that the Tyrians
-not only refused the propositions, but put the deputies to death,
-contrary to the law of nations. Arrian mentions nothing about this
-sending of deputies, which he would hardly have omitted to do had
-he found it stated in his authorities, since it tends to justify
-the proceedings of Alexander. Moreover it is not conformable to
-Alexander’s temperament, after what had passed between him and the
-Tyrians.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_319"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_319">[319]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 18, 19; Diodor.
-xvii. 42; Curtius, iv. 3, 6, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_320"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_320">[320]</a></span> Arrian. ii. 20, 1-4; Curtius,
-iv. 2, 14. It evinces how strongly Arrian looks at everything from
-Alexander’s point of view, when we find him telling us, that that
-monarch <i>forgave</i> the Phenicians and Cyprians for their adherence and
-past service in the Persian fleet, considering that they had acted
-under compulsion.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_321"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_321">[321]</a></span> Arrian, i. 18, 15. In the siege
-of Tyre (four centuries earlier) by the Assyrian monarch Salmaneser,
-Sidon and other Phenician towns had lent their ships to the besieger
-(Menander apud Joseph. Antiq. Jud. ix. 14, 2).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_322"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_322">[322]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 20, 5; Plutarch,
-Alexander, 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_323"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_323">[323]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 20, 9-16; Curtius,
-iv. 3, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_324"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_324">[324]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 23, 24; Curtius,
-iv. 4, 11; Diodor. xvii. 46.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_325"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_325">[325]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 4, 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_326"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_326">[326]</a></span> This is mentioned both by
-Curtius (iv. 4, 17) and by Diodorus (xvii. 46). It is not mentioned
-by Arrian, and perhaps may not have found a place in Ptolemy or
-Aristobulus; but I see no ground for disbelieving it.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_327"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_327">[327]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 24, 9; Diodorus,
-xvii. 46.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_328"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_328">[328]</a></span> The resuscitating force of
-commercial industry is seen by the fact, that in spite of this total
-destruction, Tyre again rose to be a wealthy and flourishing city
-(Strabo, xvi. p. 757).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_329"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_329">[329]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 25, 5; Curtius, iv.
-5. The answer is more insolent in the naked simplicity of Arrian,
-than in the pomp of Curtius. Plutarch (Alexand. 29) both abridges and
-softens it. Diodorus also gives the answer differently (xvii. 54)—and
-represents the embassy as coming somewhat later in time, after
-Alexander’s return from Egypt.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_330"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_330">[330]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 17, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_331"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_331">[331]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 5, 14.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_332"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_332">[332]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 5, 14-22; Arrian,
-iii. 2, 4-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_333"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_333">[333]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 26, 5. Οἱ δὲ
-μηχανοποιοὶ γνώμην ἀπεδείκνυντο, ἄπορον εἶναι βίᾳ ἑλεῖν τὸ τεῖχος,
-διὰ ὕψος τοῦ χώματος· ἀλλ᾽ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ ἐδόκει αἱρετέον εἶναι, ὅσῳ
-ἀπορώτερον· ἐκπλήξειν γὰρ τοὺς πολεμίους τὸ ἔργον τῷ παραλόγῳ ἐπὶ
-μέγα, καὶ τὸ μὴ ἑλεῖν αἰσχρὸν εἶναί οἱ, λεγόμενον ἔς τε τοὺς Ἕλληνας
-καὶ Δαρεῖον.</p>
-
-<p>About the fidelity, and obstinate defensive courage, shown more
-than once by the inhabitants of Gaza—see Polybius, xvi. 40.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_334"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_334">[334]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 26, 27; Curtius,
-iv. 6, 12-18; Plutarch, Alexand. 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_335"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_335">[335]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 27, 5. <span
-class="gesperrt">χῶμα</span> χωννύναι <span class="gesperrt">ἐν κύκλῳ
-παντόθεν</span> τῆς πόλεως. It is certainly possible, as Droysen
-remarks (Gesch. Alex. des Grossen, p. 199), that παντόθεν is not to
-be interpreted with literal strictness, but only as meaning in <i>many
-different portions</i> of the walled circuit.</p>
-
-<p>Yet if this had been intended, Arrian would surely have said
-χώματα in the plural, not χῶμα.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_336"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_336">[336]</a></span> Diodorus (xvii. 48) states the
-whole duration of the siege as two months. This seems rather under
-than over the probable truth.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_337"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_337">[337]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 6, 25-30; Dionys.
-Hal. De Comp. Verbor. p. 123-125—with the citation there given from
-Hegesias of Magnesia. Diodorus (xvii. 48, 49) simply mentions Gaza in
-two sentences, but gives no details of any kind.</p>
-
-<p>Arrian says nothing about the treatment of Batis, nor did he
-probably find anything about it in Ptolemy or Aristobulus. There
-are assignable reasons why they should pass it over in silence, as
-disgraceful to Alexander. But Arrian, at the same time, says nothing
-inconsistent with or contradicting the statement of Curtius; while he
-himself recognizes how emulous Alexander was of the proceedings of
-Achilles (vii. 14, 7).</p>
-
-<p>The passage describing this scene, cited from the lost author
-Hegesias by Dionysius of Halikarnassus, as an example of bad rhythm
-and taste, has the merit of bringing out the details respecting the
-person of Batis, which were well calculated to disgust and aggravate
-the wrath of Alexander. The bad taste of Hegesias as a writer does
-not diminish his credibility as a witness.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_338"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_338">[338]</a></span> Arrian. vii. 14, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_339"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_339">[339]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 27. 11. About the
-circumstances and siege of Gaza see the work of Stark, Gaza and die
-Philistäische Küste, p. 242, Leip. 1852.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_340"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_340">[340]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 48; Josephus,
-Antiq. xi. 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_341"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_341">[341]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 1, 3; Curtius iv.
-7, 1, 2; Diodor. xvii. 49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_342"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_342">[342]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 8, 1-4; Plutarch,
-Alexand. 26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_343"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_343">[343]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 1, 8; Curtius, iv.
-8, 2-6; Diodor. xvii. 52.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_344"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_344">[344]</a></span> Strabo, xvii. p. 793. Other
-authors however speak of the salubrity of Alexandria less favorably
-than Strabo: see St. Croix, Examen des Hist. d’ Alexandre, p. 287.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_345"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_345">[345]</a></span> Pseudo-Aristotle, Œconomic. ii.
-32.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_346"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_346">[346]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 5, 4-9. Tacitus
-(Annal. i. 11) says about Egypt under the Romans—“provinciam aditu
-difficilem, annonæ fecundam, superstitione et lasciviâ discordem et
-mobilem, insciam legum, ignaram magistratuum”, etc. Compare Polybius
-ap. Strabon. xvii. p. 797.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_347"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_347">[347]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 51. τεκμήρια
-δ᾽ ἔσεσθαι τῆς ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ γενέσεως τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐν ταῖς πράξεσι
-κατορθωμάτων (answer of the priest of Ammon to Alexander).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_348"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_348">[348]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 3, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_349"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_349">[349]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 3, 12. Καὶ
-ὅτι μὲν θεῖόν τι ξυνεπέλαβεν αὐτῷ, <span class="gesperrt">ἔχω
-ἰσχυρίσασθαι</span>, ὅτι καὶ τὸ εἰκὸς ταύτῃ ἔχει· τὸ δ᾽ ἀτρεκὲς τοῦ
-λόγου ἀφείλοντο οἱ ἄλλῃ καὶ ἄλλῃ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἐξηγησάμενοι.</p>
-
-<p>Compare Curtius, iv. 7, 12-15; Diodor. xvii. 49-51; Plutarch,
-Alex. 27; Kallisthenes ap. Strabon. xvii. p. 814.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_350"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_350">[350]</a></span> Kallisthenes, Fragm. xvi. ap.
-Alexand. Magn. Histor. Scriptor. ed. Geier. p. 257; Strabo, xvii. p.
-814.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_351"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_351">[351]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 28. Arrian,
-hints at the same explanation (vii. 29, 6).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_352"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_352">[352]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 10, 3—“fastidio
-esse patriam, abdicari Philippum patrem cœlum vanis cogitationibus
-petere.” Arrian, iii. 26, 1; Curtius, vi. 9, 18; vi. 11, 23.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_353"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_353">[353]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 8, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_354"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_354">[354]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 2, 8, 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_355"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_355">[355]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 8, 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_356"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_356">[356]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 29; Arrian,
-<i>l.&nbsp;c.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_357"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_357">[357]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 6, 12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_358"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_358">[358]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 7, 1-6; Curtius,
-iv. 9, 12—“undecimis castris pervenit ad Euphraten.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_359"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_359">[359]</a></span> So Alexander considers Babylon
-(Arrian, ii. 17, 3-10)—προχωρησάντων ξὺν τῇ δυνάμει ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνά τε
-καὶ Δαρεῖον ... τόν τε ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνος στόλον ποιησόμεθα, etc. This
-is the explanation of Arrian’s remark, iii. 7, 6—where he assigns
-the reason why Alexander, after passing the Euphrates at Thapsakus,
-did not take the straight road towards Babylon. Cyrus the younger
-marched directly to Babylon to attack Artaxerxes. Susa, Ekbatana, and
-Persepolis were more distant, and less exposed to an enemy from the
-west.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_360"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_360">[360]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 7, 8; Diodor.
-xvii. 55; Curtius. iv. 9, 17-24. “Magna munimenta regni Tigris atque
-Euphrates erant”, is a part of the speech put into the mouth of
-Darius before the battle of Arbela, by Curtius, (iv. 14, 10). Both
-these great defences were abandoned.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_361"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_361">[361]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 9, 23; Plutarch,
-Alexand. 39.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_362"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_362">[362]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 7, 12; iii. 8, 3.
-Curtius, iv. 10, 11-18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_363"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_363">[363]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 13; Curtius, iv. 1,
-27-30—“cum in illo statu rerum id quemque, quod occupasset, habiturum
-arbitraretur” (Amyntas).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_364"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_364">[364]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 1, 3. τήν τε ἐν
-Ἰσσῷ μάχην ὅπως συνέβη πεπυσμένος (the satrap of Egypt) καὶ Δαρεῖον
-ὅτι αἰσχρᾷ φυγῇ ἔφυγε, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_365"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_365">[365]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 23. Compare
-Xenophon, Anabasis, i. 4, 9; Herodotus, vii. 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_366"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_366">[366]</a></span> The praise bestowed upon the
-continence of Alexander, for refusing to visit Statira the wife of
-Darius, is exaggerated even to absurdity.</p>
-
-<p>In regard to women, Alexander was by temperament cold, the
-opposite of his father Philip. During his youth, his development was
-so tardy, that there was even a surmise of some physical disability
-(Hieronymus ap. Athenæ. x. p. 435). As to the most beautiful persons,
-of both sexes, he had only to refuse the numerous tenders made to him
-by those who sought to gain his favor (Plutarch, Alex. 22). Moreover,
-after the capture of Damascus, he did select for himself, from among
-the female captives, Barsinê, the widow of his illustrious rival
-Memnon; daughter of Artabazus, a beautiful woman of engaging manners,
-and above all, distinguished, by having received Hellenic education,
-from the simply Oriental harem of Darius (Plutarch, Alex. 21). In
-adopting the widow of Memnon as his mistress, Alexander may probably
-have had present to his imagination the example of his legendary
-ancestor Neoptolemus, whose tender relations with Andromache,
-widow of his enemy Hektor, would not be forgotten by any reader of
-Euripides. Alexander had by Barsinê a son called Herakles.</p>
-
-<p>Lastly, Alexander was so absorbed by ambition,—so overcharged
-with the duties and difficulties of command, which he always
-performed himself—and so continually engaged in fatiguing bodily
-effort,—that he had little leisure left for indulgences; such leisure
-as he had, he preferred devoting to wine-parties with the society and
-conversation of his officers.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_367"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_367">[367]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 10, 19. “Itineris
-continui labore animique ægritudine fatigata”, etc.</p>
-
-<p>Curtius and Justin mention a third embassy sent by Darius
-(immediately after having heard of the death and honorable obsequies
-of Statira) to Alexander, asking for peace. The other authors allude
-only to two tentatives of this kind; and the third seems by no means
-probable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_368"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_368">[368]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 7, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_369"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_369">[369]</a></span> Diodorus, xvii. 53; Curtius,
-iv. 9, 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_370"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_370">[370]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 8, 12. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ
-ὅσα ἀνώμαλα αὐτοῦ ἐς ἱππασίαν, ταῦτά τε <span class="gesperrt">ἐκ
-πολλοῦ</span> οἱ Πέρσαι τοῖς τε ἅρμασιν ἐπελαύνειν εὐπετῆ πεποιήκεσαν
-καὶ τῇ ἵππῳ ἱππάσιμα.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_371"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_371">[371]</a></span> This is the total given by
-Arrian as what he found set forth (ἐλέγετο), probably the best
-information which Ptolemy and Aristobulus could procure (Arrian, iii.
-8, 8).</p>
-
-<p>Diodorus (xvii. 53) says 800,000 foot, 200,000 horse, and 200
-scythed chariots. Justin (xi. 12) gives 400,000 foot and 100,000
-horse. Plutarch (Alex. 31) talks generally of a million of men.
-Curtius states the army to have been almost twice as large as that
-which had fought in Kilikia (iv. 9, 3); he gives the total as 200,000
-foot, and 45,000 horse (iv. 12, 13).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_372"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_372">[372]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 53; Curtius, iv.
-9, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_373"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_373">[373]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 9, 3; Diodor.
-xvii. 53. Notwithstanding the instructive note of Mützel upon this
-passage of Curtius, the mode in which these chariots were armed is
-not clear on all points.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_374"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_374">[374]</a></span> The Persian battle order here
-given by Arrian (iii. 11), is taken from Aristobulus, who affirmed
-that it was so set down in the official scheme of the battle,
-drawn up by the Persian officers, and afterwards captured with the
-baggage of Darius. Though thus authentic as far as it goes, it is
-not complete, even as to names—while it says nothing about numbers
-or depth or extent of front. Several names, of various contingents
-stated to have been present in the field, are not placed in the
-official return—thus the Sogdiani, the Arians, and the Indian
-mountaineers are mentioned by Arrian as having joined Darius (iii.
-8); the Kossæans, by Diodorus (xvii. 59); the Sogdiani, Massagetæ,
-Belitæ, Kossæans, Gortyæ, Phrygians, and Kataonians, by Curtius (iv.
-12).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_375"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_375">[375]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 9, 5-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_376"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_376">[376]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 9, 2-8. It is not
-expressly mentioned by Arrian that the baggage, etc. was brought
-forward from the first camp to the second. But we see that such must
-have been the fact, from what happened during the battle. Alexander’s
-baggage, which was plundered by a body of Persian cavalry, cannot
-have been so far in the rear of the army as the distance of the first
-camp would require. This coincides also with Curtius, iv. 13, 35. The
-words ἔγνω ἀπολείπειν (Arrian, iii. 9, 2), indicate the contemplation
-of a purpose which was not accomplished—ὡς ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ προσμῖξαι τοῖς
-πολεμίοις (iii. 9, 3). Instead of “coming into conflict” with the
-enemy at break of day—Alexander only arrived within sight of them at
-break of day; he then halted the whole day and night within sight
-of their position; and naturally brought up his baggage, having no
-motive to leave it so far in the rear.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_377"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_377">[377]</a></span> Xenoph. Anabas. iii. 4, 35.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_378"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_378">[378]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 10, 3; Curtius,
-iv. 13, 4-10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_379"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_379">[379]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 12, 1-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_380"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_380">[380]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 11; Diodor. xvii.
-57; Curtius, iv. 13, 26-30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_381"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_381">[381]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 12, 2-6; Curtius,
-iv. 13, 30-32; Diodor. xvii. 57.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_382"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_382">[382]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 13, 36; Polyænus,
-iv. 3, 17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_383"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_383">[383]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 13, 1-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_384"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_384">[384]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 13, 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_385"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_385">[385]</a></span> About the chariots. Arrian,
-iii. 13, 11; Curtius, iv. 15, 14; Diodor. xvii. 57, 58.</p>
-
-<p>Arrian mentions distinctly only those chariots which were
-launched on Darius’s left, immediately opposite to Alexander. But it
-is plain that the chariots along the whole line must have been let
-off at one and the same signal—which we may understand as implied in
-the words of Curtius—“Ipse (Darius) ante se falcatos currus habebat,
-quos signo dato universos in hostem effudit” (iv. 14, 3).</p>
-
-<p>The scythed chariots of Artaxerxes, at the battle of Kunaxa, did
-no mischief (Xenoph. Anab. i. 8, 10-20). At the battle of Magnesia,
-gained by the Romans (<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 190) over the Syrian
-king Antiochus, his chariots were not only driven back, but spread
-disorder among their own troops (Appian, Reb. Syriac. 33).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_386"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_386">[386]</a></span> See the remarkable passage in
-the address of Alexander to his soldiers previous to the battle,
-about the necessity of absolute silence until the moment came for the
-terrific war-shout (Arrian, iii. 9, 14): compare Thucyd. ii. 89—a
-similar direction from Phormio to the Athenians.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_387"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_387">[387]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 4. οὔτε
-ἀκοντισμῷ ἔτι, οὔτε ἐξελιγμοῖς τῶν ἵππων, ἥπερ ἱππομαχίας δίκη,
-ἐχρῶντο—about the Persian cavalry when driven to despair.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_388"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_388">[388]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 2. ἦγε δρόμῳ
-τε καὶ ἀλαλαγμῷ ὡς ἐπὶ αὐτὸν Δαρεῖον—Diodor. xvii. 60. Alexander μετὰ
-τῆς βασιλικῆς ἴλης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἱππέων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν
-ἤλαυνε τὸν Δαρεῖον.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_389"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_389">[389]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 3. Καὶ χρόνον
-μέν τινα ὀλίγον ἐν χερσὶν ἡ μάχη ἐγένετο. Ὣς δὲ οἵ τε ἱππεῖς οἱ
-ἀμφ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ αὐτὸς Ἀλέξανδρος εὐρώστως ἐνέκειντο, ὠθισμοῖς
-τε χρώμενοι, καὶ τοῖς ξυστοῖς τὰ πρόσωπα τῶν Περσῶν κόπτοντες, ἥ τε
-φάλαγξ ἡ Μακεδονικὴ, πυκνὴ καὶ ταῖς σαρίσσαις πεφρικυῖα, ἐμβέβληκεν
-ἤδη αὐτοῖς, <span class="gesperrt">καὶ πάντα ὁμοῦ τὰ δεινὰ καὶ
-πάλαι ἤδη φοβερῷ ὄντι Δαρείῳ ἐφαίνετο, πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἐπιστρέψας
-ἔφευγεν</span>. At Issus, Arrian states that “Darius fled along with
-the first” (ii. 11, 6); at Arbela here, he states that “Darius was
-the first to turn and flee;” an expression yet stronger and more
-distinct. Curtius and Diodorus, who seem here as elsewhere to follow
-generally the same authorities, give details, respecting the conduct
-of Darius, which are not to be reconciled with Arrian, and which are
-decidedly less credible than Arrian’s narrative. The fact that the
-two kings were here (as at Issus) near, and probably visible, to
-each other, has served as a basis for much embroidery. The statement
-that Darius, standing on his chariot, hurled his spear against the
-advancing Macedonians—and that Alexander also hurled his spear at
-Darius, but missing him, killed the charioteer—is picturesque and
-Homeric, but has no air of reality. Curtius and Diodorus tell us
-that this fall of the charioteer was mistaken for the fall of the
-king, and struck the Persian army with consternation, causing them
-forthwith to take flight, and thus ultimately forcing Darius to flee
-also (Diodor. xvii. 60; Curt. iv. 15, 26-32). But this is noway
-probable; since the real fight then going on was close, and with
-hand-weapons.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_390"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_390">[390]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_391"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_391">[391]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 60; Curtius,
-iv. 15, 32, 33. The cloud of dust, and the noise of the whips, are
-specified both by Diodorus and Curtius.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_392"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_392">[392]</a></span> Curtius, iv. 16, 1; Diodorus,
-xvii. 59, 60; Arrian, iii. 14, 11. The two first authors are here
-superior to Arrian, who scarcely mentions at all this vigorous charge
-of Mazæus, though he alludes to the effects produced by it.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_393"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_393">[393]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 6. He speaks
-directly here only of the τάξις under the command of Simmias; but it
-is plain that what he says must be understood of the τάξις commanded
-by Kraterus also. Of the six τάξεις or divisions of the phalanx, that
-of Kraterus stood at the extreme left—that of Simmias (who commanded
-on this day the τάξις of Amyntas son of Andromenes) next to it
-(iii. 11, 16). If therefore the τάξις of Simmias was kept back from
-pursuit, on account of the pressure upon the general Macedonian left
-(iii. 14, 6)—<i>à fortiori</i>, the τάξις of Kraterus must have been kept
-back in like manner.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_394"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_394">[394]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_395"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_395">[395]</a></span> Curtius. iv. 15, 9-11; Diodor.
-xvii. 59. Curtius and Diodorus represent the brigade of cavalry who
-plundered the camp and rescued the prisoners, to have been sent round
-by Mazæus from the Persian right; while Arrian states, more probably,
-that they got through the break accidentally left in the phalanx, and
-traversed the Macedonian lines.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_396"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_396">[396]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 14, 10. Curtius
-represents this brigade as having been driven off by Aretes and a
-detachment sent expressly by Alexander himself. Diodorus describes
-it as if it had not been defeated at all, but had ridden back to
-Mazæus after plundering the baggage. Neither of these accounts is so
-probable as that of Arrian.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_397"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_397">[397]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 60. Ὁ Παρμενίων
-... μόλις ἐτρέψατο τοὺς βαρβάρους, μάλιστα καταπλαγέντας τῇ κατὰ τὸν
-Δαρεῖον φυγῇ. Curtius, iv. 16, 4-7. “Interim ad Mazæum fama superati
-regis pervenerat. Itaque, quanquam validior erat, tamen fortunâ
-partium territus, perculsis languidius instabat.” Arrian, iv. 14, 11;
-iv. 15, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_398"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_398">[398]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 6. Curtius
-also alludes to this combat; but with many particulars very different
-from Arrian (iv. 16, 19-25).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_399"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_399">[399]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_400"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_400">[400]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 10. Curtius
-(iv. 16, 12-18) gives aggravated details about the sufferings of the
-fugitives in passing the river Lykus—which are probably founded on
-fact. But he makes the mistake of supposing that Alexander had got as
-far as this river in his first pursuit, from which he was called back
-to assist Parmenio.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_401"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_401">[401]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 14; Curtius,
-v. 1, 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_402"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_402">[402]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 15, 16; Curtius,
-iv. 16, 27, Diodor. xvii. 61.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_403"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_403">[403]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 5-11; Diodor.
-xvii. 64; Curtius, v. 1, 17-20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_404"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_404">[404]</a></span> Curtius, v. 1, 45; Diodor.
-xvii. 64.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_405"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_405">[405]</a></span> Arrian states this total of
-50,000 talents (iii. 16. 12).</p>
-
-<p>I have taken them as Attic talents; if they were Æginæan talents,
-the value of them would be greater in the proportion of five to
-three.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_406"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_406">[406]</a></span> Curtius, v. 2, 11; Diodor.
-xvii. 66.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_407"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_407">[407]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 6-9: compare
-Strabo, xvi. p. 738.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_408"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_408">[408]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 16;
-Curtius, v. 1, 44; Diodor. xvii. 64. Curtius and Diodorus do not
-exactly coincide with Arrian; but the discrepancy here is not very
-important.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_409"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_409">[409]</a></span> Curtius, v. 1, 42: compare
-Diodor. xvii. 65; Arrian, iii, 16, 18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_410"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_410">[410]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 20; Curtius,
-v. 2, 6; Diodor. xvii. 65. Respecting this reorganization, begun now
-at Susa and carried farther during the next year at Ekbatana, see
-Rüstow and Köchly, Griechisches Kriegswesen, p. 252 <i>seq.</i></p>
-
-<p>One among the changes now made was, that the divisions of
-cavalry—which, having hitherto coincided with various local
-districts or towns in Macedonia, had been officered accordingly—were
-re-distributed and mingled together (Curtius, v. 2, 6).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_411"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_411">[411]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 17, 1. Ἄρας δὲ ἐκ
-Σούσων, καὶ διαβὰς τὸν Πασιτίγρην ποταμὸν, ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὴν Οὐξίων
-γῆν.</p>
-
-<p>The Persian Susa was situated between two rivers; the Choaspes
-(now Kherkha) on the west; the Eulæus or Pasitigris, now Karun, on
-the east; both rivers distinguished for excellent water. The Eulæus
-appears to have been called Pasitigris in the lower part of its
-course—Pliny, H. N. xxxi. 21. “Parthorum reges ex Choaspe et Eulæo
-tantum bibunt.”</p>
-
-<p>Ritter has given an elaborate exposition respecting these two
-rivers and the site of the Persian Susa (Erdkunde, part ix. book iii.
-West-Asien, p. 291-320).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_412"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_412">[412]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 17; Curtius. v. 3,
-5-12; Diodor. xvii. 67; Strabo, xv. p. 729. It would seem that the
-road taken by Alexander in this march, was that described by Kinneir,
-through Bebahan and Kala-Sefid to Schiraz (Geographical Memoir of the
-Persian Empire, p. 72). Nothing can exceed the difficulties of the
-territory for military operation.</p>
-
-<p>No certainty is attainable, however, respecting the ancient
-geography of these regions. Mr. Long’s Map of Ancient Persia shows
-how little can be made out.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_413"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_413">[413]</a></span> See the instructive notes
-of Mützel—on Quintus Curtius, v. 10, 3; and v. 12, 17, discussing
-the topography of this region, in so far as it is known from
-modern travellers. He supposes the Susian Gates to have been near
-Kala-Sefid, west of the plain of Merdasht or Persepolis. Herein
-he dissents from Ritter, apparently on good grounds, as far as an
-opinion can be formed.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_414"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_414">[414]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 18, 1-14; Curtius,
-v. 4, 10-20; Diodor. xvii. 68.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_415"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_415">[415]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 71.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_416"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_416">[416]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 18, 16; Curtius,
-v. 4, 5; Diodor. xvii. 69.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_417"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_417">[417]</a></span> Xenoph. Anabas. i. 9, 13.
-Similar habits have always prevailed among Orientals. “The most
-atrocious part of the Mohammedan system of punishment, is, that which
-regards theft and robbery. Mutilation, by cutting off the hand or the
-foot, is the prescribed remedy for all higher degrees of the offence”
-(Mill, History of British India, book iii. ch. 5. p. 447).</p>
-
-<p>“Tippoo Saib used to cut off the right hands and noses of the
-British camp-followers that fell into his hands” (Elphinstone, Hist.
-of India, vol. i. p. 380. ch. xi.).</p>
-
-<p>A recent traveller notices the many mutilated persons, female
-as well as male, who are to be seen in the northern part of Scinde
-(Burton, Scenes in Scinde, vol. ii. p. 281).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_418"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_418">[418]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 69; Curtius, v.
-5; Justin, xi. 14. Arrian does not mention these mutilated captives;
-but I see no reason to mistrust the deposition of the three authors
-by whom it is certified. Curtius talks of 4000 captives; the other
-two mention 800. Diodorus calls them —Ἕλληνες ὑπὸ τῶν πρότερον
-βασιλέων ἀνάστατοι γεγονότες, ὀκτακόσιοι μὲν σχεδὸν τὸν ἀριθμὸν
-ὄντες, ταῖς δ᾽ ἡλικίαις οἱ πλεῖστοι μὲν γεγηρακότες, ἠκρωτηριασμένοι
-δὲ πάντες, etc. Some ἀνάρπαστοι πρὸς βασιλέα διὰ σοφίαν are noticed
-in Xenoph. Mem. iv. 2, 33; compare Herodot. iii. 93; iv. 204. I have
-already mentioned the mutilation of the Macedonian invalids, taken at
-Issus by Darius.</p>
-
-<p>Probably these Greek captives were mingled with a number of
-other captives, Asiatics and others, who had been treated in the
-same manner. None but the Greek captives would be likely to show
-themselves to Alexander and his army, because none but they would
-calculate on obtaining sympathy from an army of Macedonians and
-Greeks. It would have been interesting to know who these captives
-were, or how they came to be thus cruelly used. The two persons among
-them, named by Curtius as spokesmen in the interview with Alexander,
-are—Euktemon, a Kymæan—and Theætêtus, an Athenian.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_419"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_419">[419]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 70. πλουσιωτάτης
-οὔσης τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον, etc. Curtius, v. 6, 2, 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_420"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_420">[420]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 18, 18; Diodor.
-xvii. 70; Curtius, v. 6, 1; Strabo, xv. p. 731.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_421"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_421">[421]</a></span> This amount is given both by
-Diodorus (xvii. 71) and by Curtius (v. 6, 9). We see however from
-Strabo that there were different statements as to the amount. Such
-overwhelming figures deserve no confidence upon any evidence short of
-an official return. At the same time, we ought to expect a very great
-sum, considering the long series of years that had been spent in
-amassing it. Alexander’s own letters (Plutarch, Alex. 37) stated that
-enough was carried away to load 10,000 mule carts and 5000 camels.
-</p>
-
-<p>To explain the fact, of a large accumulated treasure in the
-Persian capitals, it must be remarked, that what we are accustomed
-to consider as expenses of government, were not defrayed out of the
-regal treasure. The military force, speaking generally, was not paid
-by the Great King, but summoned by requisition from the provinces,
-upon which the cost of maintaining the soldiers fell, over and above
-the ordinary tribute. The king’s numerous servants and attendants
-received no pay in money, but in kind; provisions for maintaining
-the court with its retinue were furnished by the provinces, over
-and above the tribute. See Herodot. i. 192; and iii. 91—and a good
-passage of Heeren, setting forth the small public disbursement out of
-the regal treasure, in his account of the internal constitution of
-the ancient Persian Empire (Ideen über die Politik and den Verkehr
-der Völker der alten Welt, part i. Abth. 1. p. 511-519).</p>
-
-<p>Respecting modern Persia, Jaubert remarks (Voyage en Arménie et
-en Perse, Paris, 1821, p. 272, ch. 30)—“Si les sommes que l’on verse
-dans le trésor du Shah ne sont pas exorbitantes, comparativement à
-l’étendue et à la population de la Perse, elles n’en sortent pas
-non plus que pour des dépenses indispensables qui n’en absorbent
-pas la moitié. Le reste est converti en lingots, en pierreries,
-et en divers objets d’une grande valeur et d’un transport facile
-en cas d’évènement: ce qui doit suffire pour empêcher qu’on ne
-trouve exagérés les rapports que tous les voyageurs ont faits de la
-magnificence de la cour de Perse. Les Perses sont assez clairvoyans
-pour pénétrer les motifs réels qui portent Futteh Ali Shah à
-thésauriser.”</p>
-
-<p>When Nadir-Shah conquered the Mogul Emperor Mohammed, and entered
-Delhi in 1739,—the imperial treasure and effects which fell into his
-hands is said to have amounted to £32,000,000 sterling, besides heavy
-contributions levied on the inhabitants (Mill, History of British
-India, vol. ii, B. iii, ch. 4, p. 403).—Runjeet Sing left at his
-death (1839) a treasure of £8,000,000 sterling: with jewels and other
-effects to several millions more. [The Punjaub, by Col. Steinbach, p.
-16. London, 1845].</p>
-
-<p>Mr. Mill remarks in another place, that “in Hindostan, gold,
-silver, and gems are most commonly hoarded, and not devoted to
-production” (vol. i, p. 254, B. ii. ch. 5).</p>
-
-<p>Herodotus (iii. 96) tells us that the gold and silver brought to
-the Persian regal treasure was poured in a melted state into earthern
-vessels; when it cooled, the earthern vessel was withdrawn, and the
-solid metallic mass left standing; a portion of it was cut off when
-occasion required for disbursements. This practice warrants the
-supposition that a large portion of it was habitually accumulated,
-and not expended.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_422"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_422">[422]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 18, 17. He does
-not give the amount which I transcribe from Curtius, v. 6, 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_423"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_423">[423]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 70. Οἱ Μακεδόνες
-ἐπῄεσαν, τοὺς μὲν ἄνδρας πάντας φονεύοντες, τὰς δὲ κτήσεις
-διαρπάζοντες, etc. Curtius, v. 6, 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_424"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_424">[424]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 70, 71; Curtius,
-v. 6, 3-7. These two authors concur in the main features of the
-massacre and plunder in Persepolis, permitted to the soldiers
-of Alexander. Arrian does not mention it; he mentions only the
-deliberate resolution of Alexander to burn the palace or citadel,
-out of revenge on the Persian name. And such feeling, assuming it to
-exist, would also naturally dictate the general license to plunder
-and massacre. Himself entertaining such vindictive feeling, and
-regarding it as legitimate, Alexander would either presume it to
-exist, or love to kindle it, in his soldiers; by whom indeed the
-license to plunder would be sufficiently welcomed, with or without
-any antecedent sentiment of vengeance.</p>
-
-<p>The story (told by Diodorus, Curtius, and Plutarch, Alex. 38)
-that Alexander, in the drunkenness of a banquet, was first instigated
-by the courtesan Thais to set fire to the palace of Persepolis, and
-accompanied her to begin the conflagration with his own hand—may
-perhaps be so far true, that he really showed himself in the scene
-and helped in the burning. But that his resolution to burn was
-deliberately taken, and even maintained against the opposition of
-esteemed officers, is established on the authority of Arrian.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_425"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_425">[425]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 37. Φόνον
-μὲν οὖν ἐνταῦθα πολὺν τῶν ἁλισκομένων γενέσθαι συνέπεσε· <span
-class="gesperrt">γράφει γὰρ αὐτὸς, ὡς νομίζων αὐτῷ τοῦτο λυσιτελεῖν
-ἐκέλευεν ἀποσφάττεσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους</span>· νομίσματος δὲ εὑρεῖν
-πλῆθος ὅσον ἐν Σούσοις, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην κατασκευὴν καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον
-ἐκκομισθῆναί φησι μυρίοις ὀρικοῖς ζεύγεσι, καὶ πεντακισχιλίαις
-καμήλοις. That ἐνταῦθα means Persepolis, is shown by the immediately
-following comparison with the treasure found at Susa.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_426"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_426">[426]</a></span> Diod. xvii. 73; Curtius, v. 6,
-12-20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_427"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_427">[427]</a></span> Curtius, v. 6, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_428"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_428">[428]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 16, 1-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_429"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_429">[429]</a></span> Compare the language addressed
-by Alexander to his weary soldiers, on the banks of the Hyphasis
-(Arrian, v. 26), with that which Herodotus puts into the mouth of
-Xerxes, when announcing his intended expedition against Greece
-(Herodot. vii. 8).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_430"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_430">[430]</a></span> I see no reason for doubting
-that the Ekbatana here meant is the modern Hamadan. See a valuable
-Appendix added by Dr. Thirlwall to the sixth volume of his History of
-Greece, in which this question is argued against Mr. Williams.</p>
-
-<p>Sir John Malcolm observes—“There can hardly be said to be any
-roads in Persia; nor are they much required, for the use of wheel
-carriages has not yet been introduced into that kingdom. Nothing can
-be more rugged and difficult than the paths which have been cut over
-the mountains by which it is bounded and intersected” (ch. xxiv. vol.
-ii. p. 525).</p>
-
-<p>In this respect, indeed, as in others, the modern state of Persia
-must be inferior to the ancient; witness the description given by
-Herodotus of the road between Sardis and Susa.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_431"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_431">[431]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 19, 2-9; iii. 20,
-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_432"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_432">[432]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 19, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_433"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_433">[433]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 19, 14; Diodor.
-xvii. 80. Diodorus had before stated (xvii. 66, 71) the treasure in
-Susa as being 49,000 talents, and that in Persepolis as 120,000.
-Arrian announces the treasure in Susa as 50,000 talents—Curtius gives
-the uncoined gold and silver alone as 50,000 talents (v. 8, 11). The
-treasure of both places was transported to Ekbatana.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_434"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_434">[434]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 20, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_435"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_435">[435]</a></span> Curtius, v. 23, 12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_436"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_436">[436]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 19, 10: compare v.
-27, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_437"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_437">[437]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 24, 1. ἤδη γὰρ
-αὐτῷ καὶ ἱππακοντισταὶ ἦσαν τάξις.</p>
-
-<p>See the remarks of Rüstow and Köchly upon the change made by
-Alexander in his military organization about this period, as soon
-as he found that there was no farther chance of a large collected
-Persian force, able to meet him in the field (Geschichte des Griech.
-Kriegswesens, p. 252 <i>seq.</i>).</p>
-
-<p>The change which they point out was real,—but I think they
-exaggerate it in degree.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_438"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_438">[438]</a></span> The passes called the Caspian
-Gates appear to be those described by Morier, Fraser, and other
-modern travellers, as the series of narrow valleys and defiles called
-Ser-Desch, Sirdari, or Serdara Kahn,—on the southernmost of the two
-roads which lead eastward from Teheran towards Damaghan, and thence
-farther eastward towards Mesched and Herat. See the note of Mützel
-in his edition of Curtius, v. 35, 2, p. 489; also Morier, Second
-Journey through Persia, p. 363; Fraser’s Narrative of a Journey into
-Khorasan, p. 291.</p>
-
-<p>The long range of mountains, called by the ancients Taurus,
-extends from Lesser Media and Armenia in an easterly direction along
-the southern coast of the Caspian Sea. Its northern declivity,
-covered by prodigious forests with valleys and plains of no great
-breadth reaching to the Caspian, comprehends the moist and fertile
-territories now denominated Ghilan and Mazanderan. The eastern
-portion of Mazanderan was known in ancient times as Hyrkania, then
-productive and populous; while the mountain range itself was occupied
-by various rude and warlike tribes—Kadusii, Mardi, Tapyri, etc.
-The mountain range, now called Elburz, includes among other lofty
-eminences the very high peak of Demavend.</p>
-
-<p>The road from Ekbatana to Baktra, along which both the flight
-of Darius and the pursuit of Alexander lay, passed along the broken
-ground skirting the southern flank of the mountain range Elburz.
-Of this broken ground the Caspian Gates formed the worst and most
-difficult portion.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_439"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_439">[439]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 20, 21.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_440"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_440">[440]</a></span> Masistes, after the shocking
-outrage upon his wife by Queen Amestris, was going to Baktria to
-organize a revolt: see Herodot. ix. 113—about the importance of that
-satrapy.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_441"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_441">[441]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 21-23. Justin
-(xi. 15) specifies the name of the place—Thara. Both he and
-Curtius mention the <i>golden chain</i> (Curtius, 34, 20). Probably the
-conspirators made use of some chains which had formed a part of
-the ornaments of the royal wardrobe. Among the presents given by
-Darius son of Hystaspes to the surgeon Demokedes, there were two
-pairs of golden chains—Δωρέεται δή μιν Δαρεῖος πεδέων χρυσέων δύο
-ζεύγεσιν—Herodot. iii. 130: compare iii. 15. The Persian king and
-grandees habitually wore golden chains round neck and arms.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_442"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_442">[442]</a></span></p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<p class="i-1">“Rarus apud Medos regum cruor; unaque cuncto</p>
-<p class="i0">Pœna manet generi; quamvis crudelibus æque</p>
-<p class="i0">Paretur dominis.” (Claudian. in Eutrop. ii. p. 478.)</p>
-</div></div>
-
-<p class="mt1">Court conspiracies and assassinations of the prince,
-however were not unknown either among the Achæmenidæ or the
-Arsakidæ.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_443"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_443">[443]</a></span> This account of the remarkable
-incidents immediately preceding the death of Darius, is taken mainly
-from Arrian (iii. 21), and seems one of the most authentic chapters
-of his work. He is very sparing in telling what passed in the Persian
-camp; he mentions indeed only the communications made by the Persian
-deserters to Alexander.</p>
-
-<p>Curtius (v. 27-34) gives the narrative far more vaguely and
-loosely than Arrian, but with ample details of what was going on
-in the Persian camp. We should have been glad to know from whom
-these details were borrowed. In the main they do not contradict the
-narrative of Arrian, but rather amplify and dilute it.</p>
-
-<p>Diodorus (xvii. 73), Plutarch (Alexand. 42, 43), and Justin (xi.
-15) give no new information.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_444"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_444">[444]</a></span> Arrian (iii. 22) gives an
-indulgent criticism on Darius, dwelling chiefly upon his misfortunes,
-but calling him ἀνδρὶ τὰ μὲν πολέμια, εἴπερ τινὶ ἄλλῳ, μαλθακῷ τε καὶ
-οὐ φρενήρει, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_445"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_445">[445]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 5, 10; vi. 6,
-15. Diodor. xvii. 74. Hekatompylus was an important position, where
-several roads joined (Polyb. x. 28). It was situated on one of the
-roads running eastward from the Caspian Gates, on the southern
-flank of Mount Taurus (Elburz). Its locality cannot be fixed with
-certainty: Ritter (Erdkunde, part viii. 465, 467) with others
-conceives it to have been near Damaghan; Forbiger (Handbuch der
-Alten Geographie, vol. ii. p. 549) places it further eastward, near
-Jai-Jerm. Mr. Long notes it on his map, as <i>site unknown</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_446"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_446">[446]</a></span> This was attested by his own
-letters to Antipater, which Plutarch had seen (Plutarch, Alexand.
-47). Curtius composes a long speech for Alexander (vi. 7, 9).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_447"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_447">[447]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 23, 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_448"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_448">[448]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 24, 4. In
-reference to the mountain tribes called Mardi, who are mentioned
-in several different localities—on the parts of Mount Taurus south
-of the Caspian, in Armenia, on Mount Zagros, and in Persis proper
-(see Strabo, xi. p. 508-523; Herodot. i. 125), we may note, that
-the Nomadic tribes, who constitute a considerable fraction of the
-population of the modern Persian Empire, are at this day found under
-the same name in spots widely distant: see Jaubert, Voyage en Arménie
-et en Perse, p. 254.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_449"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_449">[449]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 24, 8; Curtius,
-vi. 5, 9. An Athenian officer named Demokrates slew himself in
-despair, disdaining to surrender.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_450"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_450">[450]</a></span> See a curious passage on this
-subject, at the end of the Cyropædia of Xenophon.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_451"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_451">[451]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 25, 3-8. Droysen
-and Dr. Thirlwall identify Susia with the town now called Tûs or
-Toos, a few miles north-west of Mesched. Professor Wilson (Ariana
-Antiqua, p. 177) thinks that this is too much to the west, and too
-far from Herat: he conceives Susia to be Zuzan, on the desert side
-of the mountains west of Herat. Mr. Prinsep (notes on the historical
-results deducible from discoveries in Afghanistan, p. 14) places it
-at Subzawar, south of Herat, and within the region of fertility.</p>
-
-<p>Tûs seems to lie in the line of Alexander’s march, more than
-the other two places indicated; Subzawar is too far to the south.
-Alexander appears to have first directed his march from Parthia to
-Baktria (in the line from Asterabad to Baikh through Margiana),
-merely touching the borders of Aria in his route.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_452"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_452">[452]</a></span> Artakoana, as well as the
-subsequent city of Alexandria in Ariis, are both supposed by Wilson
-to coincide with the locality of Herat (Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p.
-152-177).</p>
-
-<p>There are two routes from Herat to Asterabad, at the south-east
-corner of the Caspian; one by Schahrood which is 533 English miles;
-the other by Mesched, which is 688 English miles (Wilson, p. 149).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_453"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_453">[453]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 25; Curtius, vi.
-24, 36. The territory of the Drangi, or Zarangi, southward from Aria,
-coincides generally with the modern Seistan, adjoining the lake now
-called Zareh, which receives the waters of the river Hilmend.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_454"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_454">[454]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 25, 6; Curtius,
-iv. 8, 7; vi. 6, 19.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_455"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_455">[455]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 7, 2. “Dimnus,
-modicæ apud regem auctoritates et gratiæ, exoleti, cui Nicomacho erat
-nomen, amore flagrabat, obsequio uni sibi dediti corporis vinctus.”
-Plutarch, Alex. 49; Diodor. xvii. 79.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_456"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_456">[456]</a></span> Curt. vi. 7, 29; Plutarch,
-Alex. 49. The latter says that Dimnus resisted the officer sent to
-arrest him, and was killed by him in the combat.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_457"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_457">[457]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 7, 33. “Philotas
-respondit, Cebalinum quidem scorti sermonem ad se detulisse, sed
-ipsum tam levi auctori nihil credidisse—veritum, ne jurgium inter
-amatorem et exoletum non sine risu aliorum detulisset.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_458"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_458">[458]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 48.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_459"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_459">[459]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 48, 49.
-Πρὸς δὲ αὐτὸν Ἀλέξανδρον <span class="gesperrt">ἐκ πάνυ πολλῶν
-χρόνων</span> ἐτύγχανε διαβεβλημένος (Philotas).... Ὁ μὲν οὖν
-Φιλώτας ἐπιβουλευόμενος οὕτως ἠγνόει, καὶ συνῆν τῇ Ἀντιγόνῃ πολλὰ
-καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ μεγαλαυχίαν ῥήματα καὶ λόγους κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως
-ἀνεπιτηδείους προϊέμενος.</p>
-
-<p>Both Ptolemy and Aristobulus recognized these previous
-communications made to Alexander against Philotas in Egypt, but
-stated that he did not believe them (Arrian, iii. 26, 1).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_460"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_460">[460]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 40-48;
-Curtius, vi. 11, 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_461"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_461">[461]</a></span> Phylarchus, Fragment. 41. ed.
-Didot, ap. Athenæum, xii. p. 539; Plutarch, Alexand. 39, 40. Even
-Eumenes enriched himself much; though being only secretary, and a
-Greek, he could not take the same liberties as the great native
-Macedonian generals (Plutarch, Eumenes, 2).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_462"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_462">[462]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 49; Curtius,
-vi. 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_463"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_463">[463]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 8, 16. “Invitatus
-est etiam Philotas ad ultimas sibi epulas et rex non cœnare modo, sed
-etiam familiariter colloqui, cum eo quam damnaverat, sustinuit.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_464"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_464">[464]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 26, 2. Λέγει δὲ
-Πτολεμαῖος εἰσαχθῆναι εἰς Μακεδόνας Φιλώταν, καὶ κατηγορῆσαι αὐτοῦ
-ἰσχυρῶς Ἀλέξανδρον, etc. Curtius, vi. 9, 13; Diodorus, xvii, 80.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_465"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_465">[465]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 9, 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_466"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_466">[466]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 11, 8. “Tum vero
-universa concio accensa est, et a corporis custodibus initium factum,
-clamantibus, discerpendum esse parricidam manibus eorum. Id quidam
-Philotas, qui graviora supplicia metueret, haud sane iniquo animo
-audiebat.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_467"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_467">[467]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 9, 30; vi. 11,
-11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_468"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_468">[468]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_469"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_469">[469]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 11, 15, “Per
-ultimos deinde cruciatus, utpote et damnatus et inimicis in gratiam
-regis torquentibus, laceratur. Ac primo quidam, quanquam hinc ignis,
-illinc verbera, jam non ad quæstionem, sed ad pœnam, ingerebantur,
-non vocem modo, sed etiam gemitus habuit in potestate; sed postquam
-intumescens corpus ulceribus flagellorum ictus nudis ossibus incussos
-ferre non poterat”, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_470"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_470">[470]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 11, 20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_471"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_471">[471]</a></span> Strabo, xv. p. 724; Diodor.
-xvii. 80; Curtius, vii. 2, 11-18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_472"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_472">[472]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 2, 27. The
-proceedings respecting Philotas and Parmenio are recounted in
-the greatest detail by Curtius; but his details are in general
-harmony with the brief heads given by Arrian from Ptolemy and
-Aristobulus—except as to one material point. Plutarch (Alex. 49),
-Diodorus (xvii. 79, 80), and Justin (xii. 5), also state the fact in
-the same manner.</p>
-
-<p>Ptolemy and Aristobulus, according to the narrative of Arrian,
-appear to have considered that Philotas was really implicated in a
-conspiracy against Alexander’s life. But when we analyze what they
-are reported to have said, their opinion will not be found entitled
-to much weight. In the first place, they state (Arrian, iii. 26,
-1) that the <i>conspiracy of Philotas had been before made known to
-Alexander while he was in Egypt</i>, but that he did not then believe
-it. Now eighteen months had elapsed since the stay in Egypt; and the
-idea of a conspiracy going on for eighteen months is preposterous.
-That Philotas was in a mood in which he might be supposed likely
-to conspire, is one proposition; that he actually did conspire is
-another; Arrian and his authorities run the two together as if they
-were one. As to the evidence purporting to prove that Philotas did
-conspire, Arrian tells us that “the informers came forward before
-the assembled soldiers and convicted Philotas with the rest by other
-<i>indicia</i> not obscure, <i>but chiefly by this</i>—that Philotas confessed
-to have heard of a conspiracy going on, without mentioning it to
-Alexander, though twice a day in his presence”—καὶ τοὺς μηνυτὰς
-τοῦ ἔργου παρελθόντας ἐξελέγξαι Φιλώταν τε καὶ τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν
-<span class="gesperrt">ἄλλοις τε ἐλέγχοις οὐκ ἀφανέσι, καὶ μάλιστα
-δὴ</span> ὅτι αὐτὸς Φιλώτας πεπύσθαι μὲν—συνέφη, etc. What these
-other <i>indicia</i> were, we are not told; but we may see how slender
-was their value, when we learn that the non-revelation admitted by
-Philotas was stronger than any of them. The non-revelation, when we
-recollect that Nikomachus was the <i>only</i> informant (Arrian loosely
-talks of μηνυτὰς, as if there were more), proves absolutely nothing
-as to the complicity of Philotas, though it may prove something as
-to his indiscretion. Even on this minor charge, Curtius puts into
-his mouth a very sufficient exculpation. But if Alexander had taken
-a different view, and dismissed or even confined him for it, there
-would have been little room for remark.</p>
-
-<p>The point upon which Arrian is at variance with Curtius, is, that
-he states “Philotas with the rest to have been shot to death by the
-Macedonians”—thus, seemingly contradicting, at least by implication,
-the fact of his having been tortured. Now Plutarch, Diodorus, and
-Justin, all concur with Curtius in affirming that he was tortured.
-On such a matter, I prefer their united authority to that of Ptolemy
-and Aristobulus. These two last-mentioned authors were probably quite
-content to believe in the complicity of Philotas upon the authority
-of Alexander himself; without troubling themselves to criticise the
-proofs. They tell us that Alexander vehemently denounced (κατηγορῆσαι
-ἰσχυρῶς) Philotas before the assembled soldiers. After this, any
-mere shadow or pretence of proof would be sufficient. Moreover,
-let us recollect that Ptolemy obtained his promotion, to be one of
-the confidential <i>body guards</i> (σωματοφύλακες), out of this very
-conspiracy, real or fictitious; he was promoted to the post of the
-condemned Demetrius (Arrian, iii. 27. 11).</p>
-
-<p>How little Ptolemy and Aristobulus cared to do justice to any
-one whom Alexander hated, may be seen by what they say afterwards
-about the philosopher Kallisthenes. Both of them affirmed that the
-pages, condemned for conspiracy against Alexander, deposed against
-Kallisthenes as having instigated them to the deed (Arrian, iv.
-14, 1). Now we know, from the authority of Alexander himself,
-whose letters Plutarch quotes (Alexand. 55), that the pages denied
-the privity of any one else—maintaining the project to have been
-altogether their own. To their great honor, the pages persisted in
-this deposition, even under extreme tortures—though they knew that a
-deposition against Kallisthenes was desired from them.</p>
-
-<p>My belief is, that Diodorus, Plutarch, Curtius, and Justin,
-are correct in stating that Philotas was tortured. Ptolemy and
-Aristobulus have thought themselves warranted in omitting this fact,
-which they probably had little satisfaction in reflecting upon. If
-Philotas was not tortured, there could have been no evidence at all
-against Parmenio—for the only evidence against the latter was the
-extorted confession of Philotas.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_473"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_473">[473]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 2, 32, 33.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_474"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_474">[474]</a></span> Contrast the conduct of
-Alexander towards Philotas and Parmenio, with that of Cyrus the
-younger towards the conspirator Orontes, as described in Xenophon,
-Anabas. i. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_475"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_475">[475]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_476"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_476">[476]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 2, 36; Diodor.
-xvii. 80; Justin, xii. 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_477"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_477">[477]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 27, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_478"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_478">[478]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 28, 2. About
-the geography, compare Wilson’s Ariana Antiqua, p. 173-178. “By
-perambulator, the distance from Herat to Kandahar is 371 miles; from
-Kandahar to Kabul, 309: total 688 miles (English).” The principal
-city in Drangiana (Seiestan) mentioned by the subsequent Greek
-geographers is, Prophthasia; existing seemingly before Alexander’s
-arrival. See the fragments of his <i>mensores</i>, ap. Didot, Fragm. Hist.
-Alex. Magn. p. 135; Pliny, H. N. vi. 21. The quantity of remains of
-ancient cities, still to be found in this territory, is remarkable.
-Wilson observes this (p. 154).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_479"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_479">[479]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 28, 6; Curtius,
-vii. 3, 23; Diodor. xvii. 83. Alexandria in Ariis is probably Herat;
-Alexandria in Arachosia is probably Kandahar. But neither the one
-nor the other is mentioned as having been founded by <i>Alexander</i>,
-either in Arrian or Curtius, or Diodorus. The name Alexandria does
-not prove that they were founded by him; for several of the Diadochi
-called their own foundations by his name (Strabo, xiii. p. 593).
-Considering how very short a time Alexander spent in these regions,
-the wonder is, that he could have found time to establish those
-foundations which are expressly ascribed to him by Arrian and his
-other historians. The authority of Pliny and Steph. Byzant. is hardly
-sufficient to warrant us in ascribing to him more. The exact site of
-Alexandria ad Caucasum cannot be determined, for want of sufficient
-topographical data. There seems much probability that it was at the
-place called Beghram, twenty-five miles north-east of Kabul—in the
-way between Kabul on the south side of the Hindoo-Koosh, and Anderhab
-on the north side. The prodigious number of coins and relics, Greek
-as well as Mohammedan, discovered by Mr. Masson at Beghram, supply
-better evidence for identifying the site with that of Alexandria ad
-Caucasum, than can be pleaded on behalf of any other locality. See
-Masson’s Narrative of Journeys in Afghanistan, etc., vol. iii. ch. 7.
-p 148 <i>seqq.</i></p>
-
-<p>In crossing the Hindoo-Koosh from south to north Alexander
-probably marched by the pass of Bamian, which seems the only one
-among the four passes open to an army in the winter. See Wood’s
-Journey to the Oxus, p 195.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_480"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_480">[480]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 29, 3; Curtius,
-vii. 5, 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_481"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_481">[481]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 29, 4; Strabo, xi.
-p. 509. Evidently Ptolemy and Aristobulus were much more awe-struck
-with the Oxus, than with either the Tigris or the Euphrates. Arrian
-(iv. 6, 13) takes his standard of comparison, in regard to rivers,
-from the river Peneius in Thessaly.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_482"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_482">[482]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 5, 19. The
-exactness of Quintus Curtius, in describing the general features of
-Baktria and Sogdiana, is attested in the strongest language by modern
-travellers. See Burnes’s Travels into Bokhara, vol. ii. ch. 8. p.
-211, 2nd edit.; also Morier, Second Journey in Persia, p. 282.</p>
-
-<p>But in the geographical details of the country, we are at
-fault. We have not sufficient data to identify more than one or
-two of the localities mentioned, in the narrative of Alexander’s
-proceedings, either by Curtius or Arrian. That Marakanda is the
-modern Samarkand—the river Polytimetus, the modern Kohik—and Baktra
-or Zariaspa the modern Balkh—appears certain; but the attempts made
-by commentators to assign the site of other places are not such as to
-carry conviction.</p>
-
-<p>In fact, these countries, at the present moment, are known
-only superficially as to their general scenery; for purposes of
-measurement and geography, they are almost unknown; as may be seen by
-any one who reads the Introduction to Erskine’s translation of the
-Memoirs of Sultan Baber.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_483"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_483">[483]</a></span> Arrian. iii. 30, 5-10. These
-details are peculiarly authentic, as coming from Ptolemy, the person
-chiefly concerned.</p>
-
-<p>Aristobulus agreed in the description of the guise in which
-Bessus was exhibited, but stated that he was brought up in this way
-by Spitamenes and Dataphernes. Curtius (vii. 24, 36) follows this
-version. Diodorus also gives an account very like it, mentioning
-nothing about Ptolemy (xvii. 83).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_484"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_484">[484]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 23; Plutarch de
-Serâ Numinis Vindictâ, p. 557 B; Strabo xi. p. 518: compare also
-xiv. p. 634, and xvii. p. 814. This last-mentioned passage of Strabo
-helps us to understand the peculiarly strong pious fervor with which
-Alexander regarded the temple and oracle of Branchidæ. At the time
-when Alexander went up to the oracle of Ammon in Egypt, for the
-purpose of affiliating himself to Zeus Ammon, there came to him
-envoys from Miletus, announcing that the oracle at Branchidæ, which
-had been silent ever since the time of Xerxes, had just begun to give
-prophecy, and had certified the fact that Alexander was the son of
-Zeus, besides many other encouraging predictions.</p>
-
-<p>The massacre of the Branchidæ by Alexander was described by
-Diodorus, but was contained in that part of the seventeenth book
-which is lost; there is a great lacuna in the MSS. after cap. 83. The
-fact is distinctly indicated in the table of contents prefixed to
-Book xvii.</p>
-
-<p>Arrian makes no mention of these descendants of the Branchidæ in
-Sogdiana, nor of the destruction of the town and its inhabitants by
-Alexander. Perhaps neither Ptolemy nor Aristobulus, said anything
-about it. Their silence is not at all difficult to explain, nor does
-it, in my judgment, impeach the credibility of the narrative. They
-do not feel under obligation to give publicity to the worst acts of
-their hero.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_485"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_485">[485]</a></span> The Delphian oracle pronounced,
-in explaining the subjugation and ruin of Krœsus king of Lydia,
-that he had thereby expiated the sin of his ancestor in the fifth
-generation before (Herodot. i. 91: compare vi. 86). Immediately
-before the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war, the Lacedæmonians
-called upon the Athenians to expel the descendants of those who
-had taken part in the Kylonian sacrilege, 180 years before; they
-addressed this injunction with a view to procure the banishment
-of Perikles, yet still τοῖς θεοῖς πρῶτον τιμωροῦντες (Thucyd. i.
-125-127).</p>
-
-<p>The idea that the sins of fathers were visited upon their
-descendants, even to the third and fourth generation, had great
-currency in the ancient world.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_486"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_486">[486]</a></span> Diodor. xiii. 62. See Vol. X.
-Ch. lxxxi. p 413 of this History.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_487"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_487">[487]</a></span> Pliny, H. N. vi. 16. In the
-Meteorologica of Aristotle (i. 13, 15-18) we read that the rivers
-Bahtrus, Choaspes, and Araxes flowed from the lofty mountain Parnasus
-(Paropamisus?) in Asia; and that the Araxes bifurcated, one branch
-forming the Tanais, which fell into the Palus Mæotis. For this
-fact he refers to the γῆς περιόδοι current in his time. It seems
-plain that by the Araxes Aristotle must mean the Jaxartes. We see,
-therefore, that Alexander and his companions, in identifying the
-Jaxartes with the Tanais, only followed the geographical descriptions
-and ideas current in their time. Humboldt remarks several cases in
-which the Greek geographers were fond of supposing bifurcation of
-rivers (Asie Centrale, vol. ii. p. 291).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_488"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_488">[488]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 1, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_489"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_489">[489]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 30, 17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_490"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_490">[490]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 1, 3</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_491"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_491">[491]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 3, 17; Curtius,
-vii. 6, 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_492"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_492">[492]</a></span> Arrian. iv. 5, 6; Curtius, vii.
-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_493"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_493">[493]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 6, 11; Curtius,
-vii. 9, 22. The river, called by the Macedonians Polytimetus (Strabo,
-xi. p. 518), now bears the name of Kohik or Zurufshan. It rises
-in the mountains east of Samarkand, and flowing westward on the
-north of that city and of Bokhara. It does not reach so far as the
-Oxus; during the full time of the year, it falls into a lake called
-Karakul; during the dry months, it is lost in the sands, as Arrian
-states (Burnes’s Travels, vol. ii. ch. xi. p. 299. ed. 2nd.).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_494"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_494">[494]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 7, 1; Curtius, vii.
-10, 12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_495"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_495">[495]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 7, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_496"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_496">[496]</a></span> After describing the scene at
-Rome, when the Emperor Galba was deposed and assassinated in the
-forum, Tacitus observes—“Plures quam centum et viginti libellos
-præmia exposcentium, ob aliquam notabilem illà die operam, Vitellius
-posteà invenit, omnesque conquiri et interfici jussit: <i>non honore
-Galbæ, sed tradito principibus more, munimentum ad præsens, in
-posterum ultionem</i>” (Tacitus, Hist. i. 44).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_497"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_497">[497]</a></span> Arrian, i. 17, 3; iii. 16, 8.
-Curtius, iii. 12, 6; v. 1, 44.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_498"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_498">[498]</a></span> Curtius (vii. 10, 15) mentions
-six cities (oppida) founded by Alexander in these regions; apparently
-somewhere north of the Oxus, but the sites cannot be made out. Justin
-(xii. 5) alludes to twelve foundations in Baktria and Sogdiana.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_499"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_499">[499]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 16, 4; Curtius,
-vii. 10, 1. “Sogdiana regio magnâ ex parte deserta est; octingenta
-ferè stadia in latitudinem vastæ solitudines tenent.”</p>
-
-<p>Respecting the same country (Sogdiana and Baktria), Mr.
-Erskine observes (Introduction to the Memoirs of Sultan Baber, p.
-xliii.):—“The face of the country is extremely broken, and divided
-by lofty hills; even the plains are diversified by great varieties
-of soil,—some extensive districts along the Kohik river, nearly the
-whole of Ferghana (along the Jaxartes), the greater part of Kwarizm
-along the branches of the Oxus, with the large portions of Balkh,
-Badakshan, Kesh, and Hissar, being of uncommon fertility; while
-the greater part of the rest is a barren waste, and in some places
-a sandy desert. Indeed the whole country north of the Oxus has a
-decided tendency to degenerate into desert, and many of its most
-fruitful spaces are nearly surrounded by barren sands; so that the
-population of all these districts still, as in the time of Baber,
-consists of the fixed inhabitants of the cities and fertile lands,
-and of the unsettled and roving wanderers of the desert, who dwell in
-tents of felt, and live on the produce of their flocks.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_500"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_500">[500]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 8, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_501"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_501">[501]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 51. Nothing
-can be more touching than the words put by Plutarch into the mouth
-of Kleitus—Ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ νῦν χαίρομεν, Ἀλέξανδρε, τοιαῦτα τέλη τῶν πόνων
-κομιζόμενοι, μακαρίζομεν δὲ τοὺς ἤδη τεθνηκότας πρὶν ἐπιδεῖν Μηδικαῖς
-ῥάβδοις ξαινομένους Μακεδόνας, καὶ Περσῶν δεομένους ἵνα τῷ βασιλεῖ
-προσέλθωμεν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_502"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_502">[502]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 8, 8. οὔκουν μόνον
-γε (Ἀλέξανδρον) καταπρᾶξαι αὐτὰ, ἀλλὰ τὸ γὰρ πολὺ μέρος Μακεδόνων
-εἶναι τὰ ἔργα, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_503"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_503">[503]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 8; Curtius, viii.
-1; Plutarch, Alexand. 50, 51; Justin, xii. 6.</p>
-
-<p>The description given by Diodorus was contained in the lost part
-of his seventeenth book; the table of contents, prefixed thereunto,
-notes the incident briefly.</p>
-
-<p>All the authors describe in the same general way the
-commencement, progress, and result, of this impressive scene in the
-banqueting hall of Marakanda; but they differ materially in the
-details. In giving what seems to me the most probable account, I have
-borrowed partly from all, yet following mostly the account given by
-Arrian from Ptolemy, himself present. For Arrian’s narrative down to
-sect. 14 of c. 8 (before the words Ἀριστόβουλος δὲ) may fairly be
-presumed to be derived from Ptolemy.</p>
-
-<p>Both Plutarch and Curtius describe the scene in a manner more
-dishonorable to Alexander than Arrian; and at the same time (in my
-judgment) less probable. Plutarch says that the brawl took its rise
-from a poet named Pierion singing a song which turned into derision
-those Macedonians who had been recently defeated in Sogdiana; that
-Alexander and those around him greatly applauded this satire; that
-Kleitus protested against such an insult to soldiers, who, though
-unfortunate, had behaved with unimpeachable bravery; that Alexander
-then turned upon Kleitus saying, that he was seeking an excuse for
-himself by extenuating cowardice in others; that Kleitus retorted
-by reminding him of the preservation of his life at the Granikus.
-Alexander is thus made to provoke the quarrel by aspersing the
-courage of Kleitus, which I think noway probable; nor would he be
-likely to encourage a song of that tenor.</p>
-
-<p>Curtius agrees with Arrian in ascribing the origin of the
-mischief to the extravagant boasts of Alexander and his flatterers,
-and to their depreciation of Philip. He then tells us that Kleitus,
-on hearing their unseemly talk, turned round and whispered to his
-neighbor some lines out of the Andromachê of Euripides (which lines
-Plutarch also ascribes to him, though at a later moment); that
-Alexander, not hearing the words, asked what had been said, but no
-one would tell him; at length Kleitus himself repeated the sentiment
-in language of his own. This would suit a literary Greek; but an old
-Macedonian officer half intoxicated, when animated by a vehement
-sentiment, would hardly express it by whispering a Greek poetical
-quotation to his neighbor. He would either hold his tongue, or speak
-what he felt broadly and directly. Nevertheless Curtius has stated
-two points very material to the case, which do not appear in Arrian.
-1. It was Alexander himself, not his flatterers, who vilipended
-Philip; at least the flatterers only did so after him, and following
-his example. The topic would be dangerous for them to originate, and
-might easily be carried too far. 2. Among all the topics touched
-upon by Kleitus, none was so intolerable as the open expression of
-sympathy, friendship, and regret for Parmenio. This stung Alexander
-in the sorest point of his conscience; he must have known that there
-were many present who sympathized with it; and it was probably the
-main cause which worked him up to phrenzy. Moreover we may be pretty
-sure that Kleitus, while expatiating upon Philip, would not forget
-Philip’s general in chief and his own old friend, Parmenio.</p>
-
-<p>I cannot believe the statement of Aristobulus, that Kleitus was
-forced by his friends out of the hall, and afterward returned to it
-of his own accord, to defy Alexander once more. It seems plain from
-Arrian that Ptolemy said no such thing. The murderous impulse of
-Alexander was gratified on the spot, and without delay, as soon as he
-got clear from the gentle restraint of his surrounding friends.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_504"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_504">[504]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 9, 4; Curtius,
-viii. 2, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_505"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_505">[505]</a></span> Curtius, viii. 2, 12. “Quoque
-minus cædis puderet, jure interfectum Clitum Macedones decernunt;
-sepulturâ quoque prohibituri, ni rex humari jussisset.”</p>
-
-<p>In explanation of this monstrous verdict of the soldiers, we
-must recollect that the safety of the whole army (now at Samarcand,
-almost beyond the boundary of inhabited regions, ἔξω τῆς οἰκουμένης)
-was felt to depend on the life of Alexander. Compare Justin, xii. 6,
-15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_506"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_506">[506]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 9, 6. Alexander
-imagined himself to have incurred the displeasure of Dionysus
-by having sacked and destroyed the city of Thebes, the supposed
-birth-place and favorite locality of that god (Plutarch, Alex. 13).
-</p>
-
-<p>The maddening delusion brought upon men by the wrath of Dionysus
-is awfully depicted in the Bacchæ of Euripides. Under the influence
-of that delusion, Agavê, mother of Pentheus, tears her son in pieces
-and bears away his head in triumph, not knowing what is in her hands.
-Compare also Eurip. Hippolyt. 440-1412.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_507"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_507">[507]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 9, 10; Plutarch.
-Alex. 52.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_508"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_508">[508]</a></span> Curtius, viii. 2, 13—“decem
-diebus ad confirmandum pudorem apud Maracanda consumptis”, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_509"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_509">[509]</a></span> Curtius, viii. 2, 20-30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_510"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_510">[510]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 17, 11. Curtius
-(viii. 3) gives a different narrative of the death of Spitamenes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_511"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_511">[511]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 18, 19.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_512"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_512">[512]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 21. Our
-geographical knowledge does not enable us to verify these localities,
-or to follow Alexander in his marches of detail.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_513"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_513">[513]</a></span> Curtius, viii. 5, 1; Arrian,
-iv. 22, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_514"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_514">[514]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 10, 7-9. Curtius
-(viii. 5, 9-13) represents the speech proposing divine honors to have
-been delivered, not by Anaxarchus, but by another lettered Greek, a
-Sicilian named Kleon. The tenor of the speech is substantially the
-same, as given by both authors.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_515"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_515">[515]</a></span> Kallisthenes had composed
-three historical works—1. Hellenica—from the year 387-357
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 2. History of the sacred war—from 357-346
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 3. Τὰ κατ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρον. His style is said by
-Cicero to have been rhetorical; but the Alexandrine critics included
-him in their Canon of Historians. See Didot, Fragm. Hist. Alex. Magn.
-p. 6-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_516"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_516">[516]</a></span> See the observation ascribed to
-him expressing envy towards Achilles for having been immortalized by
-Homer (Arrian, i. 12, 2).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_517"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_517">[517]</a></span> It is said that Ephorus,
-Xenokrates, and Menedemus, all declined the invitation of Alexander
-(Plutarch, De Stoicorum Repugnantiis, p. 1043). Respecting Menedemus,
-the fact can hardly be so: he must have been then too young to be
-invited.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_518"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_518">[518]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 10, 2; Plutarch,
-Alex. 53, 54. It is remarkable that Timmæus denounced Kallisthenes
-as having in his historical work flattered Alexander to excess
-(Polybius, xii. 12). Kallisthenes seems to have recognized various
-special interpositions of the gods, to aid Alexander’s successes—see
-Fragments 25 and 36 of the Fragmenta Callisthenis in the edition of
-Didot.</p>
-
-<p>In reading the censure which Arrian passes on the arrogant
-pretensions of Kallisthenes, we ought at the same time to read the
-pretensions raised by Arrian on his own behalf as an historian (i.
-12, 7-9)—καὶ ἐπὶ τῷδε οὐκ ἀπαξιῶ ἐμαυτὸν τῶν πρώτων ἐν τῇ φωνῇ τῇ
-Ἑλλάδι, εἴπερ καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, etc. I doubt much
-whether Kallisthenes pitched his self-estimation so high. In this
-chapter, Arrian recounts, that Alexander envied Achilles for having
-been fortunate enough to obtain such a poet as Homer for panegyrist;
-and Arrian laments that Alexander had not, as yet, found an historian
-equal to his deserts. This, in point of fact, is a reassertion of the
-same truth which Kallisthenes stands condemned for asserting—that the
-fame even of the greatest warrior depends upon his commemorators. The
-boastfulness of a poet is at least pardonable, when he exclaims, like
-Theokritus, Idyll. xvi. 73—</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<p class="i0">Ἔσσεται οὗτος ἀνὴρ, ὃς ἐμεῦ κεχρήσετ᾽ ἀοιδοῦ,</p>
-<p class="i0">Ῥέξας ἢ Ἀχιλεὺς ὅσσον μέγας, ἢ βαρὺς Αἴας</p>
-<p class="i0">Ἐν πεδίῳ Σιμόεντος, ὅθι Φρυγὸς ἠρίον ῎Ιλου.</p>
-</div></div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_519"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_519">[519]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 55.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_520"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_520">[520]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 11. ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ τε
-καὶ παιδεύσει Ἀλεξάνδρῳ συνόντα.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_521"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_521">[521]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 12, 7. φιλήματι
-ἔλαττον ἔχων ἄπειμι.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_522"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_522">[522]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 12, 1. ἀνιᾶσαι μὲν
-μεγαλωστὶ Ἀλέξανδρον, Μακεδόσι δὲ πρὸς θυμοῦ εἰπεῖν....</p>
-
-<p>Curtius, viii. 5, 20. “Æquis auribus Callisthenes velut vindex
-publicæ libertatis audiebatur. Expresserat non assensionem modo, sed
-etiam vocem, seniorum præcipuè quibus gravis erat inveterati moris
-externa mutatio.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_523"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_523">[523]</a></span> There was no sentiment more
-deeply rooted in the free Grecian mind, prior to Alexander’s
-conquests, than the repugnance to arrogant aspirations on the part of
-the fortunate man, swelling himself above the limits of humanity—and
-the belief that such aspirations were followed by the Nemesis of
-the gods. In the dying speech which Xenophon puts into the mouth of
-Cyrus the Great, we find—“Ye gods, I thank you much, that I have been
-sensible of your care for me, and that I have never in my successes
-raised my thoughts above the measure of man” (Cyropæd. viii. 7, 3).
-Among the most striking illustrations of this sentiment is, the story
-of Solon and Crœsus (Herodot. i. 32-34).</p>
-
-<p>I shall recount in the <a href="#Chap_95">next chapter</a>
-examples of monstrous flattery on the part of the Athenians, proving
-how this sentiment expired with their freedom.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_524"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_524">[524]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 54. He
-refers to Hermippus, who mentions what was told to Aristotle by
-Strœbus, the reader attendant on Kallisthenes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_525"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_525">[525]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 13; Curtius, viii.
-6, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_526"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_526">[526]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 13, 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_527"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_527">[527]</a></span> Arrian, iv, 14, 4. Curtius
-expands this scene into great detail; composing a long speech for
-Hermolaus, and another for Alexander (viii. 6, 7, 8).</p>
-
-<p>He says that the soldiers who executed these pages, tortured them
-first, in order to manifest zeal for Alexander (viii. 8, 20).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_528"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_528">[528]</a></span> “Quem, si Macedo esset
-(Callisthenem), tecum introduxissem, dignissimum te discipulo
-magistrum: nunc Olynthio non idem juris est” (Curtius. viii. 8,
-19—speech of Alexander before the soldiers addressing Hermolaus
-especially).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_529"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_529">[529]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 55; Arrian,
-iv. 10, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_530"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_530">[530]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 55. Καίτοι
-τῶν περὶ Ἑρμόλαον οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ διὰ τῆς ἐσχάτης ἀνάγκης Καλλισθένους
-κατεῖπεν. Ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἀλέξανδρος <span class="gesperrt">αὐτὸς
-εὐθὺς γράφων</span> Κρατερῷ καὶ Ἀττάλῳ καὶ Ἀλκέτᾳ φησὶ τοὺς
-παῖδας βασανιζομένους ὁμολογεῖν, ὡς αὐτοὶ ταῦτα πράξειαν, <span
-class="gesperrt">ἄλλος δὲ οὐδεὶς συνειδείη</span>. Ὕστερον δὲ
-γράφων πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον, καὶ τὸν Καλλισθένην συνεπαιτιασάμενος,
-Οἱ μὲν παῖδές, φησιν, ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων κατελεύσθησαν, <span
-class="gesperrt">τὸν δὲ σοφιστὴν ἐγὼ κολάσω</span>, καὶ <span
-class="gesperrt">τοὺς ἐκπέμψαντας αὐτὸν</span>, καὶ τοὺς
-ὑποδεχομένους ταῖς πόλεσι τοὺς ἐμοὶ ἐπιβουλεύοντας ... ἄντικρυς ἔν γε
-τούτοις ἀποκαλυπτόμενος πρὸς Ἀριστοτέλην, etc.</p>
-
-<p>About the hostile dispositions of Alexander towards Aristotle, see
-Dio Chrysostom, Orat. 64. de Fortunâ, p. 598.</p>
-
-<p>Kraterus was at this time absent in Sogdiana, engaged in finishing
-the suppression of the resistance (Arrian, iv. 22, 1). To him,
-therefore, Alexander would naturally write.</p>
-
-<p>This statement, from the pen of Alexander himself, distinctly
-contradicts and refutes (as I have before observed) the affirmation
-of Ptolemy and Aristobulus as given by Arrian (iv. 14, 1)—that the
-pages deposed against Kallisthenes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_531"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_531">[531]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 14, 5. Curtius also
-says—“Callisthenes quoque tortus interiit, initi consilii in caput
-regis innoxius, sed haudquaquam aulæ et assentantium accommodatus
-ingenio (viii. 8, 21).” Compare Plutarch, Alex. 55.</p>
-
-<p>This is the statement of Ptolemy; who was himself concerned in
-the transactions, and was the officer through whom the conspiracy
-of the pages had been revealed. His partiality might permit him to
-omit or soften what was discreditable to Alexander, but he may be
-fully trusted when he records an act of cruelty. Aristobulus and
-others affirmed that Kallisthenes was put in chains and carried
-about in this condition for some time; after which he died of
-disease and a wretched state of body. But the witnesses here are
-persons whose means of information we do not know to be so good as
-those of Ptolemy; besides that, the statement is intrinsically less
-probable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_532"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_532">[532]</a></span> See the language of Seneca,
-Nat. Quæst. vi. 23; Plutarch, De Adulator. et Amici Discrimine, p.
-65; Theophrast. ap. Ciceron. Tusc. Disp. iii. 10.</p>
-
-<p>Curtius says that this treatment of Kallisthenes was followed
-by a late repentance on the part of Alexander (viii. 8, 23). On
-this point there is no other evidence—nor can I think the statement
-probable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_533"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_533">[533]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 22, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_534"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_534">[534]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 22, 8-12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_535"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_535">[535]</a></span> Respecting the rock called
-Aornos, a valuable and elaborate article, entitled “Gradus ad Aornon”
-has been published by Major Abbott in the Journal of the Asiatic
-Society of Bengal, No. iv. 1854. This article gives much information,
-collected mainly by inquiries on the spot, and accompanied by a map,
-about the very little known country west of the Indus, between the
-Kabool river on the south, and the Hindoo-Koosh on the north.</p>
-
-<p>Major Abbott attempts to follow the march and operations of
-Alexander, from Alexandria ad Caucasum to the rock of Aornos (p.
-311 <i>seq.</i>). He shows highly probable reason for believing that
-the Aornos described by Arrian is the Mount Mahabunn, near the
-right bank of the Indus (lat. 34° 20´), about sixty miles above its
-confluence with the Kabool river. “The whole account of Arrian of
-the rock Aornos is a faithful picture of the Mahabunn. It was the
-most remarkable feature of the country. It was the refuge of all
-the neighboring tribes. It was covered with forest. It had good
-soil sufficient for a thousand ploughs, and pure springs of water
-everywhere abounded. It was 4125 feet above the plain, and fourteen
-miles in circuit. The summit was a plain where cavalry could act.
-It would be difficult to offer a more faithful description of the
-Mahabunn. The side on which Alexander scaled the main summit had
-certainly the character of a rock. But the whole description of
-Arrian indicates a table mountain” (p. 341). The Mahabunn “is a
-mountain table, scarped on the east by tremendous precipices, from
-which descends one large spur down upon the Indus between Sitana and
-Umb” (p. 340).</p>
-
-<p>To this similarity in so many local features, is to be added the
-remarkable coincidence of name, between the town Embolima, where
-Arrian states that Alexander established his camp for the purpose of
-attacking Aornos—and the modern names Umb and Balimah (between the
-Mahabunn and the Indus)—“the one in the river valley, the other on
-the mountain immediately above it” (p. 344). Mount Mahabunn is the
-natural refuge for the people of the neighborhood from a conqueror,
-and was among the places taken by Nadir Shah (p. 338).</p>
-
-<p>A strong case of identity is thus made out between this mountain
-and the Aornos <i>described by Arrian</i>. But undoubtedly it does not
-coincide with the Aornos <i>described by Curtius</i>, who compares Aornos
-to a Meta (the conical goal of the stadium), and says that the
-Indus washed its base,—that at the first assault several Macedonian
-soldiers were hurled down into the river. This close juxtaposition of
-the Indus has been the principal feature looked for by travellers who
-have sought for Aornos; but no place has yet been found answering the
-conditions required. We have here to make our election between Arrian
-and Curtius. Now there is a general presumption in Arrian’s favor,
-in the description of military operations, where he makes a positive
-statement; but in this case, the presumption is peculiarly strong,
-because Ptolemy was in the most conspicuous and difficult command for
-the capture of Aornos, and was therefore likely to be particular in
-the description of a scene where he had reaped much glory.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_536"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_536">[536]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 30, 13. ἡ στρατιὰ
-αὐτῷ ὡδοποίει τὸ πρόσω ἰοῦσα, ἄπορα ἄλλως ὄντα τὰ ταύτῃ χωρία, etc.</p>
-
-<p>The countries here traversed by Alexander include parts of
-Kafiristan, Swart, Bajore, Chitral, the neighborhood of the Kameh
-and other affluents of the river Kabul before it falls into the
-Indus near Attock. Most of this is Terra Incognita even at present;
-especially Kafiristan, a territory inhabited by a population said
-to be rude and barbarous, but which has never been conquered—nor
-indeed ever visited by strangers. It is remarkable, that among the
-inhabitants of Kafiristan,—as well as among those of Badakshan, on
-the other or northern side of the Hindoo-Koosh—there exist traditions
-respecting Alexander, together with a sort of belief that they
-themselves are descended from his soldiers. See Ritter’s Erdkunde,
-part vii. book iii. p. 200 <i>seq.</i>; Burnes’s Travels, vol. iii. ch. 4.
-p. 186, 2nd ed.; Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. 194 <i>seq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_537"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_537">[537]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 30, 16; v. 7, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_538"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_538">[538]</a></span> The halt of thirty days is
-mentioned by Diodorus, xvii. 86. For the proof that these operations
-took place in winter, see the valuable citation from Aristobulus
-given in Strabo (xv. p. 691).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_539"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_539">[539]</a></span> Arrian. v. 19, 1. Ἀλέξανδρος
-δὲ ὡς προσάγοντα ἐπύθετο, προσιππεύσας πρὸ τῆς τάξεως σὺν
-ὀλίγοις τῶν ἑταίρων ἀπαντᾷ τῷ Πώρῳ, καὶ ἐπιστήσας τὸν ἵππον, τό
-τε μέγεθος ἐθαύμαζεν ὑπὲρ πέντε πήχεις μάλιστα ξυμβαῖνον, <span
-class="gesperrt">καὶ τὸ κάλλος τοῦ Πώρου</span>, καὶ ὅτι οὐ
-δεδουλωμένος τῇ γνώμῃ ἐφαίνετο, etc.</p>
-
-<p>We see here how Alexander was struck with the stature and
-personal beauty of Porus, and how much these visual impressions
-contributed to determine, or at least to strengthen, his favorable
-sympathies towards the captive prince. This illustrates what I have
-observed in the last chapter, in recounting his treatment of the
-eunuch Batis after the capture of Gaza; that the repulsive appearance
-of Batis greatly heightened Alexander’s indignation. With a man of
-such violent impulses as Alexander, these external impressions were
-of no inconsiderable moment.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_540"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_540">[540]</a></span> These operations are described
-in Arrian, v. 9. v. 19 (we may remark that Ptolemy and Aristobulus,
-though both present, differed on many points, v. 14); Curtius, viii.
-13, 14; Diodor. xvii. 87, 88. According to Plutarch (Alex. 60),
-Alexander dwelt much upon the battle in his own letters.</p>
-
-<p>There are two principal points—Jelum and Julalpoor—where high
-roads from the Indus now cross the Hydaspes. Each of these points
-have been assigned by different writers, as the probable scene of the
-crossing of the river by Alexander. Of the two Jelum (rather higher
-up the river than Julalpoor) seems the more probable. Burnes points
-out that near Jelum the river is divided into five or six channels
-with islands (Travels, vol. ii. ch. 2. p. 50, 2nd ed.). Captain
-Abbott (in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, Dec. 1848)
-has given an interesting memoir on the features and course of the
-Hydaspes a little above Jelum, comparing them with the particulars
-stated by Arrian, and showing highly plausible reasons in support of
-this hypothesis—that the crossing took place near Jelum.</p>
-
-<p>Diodorus mentions a halt of thirty days, after the victory (xvii.
-89), which seems not probable. Both he and Curtius allude to numerous
-serpents, by which the army was annoyed between the Akesines and the
-Hydraotes (Curtius, ix. 1, 11).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_541"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_541">[541]</a></span> Arrian states (v. 19, 5)
-that the victory over Porus was gained in the month Munychion of
-the archon Hegemon at Athens—that is, about the end of April, 326
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> This date is not to be reconciled with
-another passage, v. 9, 6—where he says that the summer solstice had
-already passed, and that all the rivers of the Punjab were full of
-water, turbid and violent.</p>
-
-<p>This swelling of the rivers begins about June; they do not attain
-their full height until August. Moreover, the description of the
-battle, as given both by Arrian and by Curtius, implies that it took
-place after the rainy season had begun (Arrian, v. 9, 7; v. 12, 5.
-Curtius, viii. 14, 4).</p>
-
-<p>Some critics have proposed to read <i>Metageitnion</i> (July-August)
-as the month, instead of <i>Munychion</i>; an alteration approved by
-Mr. Clinton and received into the text by Schmieder. But if this
-alteration be admitted, the name of the Athenian archon must be
-altered also; for Metageitnion of the archon Hegemon would be eight
-months earlier (July-August, 327 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>); and at
-this date Alexander had not as yet crossed the Indus, as the passage
-of Aristobulus (ap. Strabo. xv. p. 691) plainly shows—and as Droysen
-and Mützel remark. Alexander did not cross the Indus before the
-spring of 326 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> If, in place of the archon
-Hegemon, we substitute the next following archon Chremês (and it is
-remarkable that Diodorus assigns the battle to this later archonship,
-xvii. 87), this would be July-August 326 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>;
-which would be a more admissible date for the battle than the
-preceding month of Munychion. At the same time, the substitution of
-Metageitnion <i>is</i> mere conjecture; and seems to leave hardly time
-enough for the subsequent events. As far as an opinion can be formed,
-it would seem that the battle was fought about the end of June or
-beginning of July 326 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> after the rainy
-season had commenced; towards the close of the archonship of Hegemon,
-and the beginning of that of Chremes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_542"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_542">[542]</a></span> Arrian, v. 20; Diodor. xvii.
-95. Lieut. Wood (Journey to the source of the Oxus, p. 11-39) remarks
-that the large rivers of the Punjab change their course so often and
-so considerably, that monuments and indications of Alexander’s march
-in that territory cannot be expected to remain, especially in ground
-near rivers.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_543"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_543">[543]</a></span> Arrian, v. 20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_544"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_544">[544]</a></span> Arrian, v, 23, 24; Curtius, ix.
-1, 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_545"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_545">[545]</a></span> Curtius, ix. 2, 3; Diodor.
-xvii. 93; Plutarch, Alex. 62.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_546"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_546">[546]</a></span> Curtius, ix. 3, 11 (speech of
-Kœnus). “Quoto cuique lorica est? Quis equum habet? Jube quæri, quam
-multos servi ipsorum persecuti sint, quid cuique supersit ex prædâ.
-Omnium victores, omnium inopes sumus.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_547"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_547">[547]</a></span> Aristobulus ap. Strabo. xv. p.
-691-697. ὕεσθαι συνεχῶς. Arrian, v, 29, 8; Diodor. xvii. 93. χειμῶνες
-ἄγριοι κατεῤῥάγησαν ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ἑβδομήκοντα, καὶ βρονταὶ συνεχεῖς καὶ
-κεραυνοὶ κατέσκηπτον, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_548"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_548">[548]</a></span> In the speech which Arrian
-(v. 25, 26) puts into the mouth of Alexander, the most curious
-point is, the geographical views which he promulgates. “We have not
-much farther now to march (he was standing on the western bank of
-the Sutledge) to the river Ganges, and the great Eastern Sea which
-surrounds the whole earth. The Hyrkanian (Caspian) Sea joins on to
-this great sea on one side, the Persian Gulf on the other; after we
-have subdued all those nations which lie before us eastward towards
-the Great Sea, and northward towards the Hyrkanian Sea, we shall
-then sail by water first to the Persian Gulf, next round Libya to
-the pillars of Herakles; from thence we shall march back all through
-Libya, and add it to all Asia as parts of our empire.” (I here
-abridge rather than translate).</p>
-
-<p>It is remarkable, that while Alexander made so prodigious
-an error in narrowing the eastern limits of Asia, the Ptolemaic
-geography, recognized in the time of Columbus, made an error not
-less in the opposite direction, stretching it too far to the East.
-It was upon the faith of this last mistake, that Columbus projected
-his voyage of circumnavigation from Western Europe, expecting to come
-to the eastern coast of Asia from the West, after no great length of
-voyage.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_549"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_549">[549]</a></span> Arrian, v. 28, 7. The fact that
-Alexander, under all this insuperable repugnance of his soldiers,
-still offered the sacrifice preliminary to crossing—is curious as
-an illustration of his character, and was specially attested by
-Ptolemy.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_550"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_550">[550]</a></span> Arrian, v. 29, 8; Diodor. xvii.
-95.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_551"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_551">[551]</a></span> Aristobulus ap. Strab. xv. p.
-691—until the rising of Arkturus. Diodorus says, 70 days (xvii. 73),
-which seems more probable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_552"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_552">[552]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 95; Curtius, ix.
-3, 21.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_553"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_553">[553]</a></span> The voyage was commenced a few
-days before the setting of the Pleiades (Aristobulus, ap. Strab. xv.
-p. 692).</p>
-
-<p>For the number of the ships, see Ptolemy ap. Arrian, vi. 2, 8.
-</p>
-
-<p>On seeing crocodiles in the Indus, Alexander was at first led
-to suppose that it was the same river as the Nile, and that he had
-discovered the higher course of the Nile, from whence it flowed
-into Egypt. This is curious, as an illustration of the geographical
-knowledge of the time (Arrian, vi. 1, 3).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_554"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_554">[554]</a></span> Aristobulus ap. Strab. xv. p.
-692. Aristobulus said that the downward voyage occupied ten months;
-this seems longer than the exact reality. Moreover Aristobulus
-said that they had no rain during all the voyage down, through
-all the summer months: Nearchus stated the contrary (Strabo,
-<i>l.&nbsp;c.</i>).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_555"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_555">[555]</a></span> Curtius, ix. 4, 15; Diodor.
-xvii 98.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_556"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_556">[556]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 7, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_557"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_557">[557]</a></span> This last stronghold of the
-Malli is supposed, by Mr. Cunningham and others, to have been the
-modern city of Multan. The river Ravee or Hydraotes is said to have
-formerly run past the city of Multan into the Chenab or Akesines.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_558"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_558">[558]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 9, 10, 11. He
-notices the great discrepancy in the various accounts given of this
-achievement and dangerous wound of Alexander.</p>
-
-<p>Compare Diodor. xvii. 98, 99; Curtius, ix. 4, 5; Plutarch, Alex.
-63.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_559"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_559">[559]</a></span> Arrian, xi. 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_560"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_560">[560]</a></span> Arrian, xi. 15, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_561"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_561">[561]</a></span> Arrian, xi. 17, 6; Strabo, xv.
-p. 721.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_562"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_562">[562]</a></span> Arrian, xi. 18, 19; Curtius,
-ix. 9. He reached Pattala towards the middle or end of July, περὶ
-κυνὸς ἐπιτολήν (Strabo, xv. p. 692).</p>
-
-<p>The site of Pattala has been usually looked for near the modern
-Tatta. But Dr. Kennedy, in his recent ‘Narrative of the Campaign of
-the Army of the Indus in Scinde and Kabool’ (ch. v. p. 104), shows
-some reasons for thinking that it must have been considerably higher
-up the river than Tatta; somewhere near Sehwan. “The delta commencing
-about 130 miles above the sea, its northern apex would be somewhere
-midway between Hyderabad and Sehwan; where local traditions still
-speak of ancient cities destroyed, and of greater changes having
-occurred than in any other part of the course of the Indus.”</p>
-
-<p>The constant changes in the course of the Indus, however (compare
-p. 73 of his work), noticed by all observers, render every attempt at
-such identification conjectural—see Wood’s Journey to the Oxus, p.
-12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_563"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_563">[563]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 24, 2; Strabo, xv.
-p. 723.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_564"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_564">[564]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 25, 26; Curtius.
-ix. 10; Plutarch, Alex. 66.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_565"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_565">[565]</a></span> Curtius, ix. 10; Diodor. xvii.
-106; Plutarch, Alex. 67. Arrian (vi. 28) found this festal progress
-mentioned in some authorities, but not in others. Neither Ptolemy
-nor Aristobulus mentioned it. Accordingly Arrian refuses to believe
-it. There may have been exaggerations or falsities as to the details
-of the march; but as a general fact, I see no sufficient ground for
-disbelieving it. A season of excessive license to the soldiers, after
-their extreme suffering in Gedrosia, was by no means unnatural to
-grant. Moreover, it corresponds to the general conception of the
-returning march of Dionysus in antiquity, while the imitation of that
-god was quite in conformity with Alexander’s turn of sentiment.</p>
-
-<p>I have already remarked, that the silence of Ptolemy and
-Aristobulus is too strongly insisted on, both by Arrian and by
-others, as a reason for disbelieving affirmations respecting
-Alexander.</p>
-
-<p>Arrian and Curtius (x. 1) differ in their statements about the
-treatment of Kleander. According to Arrian, he was put to death;
-according to Curtius, he was spared from death, and simply put in
-prison, in consequence of the important service which he had rendered
-by killing Parmenio with his own hand; while 600 of his accomplices
-and agents were put to death.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_566"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_566">[566]</a></span> Nearchus had begun his voyage
-about the end of September, or beginning of October (Arrian, Indic.
-21; Strabo, xv. p. 721).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_567"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_567">[567]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 28, 7; Arrian,
-Indica, c. 33-37.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_568"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_568">[568]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 28, 12-29, 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_569"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_569">[569]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 69; Arrian, vi.
-29, 17; Strabo, xv. p. 730.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_570"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_570">[570]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 30, 2; Curtius, x.
-1, 23-38. “Hic fuit exitus nobilissimi Persarum, nec insontis modo,
-sed eximiæ quoque benignitatis in regem.” The great favor which the
-beautiful eunuch Bagoas (though Arrian does not mention him) enjoyed
-with Alexander, and the exalted position which he occupied, are
-attested by good contemporary evidence, especially the philosopher
-Dikæarchus—see Athenæ. xiii. p. 603; Dikæarch. Fragm. 19. ap. Hist.
-Græc. Fragm. Didot, vol. ii. p. 241. Compare the Fragments of Eumenes
-and Diodotus (Ælian, V. H. iii. 23) in Didot, Fragm. Scriptor. Hist.
-Alex. Magni, p. 121; Plutarch De Adul. et Amic. Discrim. p. 65.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_571"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_571">[571]</a></span> Arrian, vi. 30; Curtius, x. 1,
-22-30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_572"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_572">[572]</a></span> Mr. Fynes Clinton (Fast.
-Hellen. <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 325, also Append. p. 232) places
-the arrival of Alexander in Susiana, on his return march, in the
-month of February <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 325; a year too early,
-in my opinion. I have before remarked on the views of Mr. Clinton
-respecting the date of Alexander’s victory over Porus on the
-Hydaspes, where he alters the name of the month as it stands in the
-text of Arrian (following Schmieder’s conjecture), and supposes
-that battle to have occurred in August <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>
-327 instead of April <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 326. Mr. Clinton
-antedates by one year all the proceedings of Alexander subsequent
-to his quitting Baktria for the last time in the summer of
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 327. Dr. Vincent’s remark—“that the
-supposition of <i>two winters</i> occurring after Alexander’s return to
-Susa is not borne out by the historians” (see Clinton. p. 232),
-is a perfectly just one; and Mitford has not replied to it in a
-satisfactory manner. In my judgment, there was only an interval
-of sixteen months (not an interval of twenty-eight months, as Mr.
-Clinton supposes) between the return of Alexander to Susa and his
-death at Babylon (Feb. 324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> to June 323
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_573"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_573">[573]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 5. 9; Arrian,
-Indica, c. 42. The voluntary death of Kalanus the Indian Gymnosophist
-must have taken place at Susa (where Diodorus places it—xvii.
-107), and not in Persis; for Nearchus was seemingly present at the
-memorable scene of the funeral pile (Arrian, vii. 3, 9)—and he was
-not with Alexander in Persis.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_574"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_574">[574]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 68.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_575"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_575">[575]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 4, 2-5; Diodor.
-xvii. 108; Curtius, x. 1, 7. “Cœperat esse præceps ad repræsentanda
-supplicia, item ad deteriora credenda” (Curtius, x. 1, 39).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_576"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_576">[576]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 68.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_577"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_577">[577]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 106-111.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_578"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_578">[578]</a></span> Among the accusations which
-reached Alexander against this satrap, we are surprised to find a
-letter addressed to him (ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπιστολῇ) by the Greek
-historian Theopompus; who set forth with indignation the extravagant
-gifts and honors heaped by Harpalus upon his two successive
-mistresses—Pythionikê and Glykera; celebrated Hetæræ from Athens.
-These proceedings Theopompus describes as insults to Alexander
-(Theopompus ap. Athenæ. xiii. p. 586-595; Fragment. 277, 278 ed.
-Didot).</p>
-
-<p>The satyric drama called Ἀγὴν, represented before Alexander at
-a period subsequent to the flight of Harpalus, cannot have been
-represented (as Athenæus states it to have been) on the banks of
-<i>the Hydaspes</i>, because Harpalus did not make his escape until he
-was frightened by the approach of Alexander <i>returning</i> from India.
-At the Hydaspes, Alexander was still on his outward progress; very
-far off, and without any idea of returning. It appears to me that
-the words of Athenæus respecting this drama—ἐδίδαξε Διονυσίων ὄντων
-ἐπὶ τοῦ <span class="gesperrt">Ὑδάσπου</span> τοῦ ποταμοῦ (xiii, p.
-595)—involve a mistake or misreading; and that it ought to stand ἐπὶ
-τοῦ <span class="gesperrt">Χοάσπου</span> τοῦ ποταμοῦ. I may remark
-that the words <i>Medus Hydaspes</i> in Virgil, Georg. iv. 211, probably
-involve the same confusion. The Choaspes was the river, near Susa;
-and this drama was performed before Alexander at Susa during the
-Dionysia of the year 324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, after Harpalus
-had fled. The Dionysia were in the month Elaphebolion; now Alexander
-did not fight Porus on the Hydaspes until the succeeding month
-Munychion at the earliest—and probably later. And even if we suppose
-(which is not probable) that he reached the Hydaspes in Elaphebolion,
-he would have no leisure to celebrate dramas and a Dionysiac
-festival, while the army of Porus was waiting for him on the opposite
-bank. Moreover it is no way probable that, on the remote Hydaspes, he
-had any actors or chorus, or means of celebrating dramas at all.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_579"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_579">[579]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 18, 2; vii. 23,
-9-13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_580"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_580">[580]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 4, 6-9. By these
-two marriages, Alexander thus engrafted himself upon the two lines
-of antecedent Persian Kings. Ochus was of the Achæmenid family, but
-Darius Codomannus, father of Statira, was not of that family; he
-began a new lineage. About the overweening regal state of Alexander,
-outdoing even the previous Persian kings, see Phylarchus ap. Athenæ.
-xii. p. 539.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_581"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_581">[581]</a></span> Chares ap. Athenæ. xii. p.
-538.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_582"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_582">[582]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 6, 3. καὶ τοὺς
-γάμους ἐν τῷ νόμῳ τῷ Περσικῷ ποιηθέντας οὐ πρὸς θυμοῦ γενέσθαι τοῖς
-πολλοῖς αὐτῶν, οὐδὲ τῶν γημάντων ἐστὶν οἷς, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_583"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_583">[583]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 5; Plutarch,
-Alexand. 70; Curtius, x. 2, 9; Diodor. xvii. 109.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_584"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_584">[584]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 108. It must have
-taken some time to get together and discipline these young troops;
-Alexander must therefore have sent the orders from India.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_585"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_585">[585]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_586"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_586">[586]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_587"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_587">[587]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 9, 10; Plutarch,
-Alex. 71; Curtius, x. 2; Justin, xii. 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_588"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_588">[588]</a></span> See the description given
-by Tacitus (Hist. ii. 29) of the bringing round of the Vitellian
-army,—which had mutinied against the general Fabius Valens:—“Tum
-Alphenus Varus, præfectus castrorum, deflagrante paulatim seditione,
-addit consilium—vetitis obire vigilias centurionibus, omisso tubæ
-sono, quo miles ad belli munia cietur. Igitur torpere cuncti,
-circumspectare inter se attoniti, <i>et id ipsum, quod nemo regeret,
-paventes</i>; silentio, patientiâ, postremo precibus et lacrymis veniam
-quærebant. Ut vero deformis et fiens, et præter spem incolumis,
-Valens processit, gaudium, miseratio, favor; versi in lætitiam (ut
-est vulgus utroque immodicum) laudantes gratantesque, circumdatum
-aquilis signisque, in tribunal ferunt.”</p>
-
-<p>Compare also the narrative in Xenophon (Anab. i. 3) of the
-embarrassment of the Ten Thousand Greeks at Tarsus, when they at
-first refused to obey Klearchus and march against the Great King.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_589"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_589">[589]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_590"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_590">[590]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 12, 1-7; Justin,
-xii. 12. Kraterus was especially popular with the Macedonian
-soldiers, because he had always opposed, as much as he dared, the
-Oriental transformation of Alexander (Plutarch, Eumenes, 6).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_591"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_591">[591]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 19. He also sent
-an officer named Herakleides to the shores of the Caspian sea, with
-orders to construct ships and make a survey of that sea (vii. 16).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_592"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_592">[592]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 13, 2; Diodor.
-xvii. 110. How leisurely the march was may be seen in Diodorus.</p>
-
-<p>The direction of Alexander’s march from Susa to Ekbatana, along
-a frequented and good road which Diodorus in another place calls a
-royal road (xix. 19), is traced by Ritter, deriving his information
-chiefly from the recent researches of Major Rawlinson. The larger
-portion of the way lay along the western side of the chain of Mount
-Zagros, and on the right bank of the river Kerkha (Ritter, Erdkunde,
-part ix. b. 3. p. 329, West Asia).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_593"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_593">[593]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 13, 1; Plutarch,
-Eumenes, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_594"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_594">[594]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 14; Plutarch,
-Alexand. 72; Diodor. xvii. 110. It will not do to follow the canon of
-evidence tacitly assumed by Arrian, who thinks himself authorized to
-discredit all the details of Alexander’s conduct on this occasion,
-which transgress the limits of a dignified, though vehement sorrow.
-</p>
-
-<p>When Masistius was slain, in the Persian army commanded by
-Mardonius in Bœotia, the manes of the horses were cut, as token
-of mourning: compare also Plutarch, Pelopidas, 33; and Euripid.
-Alkestis, 442.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_595"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_595">[595]</a></span> See the curious extracts
-from Ephippus the Chalkidian,—seemingly a contemporary, if not an
-eye-witness (ap. Athenæ. xii. p. 537, 538)—εὐφημία δὲ καὶ σιγὴ
-κατεῖχε πάντας ὑπὸ δέους τοὺς παρόντας· ἀφόρητος γὰρ ἦν (Alexander)
-καὶ φονικός· ἐδόκει γὰρ εἶναι μελαγχολικὸς, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_596"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_596">[596]</a></span> I translate here, literally,
-Plutarch’s expression—Τοῦ δὲ πένθους παρηγορίᾳ τῷ πολέμῳ
-χρώμενος, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ θήραν καὶ <span class="gesperrt">κυνηγέσιον
-ἀνθρώπων</span> ἐξῆλθε, καὶ τὸ Κοσσαίων ἔθνος κατεστρέψατο,
-<span class="gesperrt">πάντας ἡβηδὸν ἀποσφάττων</span>. Τοῦτο δὲ
-Ἡφαιστίωνος ἐναγισμὸς ἐκαλεῖτο (Plutarch, Alexand. 72: compare
-Polyænus, iv. 3, 31).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_597"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_597">[597]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 15; Plutarch,
-Alex. 72; Diodor. xvii. 111. This general slaughter, however, can
-only be true of portions of the Kossæan name; for Kossæans occur in
-after years (Diodor. xix. 19.).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_598"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_598">[598]</a></span> Pliny, H. N. iii. 9. The story
-in Strabo, v. p. 232, can hardly apply to Alexander the Great. Livy
-(ix. 18) conceives that the Romans knew nothing of Alexander even by
-report, but this appears to me not credible.</p>
-
-<p>On the whole, though the point is doubtful, I incline to believe
-the assertion of a Roman embassy to Alexander. Nevertheless, there
-were various false statements which afterwards became current about
-it—one of which may be seen in Memnon’s history of the Pontic
-Herakleia ap. Photium, Cod. 224; Orelli Fragment. Memnon, p. 36.
-Kleitarchus (contemporary of Alexander), whom Pliny quotes, can have
-had no motive to insert falsely the name of Romans, which in his time
-was nowise important.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_599"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_599">[599]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 15; Justin, xii.
-13; Diodor. xvii. 113. The story mentioned by Justin in another
-place (xxi. 6) is probably referable to this season of Alexander’s
-career. A Carthaginian named Hamilkar Rhodanus, was sent by his city
-to Alexander; really as an emissary to acquaint himself with the
-king’s real designs, which occasioned to the Carthaginians serious
-alarm—but under color of being an exile tendering his services.
-Justin says that Parmenio introduced Hamilkar—which must, I think, be
-an error.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_600"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_600">[600]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 19, 1; vii. 23,
-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_601"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_601">[601]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 19, 5-12; Diodor.
-xvii. 112.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_602"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_602">[602]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 20, 15; Arrian,
-Indica, 43. To undertake this circumnavigation, Alexander had
-despatched a ship-master of Soli in Cyprus, named Hiero; who becoming
-alarmed at the distance to which he was advancing, and at the
-apparently interminable stretch of Arabia towards the south, returned
-without accomplishing the object.</p>
-
-<p>Even in the time of Arrian, in the second century after the
-Christian era, Arabia had never been circumnavigated, from the
-Persian Gulf to the Red Sea—at least so far as his knowledge
-extended.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_603"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_603">[603]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 19, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_604"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_604">[604]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 22, 2, 3; Strabo,
-xvi. p. 741.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_605"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_605">[605]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 21, 11. πόλιν
-ἐξῳκοδόμησέ τε καὶ ἐτείχισε.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_606"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_606">[606]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 23, 5. Even
-when performing the purely military operation of passing these
-soldiers in review, inspecting their exercise, and determining their
-array,—Alexander sat upon the regal throne, surrounded by Asiatic
-eunuchs; his principal officers sat upon couches with silver feet,
-near to him (Arrian, vii. 24, 4). This is among the evidences of his
-altered manners.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_607"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_607">[607]</a></span> Diodorus, xvii. 115; Plutarch,
-Alex. 72.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_608"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_608">[608]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 23, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_609"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_609">[609]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 114, 115: compare
-Arrian, vii. 14, 16; Plutarch, Alexand. 75.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_610"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_610">[610]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 23, 10-13; Diod.
-xviii. 4. Diodorus speaks indeed, in this passage, of the πυρὰ or
-funeral pile in honor of Hephæstion, as if it were among the vast
-expenses included among the memoranda left by Alexander (after his
-decease) of prospective schemes. But the funeral pile had already
-been erected at Babylon, as Diodorus himself had informed us.</p>
-
-<p>What Alexander left unexecuted at his decease, but intended to
-execute if he had lived, was the splendid edifices and chapels in
-Hephæstion’s honor—as we see by Arrian, vii. 23, 10. And Diodorus
-must be supposed to allude to these intended sacred buildings, though
-he has inadvertently spoken of the funeral pile. Kraterus, who was
-under orders to return to Macedonia, was to have built one at Pella.
-</p>
-
-<p>The Olynthian Ephippus had composed a book περὶ τῆς Ἡφαιστίωνος
-καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου ταφῆς, of which there appear four or five citations
-in Athenæus. He dwelt especially on the luxurious habits of
-Alexander, and on his unmeasured potations—common to him with other
-Macedonians.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_611"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_611">[611]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 23, 9-14. Καὶ
-Κλεομένει ἀνδρὶ κακῷ, καὶ πολλὰ ἀδικήματα ἀδικήσαντι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ,
-ἐπιστέλλει ἐπιστολήν.... Ἢν γὰρ καταλάβω ἐγὼ (ἔλεγε τὰ γράμματα) τὰ
-ἱερὰ τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καλῶς κατεσκευασμένα καὶ τὰ ἡρῷα τὰ Ἡφαιστίωνος,
-εἴτε τι πρότερον ἡμάρτηκας, ἀφήσω σε τούτων, καὶ τολοιπόν, ὁπήλικον
-ἂν ἁμάρτῃς, οὐδὲν πείσῃ ἐξ ἐμοῦ ἄχαρι.—In the oration of Demosthenes
-against Dionysodoras (p. 1285), Kleomenes appears as enriching
-himself by the monopoly of corn exported from Egypt: compare
-Pseudo-Aristot. Œconom. c. 33. Kleomenes was afterwards put to death
-by the first Ptolemy, who became king of Egypt (Pausanias, i. 6,
-3).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_612"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_612">[612]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 74; Diodor.
-xvii. 114.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_613"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_613">[613]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 16, 9; vii. 17, 6.
-Plutarch, Alex. 73. Diodor. xvii. 112.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_614"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_614">[614]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 22, 1. Αὐτὸς
-δὲ <span class="gesperrt">ὡς ἐξελέγξας δὴ</span> τῶν Χαλδαίων
-μαντείαν, ὅτι οὐδὲν πεπονθὼς εἴη ἐν Βαβυλῶνι ἄχαρι (ἀλλ᾽ ἔφθη γὰρ
-ἐλάσας ἔξω Βαβυλῶνος πρίν τι παθεῖν) ἀνέπλει αὖθις κατὰ τὰ ἕλη <span
-class="gesperrt">θαῤῥῶν</span>, etc.</p>
-
-<p>The uneasiness here caused by these prophecies and omens, in
-the mind of the most fearless man of his age, is worthy of notice
-as a psychological fact, and is perfectly attested by the authority
-of Aristobulus and Nearchus. It appears that Anaxarchus and other
-Grecian philosophers encouraged him by their reasonings to despise
-all prophecy, but especially that of the Chaldæan priests; who (they
-alleged) wished to keep Alexander out of Babylon in order that they
-might continue to possess the large revenues of the temple of Belus,
-which they had wrongfully appropriated; Alexander being disposed
-to rebuild that ruined temple, and to re-establish the suspended
-sacrifices to which its revenues had been originally devoted (Arrian,
-vii. 17; Diodor. xvii. 112). Not many days afterwards, Alexander
-greatly repented of having given way to these dangerous reasoners,
-who by their sophistical cavils set aside the power and the warnings
-of destiny (Diodor. xvii. 116).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_615"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_615">[615]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 24, 25. Diodorus
-states (xvii. 117) that Alexander, on this convivial night, swallowed
-the contents of a large goblet called the cup of Herakles, and felt
-very ill after it; a statement repeated by various other writers of
-antiquity, and which I see no reason for discrediting, though some
-modern critics treat it with contempt. The royal Ephemerides, or
-Court Journal, attested only the general fact of his long potations
-and the long sleep which followed them: see Athenæus, x. p. 434.</p>
-
-<p>To drink to intoxication at a funeral, was required as a token
-of respectful sympathy towards the deceased—see the last words of
-the Indian Kalanus before he ascended the funeral pile—Plutarch,
-Alexander, 69.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_616"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_616">[616]</a></span> These last two facts are
-mentioned by Arrian (vii. 26, 5) and Diodorus (xvii. 117), and Justin
-(xii. 15): but they found no place in the Court Journal. Curtius (x.
-v. 4) gives them with some enlargement.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_617"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_617">[617]</a></span> The details, respecting the
-last illness of Alexander, are peculiarly authentic, being extracted
-both by Arrian and by Plutarch, from the Ephemerides Regiæ, or short
-Court Journal; which was habitually kept by his secretary Eumenes,
-and another Greek named Diodotus (Athenæ. x. p. 434): see Arrian,
-vii. 25, 26; Plutarch, Alex. 76.</p>
-
-<p>It is surprising that throughout all the course of this malady
-no mention is made of any physician as having been consulted. No
-advice was asked; if we except the application to the temple of
-Serapis, during the last day of Alexander’s life. A few months
-before, Alexander had hanged or crucified the physician who attended
-Hephæstion in his last illness. Hence it seems probable that he
-either despised or mistrusted medical advice, and would not permit
-any to be invoked. His views must have been much altered since his
-dangerous fever at Tarsus, and the successful treatment of it by the
-Akarnanian physician Philippus.</p>
-
-<p>Though the fever (see some remarks from Littré attached to
-Didot’s Fragm. Script. Alex. Magn. p. 124) which caused Alexander’s
-death is here a plain fact satisfactorily made out, yet a different
-story was circulated some time afterwards, and gained partial
-credit (Plutarch De Invidiâ, p. 538), that he had been poisoned.
-The poison was said to have been provided by Aristotle,—sent over
-to Asia by Antipater through his son Kassander,—and administered by
-Iollas (another son of Antipater), Alexander’s cupbearer (Arrian,
-vii. 27, 2; Curtius, x. 10, 17; Diodor. xvii. 118; Justin, xii.
-13). It is quite natural that fever and intemperance (which latter
-moreover was frequent with Alexander) should not be regarded as
-causes sufficiently marked and impressive to explain a decease
-at once so unexpected and so momentous. There seems ground for
-supposing, however, that the report was intentionally fomented,
-if not originally broached, by the party-enemies of Antipater and
-Kassander—especially by the rancorous Olympias. The violent enmity
-afterwards displayed by Kassander against Olympias, and all the
-family of Alexander helped to encourage the report. In the life of
-Hyperides in Plutarch, (Vit. X. Oratt. p. 849) it is stated, that
-he proposed at Athens public honors to Iollas for having given the
-poison to Alexander. If there is any truth in this, it might be a
-stratagem for casting discredit on Antipater (father of Iollas),
-against whom the Athenians entered into the Lamian war, immediately
-after the death of Alexander.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_618"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_618">[618]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 22;
-Demetrius Phaler. De Elocution. s. 300. Οὐ τέθνηκεν Ἀλέξανδρος, ὦ
-ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι—ὦζε γὰρ ἂν ἡ οἰκουμένη τοῦ νεκροῦ.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_619"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_619">[619]</a></span> Dionysius, despot of the Pontic
-Herakleia, fainted away with joy when he heard of Alexander’s death,
-and erected a statue of Εὐθυμία or Comfort (Memn. Heracl. Fragm. ap.
-Photium, Cod. 224. c. 4).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_620"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_620">[620]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p.
-524. c. 43. Τοιγάρτοι τί τῶν ἀνελπίστων καὶ ἀπροσδοκήτων ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν
-οὐ γέγονεν! οὐ γὰρ βίον γ᾽ ἡμεῖς ἀνθρώπινον βεβιώκαμεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς
-παραδοξολογίαν τοῖς ἐσομένοις μεθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἔφυμεν. Οὐχ ὁ μὲν τῶν Περσῶν
-βασιλεὺς, ὁ τὸν Ἄθων διορύξας καὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ζεύξας, ὁ γῆν καὶ
-ὕδωρ τοὺς Ἕλληνας αἰτῶν, ὁ τολμῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς γράφειν ὅτι
-δεσπότης ἐστὶν ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων ἀφ᾽ ἡλίου ἀνιόντος μέχρι δυομένου,
-νῦν οὐ περὶ τοῦ κύριος ἑτέρων εἶναι διαγωνίζεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη περὶ τῆς
-τοῦ σώματος σωτηρίας;</p>
-
-<p>Compare the striking fragment, of a like tenor, out of the lost
-work of the Phalerean Demetrius—Περὶ τῆς τύχης—Fragment. Histor.
-Græcor. vol. ii. p. 368.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_621"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_621">[621]</a></span> Herodot. vii. 56.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_622"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_622">[622]</a></span> Cicero, Philippic. v. 17,
-48.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_623"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_623">[623]</a></span> See Histoire de Timour-Bec, par
-Cherefeddin Ali, translated by Petit de la Croix, vol. i. p. 203.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_624"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_624">[624]</a></span> This is the remark of his great
-admirer Arrian, vii. 1, 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_625"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_625">[625]</a></span> Livy, ix. 17-19. A discussion
-of Alexander’s chances against the Romans—extremely interesting
-and beautiful, though the case appears to me very partially set
-forth. I agree with Niebuhr in dissenting from Livy’s result; and
-with Plutarch in considering it as one of the boons of fortune to
-the Romans, that Alexander did not live long enough to attack them
-(Plutarch de Fortunâ Romanor. p. 326).</p>
-
-<p>Livy however had great reason for complaining of those Greek
-authors (he calls them “levissimi ex Græcis”) who said that the
-Romans would have quailed before the terrible reputation of
-Alexander, and submitted without resistance. Assuredly his victory
-over them would have been dearly bought.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_626"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_626">[626]</a></span> Alexander of Epirus is
-said to have remarked, that he, in his expeditions into Italy,
-had fallen upon the ἀνδρωνῖτις or chamber of the men; while his
-nephew (Alexander the Great), in invading Asia, had fallen upon
-the γυναικωνῖτις or chamber of the women (Aulus Gellius, xvii. 21;
-Curtius, viii. 1, 37).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_627"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_627">[627]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 28, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_628"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_628">[628]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_629"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_629">[629]</a></span> Arrian, iv. 15, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_630"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_630">[630]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 19, 12. Τὸ δὲ
-ἀληθὲς, ὥς γέ μοι δοκεῖ, ἄπληστος ἦν τοῦ κτᾶσθαί τι ἀεὶ Ἀλέξανδρος.
-Compare vii. 1, 3-7; vii. 15, 6, and the speech made by Alexander
-to his soldiers on the banks of the Hyphasis, when he was trying to
-persuade them to march forward, v. 26 <i>seq.</i> We must remember that
-Arrian had before him the work of Ptolemy, who would give, in all
-probability, the substance of this memorable speech from his own
-hearing.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_631"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_631">[631]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 1, 8. σὺ δὲ
-ἄνθρωπος ὢν, παραπλήσιος τοῖς ἄλλοις, πλήν γε δὴ, ὅτι πολυπράγμων καὶ
-ἀτάσθαλος, ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκείας τοσαύτην γῆν ἐπεξέρχῃ, πράγματα ἔχων τε
-καὶ παρέχων ἄλλοις.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_632"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_632">[632]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 4, 4, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_633"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_633">[633]</a></span> Herodot. iii. 15. Alexander
-offered to Phokion (Plutarch, Phok. 18) his choice between four
-Asiatic cities, of which (that is, of any one of them) he was to
-enjoy the revenues; just as Artaxerxes Longimanus had acted towards
-Themistokles, in recompense for his treason. Phokion refused the
-offer.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_634"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_634">[634]</a></span> See the punishment of Sisamnes
-by Kambyses (Herodot. v. 25).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_635"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_635">[635]</a></span> The rhetor Aristeides, in
-his Encomium on Rome, has some good remarks on the character and
-ascendancy of Alexander, exercised by will and personal authority, as
-contrasted with the systematic and legal working of the Roman empire
-(Orat. xiv. p. 332-360, vol. i. ed. Dindorf).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_636"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_636">[636]</a></span> Xenoph. Cyropæd. viii. 6, 21;
-Anabas. i. 7, 6; Herodot. vii. 8, 13: compare Arrian, v. 26, 4-10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_637"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_637">[637]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 4. Πρὸς δὲ
-τούτοις πόλεων συνοικισμοὺς καὶ σωμάτων μεταγωγὰς ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας εἰς
-τὴν Εὐρώπην, καὶ κατὰ τοὐναντίον ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν, ὅπως
-τὰς μεγίστας ἠπείρους ταῖς ἐπιγαμίαις καὶ ταῖς οἰκειώσεσιν εἰς κοινὴν
-ὁμόνοιαν καὶ συγγενικὴν καταστήσῃ.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_638"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_638">[638]</a></span> See the effect produced upon
-the Ionians by the false statement of Histiæus (Herodot. vi. 3) with
-Wesseling’s note—and the eagerness of the Pæonians to return (Herod.
-v. 98; also Justin, viii. 5).</p>
-
-<p>Antipater afterwards intended to transport the Ætolians in mass
-from their own country into Asia, if he had succeeded in conquering
-them (Diodor. xviii. 25). Compare Pausanias (i. 9, 8-10) about
-the forcible measures used by Lysimachus, in transporting new
-inhabitants, at Ephesus and Lysimacheia.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_639"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_639">[639]</a></span> Livy, ix. 18. “Referre in tanto
-rege piget superbam mutationem vistis, et desideratas humi jacentium
-adulationes, etiam victis Macedonibus graves, nedum victoribus: en
-fœda supplicia, et inter vinum et epulas cædes amicorum, et vanitatem
-ementiendæ stirpis. Quid si vini amor in dies fieret acrior? quid
-si trux et præfervida ira? (<i>nec quidquam dubium inter scriptores
-refero</i>) nullane hæc damna imperatoriis virtutibus ducimus?”</p>
-
-<p>The appeal here made by Livy to the full attestation of these
-points in Alexander’s character deserves notice. He had doubtless
-more authorities before him than we possess.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_640"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_640">[640]</a></span> Among other eulogists of
-Alexander, it is sufficient to name Droysen—in his two works, both
-of great historical research—Geschichte Alexanders des Grossen—and
-Geschichte des Hellenismus oder der Bildung des Hellenischen Staaten
-Systemes (Hamburg, 1843). See especially the last and most recent
-work, p. 27 <i>seqq.</i>, p. 651 <i>seqq.</i>—and elsewhere <i>passim</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_641"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_641">[641]</a></span> Plutarch, Alex. 55-74.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_642"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_642">[642]</a></span> Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. M. p.
-329. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τὸ ἔργον παρέσχεν· οὐ γὰρ, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης
-συνεβούλευεν αὐτῷ, τοῖς μὲν Ἕλλησιν ἡγεμονικῶς, τοῖς δὲ βαρβάροις
-δεσποτικῶς χρώμενον ... ἀλλὰ κοινὸς ἥκειν θεόθεν ἁρμοστὴς καὶ
-διαλλακτὴς τῶν ὅλων νομίζων, οὓς τῷ λόγῳ μὴ συνῆγε, τοῖς ὅπλοις
-βιαζόμενος, εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ συνενεγκὼν τὰ παντάχοθεν, etc.</p>
-
-<p>Strabo (or Eratosthenes, see Strabo, i. p. 66) and Plutarch
-understand the expression of Aristotle erroneously—as if that
-philosopher had meant to recommend harsh and cruel treatment of the
-non-Hellenes, and kind treatment only towards Greeks. That Aristotle
-could have meant no such thing, is evident from the whole tenor of
-his treatise on Politics. The distinction really intended is between
-a greater and a less measure of extra-popular authority—not between
-kind and unkind purposes in the exercise of authority. Compare
-Tacitus, Annal. xii. 11—the advice of the Emperor Claudius to the
-Parthian prince Meherdates.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_643"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_643">[643]</a></span> Aristot. Politic. i. 1, 5; vii.
-6, 1. See the memorable comparison drawn by Aristotle (Polit. vii.
-6) between the Europeans and Asiatics generally. He pronounces the
-former to be courageous and energetic, but wanting in intelligence
-or powers of political combination; the latter to be intelligent and
-clever in contrivance, but destitute of courage. Neither of them have
-more than a “one-legged aptitude” (φύσιν μονόκωλον); the Greek alone
-possesses both the courage and intelligence united. The Asiatics are
-condemned to perpetual subjection; the Greeks might govern the world
-could they but combine in one political society.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_644"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_644">[644]</a></span> Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. M.
-p. 328. The stay of Alexander in these countries was however so
-short, that even with the best will he could not have enforced the
-suppression of any inveterate customs.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_645"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_645">[645]</a></span> Plutarch, Fortun. Al. M.
-p. 328. Plutarch mentions, a few lines afterwards, Seleukeia
-in Mesopotamia, as if he thought that it was among the cities
-established by Alexander himself. This shows that he has not been
-exact in distinguishing foundations made by Alexander, from those
-originated by Seleukus and the other Diadochi.</p>
-
-<p>The elaborate article of Droysen (in the Appendix to his
-Geschichte des Hellenismus, p. 588-651), ascribes to Alexander the
-largest plans of colonization in Asia, and enumerates a great number
-of cities alleged to have been founded by him. But in regard to
-the majority of these foundations, the evidence upon which Droysen
-grounds his belief that Alexander was the founder, appears to me
-altogether slender and unsatisfactory. If Alexander founded so many
-cities as Droysen imagines, how does it happen that Arrian mentions
-only so comparatively small a number? The argument derived from
-Arrian’s silence, for rejecting what is affirmed by other ancients
-respecting Alexander, is indeed employed by modern authors (and by
-Droysen himself among them), far oftener than I think warrantable.
-But if there be any one proceeding of Alexander more than another, in
-respect of which the silence of Arrian ought to make us suspicious—it
-is the foundation of a new colony; a solemn act, requiring delay and
-multiplied regulations, intended for perpetuity, and redounding to
-the honor of the founder. I do not believe in any colonies founded
-by Alexander, beyond those comparatively few which Arrian mentions,
-except such as rest upon some other express and good testimony.
-Whoever will read through Droysen’s list, will see that most of the
-names in it will not stand this test. The short life, and rapid
-movements, of Alexander, are of themselves the strongest presumption
-against his having founded so large a number of colonies.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_646"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_646">[646]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 99; xviii.
-7. Curtius, ix. 7, 1. Curtius observes (vii. 10, 15) respecting
-Alexander’s colonies in Sogdiana—that they were founded “velut
-fræni domitarum gentium; nunc originis suæ oblita serviunt, quibus
-imperaverunt.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_647"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_647">[647]</a></span> See the plain-spoken outburst
-of the Thurian Antileon, one of the soldiers in Xenophon’s Ten
-Thousand Greeks, when the army reached Trapezus (Xenoph. Anabas. v.
-1, 2).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_648"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_648">[648]</a></span> Appian, Syriac. 32.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_649"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_649">[649]</a></span> This is the sense in which I
-have always used the word Hellenism, throughout the present Work.</p>
-
-<p>With Droysen, the word <i>Hellenismus</i>—<i>Das Hellenistische
-Staatensystem</i>—is applied to the state of things which followed
-upon Alexander’s death; to the aggregate of kingdoms into which
-Alexander’s conquests become distributed, having for their point of
-similarity the common use of Greek speech, a certain proportion of
-Greeks both as inhabitants and as officers, and a partial streak of
-Hellenic culture.</p>
-
-<p>I cannot but think that such an employment of the word is
-misleading. At any rate, its sense must be constantly kept in mind,
-in order that it may not be confounded with <i>hellenism</i> in the
-stricter meaning.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_650"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_650">[650]</a></span> Strabo, xvii. p. 797, ὁ γοῦν
-Πολύβιος, γεγονὼς ἐν τῇ πόλει (Alexandria), βδελύττεται τὴν ταύτῃ
-κατάστασιν, etc.</p>
-
-<p>The Museum of Alexandria (with its library) must be carefully
-distinguished from the city and the people. It was an artificial
-institution, which took its rise altogether from the personal taste
-and munificence of the earlier Ptolemies, especially the second.
-It was one of the noblest and most useful institutions recorded in
-history, and forms the most honorable monument of what Droysen calls
-the <i>hellenistic</i> period, between the death of Alexander and the
-extension of the Roman empire into Asia. But this Museum, though
-situated at Alexandria, had no peculiar connection with the city
-or its population; it was a College of literary Fellows (if we may
-employ a modern word) congregated out of various Grecian towns.
-Eratosthenes, Kallimuchus, Aristophanes, Aristarchus, were not
-natives of Alexandria.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_651"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_651">[651]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 4. Pausanias
-(ii. 1. 5) observes that Alexander wished to cut through Mount Mimas
-(in Asia. Minor), but that this was the only one, among all his
-undertakings, which did not succeed. “So difficult is it (he goes on)
-to put force upon the divine arrangements”, τὰ θεῖα βιάσασθαι. He
-wished to cut through the isthmus between Teos and Klazomenæ, so as
-to avoid the navigation round the cliffs of Mimas (σκόπελον νιφόεντα
-Μίμαντος—Aristophan. Nub. 274) between Chios and Erythræ. Probably
-this was among the projects suggested to Alexander, in the last year
-of his life. We have no other information about it.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_652"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_652">[652]</a></span> Arrian, v. 26, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_653"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_653">[653]</a></span> Herodot. iv. 44: compare iii.
-102. That Arrian had not present to his memory this narrative of
-Herodotus, is plain from the last chapter of his Indica; though in
-his history of Alexander he alludes several times to Herodotus. Some
-authors have concluded from Arrian’s silence that he disbelieved the
-fact: if he had disbelieved it, I think that he would have mentioned
-the statement of Herodotus nevertheless, with an intimation that he
-did not think it worthy of credit. Moreover, Arrian’s disbelief (even
-granting that such was the state of his mind) is not to be held as a
-conclusive disproof of the story. I confess that I see no sufficient
-reason for discrediting the narrative of Herodotus—though some
-eminent modern writers are of an opposite opinion.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_654"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_654">[654]</a></span> Pliny, H. N. viii. 17;
-Athenæus, ix. p. 398. See Schneider’s Preface to his edition of
-Aristotle’s Historiæ De Animalibus, p. xxxix. <i>seq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_655"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_655">[655]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_656"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_656">[656]</a></span> Aristot. Physic. iv. 3.
-p. 210 a. 21. ἔτι <span class="gesperrt">ὡς ἐν βασιλεῖ τὰ τῶν
-Ἑλλήνων</span>, καὶ ὅλως <span class="gesperrt">ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ
-κινητικῷ</span>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_657"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_657">[657]</a></span> Demosthen. Olynthiac. iii. p.
-36.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_658"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_658">[658]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_659"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_659">[659]</a></span> Æschines cont. Ktesiph. p.
-552.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_660"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_660">[660]</a></span> Vita Demosthenis ap.
-Westermann, Scriptt. Biograph. p. 301. φρουρὰν καταστήσαντος
-Ἀλέξανδρου ἐν ταῖς Θήβαις μετὰ τὸ κατασκάψαι τοὺς Θηβαίους, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_661"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_661">[661]</a></span> Pausanias, i. 25, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_662"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_662">[662]</a></span> “Since Macedonian dominion
-became paramount (observes Demosthenes, De Coronâ, p. 331), Æschines
-and men of his stamp are in full ascendency and affluence—I am
-impotent: there is no place at Athens for free citizens and
-counsellors, but only for men who do what they are ordered, and
-flatter the ruling potentate.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_663"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_663">[663]</a></span> Arrian, i. 29, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_664"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_664">[664]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_665"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_665">[665]</a></span> See the remarkable decree
-in honor of Lykurgus, passed by the Athenian people seventeen or
-eighteen years after his death, in the archonship of Anaxikrates,
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 307 (Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 852).
-The reciting portion of this decree, constituting four-fifths of
-the whole, goes over the public conduct of Lykurgus, and is very
-valuable.</p>
-
-<p>It seems that the twelve years of financial administration
-exercised by Lykurgus, are to be taken probably, either from
-342-330 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>—or four years later, from 338-326
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> Boeckh leaves the point undetermined
-between the two. Droysen and Meier prefer the earlier period—O.
-Müller the later. (Boeckh, Urkunden über das Attische Seewesen, also
-the second edition of his Staatshaushaltung der Athener, vol. ii. p.
-114-118).</p>
-
-<p>The total of public money, recorded by the Inscription as
-having passed through the hands of Lykurgus in the twelve years,
-was 18,900 talents = £4,340,000, or thereabouts. He is said to
-have held, besides, in deposit, a great deal of money entrusted to
-him by private individuals. His official duties as treasurer were
-discharged, for the first four years, in his own name: during the
-last eight years, in the names of two different friends.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_666"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_666">[666]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 28.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_667"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_667">[667]</a></span> Æschines (adv. Ktesiph. p. 635)
-mentions this mission of Ktesiphon to Kleopatra. He also (in the same
-oration, p. 550) charges Demosthenes with having sent letters to
-Alexander, soliciting pardon and favor. He states that a young man
-named Aristion, a friend of Demosthenes, was much about the person
-of Alexander, and that through him the letters were sent. He cites
-as his authority the seamen of the public Athenian vessel called
-<i>Paralus</i>, and the Athenian envoys who went to Alexander in Phenicia
-in the spring or summer of 331 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> (compare
-Arrian, iii. 6, 3). Hyperides also seems to have advanced the like
-allegation against Demosthenes—see Harpokration, v. Ἀριστίων.</p>
-
-<p>The fragments of the oration of Hyperides in defence of
-Euxenippus (recently published by Mr. Churchill Babington), delivered
-at some period during the reign of Alexander, give general evidence
-of the wide-spread feeling of jealous aversion to the existing
-Macedonian ascendancy. Euxenippus had been accused of devotion to
-Macedonia; Hyperides strenuously denies it, saying that Euxenippus
-had never been in Macedonia, nor ever conversed with any Macedonian
-who came to Athens. Even boys at school (says Hyperides) know the
-names of the corrupt orators, or servile flatterers, who serve
-Macedonia—Euxenippus is not among them (p 11, 12).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_668"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_668">[668]</a></span> Plutarch, Camill. 19; Diodor.
-xvi. 88; Plutarch, Agis, 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_669"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_669">[669]</a></span> Arrian, i. 16, 11: compare
-Pausan. vii. 10, 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_670"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_670">[670]</a></span> Arrian, ii. 13, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_671"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_671">[671]</a></span> Arrian, iii. 6, 4; Diodor.
-xvii. 48; Curtius, iv. 1, 39. It is to this war in Krete, between
-Agis and the Macedonian party and troops, that Aristotle probably
-alludes (in the few words contained, Politica, ii. 7, 8), as having
-exposed the weakness of the Kretan institutions—see Schneider’s note
-on the passage. At least we do not know of any other event, suitable
-to the words.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_672"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_672">[672]</a></span> Alexander, as soon as he
-got possession of the Persian treasures at Susa (about December
-331 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), sent a large remittance of 3000
-talents to Antipater, as means for carrying on the war against the
-Lacedæmonians (Arrian, iii. 16. 17). The manifestations of Agis in
-Peloponnesus had begun in the spring of 331 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>
-(Arrian, iii. 6, 4); but his aggressive movements in Peloponnesus
-did not assume formidable proportions until the spring of 330
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> At the date of the speech of Æschines
-against Ktesiphon (August 330 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), the
-decisive battle by which Antipater crushed the forces of Agis had
-only recently occurred; for the Lacedæmonian prisoners were only
-<i>about to be sent</i> to Alexander to learn their fate (Æsch. adv. Kt.
-p. 524). Curtius (vii. 1, 21) is certainly mistaken in saying that
-the contest was terminated before the battle of Arbela. Moreover,
-there were Lacedæmonian envoys, present with Darius until a few days
-before his death (July 330 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>), who afterwards
-fell into the hands of Alexander (Arrian iii. 24, 7); these men
-could hardly have known of the prostration of their country at home.
-I suppose the victory of Antipater to have taken place about June
-330 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>—and the Peloponnesian armament of
-Agis to have been got together about three months before (March 330
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>).</p>
-
-<p>Mr. Clinton (Fast. H. App. c. 4. p. 234) discusses the chronology
-of this event, but in a manner which I cannot think satisfactory. He
-seems inclined to put it some months earlier. I see no necessity for
-construing the dictum ascribed to Alexander (Plutarch, Agesilaus, 15)
-as proving close coincidence of time between the battle of Arbela and
-the final defeat of Agis.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_673"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_673">[673]</a></span> Alexander in Media, when
-informed of the whole affair after the death of Agis, spoke of it
-with contempt as a battle of frogs and mice, if we are to believe the
-dictum of Plutarch, Agesilaus, 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_674"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_674">[674]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiphont. p.
-553. ὁ δ᾽ Ἀλέξανδρος ἔξω τῆς ἄρκτου καὶ τῆς οἰκουμένης ὀλίγου δεῖν
-πάσης μεθειστήκει, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_675"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_675">[675]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 62; Deinarchus
-cont. Demosthen. s. 35.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_676"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_676">[676]</a></span> Plutarch, Reipubl. Gerend.
-Præcept. p. 818.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_677"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_677">[677]</a></span> This is what we make out, as to
-the conduct of Demosthenes, from Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 553.</p>
-
-<p>It is however difficult to believe, what Æschines insinuates,
-that Demosthenes boasted of having himself got up the Lacedæmonian
-movement—and yet that he made no proposition or suggestion for
-countenancing it. Demosthenes can hardly have lent any positive aid
-to the proceeding, though of course his anti-Macedonian feelings
-would be counted upon, in case things took a favorable turn.</p>
-
-<p>Deinarchus (<i>ut suprà</i>) also accuses Demosthenes of having
-remained inactive at this critical moment.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_678"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_678">[678]</a></span> Curtius, vi. 1, 15-20; Diodor.
-xvii. 63-73. After the defeat, a suspensive decree was passed by
-the Spartans, releasing from ἀτιμία those who had escaped from the
-battle—as had been done after Leuktra (Diodor. xix. 70).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_679"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_679">[679]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p.
-524.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_680"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_680">[680]</a></span> Curtius, vii. 4, 32.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_681"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_681">[681]</a></span> Among the various documents,
-real or pretended, inserted in the oration of Demosthenes De Coronâ,
-there appears one (p. 266) purporting to be the very decree moved
-by Ktesiphon; and another (p. 243) purporting to be the accusation
-preferred by Æschines. I have already stated that I agree with
-Droysen in mistrusting all the documents annexed to this oration; all
-of them bear the name of wrong archons, most of them names of unknown
-archons; some of them do not fit the place in which they appear. See
-my preceding Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxix. p. 424; Ch. xc. p. 456-486.</p>
-
-<p>We know from the statement of Æschines himself that the motion
-of Ktesiphon was made after the appointment of Demosthenes to be one
-of the inspectors of the fortifications of the city; and that this
-appointment took place in the last month of the archon Chærondas
-(June 337 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>—see Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p.
-421-426). We also know that the accusation of Æschines against
-Ktesiphon was preferred before the assassination of Philip, which
-took place in August 336 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> (Æschin. ib. p.
-612, 613). It thus appears that the motion of Ktesiphon (with the
-probouleuma which followed upon it) must have occurred some time
-during the autumn or winter of 337-336 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>—that
-the accusation of Æschines must have been handed in shortly after
-it—and that this accusation cannot have been handed in at the date
-borne by the pseudo-document, p. 243—the month Elaphebolion of the
-archon Chærondas, which would be anterior to the appointment of
-Demosthenes. Moreover, whoever compares the so-called motion of
-Ktesiphon, as it stands inserted Demosth. De Coronâ, p. 266, with the
-words in which Æschines himself (Adv. Ktesiph. p. 631. ὅθεν τὴν ἀρχὴν
-τοῦ ψηφίσματος ἐποιήσω, see also p. 439) describes the exordium of
-that motion, will see that it cannot be genuine.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_682"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_682">[682]</a></span> Demosthenes De Coronâ, p.
-253, 302, 303, 310. He says (p. 267-313) that he had been crowned
-<i>often</i> (πολλάκις) by the Athenians and other Greek cities. The crown
-which he received on the motion of Aristonikus (after the successes
-against Philip at Byzantium and the Chersonesus, etc. in 340
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>) was the <i>second</i> crown (p. 253)—Plutarch,
-Vit. X. Oratt. p. 848.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_683"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_683">[683]</a></span> Demosthenes De Coronâ, p.
-294.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_684"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_684">[684]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 645.
-διαβέβληται δ᾽ ἡμῶν ἡ πόλις ἐκ τῶν Δημοσθένους πολιτευμάτων <span
-class="gesperrt">περὶ τοὺς νῦν καιρούς</span>· δόξετε δ᾽ ἐὰν μὲν
-τοῦτον στεφανώσητε, <span class="gesperrt">ὁμογνώμονες εἶναι τοῖς
-παραβαίνουσι τὴν κοινὴν εἰρήνην</span>· ἐὰν δὲ τοὐναντίον τούτου
-πράξητε, ἀπολύσετε τὸν δῆμον τῶν αἰτιῶν.—Compare with this, the last
-sentence of the oration of Demosthenes in reply, where he puts up a
-prayer to the gods—ἡμῖν δὲ τοῖς λοιποῖς τὴν ταχίστην ἀπαλλαγὴν <span
-class="gesperrt">τῶν ἐπηρτημένων φόβων</span> δότε καὶ σωτηρίαν
-ἀσφαλῆ.</p>
-
-<p>The mention by Æschines (immediately before) of the Pythian
-games, as about to be celebrated in a few days, marks the date of
-this judicial trial—August, 330 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_685"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_685">[685]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p.
-443.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_686"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_686">[686]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. pp. 449,
-456, 467, 551.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_687"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_687">[687]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. pp. 526,
-538, 541.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_688"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_688">[688]</a></span> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p.
-551-553.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_689"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_689">[689]</a></span> Demosthen. De Coronâ, p.
-311-316.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_690"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_690">[690]</a></span> Demosthen. De Coronâ, p. 227.
-μέλλων τοῦ τε ἰδίου βίου <span class="gesperrt">παντός</span>, ὡς
-ἔοικε, λόγον διδόναι τήμερον καὶ τῶν κοινῇ πεπολιτευμένων, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_691"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_691">[691]</a></span> Demosthen. De Coronâ, p.
-297. ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔστιν, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως ἡμάρτετε, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τὸν
-ὑπὲρ τῆς ἁπάντων ἐλευθερίας καὶ σωτηρίας κίνδυνον ἀράμενοι—οὐ μὰ
-τοὺς Μαραθῶνι προκινδυνεύσαντας τῶν προγόνων καὶ τοὺς ἐν Πλαταιαῖς
-παραταξαμένους καὶ τοὺς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχήσαντας, etc., the oath so
-often cited and admired.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_692"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_692">[692]</a></span> See the various lives of
-Æschines—in Westermann, Scriptores Biographici, pp. 268, 269.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_693"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_693">[693]</a></span> Demosthen. De Coronâ, p. 315.
-ἀλλὰ νυνὶ τήμερον ἐγὼ μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ στεφανωθῆναι δοκιμάζομαι, τὸ δὲ
-μήδ᾽ ὁτιοῦν ἀδικεῖν ἀνωμολόγημαι—σοὶ δὲ συκοφάντῃ μὲν εἶναι δοκεῖν
-ὑπάρχει, κινδυνεύεις δὲ εἴτε δεῖ σε ἔτι τοῦτο ποιεῖν, εἴτ᾽ ἤδη
-πεπαῦσθαι μὴ μεταλαβόντα τὸ πέμπτον μέρος τῶν ψήφων, etc.</p>
-
-<p>Yet Æschines had become opulent, according to Demosthenes, p.
-329.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_694"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_694">[694]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 108. He states
-the treasure brought out of Asia by Harpalus as 5000 talents.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_695"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_695">[695]</a></span> See the fragments of the letter
-or pamphlet of Theopompus addressed to Alexander, while Harpalus was
-still at Tarsus, and before his flight to Athens—Theopomp. Fragm.
-277, 278, ed. Didot, ap. Athenæum, xiii. p. 586-595. Theopompus
-speaks in the present tense—<span class="gesperrt">καὶ ὁρᾷ</span>
-(Harpalus) ὑπὸ τοῦ λάου προσκυνουμένην (Glykera), etc. Kleitarchus
-stated these facts, as well as Theopompus (Athenæ. ibid.).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_696"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_696">[696]</a></span> Athenæus, xiii. p. 596—the
-extract from the satirical drama called Agên, represented before
-Alexander at Susa, in the Dionysiac festival or early months of 324
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_697"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_697">[697]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 22;
-Pausanias, i. 37, 4; Dikæarchi Fragment. 72. ed. Didot.</p>
-
-<p>Plutarch’s narrative is misleading, inasmuch as it seems to imply
-that Harpalus gave this money to Charikles <i>after</i> his arrival at
-Athens. We know from Theopompus (Fr. 277) that the monument had been
-finished some time before Harpalus quitted Asia. Plutarch treats it
-as a mean structure, unworthy of the sum expended on it; but both
-Dikæarchus and Pausanias describe it as stately and magnificent.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_698"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_698">[698]</a></span> Curtius, x. 2, 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_699"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_699">[699]</a></span> Curtius, x. 2, 1. “Igitur
-triginta navibus Sunium transmittunt” (Harpalus and his company),
-“unde portum urbis petere decreverunt. His cognitis, rex Harpalo
-Atheniensibusque juxta infestus, classem parari jubet, Athenas
-protinus petiturus.” Compare Justin, xiii. 5, 7—who mentions this
-hostile intention in Alexander’s mind, but gives a different account
-of the cause of it.</p>
-
-<p>The extract from the drama <i>Agên</i> (given in Athenæus, xiii. p.
-596) represents the reports which excited this anger of Alexander. It
-was said that Athens had repudiated her slavery, with the abundance
-which she had before enjoyed under it,—to enter upon a struggle for
-freedom, with the certainty of present privations and future ruin:—</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<p class="i0">A.&nbsp;&nbsp;ὅτε μὲν ἔφασκον (the Athenians) δοῦλον ἐκτῆσθαι βίον,</p>
-<p class="i3">ἱκανὸν ἐδείπνουν· <span class="gesperrt">νῦν δὲ</span>, τὸν χέδροπα μόνον</p>
-<p class="i3">καὶ τὸν μάραθον <span class="gesperrt">ἔσθουσι</span>, πυροὺς δ᾽ οὐ μάλα.</p>
-<p class="i0">B.&nbsp;&nbsp;καὶ μὴν ἀκούω μυριάδας τὸν Ἅρπαλον</p>
-<p class="i3">αὐτοῖσι τῶν Ἀγῆνος οὐκ ἐλάττονας</p>
-<p class="i3">σίτου παραπέμψαι, καὶ πολίτην γεγονέναι.</p>
-<p class="i0">A.&nbsp;&nbsp;Γλυκέρας ὁ σῖτος οὗτος ἦν· ἔσται δ᾽ ἴσως</p>
-<p class="i3">αὐτοῖσιν <span class="gesperrt">ὀλέθρου</span> κοὐκ ἑταίρας ἀῤῥαβών.</p>
-</div></div>
-
-<p class="mt1">I conceive this drama Agên to have been represented
-on the banks of the <i>Choaspes</i> (not the <i>Hydaspes</i>—see <a
-href="#Footnote_578">my note</a> in the Chapter immediately
-preceding, <a href="#Page_240">p. 240</a>), that is, at Susa, in the
-Dionysia of 324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> It is interesting as a
-record of the feelings of the time.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_700"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_700">[700]</a></span> Nevertheless the impression,
-that Alexander was intending to besiege Athens, must have prevailed
-in the army for several months longer, during the autumn of 324
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> when he was at Ekbatana. Ephippus the
-historian, in recounting the flatteries addressed to Alexander at
-Ekbatana, mentions the rhodomontade of a soldier named Gorgus—Γόργος
-ὁ ὁπλοφύλαξ Ἀλέξανδρον Ἄμμωνος υἱὸν στεφανοῖ χρυσοῖς τρισχιλίοις,
-<span class="gesperrt">καὶ ὅταν Ἀθήνας πολιορκῇ</span>, μυρίαις
-πανοπλίαις καὶ ταῖς ἴσαις καταπέλταις καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς<br /> <span
-style="margin-left: 0.5em;">ἄλλοις βέλεσιν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἱκανοῖς
-(Ephippus ap. Athenæum, xii. p.</span><br /> 538. Fragment. 3. ed.
-Didot).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_701"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_701">[701]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Philokl. s.
-1. φάσκων κωλύσειν Ἅρπαλον εἰς τὸν Πειραῖα καταπλεῦσαι, στατηγὸς
-ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐπὶ τὰ νεώρια καὶ τὴν Μουνυχίαν κεχειροτονημένος, etc.
-Deinarchus adv. Aristogeiton, s. 4. ὃς παρ᾽ Ἁρπάλου λαβεῖν χρήματα
-ἐτόλμησεν, ὃν ᾔσθεθ᾽ ἥκειν καταληψόμενον τὴν πόλιν ὑμῶν, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_702"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_702">[702]</a></span> See the new and interesting,
-though unfortunately scanty, fragments of the oration of Hyperides
-against Demosthenes, published and elucidated by Mr. Churchill
-Babington from a recently discovered Egyptian papyrus (Cambridge,
-1850). From Fragm. 14 (p. 38 of Mr. Babington’s edition) we may
-see that the promises mentioned in the text were actually held
-out by Harpalus—indeed we might almost have presumed it without
-positive evidence. Hyperides addresses Demosthenes—ταύτας ὑπ...ις
-τῷ ψηφίσματι, συλλαβὼν τὸν Ἅρπαλον· καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἅπαντας
-πρεσβεύεσθαι πεποίηκας ὡς Ἀλέξανδρον, οὐκ ἔχοντας ἄλλην οὐδεμίαν
-ἀποστροφήν· <span class="gesperrt">τοὺς δὲ βαρβάρους</span>, οἳ αὐτοὶ
-ἂν ἧκον φέροντες εἰς ταὐτὸ τὴν δύναμιν, ἔχοντες τὰ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς
-στρατιώτας ὅσους ἕκαστος αὐτῶν εἶχε, <span class="gesperrt">τούτους
-σύμπαντας</span> οὐ μόνον <span class="gesperrt">κεκώλυκας ἀποστῆναι
-ἐκείνου</span> τῇ συλλήψει τοῦ Ἁρπάλου, ἀλλὰ καὶ....</p>
-
-<p>From the language thus used by Hyperides in his accusation, we
-are made to perceive what prospects he (and of course Harpalus, upon
-whose authority he must have spoken) had held out to the people when
-the case was first under discussion.</p>
-
-<p>The fragment here cited is complete as to the main sense, not
-requiring very great help from conjecture. In some of the other
-fragments, the conjectural restorations of Mr. Babington, though
-highly probable and judicious, form too large a proportion of the
-whole to admit of our citing them with confidence as testimony.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_703"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_703">[703]</a></span> Pollux, x. 159.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_704"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_704">[704]</a></span> Plutarch, De Vitioso Pudore,
-p. 531. τῶν γὰρ Ἀθηναίων ὡρμημένων Ἁρπάλῳ βοηθεῖν, καὶ κορυσσόντων
-ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἐξαίφνης ἐπεφάνη Φιλόξενος, ὁ τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ
-πραγμάτων Ἀλεξάνδρου στρατηγός· ἐκπλαγέντος δὲ τοῦ δήμου, καὶ
-σιωπῶντος διὰ τὸν φόβον, ὁ Δημοσθένης—Τί ποιήσουσιν, ἔφη, πρὸς τὸν
-ἥλιον ἰδόντες, οἱ μὴ δυνάμενοι πρὸς τὸν λύχνον ἀντιβλέπειν;</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_705"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_705">[705]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, c. 21;
-Plutarch, Demosthen. 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_706"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_706">[706]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 108.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_707"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_707">[707]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 69.
-ἐὰν τοὺς παῖδας καταπέμψῃ (Alexander) πρὸς ἡμᾶς τοὺς νῦν εἰς ἑαυτὸν
-ἀνακεκομισμένους, καὶ τούτων ἀξιοῖ τὴν ἀληθείαν πυθέσθαι, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_708"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_708">[708]</a></span> See the fragment cited in
-a <a href="#Footnote_702">preceding note</a> from the oration of
-Hyperides against Demosthenes. That it was <i>Demosthenes</i> who moved
-the decree for depositing the money in the acropolis, we learn also
-from one of his other accusers—the citizen who delivered the speech
-composed by Deinarchus (adv. Demosthen. sect. 68, 71, 89)—<span
-class="gesperrt">ἔγραψεν αὐτὸς, ἐν τῷ δήμῳ Δημοσθένης</span>, ὡς
-δηλονότι δικαίου τοῦ πράγματος ὄντος, φυλάττειν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὰ εἰς τὴν
-Ἀττικὴν ἀφικόμενα μετὰ Ἁρπάλου χρήματα.</p>
-
-<p>Deinarchus (adv. Demosth. s. 97-106) accuses Demosthenes of base
-flattery to Alexander. Hyperides also makes the same charge—see the
-Fragments in Mr. Babington’s edition, sect. 2. Fr. 11. p. 12; sect.
-3. Fr. 5. p. 34.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_709"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_709">[709]</a></span> Pausan. ii. 33, 4; Diodor.
-xvii. 108.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_710"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_710">[710]</a></span> This material fact, of the
-question publicly put to Harpalus in the assembly by some one at the
-request of Demosthenes, appears in the Fragments of Hyperides, p. 5,
-7, 9, ed. Babington—καθήμενος κάτω ὑπὸ τῇ κατατομῇ, ἐκέλευσε ... τὸν
-χορευτὴν ἐρωτῆσαι τὸν Ἅρπαλον ὁπόσα εἴη τὰ χρήματα τὰ ἀνοισθησόμενα
-εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν· <span class="gesperrt">ὁ δὲ ἀπεκρίνατο</span> ὅτι
-ἑπτακόσια, etc.</p>
-
-<p>The term κατατομὴ (see Mr. Babington’s note) “designates a broad
-passage occurring at intervals between the concentrically arranged
-benches of seats in a theatre, and running parallel with them.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_711"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_711">[711]</a></span> Plutarch, Vit. X. Orat. p. 846.
-In the life of Demosthenes given by Photius (Cod. 265, p. 494) it is
-stated that only 308 talents were found.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_712"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_712">[712]</a></span> That this motion was made by
-Demosthenes himself, is a point strongly pressed by his accuser
-Deinarchus—adv. Demosth. s. 5. 62, 84, etc.: compare also the Fragm.
-of Hyperides, p. 59, ed. Babington.</p>
-
-<p>Deinarchus, in his loose rhetoric, tries to put the case as if
-Demosthenes had proposed to recognize the sentence of the Areopagus
-as final and peremptory, and stood therefore condemned upon the
-authority invoked by himself. But this is refuted sufficiently by the
-mere fact that the trial was instituted afterwards; besides that, it
-is repugnant to the judicial practice of Athens.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_713"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_713">[713]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 26. We
-learn from Deinarchus (adv. Demosth. s. 46) that the report of the
-Areopagites was not delivered until after an interval of six months.
-About their delay and the impatience of Demosthenes see Fragm.
-Hyperides, pp. 12-33, ed. Babington.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_714"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_714">[714]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 92.
-See the Fragm. of Hyperides in Mr. Babington, p. 18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_715"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_715">[715]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Aristogeiton,
-s. 6. Stratokles was one of the accusers.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_716"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_716">[716]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s.
-108, 109.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_717"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_717">[717]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_718"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_718">[718]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s.
-104.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_719"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_719">[719]</a></span> See the two orations composed
-by Deinarchus, against Philokles and Aristogeiton.</p>
-
-<p>In the second and third Epistles ascribed to Demosthenes (p.
-1470, 1483, 1485), he is made to state, that he alone had been
-condemned by the Dykastery, because his trial had come on first—that
-Aristogeiton and all the others tried were acquitted, though the
-charge against all was the same, and the evidence against all was
-the same also—viz. nothing more than the simple report of the
-Areopagus. As I agree with those who hold these epistles to be
-probably spurious, I cannot believe, on such authority alone, that
-all the other persons tried were acquitted—a fact highly improbable
-in itself.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_720"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_720">[720]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 25: compare
-also Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846; and Photius, Life of Demosth.
-Cod. 265, p. 494.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_721"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_721">[721]</a></span> See the fragment of Hyperides
-in Mr. Babington’s edition, pp. 37, 38 (a fragment already cited
-in a preceding note), insisting upon the prodigious mischief
-which Demosthenes had done by his decree for arresting (σύλληψις)
-Harpalus.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_722"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_722">[722]</a></span> In the Life of Demosthenes apud
-Photium (Cod. 265), the service alleged to have been rendered by him
-to Harpalus, and for which he was charged with having received 1000
-Darics, is put as I have stated it in the text—Demosthenes first
-spoke publicly against receiving Harpalus, but presently Δαρεικοὺς
-χιλίους (<span class="gesperrt">ὥς φασι</span>) λαβὼν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὲρ
-αὐτοῦ λέγοντας μετετάξατο (then follow the particular acts whereby
-this alleged change of sentiment was manifested, which particular
-acts are described as follows)—καὶ βουλομένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων Ἀντιπάτρῳ
-προδοῦναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀντεῖπεν, τά τε Ἁρπάλεια χρήματα εἰς ἀκρόπολιν
-ἔγραψεν ἀποθέσθαι, μηδὲ τῷ δήμῳ τὸν ἀριθμὸν αὐτῶν ἀποσημηνάμενος.</p>
-
-<p>That Demosthenes should first oppose the reception of
-Harpalus—and then afterwards oppose the surrender of Harpalus
-to Antipater’s requisition—is here represented as a change of
-politics requiring the hypothesis of a bribe to explain it. But it
-is in reality no change at all. The two proceedings are perfectly
-consistent with each other, and both of them defensible.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_723"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_723">[723]</a></span> Fragm. Hyperides, p. 7, ed.
-Babington—ἐν τῷ δήμῳ ἑπτακόσια <span class="gesperrt">φήσας</span>
-εἶναι τάλαντα, <span class="gesperrt">νῦν τὰ ἡμίση ἀναφέρεις</span>;
-</p>
-
-<p>In p. 26 of the same Fragments, we find Hyperides reproaching
-Demosthenes for not having kept effective custody over the person
-of Harpalus; for not having proposed any decree providing a special
-custody; for not having made known beforehand, or prosecuted
-afterwards, the negligence of the ordinary jailers. This is to
-make Demosthenes responsible for the performance of <i>all</i> the
-administrative duties of the city; for the good conduct of the
-treasurers and the jailers.</p>
-
-<p>We must recollect that Hyperides had been the loudest advocate
-of Harpalus, and had done all he could to induce the Athenians to
-adopt the cause of that exile against Alexander. One of the charges
-(already cited from his speech) against Demosthenes, is, that
-Demosthenes prevented this from being accomplished. Yet here is
-another charge from the same speaker, to the effect that Demosthenes
-did not keep Harpalus under effective custody for the sword of the
-Macedonian executioner!</p>
-
-<p>The line of accusation taken by Hyperides is full of shameful
-inconsistencies.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_724"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_724">[724]</a></span> In the Life of Demosthenes
-(Plutarch, Vit. X Oratt. p. 846), the charge of corruption against
-him is made to rest chiefly on the fact, that he did not make this
-communication to the people—καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μήτε τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν
-ἀνακομισθέντων μεμηνυκὼς μήτε τῶν φυλασσόντων ἀμελείαν, etc. The
-biography apud Photium seems to state it as if Demosthenes did not
-communicate the amount, <i>at the time</i> when he proposed the decree of
-sequestration. This last statement we are enabled to contradict, from
-the testimony of Hyperides.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_725"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_725">[725]</a></span> Hyperid. Fragm. p. 18, ed.
-Babington. τὰς γὰρ ἀποφάσεις πάσας τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν χρημάτων Ἁρπάλου,
-πάσας ὁμοίως ἡ βουλὴ πεποίηται, καὶ τὰς αὐτὰς κατὰ πάντων· καὶ
-<span class="gesperrt">οὐδεμιᾷ προσγέγραφε, δι᾽ ὅτι ἕκαστον
-ἀποφαίνει</span>· ἀλλ᾽ <span class="gesperrt">ἐπικεφάλαιον</span>
-γράψασα, ὁπόσον ἕκαστος εἴληφε χρυσίον, τοῦτ᾽ οὖν ὀφειλέτω....</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_726"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_726">[726]</a></span> Hyperid. Frag. p.
-20, ed. Babingt. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὅτι μὲν ἔλαβες τὸ χρυσίον, <span
-class="gesperrt">ἱκανὸν οἶμαι εἶναι σημεῖον τοῖς δικασταῖς, τὸ τὴν
-βουλὴν σοῦ καταγνῶναι</span> (see Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 46, and
-the beginning of the second Demosthenic epistle).</p>
-
-<p>Hyperid. p. 16, ed Babingt. Καὶ <span
-class="gesperrt">συκοφαντεῖς τὴν βουλὴν</span>, προκλήσεις προτιθεὶς,
-καὶ <span class="gesperrt">ἐρωτῶν ἐν ταῖς προκλήσεσιν, πόθεν ἔλαβες
-τὸ χρυσίον, καὶ τίς ἦν σοὶ ὁ δοὺς, καὶ πῶς; τελευταῖον δ᾽ ἴσως
-ἐρωτήσεις, καὶ εἰ ἐχρήσω τῷ χρυσίῳ, ὥσπερ τραπεζιτικὸν λόγον παρὰ τῆς
-βουλῆς ἀπαιτῶν</span>.</p>
-
-<p>This monstrous sentence creates a strong presumption in favor of
-the defendant,—and a still stronger presumption against the accuser.
-Compare Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 6, 7.</p>
-
-<p>The biographer apud Photium states that Hyperides and four other
-orators procured (κατεσκεύασαν) the condemnation of Demosthenes by
-the Areopagus.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_727"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_727">[727]</a></span> The biographer of Hyperides
-(Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 48) tells us that he was the only orator
-who kept himself unbribed; the comic writer Timokles names Hyperides
-along with Demosthenes and others as recipients (ap. Athenæ. viii. p.
-342).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_728"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_728">[728]</a></span> See this point urged by
-Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 69, 70.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_729"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_729">[729]</a></span> We read in Pausanias (ii.
-33, 4) that the Macedonian admiral Philoxenus, having afterwards
-seized one of the slaves of Harpalus, learnt from him the names of
-those Athenians whom his master had corrupted; and that Demosthenes
-was <i>not</i> among them. As far as this statement goes, it serves to
-exculpate Demosthenes. Yet I cannot assign so much importance to
-it as Bishop Thirlwall seems to do. His narrative of the Harpalian
-transactions is able and discriminating (Hist. vol. vii. ch. 56. p.
-170 <i>seqq.</i>).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_730"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_730">[730]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_731"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_731">[731]</a></span> See the Fragments of Hyperides,
-p. 36, ed. Babington.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_732"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_732">[732]</a></span> Curtius, x. 2, 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_733"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_733">[733]</a></span> Curtius, x. 2, 6. The statement
-of Diodorus (xviii. 8)—that the rescript was popular and acceptable
-to all Greeks, except the Athenians and Ætolians—cannot be credited.
-It was popular, doubtless, with the exiles themselves, and their
-immediate friends.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_734"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_734">[734]</a></span> Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 81;
-compare Hyperid. Fragm. p. 36, ed. Babington.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_735"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_735">[735]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 113.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_736"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_736">[736]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 111: compare
-xviii. 21. Pausanias (i. 25, 5; viii. 52, 2) affirms that Leosthenes
-brought over 50,000 of these mercenaries from Asia into Peloponnesus,
-during the lifetime of Alexander, and against Alexander’s will.
-The number here given seems incredible; but it is probable enough
-that he induced some to come across.—Justin (xiii. 5) mentions that
-armed resistance was prepared by the Athenians and Ætolians against
-Alexander himself during the latter months of his life, in reference
-to the mandate enjoining recall of the exiles. He seems to overstate
-the magnitude of their doings, before the death of Alexander.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_737"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_737">[737]</a></span> A striking comparison made by
-the orator Demades (Plutarch, Apophthegm. p. 181).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_738"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_738">[738]</a></span> See Frontinus, Stratagem, ii.
-11, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_739"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_739">[739]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 23. In
-the Fragments of Dexippus, there appear short extracts of two
-speeches, seemingly composed by that author in his history of these
-transactions; one which he ascribes to Hyperides instigating the war,
-the other to Phokion, against it (Fragm. Hist. Græc. vol. iii. p.
-668).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_740"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_740">[740]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 10. Diodorus
-states that the Athenians sent the Harpalian treasures to the aid of
-Leosthenes. He seems to fancy that Harpalus had brought to Athens
-all the 5000 talents which he had carried away from Asia; but it
-is certain, that no more than 700 or 720 talents were declared by
-Harpalus in the Athenian assembly—and of these only half were really
-forthcoming. Moreover, Diodorus is not consistent with himself, when
-he says afterwards (xviii. 19) that Thimbron, who killed Harpalus in
-Krete, got possession of the Harpalian treasures and mercenaries, and
-carried them over to Kyrênê in Africa.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_741"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_741">[741]</a></span> It is to this season,
-apparently, that the anecdote (if true) must be referred—The
-Athenians were eager to invade Bœotia unseasonably; Phokion, as
-general of eighty years old, kept them back, by calling out the
-citizens of sixty years old and upwards for service, and offering
-to march himself at their head (Plutarch, Reip. Ger. Præcept. p.
-818).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_742"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_742">[742]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 11; Pausanias,
-i. 25, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_743"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_743">[743]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 27.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_744"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_744">[744]</a></span> See the Fragments of Hyperides,
-p. 36, ed. Babington. καὶ περὶ τοῦ τοὺς κοινοὺς συλλόγους Ἀχαιῶν
-τε καὶ Ἀρκάδων ... we do not know what was done to these district
-confederacies, but it seems that some considerable change was made in
-them, at the time when Alexander’s decree for restoring the exiles
-was promulgated.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_745"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_745">[745]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_746"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_746">[746]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 23, 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_747"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_747">[747]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, c. 23;
-Plutarch, Reip. Ger. Præcept. p. 803.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_748"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_748">[748]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 12, 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_749"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_749">[749]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 13-15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_750"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_750">[750]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_751"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_751">[751]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 11; Plutarch,
-Phokion, 26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_752"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_752">[752]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 25; Diodor.
-xviii. 14, 15: compare Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_753"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_753">[753]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_754"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_754">[754]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_755"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_755">[755]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_756"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_756">[756]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_757"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_757">[757]</a></span> Plutarch, Alexand. 77.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_758"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_758">[758]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post
-Alexandrum, vi. ap. Photium, Cod. 92.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_759"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_759">[759]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post Alexand.
-<i>ut supra</i>; Diodor. xviii. 3, 4; Curtius, x. 10; Dexippus, Fragmenta
-ap. Photium, Cod. 82, ap. Fragm. Hist. Græc. vol. iii. p. 667, ed.
-Didot (De Rebus post Alexandrum).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_760"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_760">[760]</a></span> Arrian and Dexippus—De Reb.
-post Alex. <i>ut supra</i>: compare Diodor. xviii. 48.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_761"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_761">[761]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_762"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_762">[762]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_763"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_763">[763]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_764"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_764">[764]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 17; Plutarch,
-Phokion, 26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_765"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_765">[765]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 17; Plutarch,
-Phokion, c. 26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_766"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_766">[766]</a></span> Demochares, the nephew of
-Demosthenes, who had held a bold language and taken active part
-against Antipater throughout the Lamian war, is said to have
-delivered a public harangue recommending resistance even at this
-last moment. At least such was the story connected with his statue,
-erected a few years afterwards at Athens, representing him in the
-costume of an orator, but with a sword in hand—Plutarch, Vit. X.
-Oratt. p. 847: compare Polybius, xii. 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_767"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_767">[767]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 27; Diodor.
-xviii. 18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_768"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_768">[768]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 27. Οἱ μὲν
-οὖν ἄλλοι πρέσβεις ἠγάπησαν ὡς φιλανθρώπους τὰς διαλύσεις, πλὴν τοῦ
-Ξενοκράτους, etc. Pausanias even states (vii. 10, 1) that Antipater
-was disposed to grant more lenient terms, but was dissuaded from
-doing so by Demades.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_769"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_769">[769]</a></span> See Fragments of Hyperides adv.
-Demosth. p. 61-65, ed. Babington.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_770"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_770">[770]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 18. οὗτοι
-μὲν οὖν ὄντες πλείους τῶν μυρίων (instead of δισμυρίων, which
-seems a mistake) καὶ δισχιλίων μετεστάθησαν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος· οἱ δὲ
-τὴν ὡρισμένην τίμησιν ἔχοντες περὶ ἐννακισχιλίους, ἀπεδείχθησαν
-κύριοι τῆς τε πόλεως καὶ τῆς χώρας, καὶ κατὰ τοὺς Σόλωνος νόμους
-ἐπολιτεύοντο. Plutarch states the disfranchised as above 12,000.</p>
-
-<p>Plutarch, Phokion, 28, 29. Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν ὁ Φωκίων καὶ φυγῆς
-ἀπήλλαξε πολλοὺς δεηθεὶς τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου· καὶ φεύγουσι διεπράξατο,
-μὴ καθάπερ οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν μεθισταμένων ὑπὲρ τὰ Κεραύνια ὄρη καὶ τὸν
-Ταίναρον ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ κατοικεῖν, ὧν ἦν
-καὶ Ἁγνωνίδης ὁ συκοφάντης.</p>
-
-<p>Diodorus and Plutarch (c. 29) mention that Antipater assigned
-residences in Thrace for the expatriated. Those who went beyond the
-Keraunian mountains must have gone either to the Illyrian coast,
-Apollonia or Epidamnus—or to the Gulf of Tarentum. Those who went
-beyond Tænarus would probably be sent to Libya: see Thucydides, vii.
-19, 10; vii. 50, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_771"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_771">[771]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 28.
-ἐκπεπολιορκημένοις ἐῴκεσαν: compare Solon, Fragment 28, ed.
-Gaisford.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_772"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_772">[772]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 28.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_773"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_773">[773]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 28. Ἀρχίας ὁ
-κληθεὶς Φυγαδοθήρας. Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_774"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_774">[774]</a></span> Polybius, ix. 29, 30. This is
-stated, as matter of traditional pride, by an Ætolian speaker more
-than a century afterwards. In the speech of his Akarnanian opponent,
-there is nothing to contradict it—while the fact is in itself highly
-probable.</p>
-
-<p>See Westermann, Geschichte der Beredtsamkeit in Griechenland, ch.
-71, note 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_775"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_775">[775]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 28;
-Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 849; Photius, p. 496.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_776"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_776">[776]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 30. τῶν δ᾽
-ἄλλων, ὅσοι γεγράφασί τι περὶ αὐτοῦ, <span class="gesperrt">παμπολλοὶ
-δ᾽ εἰσὶ</span>, τὰς διαφορὰς οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἐπεξελθεῖν, etc.</p>
-
-<p>The taunts on Archias’s profession, as an actor, and as an
-indifferent actor, which Plutarch puts into the mouth of Demosthenes
-(c. 29), appear to me not worthy either of the man or of the
-occasion; nor are they sufficiently avouched to induce me to
-transcribe them. Whatever bitterness of spirit Demosthenes might
-choose to manifest, at such a moment, would surely be vented on the
-chief enemy, Antipater; not upon the mere instrument.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_777"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_777">[777]</a></span> Plutarch, Demosth. 30;
-Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 846; Photius, p. 494; Arrian, De Rebus
-post Alexand. vi. ap. Photium, Cod. 92.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_778"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_778">[778]</a></span> Demosthenes, De Coronâ, p.
-324. οὗτοι—τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὸ μηδένα ἔχειν δεσπότην αὑτῶν, ἃ τοῖς
-προτέροις Ἕλλησιν ὅροι τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἦσαν καὶ κανόνες, ἀνατετραφότες,
-etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_779"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_779">[779]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 18; Diogen.
-Laert. x. 1, 1. I have endeavored to show, in the Tenth Volume of
-this History (Ch. lxxix. p. 297, note), that Diodorus is correct
-in giving forty-three years, as the duration of the Athenian
-Kleruchies in Samos; although both Wesseling and Mr. Clinton
-impugn his statement. The Athenian occupation of Samos <i>began</i>
-immediately after the conquest of the island by Timotheus, in 366-365
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>; but additional batches of colonists were
-sent thither in later years.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_780"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_780">[780]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 29, 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_781"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_781">[781]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 55, 56, 57,
-68, 69. φανεροῦ δ᾽ ὄντος, ὅτι Κάσανδρος τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πόλεων
-ἀνθέξεται, διὰ τὸ τὰς μὲν αὐτῶν πατρικαῖς φρουραῖς φυλάττεσθαι, τὰς
-δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀλιγαρχιῶν διοικεῖσθαι, κυριευομένας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀντιπάτρου φίλων
-καὶ ξένων.</p>
-
-<p>That citizens were not only banished, but deported, by Antipater
-from various other cities besides Athens, we may see from the
-edict issued by Polysperchon shortly after the death of Antipater
-(Diod. xviii. 56)—καὶ τοὺς <span class="gesperrt">μεταστάντας ἢ
-φυγόντας</span> ὑπὸ τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν (<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i> Antipater
-and Kraterus), ἀφ᾽ ὧν χρόνων Ἀλέξανδρος εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν διέβη,
-κατάγομεν, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_782"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_782">[782]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 25. διεγνωκότες
-ὕστερον αὐτοὺς καταπολεμῆσαι, καὶ <span class="gesperrt">μεταστῆσαι
-πανοικίους ἅπαντας</span> εἰς τὴν ἐρημίαν καὶ ποῤῥωτάτω τῆς Ἀσίας
-κειμένην χώραν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_783"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_783">[783]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 18-25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_784"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_784">[784]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 23; Arrian,
-De Rebus post Alex. vi. ap. Phot. Cod. 92. Diodorus alludes to the
-murder of Kynanê or Kynna, in another place (xix. 52).</p>
-
-<p>Compare Polyænus, viii. 60—who mentions the murder of Kynanê by
-Alketas, but gives a somewhat different explanation of her purpose in
-passing into Asia.</p>
-
-<p>About Kynanê, see Duris, Fragm. 24, in Fragment. Hist. Græc. vol.
-ii. p. 475; Athenæ. xiii. p. 560.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_785"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_785">[785]</a></span> The fine lines of Lucan (Phars.
-vii. 640) on the effects of the battle of Pharsalia, may be cited
-here:—</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<p class="i-1">“Majus ab hac acie, quam quod sua sæcula ferrent,</p>
-<p class="i0">Vulnus habent populi: plus est quam vita salusque</p>
-<p class="i0">Quod perit: in totum mundi prosternimur ævum.</p>
-<p class="i0">Vincitur his gladiis omnis, quæ serviet, ætas.</p>
-<p class="i0">Proxima quid soboles, aut quid meruere nepotes,</p>
-<p class="i0">In regnum nasci?” etc.</p>
-</div></div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_786"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_786">[786]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 38. Ἀντιπάτρου
-δ᾽ εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν διαβεβηκότος, Αἰτωλοὶ <span class="gesperrt">κατὰ
-τὰς πρὸς Περδίκκαν συνθήκας</span> ἐστράτευσαν εἰς τὴν Θετταλίαν,
-etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_787"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_787">[787]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 7; Cornel.
-Nepos, Eumenes, c. 4. Eumenes had trained a body of Asiatic and
-Thracian cavalry to fight in close combat with the short pike and
-sword of the Macedonian Companions—relinquishing the javelin, the
-missiles, and the alternation of charging and retiring usual to
-Asiatics.</p>
-
-<p>Diodorus (xviii. 30, 31, 32) gives an account at some length of
-this battle. He as well as Plutarch may probably have borrowed from
-Hieronymus of Kardia.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_788"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_788">[788]</a></span> Arrian ap. Photium, Cod. 92;
-Justin, xiii. 8; Diodor. xviii. 33.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_789"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_789">[789]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 36.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_790"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_790">[790]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 8; Cornel.
-Nepos, Eumenes, 4; Diodor. xviii. 36, 37.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_791"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_791">[791]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 39. Arrian, ap.
-Photium.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_792"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_792">[792]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post Alexandr.
-lib. ix. 10. ap. Photium, Cod. 92; Diodor. xviii. 39, 40, 46;
-Plutarch, Eumenes, 3, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_793"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_793">[793]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 10, 11;
-Cornel. Nepos, Eumenes, c. 5; Diodor. xviii. 41.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_794"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_794">[794]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 30; Diodor.
-xviii. 48; Plutarch, Demosth. 31; Arrian, De Reb. post Alex. vi. ap.
-Photium, Cod. 92.</p>
-
-<p>In the life of Phokion, Plutarch has written inadvertently
-<i>Antigonus</i> instead of <i>Perdikkas</i>.</p>
-
-<p>It is not easy to see, however, how Deinarchus can have been
-the accuser of Demades on such a matter—as Arrian and Plutarch
-state. Arrian seems to put the death of Demades too early, from his
-anxiety to bring it into immediate juxtaposition with the death of
-Demosthenes, whose condemnation Demades had proposed in the Athenian
-assembly.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_795"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_795">[795]</a></span> Diod. xviii. 48.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_796"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_796">[796]</a></span> Diod. xix. 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_797"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_797">[797]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 31. Diodorus
-(xviii. 64) says also that Nikanor was nominated by Kassander.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_798"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_798">[798]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 54.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_799"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_799">[799]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 49-58.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_800"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_800">[800]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 11, 12;
-Cornelius Nepos, Eumenes, c. 6; Diodor. xviii. 58-62.</p>
-
-<p>Diodor. xviii, 58. ἧκε δὲ καὶ παρ᾽ Ὀλυμπιάδος αὐτῷ γράμματα,
-δεομένης καὶ λιπαρούσης βοηθεῖν τοῖς βασιλεῦσι καὶ ἑαυτῇ· μόνον γὰρ
-ἐκεῖνον πιστότατον ἀπολελεῖφθαι τῶν φίλων, καὶ δυνάμενον διορθώσασθαι
-τὴν ἐρημίαν τῆς βασιλικῆς οἰκίας.</p>
-
-<p>Cornelius Nepos, Eumenes, 6. “Ad hunc (Eumenem) Olympias,
-quum literas et nuntios misisset in Asiam, consultum, utrum
-repetitum Macedoniam veniret (nam tum in Epiro habitabat) et eas
-res occuparet—huic ille primum suasit ne se moveret, et expectaret
-quoad Alexandri filius regnum adipisceretur. Sin aliquâ cupiditate
-raperetur in Macedoniam, omnium injuriarum oblivisceretur, et in
-neminem acerbiore uteretur imperio. Horum illa nihil fecit. Nam et
-in Macedoniam profecta est, et ibi crudelissime se gessit.” Compare
-Justin, xiv. 6; Diodor. xix. 11.</p>
-
-<p>The details respecting Eumenes may be considered probably as
-depending on unusually good authority. His friend Hieronymus of
-Kardia had written a copious history of his own time; which, though
-now lost, was accessible both to Diodorus and Plutarch. Hieronymus
-was serving with Eumenes, and was taken prisoner along with him by
-Antigonus; who spared him and treated him well, while Eumenes was put
-to death (Diodor. xix. 44). Plutarch had also read letters of Eumenes
-(Plut. Eum. 11).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_801"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_801">[801]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 63-72; xix. 11,
-17, 32, 44.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_802"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_802">[802]</a></span> Plutarch (Eumenes, 16-18),
-Cornelius Nepos (10-13), and Justin (xiv. 3, 4) describe in
-considerable detail the touching circumstances attending the
-tradition and capture of Eumenes. On this point Diodorus is more
-brief; but he recounts at much length the preceding military
-operations between Eumenes and Antigonus (xix. 17, 32, 44).</p>
-
-<p>The original source of these particulars must probably be, the
-history of Hieronymus of Kardia, himself present, and copied, more or
-less accurately, by others.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_803"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_803">[803]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 13; Diodor.
-xviii. 58.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_804"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_804">[804]</a></span> Plutarch, Eumenes, 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_805"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_805">[805]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 55. εὐθὺς οὖν
-τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων παρόντας πρεσβευτὰς προσκαλεσάμενοι, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_806"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_806">[806]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 56. In this
-chapter the proclamation is given <i>verbatim</i>. For the exceptions made
-in respect to Amphissa, Trikka, Herakleia, etc., we do not know the
-grounds.</p>
-
-<p>Reference is made to prior edicts of the kings—ὑμεῖς οὖν, καθάπερ
-ὑμῖν καὶ πρότερον ἐγράψαμεν, ἀκούετε τούτου (Πολυσπέρχοντος). These
-words must allude to written answers given to particular cities, in
-reply to special applications. No general proclamation, earlier than
-this, can have been issued since the death of Antipater.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_807"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_807">[807]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 57.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_808"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_808">[808]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 32.
-The opinion of Plutarch, however, that Polysperchon intended
-this measure as a mere trick to ruin Phokion, is only correct so
-far—that Polysperchon wished to put down the Antipatrian oligarchies
-everywhere, and that Phokion was the leading person of that oligarchy
-at Athens.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_809"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_809">[809]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 64.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_810"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_810">[810]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 31.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_811"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_811">[811]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 32.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_812"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_812">[812]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 64; Plutarch,
-Phokion, 32; Cornelius Nepos, Phokion, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_813"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_813">[813]</a></span> Cornelius Nepos, Phokion,
-2. “Concidit autem maxime uno crimine: quod cum apud eum summum
-esset imperium populi, et Nicanorem, Cassandri præfectum, insidiari
-Piræo Atheniensium, a Dercyllo moneretur: idemque postularet,
-ut provideret, ne commeatibus civitas privaretur—huic, audiente
-populo, Phocion negavit esse periculam, seque ejus rei obsidem fore
-pollicitus est. Neque ita multo post Nicanor Piræo est potitus. Ad
-quem recuperandum cum populus armatus concurrisset, ille non modo
-neminem ad arma vocavit, sed ne armatis quidem præsse voluit, sine
-qua Athenæ omnino esse non possunt.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_814"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_814">[814]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 65; Plutarch,
-Phokion, 33.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_815"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_815">[815]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 65.
-Τῶν γὰρ Ἀντιπάτρῳ γεγονότων φίλων τινὲς (ὑπῆρχον) καὶ <span
-class="gesperrt">οἱ περὶ Φωκίωνα φοβούμενοι τὰς ἐκ τῶν νόμων
-τιμωρίας</span>, ὑπήντησαν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, καὶ διδάξαντες τὸ συμφέρον,
-ἔπεισαν αὐτὸν ἰδίᾳ κατέχειν τὰ φρούρια, καὶ μὴ παραδιδόναι τοῖς
-Ἀθηναίοις, μέχρις ἂν ὁ Κάσσανδρος καταπολεμήθῃ.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_816"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_816">[816]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 33; Diod.
-xviii. 65. 66. This seems to me the probable sequence of facts,
-combining Plutarch with Diodorus. Plutarch takes no notice of the
-negotiation opened by Phokion with Alexander, and the understanding
-established between them; which is stated in the clearest manner by
-Diodorus, and appears to me a material circumstance. On the other
-hand, Plutarch mentions (though Diodorus does not) that Alexander
-was anxious to seize Athens itself, and was very near succeeding.
-Plutarch seems to conceive that it was the exiles who were disposed
-to let him in; but if that had been the case, he probably would have
-been let in when the exiles became preponderant. It was Phokion, I
-conceive, who was desirous, for his own personal safety, of admitting
-the foreign troops.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_817"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_817">[817]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 65; Plutarch,
-Phokion, 35.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_818"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_818">[818]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 66.
-Προσδεχθέντες δὲ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ (Alexander) φιλοφρόνως, γράμματα ἔλαβον
-πρὸς τὸν πατέρα Πολυσπέρχοντα, ὅπως μηδὲν πάθωσιν οἱ περὶ Φωκίωνα
-<span class="gesperrt">τἀκείνου πεφρονηκότες, καὶ νῦν ἐπαγγελλόμενοι
-πάντα συμπράξειν</span>.</p>
-
-<p>This application of Phokion to Alexander, and the letters
-obtained to Polysperchon, are not mentioned by Plutarch, though they
-are important circumstances in following the last days of Phokion’s
-life.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_819"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_819">[819]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 33.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_820"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_820">[820]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 66.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_821"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_821">[821]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 33; Cornel.
-Nepos. Phokion, 3. “Hic (Phocion), ab Agnonide accusatus, quod Piræum
-Nicanori prodidisset, ex consilii sententiâ, in custodiam conjectus,
-Athenas deductus est, ut ibi de eo legibus fieret judicium.”</p>
-
-<p>Plutarch says that Polysperchon, before he gave this hearing to
-both parties, ordered <i>the Corinthian Deinarchus</i> to be tortured and
-to be put to death. Now the person so named cannot be Deinarchus,
-the logographer—of whom we have some specimens remaining, and who
-was alive even as late as 292 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>—though he
-too was a Corinthian. Either, therefore, there were two Corinthians,
-both bearing this same name (as Westermann supposes—Gesch. der
-Beredtsamkeit, sect. 72), or the statement of Plutarch must allude to
-an order given but not carried into effect—which latter seems to me
-most probable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_822"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_822">[822]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 33, 34;
-Diodor. xviii. 66.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_823"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_823">[823]</a></span> Andokides de Mysteriis, sect.
-96, 97; Lycurgus adv. Leokrat. s. 127.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_824"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_824">[824]</a></span> <i>Not</i> the eminent philosopher
-so named.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_825"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_825">[825]</a></span> Cornel. Nepos, Phoc. 4.
-“Plurimi vero ita exacuerentur propter proditionis suspicionem Piræi,
-maximeque quod adversus populi commoda in senectute steterat.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_826"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_826">[826]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 66, 67;
-Plutarch, Phokion, 34, 35; Cornelius Nepos, Phokion, 2, 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_827"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_827">[827]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 36, 37.
-Two other anecdotes are recounted by Plutarch, which seem to be
-of doubtful authenticity. Nikokles entreated that he might be
-allowed to swallow his potion before Phokion; upon which the latter
-replied—“Your request, Nikokles, is sad and mournful; but as I have
-never yet refused you anything throughout my life, I grant this
-also.”</p>
-
-<p>After the four first had drunk, all except Phokion, no more
-hemlock was left; upon which the jailer said that he would not
-prepare any more, unless twelve drachmæ of money were given to him to
-buy the material. Some hesitation took place, until Phokion asked one
-of his friends to supply the money, sarcastically remarking, that it
-was hard if a man could not even die <i>gratis</i> at Athens.</p>
-
-<p>As to the first of these anecdotes—if we read, in Plato’s Phædon
-(152-155), the details of the death of Sokrates,—we shall see that
-death by hemlock was not caused instantaneously, but in a gradual
-and painless manner; the person who had swallowed the potion being
-desired to walk about for some time, until his legs grew heavy,
-and then to lie down in bed, after which he gradually chilled and
-became insensible, first in the extremities, next in the vital
-centres. Under these circumstances, the question—which of the persons
-condemned should swallow the first of the five potions—could be of
-very little moment.</p>
-
-<p>Then, as to the alleged niggardly stock of hemlock in the
-Athenian prison—what would have been the alternative, if Phokion’s
-friend had not furnished the twelve drachmæ? Would he have remained
-in confinement, without being put to death? Certainly not; for he was
-under capital sentence. Would he have been put to death by the sword
-or some other unexpensive instrument? This is at variance with the
-analogy of Athenian practice. If there be any truth in the story, we
-must suppose that the Eleven had allotted to this jailer a stock of
-hemlock (or the price thereof) really adequate to five potions, but
-that he by accident or awkwardness had wasted a part of it, so that
-it would have been necessary for him to supply the deficiency out of
-his own pocket. From this embarrassment he was rescued by Phokion and
-his friend; and Phokion’s sarcasm touches upon the strangeness of a
-man being called upon to pay for his own execution.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_828"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_828">[828]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 38</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_829"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_829">[829]</a></span> Plutarch, Phokion, 18;
-Plutarch, Apophthegm. p. 188.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_830"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_830">[830]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 35.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_831"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_831">[831]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 69.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_832"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_832">[832]</a></span> Diodor. xxiii. 70, 71.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_833"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_833">[833]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 72.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_834"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_834">[834]</a></span> Thucyd. i. 93.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_835"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_835">[835]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 74.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_836"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_836">[836]</a></span> See the notice of Munychia, as
-it stood ten years afterwards (Diodor. xx. 45).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_837"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_837">[837]</a></span> Cicero, De Legg. ii. 26, 66;
-Strabo, ix. p. 398; Pausanias, i. 25, 5. τύραννόν τε Ἀθηναίοις ἔπραξε
-γενέσθαι Δημήτριον, etc. Duris ap. Athenæum, xii. 542. Fragm. 27.
-vol. iii. p. 477. Frag. Hist. Græc.</p>
-
-<p>The Phalerean Demetrius composed, among numerous historical,
-philosophical, and literary works, a narrative of his own decennial
-administration (Diogenes Laert. v. 5, 9; Strabo, ib.)—περὶ τῆς
-δεκαετίας.</p>
-
-<p>The statement of 1200 talents, as the annual revenue handled by
-Demetrius, deserves little credit.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_838"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_838">[838]</a></span> See the Fragment of Demochares,
-2. Fragment. Historic. Græc. ed. Didot, vol. ii. p. 448, ap. Polyb.
-xii. 13. Demochares, nephew of the orator Demosthenes, was the
-political opponent of Demetrius Phalereus, whom he reproached with
-these boasts about commercial prosperity, when the liberty and
-dignity of the city were overthrown. To such boasts of Demetrius
-Phalereus probably belongs the statement cited from him by Strabo
-(iii. p. 147) about the laborious works in the Attic mines at
-Laureium.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_839"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_839">[839]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 40. ὥσθ᾽
-ὑπελάμβανον μὴ μόνον ἐγκρατεῖς ἔσεσθαι πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν
-παρόντων κακῶν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_840"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_840">[840]</a></span> Dionys. Halic. Judicium de
-Dinarcho, p. 633, 634; Plutarch, Demetrius, 10. λόγῳ μὲν ὀλιγαρχικῆς,
-ἔργῳ δὲ μοναρχικῆς, καταστάσεως γενομένης διὰ τὴν τοῦ Φαληρέως
-δύναμιν, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_841"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_841">[841]</a></span> Ktesikles ap. Athenæum, vi. p.
-272. Mr. Fynes Clinton (following Wesseling), supplies the defect
-in the text of Athenæus, so as to assign the census to the 115th
-Olympiad. This conjecture <i>may</i> be right, yet the reasons for it are
-not conclusive. The census may have been either in the 116th, or
-in the 117th Olympiad; we have no means of determining which. The
-administration of Phalerean Demetrius covers the ten years between
-317 and 307 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> (Fast. Hell. Append. p. 388).
-</p>
-
-<p>Mr. Clinton (ad ann. 317 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> Fast. Hell.)
-observes respecting the census—“The 21,000 Athenians express those
-who had votes in the public assembly, or all the males above the age
-of twenty years; the 10,000 μέτοικοι described also the males of
-full age. When the women and children are computed, the total free
-population will be about 127,660; and 400,000 slaves, added to this
-total, will give about 527,660 for the total population of Attica.”
-See also the Appendix to F. H. p. 390 <i>seq.</i></p>
-
-<p>This census is a very interesting fact; but our information
-respecting it is miserably scanty, and Mr. Clinton’s interpretation
-of the different numbers is open to some remark. He cannot be right,
-I think, in saying—“The 21,000 Athenians express those who had votes
-in the assembly, <i>or</i> all the males above the age of twenty years.”
-For we are expressly told, that under the administration of Demetrius
-Phalereus, all persons who did not possess 1000 drachmæ were excluded
-from the political franchise; and therefore a large number of males
-above the age of twenty years would have no vote in the assembly.
-Since the two categories are not coincident, then, to which shall
-we apply the number 21,000? To those who had votes? Or to the total
-number of free citizens, voting or not voting, above the age of
-twenty? The public assembly, during the administration of Demetrius
-Phalereus, appears to have been of little moment or efficacy; so that
-a distinct record, of the number of persons entitled to vote in it,
-is not likely to have been sought.</p>
-
-<p>Then again, Mr. Clinton interprets the three numbers given, upon
-two principles totally distinct. The two first numbers (citizens and
-metics), he considers to designate only males of full age; the third
-number, of οἰκέται, he considers to include both sexes and all ages.
-</p>
-
-<p>This is a conjecture which I think very doubtful, in the absence
-of farther knowledge. It implies that the enumerators take account
-of the <i>slave</i> women and children—but that they take no account of
-the <i>free</i> women and children, wives and families of the citizens
-and metics. The number of the free women and children are wholly
-unrecorded, on Mr. Clinton’s supposition. Now if, for the purposes
-of the census, it was necessary to enumerate the <i>slave</i> women and
-children—it surely would be not less necessary to enumerate the
-<i>free</i> women and children.</p>
-
-<p>The word οἰκέται sometimes means, not slaves only, but the
-inmates of a family generally—free as well as slave. If such be
-its meaning here (which however there is not evidence enough to
-affirm), we eliminate the difficulty of supposing the slave women and
-children to be enumerated—and the free women and children <i>not</i> to be
-enumerated.</p>
-
-<p>We should be able to reason more confidently, if we knew the
-purpose for which the census had been taken—whether with a view to
-military or political measures—to finance and taxation—or to the
-question of subsistence and importation of foreign corn (see Mr.
-Clinton’s Fast. H. ad ann. 444 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, about
-another census taken in reference to imported corn).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_842"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_842">[842]</a></span> See Dionys. Halic. Judic. de
-Dinarcho, p. 658 Reisk.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_843"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_843">[843]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 75.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_844"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_844">[844]</a></span> Justin, xiv. 5; Diodor. xviii.
-75; Pausan. vii. 8, 3; Pausanias, i. 25, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_845"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_845">[845]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 11; Justin, x. 14,
-4; Pausanias, i. 11, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_846"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_846">[846]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 36.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_847"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_847">[847]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 50, 51; Justin,
-xiv. 5; Pausan. i. 25, 5; ix. 7, 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_848"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_848">[848]</a></span> Even immediately before
-the death of Olympias, Aristonous, governor of Amphipolis in her
-interest, considered Eumenes to be still alive (Diodor. xix. 50).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_849"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_849">[849]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 52; Pausanias, v.
-23, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_850"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_850">[850]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 52, 54, 78;
-Pausan. ix. 7, 2-5. This seems an explanation of Kassander’s
-proceeding, more probable than that given by Pausanias; who tells us
-that Kassander hated the memory of Alexander the Great, and wished to
-undo the consequences of his acts. That he did so hate Alexander, is
-however extremely credible: see Plutarch, Alexand. 74.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_851"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_851">[851]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 54.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_852"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_852">[852]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 56.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_853"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_853">[853]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 57.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_854"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_854">[854]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 61.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_855"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_855">[855]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 62.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_856"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_856">[856]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 63, 64.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_857"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_857">[857]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 62, 67.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_858"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_858">[858]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 66. Ἀριστόδημος,
-<span class="gesperrt">ἐπὶ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν</span>
-δικαιολογησάμενος, προετρέψατο τὰ πλήθη βοηθεῖν τοῖς Ἀντιγόνου
-πράγμασιν, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_859"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_859">[859]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 67, 68; Justin,
-xv. 2. See Brandstäter, Geschichte des Ætolischen Volkes und Bundes,
-p. 178 (Berlin, 1844).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_860"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_860">[860]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 74.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_861"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_861">[861]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 77, 78, 89.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_862"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_862">[862]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 87.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_863"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_863">[863]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 105.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_864"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_864">[864]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 105.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_865"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_865">[865]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 19.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_866"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_866">[866]</a></span> Messênê was garrisoned by
-Polysperchon (Diodor. xix. 64).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_867"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_867">[867]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 28; Trogus
-Pompeius—Proleg. ad Justin. xv. Justin. xv. 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_868"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_868">[868]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 100-103; Plutarch,
-Pyrrhus, 6. King Pyrrhus was of προγόνων ἀεὶ δεδουλευκότων
-Μακεδόσι—at least this was the reproach of Lysimachus (Plutarch,
-Phyrrhus, 12).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_869"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_869">[869]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 37 compare Justin,
-xiii. 6; xiv. 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_870"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_870">[870]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 37.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_871"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_871">[871]</a></span> Philochor. Fragm. 144, ed.
-Didot; Diodor. xx. 45, 46; Plutarch, Demetrius, 8, 9. The occupation
-of Peiræus by Demetrius Poliorketes is related somewhat differently
-by Polyænus, iv. 7, 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_872"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_872">[872]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetrius, 9-11;
-Diodor. xx. 47; Demochares ap. Athenæum, vi. p. 253.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_873"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_873">[873]</a></span> Diogen. Laert. v, 77. Among the
-numerous literary works (all lost) of the Phalerean Demetrius, one
-was entitled Ἀθηναίων καταδρομή (ib. v. 82).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_874"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_874">[874]</a></span> Demochares ap. Athenæum, vi. p.
-253.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_875"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_875">[875]</a></span> Tacitus, Annal. i. 3. “Juniores
-post Actiacam victoriam, seniores plerique inter bella civium nati:
-quotusquisque reliquus, qui rempublicam vidisset?”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_876"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_876">[876]</a></span> Herodotus, v. 78.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_877"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_877">[877]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_878"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_878">[878]</a></span> Polybius, xii. 13; Decretum
-apud Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 851.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_879"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_879">[879]</a></span> Philochori Fragm. 144, ed.
-Didot, ap. Dionys. Hal. p. 636.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_880"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_880">[880]</a></span> Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p.
-842-852. Lykurgus at his death (about 324 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>)
-left three sons, who are said, shortly after his death, to have
-been prosecuted by Menesæchmus, and put in prison (“handed over to
-the Eleven”). But Thrasykles, supported by Demokles, stood forward
-on their behalf; and Demosthenes, then in banishment at Trœzen,
-wrote emphatic remonstrances to the Athenians against such unworthy
-treatment of the sons of a distinguished patriot. Accordingly the
-Athenians soon repented and released them.</p>
-
-<p>This is what we find stated in Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 842.
-The third of the so-called Demosthenic Epistles purports to be the
-letter written on this subject by Demosthenes.</p>
-
-<p>The harsh treatment of the sons of Lykurgus (whatever it may have
-amounted to, and whatever may have been its ground) certainly did not
-last long; for in the next page of the very same Plutarchian life
-(p. 843), an account is given of the family of Lykurgus, which was
-ancient and sacerdotal; and it is there stated that his sons after
-his death fully sustained the dignified position of the family.</p>
-
-<p>On what ground they were accused, we cannot make out. According
-to the Demosthenic epistle (which epistles I have before stated that
-I do not believe to be authentic), it was upon some allegation,
-which, if valid at all, ought to have been urged against Lykurgus
-himself during his life (p. 1477, 1478); but Lykurgus had been always
-honorably acquitted, and always held thoroughly estimable, up to the
-day of his death (p. 1475).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_881"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_881">[881]</a></span> Diogen. Laert. v. 38. It
-is probably to this return of the philosophers that the φυγάδων
-κάθοδος mentioned by Philochorus, as foreshadowed by the omen in the
-Acropolis, alludes (Philochorus, Frag. 145, ed. Didot, ap Dionys.
-Hal. p. 637).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_882"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_882">[882]</a></span> See the few fragments of
-Demochares collected in Fragmenta Historicorum Græcorum, ed. Didot,
-vol. ii. p. 445, with the notes of Carl Müller.</p>
-
-<p>See likewise Athenæus, xiii. 610, with the fragment from the
-comic writer Alexis. It is there stated that Lysimachus also, king of
-Thrace, had banished the philosophers from his dominions.</p>
-
-<p>Demochares might find (besides the persons named in Athenæ.
-v. 21, xi. 508) other authentic examples of pupils of Plato and
-Isokrates who had been atrocious and sanguinary tyrants in their
-native cities—see the case of Klearchus of Herakleia, Memnon ap.
-Photium, Cod. 224. cap. 1. Chion and Leonides, the two young citizens
-who slew Klearchus, and who perished in endeavoring to liberate their
-country—were also pupils of Plato (Justin, xvi. 5). In fact, aspiring
-youths, of all varieties of purpose, were likely to seek this mode
-of improvement. (Alexander the Great, too, the very impersonation of
-subduing force, had been the pupil of Aristotle).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_883"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_883">[883]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 46.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_884"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_884">[884]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 53; Plutarch,
-Demetr. 18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_885"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_885">[885]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 99. Probably this
-proviso extended also to Lysimachus and Kassander (both of whom had
-assisted Rhodes) as well as to Ptolemy—though Diodorus does not
-expressly say so.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_886"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_886">[886]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 100.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_887"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_887">[887]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 100.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_888"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_888">[888]</a></span> That the Ætolians were just now
-most vexatious enemies to Athens, may be seen by the Ithyphallic ode
-addressed to Demetrius Poliorketes (Athenæus, vi. p. 253).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_889"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_889">[889]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 50; Plutarch,
-Demetr. 11. In reference to this defeat near Amorgos, Stratokles (the
-complaisant orator who moved the votes of flattery towards Demetrius
-and Antigonus) is said to have announced it first as a victory,
-to the great joy of the people. Presently evidences of the defeat
-arrived, and the people were angry with Stratokles. “What harm has
-happened to you? (replied he)—have you not had two days of pleasure
-and satisfaction?” This is at any rate a very good story.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_890"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_890">[890]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 100; Plutarch,
-Demetr. 23.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_891"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_891">[891]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 102, 103; Plutarch,
-Demetr. 23-25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_892"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_892">[892]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 102; Plutarch,
-Demetr. 25; Pausanias, ii. 7, 1. The city was withdrawn partially
-from the sea, and approximated closely to the acropolis. The new city
-remained permanently: but the new name Demetrias gave place to the
-old name Sikyon.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_893"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_893">[893]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 106</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_894"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_894">[894]</a></span> That he returned from Leukas
-about the time of these mysteries, is attested both by Demochares and
-by the Ithyphallic ode in Athenæus, vi. p. 253. See also Duris ap.
-Athenæ, xii. p. 535.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_895"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_895">[895]</a></span> Semus ap. Athenæum, xiv. p.
-622.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_896"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_896">[896]</a></span> Athenæus, vi. p. 253.</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<p class="i0">Ἄλλοι μὲν ἢ μακρὰν γὰρ ἀπέχουσιν θεοὶ,</p>
-<p class="i2">ἢ οὐκ ἔχουσιν ὦτα,</p>
-<p class="i0">ἢ οὐκ εἰσὶν, ἢ οὐ προσέχουσιν ἡμῖν οὐδὲ ἕν·</p>
-<p class="i2">σὲ δὲ παρόνθ᾽ ὁρῶμεν,</p>
-<p class="i0">οὐ ξύλινον, οὐδὲ λίθινον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀληθινόν.</p>
-<p class="i2">Εὐχόμεσθα δὴ σοί·</p>
-<p class="i0">πρῶτον μὲν εἰρήνην ποιῆσον, φίλτατε,</p>
-<p class="i2">κύριος γὰρ εἶ σύ.</p>
-<p class="i0">Τὴν δ᾽ οὐχὶ Θηβῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλης τῆς Ἑλλάδος,</p>
-<p class="i2">Σφίγγα περικρατοῦσαν,</p>
-<p class="i0">Αἰτωλὸς ὅστις ἐπὶ πέτρας καθήμενος,</p>
-<p class="i2">ὥσπερ ἡ παλαιὰ,</p>
-<p class="i0">τὰ σώμαθ᾽ ἡμῶν πάντ᾽ ἀναρπάσας φέρει,</p>
-<p class="i2"><span class="gesperrt">κοὐκ ἔχω μάχεσθαι</span>·</p>
-<p class="i0">Αἰτωλικὸν γὰρ ἁρπάσαι τὰ τῶν πέλας,</p>
-<p class="i2">νυνὶ δὲ καὶ τὰ πόῤῥω—</p>
-<p class="i0">μάλιστα μὲν δὴ κόλασον αὐτὸς· εἰ δὲ μὴ,</p>
-<p class="i2">Οἰδίπουν τιν᾽ εὗρε,</p>
-<p class="i0">τὴν Σφίγγα ταύτην ὅστις ἢ κατακρημνιεῖ,</p>
-<p class="i2">ἢ σπίνον ποιήσει.</p>
-</div></div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_897"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_897">[897]</a></span> Compare Pausanias, vii. 7,
-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_898"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_898">[898]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_899"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_899">[899]</a></span> Such is the statement of
-Plutarch (Demetr. 24); but it seems not in harmony with the recital
-of the honorary decree, passed in 272 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>,
-after the death of Demochares, commemorating his merits by a statue,
-etc. (Plutarch, Vit. X. Oratt. p. 850). It is there recited that
-Demochares rendered services to Athens (fortifying and arming the
-city, concluding peace and alliance with the Bœotians, etc.) ἐπὶ τοῦ
-τετραετοῦς πολέμου, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἐξέπεσεν ὑπὸ τῶν καταλυσάντων τὸν δῆμον.
-Οἱ καταλύσαντες τὸν δῆμον cannot mean either Demetrius Poliorketes,
-or Stratokles. Moreover, we cannot determine when the “four years’
-war”, or the alliance with the Bœotians, occurred. Neither the
-discussion of Mr. Clinton (Fast. H. 302 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>,
-and Append. p. 380), nor the different hypothesis of Droysen, are
-satisfactory on this point—see Carl Müller’s discussion on the
-fragments of Demochares, Fragm. Hist. Gr. v. ii. p. 446.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_900"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_900">[900]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 110. παραδοὺς οὖν
-αὑτὸν ἄνοπλον τοῖς ἱερεῦσι, καὶ πρὸ τῆς ὡρισμένης ἡμέρας μυηθεὶς,
-ἀνέζευξεν ἐκ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν.</p>
-
-<p>The account of this transaction in the text is taken from
-Diodorus, and is a simple one; a vote was passed granting special
-license to Demetrius, to receive the mysteries at once, though it was
-not the appointed season.</p>
-
-<p>Plutarch (Demetr. 26) superadds other circumstances, several of
-which have the appearance of jest rather than reality. Pythodôrus
-the Daduch or Torch-bearer of the Mysteries stood alone in his
-protest against any celebration of the ceremony out of time: this is
-doubtless very credible. Then (according to Plutarch) the Athenians
-passed decrees, on the proposition of Stratokles, that the month
-Munychion should be called Anthesterion. This having been done, the
-Lesser Mysteries were celebrated, in which Demetrius was initiated.
-Next, the Athenians passed another decree, to the effect, that the
-month Munychion should be called Boêdromion—after which, the Greater
-Mysteries (which belonged to the latter month) were forthwith
-celebrated. The comic writer Philippides said of Stratokles, that he
-had compressed the whole year into a single month.</p>
-
-<p>This statement of Plutarch has very much the air of a caricature,
-by Philippides or some other witty man, of the simple decree
-mentioned by Diodorus—a special license to Demetrius to be initiated
-out of season. Compare another passage of Philippides against
-Stratokles (Plutarch, Demetr. 12).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_901"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_901">[901]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 110.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_902"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_902">[902]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 111. It must have
-been probably during this campaign that Demetrius began or projected
-the foundation of the important city of Demetrias on the Gulf of
-Magnesia, which afterwards became one of the great strongholds of the
-Macedonian ascendency in Greece (Strabo, ix. p. 436-443, in which
-latter passage, the reference to Hieronymus of Kardia seems to prove
-that that historian gave a full description of Demetrias and its
-foundation). See about Demetrias, Mannert, Geogr. v. Griech. vii. p.
-591.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_903"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_903">[903]</a></span> Mr. Fynes Clinton (Fast.
-Hell. <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 301) places the battle of Ipsus
-in August 301 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>; which appears to me some
-months earlier than the reality. It is clear from Diodorus, (and
-indeed from Mr. Clinton’s own admission) that winter-quarters in Asia
-intervened between the departure of Demetrius from Athens in or soon
-after April 301 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, and the battle of Ipsus.
-Moreover Demetrius, immediately after leaving Athens, carried on many
-operations against Kassander in Thessaly, before crossing over to
-Asia to join Antigonus (Diodor. xx. 110, 111).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_904"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_904">[904]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 31.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_905"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_905">[905]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 34, 35;
-Pausan. i. 25, 5. Pausanias states (i. 26, 2) that a gallant
-Athenian named Olympiodorus (we do not know when) encouraged his
-fellow-citizens to attack the Museum, Munychia, and Peiræus; and
-expelled the Macedonians from all of them. If this be correct,
-Munychia and Peiræus must have been afterwards reconquered by the
-Macedonians: for they were garrisoned (as well as Salamis and Sunium)
-by Antigonus Gonatas (Pausanias, ii. 8, 5; Plutarch, Aratus, 34).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_906"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_906">[906]</a></span> Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_907"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_907">[907]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 36; Dexippus
-ap. Syncell. p. 264 <i>seq.</i>; Pausan. 7, 3; Justin, xvi. 1, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_908"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_908">[908]</a></span> Plutarch, Demetr. 39.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_909"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_909">[909]</a></span> See Mr. Clinton’s Fasti
-Hellenici, Append. 4. p. 236-239.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_910"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_910">[910]</a></span> Pausanias, i. 4, 1; x. 20,
-1. Τοῖς δέ γε Ἕλλησι κατεπεπτώκει μὲν ἐς ἅπαν τὰ φρονήματα, τὸ δὲ
-ἰσχυρὸν τοῦ δείματος προῆγεν ἐς ἀνάγκην τῇ Ἑλλάδι ἀμύνειν· ἑώρων δὲ
-τόν τε ἐν τῷ παρόντι ἀγῶνα, οὐκ ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας γενησόμενον, καθὰ ἐπὶ
-τοῦ Μήδου πότε ... ὡς οὖν ἀπολωλέναι δέον ἢ ἐπικρατεστέρους εἶναι,
-κατ᾽ ἄνδρα τε ἰδίᾳ καὶ αἱ πόλεις διέκειντο ἐν κοινῷ. (On the approach
-of the invading Gauls.)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_911"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_911">[911]</a></span> Polyb. ii. 40, 41. πλείστους
-γὰρ δὴ μονάρχους οὗτος (Antigonus Gonatas) ἐμφυτεῦσαι δοκεῖ τοῖς
-Ἕλλησιν. Justin, xxvi. 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_912"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_912">[912]</a></span> Pausanias, vii. 17, 1. Ἅτε ἐκ
-δένδρου λελωβημένου, ἀνεβλάστησεν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος τὸ Ἀχαϊκόν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_913"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_913">[913]</a></span> Plutarch, Aratus, 47.
-ἐθισθέντες γὰρ ἀλλοτρίαις σώζεσθαι χερσὶν, καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόνων ὅπλοις
-αὑτοὺς ὑπεσταλκότες (the Achæans), etc. Compare also c. 12, 13, 15,
-in reference to the earlier applications to Ptolemy king of Egypt.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_914"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_914">[914]</a></span> Polybius, i. 3, 4; ii. 37.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_915"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_915">[915]</a></span> Polybius, xii. 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_916"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_916">[916]</a></span> See the decree in Plutarch,
-Vit. X. Oratt. p. 850. The Antipater here mentioned is the son of
-Kassander, not the father. There is no necessity for admitting the
-conjecture of Mr. Clinton (Fast. Hell. App. p. 380) that the name
-ought to be <i>Antigonus</i>, and not <i>Antipater</i>; although it may perhaps
-be true that Demochares was on favorable terms with Antigonus Gonatas
-(Diog. Laert. vii, 14).</p>
-
-<p>Compare Carl Müller ad Democharis Fragm. apud Fragm. Hist. Græc.
-vol. ii. p. 446, ed. Didot.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_917"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_917">[917]</a></span> See my last preceding Vol. XI.
-Ch. lxxxv. p. 196.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_918"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_918">[918]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 3. It appears
-that Diodorus had recounted in his eighteenth Book the previous
-circumstances of these two leaders; but this part of his narrative is
-lost: see Wesseling’s note.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_919"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_919">[919]</a></span> See Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxiii. p.
-22; Ch. lxxxv. p. 133.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_920"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_920">[920]</a></span> Diodor. xvi. 88; Plutarch,
-Camill. 19; Pausan. iii. 10, 5. Plutarch even says that the two
-battles occurred on the same <i>day</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_921"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_921">[921]</a></span> The Molossian King Neoptolemus
-was father both of Alexander (the Epirotic) and of Olympias. But
-as to the genealogy of the preceding kings, nothing certain can be
-made out: see Merleker, Darstellung des Landes und der Bewohner von
-Epeiros, Königsberg, 1844, p. 2-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_922"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_922">[922]</a></span> A curious proof how fully
-Olympias was queen of Epirus is preserved in the fragments (recently
-published by Mr. Babington) of the oration of Hyperides in defence
-of Euxenippus, p. 12. The Athenians, in obedience to an oracular
-mandate from the Dodonæan Zeus, had sent to Dodona a solemn embassy
-for sacrifice, and had dressed and adorned the statue of Diônê
-there situated. Olympias addressed a despatch to the Athenians,
-reproving them for this as a trespass upon her dominions—ὑπὲρ
-τούτων ὑμῖν τὰ ἐγκλήματα ἦλθε παρ᾽ Ὀλυμπιάδος ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς,
-ὡς <span class="gesperrt">ἡ χώρα εἴη ἡ Μολοσσία αὐτῆς</span>, ἐν
-ᾗ τὸ ἱερόν ἐστιν· οὔκουν προσῆκεν ἡμᾶς τῶν ἐκεῖ οὐδὲ ἓν κινεῖν.
-Olympias took a high and insolent tone in this letter (τὰς <span
-class="gesperrt">τραγῳδίας</span> αὐτῆς καὶ τὰς κατηγορίας, etc.)</p>
-
-<p>The date of this oration is at some period during the life of
-Alexander the Great—but cannot be more precisely ascertained. After
-the death of Alexander, Olympias passed much time in Epirus, where
-she thought herself more secure from the enmity of Antipater (Diodor.
-xviii. 49).</p>
-
-<p>Dodona had been one of the most ancient places of pilgrimage
-for the Hellenic race—especially for the Athenians. The order
-here addressed to them,—that they should abstain from religious
-manifestations at this sanctuary—is a remarkable proof of the growing
-encroachments on free Hellenism; the more so, as Olympias sent
-offerings to temples at Athens when she chose and without asking
-permission—we learn this from the same fragment of Hyperides.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_923"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_923">[923]</a></span> Livy (viii. 3-24) places the
-date of this expedition of the Molossian Alexander eight years
-earlier; but it is universally recognized that this is a mistake.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_924"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_924">[924]</a></span> Livy, viii. 17-24; Justin, xii.
-2; Strabo, vi. p. 280.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_925"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_925">[925]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_926"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_926">[926]</a></span> Timæus apud Polybium, xii. 15;
-Diodor. xix. 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_927"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_927">[927]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 3; Justin, xxii.
-1. Justin states the earliest military exploits of Agathokles to have
-been against the Ætuæans, not against the Agrigentines.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_928"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_928">[928]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 3, 4. Diodorus had
-written more about this oligarchy in a part of his eighteenth book;
-which part is not preserved: see Wesseling’s note.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_929"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_929">[929]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 4; Justin, xxii.
-1. “Bis occupare imperium Syracusarum voluit; bis in exilium actus
-est.”</p>
-
-<p>In the same manner, the Syracusan exile Hermokrates had
-attempted to extort by force his return, at the head of 3000
-men, and by means of partisans within; he failed and was
-slain—<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 408 (Diodor. xiii. 75).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_930"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_930">[930]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 5, 6. A similar
-stratagem is recounted of the Karian Datames (Cornelius Nepos,
-Datames, 9).</p>
-
-<p>That Agathokles, on leaving Syracuse, went to the Carthaginians,
-appears to be implied in the words of Diodorus, c. 6—τοὺς αὐτῷ
-πρότερον συμπορευθέντας <span class="gesperrt">πρὸς</span>
-Καρχηδονίους (see Wesseling’s note on the translation of <span
-class="gesperrt">πρὸς</span>). This fact is noticed merely
-incidentally, in the confused narrative of Diodorus; but it brings
-him to a certain extent into harmony with Justin (xxii. 2),
-who insists much on the combination between Agathokles and the
-Carthaginians, as one of the main helps whereby he was enabled to
-seize the supreme power.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_931"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_931">[931]</a></span> The account here given is the
-best which I can make out from Diodorus (xix. 5), Justin (xxii.
-2),—Polyænus (v. 3, 8). The first two allude to the solemn oath taken
-by Agathokles—παραχθεὶς εἰς τὸ τῆς Δήμητρος ἱερὸν ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν,
-ὤμοσε μηδὲν ἐναντιωθήσεσθαι τῇ δημοκρατίᾳ—“Tunc Hamilcari expositis
-ignibus Cereris tactisque in obsequia Pœnorum jurat.” “Jurare in
-obsequia Pœnorum” can hardly be taken to mean that Syracuse was to
-become subject to Carthage; there was nothing antecedent to justify
-such a proceeding, nor does anything follow in the sequel which
-implies it.</p>
-
-<p>Compare also the speech which Justin puts into the mouth of
-Bomilkar when executed for treason by the Carthaginians—“objectans
-illis (Carthaginiensibus) in Hamilcarem patruum suum tacita
-suffragia, quod Agathoclem <i>sociam illis facere, quam hostem,
-maluerit</i>” (xxii. 7). This points to previous collusion between
-Hamilkar and Agathokles.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_932"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_932">[932]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 8, 9; Justin,
-xxii. 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_933"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_933">[933]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_934"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_934">[934]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 9.; Justin, xxii.
-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_935"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_935">[935]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 65. καθ᾽ ὃν
-δὴ χρόνον ἧκον ἐκ Καρχηδόνος πρέσβεις, οἳ τῷ μὲν Ἀγαθοκλεῖ περὶ
-τῶν πραχθέντων ἐπετίμησαν, ὡς παραβαίνοντι τὰς συνθήκας· τοῖς δὲ
-Μεσσηνίοις εἰρήνην παρεσκεύασαν, καὶ τὸ φρούριον ἀναγκάσαντες
-ἀποκαταστῆσαι τὸν τύραννον, ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς τὴν Λιβύην.</p>
-
-<p>I do not know what συνθῆκαι can be here meant, except that oath
-described by Justin under the words “in obsequia Pœnorum jurat”
-(xxii. 2).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_936"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_936">[936]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 70. μὴ περιορᾷν
-Ἀγαθοκλέα συσκευαζόμενον τὰς πόλεις.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_937"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_937">[937]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 70. After the
-defeat of Agis by Antipater, the severe Lacedæmonian laws against
-those who fled from battle had been suspended for the occasion; as
-had been done before, after the defeat of Leuktra. Akrotatus had
-been the <i>only</i> person (μόνος) who opposed this suspension; whereby
-he incurred the most violent odium generally, but most especially
-from the citizens who profited by the suspension. These men carried
-their hatred so far, that they even attacked, beat him and conspired
-against his life (οὗτοι γὰρ συστραφέντες πληγάς τε ἐνεφόρησαν αὐτῷ
-καὶ διετέλουν ἐπιβουλεύοντες).</p>
-
-<p>This is a curious indication of Spartan manners.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_938"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_938">[938]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 71.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_939"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_939">[939]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 71, 72, 102. When
-the convention specifies Herakleia, Selinus, and Himera, as being
-under the Carthaginians, this is to be understood as in addition to
-the primitive Carthaginian settlements of Solus, Panormus, Lilybæum,
-etc., about which no question could arise.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_940"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_940">[940]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 72: compare a
-different narrative—Polyænus, v. 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_941"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_941">[941]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 103. It must
-be noticed, however, that even Julius Cæsar, in his wars in Gaul,
-sometimes cut off the hands of his Gallic prisoners taken in arms,
-whom he called rebels (Bell. Gall. viii. 44).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_942"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_942">[942]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 103, 104.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_943"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_943">[943]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 106.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_944"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_944">[944]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 107, 108.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_945"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_945">[945]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 108, 109.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_946"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_946">[946]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 109.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_947"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_947">[947]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 110.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_948"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_948">[948]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 4, 5; Justin, xxii.
-4. Compare Polyænus, 3-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_949"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_949">[949]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 4-16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_950"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_950">[950]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 6. Procopius, Bell.
-Vand. i. 15. It is here stated, that for nine days’ march eastward
-from Carthage, as far as Juka, the land is παντελῶς ἀλίμενος.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_951"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_951">[951]</a></span> This striking scene is
-described by Diodorus, xx. 7 (compare Justin, xxii. 6), probably
-enough copied from Kallias, the companion and panegyrist of
-Agathokles: see Diodor. xxi. Fragm. p. 281.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_952"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_952">[952]</a></span> Megalê-Polis is nowhere else
-mentioned—nor is it noticed by Forbiger in his list of towns in the
-Carthaginian territory (Handbuch der Alten Geographie, sect. 109).
-</p>
-
-<p>Dr. Barth (Wanderungen auf den Küsten Ländern des Mittelmeeres,
-vol. i. p. 131-133) supposes that Agathokles landed at an indentation
-of the coast on the western face of that projecting tongue of land
-which terminates in Cape Bon (Promontorium Mercurii), forming the
-eastern boundary of the Gulf of Carthage. There are stone quarries
-here, of the greatest extent as well as antiquity. Dr. Barth places
-Megalê-Polis not far off from this spot, on the same western face of
-the projecting land, and near the spot afterwards called Misua.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_953"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_953">[953]</a></span> Justin, xxii. 5. “Huc accedere,
-quod urbes castellaque Africæ non muris cinctæ, non in montibus
-positæ sint: sed in planis campis sine ullis munimentis jaceant: quas
-omnes metu excidii facile ad belli societatem perlici posse.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_954"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_954">[954]</a></span> Seven centuries and more after
-these events, we read that the Vandal king Genseric conquered Africa
-from the Romans—and that he demolished the fortifications of all the
-other towns except Carthage alone—from the like feeling of mistrust.
-This demolition materially facilitated the conquest of the Vandal
-kingdom by Belisarius, two generations afterwards (Procopius, Bell.
-Vandal. i. 5; i. 15).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_955"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_955">[955]</a></span> Livy (xxix. 25), in recounting
-the landing of Scipio in the Carthaginian territory in the latter
-years of the second Punic war, says, “Emporia ut peterent,
-gubernatoribus edixit. Fertilissimus ager, eoque abundans omnium
-copiâ rerum est regio, et imbelles (quod plerumque in uberi agro
-evenit) barbari sunt: priusque quam Carthagine subveniretur, opprimi
-videbantur posse.”</p>
-
-<p>About the harshness of the Carthaginian rule over their African
-subjects, see Diodor. xv. 77; Polyb. i. 72. In reference to the
-above passage of Polybius, however, we ought to keep in mind—That
-in describing this harshness, he speaks with <i>express and exclusive
-reference</i> to the conduct of the Carthaginians towards their subjects
-during the first Punic war (against Rome), when the Carthaginians
-themselves were hard pressed by the Romans and required everything
-that they could lay hands upon for self-defence. This passage of
-Polybius has been sometimes cited as if it attested the <i>ordinary</i>
-character and measure of Carthaginian dominion; which is contrary to
-the intention of the author.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_956"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_956">[956]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 8. Compare
-Polybius, i. 29, where he describes the first invasion of the
-Carthaginian territory by the Roman consul Regulus. Tunês was 120
-stadia or about fourteen miles south-east of Carthage (Polyb. i.
-67). The Tab. Peuting. reckons it only ten miles. It was made the
-central place for hostile operations against Carthage both by Regulus
-in the first Punic war (Polyb. i. 30),—by Matho and Spendius, in
-the rebellion of the mercenary soldiers and native Africans against
-Carthage, which followed on the close of the first Punic war (Polyb.
-i. 73)—and by the revolted Libyans in 396 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>
-(Diodor. xiv. 77).</p>
-
-<p>Diodorus places Tunês at the distance of 2000 stadia from
-Carthage, which must undoubtedly be a mistake. He calls it <i>White
-Tunês</i>; an epithet drawn from the chalk cliffs adjoining.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_957"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_957">[957]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_958"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_958">[958]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 10-13. See,
-respecting the Sacred Band of Carthage (which was nearly cut to
-pieces by Timoleon at the battle of the Krimesus), Diodor. xvi. 80,
-81; also Vol. XI. of this History, Chap. lxxxv. p. 171-177.</p>
-
-<p>The amount of native or citizen-force given here by Diodorus
-(40,000 foot and 1000 horse) seems very great. Our data for
-appreciating it however are lamentably scanty; and we ought to
-expect a large total. The population of Carthage is said to have
-been 700,000 souls; even when it was besieged by the Romans in
-the third Punic war, and when its power was prodigiously lessened
-(Strabo, xvii. p. 833). Its military magazines, even in that reduced
-condition, were enormous,—as they stood immediately previous to their
-being given up to the Romans, under the treacherous delusions held
-out by Rome.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_959"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_959">[959]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 12. The loss of the
-Carthaginians was differently given—some authors stated it at 1000
-men—others at 6000. The loss in the army of Agathokles was stated at
-200 men.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_960"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_960">[960]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_961"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_961">[961]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 55.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_962"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_962">[962]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 14. ᾐτιῶντο δὲ καὶ
-τὸν Κρόνον αὑτοῖς ἐναντιοῦσθαι, καθόσον ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις
-θύοντες τούτῳ τῷ θεῷ τῶν υἱῶν τοὺς κρατίστους, ὕστερον ὠνούμενοι
-λάθρα παῖδας καὶ θρέψαντες ἔπεμπον ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν· καὶ ζητήσεως
-γενομένης, εὑρέθησάν τινες τῶν καθιερουργημένων ὑποβολιμαῖοι
-γεγονότες· τούτων δὲ λαβόντες ἔννοιαν, καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους πρὸς τοῖς
-τείχεσιν ὁρῶντες στρατοπεδεύοντας, ἐδεισιδαιμόνουν ὡς καταλελυκότες
-τὰς πατρίους τῶν θεῶν τιμάς· διορθώσασθαι δὲ τὰς ἀγνοίας σπεύδοντες,
-διακοσίους μὲν τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων παίδων προκρίναντες ἔθυσαν δημοσίᾳ·
-ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἐν διαβολαῖς ὄντες, ἑκουσίως ἑαυτοὺς ἔδοσαν, οὐκ ἐλάττους
-ὄντες τριακοσίων· ἦν δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀνδριὰς Κρόνου χαλκοῦς, ἐκτετακὼς
-τὰς χεῖρας ὑπτίας ἐγκεκλιμένας ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, ὥστε τὸν ἐπιτεθέντα τῶν
-παίδων ἀποκυλίεσθαι καὶ πίπτειν εἴς τι χάσμα πλῆρες πυρός. Compare
-Festus ap. Lactantium, Inst. Div. i. 21; Justin, xviii. 6, 12.</p>
-
-<p>In this remarkable passage (the more remarkable because so little
-information concerning Carthaginian antiquity has reached us), one
-clause is not perfectly clear, respecting the three hundred who are
-said to have voluntarily <i>given themselves up</i>. Diodorus means (I
-apprehend) as Eusebius understood it, that these were fathers who
-gave up <i>their children</i> (not themselves) to be sacrificed. The
-victims here mentioned as sacrificed to Kronus were children, not
-adults (compare Diodor. xiii. 86): nothing is here said about adult
-victims. Wesseling in his note adheres to the literal meaning of the
-words, dissenting from Eusebius: but I think that the literal meaning
-is less in harmony with the general tenor of the paragraph. Instances
-of self-devotion, by persons torn with remorse, are indeed mentioned:
-see the case of Imilkon, Diodor. xiv. 76; Justin, xix. 3.</p>
-
-<p>We read in the Fragment of Ennius—“Pœni sunt soliti suos
-sacrificare puellos:” see the chapter iv. of Münter’s work, Religion
-der Karthager, on this subject.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_963"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_963">[963]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17. λάθρα προσῆλθεν
-ἐπί τινα τόπον ὀρεινὸν, ὅθεν <span class="gesperrt">ὁρᾶσθαι δυνατὸν
-ἦν αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀδρυμητινῶν καὶ τῶν Καρχηδονίων τῶν Τύνητα
-πολιορκούντων</span>· νυκτὸς δὲ συντάξας τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐπὶ πολὺν
-τόπον πυρὰ καίειν, δόξαν ἐν εποίησε, τοῖς μὲν Καρχηδονίοις, ὡς μετὰ
-μεγάλης δυνάμεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς πορευόμενος, τοῖς δὲ πολιορκουμένοις, ὡς
-ἄλλης δυνάμεως ἁδρᾶς τοῖς πολεμίοις εἰς συμμαχίαν παραγεγενημένης.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_964"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_964">[964]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17. The incident
-here recounted by Diodorus is curious, but quite distinct and
-intelligible. He had good authorities before him in his history of
-Agathokles. If true, it affords an evidence for determining, within
-some limits, the site of the ancient Adrumetum, which Mannert and
-Shaw place at Herkla— while Forbiger and Dr. Barth put it near the
-site of the modern port called Susa, still more to the southward, and
-at a prodigious distance from Tunis. Other anthem have placed it at
-Hamamat, more to the northward than Herkla, and nearer to Tunis.</p>
-
-<p>Of these three sites, Hamamat is the only one which will consist
-with the narrative of Diodorus. Both the others are too distant.
-Hamamat is about forty-eight English miles from Tunis (see Barth, p.
-184, with his note). This is as great a distance (if not too great)
-as can possibly be admitted; both Herkla and Susa are very much more
-distant, and therefore out of the question.</p>
-
-<p>Nevertheless, the other evidence known to us tends apparently to
-place Adrumetum at Susa, and not at Hamamat (see Barth, p. 142-154;
-Forbiger, Handb. Geog. p. 845). It is therefore probable that the
-narrative of Diodorus is not true, or must apply to some other
-place on the coast (possibly Neapolis, the modern Nabel) taken by
-Agathokles, and not to Adrumetum.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_965"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_965">[965]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_966"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_966">[966]</a></span> Strabo, xvii. p. 834. Solinus
-(c. 30) talks of Aspis as founded by the <i>Siculi</i>. Aspis (called by
-the Romans Clypea), being on the eastern side of Cape Bon, was more
-convenient for communication with Sicily than either Carthage, or
-Tunis, or any part of the Gulf of Carthage, which was on the western
-side of Cape Bon. To get round that headland is, even at the present
-day, a difficult and uncertain enterprise for navigators: see the
-remarks of Dr. Barth, founded partly on his own personal experience
-(Wanderungen auf den Küstenländern des Mittelmeeres, i. p. 196).
-A ship coming from Sicily to Aspis was not under the necessity of
-getting round the headland.</p>
-
-<p>In the case of Agathokles, there was a further reason for
-establishing his maritime position at Aspis. The Carthaginian fleet
-was superior to him at sea; accordingly they could easily interrupt
-his maritime communication from Sicily with Tunis, or with any point
-in the Gulf of Carthage. But it was not so easy for them to watch the
-coast at Aspis; for in order to do this, they must get from the Gulf
-round to Cape Bon.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_967"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_967">[967]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17. The Roman
-consul Regulus, when he invaded Africa during the first Punic war,
-is said to have acquired, either by capture or voluntary adhesion,
-two hundred dependent cities of Carthage (Appian, Punica, c. 3).
-Respecting the prodigious number of towns in Northern Africa, see the
-very learned and instructive work of Mövers, Die Phönikier, vol. ii.
-p. 454 <i>seqq.</i> Even at the commencement of the third Punic war, when
-Carthage was so much reduced in power, she had still three hundred
-cities in Libya (Strabo, xvii. p. 833). It must be confessed that the
-name cities or towns (πόλεις) was used by some authors very vaguely.
-Thus Posidonius ridiculed the affirmation of Polybius (Strabo, iii.
-p. 162), that Tiberius Gracchus had destroyed three hundred πόλεις of
-the Celtiberians; Strabo censures others who spoke of one thousand
-πόλεις of the Iberians. Such a number could only be made good by
-including large κῶμαι.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_968"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_968">[968]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 17, 18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_969"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_969">[969]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 15, 16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_970"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_970">[970]</a></span> See Vol. VII. Ch. lx. p. 304 of
-this History.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_971"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_971">[971]</a></span> For a description of the
-fortifications added to Syracuse by the elder Dionysius, see Vol. X.
-Ch. lxxxii. p. 499 of this History.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_972"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_972">[972]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 29, 30. Cicero
-(Divinat. i. 24) notices this prophecy and its manner of fulfilment;
-but he gives a somewhat different version of the events preceding the
-capture of Hamilkar.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_973"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_973">[973]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 30. τὸν δ᾽ οὖν
-Ἁμίλκαν οἱ τῶν ἀπολωλότων συγγενεῖς δεδεμένον ἀγαγόντες διὰ τῆς
-πόλεως, καὶ δειναῖς αἰκίαις κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ χρησάμενοι, μετὰ τῆς ἐσχάτης
-ὕβρεως ἀνεῖλον.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_974"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_974">[974]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 31. διαβοηθείσης
-δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἀκραγαντίνων ἐπιβολῆς κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν νῆσον, ἐνέπεσεν ὁρμὴ
-ταῖς πόλεσι πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_975"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_975">[975]</a></span> Enna is nearly in the centre of
-Sicily; Erbessus is not far to the north-east of Agrigentum; Echetla
-is placed by Polybius (i. 15) midway between the domain of Syracuse
-and that of Carthage.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_976"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_976">[976]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 32.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_977"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_977">[977]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 33. οἱ δὲ
-Καρχηδόνιοι, περιαλγεῖς γενόμενοι, καὶ βαρβαρικῶς προσκυνήσαντες,
-etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_978"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_978">[978]</a></span> Compare the description in
-Tacitus, Hist. ii. 29, of the mutiny in the Vitellian army commanded
-by Fabius Valens, at Ticinum.</p>
-
-<p>“Postquam immissis lictoribus, Valens coercere seditionem
-cœptabat, ipsum invadunt (milites), saxa jaciunt, fugientem
-sequuntur.—Valens, servili veste, apud decurionem equitum tegebatur.”
-(Presently the feeling changes, by the adroit management of Alphenus
-Varus, prefect of the camp)—then, “silentio, patientia, postremo
-precibus et lacrymis, veniam quærebant. Ut vero deformis et flens,
-et præter spem incolumis Valens processit, gaudium, miseratio,
-favor: versi in lætitiam (ut est vulgus utroque immodicum) laudantes
-gratantesque circumdatum aquilis signisque, in tribunal ferunt.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_979"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_979">[979]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 34.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_980"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_980">[980]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 39.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_981"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_981">[981]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 59. Ὁ δὲ τῆς πόλεως
-οὐκ ἦν κίνδυνος, ἀπροσίτου τῆς πόλεως οὔσης διὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν
-καὶ τῆς θαλάττης ὀχυρότητα.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_982"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_982">[982]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 40.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_983"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_983">[983]</a></span> See Vol. IV. Ch. xxvii. p.
-29-49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_984"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_984">[984]</a></span> See Isokrates, Or. iv.
-(Philipp.) s. 6, where he speaks of Kyrênê as a spot judiciously
-chosen for colonization; the natives near it being not dangerous, but
-suited for obedient neighbors and slaves.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_985"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_985">[985]</a></span> Thucyd. vii. 50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_986"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_986">[986]</a></span> Pausan. iv. 26; Diodor. xiv.
-34.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_987"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_987">[987]</a></span> Strabo, xvii. p. 836; Sallust,
-Bell. Jugurth. p. 126.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_988"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_988">[988]</a></span> Arrian, vii. 9, 12; Curtius,
-iv. 7, 9; Diodor. xvii. 49. It is said that the inhabitants of Kyrênê
-(exact date unknown) applied to Plato to make laws for them, but that
-he declined. See Thrige, Histor. Cyrênês, p. 191. We should be glad
-to have this statement better avouched.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_989"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_989">[989]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 108, xviii. 19;
-Arrian, De Rebus; post Alexandr. vi. apud Photium, Cod. 92; Strabo,
-xvii. p. 837.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_990"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_990">[990]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 19.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_991"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_991">[991]</a></span> Diodor. xvii. 20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_992"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_992">[992]</a></span> Diodor. xviii. 21.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_993"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_993">[993]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post Alex. vi.
-ap. Phot. Cod. 92; Diodor. xviii. 21; Justin, xiii. 6, 20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_994"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_994">[994]</a></span> Diodor. xix. 79. Οἱ Κυρηναῖοι
-... τὴν ἄκραν περιεστρατοπέδευσαν, ὡς αὔτικα μάλα τὴν φρουρὰν
-ἐκβαλοῦντες, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_995"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_995">[995]</a></span> Justin (xxii. 7, 4) calls
-Ophellas “rex Cyrenarum;” but it is noway probable that he had become
-independent of Ptolemy—as Thrige (Hist. Cyrênês, p. 214) supposes.
-The expression in Plutarch (Demetrius, 14), Ὀφέλλᾳ τῷ ἄρξαντι
-Κυρήνης, does not necessarily imply an independent authority.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_996"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_996">[996]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 40.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_997"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_997">[997]</a></span> From an incidental allusion in
-Strabo (xvii. p. 826), we learn this fact—that Ophellas had surveyed
-the whole coast of Northern Africa, to the straits of Gibraltar,
-and round the old Phenician settlements on the western coast of
-modern Morocco. Some eminent critics (Grosskurd among them) reject
-the reading in Strabo—ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀφέλα (or Ὀφέλλα) περιπλοῦ, which is
-sustained by a very great preponderance of MSS. But I do not feel the
-force of their reasons; and the reading which they would substitute
-has nothing to recommend it. In my judgment, Ophellas, ruling in
-the Kyrenaica and indulging aspirations towards conquest westward,
-was a man both likely to order, and competent to bring about, an
-examination of the North African coast. The knowledge of this fact
-may have induced Agathokles to apply to him.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_998"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_998">[998]</a></span> Arrian, De Rebus post Alex.
-ap. Photium, Cod. 92. Αἴγυπτον μὲν γὰρ καὶ Λιβύην, καὶ τὴν ἐπέκεινα
-ταύτης τὴν πολλὴν, καὶ ὅ,τι περ ἂν πρὸς τούτοις δ᾽ ὅριον ἐπικτήσηται
-πρὸς δυομένου ἡλίου, Πτολεμαίου εἶναι.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_999"><span class="label"><a
-href="#FNanchor_999">[999]</a></span> Diodor. xx. 40. πολλοὶ τῶν
-Ἀθηναίων προθύμως ὑπήκουσαν εἰς τὴν στρατείαν· οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ καὶ
-τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων, ἔσπευδον κοινωνῆσαι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, ἐλπίζοντες
-τήν τε κρατίστην τῆς Λιβύης κατακληρουχήσειν, καὶ τὸν ἐν Καρχηδόνι
-διαρπάσειν πλοῦτον.</p>
-
-<p>As to the great encouragement held out to settlers, when a new
-colony was about to be founded by a powerful state, see Thucyd. iii.
-93, about Herakleia Trachinia—πᾶς γάρ τίς, Λακεδαιμονίων οἰκιζόντων,
-θαρσαλέως ᾔει, βέβαιαν νομίζων τὴν πόλιν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1000"><a href="#FNanchor_1000"><span
-class="label">[1000]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 41.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1001"><a href="#FNanchor_1001"><span
-class="label">[1001]</span></a> Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. iv. 3. p.
-127, ed. Schneider.</p>
-
-<p>The philosopher would hear this fact from some of the Athenians
-concerned in the expedition.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1002"><a href="#FNanchor_1002"><span
-class="label">[1002]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 42. See the striking
-description of the miseries of this same march, made by Cato and his
-Roman troops after the death of Pompey, in Lucan, Pharsalia, ix.
-382-940:—</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<p class="i-1">“Vadimus in campos steriles, exustaque mundi.</p>
-<p class="i0">Quà nimius Titan, et raræ in fontibus undæ,</p>
-<p class="i0">Siccaque letiferis squalent serpentibus arva,</p>
-<p class="i0">Durum iter.”</p>
-</div></div>
-
-<p class="mt1">The entire march of Ophellas must (I think) have
-lasted longer than two months; probably Diodorus speaks only of
-the more distressing or middle portion of it when he says—κατὰ τὴν
-ὁδοιπορίαν πλεῖον ἢ δύο μῆνας κακοπαθήσαντες, etc. (xx. 42).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1003"><a href="#FNanchor_1003"><span
-class="label">[1003]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 42; Justin. xxii. 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1004"><a href="#FNanchor_1004"><span
-class="label">[1004]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 44.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1005"><a href="#FNanchor_1005"><span
-class="label">[1005]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 43.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1006"><a href="#FNanchor_1006"><span
-class="label">[1006]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 44; Justin, xxii.
-7. Compare the description given by Appian (Punic. 128), of the
-desperate defence made by the Carthaginians in the last siege of the
-city, against the assault of the Romans, from the house-tops and in
-the streets.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1007"><a href="#FNanchor_1007"><span
-class="label">[1007]</span></a> There are yet remaining
-coins—Ἀγαθοκλέος Βασιλέως—the earliest Sicilian coins that bear the
-name of a prince (Humphreys, Ancient Coins and Medals, p. 50).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1008"><a href="#FNanchor_1008"><span
-class="label">[1008]</span></a> Strabo, xvii. p. 832; Polyb. i.
-73.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1009"><a href="#FNanchor_1009"><span
-class="label">[1009]</span></a> Polybius (i. 82) expressly
-states that the inhabitants of Utica and of Hippu-Akra (a little
-further to the west than Utica), remained faithful to Carthage
-throughout the hostilities carried on by Agathokles. This enables
-us to correct the passage wherein Diodorus describes the attack
-of Agathokles upon Utica (xx. 54)—ἐπὶ μὲν Ἰτυκαίους ἐστράτευσεν
-<span class="gesperrt">ἀφεστηκότας</span>, ἄφνω δὲ αὐτῶν τῇ πόλει
-προσπεσών, etc. The word <span class="gesperrt">ἀφεστηκότας</span>
-here is perplexing. It must mean that the Uticans had revolted <i>from
-Agathokles</i>; yet Diodorus has not before said a word about the
-Uticans, nor reported that they had either joined Agathokles, or been
-conquered by him. Everything that Diodorus has reported hitherto
-about Agathokles, relates to operations among the towns east or
-south-east of Carthage.</p>
-
-<p>It appears to me that the passage ought to stand—ἐπὶ μὲν
-Ἰτυκαίους ἐστράτευσεν <span class="gesperrt">οὐκ ἀφεστηκότας</span>,
-<i>i.&nbsp;e.</i> from Carthage; which introduces consistency into the
-narrative of Diodorus himself, while it brings him into harmony with
-Polybius.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1010"><a href="#FNanchor_1010"><span
-class="label">[1010]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 54, 55. In attacking
-Hippu-Akra (otherwise called Hippo-Zarytus, near the Promontorium
-Pulchrum, the northernmost point of Africa), Agathokles is said to
-have got the better in a naval battle—ναυμαχία περιγενόμενος. This
-implies that he must have got a fleet superior to the Carthaginians
-even in their own gulf; perhaps ships seized at Utica.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1011"><a href="#FNanchor_1011"><span
-class="label">[1011]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 59.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1012"><a href="#FNanchor_1012"><span
-class="label">[1012]</span></a> Appian distinctly mentions this place
-<i>Hippagreta</i> as having been fortified by Agathokles—and distinctly
-describes it as being between Utica and Carthage (Punic. 110). It
-cannot therefore be the same place as Hippu-Akra (or Hippo-Zarytus);
-which was considerably further from Carthage than Utica was.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1013"><a href="#FNanchor_1013"><span
-class="label">[1013]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 57, 58. It is vain to
-attempt to identify the places mentioned as visited and conquered by
-Eumachus. Our topographical knowledge is altogether insufficient.
-This second Hippu-Akra is supposed to be the same as Hippo-Regius;
-Tokæ may be Tucca Terebinthina, in the south-eastern region or
-Byzakium.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1014"><a href="#FNanchor_1014"><span
-class="label">[1014]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 59, 60.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1015"><a href="#FNanchor_1015"><span
-class="label">[1015]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 61.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1016"><a href="#FNanchor_1016"><span
-class="label">[1016]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 56. Ἀγαθοκλῆς δὲ, τῆς
-<span class="gesperrt">μάχης ἄρτι</span> γεγενημένης, καταπλεύσας τῆς
-Σικελίας εἰς Σελινοῦντα, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1017"><a href="#FNanchor_1017"><span
-class="label">[1017]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 56. Οἱ μὲν οὖν
-Ἀκραγαντῖνοι ταύτῃ τῇ συμφορᾷ περιπεσόντες, διέλυσαν ἑαυτῶν μὲν τὴν
-καλλίστην ἐπιβολὴν, τῶν δὲ συμμάχων τὰς τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐλπίδας.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1018"><a href="#FNanchor_1018"><span
-class="label">[1018]</span></a> Apollonia was a town in the interior
-of the island, somewhat to the north-east of Enna (Cicero, Verr. iii.
-43).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1019"><a href="#FNanchor_1019"><span
-class="label">[1019]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 56.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1020"><a href="#FNanchor_1020"><span
-class="label">[1020]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 62.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1021"><a href="#FNanchor_1021"><span
-class="label">[1021]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 61.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1022"><a href="#FNanchor_1022"><span
-class="label">[1022]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 57. καὶ πάντων τούτων ἐν
-φυγαῖς καὶ μελέταις τοῦ πονεῖν συνεχῶς γεγονότων, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1023"><a href="#FNanchor_1023"><span
-class="label">[1023]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 61, 62.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1024"><a href="#FNanchor_1024"><span
-class="label">[1024]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 62.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1025"><a href="#FNanchor_1025"><span
-class="label">[1025]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 64; Justin, xxii. 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1026"><a href="#FNanchor_1026"><span
-class="label">[1026]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 65. See an incident
-somewhat similar (Herod. vii. 180)—the Persians, in the invasion of
-Greece by Xerxes, sacrificed the handsomest Grecian prisoner whom
-they captured on board the first prize-ship that fell into their
-hands.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1027"><a href="#FNanchor_1027"><span
-class="label">[1027]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 66, 67.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1028"><a href="#FNanchor_1028"><span
-class="label">[1028]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 69; Justin, xxii. 8. ...
-τὸ δὲ πλῆθος, ὡς εἶδεν, εἰς ἔλεον ἐτράπη, καὶ πάντες ἐπεβόων ἀφεῖναι·
-ὁ δὲ λυθεὶς καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγων ἐμβὰς εἰς τὸ πορθμεῖον, ἔλαθεν ἐκπλεύσας
-κατὰ τὴν δύσιν τῆς Πλειάδος, χειμῶνος ὄντος.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1029"><a href="#FNanchor_1029"><span
-class="label">[1029]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 69.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1030"><a href="#FNanchor_1030"><span
-class="label">[1030]</span></a> Tacit. Annal. i. 9. “Multus hinc ipso
-de Augusto sermo, plerisque <i>vana mirantibus</i>—quod idem dies accepti
-quondam imperii princeps, et vitæ supremus—quod Nolæ in domo et
-cubiculo, in quo pater ejus Octavius, vitam finivisset”, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1031"><a href="#FNanchor_1031"><span
-class="label">[1031]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 70.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1032"><a href="#FNanchor_1032"><span
-class="label">[1032]</span></a> This is what Agathokles might
-have done, but did not do. Nevertheless, Valerius Maximus (vii.
-4, 1) represents him as having actually done it, and praises his
-sagacity on that ground. Here is an example how little careful these
-collectors of anecdotes sometimes are about their facts.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1033"><a href="#FNanchor_1033"><span
-class="label">[1033]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 71. We do not know what
-happened afterwards with this town under its new population. But the
-old name Egesta was afterwards resumed.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1034"><a href="#FNanchor_1034"><span
-class="label">[1034]</span></a> Compare the proceedings of the
-Greco-Libyan princess Pheretimê (of the Battiad family) at Barka
-(Herodot. iv. 202).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1035"><a href="#FNanchor_1035"><span
-class="label">[1035]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 72. Hippokrates and
-Epikydes—those Syracusans who, about a century afterwards, induced
-Hieronymus of Syracuse to prefer the Carthaginian alliance to the
-Roman—had resided at Carthage for some time, and served in the
-army of Hannibal, because their grandfather had been banished from
-Syracuse as one concerned in killing Archagathus (Polyb. vii. 2).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1036"><a href="#FNanchor_1036"><span
-class="label">[1036]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 78, 79. Some said that
-the sum of money paid by the Carthaginians was 300 talents. Timæus
-stated it at 150 talents.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1037"><a href="#FNanchor_1037"><span
-class="label">[1037]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 89.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1038"><a href="#FNanchor_1038"><span
-class="label">[1038]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 90.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1039"><a href="#FNanchor_1039"><span
-class="label">[1039]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 101. This expedition of
-Agathokles against the Lyparæan isles seems to have been described in
-detail by his contemporary historian, the Syracusan Kallias: see the
-Fragments of that author, in Didot’s Fragment. Hist. Græc. vol. ii.
-p. 383. Fragm. 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1040"><a href="#FNanchor_1040"><span
-class="label">[1040]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 104.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1041"><a href="#FNanchor_1041"><span
-class="label">[1041]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 104; Livy, x. 2. A
-curious anecdote appears in the Pseudo-Aristotle, De Mirabilibus (78)
-respecting two native Italians, Aulus and Caius, who tried to poison
-Kleonymus at Tarentum, but were detected and put to death by the
-Tarentines.</p>
-
-<p>That Agathokles, in his operations on the coast of southern
-Italy, found himself in conflict with the Romans, and that their
-importance was now strongly felt—we may judge by the fact, that the
-Syracusan Kallias (contemporary and historian of Agathokles) appears
-to have given details respecting the origin and history of Rome. See
-the Fragments of Kallias, ap. Didot, Hist. Græc. Frag. vol. ii. p.
-383; Fragm. 5—and Dionys. Hal. Ant. Rom. i. 72.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1042"><a href="#FNanchor_1042"><span
-class="label">[1042]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 105.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1043"><a href="#FNanchor_1043"><span
-class="label">[1043]</span></a> Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 2. p. 265.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1044"><a href="#FNanchor_1044"><span
-class="label">[1044]</span></a> Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 3. p. 266.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1045"><a href="#FNanchor_1045"><span
-class="label">[1045]</span></a> Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 4, 8, 11. p.
-266-273.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1046"><a href="#FNanchor_1046"><span
-class="label">[1046]</span></a> Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 12. p. 276-278.
-Neither Justin (xxiii. 2) nor Trogus before him, (as it seems from
-the Prologue) alludes to poison. He represents Agathokles as having
-died by a violent distemper. He notices however the bloody family
-feud, and the murder of the uncle by the nephew.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1047"><a href="#FNanchor_1047"><span
-class="label">[1047]</span></a> Justin (xxiii. 2) dwells pathetically
-on this last parting between Agathokles and Theoxena. It is difficult
-to reconcile Justin’s narrative with that of Diodorus; but on this
-point, as far as we can judge, I think him more credible than
-Diodorus.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1048"><a href="#FNanchor_1048"><span
-class="label">[1048]</span></a> Polyb. xv. 35. See above in this
-History, Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxiii. p. 46.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1049"><a href="#FNanchor_1049"><span
-class="label">[1049]</span></a> Polybius (ix. 23) says that
-Agathokles, though cruel in the extreme at the beginning of his
-career, and in the establishment of his power, yet became the mildest
-of men after his power was once established. The latter half of this
-statement is contradicted by all the particular facts which we know
-respecting Agathokles.</p>
-
-<p>As to Timæus the historian, indeed (who had been banished from
-Sicily by Agathokles, and who wrote the history of the latter in
-five books), Polybius had good reason to censure him, as being
-unmeasured in his abuse of Agathokles. For Timæus not only recounted
-of Agathokles numerous acts of nefarious cruelty—acts of course
-essentially public, and therefore capable of being known—but also
-told much scandal about his private habits, and represented him
-(which is still more absurd) as a man vulgar and despicable in point
-of ability. See the Fragments of Timæus ap. Histor. Græc. ed. Didot.
-Frag. 144-150.</p>
-
-<p>All, or nearly all, the acts of Agathokles, as described in the
-preceding pages, have been copied from Diodorus; who had as good
-authorities before him as Polybius possessed. Diodorus does not copy
-the history of Agathokles from Timæus; on the contrary, he censures
-Timæus for his exaggerated acrimony and injustice towards Agathokles,
-in terms not less forcibly than those which Polybius employs (xxi.
-Fragm. p. 279). Diodorus cites Timæus by name, occasionally and in
-particular instances: but he evidently did not borrow from that
-author the main stream of his narrative. He seems to have had
-before him other authorities—among them some highly favorable to
-Agathokles—the Syracusan Kallias—and Antander, brother of Agathokles
-(xxi. p. 278-282).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1050"><a href="#FNanchor_1050"><span
-class="label">[1050]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 63.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1051"><a href="#FNanchor_1051"><span
-class="label">[1051]</span></a> The poet Theokritus (xvi.
-75-80) expatiates on the bravery of the Syracusan Hiero II.,
-and on the great warlike power of the Syracusans under him
-(<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> 260-240), which he represents as
-making the Carthaginians tremble for their possessions in Sicily.
-Personally, Hiero seems to have deserved this praise—and to
-have deserved yet more praise for his mild and prudent internal
-administration of Syracuse. But his military force was altogether
-secondary in the great struggle between Rome and Carthage for the
-mastery of Sicily.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1052"><a href="#FNanchor_1052"><span
-class="label">[1052]</span></a> Cæsar, Bell. Gall. ii. 1; Strabo, iv.
-p. 179.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1053"><a href="#FNanchor_1053"><span
-class="label">[1053]</span></a> See Poseidonius ap. Athenæum, iv. p.
-152.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1054"><a href="#FNanchor_1054"><span
-class="label">[1054]</span></a> Strabo, iv. p. 180.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1055"><a href="#FNanchor_1055"><span
-class="label">[1055]</span></a> Strabo (xii. p. 575) places Massalia
-in the same rank as Kyzikus, Rhodes and Carthage; types of maritime
-cities highly and effectively organized.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1056"><a href="#FNanchor_1056"><span
-class="label">[1056]</span></a> Livy, xl. 18; Polybius, xxx. 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1057"><a href="#FNanchor_1057"><span
-class="label">[1057]</span></a> The oration composed by Demosthenes
-πρὸς Ζηνόδεμιν, relates to an affair wherein a ship, captain, and
-mate, all from Massalia, are found engaged in the carrying trade
-between Athens and Syracuse (Demosth. p. 382 <i>seq.</i>).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1058"><a href="#FNanchor_1058"><span
-class="label">[1058]</span></a> Brückner, Histor. Massiliensium, c. 7
-(Göttingen).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1059"><a href="#FNanchor_1059"><span
-class="label">[1059]</span></a> Livy, xxxiv. 8; Strabo. iii. p. 160.
-At Massalia, it is said that no armed stranger was ever allowed to
-enter the city, without depositing his arms at the gate (Justin,
-xliii. 4).</p>
-
-<p>This precaution seems to have been adopted in other cities also:
-see Æneas, Poliorket. c. 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1060"><a href="#FNanchor_1060"><span
-class="label">[1060]</span></a> Strabo, iii. p. 165. A fact told to
-Poseidonius by a Massaliot proprietor who was his personal friend.
-</p>
-
-<p>In the siege of Massalia by Cæsar, a detachment of
-Albici,—mountaineers not far from the town, and old allies or
-dependents—were brought in to help in the defence (Cæsar, Bell. G. i.
-34).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1061"><a href="#FNanchor_1061"><span
-class="label">[1061]</span></a> Strabo, iv. p. 180.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1062"><a href="#FNanchor_1062"><span
-class="label">[1062]</span></a> Strabo, iv. p. 181; Cicero, De
-Republ. xxvii. Fragm. Vacancies in the senate seem to have been
-filled up from meritorious citizens generally—as far as we can judge
-by a brief allusion in Aristotle (Polit. vi. 7).</p>
-
-<p>From another passage in the same work, it seems that the narrow
-basis of the oligarchy must have given rise to dissensions (v. 6).
-Aristotle had included the Μασσαλιωτῶν πολιτεία in his lost work Περὶ
-Πολιτειῶν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1063"><a href="#FNanchor_1063"><span
-class="label">[1063]</span></a> Strabo, <i>l.&nbsp;c.</i> However, one
-author from whom Athenæus borrowed (xii. p. 523), described the
-Massaliots as luxurious in their habits.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1064"><a href="#FNanchor_1064"><span
-class="label">[1064]</span></a> Strabo, iv. p. 199. Ἔφορος δὲ
-ὑπερβάλλουσαν τῷ μεγέθει λέγει τὴν Κελτικὴν, ὥστε ἧσπερ νῦν Ἰβηρίας
-καλοῦμεν ἐκείνοις τὰ πλεῖστα προσνέμειν μέχρι Γαδείρων, <span
-class="gesperrt">φιλέλληνάς τε ἀποφαίνει τοὺς ἀνθρώπους</span>, καὶ
-πολλὰ ἰδίως λέγει περὶ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐοικότα τοῖς νῦν. Compare p. 181.
-</p>
-
-<p>It is to be remembered that Ephorus was a native of the Asiatic
-Kymê the immediate neighbor of Phokæa, which was the metropolis of
-Massalia. The Massaliots never forgot or broke off their connection
-with Phokæa: see the statement of their intercession with the Romans
-on behalf of Phokæa (Justin, xxxvii. 1). Ephorus therefore had good
-means of learning whatever Massaliot citizens were disposed to
-communicate.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1065"><a href="#FNanchor_1065"><span
-class="label">[1065]</span></a> Varro, Antiq. Fragm. p. 350, ed.
-Bipont.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1066"><a href="#FNanchor_1066"><span
-class="label">[1066]</span></a> See the Fragmenta Pytheæ collected
-by Arfwedson, Upsal, 1824. He wrote two works—1. Γῆς Περιόδος.
-2. Περὶ Ὠκεανοῦ. His statements were greatly esteemed, and often
-followed, by Eratosthenes; partially followed by Hipparchus; harshly
-judged by Polybius, whom Strabo in the main follows. Even by those
-who judge him most severely, Pytheas is admitted to have been a
-good mathematician and astronomer (Strabo, iv. p. 201)—and to have
-travelled extensively in person. Like Herodotus, he must have been
-forced to report a great deal on hearsay; and all that he could do
-was to report the best hearsay information which reached him. It is
-evident that his writings made an epoch in geographical inquiries;
-though they doubtless contained numerous inaccuracies. See a fair
-estimate of Pytheas in Mannert, Geog. der Gr. und Römer, Introd. i.
-p. 73-86.</p>
-
-<p>The Massaliotic Codex of Homer, possessed and consulted among
-others by the Alexandrine critics, affords presumption that the
-celebrity of Massalia as a place of Grecian literature and study (in
-which character it competed with Athens towards the commencement of
-the Roman empire) had its foundations laid at least in the third
-century before the Christian era.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1067"><a href="#FNanchor_1067"><span
-class="label">[1067]</span></a> Aristotle, Politic. v. 2, 11; v. 5,
-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1068"><a href="#FNanchor_1068"><span
-class="label">[1068]</span></a> See Vol. IX. Ch. lxxi. p. 129
-<i>seqq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1069"><a href="#FNanchor_1069"><span
-class="label">[1069]</span></a> See the remarkable life of the Karian
-Datames, by Cornelius Nepos, which gives some idea of the situation
-of Paphlagonia about 360-350 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> (cap. 7, 8).
-Compare Xenoph. Hellenic. iv. 1, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1070"><a href="#FNanchor_1070"><span
-class="label">[1070]</span></a> Arrian, iii. 24, 8; Curtius, vi. 5,
-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1071"><a href="#FNanchor_1071"><span
-class="label">[1071]</span></a> Polybius, v. 43.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1072"><a href="#FNanchor_1072"><span
-class="label">[1072]</span></a> Xenoph. Anab. vi. 6, 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1073"><a href="#FNanchor_1073"><span
-class="label">[1073]</span></a> Aristot. Polit. v. 5, 2; v. 5, 5.
-Another passage in the same work, however (v. 4, 2), says, that
-in Herakleia, the democracy was subverted immediately after the
-foundation of the colony, through the popular leaders; who committed
-injustice against the rich. These rich men were banished, but
-collected strength enough to return and subvert the democracy by
-force.</p>
-
-<p>If this passage alludes to the same Herakleia (there were many
-towns of that name), the government must have been originally
-democratical. But the serfdom of the natives seems to imply an
-oligarchy.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1074"><a href="#FNanchor_1074"><span
-class="label">[1074]</span></a> Aristot. Polit. vii. 5, 7; Polyæn.
-vi. 9, 3, 4; compare Pseudo-Aristotle Œconomic. ii. 9.</p>
-
-<p>The reign of Leukon lasted from about 392-352
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> The event alluded to by Polyænus must have
-occurred at some time during this interval.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1075"><a href="#FNanchor_1075"><span
-class="label">[1075]</span></a> Justin, xvi. 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1076"><a href="#FNanchor_1076"><span
-class="label">[1076]</span></a> Aristot. v. 5, 2; 5, 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1077"><a href="#FNanchor_1077"><span
-class="label">[1077]</span></a> Justin, xvi. 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1078"><a href="#FNanchor_1078"><span
-class="label">[1078]</span></a> Æneas, Poliorket. c. 11. I have given
-what seems the most probable explanation of a very obscure passage.
-</p>
-
-<p>It is to be noted that the distribution of citizens into
-centuries (ἑκατοστύες) prevailed also at Byzantium; see Inscript. No.
-2060 ap. Boeck. Corp. Inscr. Græc. p. 130. A citizen of Olbia, upon
-whom the citizenship of Byzantium is conferred, is allowed to enroll
-himself in any one of the ἑκατοστύες, that he prefers.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1079"><a href="#FNanchor_1079"><span
-class="label">[1079]</span></a> Diodor. xv. 81. ἐζήλωσε μὲν τὴν
-Διονυσίου τοῦ Συρακοσίου διαγωγὴν, etc. Memnon, Fragm. c. 1;
-Isokrates, Epist. vii.</p>
-
-<p>It is here that the fragments of Memnon, as abstracted by Photius
-(Cod. 224), begin. Photius had seen only eight books of Memnon’s
-History of Herakleia (Books ix.-xvi. inclusive); neither the first
-eight books (see the end of his Excerpta from Memnon), nor those
-after the sixteenth, had come under his view. This is greatly to be
-regretted, as we are thus shut out from the knowledge of Heraklean
-affairs anterior to Klearchus.</p>
-
-<p>It happens, not unfrequently, with Photius, that he does not
-possess an entire work, but only parts of it; this is a curious
-fact, in reference to the libraries of the ninth century <span
-class="smcap">A.&nbsp;D.</span></p>
-
-<p>The fragments of Memnon are collected out of Photius, together
-with those of Nymphis and other Herakleotic historians, and
-illustrated with useful notes and citations, in the edition of
-Orelli; as well as by K. Müller, in Didot’s Fragm. Hist. Græc. tom.
-iii. p. 525. Memnon carried his history down to the time of Julius
-Cæsar, and appears to have lived shortly after the Christian era.
-Nymphis (whom he probably copied) was much older; having lived
-seemingly from about 300-230 <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> (see the few
-Fragmenta remaining from him, in the same work, iii. p. 12). The work
-of the Herakleotic author Herodôrus seems to have been altogether
-upon legendary matter (see Fragm. in the same work, ii. p. 27). He
-was half a century earlier than Nymphis.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1080"><a href="#FNanchor_1080"><span
-class="label">[1080]</span></a> Suidas v. Κλέαρχος.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1081"><a href="#FNanchor_1081"><span
-class="label">[1081]</span></a> Polyænus, ii. 30, 1; Justin, xvi. 4.
-“A quibus revocatus in patriam, per quos in arce collocatus fuerat”,
-etc.</p>
-
-<p>Æneas (Poliorket. c. 12) cites this proceeding as an example of
-the mistake made by a political party, in calling in a greater number
-of mercenary auxiliaries than they could manage or keep in order.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1082"><a href="#FNanchor_1082"><span
-class="label">[1082]</span></a> Justin, xvi. 4, 5; Theopompus ap.
-Athenæ. iii. p. 85. Fragm. 200, ed. Didot.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1083"><a href="#FNanchor_1083"><span
-class="label">[1083]</span></a> Memnon, c. 1. The seventh Epistle
-of Isokrates, addressed to Timotheus son of Klearchus, recognizes
-generally this character of the latter with whose memory Isokrates
-disclaims all sympathy.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1084"><a href="#FNanchor_1084"><span
-class="label">[1084]</span></a> Memnon, c. 1; Justin, xvi. 5; Diodor.
-xvi 36.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1085"><a href="#FNanchor_1085"><span
-class="label">[1085]</span></a> Memnon, c. 2. ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ φιλαδελφίᾳ τὸ
-πρῶτον ἠνέγκατο· τὴν γὰρ ἀρχὴν τοῖς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παισὶν ἀνεπηρέαστον
-συντηρῶν, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον τῆς αὐτῶν κηδεμονίας λόγον ἐτίθετο, ὡς καὶ
-γυναικὶ συνὼν, καὶ τότε λίαν στεργομένῃ, μὴ ἀνασχέσθαι παιδοποιῆσαι,
-ἀλλὰ μηχανῇ πάσῃ γονῆς στέρησιν ἑαυτῷ δικάσαι, ὡς ἂν μήδ᾽ ὅλως
-ὑπολίποι τινὰ ἐφεδρεύοντα τοῖς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παισίν.</p>
-
-<p>In the Antigonid dynasty of Macedonia, we read that Demetrius,
-son of Antigonus Gonatas, died leaving his son Philip a boy.
-Antigonus called Doson, younger brother of Demetrius, assumed the
-regency on behalf of Philip; he married the widow of Demetrius,
-and had children by her; but he was so anxious to guard Philip’s
-succession against all chance of being disturbed, that he refused to
-bring up his own children—Ὁ δὲ παιδῶν γενομένων ἐκ τῆς Χρυσηΐδος,
-οὐκ ἀνεθρέψατο, τὴν ἀρχὴν τῷ Φιλιππῷ περισώζων (Porphyry, Fragm. ap.
-Didot, Fragm. Histor. Græc. vol. iii. p. 701).</p>
-
-<p>In the Greek and Roman world, the father was generally considered
-to have the right of determining whether he would or would not bring
-up a new-born child. The obligation was only supposed to commence
-when he accepted or sanctioned it, by taking up the child.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1086"><a href="#FNanchor_1086"><span
-class="label">[1086]</span></a> Memnon, c. 3. The Epistle of
-Isokrates (vii.) addressed to Timotheus in recommendation of a
-friend, is in harmony with this general character, but gives no new
-information.</p>
-
-<p>Diodorus reckons Timotheus as immediately succeeding Klearchus
-his father—considering Satyrus simply as regent (xvi. 36).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1087"><a href="#FNanchor_1087"><span
-class="label">[1087]</span></a> We hear of Klearchus as having
-besieged Astakus (afterwards Nikomedia)—at the interior extremity of
-the north-eastern indentation of the Propontis, called the Gulf of
-Astakus (Polyænus, ii. 30, 3).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1088"><a href="#FNanchor_1088"><span
-class="label">[1088]</span></a> Memnon, c. 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1089"><a href="#FNanchor_1089"><span
-class="label">[1089]</span></a> Memnon, c. 20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1090"><a href="#FNanchor_1090"><span
-class="label">[1090]</span></a> Memnon, c. 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1091"><a href="#FNanchor_1091"><span
-class="label">[1091]</span></a> Memnon, c. 3. See in this History,
-Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxv. p. 154.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1092"><a href="#FNanchor_1092"><span
-class="label">[1092]</span></a> Memnon, c. 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1093"><a href="#FNanchor_1093"><span
-class="label">[1093]</span></a> Strabo, xii. p. 565.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1094"><a href="#FNanchor_1094"><span
-class="label">[1094]</span></a> Memnon, c. 4: compare Diodor. xx.
-53.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1095"><a href="#FNanchor_1095"><span
-class="label">[1095]</span></a> Nymphis, Fragm. 16. ap. Athenæum,
-xii. p. 549; Ælian, V. H. ix. 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1096"><a href="#FNanchor_1096"><span
-class="label">[1096]</span></a> Strabo, xii. p. 565. So also
-Antioch, on the Orontes in Syria, the great foundation of Seleukus
-Nikator, was established on or near the site of another Antigonia,
-also previously founded by Antigonus Monophthalmus (Strabo, xv. p.
-750).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1097"><a href="#FNanchor_1097"><span
-class="label">[1097]</span></a> Strabo, xii. p. 544.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1098"><a href="#FNanchor_1098"><span
-class="label">[1098]</span></a> Memnon, c. 6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1099"><a href="#FNanchor_1099"><span
-class="label">[1099]</span></a> Memnon, c. 7, 8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1100"><a href="#FNanchor_1100"><span
-class="label">[1100]</span></a> Memnon, c. 9; Strabo, xii. p. 542.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1101"><a href="#FNanchor_1101"><span
-class="label">[1101]</span></a> Memnon, c. 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1102"><a href="#FNanchor_1102"><span
-class="label">[1102]</span></a> Memnon, c. 16. The inhabitants
-of Byzantium also purchased for a considerable sum the important
-position called the Ἱερὸν, at the entrance of the Euxine on the
-Asiatic side (Polybius, iv. 50).</p>
-
-<p>These are rare examples, in ancient history, of cities acquiring
-territory or dependencies <i>by purchase</i>. Acquisitions were often
-made in this manner by the free German, Swiss, and Italian cities
-of mediæval Europe; but as to the Hellenic cities, I have not had
-occasion to record many such transactions in the course of this
-history.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1103"><a href="#FNanchor_1103"><span
-class="label">[1103]</span></a> Memnon, c. 13: compare Polyb. xviii.
-34.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1104"><a href="#FNanchor_1104"><span
-class="label">[1104]</span></a> This is a remarkable observation made
-by Memnon, c. 19.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1105"><a href="#FNanchor_1105"><span
-class="label">[1105]</span></a> See the statement of Polybius, xxii.
-24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1106"><a href="#FNanchor_1106"><span
-class="label">[1106]</span></a> Contrast the independent
-and commanding position occupied by Byzantium in 399
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>, acknowledging no superior except Sparta
-(Xenoph. Anab. vii. 1)—with its condition in the third century
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>—harassed and pillaged almost to the
-gates of the town by the neighboring Thracians and Gauls, and only
-purchased immunity by continued money payments: see Polybius, iv.
-45.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1107"><a href="#FNanchor_1107"><span
-class="label">[1107]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 319. Philip of
-Macedon defeated the Scythian prince Atheas or Ateas (about 340
-<small>B.&nbsp;C.</small>) somewhere between Mount Hæmus and the
-Danube (Justin, ix. 2). But the relations of Ateas with the towns of
-Istrus and Apollonia, which are said to have brought Philip into the
-country, are very difficult to understand. It is most probable that
-these cities invited Philip as their defender.</p>
-
-<p>In Inscription No. 2056 c. (in Boeckh’s Corp. Inscript. Græc.
-part xi. p. 79), the five cities constituting the Pentapolis are
-not clearly named. Boeckh supposes them to be Apollonia, Mesembria,
-Odêssus, Kallatis, and Tomi; but Istrus seems more probable than
-Tomi. Odêssus was on the site of the modern Varna where the
-Inscription was found; greatly south of the modern town of Odessa,
-which is on the site of another town <i>Ordêsus</i>.</p>
-
-<p>An Inscription (2056) immediately preceding the above, also
-found at Odêssus, contains a vote of thanks and honors to a certain
-citizen of Antioch, who resided with ... (name imperfect), king
-of the Scythians and rendered great service to the Greeks by his
-influence.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1108"><a href="#FNanchor_1108"><span
-class="label">[1108]</span></a> Diodor. xix. 73; xx. 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1109"><a href="#FNanchor_1109"><span
-class="label">[1109]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 302-305; Pausanias,
-i. 9, 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1110"><a href="#FNanchor_1110"><span
-class="label">[1110]</span></a> Dion Chrysost. Orat. xxxvi.
-(Borysthenitica) p. 75, Reisk. εἶλον δὲ καὶ ταύτην (Olbia) Γέται, καὶ
-τὰς ἄλλας τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἀριστέροις τοῦ Πόντου πόλεις, μέχρι Ἀπολλωνίας·
-ὅθεν δὴ καὶ σφόδρα ταπεινὰ τὰ πράγματα κατέστη τῶν ταύτῃ Ἑλλήνων· τῶν
-μὲν οὐκέτι συνοικισθεισῶν πόλεων, τῶν δὲ φαυλῶς, καὶ τῶν πλείστων
-βαρβάρων εἰς αὐτὰς συῤῥεόντων.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1111"><a href="#FNanchor_1111"><span
-class="label">[1111]</span></a> The picture drawn by Ovid, of his
-situation as an exile at Tomi, can never fail to interest, from
-the mere beauty and felicity of his expression; but it is not
-less interesting, as a real description of Hellenism in its last
-phase, degraded and overborne by adverse fates. The truth of Ovid’s
-picture is fully borne out by the analogy of Olbia, presently to be
-mentioned. His complaints run through the five books of the Tristia,
-and the four books of Epistolæ ex Ponto (Trist. v. 10, 15).</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<p class="i-1">“Innumeræ circa gentes fera bella minantur,</p>
-<p class="i2">Quæ sibi non rapto vivere turpe putant.</p>
-<p class="i0">Nil extra tutum est: tumulus defenditur ægre</p>
-<p class="i2">Mœnibus exiguis ingenioque soli.</p>
-<p class="i0">Cum minime credas, ut avis, densissimus hostis</p>
-<p class="i2">Advolat, et prædam vix bene visus agit.</p>
-<p class="i0">Sæpe intra muros clausis venientia portis</p>
-<p class="i2">Per medias legimus noxia tela vias.</p>
-<p class="i0">Est igitur rarus, qui colere audeat, isque</p>
-<p class="i2">Hac arat infelix, hac tenet arma manu.</p>
-<p class="i0">Vix ope castelli defendimur: et tamen intus</p>
-<p class="i2">Mista facit Græcis barbara turba metum.</p>
-<p class="i0">Quippe simul nobis habitat discrimine nullo</p>
-<p class="i2">Barbarus, et tecti plus quoque parte tenet.</p>
-<p class="i0">Quos ut non timeas, possis odisse, videndo</p>
-<p class="i2">Pellibus et longâ corpora tecta comâ.</p>
-<p class="i0">Hos quoque, qui geniti Graiâ creduntur ab urbe,</p>
-<p class="i2">Pro patrio cultu Persica bracca tegit,” etc.</p>
-</div></div>
-
-<p class="mt1">This is a specimen out of many others: compare Trist.
-iii. 10, 53; iv. 1, 67; Epist. Pont. iii. 1.</p>
-
-<p>Ovid dwells especially upon the fact that there was more of
-barbaric than of Hellenic speech at Tomi—“Graiaque quod Getico victa
-loquela sono est” (Trist. v. 2, 68). Woollen clothing, and the
-practice of spinning and weaving by the free women of the family,
-were among the most familiar circumstances of Grecian life; the
-absence of these feminine arts, and the use of skins or leather for
-clothing, were notable departures from Grecian habits (Ex Ponto, iii.
-8):—</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<p class="i-1">“Vellera dura ferunt pecudes; et Palladis uti</p>
-<p class="i2">Arte Tomitanæ non didicere nurus.</p>
-<p class="i0">Femina pro lanâ Cerealia munera frangit,</p>
-<p class="i2">Suppositoque gravem vertice portat aquam.”</p>
-</div></div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1112"><a href="#FNanchor_1112"><span
-class="label">[1112]</span></a> Herodot. iv. 16-18. The town was
-called <i>Olbia</i> by its inhabitants, but <i>Borysthenes</i> usually by
-foreigners; though it was not on the Borysthenes river (Dnieper), but
-on the right bank of the Hypanis (Bug).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1113"><a href="#FNanchor_1113"><span
-class="label">[1113]</span></a> Herodot. iv. 76-80.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1114"><a href="#FNanchor_1114"><span
-class="label">[1114]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 302: Skymnus Chius,
-v. 112, who usually follows Ephorus.</p>
-
-<p>The rhetor Dion tells us (Orat. xxxvi. init.) that he went
-to Olbia in order that he might <i>go through the Scythians
-to the Getæ</i>. This shows that in his time (about <span
-class="smcap">A.&nbsp;D.</span> 100) the Scythians must have been
-between the Bug and Dniester—the Getæ nearer to the Danube—just
-as they had been four centuries earlier. But many new hordes were
-mingled with them.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1115"><a href="#FNanchor_1115"><span
-class="label">[1115]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 296-304.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1116"><a href="#FNanchor_1116"><span
-class="label">[1116]</span></a> This Inscription—No. 2058—in Boeckh’s
-Inscr. Græc. part xi. p. 121 <i>seq.</i>—is among the most interesting
-in that noble collection. It records a vote of public gratitude
-and honor to a citizen of Olbia named Protogenes, and recites the
-valuable services which he as well as his father had rendered to
-the city. It thus describes the numerous situations of difficulty
-and danger from which he had contributed to extricate them. A
-vivid picture is presented to us of the distress of the city. The
-introduction prefixed by Boeckh (p. 86-89) is also very instructive.
-</p>
-
-<p>Olbia is often spoken of by the name of <i>Borysthenes</i>, which name
-was given to it by foreigners, but not recognized by the citizens.
-Nor was it even situated on the Borysthenes river; but on the right
-or western bank of the Hypanis (Bug) river; not far from the modern
-Oczakoff.</p>
-
-<p>The date of the above Inscription is not specified, and has
-been differently determined by various critics. Niebuhr assigns it
-(Untersuchungen über die Skythen, etc. in his Kleine Schriften, p.
-387) to a time near the close of the second Punic war. Boeckh also
-believes that it is not much after that epoch. The terror inspired
-by the Gauls, even to other barbarians, appears to suit the second
-century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> better than it suits a later
-period.</p>
-
-<p>The Inscription No. 2059 attests the great number of strangers
-resident at Olbia; strangers from eighteen different cities, of which
-the most remote is Miletus, the mother-city of Olbia.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1117"><a href="#FNanchor_1117"><span
-class="label">[1117]</span></a> On one occasion, we know not when,
-the citizens of Olbia are said to have been attacked by one Zopyrion,
-and to have succeeded in resisting him only by emancipating their
-slaves, and granting the citizenship to foreigners (Macrobius,
-Saturnal. i. 11).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1118"><a href="#FNanchor_1118"><span
-class="label">[1118]</span></a> Dion Chrys. (Or. xxxvi. p. 75), ἀεὶ
-μὲν πολεμεῖται, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ ἑάλωκε, etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1119"><a href="#FNanchor_1119"><span
-class="label">[1119]</span></a> Dion Chrysost. Orat. xxxvi.
-(Borysthenit.) p. 75, 76, Reisk.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1120"><a href="#FNanchor_1120"><span
-class="label">[1120]</span></a> See Boeckh’s Commentary on the
-language and personal names of the Olbian Inscriptions, part xi. p.
-108-116.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1121"><a href="#FNanchor_1121"><span
-class="label">[1121]</span></a> Dion, Orat. xxxvi. (Borysthenit.), p.
-78, Reiske. ... καὶ τἄλλα μὲν οὐκέτι σαφῶς ἑλληνίζοντες, διὰ τὸ ἐν
-μέσοις οἰκεῖν τοῖς βαρβάροις, ὅμως τήν γε Ἰλιάδα ὀλίγου πάντες ἴσασιν
-ἀπὸ στόματος. I translate the words ὀλίγου πάντες with some allowance
-for rhetoric.</p>
-
-<p>The representation given by Dion of the youthful citizen of
-Olbia—Kallistratus—with whom he conversed, is curious as a picture
-of Greek manners in this remote land; a youth of eighteen years of
-age, with genuine Ionic features, and conspicuous for his beauty
-(εἶχε πολλοὺς ἐραστάς) a zealot for literature and philosophy, but
-especially for Homer; clothed in the costume of the place, suited for
-riding—the long leather trowsers, and short black cloak; constantly
-on horseback for defence of the town, and celebrated as a warrior
-even at that early age, having already killed or made prisoners
-several Sarmatians (p. 77).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1122"><a href="#FNanchor_1122"><span
-class="label">[1122]</span></a> See Inscriptions, Nos. 2076, 2077,
-ap. Boeckh; and Arrian’s Periplus of the Euxine, ap. Geogr. Minor. p.
-21, ed. Hudson.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1123"><a href="#FNanchor_1123"><span
-class="label">[1123]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 310.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1124"><a href="#FNanchor_1124"><span
-class="label">[1124]</span></a> Diodor. xii. 31.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1125"><a href="#FNanchor_1125"><span
-class="label">[1125]</span></a> See Mr. Clinton’s Appendix on the
-Kings of Bosporus—Fast. Hellen. App. c. 13. p. 280. etc.; and
-Boeckh’s Commentary on the same subject, Inscript. Græc. part xi. p.
-91 <i>seq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1126"><a href="#FNanchor_1126"><span
-class="label">[1126]</span></a> Polybius (iv. 38) enumerates the
-principal articles of this Pontic trade; among the exports τά τε
-δέρματα καὶ τὸ τῶν εἰς τὰς δουλείας ἀγομένων σωμάτων πλῆθος, etc.,
-where Schweighäuser has altered <span class="gesperrt">δέρματα</span>
-to <span class="gesperrt">θρέμματα</span> seemingly on the authority
-of one MS. only. I doubt the propriety of this change, as well as
-the facts of any large exportation of live cattle from the Pontus;
-whereas the exportation of hides was considerable: see Strabo, xi. p.
-493.</p>
-
-<p>The Scythian public slaves or policemen of Athens are well known.
-Σκύθαινα also is the name of a female slave (Aristoph. Lysistr. 184).
-Σκύθης, for the name of a slave, occurs as early as Theognis, v. 826.
-</p>
-
-<p>Some of the salted preparations from the Pontus were
-extravagantly dear; Cato complained of a κεράμιον Ποντικῶν ταρίχον as
-sold for 300 drachmæ (Polyb. xxxi. 24).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1127"><a href="#FNanchor_1127"><span
-class="label">[1127]</span></a> Harpokration and Photius, v.
-Νυμφαῖον—from the ψηφίσματα collected by Kraterus. Compare Boeckh, in
-the second edition of his Staatshaushaltung der Athener, vol. ii. p.
-658.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1128"><a href="#FNanchor_1128"><span
-class="label">[1128]</span></a> Æschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 78. c. 57.
-See my last preceding Vol. XI. Ch. lxxxvii. p. 263.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1129"><a href="#FNanchor_1129"><span
-class="label">[1129]</span></a> Lysias, pro Mantitheo, Or. xvi. s.
-4; Isokrates (Trapezitic.), Or. xvii. s. 5. The young man, whose
-case Isokrates sets forth, was sent to Athens by his father Sopæus,
-a rich Pontic Greek (s. 52) much in the confidence of Satyrus.
-Sopæus furnished his son with two ship-loads of corn, and with money
-besides—and then despatched him to Athens ἅμα κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν καὶ κατὰ
-θεωρίαν.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1130"><a href="#FNanchor_1130"><span
-class="label">[1130]</span></a> Isokrates, Trapez. s. 5, 6. Sopæus,
-father of this pleader, had incurred the suspicions of Satyrus in the
-Pontus, and had been arrested; upon which Satyrus sends to Athens to
-seize the property of the son, to order him home,—and if he refused,
-then to require the Athenians to deliver him up—ἐπιστέλλει δὲ τοῖς
-ἐνθάδε ἐπιδημοῦσιν ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου τά τε χρήματα παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ κομίσασθαι,
-etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1131"><a href="#FNanchor_1131"><span
-class="label">[1131]</span></a> Isokrates, Trapezit. s. 71.
-Demosthenes also recognizes favors from Satyrus—καὶ αὐτὸς (Leukon)
-καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι, etc. (adv. Leptin. p. 467).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1132"><a href="#FNanchor_1132"><span
-class="label">[1132]</span></a> Demosth. adv. Leptin., p. 467.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1133"><a href="#FNanchor_1133"><span
-class="label">[1133]</span></a> Demosth. adv. Leptin., p. 469.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1134"><a href="#FNanchor_1134"><span
-class="label">[1134]</span></a> Demosth. adv. Phormion., p. 917;
-Deinarchus adv. Demosth., p. 34. The name stands Berisades as
-printed in the oration; but it is plain that Parisades is the person
-designated. See Boeckh, Introd. ad Inscr. No. 2056, p. 92.</p>
-
-<p>Deinarchus avers, that Demosthenes received an annual present of
-1000 modii of corn from Bosporus.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1135"><a href="#FNanchor_1135"><span
-class="label">[1135]</span></a> Demosthen. adv. Dionysodor. p.
-1285.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1136"><a href="#FNanchor_1136"><span
-class="label">[1136]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 310, 311.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1137"><a href="#FNanchor_1137"><span
-class="label">[1137]</span></a> See Inscript. Nos. 2117, 2118, 2119,
-in Boeckh’s Collection, p. 156.</p>
-
-<p>In the Memorabilia of Xenophon (ii. 1, 10). Sokrates cites
-the Scythians as an example of ruling people, and the Mæotæ as an
-example of subjects. Probably this refers to the position of the
-Bosporanic Greeks, who paid tribute to the Scythians, but ruled over
-the Mæotæ. The name <i>Mæotæ</i> seems confined to tribes on the Asiatic
-side of the Palus Mæotis; while the Scythians were on the European
-side of that sea. Sokrates and the Athenians had good means of being
-informed about the situation of the Bosporani and their neighbors on
-both sides. See K. Neumann, die Hellenen im Skythenlande, b. ii. p.
-216.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1138"><a href="#FNanchor_1138"><span
-class="label">[1138]</span></a> This boundary is attested in another
-Inscription No. 2104, of the same collection. Inscription No. 2103,
-seems to indicate Arcadian mercenaries in the service of Leukon:
-about the mercenaries, see Diodor. xx. 22.</p>
-
-<p>Parisades I. is said to have been worshipped as a god, after his
-death (Strabo, vii. p. 310).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1139"><a href="#FNanchor_1139"><span
-class="label">[1139]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 24 The scene of these
-military operations (as far as we can pretend to make it out from
-the brief and superficial narrative of Diodorus), seems to have been
-on the European side of Bosporus; somewhere between the Borysthenes
-river and the Isthmus of Perekop, in the territory called by
-Herodotus <i>Hylæa</i>. This is Niebuhr’s opinion, which I think more
-probable than that of Boeckh, who supposes the operations to have
-occurred on the Asiatic territory of Bosporus. So far I concur with
-Niebuhr; but his reasons for placing Dromichætes king of the Getæ
-(the victor over Lysimachus), east of the Borysthenes, are noway
-satisfactory.</p>
-
-<p>Compare Niebuhr’s Untersuchungen über die Skythen, etc. (in his
-Kleine Schriften, p. 380). with Boeckh’s Commentary on the Sarmatian
-Inscriptions, Corp. Ins. Græc. part xi. p. 83-103.</p>
-
-<p>The mention by Diodorus of a wooden fortress, surrounded by
-morass and forest, is curious, and may be illustrated by the
-description in Herodotus (iv. 108) of the city of the Budini. This
-habit of building towns and fortifications of wood, prevailed among
-the Slavonic population in Russia and Poland until far down in the
-middle ages. See Paul Joseph Schaffarik, Slavische Alterhümer, in the
-German translation of Wuttke, vol. i. ch. 10 p. 192; also K. Neumann,
-Die Hellenen im Skythenlande, p. 91.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1140"><a href="#FNanchor_1140"><span
-class="label">[1140]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1141"><a href="#FNanchor_1141"><span
-class="label">[1141]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1142"><a href="#FNanchor_1142"><span
-class="label">[1142]</span></a> Diodor. xx. 100. Spartokus IV.—son of
-Eumelus—is recognized in one Attic Inscription (No. 107), and various
-Bosporanic (No. 2105, 2106, 2120) in Boeckh’s Collection. Parisades
-II.—son of Spartokus—is recognized in another Bosporanic Inscription,
-No. 2107—seemingly also in No. 2120 <i>b.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1143"><a href="#FNanchor_1143"><span
-class="label">[1143]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 310. Deinarchus
-however calls Parisades, Satyrus, and Gorgippus, τοὺς ἐχθίστους
-τύραννους (adv. Demosth. s. 44).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1144"><a href="#FNanchor_1144"><span
-class="label">[1144]</span></a> Strabo, vii. p. 310. οὐχ οἷός τε ὢν
-ἀντέχειν πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους, φόρον πραττομένους μείζω τοῦ πρότερον,
-etc.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1145"><a href="#FNanchor_1145"><span
-class="label">[1145]</span></a> Neumann, Die Hellenen im
-Skythenlande, p. 503.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1146"><a href="#FNanchor_1146"><span
-class="label">[1146]</span></a> An account of the recent discoveries
-near Kertch or Pantikapæum, will be found in Dubois de Montpéreux,
-Voyage dans le Caucase, vol. v. p. 135 <i>seqq.</i>; and in Neumann, Die
-Hellenen im Skythenlande, pp. 483-533. The last-mentioned work is
-peculiarly copious and instructive; relating what has been done since
-Dubois’s travels, and containing abundant information derived from
-the recent memoirs of the St. Petersburg Literary Societies.</p>
-
-<p>The local and special type, which shows itself so much on
-these works of art, justifies the inference that they were not
-brought from other Grecian cities, but executed by Grecian artists
-resident at Pantikapæum (p. 507). Two marble statues, a man and
-a woman, both larger than life, exhumed in 1850, are spoken of
-with peculiar admiration (p. 491). Coins of the third and fourth
-century <small>B.&nbsp;C.</small> have been found in several (p.
-494, 495). A great number of the so-called Etruscan vases have also
-been discovered, probably fabricated from a species of clay still
-existing in the neighborhood: the figures on these vases are often
-excellent, with designs and scenes of every description, religious,
-festal, warlike, domestic (p. 522). Many of the sarcophagi are
-richly ornamented with carvings, in wood, ivory, etc; some admirably
-executed (p. 521).</p>
-
-<p>Unfortunately, the belief prevails, and has long prevailed,
-among the neighboring population, that these tumuli contain hidden
-treasures. One of the most striking among them—called the Kul-Obo—was
-opened in 1830 by the Russian authorities. After great pains and
-trouble, the means of entrance were discovered, and the interior
-chamber was reached. It was the richest that had ever been opened;
-being found to contain some splendid golden ornaments, as well as
-many other relics. The Russian officers placed a guard to prevent
-any one from entering it; but the cupidity of the population of
-Kertch was so inflamed by the report of the expected treasure being
-discovered, that they forced the guard, broke into the interior, and
-pillaged most of the contents (p. 509). The Russian authorities have
-been generally anxious for the preservation and gradual excavation of
-these monuments, but have had to contend against repugnance and even
-rapacity on the part of the people near.</p>
-
-<p>Dubois de Montpéreux gives an interesting description of the
-opening of these tumuli near Kertch—especially of the Kul-Obo, the
-richest of all, which he conceives to have belonged to one of the
-Spartokid kings, and the decorations of which were the product of
-Hellenic art:—</p>
-
-<p>“Si l’on a enterré (he observes) un roi entouré d’un luxe
-Scythique, ce sont des Græcs et des artistes de cette nation qui ont
-travaillé à ses funerailles” (Voyage autour du Caucase, pp. 195, 213,
-227). Pantikapæum and Phanagoria (he says) “se reconnoissent de loin
-à la foule de leurs tumulus” (p. 137).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1147"><a href="#FNanchor_1147"><span
-class="label">[1147]</span></a> How marked that degradation was,
-may be seen attested by Dionysius of Halikarnassus, De Antiquis
-Oratoribus, pp. 445, 446, Reiske—ἐν γὰρ δὴ τοῖς πρὸ ἡμῶν χρόνοις ἡ
-μὲν ἀρχαία καὶ φιλόσοφος ῥητορικὴ προπηλακιζομένη καὶ δεινὰς ὕβρεις
-ὑπομένουσα κατελύετο, ἀρξαμένη μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος
-τελευτῆς ἐκπνεῖν καὶ μαραίνεσθαι κατ᾽ ὀλίγον, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς
-ἡλικίας μικροῦ δεήσασα εἰς τέλος ἠφανίσθαι. Compare Dionys. De
-Composit. Verbor. p. 29, 30, Reisk.; and Westermann, Geschichte der
-Griechischen Beredtsamkeit, s. 75-77.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1148"><a href="#FNanchor_1148"><span
-class="label">[1148]</span></a> Hom. Iliad, vi. 97.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p id="Footnote_1149"><a href="#FNanchor_1149"><span
-class="label">[1149]</span></a> Hom. Odyss. xvii. 322.—</p>
-
-<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
-<p class="i0">ἥμισυ γάρ τ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἀποαίνυται εὐρύοπα Ζεὺς</p>
-<p class="i0">ἀνέρος, εὖτ᾽ ἄν μιν κατὰ δούλιον ἦμαρ ἕλῃσιν.</p>
-</div></div>
-
-</div>
-
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap0" />
-
-
-<div class="chapter pt3" id="tnote">
-<div class="transnote">
-  <p class="tnotetit">Transcriber's note</p>
-  <ul>
-    <li>The book cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed
-    in the public domain.</li>
-
-    <li>Footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end of the
-    book.</li>
-
-    <li>Blank pages have been skipped.</li>
-
-    <li>Obvious printer errors have been silently corrected, after
-    comparison with a later edition of this work. Greek text has also
-    been corrected after checking with this later edition and with
-    Perseus, when the reference was found.</li>
-
-    <li>Original spelling, hyphenation and punctuation have been kept,
-    but variant spellings were made consistent when a predominant usage
-    was found.</li>
-
-    <li>Nevetherless, no attempt has been made at normalizing proper
-    names (<i>i.e.</i> Agrianes and Agriânes, Onchestus and Onchêstus,
-    Megalêpolis and Megalê-Polis, Mantinea and Mantineia, Crête and
-    Krête, Phenicians and Phœnicians, etc.). The author established
-    at the beginning of the first volume of this work some rules of
-    transcription for proper names, but neither he nor his publisher
-    follow them consistently.</li>
-
-    <li>In the Table of Contents, some page numbers have been emended
-    so that they refer to the actual pages where chapters begin and
-    end.</li>
-
-    <li>Some maps are rotated for the benefit of e-readers, but enlarged
-    images of these maps, unavailable in e-readers, are in their
-    unrotated presentation.</li>
-  </ul>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="full" />
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
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