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diff --git a/old/60590-0.txt b/old/60590-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index dcef03e..0000000 --- a/old/60590-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,12638 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Dardistan in 1866, 1886 and 1893, by G. W. Leitner - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Dardistan in 1866, 1886 and 1893 - -Author: G. W. Leitner - -Release Date: October 28, 2019 [EBook #60590] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DARDISTAN IN 1866, 1886 AND 1893 *** - - - - -Produced by Anne Grieve, Gail Loveman, David Starner and -the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - - - DARDISTAN - IN 1866, 1886 AND 1893 - - _Being - An Account of the History, Religions, Customs, Legends, Fables and - Songs of Gilgit, Chilas, Kandia (Gabrial) Yasin, Chitral, - Hunza, Nagyr and other parts of the Hindukush_, - - _AS ALSO A SUPPLEMENT TO THE SECOND EDITION OF_ - THE HUNZA AND NAGYR HANDBOOK - - _And An Epitome of - PART III OF THE AUTHOR’S “THE LANGUAGES AND RACES - OF DARDISTAN”_ - - _By_ - G. W. LEITNER M.A., PH.D., LL.D., D.O.L., ETC. - - (_With appendices on recent events, a map and - numerous illustrations_) - - [Illustration] - - MANJUSRI PUBLISHING HOUSE - Kumar Gallery, 11, Sunder Nagar Market, - NEW DELHI (India) - - PUBLISHED BY VIRENDRA KUMAR JAIN FOR MANJUSRI PUBLISHING HOUSE - KUMAR GALLERY, SUNDER NAGAR MARKET—NEW DELHI-110003 INDIA - - - - -[Illustration: MAP OF DARDISTAN AND THE PAMIRS - -_E. G. Ravenstein_ _G. Philip & Son_] - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - - A MAP OF DARDISTAN AND OF THE PAMIRS - - INTRODUCTION. A Note on Classical Allusions to the Dards and to Greek - Influence in India (4 pages) - - LEGENDS, SONGS, CUSTOMS, AND HISTORY, OF DARDISTAN (with Illustrations) - - A. Demons—Yatsh 1 - - B. Fairies—Barái 6 - - C. Wizards and Witches—Dayáll 7 - - D. Historical Legend of the Origin of Gilgit 9 - - The Feast of Firs and Songs 14 - - Bujóni—Riddles, Proverbs, and Fables 17 - - Songs—(Gilgiti, Astóri, Guraizi, and Chilási) 22 - - _Manners and Customs_: - - (_a_) Amusements (Polo, Dances, etc.) 33 - - (_b_) Beverages (beer, wine) 38 - - (_c_) Birth Ceremonies 41 - - (_d_) Marriage Ceremonies (Song to the Bride) 42 - - (_e_) Funerals 46 - - (_f_) Holidays 48 - - (_g_) The Religious Ideas of the Dards 49 - - (_h_) Form of Government among the Dards 53 - - (_i_) Habitations 57 - - (_j_) Divisions of the Dard race 58 - - (_k_) Castes 62 - - Legends regarding Animals, and note thereon 64 - - _Genealogies and History of Dardistan (pages 67 to 111)_ 67 - - Rough Chronological Sketch from 1800 to 1872 70 - - Note on Events since 1872, and in 1891 and 1892 75 - - Introduction to “THE DARD WARS WITH KASHMÎR” 77 - - Routes to Chilás 79 - - I. Struggles for the Conquest of Chilás 80 - - II. Wars for the possession of Gilgit 88 - - III. Wars on Yasin, and the massacre of its inhabitants 95 - - IV. War with Nagyr and Hunza (1864) 98 - - V. War with Dareyl (Yaghistán) (1866) 101 - - Mir Wali and Mulk Aman (with a note on the murder of Hayward) 104 - - Account of Kashmîr atrocities 106 - - Remarks on Dardistan in 1893 108 - - Treaty of the British Government with Kashmîr 110 - - Note on the Hunza-Nagyr Genealogy 111 - - APPENDICES: - - I. Hunza, Nagyr, and the Pamir Regions. (With an Autograph - Letter of the Tham of Nagyr, and other Illustrations) 24 pages - - II. Notes on Recent Events in Chilás and Chitrál, with a - photograph of H. H. the present Mihtar of Chitrál, - Nizám-ul-Mulk, his former Yasin Council and Chitráli - Musicians 19 pages - - III. Fables, Legends, and Songs of Chitrál (one in musical - notation), by H. H. Mihtar Nizám-ul-Mulk 14 pages - - IV. Races and Languages of the Hindukush [The Kohistán, - Gabriál, etc.], with a Note on Polo in Hunza-Nagyr 18 pages - - V. Anthropological Observations and Measurements 8 pages - - VI. Rough Itineraries in the Hindukush and to Central Asia, - Routes i, ii, and iii 12 pages - - VII. (_a_) A Secret Religion in the Hindukush and in the - Lebanon 14 pages - - (_b_) The Kelám-i-pîr and Esoteric Muhammadanism 9 pages - - VIII. On the Sciences of Language and of Ethnography, with - special reference to the Language and Customs of - Hunza (a separate pamphlet) 16 pages - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT. - - 1. Map of Dardistan and of the Pamirs (abridged from Dr. - Leitner’s large Map of Dardistan and a number of - Native Maps and Itineraries). - - 2. First Group of Dards, etc., taken in 1866. (Facing page 1.) - - 3. Group of Natives from Hunza, Yasin, and Nagyr, - listening to a Chitráli and a Badakhshi Musician. (Facing page 22.) - - 4. A Dance at Gilgit. (Facing page 36.) - - 5. Dr. Leitner’s Tibet Dog, “Chang.” (Facing page 66.) - - 6. “Our Manufactured Foes:” a Tangir Student, a - Nagyri Peasant, a Dareyli Herdsman, and a Hunza - Fighter (the first Hunza man taken to Europe in - 1886). (Facing page 76.) - - 7. A Kashmir Soldier and a Balti Coolie. (Facing page 77.) - - 8. Two Chilásis and a Gilgiti. (Facing page 80.) - - ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE APPENDICES. - - _Appendix I.—(Hunza-Nagyr and the Pamir Regions.)_ - - 9. Specimens of Burishkis of Hunza, Nagyr, and Yasin. (Facing page 1 of - Appendix I.) “Hunza and Nagyri Warriors, separated by Yasinis.” - - 10. Autograph Letter from the Chief (Tham) of Nagyr, - Za’far Khan. (Facing page 5.) - - 11. Dr. Leitner as a Bokhara Maulvi in 1866. (Facing page 17.) - - _Appendix II.—(Recent Events in Chilás and Chitrál.)_ - - 12. Mihtar Nizám-ul-Mulk and his Yasin Council in 1886. (Facing page 6.) - - 13. Chitráli Players and the Badakhshi Poet, Taighûn - Shah. (Facing page 7.) - - _Appendix IV.—(Races and Languages of the Hindukush.)_ - - 14. Group of Natives from Nagyr, Koláb, Chitrál, Gabriál, - Badakhshan, and Hunza. (Facing page 1.) - - 15. Heads of Natives from Dareyl, Gabriál, Hunza, - and Nagyr. (Facing page 2.) - - _Appendix V.—(Anthropological Observations and Measurements.)_ - - 16. Ethnological and Anthropological Groups. (Facing page 1.) - - 17. Jamshêd, the first Siah Pôsh Kafir taken to Europe - (in 1872). (Facing page 4.) - - 18. Comparative Table of Measurements of Dards and Kafirs. - - - - -A NOTE ON CLASSICAL ALLUSIONS TO THE DARDS AND TO GREEK INFLUENCE ON -INDIA. - - -THE DARDS. - -Herodotus (III. 102-105) is the first author who refers to the country of -the Dards, placing it on the frontier of Kashmir and in the vicinity of -Afghanistan. “Other Indians are those who reside on the frontiers of the -town ‘Kaspatyros’ and the Paktyan country; they dwell to the north of the -other Indians and live like the Baktrians; they are also the most warlike -of the Indians and are sent for the gold,” etc. Then follows the legend -of the gold-digging ants (which has been shown to have been the name of a -tribe of Tibetans by Schiern), and on which, as an important side-issue, -consult Strabo, Arrian, Dio Chrysostomus, Flavius Philostratus the -elder, Clemens Alexandrinus, Ælian, Harpokration, Themistius Euphrades, -Heliodorus of Emesa, Joannes Tzetzes, the Pseudo-Kallisthenes and the -scholiast to the Antigone of Sophocles[1]—and among Romans, the poems of -Propertius, the geography of Pomponius Mela, the natural history of the -elder Pliny and the collections of Julius Solinus.[2] The Mahabharata -also mentions the tribute of the ant-gold “paipilika” brought by the -nations of the north to one of the Pandu sons, king Yudhisthira. - -In another place Herodotus [IV. 13-27] again mentions the town of -Kaspatyros and the Paktyan country. This is where he refers to the -anxiety of Darius to ascertain the flow of the Indus into the sea. He -accordingly sent Skylax with vessels. “They started from the town of -Κασπάτυρος and the Πακτυική χώρη towards the east to the sea.” I take -this to be the point where the Indus river makes a sudden bend, and for -the first time actually does lie between Kashmir and Pakhtu-land (for -this, although long unknown, must be the country alluded to),[3] in other -words, below the Makpon-i-Shang-Rong, and at Bunji, where the Indus -becomes navigable.[4] The Paktyes are also mentioned as one of the races -that followed Xerxes in his invasion of Hellas (Herod. VII. 67-85). Like -our own geographers till 1866, Herodotus thought that the Indus from that -point flowed duly from north to south, and India being, according to his -system of geography, the most easterly country, the flow of the Indus was -accordingly described as being easterly. I, in 1866, and Hayward in 1870, -described its flow from that point to be due west for a considerable -distance (about one hundred miles). (The PAKTYES are, of course, the -Afghans, called Patans, or more properly PAKHTUS, the very same Greek -word). “Kaspatyros” is evidently a mis-spelling for “Kaspapyros,” the -form in which the name occurs in one of the most accurate codes of -Herodotus which belonged to Archbishop Sancroft (the Codex Sancroftianus) -and which is now preserved at Emmanuel College, Cambridge. Stephanus -Byzantianus (A.V.) also ascribes this spelling to Hekatœus of Miletus.[5] - -Now Kaspapyros or Kaspapuros is evidently _Kashmir_ or “_Kasyapapura_,” -the town of _Kasyapa_, the founder of Kashmir, and to the present day -one may talk indifferently of the town of Kashmir, or of the country of -_Kashmir_, when mentioning that name, so that there is no necessity to -seek for the _town_ of Srinagar when discussing the term Kaspatyrus, or, -if corrected, Kaspapuros, of Herodotus. - -Herodotus, although he thus mentions the people (of the Dards) as one -neighbouring (πλησιοχώροι) on Kashmir and residing between Kashmir and -Afghanistan, and also refers to the invasions which (from time immemorial -it may be supposed, and certainly within our own times) this people have -made against Tibet for the purpose of devastating the goldfields of the -so-called ants, does not use the name of “Dard” in the above quotations, -but Strabo and the elder Pliny, who repeat the legend, mention the very -name of that people as _Derdæ_ or _Dardæ_, vide Strabo XV., ἐν Διρδαις -ἔθνει μεγάλω τῶν προσεώων καὶ ὀρείνων Ἰνδῶν. Pliny, in his Natural -History, XI. 36, refers to “_in regione Septentrionalium Indorum, qui -Dardæ vacantur_.” Both Pliny and Strabo refer to Megasthenes as their -authority in Chapter VI., 22. Pliny again speaks of “_Fertilissimi sunt -auri Dardæ._” The Dards have still settlements in Tibet where they are -called Brokhpa (see page 60 of text). The Dards are the “Darada” of the -Sanscrit writers. The “Darada” and the “Himavanta” were the regions -to which Buddha sent his missionaries, and the Dards are finally the -“Dards, an independent people which plundered Dras in the last year, -has its home in the mountains three or four days’ journey distant, and -talks the _Pakhtu_ or DARADI language. Those, whom they take prisoners -in these raids, they sell as slaves” (as they do still). (Voyage par Mir -Izzetulla in 1812 in Klaproth’s Magasin Asiatique, II., 3-5.) (The above -arrangement of quotations is due to Schiern.)[6] - - -INFLUENCE OF GREECE ON ASIA IN GENERAL AND INDIA IN PARTICULAR. - -The most important contribution to this question, however, is Plutarch’s -_Speech_ on Alexander’s fortune and virtue (περὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχης καὶ -ἀρετῆς), the keynote to which may be found in the passage which contains -the assertion that he Κατέσπειρε τὴν Ἀσίαν ἑλληνικοῖς τέλεσι, but the -whole speech refers to that marvellous influence. - -That this influence was at any rate believed in, may be also gathered -from a passage in Aelian, in which he speaks of the Indians and Persian -kings singing Homer in their own tongues. I owe the communication of -this passage to Sir Edward Fry, Q.C., which runs as follows; Ὄτι Ἰνδοὶ -τῆ παρα σφίσιν ἐπιχωριά φωνη τά Ὁμήρου μεταγράψαντις ᾄδουσιν οὐ μάνοι, -ἀλλὰ καὶ οἲ Περσῶν βασιλεῖς εὶ τι χρη πιστεύειν τοῖς ὕπερ τούτων -ἱστοροῦσι.—Aeliani Variæ Historiæ, Lib. XII., Cap. 48. [I find from -a note in my edition that Dio Chrysostom tells the same story of the -Indians in his 53rd Oration.—E.F.] - -I trust to be able to show, if permitted to do so, in a future note (1) -that the Aryan dialects of Dardistan are, at least, contemporaneous with -Sanskrit, (2) that the Khajuná is a remnant of a prehistoric language, -(3) that certain sculptors followed on Alexander’s invasion and taught -the natives of India to execute what I first termed “Græco-Buddhistic” -sculptures, a term which specifies a distinct period in history and in -the history of Art. - - G. W. LEITNER. - -P.S. in 1893.—The above, which appeared in “the Calcutta Review” of -January 1878, was also reprinted in the _Asiatic Quarterly Review_ -of April 1893 with reference to Mr. J. W. McCrindle’s recent work on -“Ancient India: Its Invasion by Alexander the Great,” in which he omits -to draw attention to the importance of Plutarch’s _Speech_ on the -civilizing results of Alexander’s invasion, and makes no mention whatever -of the traces which Greek art has left on the Buddhistic sculptures of -the Panjab. - -He only just mentions Plutarch’s speech on page 13 of his otherwise -excellent work, published by Messrs. Constable of 14 Parliament Street, -London. As that speech, which is divided into two parts, is, however, of -the utmost importance in showing what were believed to be in Plutarch’s -days the results of Alexander’s mission, I think it necessary to quote -some of the most prominent passages from it relating to the subject under -inquiry. I also propose to show in a monograph on the græco-buddhistic -sculptures, now at the Woking Museum, which I brought from beyond the -Panjab frontier, that Alexander introduced not only Greek Art but also -Greek mythology into India. I will specially refer to the “Pallas -Athene,” “the rape of Ganymede,” and “the Centaur” in my collection, -leaving such sculptures as “Olympian games,” “Greek soldiers accompanying -Buddhist processions,” “the Buddhist Parthenon,” [if not also Silanion’s -“Sappho with the lyre,”]—all executed by Indian artists—to tell their own -tale as to the corroborations in sculpture of passages in ancient Greek -and Roman writers relating to the genial assimilation of Eastern with -Western culture which the Great Conqueror of the Two Continents, “the -possessor of two horns,” the “Zu’l-Qarnein” (Al-Asghar) of the Arabs, -endeavoured to bring about. - -The following passages from Plutarch’s Speech may, I hope, be read with -interest. The author endeavours to answer his question as to whether -Alexander owed his success “to his fortune or to his virtue” by showing -that he was almost solely indebted to his good qualities: - -“The discipline of Alexander ... oh marvellous philosophy, through which -the Indians worship the Greek gods.” - -“When Alexander had recivilized Asia, they read Homer and the children -of the Persians ... sang the tragedies of Euripides and Sophocles.” -“Socrates was condemned in Athens because he introduced foreign Gods ... -but, through Alexander, Bactria and the Caucasus worshipped the Greek -Gods.” “Few among us, as yet, read the laws of Plato, but myriads of men -use, and have used, those of Alexander, the vanquished deeming themselves -more fortunate than those who had escaped his arms, for the latter had no -one who saved them from the miseries of life, whilst the conqueror had -forced the conquered to live happily.” - -“Plato only wrote one form of Government and not a single man followed -it because it was too severe, whereas Alexander founded more than -70 cities among barbarous nations and permeating Asia with Hellenic -Institutions....” Plutarch makes the conquered say that if they had not -been subdued “Egypt would not have had Alexandria nor India Bucephalia,” -that “Alexander made no distinction between Greek and Barbarian, but -considered the virtuous only among either as Greek and the vicious as -Barbarian” and that he by “intermarriages and the adaptation of customs -and dresses sought to found that union which he considered himself as -sent from heaven to bring about as the arbitrator and the reformer of the -universe.” “Thus do the wise unite Asia and Europe.” “By the adoption of -(Asiatic) dress, the minds were conciliated.” Alexander desired that “One -common justice should administer the Republic of the Universe.” - -“He disseminated Greece and diffused throughout the world justice and -peace.” Alexander himself announces to the Greeks, “Through me you will -know them (the Indians) and they will know you, but I must yet strike -coins and stamp the bronze of the barbarians with Greek impressions.” -The fulfilment of this statement is attested by the Bactrian coins. I -submit that he who left his mark on metal did so also on sculpture, -as I have endeavoured to show since 1870 when I first called my finds -“græco-buddhistic,” a term which has, at last, been adopted after much -opposition, as descriptive of a period in History and in the history of -Art and Religion. - -[The above quotations are all from the 1st Part of Plutarch’s oration; -the second is reserved for the proposed monograph.] - - G. W. LEITNER. - -For “Divisions of the Dard Race” and the countries which they occupy see -page 58. - -[Illustration: FIRST GROUP OF DARDS, ETC., TAKEN IN 1866. - -Gulam Muhammad, of Gilgit (A Shiah Muhammadan). - -Gharib Shah and Friend, Both of Chilas (Sunni Muhammadans). - -Mirza beg, of Astor (Sunni). - -Kazim, From Skardo (Little Tibet). (Shiah). - -Malek and Batshu (Kalasha and Bashgali Kafirs) (Subjects of Chitral).] - - - - -LEGENDS, SONGS, AND CUSTOMS OF DARDISTAN,[7] - -(GILGIT, YASIN, HUNZA, NAGYR, CHITRÁL, &C., AND KAFIRISTAN). - -1. Dardu Legends, _in Shiná_ (the language, with dialectic modifications, -of Gilgit, Astor, Guraiz, Chilas, Hódur, Dareyl, Tangîr, etc., and the -language of historical songs in Hunza and Nagyr). - -(_Committed to writing for the first time in 1866, By DR. G. W. LEITNER, -from the dictation of Dards. This race has no written character of its -own._) - - - - -A.—DEMONS = YATSH[8] (YUECCI?). - - -Demons are of a gigantic size, and have only _one eye, which is on -the forehead_. They used to rule over the mountains and oppose the -cultivation of the soil by man. They often dragged people away into their -recesses. Since the adoption of the Muhammadan religion, the demons -have relinquished their possessions, and only occasionally trouble the -believers. - -They do not walk by day, but confine themselves to promenading at night. -A spot is shown near Astor, at a village called Bulent, where five large -mounds are pointed out which have somewhat the shape of huge baskets. -Their existence is explained as follows. A Zemindar (cultivator) at -Grukot, a village farther on, on the Kashmir road, had, with great -trouble, sifted his grain for storing, and had put it into baskets and -sacks. He then went away. The demons came—five in number—carrying huge -leather-sacks, into which they put the grain. They then went to a place -which is still pointed out and called “_Gué_ Gutume Yatsheyn gau boki,” -or “The place of the demons’ loads at the hollow”—Gué being the Shiná -name for the present village of Grukōt. There they brought up a huge -flat stone—which is still shown—and made it into a kind of pan, “tawa,” -for the preparation of bread. But the morning dawned and obliged them -to disappear; they converted the sacks and their contents into earthen -mounds, which have the shape of baskets and are still shown. - - -1.—THE WEDDING OF DEMONS. - -A Shikari (sportsman) was once hunting in the hills. He had taken -provisions with him for five days. On the sixth day he found himself -without any food. Excited and fatigued by his fruitless expedition, he -wandered into the deepest mountain recesses, careless whither he went -as long as he could find water to assuage his thirst, and a few wild -berries to allay his hunger. Even that search was unsuccessful, and, -tired and hungry, he endeavoured to compose himself to sleep. Even that -comfort was denied him, and, nearly maddened with the situation, he -again arose and looked around him. It was the first or second hour of -night, and, at a short distance, he descried a large fire blazing a most -cheerful welcome to the hungry, and now chilled, wanderer. He approached -it quietly, hoping to meet some other sportsman who might provide -him with food. Coming near the fire, he saw a very large and curious -assembly of giants, eating, drinking, and singing. In great terror, he -wanted to make his way back, when one of the assembly, who had a squint -in his eye, got up for the purpose of fetching water for the others. -He overtook him, and asked him whether he was a “child of man.” Half -dead with terror, he could scarcely answer that he was, when the demon -invited him to join them at the meeting, which was described to be a -wedding party. The Shikari replied: “You are a demon, and will destroy -me”; on which the spirit took an oath, _by the sun and the moon_, that -he certainly would not do so. He then hid him under a bush and went back -with the water. He had scarcely returned when a plant was torn out of the -ground and a small aperture was made, into which the giants managed to -throw all their property, and, gradually making themselves thinner and -thinner, themselves vanished into the ground through it. Our sportsman -was then taken by the hand by the friendly demon, and, before he knew -how, he himself glided through the hole and found himself in a huge -apartment, which was splendidly illuminated. He was placed in a corner -where he could not be observed. He received some food, and gazed in mute -astonishment on the assembled spirits. At last, he saw the mother of the -bride taking her daughter’s head into her lap and weeping bitterly at the -prospect of her departure into another household. Unable to control her -grief, and in compliance with an old Shîn custom, she began the singing -of the evening by launching into the following strains: - - SONG OF THE MOTHER. - - ORIGINAL:— - - _Ajjeyn Biráni![9] mey palise, shíkk sanéy,_ - (Thy) mother’s Biráni! my little darling, ornaments will wear, - _Inne Buldar Bútshe angai tapp bey hani,_ - (Whilst) here at Buldar Bútshe the heavens dark will become, - _Nágeri Phall Tshátshe Kani miráni in,_ - The Nagari (of race) Phall Tshátshe of Khans the prince will come, - _Téyn Mîrkân málose tshé gùm bagéy,_ - Thy Mirkan father—from new corn will be distributed. - _Sálti Yabeo wey bo! Shadú Malik bojum théum._ - Seven rivers’ water be! Shadu Malik a going will make, - _Tey Mirkann malo Tshe gi bage._ - Thy Mirkann, father, now ghee will distribute. - - TRANSLATION:— - - “Oh, Biráni, thy mother’s own; thou, little darling, wilt wear - ornaments, whilst to me, who will remain here at Buldar Butshe, - the heavens will appear dark. The prince of Lords of Phall - Tshatshe race is coming from Nagyr; and Mirkann, thy father, - now distributes corn (as an act of welcome). Be (as fruitful - and pleasant) as the water of _seven rivers_, for Shadu Malik - (the prince) is determined to start, and now thy father Mirkann - is distributing ghee (as a compliment to the departing guest).” - -The Shikari began to enjoy the scene and would have liked to have stayed, -but his squinting friend told him now that he could not be allowed to -remain any longer. So he got up, but before again vanishing through -the above-mentioned aperture into the human world, he took a good look -at the demons. To his astonishment he beheld on the shoulders of one a -shawl which he had safely left at home. Another held his gun; a third was -eating out of his own dishes; one had his many-coloured stockings on, and -another disported himself in pidjamas (drawers) which he only ventured -to put on, on great occasions. He also saw many of the things that had -excited his admiration among the property of his neighbours in his native -village, being most familiarly used by the demons. He scarcely could be -got to move away, but his friendly guide took hold of him and brought him -again to the place where he had first met him. On taking leave he gave -him three loaves of bread. As his village was far off, he consumed two -of the loaves on the road. On reaching home, he found his father, who -had been getting rather anxious at his prolonged absence. To him he told -all that had happened, and showed him the remaining loaf, of which the -old man ate half. His mother, a good housewife, took the remaining half -and threw it into a large granary, where, as it was the season of Sharó -(autumn), a sufficient store of flour had been placed for the use of the -family during the winter. Strange to say, that half-loaf brought luck, -for demons mean it sometimes kindly to the children of men, and only hurt -them when they consider themselves offended. The granary remained always -full, and the people of the village rejoiced with the family, for they -were liked and were good people. - -It also should be told that as soon as the Shikari came home he looked -after his costly shawl, dishes, and clothes, but he found all in its -proper place and perfectly uninjured. On inquiring amongst his neighbours -he also found that they too had not lost anything. He was much astonished -at all this, till an old woman who had a great reputation for wisdom, -told him that this was the custom of demons, and that they invariably -borrowed the property of mankind for their weddings, and as invariably -restored it. On occasions of rejoicings amongst them they felt kindly -towards mankind. - -Thus ends one of the prettiest tales that I have heard. - - -2.—THE DEMON’S PRESENT OF COALS IS TURNED INTO GOLD. - -Something similar to what has just been related, is said to have happened -at Doyur, on the road from Gilgit to Nagyr. A man of the name of Phûko -had a son named Laskirr, who, one day going out to fetch water was caught -by a Yatsh, who tore up a plant (“reeds”?) “phuru” and entered with the -lad into the fissure which was thereby created. He brought him to a large -palace in which a number of goblins, male and female, were diverting -themselves. He there saw all the valuables of the inhabitants of his -village. A wedding was being celebrated and the mother sang:— - - Gúm bagé déy, Buduléy Khatúni. - Gúm bagé déy, huh_á_ huhá!! - Gi bagé déy, Buduléy Khatúnise. - Gi bagé déy, huh_á_ huhá!! - Motz bagé déy, Buduléy Khatúni. - Motz bagé déy, huhá huhá!! - Mô bagé déy, huhá huhá!! &c., &c. - - TRANSLATION:— - - Corn is being distributed, daughter of Budal. - Corn is being distributed, hurrah! hurrah! (_Chorus._) - Ghee is being distributed, &c. (_Chorus._) - Meat is being distributed, &c. (_Chorus._) - Wine is being distributed, &c., &c. (_Chorus._) - -On his departure, the demon gave him a sackful of coals, and conducted -him through the aperture made by the tearing up of the reed, towards -his village. The moment the demon had left, the boy emptied the sack of -the coals and went home, when he told his father what had happened. In -the emptied sack they found a small bit of coal, which, as soon as they -touched it, became a gold coin, very much to the regret of the boy’s -father, who would have liked his son to have brought home the whole -sackful. - - - - -B.—“BARAI,” “PERIS,” “FAIRIES.” - - -They are handsome, in contradistinction to the Yatsh or Demons, -and stronger; they have a beautiful castle on the top of the Nanga -Parbat or Dyarmul (so called from being inaccessible). This castle is -made of crystal, and the people fancy they can see it. They call it -“Shell-battekōt” or “Castle of Glass-stone.” - - -1.—THE SPORTSMAN AND THE CASTLE OF THE FAIRIES. - -Once a sportsman ventured up the Nanga Parbat. To his surprise he found -no difficulty, and venturing farther and farther, he at last reached -the top. There he saw a beautiful castle made of glass, and pushing one -of the doors he entered it, and found himself in a most magnificent -apartment. Through it he saw an open space that appeared to be the garden -of the castle, but there was in it only one tree of excessive height, and -which was entirely composed of pearls and corals. The delighted sportsman -filled his sack in which he carried his corn, and left the place, hoping -to enrich himself by the sale of the pearls. As he was going out of -the door he saw an innumerable crowd of serpents following him. In his -agitation he shouldered the sack and attempted to run, when a pearl fell -out. It was eagerly swallowed by a serpent which immediately disappeared. -The sportsman, glad to get rid of his pursuers at any price, threw pearl -after pearl to them, and in every case it had the desired effect. At -last, only one serpent remained, but for her (a fairy in that shape?) -he found no pearl; and urged on by fear, he hastened to his village, -Tarsing, which is at the very foot of the Nanga Parbat. On entering his -house, he found it in great agitation; bread was being distributed to the -poor as they do at funerals, for his family had given him up as lost. -The serpent still followed and stopped at the door. In despair, the man -threw the corn-sack at her, when lo! a pearl glided out. It was eagerly -swallowed by the serpent, which immediately disappeared. However, the -man was not the same being as before. He was ill for days, and in about -a fortnight after the events narrated, died, for fairies never forgive a -man who has surprised their secrets. - - -2.—THE FAIRY WHO PUNISHED HER HUMAN LOVER. - -It is not believed in Astor that fairies ever marry human beings, but -in Gilgit there is a legend to that effect. A famous sportsman, Kibá -Lorí, who never returned empty-handed from any excursion, kept company -with a fairy to whom he was deeply attached. Once in the hot weather the -fairy said to him not to go out shooting during “the seven days of the -summer,” “Caniculars,” which are called “Bardá,” and are supposed to be -the hottest days in Dardistan. “I am,” said she, “obliged to leave you -for that period, and, mind, you do not follow me.” The sportsman promised -obedience and the fairy vanished, saying that he would certainly die if -he attempted to follow her. Our love-intoxicated Nimrod, however, could -not endure her absence. On the fourth day he shouldered his gun and went -out with the hope of meeting her. Crossing a range, he came upon a plain, -where he saw an immense gathering of game of all sorts and his beloved -fairy milking a “Kill” (markhor) and gathering the milk into a silver -vessel. The noise which Kibá Lorí made caused the animal to start and to -strike out with his legs, which upset the silver vessel. The fairy looked -up, and to her anger beheld the disobedient lover. She went up to him -and, after reproaching him, struck him in the face. But she had scarcely -done so when despair mastered her heart, and she cried out in the deepest -anguish that “he now must die within four days.” “However,” she said, -“do shoot one of these animals, so that people may not say that you have -returned empty-handed.” The poor man returned crestfallen to his home, -lay down, and died on the fourth day. - - - - -C.—DAYALL = WIZARDS AND WITCHES. - - -The gift of second sight, or rather the intercourse with fairies, is -confined to a few families in which it is hereditary. The wizard is -made to inhale the fumes of a fire which is lit with the wood of the -_tshili_[10] (Panjabi = Padam), a kind of fir-wood which gives much -smoke. Into the fire the milk of a white sheep or goat is poured. The -wizard inhales the smoke till he apparently becomes insensible. He is -then taken on the lap of one of the spectators, who sings a song which -restores him to his senses. In the meanwhile, a goat is slaughtered, -and the moment the fortune-teller jumps up, its bleeding neck is -presented to him, which he sucks as long as a drop remains. The assembled -musicians then strike up a great noise, and the wizard rushes about -in the circle which is formed round him and talks unintelligibly. The -fairy then appears at some distance and sings, which, however, only the -wizard hears. He then communicates her sayings in a song to one of the -musicians, who explains its meaning to the people. The wizard is called -upon to foretell events and to give advice in cases of illness, etc. -The people believe that in ancient times these Dayalls invariably spoke -correctly, but that now scarcely one saying in a hundred turns out to -be true. Wizards do not now make a livelihood by their talent, which is -considered its own reward. - - * * * * * - -There are few legends so exquisite as the one which chronicles the -origin, or rather the rise, of Gilgit. The traditions regarding Alexander -the Great, which Vigne and others have imagined to exist among the people -of Dardistan, are unknown to, at any rate, the Shiná race, excepting in -so far as any Munshi accompanying the Maharajah’s troops may, perhaps, -accidentally have referred to them in conversation with a Shîn. Any such -information would have been derived from the Sikandarnama of Nizámi, and -would, therefore, possess no original value. There exist no ruins, as far -as I have gone, to point to an occupation of Dardistan by the soldiers -of Alexander. The following legend, however, which not only lives in -the memories of all the Shîn people, whether they be Chilasis, Astoris, -Gilgitis, or Brokhpá (the latter, as I discovered, living actually side -by side with the Baltis in Little Tibet), but which also an annual -festival commemorates, is not devoid of interest from either a historical -or a purely literary point of view. - - - - -D.—HISTORICAL LEGEND OF THE ORIGIN OF GILGIT. - - -“Once upon a time there lived a race at Gilgit, whose origin is -uncertain. Whether they sprang from the soil, or had immigrated from a -distant region, is doubtful; so much is believed, that they were Gayupí -= spontaneous, aborigines, unknown. Over them ruled a monarch who was -a descendant of the evil spirits, the Yatsh, that terrorized over the -world. His name was Shiribadatt, and he resided at a castle, in front of -which there was a course for the performance of the manly game of Polo. -(See my Hunza Nagyr Handbook.) His tastes were capricious, and in every -one of his actions his fiendish origin could be discerned. The natives -bore his rule with resignation, for what could they effect against a -monarch at whose command even magic aids were placed? However, the -country was rendered fertile and round the capital bloomed attractive -gardens. - -“The heavens, or rather the virtuous Peris, at last grew tired of his -tyranny, for he had crowned his iniquities by indulging in a propensity -for cannibalism. This taste had been developed by an accident. One day -his cook brought him some mutton broth, the like of which he had never -tasted. After much inquiry as to the nature of the food on which the -sheep had been brought up, it was eventually traced to an old woman, its -first owner. She stated that her child and the sheep were born on the -same day, and losing the former, she had consoled herself by suckling -the latter. This was a revelation to the tyrant. He had discovered the -secret of the palatability of the broth, and was determined to have -a never-ending supply of it. So he ordered that his kitchen should -be regularly provided with children of tender age, whose flesh, when -converted into broth, would remind him of the exquisite dish he had once -so much relished. This cruel order was carried out. The people of the -country were dismayed at such a state of things, and sought slightly to -improve it by sacrificing, in the first place, all orphans and children -of neighbouring tribes! The tyrant, however, was insatiable, and soon was -his cruelty felt by many families at Gilgit, who were compelled to give -up their children to slaughter. - -“Relief came at last. At the top of the mountain Ko, which it takes a -day to ascend, and which overlooks the village of Doyur, below Gilgit, -on the side of the river, appeared three figures. They looked like men, -but much more strong and handsome. In their arms they carried bows and -arrows, and turning their eyes in the direction of Doyur, they perceived -innumerable flocks of sheep and cattle grazing on a prairie between that -village and the foot of the mountain. The strangers were fairies, and had -come (perhaps from Nagyr?) to this region with the view of ridding Gilgit -of the monster that ruled over it. However, this intention was confined -to the two elder ones. The three strangers were brothers, and none of -them had been born at the same time. It was their intention to make Azru -Shemsher, the youngest, Rajah of Gilgit, and, in order to achieve their -purpose, they hit upon the following plan. - -“On the already-noticed plain, which is called Didingé, a sportive calf -was gamboling towards and away from its mother. It was the pride of its -owner, and its brilliant red colour could be seen from a distance. ‘Let -us see who is the best marksman,’ exclaimed the eldest, and saying this, -he shot an arrow in the direction of the calf, but missed his aim. The -second brother also tried to hit it, but also failed. At last, Azru -Shemsher, who took a deep interest in the sport, shot his arrow, which -pierced the poor animal from side to side and killed it. The brothers, -whilst descending, congratulated Azru on his sportsmanship, and on -arriving at the spot where the calf was lying, proceeded to cut its -throat, and to take out from its body _the titbits, namely the kidneys -and the liver_. - -“They then roasted these delicacies, and invited Azru to partake of them -first. He respectfully declined, on the ground of his youth; but they -urged him to do so, ‘in order,’ they said, ‘to reward you for such an -excellent shot.’ Scarcely had the meat touched the lips of Azru, than the -brothers got up, and vanishing into the air, called out, ‘Brother! you -have touched impure food, which Peris never should eat, and we have made -use of your ignorance of this law, because we want to make you a human -being,[11] who shall rule over Gilgit; remain therefore at Doyur.’ - -“Azru in deep grief at the separation, cried, ‘Why remain at Doyur, -unless it be to grind corn?’ ‘Then,’ said the brothers, ‘go to Gilgit.’ -‘Why,’ was the reply, ‘go to Gilgit, unless it be to work in the -gardens?’ ‘No, no,’ was the last and consoling rejoinder; ‘you will -assuredly become the king of this country, and deliver it from its -merciless oppressor.’ - -“No more was heard of the departing fairies, and Azru remained by -himself, endeavouring to gather consolation from the great mission -which had been bestowed on him. A villager met him, and, struck by his -appearance, offered him shelter in his house. Next morning he went on -the roof of his host’s house, and calling out to him to come up, pointed -to the Ko mountain, on which, he said, he plainly discerned a wild goat. -The incredulous villager began to fear he had harboured a maniac, if no -worse character; but Azru shot off his arrow, and accompanied by the -villager (who had assembled some friends for protection, as he was afraid -his young guest might be an associate of robbers, and lead him into a -trap), went in the direction of the mountain. There, to be sure, at the -very spot that had been pointed out, though many miles distant, was lying -the wild goat, with Azru’s arrow transfixing its body. The astonished -peasants at once hailed him as their leader, but he exacted an oath of -secrecy from them, for he had come to deliver them from their tyrant, and -would keep his incognito till such time as his plans for the destruction -of the monster were matured. - -“He then took leave of the hospitable people of Doyur, and went to -Gilgit. On reaching the place, which is scarcely four miles distant from -Doyur, he amused himself by prowling about in the gardens adjoining -the royal residence. There he met one of the female companions of -Shiribadatt’s daughter (_goli_ in Hill Punjabi, _Shadróy_ in Gilgiti) -fetching water for the princess, a lady both remarkably handsome, and of -a sweet disposition. The companion rushed back, and told the young lady -to look from over the ramparts of the castle at a wonderfully handsome -young man whom she had just met. The princess placed herself in a spot -from which she could observe any one approaching the fort. Her maid then -returned, and induced Azru to come with her on the Polo ground, the -“Shavaran,” in front of the castle; the princess was smitten with his -beauty and at once fell in love with him. She then sent word to the young -prince to come and see her. When he was admitted into her presence, he -for a long time denied being anything else than a common labourer. At -last, he confessed to being a fairy’s child, and the overjoyed princess -offered him her heart and hand. It may be mentioned here that the tyrant -Shiribadatt had a wonderful horse, which could cross a mile at every -jump, and which its rider had accustomed to jump both into and out of the -fort, over its walls. So regular were the leaps which that famous animal -could take, that he invariably alighted at a distance of a mile from the -fort and at the same place. - -“On that very day on which the princess had admitted young Azru into -the fort, King Shiribadatt was out hunting, of which he was desperately -fond, and to which he used sometimes to devote a week or two at a time. -We must now return to Azru, whom we left conversing with the princess. -Azru remained silent when the lady confessed her love. Urged to declare -his sentiments, he said that he would not marry her unless she bound -herself to him by the most stringent oath; this she did, and _they became -in the sight of God as if they were wedded man and wife_.[12] He then -announced that he had come to destroy her father, and asked her to kill -him herself. This she refused; but as she had sworn to aid him in every -way she could, he finally induced her to promise that she would ask her -father _where his soul was_. ‘Refuse food,’ said Azru, ‘for three or four -days, and your father, who is devotedly fond of you will ask for the -reason of your strange conduct; then say, “Father, you are often staying -away from me for several days at a time, and I am getting distressed lest -something should happen to you; do reassure me by letting me know where -your soul is, and let me feel certain that your life is safe.”’ This -the princess promised to do, and when her father returned refused food -for several days. The anxious Shiribadatt made inquiries, to which she -replied by making the already-named request. The tyrant was for a few -moments thrown into mute astonishment, and finally refused compliance -with her preposterous demand. The love-smitten lady went on starving -herself, till at last her father, fearful for his daughter’s life, told -her not to fret herself about him, as _his soul was [of snow?] in the -snows_, and that he could only perish by fire. The princess communicated -this information to her lover. Azru went back to Doyur and the villages -around, and assembled his faithful peasants. Them he asked to take twigs -of the fir-tree or _tshi_, bind them together and light them—then to -proceed in a body with the torches to the castle in a circle, keep close -together, and surround it on every side. He then went and dug out a very -deep hole, as deep as a well, in the place where Shiribadatt’s horse used -to alight, and covered it with green boughs. The next day he received -information that the torches (_talên_ in Gilgiti and _Lome_ in Astori) -were ready. He at once ordered the villagers gradually to draw near the -fort in the manner which he had already indicated. - -“King Shiribadatt was then sitting in his castle; near him his -treacherous daughter, who was so soon to lose her parent. All at -once he exclaimed, ‘I feel very close; go out, dearest, and see what -has happened.’ The girl went out, and saw torches approaching from a -distance; but fancying it to be something connected with the plans of her -husband, she went back, and said it was nothing. The torches came nearer -and nearer, and the tyrant became exceedingly restless. ‘Air, air,’ he -cried, ‘I feel very, very ill; do see, daughter, what is the matter.’ -The dutiful lady went, and returned with the same answer as before. At -last, the torch-bearers had fairly surrounded the fort, and Shiribadatt, -with a presentiment of impending danger, rushed out of the room, saying -‘that he felt he was dying.’ He then ran to the stables and mounted his -favourite charger, and with one blow of the whip made him jump over the -wall of the castle. Faithful to its habit, the noble animal alighted at -the same place, but alas! only to find itself engulfed in a treacherous -pit. Before the king had time to extricate himself, the villagers had -run up with their torches. ‘Throw them upon him,’ cried Azru. With one -accord all the blazing wood was thrown upon Shiribadatt, who miserably -perished. Azru was then most enthusiastically proclaimed king, celebrated -his nuptials with the fair traitor, _and, as sole tribute, exacted the -offering of one sheep, instead of that of a human child, annually from -every one of the natives_.[13] This custom has prevailed down to the -present day, and the people of Shin, wherever they be, celebrate their -delivery from the rule of a monster, and the inauguration of a more -humane government, in the month preceding the beginning of winter—a month -which they call Dawakió or Daykió—after the full moon is over and the -new moon has set in. The day of this national celebration is called ‘nôs -tshilí,’ ‘the feast of firs.’ The day generally follows four or five -days after the meat provision for the winter has been laid in to dry. A -few days of rejoicing precede the special festivity, which takes place -at night. Then all the men of the villages go forth, having torches in -their hands, which, at the sound of music, they swing round their heads, -and throw in the direction of Gilgit, if they are at any distance from -that place; whilst the people of Gilgit throw them indifferently about -the plain in which that town, if town it may be called, is situated. When -the throwing away of the brands is over, every man returns to his house, -where a curious custom is observed. He finds the door locked. The wife -then asks: ‘Where have you been all night? I won’t let you come in now.’ -Then her husband entreats her and says, ‘I have brought you property, and -children, and happiness, and everything you desire.’ Then, after some -further parley, the door is opened, and the husband walks in. He is, -however, stopped by a beam which goes across the room, whilst all the -females of the family rush into an inner apartment to the eldest lady of -the place. The man then assumes sulkiness and refuses to advance, when -the repenting wife launches into the following song:— - - ORIGINAL:— - - _Mù tútè shábilès, wó rajó tolyá._ - I of thee glad am, oh Rajah’s presented with tolahs! - _Mù tútè shábilès, wó ashpa panu._ - I of thee glad am, oh steed’s rider. - _Mù tútè shábilès, wó tumák ginu._ - I of thee glad am, oh gun-wearer. [Evidently a modern interpolation.] - _Mú tútè shábilès, wó kangár ginu._ - I of thee glad am, oh sword-wearer. - _Mú tútè shábilès, wó tshapàn banu._ - I of thee glad am, oh mantle-wearer. - _Mú tútè shábilès, shá mul dé ginum._ - I of thee glad am, pleasure’s price giving I will buy. - _Mú tútè shábilès, wó gúmy tshino._ - I of thee glad am, oh corn-heap! - _Shábilès shá mul de ginum._ - Rejoicing pleasure’s price giving I will buy. - _Mú tútè shábilès, wó giéy loto._ - I of thee glad am, oh ghee-ball. - _Shábilès sha mul de ginum._ - Rejoicing pleasure’s price giving I will buy. - - TRANSLATION:— - - Thou hast made me glad! thou favourite of the Rajah! - Thou hast rejoiced me, oh bold horseman! - I am pleased with thee who so well usest gun and sword! - Thou hast delighted me, oh thou who art invested with a mantle of - honour! - Oh great happiness! I will buy it all by giving pleasure’s price. - Oh thou [nourishment to us] a heap of corn and a store of ghee! - Delighted will I buy it all by giving pleasure’s price! - -“Then the husband relents and steps over the partition beam. They all -sit down, dine together, and thus end festivities of the ‘Nôs.’ The -little domestic scene is observed at Gilgit; but it is thought to be -an essential element in the celebration of the day by people whose -ancestors may have been retainers of the Gilgit Raja Azru Shemsher, and -by whom they may have been dismissed to their homes with costly presents. - -“The song itself is, however, well known at Gilgit. - -“When Azru had safely ascended the throne, he ordered the tyrant’s palace -to be levelled to the ground. The willing peasants, manufacturing spades -of iron, ‘Killi’, flocked to accomplish a grateful task, and sang whilst -demolishing his castle: - - ORIGINAL:— - - _Kûro téyto Shiri-ga-Badàt djé kuró_ - [I am] hard said Shiri and Badatt![14] why hard? - _Demm Singéy Khotó kúro_ - Dem Sing’s Khotó [is] hard - _Na tshumáre kille téy ráke phala thèm_ - [With] this iron spade thy palace level I do - _Tsháké! túto Shatshó Malika Demm Singéy_ - Behold! thou Shatshó Malika Dem Singh’s - _Khotó kuró na tshumare killéyi_ - Khotó hard; [with] this iron spade - _Téy rake-ga phalatém, tshaké_ - Thy palace very I level, behold!” - - TRANSLATION:— - - “‘My nature is of a hard metal,’ said Shiri and Badatt. ‘Why - hard? I Khoto, the son of the peasant Dem Singh, am alone - hardy; with this iron spade I raze to the ground thy kingly - house. Behold now, although thou art of race accursed, of - Shatsho Malika, I, Dem Singh’s son, am of hard metal; for with - this iron spade I level thy very palace; look out! look out!’” - -During the Nauroz [evidently because it is not a national festival] and -the Eed, none of these national Shîn songs are sung. Eggs are dyed in -different colours and people go about amusing themselves by trying which -eggs are hardest by striking the end of one against the end of another. -The possessor of the hard egg wins the broken one. The women, however, -amuse themselves on those days by tying ropes to trees and swinging -themselves about on them. - - - - -_BUJONI = RIDDLES, PROVERBS AND FABLES._ - - -A. RIDDLES. - - -THE NAVEL. - - 1. _Tishkóreya ushkúrey halól._ - “The perpendicular mountain’s sparrow’s nest. - The body’s sparrow’s hole.” - - -A STICK. - - 2. _Méy_ _sazik_ _heyn_, _súreo_ _peréyn_, _bás_ _darre_ - my sister is at day [_she_] walks, at night door - - _pató_; _búja._[15] - behind; listen! - -“Now listen! My sister walks in the day-time and at night stands behind -the door.” As “Sas” “Sazik” also means a stick, ordinarily called -“Kunali” in Astori, the riddle means: “I have a stick which assists me in -walking by day and which I put behind the door at night.” - -3. The Gilgitis say “méy káke tré pay; dashtea” = my brother has three -feet; explain now. This means a man’s two legs and a stick. - - -A RADISH. - - 4. _Astóri mió dádo dimm dáwa-lók; dáyn sarpa-lók, buja._ - My grandfather’s body [is] in Hades; his beard [is in] this - world, [now] explain! - -This riddle is explained by “radish” whose body is in the earth and whose -sprouts, compared to a beard, are above the ground. Remarkable above all, -however, is that the unknown future state, referred to in this riddle, -should be called, whether blessed or cursed, “Dawalók” [the place of -Gods] by these nominal Muhammadans. This world is called “Sarpalók,” -= the world of serpents. “Sarpe” is also the name for man. “Lók” is -“place,” but the name by itself is not at present understood by the -Shins. - - -A HOOKA. - - 5. _G._ _méy_ DADI _shishédji_ _agár_, _lúpenu_ - my father’s mother on her head fire is burning. - -The top of the Hooka is the _dadi’s_ or grandmother’s head. - - -A SWORD. - - 6. _Tutâng_ _gotéjo_ _rúi_ _nikai_ - “Darkness from the house the female demon is coming out,” - -viz., “out of the dark sheath the beautiful, but destructive, steel -issues.” It is remarkable that the female Yatsh should be called “Rûi.” - - -RED PEPPER. - - 7. _Lólo bakuró shé tshá lá há—búja!_ - In the red sheep’s pen white young ones many are—attend! - -This refers to the Redpepper husk in which there are many white seeds. - - -B. PROVERBS. - - -DOTAGE. - -To an old man people say: - - 8. _Tú_ _djarro_ _môto_ _shûdung_ - thou and old brains delivered, - -“You are old and have got rid of your senses.” - -Old women are very much dreaded and are accused of creating mischief -wherever they go. - - -DUTIES TO THE AGED. - - 9. (_G._[16]) _Djuwanie_ _keneru_ _digasus_, _djarvelo_ _betshumus_. - In youth’s time I gave, in old age I demand. - -“When young I gave away, now that I am old you should support me.” - - -A BURNT CHILD, ETC., ETC. - - 10. _Ek damm agáru dáddo dugúni shang thé!_ - Once in fire you have been burnt, a second time take care! - - -EVIL COMMUNICATIONS, ETC., ETC. - - 11. _Ek khatsh látshek bilo búdo donate she._ - One bad sheep if there be, to the whole flock is an insult - -= One rotten sheep spoils the whole flock. - -12. _Ek khatsho manújo budote sha_ = _one_ bad man is to _all_ an insult. - - -ADVICE TO KEEP GOOD COMPANY. - - 13. A. _Mishto manújo—katshi béyto, to mishto sitshé_ - _Katsho manujo—katshi béyto, to katsho sitshe_ - -When you [who are bad?] are sitting near a good man you learn good things. - -When you [who are bad?] are sitting near a bad man you learn bad things. - -This proverb is not very intelligible, if literally translated. - - -DIMMI CON CHI TU PRATTICHI, ETC., ETC. - -14. _Tús máte rá: mey shughulo ró hun, mas tute rám: tu ko hanu_ = “Tell -me: my friend is such and such a one, I will tell you who _you_ are.” - - -DISAPPOINTMENT. - -15. _Sháharè kéru gé shing shém thé—konn tshiní tey tshiní téyanú._ - -“Into the city he went horns to place (acquire), but ears he cut thus he -did. He went to acquire horns and got his ears cut off.” - - -HOW TO TREAT AN ENEMY. - -_Dî dé, putsh kàh_ = “give the daughter and eat the son,” is a -Gilgit proverb with regard to how one ought to treat an enemy. The -recommendation given is: “marry your daughter to your foe and then kill -him,” [by which you get a male’s head which is more valuable than that of -a female.] The Dards have sometimes acted on this maxim in order to lull -the suspicions of their Kashmir enemies.[17] - - -C. FABLES. - - -THE WOMAN AND THE HEN. - - 16. _Eyk tshéekeyn kokói ek asílli; sése sóni thúl (hané) déli; - - setshéy-se kokóïte zanmá láo wîi; tulé dù déy thé; - (food, grain) eggs two giving does; - - sè ékenu lang bilí; kokói dêr páy, múy._ - this one rid got; the hen’s stomach bursting, died. - -MORAL.—_Anésey maní aní haní_ = the meaning of this is this: - - _Láo_ _arém thé_ _ápejo_ _lang_ _biló_. - Much to gain the little lost becomes. - -_Translation._ - -A woman had a hen; it used to lay one golden egg; the woman thought that -if she gave much food it would lay two eggs; but she lost even the one, -for the hen died, its stomach bursting. - -MORAL.—People often lose the little they have by aspiring to more. - - -17. THE SPARROW AND THE MOUNTAIN. - -“A sparrow who tried to kick the mountain himself toppled over.” - - _Shunútur-se_ _tshíshe—sáti_ _pájja dem thé_ _náre_ _gó_. - The sparrow with the mountain kicked fall went. - - -18. THE BAT SUPPORTING THE FIRMAMENT. - -The bat is in the habit of sleeping on its back. It is believed to be -very proud. It is supposed to say as it lies down and stretches its legs -towards heaven, “This I do so that when the heavens fall down I may be -able to support them.” - - _Tilteò_ _ráte_ _súto—to_ _pey_ _húnte_ _angái—warì_ _theun_; - A bat at night sleeping its legs upwards heaven—ward does; - - _angái_ _wáti—to_ _pêy—gì_ _sanarem theun_. - the heavens when falling with my feet uphold I will. - - -19. “NEVER WALK BEHIND A HORSE OR BEFORE A KING” as you will get kicked -in either case. - - _ashpe_ _pataní_ _nè bó_; _rajó_ _mutshanì_ _nè bó_. - horse behind not walk; raja in front not walk. - - -20. UNION IS STRENGTH. - -“A kettle cannot balance itself on one stone; on three, however, it does.” - - _Ey pûtsh! èk gutur-yá dêh nè quriyein; tré[18] gútúrey á dek quréyn._ - Oh son! one stone on a kettle not stops; three stones on a kettle stop. - -The Gilgitis instead of “ya” = “upon” say “dja.” - -“Gutur” is, I believe, used for a stone [ordinarily “bàtt”] only in the -above proverb. - - -21. THE FROG IN A DILEMMA. - -“If I speak, the water will rush against my mouth, and if I keep silent I -will die bursting with rage.” - -This was said by a frog who was in the water and angry at something that -occurred. If he croaked, he would be drowned by the water rushing down -his throat, and if he did not croak he would burst with suppressed rage. -This saying is often referred to by women when they are angry with their -husbands, who may, perhaps, beat them if they say anything. A frog is -called “manok.” - - _Tós_ _thèm—to_ _áze—jya_[19] _wéy_ _bojé_; _né them_ - Voice I do—if mouth in water will come; not do, - - _to py_ _muos_. - then bursting I will die. - - -22. THE FOX AND THE UNIVERSE. - -When a man threatens a lot of people with impossible menaces, the reply -often is “Don’t act like the fox ‘Lóyn’ who was carried away by the -water.” A fox one day fell into a river: as he swept past the shore -he cried out, “The water is carrying off the universe.” The people on -the banks of the river said, “We can only see a fox whom the river is -drifting down.” - - -23. THE FOX AND THE POMEGRANATE. - - _Lóyn_ _danù_ _né utshàtte_ _somm_ _tshàmm_ - The fox the pomegranate not reached on account sour, - - _thù_: _tshùrko_ _hanú_. - spitting, sour it is. - -“The fox wanted to eat pomegranates: as he could not reach them, he went -to a distance and _biting his lips_ [as “tshàmm” was explained by an -Astori although Gilgitis call it “tshappé,”] spat on the ground, saying, -they are too sour.” I venture to consider the conduct of this fox more -cunning than the one of “sour grapes” memory. His biting his lips and, -in consequence, spitting on the ground, would make his disappointed face -really look as if he had tasted something sour. - - - - -_SONGS._ - - -THE GILGIT QUEEN AND THE MOGULS. - - -1. GILGITI SONG. - -Once upon a time a Mogul army came down and surrounded the fort of -Gilgit. At that time Gilgit was governed by a woman, Mirzéy Juwāri[20] -by name. She was the widow of a Rajah supposed to have been of Balti -descent. The Lady seeing herself surrounded by enemies sang: - - I. Mirzéy Juwāri = Oh [daughter of] Mirza, Juwāri! - Shakeréy piál; darú = [Thou art a] sugar cup; in the - Dunyá sang taréye = world [thy] light has shone - II. Abi Khānn[21] djālo = Abi Khān [my son] was born - Lamâyi tey! latshār tāro = [I thy mother] am thy sacrifice; - the morning star - Nikāto = has risen - -The meaning of this, according to my Gilgiti informant, is: Juwari -laments that “I, the daughter of a brave King, am only a woman, a cup of -pleasures, exposed to dangers from any one who wishes to sip from it. To -my misfortune, my prominent position has brought me enemies. Oh, my dear -son, for whom I would sacrifice myself, I have sacrificed you! Instead of -preserving the Government for you, the morning-star which shines on its -destruction has now risen on you.” - - -SONG OF DEFIANCE. - - -2. GILGITI WAR SONG. - -In ancient times there was a war between the Rajahs of Hunza and Nagyr. -Muko and Báko were their respective Wazeers. Muko was killed and Báko -sang: - -_Gilgiti._ - - Ala, mardāney, Báko-se: má shos they! - Múko-se: má shos they! - Báko-ga dīn sajjéy - Múko mayáro they - -_English._ - - Hurrah! warriors, Bako [says]: _I_ will do well - Muko [also says] _I_ will do well - And Bako turned out to be the lion - [Whilst] Muko was [its prey], a [mere] Markhōr [the wild - “snake-eating” goat] - -[Illustration: GROUP OF NATIVES FROM HUNZA, YASIN, AND NAGYR LISTENING TO -MUSICIANS FROM CHITRÁL AND BADAKHSHÁN.] - - -LAMENT FOR THE ABSENT WARRIOR BY HIS MOTHER. - -3. ANOTHER GILGITI WAR SONG. - - _Biyashtëyn náng Kashíru_ - A Paradise [is the lot of whoever is struck by] the bullet of Kashiru? - - _Góu nélli,[22] áje Sahibe Khann_ - He has gone, my child, mother of Sahibe Khann [to the wars]. - - _Suregga karé wey jill bey?_ - And the sun when coming will it shining become? - (When will his return cause the sun again to shine for me?) - - _Mutshútshul shong putéye_ - Of Mutshutshul[23] the ravine he has conquered - - _Híyokto bijéy, lamayi_ - Yet my soul is in fear, oh my beloved child, [literally: oh my - sacrifice] - - _Ardàm Dolója yujéy_ - To snatch [conquer] Doloja[24] is [yet necessary = has yet to be done]. - -_Translation._ - -“The bullet of Kashiru sends many to Paradise. He has gone to the wars, -oh my child and mother of Sahib Khan! Will the sun ever shine for me by -his returning? It is true that he has taken by assault the ravine of -Mutshutshul, but yet, oh beloved child, my soul is in fear for his fate, -as the danger has _not_ passed, since the village Doloja yet remains to -be conquered.” - - -4. THE SHIN SHAMMI SHAH. - -OLD NATIONAL SHINA SONG. - - _Shammi Shah Shaîtingêy mítojo._ - Shammi Shah Shaíting, from his courtyard. - - _Djálle_ _tshâye_ _dûloe_ _dên_. - The green fields’ birds promenade they give. - - _Nyé_ _tziréye_ _tshayote_ _kóy bijéy_. - They (near) twitter birds who fears?[25] - - _Tómi tom_ _shiudóke_ _dên_. - From tree to tree a whistle they give. - - _Alldátey_ _pótskeyn_ _mítojo_. - Alldát’s grandson’s from the courtyard. - - _Djalle_ _tshaye_ _dúloe_ _dên_. - The green fields birds promenade give. - - _Nyé_ _tziréye_ _tshayote_ _kóy bijey_. - They twitter birds who fears?[25] - - _Tomi tom_; _shiudôke_ _den_. - From tree to tree; a whistling they give. - -Shammi Shah Shaíthing was one of the founders of the Shín rule. His wife, -although she sees her husband surrounded by women anxious to gain his -good graces, rests secure in the knowledge of his affections belonging -to her and of her being the mother of his children. She, therefore, -ridicules the pretensions of her rivals, who, she fancies, will, at the -utmost, only have a temporary success. In the above still preserved song -she says, with a serene confidence, not shared by _Indian_ wives. - -_Translation._ - - “In the very courtyard of Shammi Sha Shaîting. - “The little birds of the field flutter gaily about. - “Hear how they twitter; yet, who would fear little birds, - “That fly from tree to tree giving [instead of lasting love] a - gay whistle? - “In the very courtyards of Alldat’s grandson these birds flutter - gaily about, yet who would fear them? - “Hear how they twitter, etc., etc., etc. - - -5. A WOMAN’S SONG (GILGITI). - -[THE DESERTED WIFE AND THE FAITHLESS HUSBAND.] - -_The Wife_: - - _Mey_ _kukúri_ _Patan_ _gayta_ _béyto_ _djék tòn_? - My kukuri Pathán going he sat what am I to do? - - _Pípi_ _batzísse_ _garáo_ _dên_; _múso tshûsh_. - Aunt! from the family he absence has given; I cocoon. - - _Gá_ _sikkìm_ _qatì_ _bring_ _báleo_ _dês_; - And coloured silk spinning animal bind do = could. - - _Mió_ _dudélo_ _tshût_ _biló_! - My milk-sweet late has become! - -_The Husband_: - - _Anì_ _Azari_ _rey_[26] - That Azari, [is] a Deodar cedar[?] - - _Rajóy_, _nà_ _sómmo_? _anì_ _Azareo_ _rôk_ _bilôs_. - Kingly, is it not so [my] love! That Azari illness I have. - - _Anì_ _Wazíreyn_ _shuyi_ _gas-mall_, _na_ _sommo_! - This Wazîr’s child princess, not [so] love? - - _Bálli_ _dapújo_ _gî_ _bem_; _anì_ _pâr_ - Then from my waist (girdle) taking I’ll sit; this beyond - - _tshísheyn_. - the mountains. - - _Súri_ _war_ _tshîsheyn_ _djondjì_[27] _tzáe_ _bijôte_. - Sun this side’s mountain birch tree(?) to you both. - - _Somm_ _tshinèm_; _anù_ _shëò_ _qoáreyn_ _kinì_—_ga_ - Alike I love; This white hawk black and - - _Tshikki_[28] _méy_ _begà_ _beìh_; _balli_ _pashéjo_ - fragrant bag mine being sit; Then on my turban - - _gi_ _beyim_. - wearing I will sit. - -_Translation of “A Woman’s Song.”_ - -_The deserted wife sings_:—My Pathan! oh kukúri, far away from me has he -made a home; but, aunt, what am I to do, since he has left his own! The -silk that I have been weaving during his absence would be sufficient to -bind all the animals of the field. Oh, how my darling is delaying his -return! - -_The faithless husband sings_:—[My new love] Azari is like a royal -Deodar; is it not so, my love? for Azari I am sick with desire. She is -a Wazeer’s princess; is it not so, my love? Let me put you in my waist. -The sun on yonder mountain, and the tree on this nigh mountain, ye both I -love dearly. I will recline when this white hawk and her black fragrant -tresses become mine; encircling with them my head I will recline [in -happiness.] - - -6. THE JILTED LOVER’S DREAM. - -[IN THE ASTORI DIALECT.] - - _Tshunni_ _nazdik_ _mulayi_.[29] - (Oh) Little delicate [maid] woman. - - _Barêyo_ _báro_, _na_.[30] - The husband old is, [is he not?] - - _Hapótok_ _thyayé_ _gé_. - With a bear done it going, [you have “been and gone and done it.”] - - _Sómmi_ _rátijo_ _Sómmi_ _shakejo_ _Mey nish harayé_ - In the sleep of night The sleep from the arm. My sleep awake - - _gé_. _Mashàq_ _phirì_ _phùt_ _talósto_. - has gone. Turning round again opening hastily I saw. - - _Méy laktéy_ _píribann_ _tshîtsho_ _häun_. _Datshîno_ _hata-jó_ - My darling waistband variegated was. Right hand-from - - _aina_ _giní_, _Tshakéoje_ _wazze_. _Nu_ _kabbo_ _hata-jó_ - mirror taking, Looking she came. This left hand-from - - _surmá_ _giní_. _Paléoje_ _wazze_. - antimony taking, Applying she came. - -The above describes the dream of a lover whose sweetheart has married one -older than herself; he says: - -_Translation._ - - “That dear delicate little woman has a frightful old husband. - “Thou hast married a bear! In the dead of night, resting on my arm, - “My sleep became like waking. Hastily I turned and with a quick - glance saw - “That my darling’s waistband shone with many colours, - “That she advanced towards me holding in her right a mirror into - which she looked, - “That she came near me applying with her left the antimony to her - eyes.” - - -7. MODERN ASTORI SONG. - -This Song was composed by Rajah Bahadur Khan, now at Astŏr, who fell in -love with the daughter of the Rajah of Hunza to whom he was affianced. -When the war between Kashmir and Hunza broke out, the Astoris and Hunzas -were in different camps; Rajah Bahadur Khan, son of Rajah Shakul Khan, of -the Shíah persuasion,[31] thus laments his misfortunes: - - _Lotshúko_ _sabäin_ _kên_ _nimâz_ _thé_ _duwá_ - Early in morning’s time [usual] prayers done supplication - - _them_ _Qabûl thé_, _Rahîma_ _Garìbëy_ _duwa_ - I make Accept, oh merciful [God] of the poor the prayer. - - _Dòn_ _mahî_—_yeen_ _dim_ - [her] teeth [are] of fish bone = like ivory, [her] body - - _puru_—_yeen_ _tshamûye_ _tshîké_ _hane_ _me_ _armán_ - [like a] reed[32] [her] hair musk is. My longing - - _tûte_ _hane_ _Bulbúl_ _shakàr_. - to you is [Oh] nightingale sweet! - -_Chorus_ falls in with “_hai, hai, armân bulbúl_” = “oh, oh, the longing -[for the] nightingale!”[33] - -_Translation._ - -After having discharged my usual religious duties in the early morning, -I offer a prayer which, oh thou merciful God, accept from thy humble -worshipper. [Then, thinking of his beloved.] Her teeth are as white as -ivory, her body as graceful as a reed, her hair is like musk. My whole -longing is towards you, oh sweet nightingale. - -Chorus: Alas, how absorbing this longing for the nightingale. - - -8. GURAIZI SONGS. - -This district used to be under Ahmad Shah of Skardo, and has since -its conquest by Ghulab Singh come permanently under the Maharajah of -Kashmîr. Its possession used to be the apple of discord between the -Nawabs of Astor and the Rajahs of Skardo. It appears never to have -had a real Government of its own. The fertility of its valleys always -invited invasion. Yet the people are of Shîná origin and appear much -more manly than the other subjects of Kashmîr. Their loyalty to that -power is not much to be relied upon, but it is probable that with the -great intermixture which has taken place between them and the Kashmîri -Mussulmans for many years past, they will become equally demoralized. -The old territory of Guraiz used in former days to extend up to Kuyam -or Bandipur on the Wular Lake. The women are reputed to be very chaste, -and Colonel Gardiner told me that the handsomest women in Kashmîr came -from that district. To me, however, they appeared to be tolerably plain, -although rather innocent-looking, which may render them attractive, -especially after one has seen the handsome, but sensual-looking, women -of Kashmîr. The people of Guraiz are certainly very dirty, but they are -not so plain as the Chilásis. At Guraiz three languages are spoken: -Kashmîri, Guraizi (a corruption of a Shiná dialect), and Panjabi—the -latter on account of its occupation by the Maharajah’s officials. I found -some difficulty in getting a number of them together from the different -villages which compose the district of Guraiz, the Arcadia of Kashmir, -but I gave them food and money, and after I got them into a good humour -they sang: - - -GURAIZI HUNTING SONG. - - _Guraizi._ _English._ - - _Pere, tshaké, gazàri meyaru_ = Look beyond! what a fine stag! - Beyond, look! a fine stag. - - Chorus. _Pére, tshaké, djôk maar = Chorus. Look beyond! how - âke dey._ gracefully he struts. - Beyond, look! how he struts! - - _Pére, tshaké, bhapûri bay bâro_ = Look beyond! he bears twelve - Beyond, look! shawl wool 12 loads. loads of wool. - - Chorus. _Pére, tshaké, djôk maarâke = Chorus. Look beyond! how - dey._ gracefully he struts. - Beyond, look! how he does strut! - - _Pére, tshaké, dòni shilélu_ = Look beyond! his very teeth - Beyond, look! [his] teeth are of are of crystal. - crystal [glass] - - Chorus. _Pére, tshaké, djôk maarâke = Chorus. Look beyond! how - dey._ gracefully he struts. - -This is apparently a hunting song, but seems also to be applied to -singing the praises of a favourite. - -There is another song, which was evidently given with great gusto, in -praise of Sheir Shah Ali Shah, Rajah of Skardo.[34] That Rajah, who is -said to have temporarily conquered Chitrál, which the Chilasis call -Tshatshál,[35] made a road of steps up the Atsho mountain which overlooks -Bûnji, the most distant point reached before 1866 by travellers or the -Great Trigonometrical Survey. From the Atsho mountain Vigne returned, -“the suspicious Rajah of Gilgit suddenly giving orders for burning the -bridge over the Indus.” It is, however, more probable that his Astori -companions fabricated the story in order to prevent him from entering an -unfriendly territory in which Mr. Vigne’s life might have been in danger, -for had he reached Bûnji he might have known that the Indus never was -spanned by a bridge at that or any neighbouring point. The miserable -Kashmîri coolies and boatmen who were forced to go up-country with the -troops in 1866 were, some of them, employed, in rowing people across, and -that is how I got over the Indus at Bûnji; however to return from this -digression to the _Guraizi Song_: - - -9. PRAISE OF THE CONQUEROR SHEIR SHAH ALI SHAH. - - _Guraizi._ _English._ - - Sheir Shah Ali Shah = Sheir Shah Ali Shah. - Nōmega djong = I wind myself round his name.[36] - Ká kōlo shing phuté = He conquering the crooked Lowlands. - Djar súntsho taréga = Made them quite straight. - Kâne Makponé = The great Khan, the Makpon. - Kâno nom mega djong = I wind myself round the Khan’s name. - Kó Tshamūgar bòsh phuté = He conquered bridging over [the Gilgit - river] below Tshamûgar. - Sar[37] súntsho taréga = And made all quite straight. - -I believe there was much more of this historical song, but unfortunately -the paper on which the rest was written down by me as it was delivered, -has been lost together with other papers. - -“Tshamūgar,” to which reference is made in the song, is a village on the -other side of the Gilgit river on the Nagyr side. It is right opposite to -where I stayed for two nights under a huge stone which projects from the -base of the Niludâr range on the Gilgit side. - -There were formerly seven forts at Tshamūgar. A convention had been made -between the Rajah of Gilgit and the Rajah of Skardo, by which Tshamūgar -was divided by the two according to the natural division which a stream -that comes down from the Batkôr mountain made in that territory. The -people of Tshamūgar, impatient of the Skardo rule, became all of them -subjects to the Gilgit Rajah, on which Sher Shah Ali Shah, the ruler of -Skardo, collected an army, and crossing the Makpon-i-shagaron[38] at -the foot of the Haramûsh mountain, came upon Tshamūgar and diverted the -water which ran through that district into another direction. This was -the reason of the once fertile Tshamūgar becoming deserted; the forts -were razed to the ground. There are evidently traces of a river having -formerly run through Tshamūgar. The people say that the Skardo Rajah -stopped the flow of the water by throwing quicksilver into it. This is -probably a legend arising from the reputation which Ahmad Shah, the most -recent Skardo ruler whom the Guraizis can remember, had of dabbling in -medicine and sorcery.[39] - - -CHILASI SONGS. - -[The Chilasis have a curious way of snapping their fingers, with which -practice they accompany their songs, the thumb running up and down the -fingers as on a musical instrument.] - - -10. CHILASI. - - Tù hùn Gítshere bódje sòmmo dímm bamèm - Mèy shahínni pashalóto dewà salám dáute - Rás; Aje góje bómto méy dùddi aje nush - Hargìnn Zúe déy mo bejómos - Samat Khánay sóni mó báshémm tutàk - Mùugà deyto; mó dabtar dèm - -11. - - A. Tshekòn thónn; tikki wéy nush, oh Berader - Adòn; thōn; madéy nush; ey Berader - - B. Hamírey tshûki, púki thàs, palútos - Ni rátey ló ne bĕy, oh Berader! - -The last word in each sentence, as is usual with all Shín songs, is -repeated at the beginning of the next line. I may also remark that I have -accentuated the words _as pronounced in the songs_ and not as put down in -my Vocabulary. - -_Translation._ - -MESSAGE TO A SWEETHEART BY A FRIEND. - - You are going up to Gitshe, oh my dearest friend, - Give my compliment and salute when you see my hawk. - Speak to her. I must now go into my house; my mother is no more - And I fear the sting of that dragon,[40] my step-mother— - Oh noble daughter of Samat Khan; I will play the flute - And give its price and keep it in my bosom. - -The second song describes a quarrel between two brothers who are resting -after a march on some hill far away from any water or food wherewith to -refresh themselves. - - _Younger brother._—Am I to eat now, what am I to say, there is, oh - my brother, neither bread nor water. - Am I to fetch some [water] what am I to say, there is no masak - [a water-skin], oh my brother! - - _Elder brother._—The lying nonsense of Hamir (the younger brother) - wounds me deeply (tears off the skin of my heart). - There will be no day to this long night, oh my brother! - - -12. THE TRANSITORINESS OF THIS WORLD. - - _Kàka_, _mosè_ _djò_ _râum_ | _Mèy_ _dássga_ _nè bèy_ | _Tàbàm_ - Brother! I what am to say? | My choice it is not | In the - - - _aresà_ _dáro_ | _Módje_ _làshga_ _nè béy_ | _Dajála_ - whole of the present time | To me shame is not | The next - - _éle_ _jilto_ | _Jáko_ _udàsóne_ _han_ - world near has come | People despairing will be - - _2nd Verse._ - - _Watàn_ _dáro_ _zár_ | _Tu_ _mashahúre_ _billé_ | _Ash_ - In my country famous | You famous have become | To-day - - _bajóni_ _dégi_ _bárri_ _musafiri_ | _Zari_ _mójo_ - to get you prepared on a great journey | Openly me - - _lai langíddi_ = _íje_ | _Djíll_ _mey_ _hawallí_ | _Sín qatída_ - much pains | My soul is in your keeping | The river - - _phúne_ | _Sudà_ _chogarong_ - is flowing, the large flower | Of silver colour.[41] - - -A PRAYER OF THE BASHGELI KAFIRS. - -[_In the Kalásha dialect._] - -The ideas and many of the words in this prayer were evidently acquired by -my two Kafirs on their way through Kashmir: - -“Khudá, tandrusti dé, prushkári rozì de, abattì kari, dewalat man. Tu -ghóna asas, tshik intara, tshik tu faidá káy asas. Sat asmán tì, Stru -suri mastruk mótshe dé.” - - - - -_MANNERS AND CUSTOMS._ - - -A. AMUSEMENTS. - -The Chaughan Bazi or Hockey on horseback, so popular everywhere north of -Kashmir, and which is called Polo by the Baltis and Ladakis, who both -play it to perfection and in a manner which I shall describe elsewhere, -is also well known to the Ghilgiti and Astori subdivisions of the Shina -people. On great general holidays as well as on any special occasion of -rejoicing, the people meet on those grounds which are mostly near the -larger villages, and pursue the game with great excitement and at the -risk of casualties. The first day I was at Astor, I had the greatest -difficulty in restoring to his senses a youth of the name of Rustem Ali -who, like a famous player of the same name at Mardo, was passionately -fond of the game, and had been thrown from his horse. The place of -meeting near Astor is called the Eedgah. The game is called TOPE in -Astor, and the grounds for playing it are called SHAJARAN. At Gilgit -the game is called BULLA, and the place SHAWARAN. The latter names are -evidently of Tibetan origin. - -The people are also very fond of target practice, shooting with bows, -which they use dexterously but in which they do not excel the people -of Nagyr and Hunza. Game is much stalked during the winter. At Astor -any game shot on the three principal hills—_Tshhamô_, a high hill -opposite the fort, _Demídeldèn_ and _Tshólokot_—belong to the Nawab of -Astor—the sportsman receiving only the head, legs and a haunch—or to his -representative, then the Tahsildar Munshi Rozi Khan. At Gilgit everybody -claims what he may have shot, but it is customary for the Nawab to -receive some share of it. Men are especially appointed to watch and track -game, and when they discover their whereabouts notice is sent to the -villages from which parties issue, accompanied by musicians, and surround -the game. Early in the morning, when the “Lóhe” dawns, the musicians -begin to play and a great noise is made which frightens the game into the -several directions where the sportsmen are placed. - -The guns are matchlocks and are called in Gilgiti “_turmàk_” and in Astór -“tumák.” At Gilgit they manufacture the guns themselves or receive them -from Badakhshan. The balls have only a slight coating of lead, the inside -generally being a little stone. The people of Hunza and Nagyr invariably -place their guns on little wooden pegs which are permanently fixed to -the gun and are called “Dugazá.” The guns are much lighter than those -manufactured elsewhere, much shorter and carry much smaller bullets than -the matchlock of the Maharajah’s troops. They carry very much farther -than any native Indian gun and are fired with almost unerring accuracy. -For “small shot” little stones of any shape—the longest and oval ones -being preferred—are used. There is one kind of stone especially which is -much used for that purpose; it is called “Balósh Batt,” which is found -in Hanza, Nagyr, Skardo, and near the “Demídeldèn” hill already noticed, -at a village called Pareshinghi near Astor. It is a very soft stone and -large cooking utensils are cut out from it, whence the name, “Balósh” -Kettle, “Batt” stone, “Balósh Batt.” The stone is cut out with a chisel -and hammer; the former is called “Gútt” in Astori and “Gukk” in Gilgiti; -the hammer “toá” and “Totshúng” and in Gilgiti “samdenn.” The gunpowder -is manufactured by the people themselves.[42] - -The people also play at backgammon, [called in Astóri “Patshis,” and -“TAKK” in Gilgiti,] with dice [called in Astóri and also in Gilgiti -“dall.”] - -Fighting with iron wristbands is confined to Chilasi women who bring them -over their fists which they are said to use with effect. - -The people are also fond of wrestling, of butting each other whilst -hopping, etc. - -To play the Jew’s harp is considered meritorious as King David played it. -All other music good Mussulmans are bid to avoid. - -The “Sitara” [the Eastern Guitar] used to be much played in Yassen, the -people of which country as well as the people of Hunza and Nagyr excel -in dancing, singing and playing. After them come the Gilgitis, then the -Astoris, Chilasis, Baltis, etc. The people of Nagyr are a comparatively -mild race. They carry on goldwashing which is constantly interrupted by -kidnapping parties from the opposite Hunza. The language of Nagyr and -Hunza is the Non-Aryan Khajuná and no affinity between that language and -any other has yet been traced. The Nagyris are mostly Shiahs. They are -short and stout and fairer than the people of Hunza [the Kunjûtis] who -are described[43] as “tall skeletons” and who are desperate robbers. The -Nagyris understand Tibetan, Persian and Hindustani. Badakhshan merchants -were the only ones who could travel with perfect safety through Yassen, -Chitral and Hunza. - - -DANCES[44] - -Fall into two main divisions: “slow” or “Búti Harip” = Slow Instrument -and Quick “Danni Harip,” = Quick Instrument. The Yassen, Nagyr and Hunza -people dance quickest; then come the Gilgitis; then the Astóris; then the -Baltis, and slowest of all are the Ladakis. - -When all join in the dance, cheer or sing with gesticulations, the dance -or recitative is called “thapnatt” in Gilgiti, and “Burró” in Astóri. - -When there is a solo dance it is called “nàtt” in Gilgiti, and “nott” in -Astóri. - -“Cheering” is called “Halamush” in Ghilgiti, and “Halamùsh” in Astóri. -Clapping of hands is called “tza.” Cries of “_Yú_, Yú dea; tza theá, Hiú -Hiú dea; Halamush thea; shabâsh” accompany the performances. - -There are several kinds of Dances. The PRASULKI NATE, is danced by ten or -twelve people ranging themselves behind the bride as soon as she reaches -the bridegroom’s house. This custom is observed at Astor. In this dance -men swing above sticks or whatever they may happen to hold in their -hands. - -[Illustration: A DANCE AT GILGIT (DR. LEITNER AND HIS PANJABI ATTENDANTS -LOOKING ON).] - -The BURÓ NATT is a dance performed on the Nao holiday, in which both men -and women engage—the women forming a ring round the central group of -dancers, which is composed of men. This dance is called THAPPNATT at -Gilgit. In Dareyl there is a dance in which the dancers wield swords and -engage in a mimic fight. This dance Gilgitis and Astòris call the _Darelâ -nat_, but what it is called by the Dareylis themselves I do not know. - -The mantle dance is called “GOJA NAT.” In this popular dance the dancer -throws his cloth over his extended arm. - -When I sent a man round with a drum inviting all the Dards that were to -be found at Gilgit to a festival, a large number of men appeared, much -to the surprise of the invading Dogras, who thought that they had all -run to the hills. A few sheep were roasted for their benefit; bread and -fruit were also given them, and when I thought they were getting into -a good humour, I proposed that they should sing. Musicians had been -procured with great difficulty, and after some demur, the Gilgitis sang -and danced. At first, only one at a time danced, taking his sleeves well -over his arm so as to let it fall over, and then moving it up and down -according to the cadence of the music. The movements were, at first, -slow, one hand hanging down, the other being extended with a commanding -gesture. The left foot appeared to be principally engaged in moving or -rather jerking the body forward. All sorts of “pas seuls” were danced; -sometimes a rude imitation of the Indian Nátsh; the by-standers clapping -their hands and crying out “Shabâsh”; one man, a sort of Master of -Ceremonies, used to run in and out amongst them, brandishing a stick, -with which, in spite of his very violent gestures, he only lightly -touched the bystanders, and exciting them to cheering by repeated calls, -which the rest then took up, of “Hiù, Hiù.” The most extraordinary dance, -however, was when about twelve men arose to dance, of whom six went on -one side and six on the other, both sides then, moving forward, jerked -out their arms so as to look as if they had all crossed swords, then -receded and let their arms drop. This was a war dance, and I was told -that properly it ought to have been danced with swords, which, however, -out of suspicion of the Dogras, did not seem to be forthcoming. They -then formed a circle, again separated, the movements becoming more and -more violent till almost all the bystanders joined in the dance, shouting -like fiends and literally _kicking_ up a frightful amount of dust, which, -after I had nearly become choked with it, compelled me to retire.[45] I -may also notice that before a song is sung the rhythm and melody of it -are given in “solo” by some one, for instance - - Dānă dāng dānŭ dăngdā - nădañg dānŭ, etc., etc., etc. - - -B. BEVERAGES. - - -BEER. - -Fine corn (about five or six _seers_ in weight) is put into a kettle with -water and boiled till it gets soft, but not pulpy. It is then strained -through a cloth, and the grain retained and put into a vessel. Then it -is mixed with a drug that comes from Ladak which is called “Papps,” and -has a salty taste, but in my opinion is nothing more than hardened dough -with which some kind of drug is mixed. It is necessary that “the marks of -four fingers” be impressed upon the “Papps.” The mark of “four fingers” -make one stick, 2 fingers’ mark ½ a stick, and so forth. This is scraped -and mixed with the corn. The whole is then put into an earthen jar with -a narrow neck, after it has received an infusion of an amount of water -equal to the proportion of corn. The jar is put out into the sun—if -summer—for twelve days, or under the fire-place—if in winter—[where a -separate vault is made for it]—for the same period. The orifice is almost -hermetically closed with a skin. After twelve days the jar is opened and -contains a drink possessing intoxicating qualities. The first infusion -is much prized, but the corn receives a second and sometimes even a -third supply of water, to be put out again in a similar manner and to -provide a kind of Beer for the consumer. This Beer is called “Mō,” and is -much drunk by the Astóris and Chilasis [the latter are rather stricter -Mussulmans than the other Shiná people]. After every strength has been -taken out of the corn it is given away as food to sheep, etc., which they -find exceedingly nourishing. - - -WINE.[46] - -The Gilgitis are great wine-drinkers, though not so much as the people -of Hunza. In Nagyr little wine is made. The mode of the preparation -of the wine is a simple one. The grapes are stamped out by a man who, -fortunately before entering into the wine press, washes his feet and -hands. The juice flows into another reservoir, which is first well -laid round with stones, over which a cement is put of chalk mixed -with sheep-fat which is previously heated. The juice is kept in this -reservoir; the top is closed, cement being put round the sides and only -in the middle an opening is made over which a loose stone is placed. -After two or three months the reservoir is opened, and the wine is used -at meals and festivals. In Dareyl (and not in Gilgit, as was told to -Vigne,) the custom is to sit round the grave of the deceased and eat -grapes, nuts and Tshilgōzas (edible pine). In Astor (and in Chilâs?) the -custom is to put a number of Ghi (clarified butter) cakes before the -Mulla, [after the earth has been put on the deceased] who, after reading -prayers over them, distributes them to the company who are standing round -with their caps on. In Gilgit, three days after the burial, bread is -generally distributed to the friends and acquaintances of the deceased. -To return to the wine presses, it is to be noticed that no one ever -interferes with the store of another. I passed several of them on my road -from Tshakerkōt onward, but they appeared to have been destroyed. This -brings me to another custom which all the Dards seem to have of burying -provisions of every kind in cellars that are scooped out in the mountains -or near their houses, and of which they alone have any knowledge. The -Maharajah’s troops when invading Gilgit often suffered severely from -want of food when, unknown to them, large stores of grain of every kind, -butter, ghi, etc., were buried close to them. The Gilgitis and other -so-called rebels, generally, were well off, knowing where to go for food. -Even in subject Astor it is the custom to lay up provisions in this -manner. On the day of birth of anyone in that country it is the custom -to bury a stock of provisions which are opened on the day of betrothal -of the young man and distributed. The ghi, which by that time turns -frightfully sour, and [to our taste] unpalatable and the colour of which -is red, is esteemed a great delicacy and is said to bring much luck. - -The chalk used for cementing the stones is called “San Bàtt.” Grapes -are called “Djatsh,” and are said, together with wine, to have been -the principal food of Ghazanfar, the Rajah of Hunza, of whom it is -reported that when he heard of the arrival of the first European in Astor -(probably Vigne) he fled to a fort called Gojal and shut himself up in it -with his flocks, family and retainers. He had been told that the European -was a great sorcerer, who carried an army with him in his trunks and who -had serpents at his command that stretched themselves over any river in -his way to afford him a passage. I found this reputation of European -sorcery of great use, and the wild mountaineers looked with respect and -awe on a little box which I carried with me, and which contained some -pictures of clowns and soldiers belonging to a small magic lantern. The -Gilgitis consider the use of wine as unlawful; probably it is not very -long since they have become so religious and drink it with remorse. My -Gilgitis told me that the Mughullí—a sect living in Hunza, Gojal, Yassen -and Punyal[47]—considered the use of wine with prayers to be rather -meritorious than otherwise. A Drunkard is called “Máto.” - - -C. BIRTH CEREMONIES. - -As soon as the child is born the father or the Mulla repeats the “Bâng” -in his ear “Allah Akbar” (which an Astóri, of the name of Mirza Khan, -said was never again repeated in one’s life!). Three days after the -reading of the “Bâng” or “Namáz” in Gilgit and seven days after that -ceremony in Astor, a large company assembles in which the father or -grandfather of the newborn gives him a name or the Mulla fixes on a -name by putting his hand on some word in the Koran, which may serve -the purpose or by getting somebody else to fix his hand at random on a -passage or word in the Koran. Men and women assemble at that meeting. -There appears to be no pardah whatsoever in Dardu land, and the women are -remarkably chaste.[48] The little imitation of pardah amongst the Ranis -of Gilgit was a mere fashion imported from elsewhere. Till the child -receives a name the woman is declared impure for the seven days previous -to the ceremony. In Gilgit 27 days are allowed to elapse till the woman -is declared pure. Then the bed and clothes are washed and the woman is -restored to the company of her husband and the visits of her friends. Men -and women eat together everywhere in Dardu land. In Astór, raw milk alone -cannot be drunk together with a woman unless thereby it is intended that -she should be a sister by faith and come within the prohibited degrees of -relationship. When men drink of the same raw milk they thereby swear each -other eternal friendship. In Gilgit this custom does not exist, but it -will at once be perceived that much of what has been noted above belongs -to Mussulman custom generally. When a son is born great rejoicings take -place, and in Gilgit a musket is fired off by the father whilst the -“Bâng” is being read. - - -D. MARRIAGE. - -In Gilgit it appears to be a more simple ceremony than in Chilâs and -Astór. The father of the boy goes to the father of the girl and presents -him with a knife about 1½ feet long, 4 yards of cloth and a pumpkin -filled with wine. If the father accepts the present the betrothal is -arranged. It is generally the fashion that after the betrothal, which is -named: “_Shéir qatar wíye, ballí píye_, = 4 yards of cloth and a knife -he has given, the pumpkin he has drunk,” the marriage takes place. A -betrothal is inviolable, and is only dissolved by death so far as the -woman is concerned. The young man is at liberty to dissolve the contract. -When the marriage day arrives the men and women who are acquainted with -the parties range themselves in rows at the house of the bride, the -bridegroom with her at his left sitting together at the end of the row. -The Mulla then reads the prayers, the ceremony is completed and the -playing, dancing and drinking begin. It is considered the proper thing -for the bridegroom’s father, if he belongs to the true Shín race, to pay -12 tolas of gold of the value [at Gilgit] of 15 Rupees Nanakshahi (10 -annas each) to the bride’s father, who, however, generally, returns it -with the bride, in kind—dresses, ornaments, &c., &c. The 12 tolas are not -always, or even generally, taken in gold, but oftener in kind—clothes, -provisions and ornaments. At Astór the ceremony seems to be a little more -complicated. There the arrangements are managed by third parties; an -agent being appointed on either side. The father of the young man sends -a present of a needle and three real (red) “múngs” called “lújum” in -Chilâsi, which, if accepted, establishes the betrothal of the parties. -Then the father of the bride demands _pro formâ_ 12 tolas [which in Astór -and Chilâs are worth 24 Rupees of the value of ten annas each.] - -All real “Shín” people must pay this dowry for their wives in money, -provisions or in the clothes which the bride’s father may require. The -marriage takes place when the girl reaches puberty, or perhaps rather -the age when she is considered fit to be married. It may be mentioned -here in general terms that those features in the ceremony which remind -one of Indian customs are undoubtedly of Indian origin introduced into -the country since the occupation of Astór by the Maharaja’s troops. -Gilgit which is further off is less subject to such influences, and -whatever it may have of civilization is indigenous or more so than is the -case at Astór, the roughness of whose manners is truly Chilâsi, whilst -its apparent refinement in some things is a foreign importation. - -When the marriage ceremony commences the young man, accompanied by twelve -of his friends and by musicians, sits in front of the girl’s house. The -mother of the girl brings out bread and Ghi-cakes on plates, which she -places before the bridegroom, round whom she goes three times, caressing -him and finally kissing his hand. The bridegroom then sends her back -with a present of a few rupees or tolas in the emptied plates. Then, -after some time, as the evening draws on, the agent of the father of the -boy sends to say that it is time that the ceremony should commence. The -mother of the bride then stands in the doorway of her house with a few -other platefuls of cakes and bread, and the young man accompanied by his -bridesman [“Shunèrr” in Astóri and “Shamaderr” in Gilgiti,] enters the -house. At his approach, the girl, who also has her particular friend, -the “Shaneróy” in Astóri, and “Shamaderoy” in Gilgiti, rises. The boy is -seated at her right, but both in Astór and in Gilgit it is considered -indecent for the boy to turn round and look at her. Then a particular -friend, the “Dharm-bhai”[49] of the girl’s brother asks her if she -consents to the marriage. In receiving, or imagining, an affirmative, -he turns round to the Mulla, who after asking three times whether he, -she and the bridegroom as well as all present are satisfied, reads the -prayers and completes the ceremonial. Then some rice, boiled in milk, is -brought in, of which the boy and the girl take a spoonful. They do not -retire the first night, but grace the company with their presence. The -people assembled then amuse themselves by hearing the musicians, eating, -&c. - -It appears to be the custom that a person leaves an entertainment -whenever he likes, which is generally the case after he has eaten enough. - -It must, however, not be imagined that the sexes are secluded from -each other in Dardistan. Young people have continual opportunities of -meeting each other in the fields at their work or at festive gatherings. -Love declarations often take place on these occasions, but if any evil -intention is perceived the seducer of a girl is punished by this savage, -but virtuous, race with death. The Dards know and speak of the existence -of “pure love,” “pâk âshiqi.” Their love songs show sufficiently that -they are capable of a deeper, than mere sexual, feeling. No objection to -lawful love terminating in matrimony is ever made unless the girl or the -boy is of a lower caste. In Gilgit, however, the girl may be of a lower -caste than the bridegroom. In Astór it appears that a young man, whose -parents—to whom he must mention his desire for marrying any particular -person—refuse to intercede, often attains his point by threatening to -live in the family of the bride and become an adopted son. A “Shîn” of -true race at Astor may live in concubinage with a girl of lower caste, -but the relatives of the girl if they discover the intrigue revenge the -insult by murdering the paramour, who, however, does not lose caste by -the alliance. - -The bridegroom dances as well as his twelve companions. The girl ought -not to be older than 15 years; but at 12 girls are generally engaged.[50] - -The Balti custom of having merely a _claim to dowry_ on the part of the -woman—the prosecution of which claim so often depends on her satisfaction -with her husband or the rapacity of her relatives—is in spite of the -intercourse of the Baltis with the Shîn people never observed by the -latter; not even by the Shîn colonists of little Tibet who are called -“Brokhpá.” - -When the bridegroom has to go for his bride to a distant village he is -furnished with a bow. On arriving at his native place he crosses the -breast of his bride with an arrow and then shoots it off. He generally -shoots three arrows off in the direction of his home. - -At Astór the custom is sometimes to fire guns as a sign of rejoicing. -This is not done at Gilgit. - -When the bridegroom fetches his bride on the second day to his own home, -the girl is crying with the women of her household and the young man -catches hold of her dress in front (at Gilgit by the hand) and leads -her to the door. If the girl cannot get over embracing her people and -crying with them quickly, the twelve men who have come along with the -bridegroom (who in Astóri are called “hilalée” = bridegrooms and “garóni” -in Gilgiti) sing the following song:— - - INVITATION TO THE BRIDE. - - _Nikàstalì_ _quáray kusúni_ (_“astali” is added to the fem. Imp_). - Come out hawk’s daughter. - - _Nikastali_ _ke_ _karaníliè_ (“_balanîle_,” in Gilgiti). - Come out why delayest thou! - - _Nikastali_ _máleyn_ _gutíjo_. - Come out (from) thy father’s tent. - - _Nikastali_ _ke_ _karaníliè_. - Come out why delayest thou. - - _Né ro_ _tsharéyn_ _baráye_. - Do not weep waterfall’s fairy. - - _Né ro_ _teyn_ _róng_ _boje_. - Do not weep thy colour will go. - - _Né ro_ _jaro_ _shidati_. - Do not weep brethren’s beloved. - - _Né ro_ _téy_ _róng_ _boje_. - Do not weep thy colour will go. - - _Né ro_ _maleyn_ _shidati_. - Do not weep father’s beloved. - - _Né ro_ _téy_ _róng_ _boje_. - Do not weep thy colour will go. - -_Translation._ - - Come out, O daughter of the hawk! - Come out, why dost thou delay? - Come forth from thy father’s tent, - Come out and do not delay. - Weep not! O fairy of the waterfall! - Weep not! thy colour will fade; - Weep not! thou art the beloved of us all who are thy brethren, - Weep not! thy colour will fade. - O Weep not! thou beloved of fathers, [or “thy father’s darling.”] - For if thou weepest, thy face will grow pale. - -Then the young man catches hold of her dress, or in Gilgit of her arm, -puts her on horseback, and rides off with her, heedless of her tears and -of those of her companions. - - -E. FUNERALS. - -Funerals are conducted in a very simple manner. The custom of eating -grapes at funerals I have already touched upon in my allusion to Dureyl -in the chapter on “Wine.” Bread is commonly distributed together with -Ghî, etc., three days after the funeral, to people in general, a custom -which is called “Nashí” by the Astóris, and “Khatm” by the Gilgitis. -When a person is dead, the Mulla, assisted generally by a near friend -of the deceased, washes the body which is then placed in a shroud. -Women assemble, weep and relate the virtues of the deceased. The body -is conveyed to the grave the very day of the decease. In Astor there is -something in the shape of a bier for conveying the dead. At Gilgit two -poles, across which little bits of wood are placed sideways and then -fastened, serve for the same purpose. The persons who carry the body -think it a meritorious act. The women accompany the body for some fifty -yards and then return to the house to weep. The body is then placed in -the earth which has been dug up to admit of its interment. Sometimes the -grave is well-cemented and a kind of small vault is made over it with -pieces of wood closely jammed together. A Pîr or saint receives a hewn -stone standing as a sign-post from the tomb. I have seen no inscriptions -anywhere. The tomb of one of their famous saints at Gilgit has none. I -have heard people there say that he was killed at that place in order -to provide the country with a shrine. My Gilgiti who, like all his -countrymen, was very patriotic, denied it, but I heard it at Gilgit from -several persons, among whom was one of the descendants of the saint. As -the Saint was a Kashmiri, the veracity of his descendant may be doubted. -To return to the funeral. The body is conveyed to the cemetery, which -is generally at some distance from the village, accompanied by friends. -When they reach the spot the Mulla reads the prayers standing as in -the “Djenazá”—any genuflexion, “ruku” رکوعand prostration are, of -course, inadmissible. After the body has been interred the Mulla recites -the Fatiha, [opening prayer of the Koran] all people standing up and -holding out their hands as if they were reading a book. The Mulla prays -that the deceased may be preserved from the fire of hell as he was a -good man, etc. Then after a short benediction the people separate. For -three days at Gilgit and seven days at Astor the near relatives of the -deceased do not eat meat. After that period the grave is again visited -by the deceased’s friends, who, on reaching the grave, eat some ghí and -bread, offer up prayers, and, on returning, slaughter a sheep, whose -kidney is roasted and divided in small bits amongst those present. Bread -is distributed amongst those present and a little feast is indulged in, -in memory of the deceased. I doubt, however, whether the Gilgitis are -very exact in their religious exercises. The mention of death was always -received with shouts of laughter by them, and one of them told me that a -dead person deserved only to be kicked. He possibly only joked and there -can be little doubt that the Gilgit people are not very communicative -about their better feelings. It would be ridiculous, however, to deny -them the possession of natural feelings, although I certainly believe -that they are not over-burdened with sentiment. In Astór the influence of -Kashmir has made the people attend a little more to the ceremonies of the -Mussulman religion. - -In Chilâs rigour is observed in the maintenance of religious practices, -but elsewhere there exists the greatest laxity. In fact, so rude are the -people that they have no written character of their own, and till very -recently the art of writing (Persian) was confined to, perhaps, the Rajas -of these countries or rather to their Munshis, whenever they had any. -Some of them may be able to read the Koran. Even this I doubt, as of -hundreds of people I saw only one who could read at Gilgit, and he was a -Kashmiri who had travelled far and wide and had at last settled in that -country. - - -F. HOLIDAYS. - -The great holiday of the Shîn people happened in 1867, during the -month succeeding the Ramazan, but seems to be generally on the sixth -of February. It is called the “Shinó náo,” “the new day of the Shîn -people.” The Gilgitis call the day “Shinó bazóno,” “the spring of the -Shîn people.” [The year, it will be remembered, is divided into bazono -= spring; walo = summer; shero = autumn; yono = winter.] The snow is -now becoming a little softer and out-of-door life is more possible. The -festivities are kept up for twelve days. Visits take place and man and -wife are invited out to dinner during that period. Formerly, when the -Shîns had a Raja or Nawab of their own, it used to be the custom for -women to dance during those twelve days. Now the advent of the Sepoys and -the ridiculous pseudo-morality of the Kashmir rule have introduced a kind -of Pardah and the chaste Shîn women do not like to expose themselves to -the strangers. Then there is the Naurôz, which is celebrated for three, -and sometimes for six, days. - -There are now five great holidays in the year: - - The I’d of Ramazân. - The Shinó-Náo. - The Naurôz. - Kurbanī I’d. - The Kùy Náo,[51] { Astóri. - Dúmniká, { Gilgiti. - -On the last-named holiday the game of Polo is played, good clothes are -put on, and men and women amuse themselves at public meetings. - -The Shîn people are very patriotic. Since the Maharaja’s rule many of -their old customs have died out, and the separation of the sexes is -becoming greater. Their great national festival I have already described -under the head of “Historical Legend of Gilgit” (pages 14 to 16). - - -G. THE RELIGIOUS IDEAS OF THE DARDS. - -If the Dards—the races living between the Hindu-Kush and Kaghán—have -preserved many Aryan customs and traditions, it is partly because they -have lived in almost perfect seclusion from other Muhammadans. In -Chilâs, where the Sunni form of that faith prevails, there is little to -relieve the austerity of that creed. The rest of the Muhammadan Dards -are Shiahs, and that belief is more elastic and seems to be more suited -to a quick-witted race, than the orthodox form of Islam. Sunniism, -however, is advancing in Dardistan and will, no doubt, sweep away many -of the existing traditions. The progress, too, of the present invasion -by Kashmir, which, although governed by Hindus, is chiefly Sunni, will -familiarize the Dards with the notions of orthodox Muhammadans and will -tend to substitute a monotonous worship for a multiform superstition. I -have already noticed that, in spite of the exclusiveness of Hinduism, -attempts are made by the Maharaja of Kashmir to gather into the fold -those races and creeds which, merely because they are not Muhammadan, -are induced by him to consider themselves Hindu. For instance, the Siah -Posh Kafirs, whom I venture also to consider Dards, have an ancient form -of nature-worship which is being encroached upon by Hindu myths, not -because they are altogether congenial but because they constitute the -religion of the enemies of Muhammadans, their own bitter foes who kidnap -the pretty Kafir girls and to kill whom establishes a claim among Kafirs -to consideration. In the same way there is a revival of Hinduism in the -Buddhist countries of Ladak and Zanskar, which belong to Kashmir, and -ideas of caste are welcomed where a few years ago they were unknown. As -no one can become a Hindu, but any one can become a Muhammadan, Hinduism -is at a natural disadvantage in its contact with an advancing creed and, -therefore, there is the more reason why zealous Hindus should seek to -strengthen themselves by amalgamation with other idolatrous creeds. To -return to the Mussulman Dards, it will be easy to perceive by a reference -to my ethnographical vocabulary what notions are Muhammadan and what -traces there remain of a more ancient belief. The “world of Gods” is not -the mere اخرة which their professed religion teaches, nor is the -“serpent world” a Muhammadan term for our present existence. Of course, -their Maulvis may read “religious lessons” and talk to them of Paradise -and Hell, but it is from a more ancient source that they derive a kindly -sympathy with the evil spirits “Yatsh;” credit them with good actions, -describe their worship of the sun and moon, and fill the interior of -mountains with their palaces and songs. Again, it is not Islam that tells -them of the regeneration of their country by fairies—that places these -lovely beings on the top of the Himalayas and makes them visit, and -ally themselves to, mankind. The fairies too are not all good, as the -Yatsh are not all bad. They destroy the man who seeks to surprise their -secrets, although, perhaps, they condone the offence by making him live -for ever after in fairy-land. Indeed, the more we look into the national -life of the Dards the less do we find it tinctured by Muhammadan distaste -of compromise. Outwardly their customs may conform to that ceremonial, -but when they make death an opportunity for jokes and amusement we cannot -refuse attention to the circumstance by merely explaining it away on the -ground that they are savages. I have noticed the prevalence of caste -among them, how proud they are of their Shîn descent, how little (with -the exception of the more devout Chilâsis) they draw upon Scripture for -their personal names, how they honour women and how they like the dog, an -animal deemed unclean by other Muhammadans. The Dards had no hesitation -in eating with me, but I should not be surprised to hear that they did -not do so when Mr. Hayward visited them, for the Hinduized Mussulman -servants that one takes on tours might have availed themselves of their -supposed superior knowledge of the faith to inform the natives that they -were making an improper concession to an infidel. A good many Dards, -however, have the impression that the English are Mussulmans—a belief -that would not deter them from killing or robbing a European traveller in -some districts, if he had anything “worth taking.” Gouhar-Amán [called -“Gôrmán” by the people] of Yasin used to say that as the Koran, the word -of God, was sold, there could be no objection to sell an expounder of -the word of God, a Mulla, who unfortunately fell into his hands. I did -not meet any real Shîn who was a Mulla,[52] but I have no doubt that, -especially in Hunza, they are using the services of Mullas in order to -give a religious sanction to their predatory excursions. I have said -that the Dards were generally Shiahs—perhaps I ought not to include -the Shiah Hunzas among Dards as they speak a non-Aryan language unlike -any other that I know[53]—and as a rule the Shiahs are preyed upon by -Sunnis. Shiah children are kidnapped by Sunnis as an act both religious -and profitable. Shiahs have to go through the markets of Bokhara denying -their religion, for which deception, by the way, they have the sanction -of their own priests.[54] Can we, therefore, wonder that the Mulái Hunzas -make the best of both worlds by preferring to kidnap Sunnis to their -own co-religionists? A very curious fact is the attachment of Shiahs to -their distant priesthood. We know how the Indian Shiahs look to Persia; -how all expect the advent of their Messiah, the Imám Mahdi; how the -appointment of Kazis (civil functionaries) is made through the Mujtehid -[a kind of high priest] and is ratified by the ruling power, rather than -emanate direct from the secular authorities, as is the case with Sunnis. -The well-known Sayad residing at Bombay, Agha Khan, has adherents even -in Dardistan, and any command that may reach them from him [generally -a demand for money] is obeyed implicitly. Indeed, throughout India and -Central Asia there are men, some of whom lead an apparently obscure -life, whose importance for good or evil should not be underrated by the -authorities. [See my “Hunza and Nagyr Handbook, 1893.”] - -What we know about the religion of the Siah-Posh Kafirs [whom I include -in the term “Dards”] is very little. My informants were two Kafir lads, -who lived for some weeks in my compound and whose religious notions had, -no doubt, been affected on their way down through Kashmir. That they go -once a year to the top of a mountain as a religious exercise and put a -stone on to a cairn; that the number of Muhammadan heads hung up in front -of their doors indicates their position in the tribe; that they are said -to sit on benches rather than squat on the ground like other Asiatics: -that they are reported to like all those who wear a curl in front; that -they are fair and have blue eyes, that they drink a portion of the blood -of a killed enemy—this and the few words which have been collected of -their language is very nearly all we have hitherto known about them. -What I have been able to ascertain regarding them, will be mentioned -elsewhere.[55] - - -H. FORMS OF GOVERNMENT AMONG THE DARDS. - -Chilâs, which sends a tribute every year to Kashmir for the sake of -larger return-presents rather than as a sign of subjection, is said to be -governed by a council of elders, in which even women are admitted.[56] -When I visited Gilgit, in 1866, it was practically without a ruler, the -invading troops of Kashmir barely holding their own within a few yards -of the Gilgit Fort—a remarkable construction which, according to the -report of newspapers, was blown up by accident in 1876, and of which the -only record is the drawing published in the _Illustrated London News_ of -the 12th February 1870.[57] There is now (1877) a Thanadar of Gilgit, -whose rule is probably not very different from that of his rapacious -colleagues in Kashmir. The Gilgitis are kept quiet by the presence of -the Kashmir army, and by the fact that their chiefs are prisoners at -Srinagar, where other representatives of once reigning houses are also -under surveillance. Mansur Ali Khan, the supposed rightful Raja of -Gilgit is there; he is the son of Asghar Ali Khan, son of Raja Khan, son -of Gurtam Khan—but legitimate descent has little weight in countries -that are constantly disturbed by violence, except in Hunza, where the -supreme right to rob is hereditary.[58] The Gilgitis, who are a little -more settled than their neighbours to the West, North and South, and who -possess the most refined Dardu dialect and traditions, were constantly -exposed to marauding parties, and the late ruler of Yasin, Gouhar-Amán, -who had conquered Gilgit, made it a practice to sell them into slavery on -the pretext that they were Shiahs and infidels. Yasin was lately ruled -by Mir Wali, the supposed murderer of Mr. Hayward, and is a dependency -of Chitrál, a country which is ruled by Amán-ul-mulk. The Hunza people -are under Ghazan Khan, the son of Ghazanfar,[59] and seem to delight in -plundering their Kirghiz neighbours, although all travellers through that -inhospitable region, with the exception of Badakhshan merchants, are -impartially attacked by these robbers, whose depredations have caused the -nearest pass from Central Asia to India to be almost entirely deserted -(1866). At Gilgit I saw the young Raja of Nagyr, with a servant, also a -Nagyri. He was a most amiable and intelligent lad, whose articulation -was very much more refined than that of his companion, who prefixed a -guttural to every Khajuná word beginning with a vowel. The boy was kept -a prisoner in the Gilgit Fort as a hostage to Kashmir for his father’s -good behaviour, and it was with some difficulty that he was allowed to -see me and answer certain linguistic questions which I put to him. If he -has not been sent back to his country, it would be a good opportunity for -our Government to get him to the Panjab in the cold weather with the view -of our obtaining more detailed information than we now possess regarding -the Khajuná, that extraordinary language to which I have several times -alluded. [This was done on my second official mission to Kashmir in 1886.] - -The name of _Rá_, _Rásh_, _Raja_, applied to Muhammadans, may sound -singular to those accustomed to connect them with Hindu rulers but it -is the ancient name for “King” at Gilgit (for which “Nawab” seems a -modern substitute in that country)—whilst Shah Kathor[60] in Chitrál, -Tham in Hunza and Nagyr, Mitérr (Mihtar) and Bakhté in Yasin and Trakhné -in Gilgit offer food for speculation. The Hunza people say that the -King’s race is Mogholote (or Mogul?); they call the King _Sawwash_ and -affirm that he is Aishea (this probably means that he is descended from -Ayesha, the wife of Muhammad).[61] Under the king or chief, for the time -being, the most daring or intriguing hold office and a new element of -disturbance has now been introduced into Dardistan by the Kashmir faction -at every court [or rather robber’s nest] which seeks to advance the -interests or ulterior plans of conquest of the Maharaja, our feudatory. -Whilst the name of Wazir is now common for a “minister,” we find the -names of the subordinate offices of Trangpá, Yarfá, Zeytú, Gopá, etc., -etc., which point to the reminiscences of Tibetan Government and a -reference to the “Official Designations” in Part II. of my “Dardistan” -will direct speculation on other matters connected with the subject. - -I need scarcely add that under a Government, like that of Chitrál, -which used to derive a large portion of its revenue from kidnapping, -the position of the official slave-dealer (Diwánbigi)[62] was a high -one. Shortly before I visited Gilgit, a man used to sell for a good -hunting dog (of which animal the Dards are very fond), two men for a -pony and three men for a large piece of pattú (a kind of woollen stuff). -Women and weak men received the preference, it being difficult for them -to escape once they have reached their destination. Practically, all -the hillmen are republicans. The name for servant is identical with -that of “companion;” it is only the prisoner of another tribe who is -a “slave.” The progress of Kashmir will certainly have the effect of -stopping, at any rate nominally, the trade in _male_ slaves, but it will -reduce all subjects to the same dead level of slavery and extinguish -that spirit of freedom, and with it many of the traditions, that have -preserved the Dard races from the degeneracy which has been the fate of -the Aryans who reached Kashmir and India. The indigenous Government is -one whose occasional tyranny is often relieved by rebellion. I think -the Dard Legends and Songs show that the Dards are a superior people -to the Dogras, who wish to take their country in defiance of treaty -obligations,[63] and I, for one, would almost prefer the continuance of -present anarchy which may end in a national solution or in a _direct -alliance_ with the British, to the _épicier_ policy of Kashmir which, -without shedding blood,[64] has drained the resources of that Paradise -on earth and killed the intellectual and moral life of its people. The -administration of justice and the collection of the taxes in Dardistan -are carried on, the former with some show of respect for religious -injunctions, the latter with sole regard to whatever the tax-gatherer can -immediately lay his hand upon. - - -I. HABITATIONS. - -Most of the villages, whose names I have given elsewhere, are situate -on the main lines of roads which, as everywhere in Himalayan countries, -generally coincides with the course of rivers. The villages are sometimes -scattered, but as a rule, the houses are closely packed together. Stones -are heaped up and closely cemented, and the upper story, which often is -only a space shielded by a cloth or by grass-bundles on a few poles, is -generally reached by a staircase from the outside.[65] Most villages are -protected by one or more wooden forts, which—with the exception of the -Gilgit fort—are rude blockhouses, garnished with rows of beams, behind -which it is easy to fight as long as the place is not set on fire. Most -villages also contain an open space, generally near a fountain, where -the villagers meet in the evening and young people make love to each -other.[66] Sometimes the houses contain a subterranean apartment which -is used as a cellar or stable—at other times, the stable forms the -lower part of the house and the family live on the roof under a kind -of grass-tent. In Ládak, a little earth heaped up before the door and -impressed with a large wooden seal, was sufficient, some years ago, to -protect a house in the absence of its owner. In Dardistan bolts, etc., -show the prevailing insecurity. I have seen houses which had a courtyard, -round which the rooms were built, but generally all buildings in -Dardistan are of the meanest description—the mosque of Gilgit, in which -I slept one night whilst the Sepoys were burying two or three yards away -from me, those who were killed by the so-called rebels, being almost -as miserable a construction as the rest. The inner part of the house -is generally divided from the outer by a beam which goes right across. -My vocabulary will show all the implements, material, etc., used in -building, etc. Water-mills and windmills are to be found. - -Cradles were an unknown commodity till lately. I have already referred -to the wine and treasury cellars excavated in the mountains, and which -provided the Dards with food during the war in 1866, whilst the invading -Kashmir troops around them were starving. Baths (which were unknown till -lately) are sheltered constructions under waterfalls; in fact, they are -mere sheltered douche-baths. There is no pavement except so far as stones -are placed in order to show where there are _no_ roads. The rooms have a -fire-place, which at Astor (where it is used for the reception of live -coals) is in the middle of the room. The conservancy arrangements are -on the slope of the hills close to the villages, in front of which are -fields of Indian corn, etc. - - -J. DIVISIONS OF THE DARD RACES. - -The name of Dardistan (a hybrid between the “Darada” of Sanscrit writings -and a Persian termination) seems now to be generally accepted. I include -in it all the countries lying between the Hindu Kush and Kaghan (lat. 37° -N. and long. 73° E. to lat. 35° N., long. 74° 30´ E.). In a restricted -sense the Dards are the race inhabiting the mountainous country of -Shináki, detailed further on, but I include under that designation not -only the Chilâsis, Astóris, Gilgitis, Dareylis, etc., but also the people -of Hunza, Nagyr, Yasin, Chitrál and Kafiristan.[67] As is the case with -uncivilized races generally, the Dards have no name in common, but -call each Dard tribe that inhabits a different valley by a different -name. This will be seen in subjoined Extract from my Ethnographical -Vocabulary. The name “Dard” itself was not claimed by any of the race -that I met. If asked whether they were “Dards” they said “certainly,” -thinking I mispronounced the word “dáde” of the Hill Panjabi which means -“wild” “independent,” and is a name given them by foreigners as well as -“yaghi,” = rebellious [the country is indifferently known as Yaghistan, -Kohistan and, since my visit in 1866 as “Dardistan,” a name which I see -Mr. Hayward has adopted]. I hope the name of Dard will be retained, for, -besides being the designation of, at least, _one_ tribe, it connects the -country with a range known in Hindu mythology and history. However, I -must leave this and other disputed points for the present, and confine -myself now to quoting a page of Part II. of my “Dardistán” for the -service of those whom the philological portion of that work has deterred -from looking at the descriptive part. - -“SHIN are all the people of Chilâs, Astór, Dareyl or _Darèll_, Gôr, -Ghilghit[68] or _Gilìt_. All these tribes do not acknowledge the -‘Guraizis,’ a people inhabiting the Guraiz valley between Chilâs and -Kashmîr, as _Shîn_, although the Guraizis themselves think so. The -Guraizi dialect, however is undoubtedly Shiná, much mixed with Kashmiri. - -“The Shîns[69] call themselves ‘Shin, Shiná lôk, Shinâki,’ and are very -proud of the appellation, and in addition to the above-named races -include in it the people of Tòrr, Hárben, Sazîn, [districts of, or rather -near, Chilâs]; Tanyire [Tangîr] belonging to Darell; also the people of -Kholi-Palus whose origin is Shîn, but who are mixed with Afghans. Some -do not consider the people of Kholi-Palus as Shîn.[70] They speak both -Shiná and Pukhtu [pronounced by the Shîn people ‘Postó.’] The Baltis, or -Little Tibetans, call the Shîn and also the Nagyr people ‘Brokhpá,’ or, -as a term of respect, ‘Brokhpá bábo.’[71] Offshoots of the ‘Shîn’ people -live in Little Tibet and even the district of Dras, near the Zojilá -pass on the Ladâk road towards Kashmîr, was once Shîn and was called by -them _Huméss_. I was the first traveller who discovered that there were -Shîn colonies in Little Tibet, viz.: the villages of Shingôtsh, Sáspur, -Brashbrialdo, Bashó, Danàl djúnele, Tâtshin, Dorôt (inhabited by pure -Shîns), Zungôt, Tortzé (in the direction of Rongdu) and Durò, one day’s -march from Skardo.”[72] - - The Chilásis call themselves _Boté_.[73] - ” ” ” their fellow-countrymen of Takk = - “_Kané_” or _Takke-Kané_. - - [the _Matshuké_ are now an extinct race, at all events in - Dardistan proper.] - - The Chilâsis call Gilgitis = _Gilîtí_. - ” ” ” Astóris = _Astoríjje_. - ” ” ” Gôrs = _Goríje_. - ” ” ” Dureylis = _Darêle_. - ” ” ” Baltis = _Palóye_. Gil. = _Polôle_. - ” ” ” Ladáki = _Botì_. Pl. of Bôt. - ” ” ” Kashmiris = _Kashîre_. - ” ” ” Dogras = _Sikkì_ [Sikhs] now “Dôgréy.” - ” ” ” Affghans = _Patáni_. - ” ” ” Nagyris = _Khadjunì_. - ” ” ” Hunzas = _Hunzíje_. - ” ” ” Yasînis = _Poré_. - ” ” ” Punyalis = _Punyé_. - ” ” ” Kirghiz = _Kirghìz_. - -NOTE.—The Kirghiz are described by the Chilâsis as having flat faces and -small noses and are supposed to be very white and beautiful, to be Nomads -and to feed on milk, butter and mutton. - -The Chilâsis call the people between Hunza and the Pamêr [our Pamir] on -the Yarkand road = Gójál. - -There are also other Gojáls under a Raja of Gojál on the Badakhshán road. - -The Chílâsis call the Siah Pôsh Kâfirs = Bashgalí (Bashgal is the name of -the country inhabited by this people who enjoy the very worst reputation -for cruelty). They are supposed to kill every traveller that comes within -their reach and to cut his nose or ear off as a trophy.[74] - -The Chilâsis were originally four tribes; viz.: - - The Bagoté of Buner. - The Kané of Takk. - The Boté of the Chilâs fort. - The Matshuké of the Matshukó fort. - -The Boté and the Matshuké fought. The latter were defeated, and are said -to have fled into Astor and Little Tibet territory. - -A Foreigner is called “ósho.” - -Fellow-countrymen are called “malêki.” - -The stature of the Dards is generally slender and wiry and well suited -to the life of a mountaineer. They are now gradually adopting Indian -clothes, and whilst this will displace their own rather picturesque dress -and strong, though rough, indigenous manufacture, it may also render them -less manly. They are fairer than the people of the plains (the women of -Yasin being particularly beautiful and almost reminding one of European -women), but on the frontier they are rather mixed—the Chilâsis with -the Kaghanis and Astóris—the Astóris and Gilgitis with the Tibetans, -and the Guraizis with the Tibetans on the one hand and the Kashmiris on -the other. The consequence is that their sharp and comparatively clear -complexion (where it is not under a crust of dirt) approaches, in some -Districts, a Tatar or Moghal appearance. Again, the Nagyris are shorter -than the people of Hunza to whom I have already referred. Just before -I reached the Gilgit fort, I met a Nagyri, whose yellow moustache and -general appearance almost made me believe that I had come across a -Russian in disguise. I have little hesitation in stating that the pure -Shîn looks more like a European than any high-caste Brahmin of India. -Measurements were taken by Dr. Neil of the Lahore Medical College, but -have, unfortunately, been lost, of the two Shîns who accompanied me to -the Panjab, where they stayed in my house for a few months, together -with other representatives of the various races whom I had brought down -with me.[75] The prevalence of caste among the Shîns also deserves -attention. We have not the Muhammadan Sayad, Sheykh, Moghal, and Pathan -(which, no doubt, will be substituted in future for the existing caste -designations), nor the Kashmiri Muhammadan equivalents of what are -generally mere names for occupations. The following List of Dard Castes -may be quoted appropriately from Part II. of my “Dardistan”:— - - -K. CASTES. - -“Raja (highest on account of position). - -“Wazîr (of SHÎN race, and also the official caste of ‘Róno’). - -“SHIN the highest caste; the Shiná people of pure origin, whether they be -Astóris, Gilgitis, Chilâsis, etc., etc.[75] - -“They say that it is the same race as the ‘Moghals’ of India. Probably -this name only suggested itself to them when coming in contact with -Mussulmans from Kashmir or the Panjab. The following castes are named in -their order of rank (for exact details, see “Hunza Handbook”): - - “_Yáshkunn_ [the great = a caste formed by the intermixture (?) - land-owning race between the Shîn and a lower [aboriginal?] - found in possession race. A Shîn may marry a Yáshkunn woman - by the invading [called ‘Yáshkûni;’] but no Yáshkunn can - Shîns.] marry a Shînóy = Shîn woman. - “_Tatshön_ = caste of carpenters. - “_Tshâjjá_ = weavers. The Gilgitis call this caste: - ‘_Byêtshoi_.’ - “_Akár_ = ironmonger. - “_Kûlál_ = potter. - “_Dôm_[76] = musician } - “_Kramìn_ = tanner? } (the lowest castes). - -“_N.B._ The _Brokhpâ_ are a mixed race of Dardu-Tibetans, as indeed are -the Astoris [the latter of whom, however, consider themselves very pure -Shîns]; the _Guráïzis_ are probably Dardu-Kashmiris; but I presume that -the above division of caste is known, if not upheld, by every section -of the Shîná people. The castes most prevalent in Guraiz are evidently -Kashmiri as: - -“Bhat. Lôn. Dâr. Wây. Râter. Thôkr. Bagâ.” - - - - -_LEGENDS RELATING TO ANIMALS._[77] - - -1.—A BEAR PLAYS WITH A CORPSE. - -It is said that bears, as the winter is coming on, are in the habit of -filling their dens with grass and that they eat a plant, called “ajalí,” -which has a narcotic effect upon them and keeps them in a state of torpor -during the winter. After three months, when the spring arrives, they -awake and go about for food. One of these bears once scented a corpse -which he disinterred. It happened to be that of a woman who had died a -few days before. The bear, who was in good spirits, brought her to his -den, where he set her upright against a stone and fashioning a spindle -with his teeth and paws gave it to her into one hand and placed some wool -into the other. He then went on growling “mû-mû-mû” to encourage the -woman to spin. He also brought her some nuts and other provisions to eat. -Of course, his efforts were useless, and when she after a few days gave -signs of decomposition he ate her up in despair. This is a story based on -the playful habits of the bear. - - -2.—A BEAR MOURNS A GIRL. - -Another curious story is related of a bear. Two women, a mother and her -little daughter, were one night watching their field of Indian corn -“makai,” against the inroads of these animals. The mother had to go to -her house to prepare the food and ordered her daughter to light a fire -outside. Whilst she was doing this a bear came and took her away. He -carried her into his den, and daily brought her to eat and to drink. He -rolled a big stone in front of the den, whenever he went away on his -tours, which the girl was not strong enough to remove. When she became -old enough to be able to do this he used daily to lick her feet, by which -they became swollen and gradually dwindled down to mere misshapen stumps. -The girl eventually died in childbirth, and the poor bear after vain -efforts to restore her to life roamed disconsolately about the fields. - - -3.—ORIGIN OF BEARS. - -It is said that bears were originally the offspring of a man who was -driven into madness by his inability to pay his debts, and who took to -the hills in order to avoid his creditors.[78] - - -4.—THE BEAR AND THE ONE-EYED MAN. - -The following story was related by a man of the name of Ghalib Shah -residing at a village near Astór, called Parishing. He was one night -looking out whether any bear had come into his “tromba” field.[79] He -saw that a bear was there and that he with his forepaws alternately took -a pawful of “tromba,” blew the chaff away and ate hastily. The man was -one-eyed [shéo = blind; my Ghilgiti used “Kyor,” which he said was a -Persian word, but which is evidently Turkish] and ran to his hut to get -his gun. He came out and pointed it at the bear. The animal who saw this -ran round the blind side of the man’s face, snatched the gun out of his -hand and threw it away. The bear and the man then wrestled for a time, -but afterwards both gave up the struggle and retired. The man, after he -had recovered himself went to look for the gun, the stock of which he -found broken. The match-string by which the stock had been tied to the -barrel had gone on burning all night and had been the cause of the gun -being destroyed. The son of that man still lives at the village and tells -this story, which the people affect to believe. - - -5.—WEDDING FESTIVAL AMONG BEARS. - -A Mulla, of the name of Lal Mohammad, said that when he was taken a -prisoner into Chilás,[80] he and his escort passed one day through one -of the dreariest portions of the mountains of that inhospitable region. -There they heard a noise, and quietly approaching to ascertain its cause -they saw a company of bears tearing up the grass and making bundles of -it which they hugged. Other bears again wrapped their heads in grass, -and some stood on their hind-paws, holding a stick in their forepaws -and dancing to the sound of the howls of the others. They then ranged -themselves in rows, at each end of which was a young bear; on one side -a male, on the other a female. These were supposed to celebrate their -marriage on the occasion in question. My informant swore to the story and -my Ghilgiti corroborated the truth of the first portion of the account, -which he said described a practice believed to be common to bears. - - -6.—THE FLYING PORCUPINE. - -There is a curious superstition with regard to an animal called -“Harginn,” which appears to be more like a porcupine than anything else. -It is covered with bristles; its back is of a red-brownish and its belly -of a yellowish colour. That animal is supposed to be very dangerous, and -to contain poison in its bristles. At the approach of any man or animal -it is said to gather itself up for a terrific jump into the air, from -which it descends unto the head of the intended victim. It is said to -be generally about half a yard long and a span broad. Our friend Lal -Mohammad, a saintly Akhunzada, but a regular Münchhausen, affirmed to -have once met with a curious incident with regard to that animal. He was -out shooting one day when he saw a stag which seemed intently to look in -one direction. He fired off his gun, which however did not divert the -attention of the stag. At last, he found out what it was that the stag -was looking at. It turned out to be a huge “Harginn,” which had swallowed -a large Markhor with the exception of his horns! There was the porcupine -out of whose mouth protruded the head and horns of the Markhor!! My -Ghilgiti, on the contrary, said that the Harginn was a great snake “like -a big fish called Nang.” Perhaps, Harginn means a monster or dragon, and -is applied to different animals in the two countries of Ghilghit and -Astor. - - -7.—A FIGHT BETWEEN WOLVES AND A BEAR WHO WANTED TO DIG THEIR GRAVE. - -A curious animal something like a wolf is also described. The species -is called “Kō.”[81] These animals are like dogs; their snouts are of a -red colour, and are very long; they hunt in herds of ten or twenty and -track game which they bring down, one herd or one Kō, as the case may -be, relieving the other at certain stages. A Shikári once reported that -he saw a large number of them asleep. They were all ranged in a single -long line. A bear approached, and by the aid of a long branch measured -the line. He then went to some distance and measuring the ground dug it -out to the extent of the line in length. He then went back to measure the -breadth of the sleeping troop when his branch touched one of the animals -which at once jumped up and roused the others. They all then pursued him -and brought him down. Some of them harassed him in front, whilst one of -them went behind and sucked his stomach clean out. This seems to be a -favourite method of these animals in destroying game. They do not attack -men, but bring down horses, sheep and game. - - * * * * * - -The Flora and Fauna of Dardistan have been so minutely described in -Part II. of my “Languages and Races of Dardistan,” though mainly from a -linguistic standpoint, that I have nothing to say here about the products -and animals of that country. Nor need I say anything about the dress -of its people, except that its rolled-up woollen cap is, practically, -the sign of the brotherhood (sometimes like that of Cain) among all -members of the Dard race, and, at once, distinguishes them from Pathans, -Affghans, Kashmiris, and others. The beautifully-knit stockings are also -a Dard art, and seem to have suggested, rather than followed, Kashmir -patterns. Above all, the quasi-Celtic brass brooches of the women, and -the family axes of the Hunza-Nagyris denote the antiquity of the Dard -race. Curious is also the dress, light as air and softly warm, made of -the fluff of the white giant vulture or of that of the wild fowl. I -must also refer the reader who wishes to know details about the rivers, -mountains, etc., of Dardistan, and the occupations of its peoples, to -Part II. of my “Languages and Races of Dardistan,” and to the main -volume, of which this is a Supplement, namely, the so-called “Hunza and -Nagyr Handbook,” a volume of 247 folio pages. - -[Illustration: DR. LEITNER’S TIBET DOG “CHANG.”] - - - - -GENEALOGIES AND HISTORY OF DARDISTAN. - - -I do not propose to do more in this place than give the roughest outline -of this subject, as sketched in 1866 and 1872, and now rapidly brought up -to date. My reason is to prevent those falsifications of History which -are inevitable when a conqueror annexes a new country and the vilest -in it naturally becomes his first friends, and fabricate their family -tree. Therefore, with all its errors, which subsequent enquiries have -corrected, there is an element of actuality in the following accounts -gathered from Dards in 1866, the value of which will become apparent when -I write the history of the events that are drawing Dardistan into the -devastating range of European influences and politics: - - -_GENEALOGY OF THE GILGIT, YASIN, CHITRAL, NAGYR, HUNZA, AND OTHER -DYNASTIES SINCE 1800._ - - -I.—GILGIT - - Gurtam Khan (1800), hereditary ruler of - | Gilgit, whose dynasty can be traced - | to the daughter of Shiribadatt, the - | last, almost mythical, pre-Muhammadan - | Raja of Gilgit. Killed in - | 1810 by Suleyman Shah of Yasin. - +-----------------------+------------------------------+ - | | | - Raja Khan (?) died Muhammad Khan reigns till Abbas Ali, killed - | 1814. 1826 and is killed by in 1815 by Suleiman - | Suleyman Shah of Yasin. Shah. - +--------------------------+ - | - Asghar Ali killed on his flight to Nagyr by Suleyman Shah. - | - Mansur Ali Khan, - (the rightful Raja of Gilgit, probably still a prisoner in Srinagar). - - 1827.—Azad Shah, Raja of Gakutsh, appointed ruler of Gilgit by Suleyman - Shah whom he kills in 1829. - Tahir Shah of Nagyr conquers Gilgit in 1834 - | and kills Azad. - +--------------------------+---------------------------+ - | | | - Sakandar Khan, killed Kerîm Khan, (Raja of Gôr), Suleyman Khan. - by Gauhar Aman of (calls in Kashmir troops - Yasin, in 1844. under Nathe Shah in 1844) - was killed in 1848 in Hunza. - | - +--------------------------+--------------+-------------+ - | | | | - Muhammad Khan died Suleyman Khan. Sultan Muhammad. Rustam - in 1859 when on a Khan. - visit to Srinagar. | - | | - Alidád Khan (son of Muhammad Ghulam Hayder. - Khan’s sister). - - -II.—YASIN DYNASTY. - -It is said that both the Yasin and the Chitral dynasties are descended -from a common ancestor “Kathôr.” The Gilgitis call the Yasînis “Poryalé” -and the Chitralis “Katoré.” - -_Khushwakt_(?) died 1800(?) from whom the present dynasty derives the -name of “Khushwaktia.” [A Raja of that name and dignity often met me at -Srinagar in 1886.] - -He had two sons _Suleyman Shah and Malik Amán Shah_. The former died -about 1829 and left four sons and a daughter whom he married to -Ghazanfar, the Rajah of Hunza. The names of the sons are Azmat Shah the -eldest, Ahmad Shah, Rahîm Khan and Zarmast Khan. - -_Malik Amán Shah_ was the father of seven or, as some say, of ten sons, -the most famous of whom was GAUHAR AMAN, surnamed “Adam farosh” (the -man-seller) the third son. The names of the sons are: Khuda Amán Duda -Amán, Gauhar Amán, Khalîl Amán, Akhar Amán (who was killed by his nephew -Malik Amán, eldest son of his brother Gauhar Amán): ISA BAHADUR (son of -Malik Amán Shah by a concubine), Gulsher, Mahter Sakhi, Bahadur Khan (who -was murdered) and Mir Amán(?) of Mistuch(?) - -_Gauhar Amán_ left seven sons: MALIK AMÁN (also called Mîr Kammu? now in -Tangîr?) Bahadur Amán, murdered by Lochan Singh, MIR VALI (who killed -Hayward), Mir Gházi, PAHLWAN (who killed Mir Vali), Khan Daurán and -Shajáyat Khan. [The Khushwaktia Dynasty has since been dispossessed by -the kindred dynasty of Chitrál in 1884.] - - -III.—CHITRAL OR “SHAH KATHORIA” DYNASTY. - -SHAH KATHOR, the son of Shah Afzal, (who died about 1800) was a soldier -of fortune who dispossessed the former ruler, whose grandson Vigne saw in -the service of Ahmad Shah, the independent ruler of Little Tibet in 1835. -Cunningham considers that the name of Kathôr is a title that has been -borne by the rulers of Chitrál for 2,000 years. - -_Shah Kathor_ had a brother, Sarbaland Khan, whose descendants do not -concern us, and four sons and a daughter married to Gauhar Amán of Yasin. -The names of the sons were: _Shah Afzal_ (who died in 1858), Tajammul -Shah who was killed in 1865 by his nephew Adam-khor—or man-eater—(so -called from his murderous disposition; his real name was Muhtarim Shah), -Ghazab Shah (who died a natural death) and Afrasiab (who was killed). The -murdered Tajammul Shah left two sons namely Malik Shah (who revenged his -father’s death by killing Adam Khôr), and Sayad Ali Shah. - -_Shah Afzal_ left AMÁN-UL-MULK, his eldest son, the present ruler of -Chitrál [1872] Adam-khôr (who usurped the rule for a time); Kohkán Beg, -ruler of Drus; a daughter whom he married to Rahmat-ulla-Khan, chief of -Dîr; Muhammad Ali Beg; Yadgar Beg; Bahadur Khan; and another daughter -whom Gauhar-Amán married as well as Shah Afzal’s sister and had Pahlwan -by her. - -Amán-ul-Mulk married a daughter of the late Ghazan Khan, chief of Dîr, -by whom he had Sardar (his eldest son), also called Nizam-ul-Mulk. -Amán-ul-Mulk’s other sons are Murad and others whose names will be found -elsewhere. One of his daughters is married to Jehandar Shah, the former -ruler of Badakhshán and the other to the son of the present Chief, Mîr -Mahmud Shah. [Full details are given elsewhere of the Yasin-Chitrál -house.] - - -IV.—The names of the principal chiefs of the Chilâsis and of the -Yaghistanis (the independent Hill tribes of Darêl, Hôdûr, Tangìr, etc.) -have already been given in my “history” of their “Wars with Kashmir.” -Just as in Chilâs and Kandiá, the administration is in the hands of a -Board of Elders. The Maharaja of Kashmir only obtains tribute from three -villages in Chilaz, _viz._, the villages of Chilás, Takk and Bundar. - - -V.—NAGYR,[82] - -[is tributary to Ahmad Shah of Little Tibet about the beginning of this -century, but soon throws off this allegiance to Ahmad Shah under Alif -Khan.](?) - -[See “Historical Legend of the Origin of Gilgit,” pages 9 to 16. The -Nagyr-Hunza Rajas or Thams similarly claim a divine origin and account -for it through the two fairy-brothers who disappeared at Gilgit. See -note on page 111.] - -[“Nagyr,” which Col. Biddulph very properly writes “Nager” (like “Pamèr”) -is now spelt “Nag_a_r,” so as to confound it with the Indian “Nagar” for -“town,” from which it is quite different.] - - Alif Khan. 1800(?) - | - Raja Za’far Khan Záhid (the present Raja of Nagyr). - | - | - Son (a hostage for his father’s adhesion to Kashmîr, whom I saw - at Gilgit in 1866). The names of his maternal uncles are Shah - Iskandar and Raja Kerîm Khan(?) the elder brother. (The full - genealogy of Hunza Nagyr is given elsewhere.) - - -VI.—HUNZA - - Ghazanfar, died 1865. - | - Ghazan Khan, present ruler.[83] (1866) - - -VII.—BADAKHSHAN - - _Sultân Shah._ - | - +----------------+--------+ - | | - Rejeb Shah. Mirza Kalán. - | | - Ahmad Shah. +-----------+--+----+ - | | | | - | NIZAM-UD-DIN Yusuf Saad-ulla - | (surnamed Ali Khan. - +------+---------------+ MIR SHAH). Khan. - | | | | - Rahmat Shah MAHMUD SHAH [1872] +---------+-------+---------+----+ - Shah. Ibrahim (present ruler of | | | | | - Khan. Badakhshan Shajá-ul JEHANDAR Suleyman Shahzada | - under Kabul) Mulk. SHAH, Shah. Hasan. | - stayed a long the former | - time with his ruler, Abdulla - maternal uncle, independent Khan (by - the ruler of Kunduz, of Kabul a concubine). - whence he (now (1872) - has often been a fugitive; - miscalled “a Sayad infests the - from Kunduz.” Kolab road). - -Yusuf Ali Khan had seven sons: Mirza Kalán, surnamed Mir Jan; Hazrat Ján; -Ismail Khan; Akbar Khan; Umr Khan, Sultan Shah; Abdurrahim Khan (by a -concubine). - -Saad-ulla Khan had two sons: Baba Khan and Mahmud Khan (by a concubine). - - -VIII.—DIR - - Ghazan Khan (a very powerful ruler. Chitrál is said to have once - | been tributary to him). - | - Rahmat-ulla Khan and other eight sons (dispersed or killed in - struggles for the Chiefship). - -The connection of Little Tibet with the Dard countries had ceased before -1800. - - - - -_ROUGH CHRONOLOGICAL SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF DARDISTAN SINCE 1800._ - - - 1800.—Gurtam Khan, hereditary ruler of the now dispossessed - Gilgit Dynasty, rules 10 years in peace; is killed in an - engagement with Suleyman Khan, Khushwaktia, great uncle of the - famous Gauhar Amán (or Gormán) of Yasin. - - 1811.—Muhammad Khan, the son of Gurtam Khan, defeats Suleyman - Khan, rules Gilgit for 15 years in peace and perfect - independence whilst— - - 1814.—(Sirdar Muhammad Azim Khan, Barakzai, is ruler of - Kashmir). - - 1819.—Ranjit Singh annexes Kashmir. - - 1826.—Suleyman Khan of Yasin again attacks Gilgit and kills - Muhammad Khan and his brother, Abbas Ali. Muhammad Khan’s son, - Asghar Ali, is also killed on his flight to Nagyr. - - 1827.—Suleyman Shah appoints Azad Khan(?), petty Raja of - Gakutsh, over Gilgit as far as Bunji; Azad Khan ingratiates - himself with the people and rebels against Suleyman Shah whom - he kills(?) in 1829. - - 1829.—Suleyman Shah, head of the Khushwaktia family of Yasin, - dies. - - 1833.—Gauhar Amán turns his uncle, Azmat Shah, out of Yasin. - - 1834.—Azad Khan is attacked by Tahir Shah of Nagyr and killed. - Tahir Shah, a Shiah, treats his subjects well. Dies 1839. Vigne - visits Astór in 1835, but Tahir Shah will not allow him to - cross over to Gilgit. At that time the Sikhs had not conquered - any Dard country. Ahmad Shah was independent ruler of Little - Tibet (Baltistan) and under him was Jabar Khan, chief of Astór - (whose descendants,[84] like those of Ahmad Shah himself and - of the Ladak rulers are now petty pensioners under Kashmir - surveillance). (The Little Tibet dynasty had once, under Shah - Murad, about 1660, conquered Hunza, Nagyr, Gilgit and Chitrál, - where that ruler built a bridge near the fort.) Zorawar Singh - conquers Little Tibet in 1840, but no interference in Dard - affairs takes place till 1841 when the Sikhs are called in as - temporary allies by the Gilgit ruler against Gauhar Amán of - Yasin. - - 1840.—Sakandar Khan, son of Tahir Shah, succeeds to the throne - of Gilgit and rules the country—with his brothers, Kerim Khan - and Suleyman Khan. - - 1841.—Gauhar Amán of Yasin conquers Gilgit. Its ruler, Sikandar - Khan, asks Sheikh Ghulam Muhi-ud-din, Governor of Kashmir on - behalf of the Sikhs, for help. - - 1842.—1,000 Kashmir troops sent under Nathe Shah, a Panjabi. - - 1843.—Sikandar Khan is murdered at Bakrôt at the instigation of - Gauhar Amán. - - 1844.—Gauhar Amán of Yasin re-conquers the whole country, - selling many of its inhabitants into slavery. - - Nathe Shah, joined by Kerim Khan, younger brother of Sikandar - Khan and 4,000 reinforcements, takes Numal Fort, but his - subordinate Mathra Das is met at Sher Kila (20 miles from - Gilgit) by Gauhar Amán and defeated. - - 1845.—Karim Khan succeeds his brother as ruler (called “Raja,” - although a Muhammadan) of Gilgit and pays a small sum for the - retention of some Kashmir troops in the Gilgit Fort under Nathe - Shah. The Rajas of Hunza, Nagyr and Yasin [Gauhar Amán sending - his brother Khalil Amán to Sheikh Iman-ud-din] now seek to be - on good terms with Kashmir, especially as its representatives, - the tyrannical Nathe Shah and his equally unpopular successor, - Atar Singh, are removed by its Muhammadan Governor. - - 1846.—Karim Khan, Raja of Gor, another son of Tahir Shah, - calls in Nathe Shah and defeats Gauhar Amán at Basin, close - to Gilgit. A succession of officers of Ghulab Singh then - administer the country in connexion with the Raja of Gilgit - (Wazir Singh, Ranjit Rai, Bakhshu, Ali Bakhsh and Ahmad Ali - Shah, brother or cousin of Nathe Shah). By Treaty (see page - 110): - - “KASHMIR AND ITS DEPENDENCIES EASTWARD OF THE INDUS” are - made over by the British to the Hindu Ghulab Singh. Gilgit, - which lies to the _westward_ of the Indus, is thus excluded - from the dominions of that Maharaja. Gilgit was also, - strictly speaking, not a dependency of Kashmir, nor was - Chilás. - - 1847.—The Maharaja restores Nathe Shah, whilst confirming - his cousin Nazar Ali Shah as Military Commandant of Gilgit. - Raja Kerim Khan sends his brother Suleyman Khan on a friendly - mission to Srinagar, where he dies. Vans Agnew arrives at Chalt - on the Gilgit frontier towards Nagyr and makes friends with the - people, who at first thought that he came accompanied by troops. - - 1848.—Isa Bahadur, the half-brother of Gauhar Amán by a - concubine of Malik Amán Shah, is expelled from Sher Kila, a - Fort belonging to Punyal, a dependency of Yasin, and finds - refuge with the Maharaja, who refuses to give him up. Gauhar - Amán accordingly sends troops under his brother Akbar Amán and - captures the Bargu and Shukayôt Forts in Gilgit territory. The - Rajas of Hunza and Nagyr combine with Gauhar Amán and assisted - by the Gilgit people, with whom Kerim Khan was unpopular - because of his friendship for Kashmir, defeat and kill Nathe - Shah and Kerim Khan. Gauhar Amán captures the Gilgit and - Chaprôt Forts. The Kashmir troops re-invade the country and at - the beginning of - - 1849.—Wrest all the forts in Gilgit territory from Gauhar Amán, - and make over the rule of that country to Raja Muhammad Khan, - son of Kerim Khan, assisted by the Kashmir representative, Aman - Ali Shah as Thanadar, soon removed for oppression. - - 1850.—The raids of the Chilâsis on Astór is made the occasion - for invading the country of Chilâs, which, _not_ being a - dependency of Kashmir, is _not_ included in the Treaty of 1846. - (See page 110.) The Maharaja gives out that he is acting under - orders of the British Government. Great consternation among - petty chiefs about Muzaffarabad, regarding ulterior plans of - the Maharaja. The Sikhs send a large army, which is defeated - before the Fort of Chilâs. - - 1851.—Bakhshi Hari Singh and Dewan Hari Chand are sent with - 10,000 men against Chilâs and succeed in destroying the fort - and scattering the hostile hill tribes which assisted the - Chilâsis. - - 1852.—The Maharaja’s head officers, Santu Singh and Ramdhan, - are murdered by the people of Gilgit whom they oppressed. The - people again assist Gauhar Amán, who defeats and kills Bhup - Singh and Ruknuddin (for details _vide_ Appendix), and drives - the Kashmir troops across the Indus to Astór. - - 1853.—The Maharaja now confines himself to the frontier, - assigned to him by nature as well as the treaty, at Bunji, on - the east of the Indus, but sends agents to sow discord in the - family of Gauhar Amán. In addition to Isa Bahadur, he gained - over two other brothers, Khalil Amán and Akbar Amán, but failed - with Mahtar Sakhi, although an exile. He also attracted to his - side Azmat Shah, Gauhar Amán’s uncle. - - 1854.—The Maharaja instigated Shah Afzal of Chitrál to attack - Gauhar Amán, and accordingly in - - 1855.—Adam Khor, son of Shah Afzal of Chitrál, drove Gauhar - Amán from the possession of Mistuch and Yasin and restricted - him to Punyal and Gilgit. - - 1856.—The Maharaja sends a force across the Indus under Wazir - Zoraweru and Atar Singh assisted by Raja Zahid Jafar of - Nagyr,[85] and Gauhar Amán thus attacked in front and flank, - retreats from Gilgit and dispossesses Adam Khor from Yasin and - Mistuch. - - 1857.—Gauhar Amán again conquers Gilgit and drives out Isa - Bahadur, officiating Thanadar of that place. Gauhar Amán and - the Maharaja intrigue against each other in Chitrál, Nagyr, - Hunza, etc. - - 1858.—Shah Afzal of the Shah Kathor branch, ruler of Chitrál, - dies. - - Intrigues in Gilgit against Gauhar Amán, by Muhammad Khan, - son of Raja Karim Khan, assisted by Kashmir. Muhammad Khan is - conciliated by marrying the daughter of Gauhar Amán. The Sai - District of Gilgit beyond the Niludar range is still held by - the Sikhs. - - 1859.—Mir Shah of Badakhshan and Raja Ghazanfar of Hunza assist - Gauhar Amán in attacking Nagyr, which is under the friendly - Raja Zahid Jafar, and in trying to turn out the Sikhs from Sai - and even Bunji. Azmat Shah, uncle of Gauhar Amán, is expelled - from Chitrál where he had sought refuge. - - Aman-ul-Mulk, King of Chitrál, dispossesses his younger - brother, Adam Khor, who had usurped the throne, from the rule - of Chitrál and joins Gauhar Amán against Kashmir. - - 1860.—The Maharaja instigates Adam Khor and Azmat Shah, who - were in the country of Dir with Ghazan Khan, a friendly chief - to Kashmir, to fight Gauhar Amán—Adam Khor was to have Yasin, - Asmat Shah was to take Mistuch and Sher Kila (Payal) was to be - given to Isa Bahadur, the Maharaja to have Gilgit. Intrigues of - the Maharaja with the Chiefs of Dir, Badakhshan, etc. - - Gauhar Amán dies, which is the signal for an attack by the - Maharaja co-operating with the sons of Raja Kerim Khan of - Gilgit. Gilgit falls easily to Lochan Singh, who murders - Bahadur Khan, brother of Gauhar Amán, who was sent with - presents from Malik Amán, also called Mulk Amán, son of Gauhar - Amán. The Sikhs, under Colonels Devi Singh and Hushiara and - Radha Kishen, march to Yasin expelling Mulk Amán from that - country (which is made over to Azmat Shah) as also from - Mistuch. Isa Bahadur is reinstated as ruler of Payal, but Mulk - Amán returns and drives him and Azmat Shah out. The Kashmir - troops fail in their counter-attacks on Yasin, but capture some - prisoners, including Mulk Amán’s wife. - - 1861.—Malik Amán murders his uncle, Akbar Amán, a partisan of - Kashmir. Badakhshan, Chitrál and Dir ask the Maharaja to assist - them against the dreaded invasion of the Kabul Amirs, Afzal - Khan and Azim Khan. Amán-ul-Mulk tries to get up a religious - war (Jehád) among all the Muhammadan Chiefs. Hunza and Nagyr - make friends. Both Adam Khor and Amán-ul-Mulk, who have again - become reconciled, send conciliatory messages to the Maharaja, - who frustrates their designs, as they are secretly conspiring - against him. - - Even Mulk Amán makes overtures, but unsuccessfully. - - 1862.—Kashmir troops take the Fort of Roshan. A combination is - made against Mulk Amán, whose uncle Gulsher and brother Mir - Ghazi go over to the Maharaja. - - 1863.—Mulk Amán advancing on Gilgit is defeated in a very - bloody battle at the Yasin Fort of Shamir. Massacre of women - and children by the Kashmir troops at Yasin. - - 1864.—Mir Vali and his Vazir Rahmat become partisans of the - Maharaja. - - 1865.—Ghazanfar, the Raja of Hunza and father-in-law of Mulk - Amán, dies, which causes Mirza Bahadur of the rival Nagyr to - combine for an attack on Hunza with Kashmir. Adam Khor murders - his uncle, Tajammul Shah, whose son, Malik Shah, murders - - 1866.—Adam Khor (some say at the instigation of his elder - brother, Amán-ul-Mulk). Malik Shah seeks refuge with the - Maharaja who will not give him up to Amán-ul-Mulk. Amán-ul-Mulk - then sprung the mine he had long prepared, and when the long - contemplated campaign against Hunza took place in 1866, all - the Mussulman Chiefs who had been adherents of the Maharaja, - including Mir Vali, fell away. The Kashmir troops which had - advanced on Nummal were betrayed, and defeated by the Hunza - people (now ruled by Ghazan Khan, son of Ghazanfar). - - All the hill tribes combine against Kashmir and reduce the - Dogras to the bare possession of Gilgit, which however held - out successfully against more than 20,000 of the allied Dards, - headed by Amán-ul-Mulk, Ghazan Khan and Mir Vali. Very large - reinforcements were sent by Kashmir,[86] at whose approach the - besiegers retreated, leaving, however, skirmishers all over the - country. - - Wazir Zoraweru followed up the advantage gained by invading - Dareyl. Whilst the place was yet partially invested, Dr. - Leitner made his way to the Gilgit Fort and frustrated two - attempts made against him by the employés of the Maharaja, who - ostensibly were friends. - - 1867.—Jehandár Shah of Badakhshan is expelled from his country - by the Governor of Balkh and seeks refuge in Kabul, where he - is restored a year afterwards to his ancestral throne by the - influence of Abdurrahman Khan, son of the Amir Afzal Khan and - by his popularity. His rival, Mahmud Shah, leaves without a - struggle. Mir Vali, joining Mulk Amán, made an unsuccessful - attack on Isa Bahadur and Azmat Shah, who beat them off with - the help of Kashmir troops from Gilgit. The consequence was - general disappointment among the Muhammadan Chiefs and the Hill - tribe of Dareyl (which had been subdued in the meantime) and - all opened friendly relations with Kashmir, especially. - - 1868.—Mir Vali rules Yasin with Pahlwan.[87] Mulk Amán flees to - Chitrál. - - 1869.—Mulk Amán takes service with Kashmir and is appointed on - salary, but under surveillance, at Gilgit. - - 1870.—Mr. Hayward visits Yasin in March; is well received by - the Chief, Mir Vali, but returns, as he finds the passes on - to the Pamir closed by snow—visits the country a second time - in July, after exposing the conduct and breach of treaty of - the Kashmir authorities, and is murdered, apparently without - any object, at Darkôt in Yasin, one stage on to Wakhan, by - some men in the service of his former friend, Mir Vali, who, - however, soon flies the country in the direction of Badakhshan, - then seeks refuge with the Akhund of Swat, and finally returns - to Yasin, where he is reported to have been well received by - Pahlwan. Whilst in Chitrál, he was seen by Major Montgomerie’s - Havildar and was on good terms with Amán-ul-Mulk, who is - supposed, chiefly on the authority of a doubtful seal, to - be the instigator of a murder which was not, apparently, to - his interests and which did not enrich him or Mir Vali with - any booty, excepting a gun and a few other trifles. Much of - the property of Mr. Hayward was recovered by the Kashmir - authorities, and a monument was erected by them to his memory - at Gilgit, where there is already a shrine, which is referred - to on pages 47 and 51. - - 1871.—Jehandár Shah, son of Mir Shah, who had again been turned - out of the rule of Badakhshan in October 1869 by Mir Mahmud - Shah with the help of the Afghan troops of Amir Sher Ali, finds - an asylum in Chitrál with Amán-ul-Mulk (whose daughter had - been married to his son) after having for some time shared the - fortunes of his friend, the fugitive Abdurrahman Khan of Kabul. - (Chitrál pays an annual tribute to the Chief of Badakhshan in - slaves, which it raises either by kidnapping travellers or - independent Kafirs or by enslaving some of its own Shiah and - Kafir subjects—the ruler being of the Sunni persuasion.) - - 1872.—Late accounts are confused, but the influence of Amir - Sher Ali seems to be pressing through Badakhshán on Chitrál - and through Bajaur on Swat on the one hand and on the Kafir - races on the other. The Maharaja of Kashmir on the one side and - the Amir of Kabul on the other seem to endeavour to approach - their frontiers at the expense of the intervening Dard and - other tribes. Jehandár Shah infests the Kolab road and would - be hailed by the people of Badakhshan as a deliverer from the - oppressive rule of Mahmud Shah, as soon as the Kabul troops - were to withdraw. - - -So far my “Dardistan,” in which a detailed “History of the Wars with -Kashmir” will be found. The events since 1872 need only to be indicated -here in rough outline, and, unfortunately, confirm my worst anticipations -as to the destruction of the independence of the Dardu tribes, of their -legendary lore, and, above all, of the purity of their languages, -including the prehistoric Khajuná or “Burishki” spoken in Hunza-Nagyr, -and a part of Yasin. What are the admitted encroachments of our Ally, the -Maharaja of Kashmir, have been utilized in our supposed interests, and -we have stepped in to profit, as we foolishly think, by his sins, whilst -he is tricked out of their reward. Falsely alleging that Hunza-Nagyr -were rebellious vassals of Kashmir, when Hunza at all events was under -Chinese protectorate, we have reduced their patriotic defenders to -practical servitude, and, by to-day’s _Times_ (21st November, 1892), are -starting, along with 250 rifles and two guns, some 100 men of a Hunza -levy to Chitrál to put down a trouble which our ill-judged interference -has created in another independent principality, where we have put -aside the rightful heir, Nizám-ul-Mulk, for his younger brother, -Afzul-ul-Mulk, on the pretext that the former was intriguing with the -Russians. I believe this allegation to be absolutely false, for I know -him to be most friendly to British interests. In 1886 he offered to send -a thousand men from Warshigum over the passes to the relief of Colonel -(now General Sir) W. Lockhart, then a temporary prisoner at Panjah Fort -in Affghan hands. As Padishah of Turikoh, Nizám-ul-Mulk was, in his -father’s life-time, the _acknowledged_ heir to the Chitrál throne, and -he was made by his father Raja of Yasin in succession to Afzul, who had -taken it in 1884 from Mir Amán, the maternal uncle of Pehliwán, who -was ruler of Yasin in 1880, when Colonel Biddulph wrote his “Tribes of -the Hindukush,” and with whom the Khushwaqtia dynasty, as such, came -to an end. This Pehliwan killed Mir Wali, the murderer of Hayward, but -Pehliwan made the mistake of attacking Biddulph in 1880, and was ousted -by Mir Amán. With Nizám-ul-Mulk, therefore, begins the rule over Yasin -by the Kathoria Dynasty of Chitrál. He is now a fugitive at Gilgit; had -he been intriguing with Russia he would certainly not have sought refuge -from his brother in the British lion’s mouth at Gilgit. All I can say is -that in 1886 he did not even know the name of Russia, and that when he -wrote to me in 1887 he referred to the advent of the French explorers -Capus, Pepin and Bonvalot, as follows: “they call themselves sometimes -French, and at other times Russians.” In the “Asiatic Quarterly Review” -of January, 1891, there is a paper from Raja Nizám-ul-Mulk on “the -Legends of Chitrál.” He is thus the first Central Asian prince whose -literary effusion has appeared in the pages of a British, or indeed of -any other, Review. His first letters, sent in the hollow of a twig, like -his latter ones sent through British officers, all breathe a spirit -of what might be called the sincerest loyalty to the Queen-Empress, -were he not an absolutely independent ruler. There will be an evil day -of reckoning when the “meddling and muddling,” which has created the -Russian Frankenstein, will be followed by the exasperation of princes and -people, within and beyond our legitimate frontier. To revert to Hunza -and Nagyr, Mr. F. Drew, an Assistant Master of Eton College, who was _in -the service of the Maharaja of Kashmir_, wrote in 1877 in his “Northern -Barrier of India”—which, alas! our practical annexation of Kashmir, and -our interference with the Hindukush tribes are breaking down—as follows: -“Hunza and Nagyr are two small INDEPENDENT RAJASHIPS. Nagyr has generally -shown a desire to be on friendly terms with the Dogras at Gilgit, while -Hunza has been a thorn in their side.” There is not a word here of these -States being tributaries of Kashmir, whilst Colonel Biddulph, who was -our Resident at Gilgit, shows that the last Hunza raid was committed in -1867, and that slavery and kidnapping were unknown in inoffensive, if not -“timid,” Nagyr. My article in the “Asiatic Quarterly Review” of January, -1892, shows that raiding and slavery had been recently revived in -consequence of alike Russian and English advances, and that the fussiness -and ambition of our officials have alone _indicated_ and _paved_ “the -nearest way to India.” - - _Woking, 21st November, 1892._ - -P.S.—In correcting this proof of a paper on the Fairy-land that adjoins -“the Roof of the World,” which our imprudence has drawn within the -range of practical politics, I never anticipated that I should have to -refer to my “rough sketch of the History of Dardistan” brought down to -1872 as a refutation of the history written to order by some of our -leading journals which, to suit the policy of the moment, would make the -Amir of Affghanistan responsible for Badakhshan, and yet blame him for -interfering with Chitrál, as is hinted in a telegram in to-day’s _Times_. -I shall deal with this matter elsewhere. (See also Appendix II.) - - _Woking, 29th November, 1892._ - -[Illustration: Our Manufactured Foes - -A student from Tangir. - -A Nagyri Peasant. - -A Dareyli Herdsman. [_notice fine head and ample forehead_] - -(_Already published_) A well-known Hunza Fighter, Brought to England by -Dr. Leitner in 1887.] - -[Illustration: KASHMIR SOLDIER (HIGHLANDER), (Wearing a Great Lama’s Hat). - -A BALTI COOLIE (LITTLE TIBET). (The Baltis are used as Coolies by the -Kashmir invaders.)] - - - - -_HISTORY OF THE DARD WARS WITH KASHMIR_ - -IN 5 CHAPTERS—(CHAPTER I. CHILÁS) - -(_Committed to writing from the statements of a Sazíni Dard who took part -in many of the engagements._) - - -INTRODUCTION. (JUIN, 1893.) - -Chilás has already been referred to in my “rough Chronological Sketch -of the History of Dardistan from 1800 to 1892.”[88] I now propose to -republish “the History of the Wars of the Dard tribes with Kashmir” -beginning with the account given to me by a Sazîni Dard in 1866 of the -first war with the Chilásis.[89] Its importance at the present moment, -consists in the fact that these wars with the Dards were almost all -provoked by Kashmir, as they, practically, now are by ourselves. The -attack on peaceful and pious Nagyr was excused by the usual calumnies -that precede and justify annexation, till their exposure comes too -late either to prevent aggression or to punish their authors, who, if -soldiers, obtain honours, and if writers, an evanescent popularity. Now -that the manuscripts of the Hunza Library have been sold by auction, -that its fairies have been silenced, that its ancient weapons have been -destroyed, that its language and religion have been assimilated to those -of its neighbours, a living chapter has disappeared of the most ancient -traditions of mankind safe in their mountain recesses for ages, till -English and Russian subalterns wanted promotion at the expense of the -safety of their respective Asiatic Empires. In 1866, I already pointed -out that the Legends and Customs of the Dards were gradually vanishing -before the incidental inroads of Orthodox Sunni Muhammadanism and that -their preservation was a duty of the civilized world. Now we have simply -killed them outright as also a number of interesting Aryan republics, -like Chilás and other picturesque and peaceful autonomies. In 1875, Mr. -Drew reported that the abhorrence of the Shin race to the cow, which -probably marked the almost pre-historical separation of the Dáradas, the -lowest of the twice-born, from the Brahmins of Kashmir, was ceasing, -and in 1886 I saw a son of the excellent Raja of Nagyr in European garb -all except the head-dress. Now that his country is practically annexed, -its Chief is called “patriarchal,” just as the Chilásis are now patted -on the back “as brave and by no means quarrelsome” by journals which -a few months ago termed them “raiders,” “kidnappers”, “robbers” and -“slave-dealers,” etc., forgetting that there exist the annual reports of -our Deputy Commissioners of Abbottabad speaking of them since 1856 as a -peaceable people. No doubt _before_ that date, the Sunni Chilásis raided -Shiah Astor, just as the Astoris raided what they could.[90] - -The following account, it will be seen, and my own notes, do not, in -the least, palliate the shortcomings of the Dards, but I maintain that -there were _no_ raids since 1856, and that in 1866 _six_ Kashmir Sepoys, -(not 6,000, as alleged by a recent writer) kept the Astor-Bunji road in -a state of perfect safety; there were, no doubt, small detachments of -troops at these places themselves, _not_ to protect the road against the -puritanical peasantry of Chilás, but as Depôts for the _then_ War with -all the united Dard tribes _except Chilás_. Yet we are told by a recent -writer, ignorant of Dard Languages and History, that we took Chilás in -order to protect Kashmir from raids (which had ceased for 42 years), -that we spend less on the safety of the frontier than Kashmir, that the -Nagyr Raja was a slave-dealer, etc., etc. Fortunately, we have official -and other reports written before the passions of the moment obscured -historical truth, and these Reports will long bear witness against the -vandalism and folly by which our Northern Barrier of India was broken -down and a military road was constructed for an invader to the heart of -the Panjab. This road is the one from Abbottabad to Hunza, of which I -obtained the particulars in 1866 (when I was sent on a linguistic Mission -by the Panjab Government to Kashmir and Chilás), but which, for obvious -reasons, I did not publish. Now that the Indian papers constantly urge -and discuss its construction, I have no hesitation in giving the details -of this, as I have of other roads and as _now_ ought to be done of the -various means of communication throughout what was once called, and what -should, and could, for ever have remained, the “neutral zone” between -the British and the Russian spheres of influence or interference. The -first part of the projected road is to Chilás, and extends, roughly -speaking, for 125 miles, namely Abbottabad to Mansehra 16 miles; Mansehra -to Juba 10 miles; thence to Balakôt 12 miles; Kawaie 12, Jared 12, -Kaghan 12, Naran 14, Batakundi 6, Burawaie 6, Sehri 5, Lulusar (where -there is a fine lake 11,000 feet over the sea level) 5, Chilás 15. (For -details see elsewhere.) Of this 15 miles are on independent territory, -so that there was no occasion for the precipitate subjugation of an -inoffensive population, whose sense of security is so great that they -abandon their houses entirely unprotected during the hottest part of the -summer when they leave with their families for the cooler surrounding -hills. In another Dard republic, full of Arabic Scholars, Kandiá, -there are no forts, and weapons may not be carried. Major Abbott, from -whom Abbottabad so deservedly takes its name, reporting to the Lahore -Board of Administration in July 1855, when the Maharaja of Kashmir had -misinformed him of the successful conclusion of his campaign against -Chilás and had asked the British Government, “whether he was to hold it -with garrison, or to punish the people by burning their villages and then -to retreat,” gave as his opinion that the latter course would exasperate -the Chilásis into renewing their incursions, and that on the other hand -“the possession of Chilás by Jummoo would altogether destroy the hopes of -the Syuds of Kaghan. And as the odium of this very unpopular expedition -has been carefully attributed to the British Government by the Maharaja’s -Ministers, so much of advantage may possibly be derived from it.” I must -now allow my Sazîni and other Dards to give an account of Wars which not -only include the struggles for the conquest of Chilás, but detail the -expeditions to Hunzá-Nagyr, the massacre of women and children at Yasin, -the Dareyl and other conflicts, all interspersed with characteristic -anecdotes and the names of men and places that have, or may yet, come to -the front. - - -ROUTES TO CHILÁS. - -The manners, tribal sub-divisions, and occupations of the Chilásis and -the names of the mountains, streams, products, etc., of the country, as -also the road from Takk to Kashmir by the Kanagamunn pass, Diúng, Shiril, -Koja, Ujatt, etc., are detailed in my “Dardistan,” where a Chilási -vocabulary, dialogues, songs, etc., will also be found. There are also -roads from Abbottabad to Chilás through Agrôr, of Black Mountain fame, -practicable for camels. Another road, fit for ponies, goes by Muzafarabad -by Sharidi and the lovely Kishenganga and Sargan Rivers in Kashmir, by -the Kamakduri Galli, to Niát in Chilás. As already mentioned, the easiest -road to our last conquest is by Kaghan through the Takk valley. There -is also the long and dangerous road on the banks of the Indus to Bunji, -which skirts, as its occupation would irritate, the Kohistani tribes -who are Pathans, not Dards, including the rival traders with Gilgit -of Koli-Palus. Thence, on that route, comes Jalkot and the road that -branches off into learned Kandiá, which I have described at length in -the _A.Q.R._ of July 1892. The road, such as it is, constantly crosses -and recrosses the Indus (by rafts), and at the Lahtar river is reached -the boundary between the true Kohistan and the Dard country, which is -there called Shináki, because it is inhabited by the ruling Shiná race. -We then come to pretty Sazín, from which my Sazîní informant. Opposite to -it runs the Tangir valley and country, whence there is a road to Yasin -to which Tangîr owed a sort of loose bond. We then continue by the right -bank of the Indus opposite Sazín, passing Shatiál and on to the Dareyl -stream, which comes from the Dareyl country that eventually joins on to -Gilgit. Crossing the Dareyl stream, we pass Harban on the left bank and a -few miles further on, the Tor village, and arrive at the Hôdur village, -whence we go on to Chilás, after as bad a road of about 200 miles as -it is possible to conceive. Besides, if we touch the independence of -these various republics _en route_, we shall constantly be in a hornets’ -nest, and provoke the coalition of the Dard with the Pathan or Afghan -irreconcilable tribes, whereas, by keeping to the Kashmir route or, at -least, confining ourselves to the Kaghan-Chilás road, and prohibiting -our men from going to the right or to the left of it, we may yet resume -friendly relations with the harmless and religious Chilásis and keep the -road open for the eventual advance of Russian troops! In the meanwhile, -let us not destroy villages inhabited by hereditary genealogists, who, -before our advent, were the living historians of an irrecoverable portion -of, perhaps, the earliest Aryan settlements. - - -I. STRUGGLES FOR THE CONQUEST OF CHILAS. - -“About twenty-three years ago there was a very strong fort at Chilás. -Two years before the outbreak of the wars, a man named Lassu came [on -the part of Kashmír?] to the frontier of Chilás. This man’s ancestors -had been in the service of the Dogras and for ninety years had possessed -property and the Sirdarship at Goré (?) (probably Guraïz) in the family. -It is not known why or whether he was dismissed the Kashmîr service, but -he came with his family in 1847 to Chilás and became the cause of all -the subsequent disturbances. This man had been renowned for bravery in -his youth, but when he came was old and feeble, though full of intrigue. -In the valley of Marungá is a place called Neyátt, where he established -himself with about twenty families of Kashmiris and others, who had -followed him from Guraiz. His two brothers were also with him. Where he -fixed his residence there is—at some distance below—a village of the -name of Gôsher, inhabited by the people of Takk. The valley is called -Karúngá at its exit. In these two years he cultivated his fields and the -friendship of the Chilásis. Purchasing also cattle and horses he became -a great chief, to whom the Chilásis used to pay visits of ceremony. He -also used constantly to visit them, and when he had acquired a decisive -influence, he assembled all the Lumberdars of Chilás and said, “What a -pity that Astór being so near, whose inhabitants are all Shiahs, you -should not attack them according to the Shera’ [religious Law].” The -ignorant Chilásis then began to go on plundering excursions in the -direction of Astor, which were often successful. When the Governor of -Astór became unable to resist these attacks, he requested the assistance -of the Maharaja of Kashmîr, who refused it to him, but himself advanced -direct on Chilás with an army. (In this war I was present for about a -month.) One day a battle began in the early morning and lasted till -the evening. The Maharaja’s army drove us right into the Chilás Fort. -We sent off men at once in all directions for help. For two days there -was no other engagement. On the 3rd day came allies of the valley of -Gîne, from Darêl, Jalkôt, Takk and Torr, Harbànn, Shatiál, Sazín, Hudúr, -Kóli, and 200 Tangîris (we were in all about 20 “thousand” men, women -and children, in that great fort[91]). They poured in all day, and by -evening the struggle was renewed in which, as I saw myself, women took -part. As the Sikhs were pressing on to the walls, the women threw -bedsteads and planks on their heads; stones and kitchen-utensils were -also used. The result was not decisive. A stream was flowing into the -fort in which we had four reservoirs kept filled in case of need. Hêmur, -a brave man, whose son Sadur is now a Chief, a Yashkunn,[92] sat there -giving a pumpkin full of water (about half a pint) to a man during the -day and a pint at night, as it was more quiet then. There was a row of -men stationed handing the gourd in and out and taking care that nobody -got more than his share. Often we went without food for two days. The -Chilási women cooked and cast bullets—the other women chiefly fought. -The besiegers diverted the stream from the fort into the valley. We then -drank the water of the reservoirs. This lasted for a month. We only lost -in killed about three or four a day, as we fought behind cover. The -enemy lost from 80 to 120 a day as they were in the open plain. When -their provisions failed and supplies did not reach them, they retired -with the loss of a third of their army, their treasury and goods. (300 -women were appointed for the purpose of working and casting bullets all -day.) In the day time we used to exchange shots—at night we would attack -their camp, when they were tired or asleep. The walls were loopholed for -the guns, and altogether the management of the affair was very good. -We looted 100 mule-loads of powder: as much of lead, 40 tents—100 beds -(charpoys), 2 boxes filled with money (Chilkis[93])—50 sound muskets -and 150 injured muskets,—120 brass kettles—50 brass jugs—200 sheets -and 400 brass gharras (pitchers)—100 shawls, good and bad—200 Chaplis -(sandals)—20 chairs—5 loads of sticks—200 lances—200 bayonets—a heap of -100 swords—20 daggers—20 iron hammers, 130 tent pegs of iron and 800 of -wood—2 big guns—3 field guns, and miscellaneous property too numerous and -various to detail. Two days after the flight of the Dogras the people -assembled and began to divide the spoil. We began by giving 10 Chilkis to -each man, but it did not last for all; so, whoever got no money, took a -gun, lance, tent, etc. The big guns were put into the fort. I was shot in -the leg in that siege. We used to bury our dead in their clothes within -two or three days of their death. The Sikhs also used to burn, and the -besieging Muslims in their service to bury, the dead for some time. When, -however, the casualties increased, the besiegers gave up attending to the -dead. It was in the midst of summer; so the stench was very great and -disease also spread in the Sikh camp. Seven days after the flight of the -enemy, the tribes who had come to help left for their own places. The -following is the list of the Sirdars killed in the siege: Deyûri Khan, -a Shîn, one-eyed, Sirdar of Chilás; Hashm Shah, a Shîn, of Chilás; Nasr -Ali Khan, a Yashkunn, of Chilás; Malik Faulád, a Yashkunn, of Harbenn. -The following Sirdars survived: Rahmat Ulla, Shîn, Chilási; Akbari, Shîn, -Lamberdar of Takk; Murad Shah, Yashkunn of Tòrr; Adam Shah, Yashkunn of -Tòrr; Bahádur (Baghdúr), Shîn of Harbánn; Naik Numa, a Kamìn, Harbann; -Faizulla Khan, Shîn, Harbann; Mard Shah, Kamìn of Shatiál; Shah Jehán, -Kamìn of Shatiál; Malek Nazr-ud-din, Shîn of Sazin; Hajem Khan, Shîn -of Sazin; Lala Khan, Yashkkunn of Dareyl; Jeldár, Yashkkunn of Dareyl; -Izzat, Shîn of Phúgotsh (Dareyl); Rahmi, Shîn of Samagiál in Dareyl; -Matshar Khan (a great Sirdár) Shîn, Samagial; Losîn, Shîn of Barzîn; -Mirza Khan, Shîn, Barzîn; Shah Merdán, Shîn of Hudúr; Kazilbik, Yashkunn -of Búder. - -[Illustration: TWO CHILÁSIS. - -A GILGITI.] - -After a year had passed, the Chilasis and the Yaghistánis[94] assembled -at Chilás with the intention of plundering Astór, whose Governors then -was Jabr Khan and Wazir Gurbúnd, subjects of Kashmîr and of the Shiah -faith, and therefore fit objects for the attack of orthodox Mussulmans -(Sunnis). We were in all about 108,000 Yaghistanis (the ideas of number -are very vague in those countries—though not so vague as in Lughmáni -where there is not a separate name for a number above 400, and the -foreign appellation of _hazár_ = 1,000 is the equivalent for 400. _Vide_ -Lughmáni and Kandiá Vocabularies in which numeration is by twenties). The -Astóris were only 6,000, but we went in large numbers, as we counted on -having to meet the Dogras of Kashmir. - -The following is the List of the confederate Yaghistanis: From Koli, -1,000; Palus, 4,000; Jalkót, 3,000; Sazin, 500; Shatiál, 500; Harbann, -1,000; Takk, 1,000; Chilas, 3,000; Torr, 1,000; Tangir, 4,000; Dareyl, -10,000; Gôrdjan, 5,000 (probably Gôr); Gîne, 100; Bûder, 100; Gormâni, -2,000 (probably auxiliaries from Gauhar-Amán, the ruler of Yasin, -popularly called Gôrmán); Gilgit, 5,000; Sai, 5,000. - -(This only brings the allied Dard forces up to 48,200, perhaps only -19,000, as already explained. Since then the Dards have been more than -decimated, and the destruction of Gilgit with all its traditions, etc., -is one of the saddest results of the Kashmir frontier war. There are, -however, Gilgit emigrants to be found in Sazîn and other places.) We -marched on to the mountains of Astor and Gauhar-Amán with 2,000 men -stopped at Jalkôt (j as in French) in the Sái territory, 6 koss far. -He told us that when the Dogras came up to assist Astor, he would at -once advance with more troops to that place. When we came near Astor, -the Governor was informed of our approach. Most of the Astoris fled, -many leaving their property behind. The 6,000 fighting men remained; -they had, however, sent most of their property away. The people of the -Astor village, Dashkin, had not heard of our arrival; so we surprised -it about midnight, killed 2 men and wounded 9—100 were captured (men -and women). We took 80 cows, 500 goats, clothes to the value of 400 -Rupees, 40 hatchets, 100 swords, and 100 muskets. Out of the house of -the Wazîr Gorbúnd we got 8 kettles. There are many Yashkunns at Astor, -three-fourths being of that race and the remainder being half Shîns and -the other half Kamíns.[95] Our arrival at Astor was announced by a man -whom with his companion we surprised seated at the bridge of Sugarkôt. -A man of Shatiál killed the companion by throwing a stone at him; the -other effected his escape and enabled the Astoris to get away with their -property. The reason why we killed so few was because we wanted to make -the people our slaves, either to keep or sell; being Kafirs their lives -are forfeited to the Mussulmans, but it is harder on them to be slaves -than die and therefore we prefer to enslave them. Besides it is more -profitable. In the morning a rumour of the approach of the Maharajah’s -troops reached us. We were greatly surprised at this and retired on to -Hashu Gher (probably the Atsho pir, a very high mountain which overlooks -Bunji, on the Kashmir side of the Indus) by the Burderikôt road—a very -difficult one—on the way to Chilás, which we reached only the 6th day -after our retreat. We then divided the spoil. Some sold their slaves -in Chilás. Most took them to their homes. We did not lose any one in -killed or wounded on this excursion. Jabar Khan of Astor then went to -the Maharaja as a suppliant—saying he and his people were children and -subjects of Kashmir and implored help against the marauders, who, he -urged, should themselves be attacked and punished. The Maharaja advised -him to be quiet for a year, as he would then bring a large army. This -was satisfactory for Jabar Khan, who was intent on revenge. In fact, -14 months later, when he and his minister with 60 men again presented -themselves at Srinagar, in order to urge the fulfilment of the promise, -50,000 men (!!) were sent to Chilás. I was then at Minôr in the Gilgit -territory, but my father and brother went into the war and it is from -them that I have heard the following particulars. When the Sikh General -(whose name I forget) reached the Kashmîr river [the Kishnganga (?)] he -divided the Army into two parts—one to go by way of Guraiz, the other -by the Darau valley which goes straight to Chilas and actually reached -Takk. [From Takk there are 2 valleys—the one of Babuserr; the other of -Marungâ.] The reason of the division of the forces was that the Kashmîr -troops feared to trust their whole body into mountainous country where -they might all be cut up. Two days before the enemy came, we were at -Sîhil, below Takk, 1,000 strong. The Yaghistanis were collecting at -Chilás, but most were still on the roads or starting from their homes. -The news of the approach of the Maharajah’s troops had also frightened -away most of the tribes. Indeed there were only 500 besides the force -at Sîhil. The following came: 100 from Sazîn, 200 from Harbán, 40 from -Chitrál, 60 from Dareyl, 40 from Jalkôt, 100 from Tangîr, 200 from Tórr, -40 from Hudúr, 200 from Takk, 100 from Bûder. 800 had collected in Gôr, -but never came up, but were at Talpènn on the other side of the Indus, 4 -kôs from Chilas. The following Chiefs came: Nazar Khan, Kasîm and Masta -Khan of Sazîn. The 2 former were Shîns, the other a Yashkunn. Ravîn, -a Yashkunn of Shatial; Der Jihan, Kamin, of Shatial; Alangîr, Kamin, -of Harbann; Tapa Khan, Kamin, of Harbann; Jeldar Mama and Sheithing -of Dareyl, Shins; Ametî, Yashkunn, Jalkôt; Keremo, Shin, Khairulla, -Yashkunn, Tangîr; Marat Shah Mama, Adam Shah, Great Sirdars of Torr, -Shins; Shahmard Kaka and his brother of Hudûr, Shins; Akbari and Azád, -Kamins, of Takk; Kizilbîk of Bûder, Yashkúnn; Sadar Khan, Yashkúnn, Gôr; -Wazîr Khan, Yashkúnn, Gôr; Ramanni, Yashkúnn, Gôr; Rahmat ulla Khan, -Nasir Ali, and Hasham Shah, Yashkúnns, Chilás. - -When the Sikh troops came to the bridge of Sîhil, it was 6 A.M. (before -dawn). We were in ambush and rushed upon them sword in hand. There -was great fighting till the evening—such as had never been before in -Yaghistan. When night broke in, we were beaten and fled back into the -mountains. Then two Sirdars, Ameti Khan and Ser Endáz Khan of Jalkót, -rushed in alone on the army of the infidels and after killing some were -cut down. Ameti’s body fell into the water below the bridge and came up -again after one month at Jalkót on the river side, where Jalkót is. A -boatman of the name of Mehr Gul, came to the place but did not recognise -the body. He told the villagers, who went out with Mira Khan, the uncle -of Ametí, who had not gone to the wars as he was very old. Ametí’s wife -too went to the bank. Nobody recognised the corpse, when the wife knew -him from his pijámas. He was buried and a shrine was built over his -body, which is known by the name of the “shrine of the martyr.” Ametí -had said when about to charge the Sikhs that “if he should be killed -his body would still get to Jalkôt and be buried there.” Many Sirdars -testify to this. During the night, the enemy sleeping from fatigue, Mulla -Shemshêr, and Mulla Khandád and the Pir Padishah Mîa, a great Sayad, -rallied the Yaghistanis and told them of the advantage of assaulting the -infidels at night, which was accounted as a twofold righteousness in -this and the next world. When the Yaghis heard this Fatwa (authoritative -manifesto) their courage increased and they attacked the enemy’s camp -in a body. Our men went on slashing at their heads and other limbs. It -was winter and the blood clotted our hands and froze them to the sword -hilts. Rustam and Afrasiab’s wars would be forgotten as trifles, if I -could describe the terrors of that night. The slaughter lasted all night. -As the day approached and showed the smallness of our numbers we were -again defeated and fled from Sihil to Chilás which is at the distance of -6 kôs (or about 9 miles). We were followed by the enemy. Whenever they -came up to a suitable place, the fight was renewed and hundreds were -killed. At Dasur, Matshuko-Jal and in the valley of Chilás, there being -an open space, a stand was made, especially at the last place, which we -reached at noon and kept our ground fighting till far into the night -(10 o’clock). We were again defeated and fled into the fort, which was -surrounded by the Maharajah’s army. The following days and nights were -occupied in constant fighting. The enemy again cut off the stream. Then -the Yaghis again appointed Hemur to undertake the distribution of water -from the reservoirs and made the women cook and cast bullets for them, as -during the first siege. This siege, however, was greatly protracted—the -water became scarce and whilst formerly a man would get three gourdsful -(two during the night and one in the day) now only one gourdful was -distributed during the whole twenty-four hours. This lasted for three -months. At night assaults were made and shots were exchanged during the -day through the loopholes. When the enemy approached under the walls, -stones, etc., etc., were thrown on him. We did all we could, but were -still beaten—the reason God alone knows. Oh God! when the water became -scarce, the enemy also put poison into the reservoirs; so some died from -thirst and many from poison. When the enemy saw this, he had recourse to -another _ruse_. They tied stems of trees together with ropes and using -them as ladders, tried to mount on the fort, firing all the day. We -had not seen this before and in our surprise lost more men than perhaps -was necessary in defending ourselves. Neither water nor an escape was -destined for us; so the remainder consulted about evacuating the place -and getting into the hills. At midnight two-thirds of the men, taking -the women and children with them, left the Fort and began to fly. The -voices of the children roused the blood-thirsty enemy, who, like a wolf, -came after the lambs. Some of the Sikhs entered the Fort and killed those -they found; when they became exhausted with murdering, they took about -680 men, women and children as prisoners for the Sikh General and 120 -were destined for the revenge of Jabar Khan and taken away with their -property. The fort was at once set on fire and burnt down. Such property -as they could take they did take. As for the fugitives, it was a running -slaughter till sunrise, when we reached Kitshóri. Here we rallied and -renewed the fight. Kitshóri is 2 kôs below Chilas and is a village on -the Indus. Our men fought, hungry and tired though they were, till noon -and were considerably thinned in numbers. It seemed now useless to us to -continue the fight, for we said that we should all be at last overpowered -and cut down to a man. We must therefore flee. We, therefore, retraced -our march in the direction of the mountains and were not followed up, as -the enemy did not perhaps, think it worth while, our numbers being so -reduced. The pursuers returned to the Chilás fort. When they got there -they agreed to return to Kashmir. As they reached the place where the -two roads branch off, [one for Astor, the other for Kashmîr] the Sikh -General gave leave to Jabar Khan, who took his prisoners with him. All -were in great joy. The following is the list of the Sirdárs who escaped -the slaughter: Alengir, Habba Khan, and Mîr Matta, of Harbenn; Rahmi, of -Darêl. - -Aladdin of Shatial and Ahmeti and Sir Andaz of Jalkôt were killed; also -Azur, and Alahmun of Sazîn. Mard Shah Baba of Torr got away. Azad of Takk -was killed. Nasr Ali, Hashm Shah, Paulad and Anwarí of Chilas were all -killed. They were all Yashkunns. Serrkushu of Tangir was killed. M...... -of Somer, a Shîn, my cousin, was killed by a bullet going through his -mouth. 500 were killed and 800 taken prisoners—200 escaped. Among the -prisoners was Sirdar Rahmat Ulla Khan, who was sent to Jammu. When he was -captured, a Sikh went into the fort after his daughter, who threw herself -off the walls in order to escape disgrace and was dashed to pieces on a -stone. There is no doubt that we were the first to be in fault, as we -attacked Astor without provocation and at the instigation of Lassu seven -times before the Maharaja went to war with us. I never joined these -plundering excursions but my cousin, M......, went every time and also -S......, my brother, who is still alive. Once they brought back a man and -6 women to Minôr—the whole razzia having secured 60 prisoners, 800 goats, -etc. Thinking it was “halál” or lawfully acquired property, they divided -it with great glee and they ate the goats also as “halál,” as they had -taken them from Shiahs. - -There is a suspicion that Lassu was an agent of Kashmîr sent to foment -this discord and bring about the subjection of Chilás. In former times we -used to assist Astor, being our neighbour. There is also no difference -in our language. That of Khapul (Khapolór) is different. It is Tibetan: -they call a man “shîshek” and for “go there” say “gaz yut” and “bakhmula -gihrit” (there is a mistake here) and for “bury” say “sùmduk” and for -“does he go or not” “yidd mitt.” “Son” they call “bhúman.” [Some of -the words are Kashmîrî.] I remember these words, having once known the -language, as a woman of Khapul, called Miriam, had fallen to the lot of -my brother in the division of the booty. A neighbour of mine also had a -slave of the same place called Kolitsh, who used to come to see us. I was -very young then and could converse with both. A year after, my brother, -in consequence of his greed for money, took her to Kami, a village of -Tangîr and sold her to Batret Shah, Sirdar, the son of Babar Shah, for -8 tolas of gold (each tolah of the value of 9 Rupees 5 annas). This was -a good price as she was very good-looking, but she should not have been -sold. - - * * * * * - -When the Kashmîr troops attacked Chilas, Lassu joined us secretly and -although himself old and feeble told us what to do—but his two brothers -and two nephews openly fought on our side in the battle of the valley -of Chilás. Indeed at Sihil, Lassu fought himself and used to send the -Sirdars forward with his instructions. In short, as far as he was able, -he tried to injure the Sikhs. When the Sikhs had cut the water off the -fort, he had arranged about putting only one man in charge of it and -fixed the rate at which it should be distributed. He was ever ready -with advice. He used to allow the Sikhs to beat up supplies in villages -and then would cut them up while encumbered with them. This is how we -managed to be fed (the plundered supplies reaching us by a mountain road) -for three months. A relative of Lassu was in the Sikh Camp and told the -General about Lassú’s doings. The attention of the besiegers was then -directed towards capturing him, but in vain, and in both wars he escaped -being taken prisoner or receiving a wound. His younger brother was -shot in the palm of the hand. In short, after the conquest of Chilas, -Lassu again resided with his brothers at Neyátt and kept up his visits -to Chilas. When the Sirdars arranged to offer their submission to the -Maharaja at Jammu, they sent for Lassu and asked him to help them to -recover their friends and relatives who had been taken prisoners to -Kashmir. Lassu refused on the ground that he had left the Maharajah’s -service and had been his bitter enemy ever since and that therefore his -life was not safe if he ventured into his presence. Finally, Lassu was -prevailed upon to go. The following Sirdars went to Jammu to ask for -forgiveness: Hashm Shah, Sattari, Baland Khan, and Daria Khan, of Chilas, -with 36 Botés (poor people); Buyedad, Daru Khan, and Mir, Shîns of Bûder; -Azad and Sakhi, Shîns of Takk; Tatari, Kamìn, and Baghdùr, Shin, also of -Takk. - -When the Maharaja saw the suppliants, and also noticed Lassu, it was -as if an arrow had pierced him. He was greatly indignant, having heard -everything from his General about Lassu often defeating his troops and -being the origin of the wars and of the numerous plans by which his -soldiers had been destroyed by thousands—for instance at the ambush at -Sîhil. Finally after a long talk, the Maharaja made the forgiveness of -the Chilasis conditional on the execution of Lassu. The Chilasis said “By -all means, if this man and his ancestors have not been your servants. -You expelled him and we received him. In gratitude for this he may have -given us sometimes advice, but he has never raised his hands against -you. Had he not given us even advice _we_ should have killed him. It -was his duty to do so. Let His Highness therefore pardon him.” The -Maharaja refused, and ordered his General to strike off his head there -and then, put the blood into a plate and give it to him to drink [this -was probably meant metaphorically, as a Hindu would not drink blood, -especially not that of a Muhammadan. However, the Chilasi Chiefs appear -to have understood the threat literally]. The Sirdars all interposed as -they could not witness his death. They offered to pay taxes, if he were -spared. [This was probably the object of this comedy.] Then the Maharaja -fixed an annual tribute of Rs. 2 per house, in lieu of the blood of -Lassu. The Chiefs thought it too much for their poor people, so at last -one Rupee per house was settled. He then dismissed them, but wanted them -again to appear next year with the tribute, viz. Balang Khan, Deryá Khan, -Matshar and Lassu. “When this is done, he added, I will send Lassu with -a khilat[96] to Guraiz and re-instate him as Governor and you shall also -receive presents.” This was accepted and the Chiefs returned with all the -people (men, women and children) who had been taken prisoners. He also -sent a letter to Jabar Khan of Astor to restore the 120 prisoners whom he -had taken to the Chilas Chiefs. This was done and nearly all returned, -excepting the few that had died in course of nature. Thus was Chilas -again re-peopled and is inhabited to the present day. - -The following villages in Chilas became subject to Kashmir: Chilas, then -300 houses, now only 200, 100 having died out in consequence of disease -brought on by the bad water of that place, Bûder, 120 houses, Takk, -131 houses. The rest did not submit, nor will they ever do so, as they -have heard about the tyranny and oppression practised in Kashmir. We -Yaghistanis have thus become even greater enemies than before, but are -helpless. To revert to my story. After a year the following Sirdars went -with the tribute to Srinagar, viz.: Deryá Khan, Balang Khan, Satari, -Rahmat-ulla, Matshar and Lassu. The Maharaja gave each a present of 120 -Rupees and made them stay a month at Jammu. Lassu was sent with much -honour to Guraiz and reinstated. On the expiration of the month the -Sirdars came to Srinagar and requested leave to go as the harvest-time -had come near. The Maharaja received them kindly and requested that in -future two Chilasis should come with the tribute and remain for a year -as servants (really hostages) when they would be allowed to return and -two others be appointed in their stead. The hostages were to receive some -pay from the Maharaja. The Sirdars then returned each to his own village. -This arrangement is still in force. (For a more chronological account of -the conquest of Chilás vide Historical Sketch, page 72.) - - -II.—WAR WITH GOUHAR AMAN FOR THE POSSESSION OF GILGIT. - -A year later, the same Sikh General was despatched with 3,000 horse and -foot to Astor and fixed a tribute of one-third of the produce on all. -He also established a Thanna at Sógar, a village close to Astor. At the -Thanna he laid in ammunition, etc. Next year he went down with his troops -along the river of Astor to the Indus and established a Thanna at Bûnji, -which is on this side of the Indus and opposite to Sai. Duru was at that -time Governor of Bunji on behalf of Gouhar Aman, the ruler of Yasin and -Gilgit. He also crossed the Indus at Sai and arranged for a Thanna at -Jalkôt, but the Sai country was subject to Gouhar Aman who was residing -at Gilgit. When he heard of the encroachments of Kashmir he sent off men -to Dareyl and Tangîr, asking these tribes to come down on the Sikhs by -the mountain paths near Bunji, whilst he would take the road along the -Indus and attack Sai. He stated that as he and they were Sunnis, a Jihád -[religious war] on the Sikhs became their common duty. 5,000 young men -from Dareyl and Tangîr at once collected and came down to Bunji in 10 -days. Gouhar Aman with 3,000 Gilgiti horse and 2,000 coolies, fell on -Sái at 2 o’clock in the afternoon of the day on which the mountaineers -reached in the morning. The following Yaghistani Chiefs came: From -Dareyl—Kalashmir, Lala Khan Izzetti, Bira Khan, Muhammad Khan, Shaithing, -Jaldár; from Tangir—Khairulla, Mansûr, Rustami, Nayûn. - -The only son of Gouhar Aman who came was Mulk Aman—Gouhar Aman himself -being detained at Minôr by illness. The following also came: From Nómal -200 men, from Bhagrôt 2,000(!!), from Sakwal 100, and from Minôr 200. -These men carried loads of provisions and ammunition. They reached -the Niludár range on that day, one kos from the Sai District. Thence -preparations were made for an attack—the Sikhs having 8,000 men—the -battle began at Chakarkôt which is three kôs from the Indus. There is -a field there under cultivation where the fight began. It was summer. -The Sikhs had got into the Chakarkôt Fort which was surrounded by the -Gilgitis. Mulk Aman dashed into it with his horsemen. The Chakarkoti -villagers facilitated their entry and opened the gates for him. The fight -lasted all day and night within and without the Fort. The Sikhs were -defeated; most were killed fighting and some jumped off the walls and -were dashed to pieces. 100 only escaped crossing the river [Indus] back -to Bunji. Gouhar Aman only lost 60 horsemen and 40 Dareylis and Tangîris, -also Sirdar Muhammad Khan, a Shin of Darêl. Mulk Aman did not cross over -to Bunji and dismissed the mountaineers, telling them, however, to be in -readiness for renewed fighting. He then returned to Gilgit. A curious -circumstance occurred with two Sikhs who were taken away as prisoners by -the Dareylis. In taking them over the Jámu rocks,[97] which on account -of their difficulty, we call “ákho” (Atsho?), one fell into the Indus -and was never again seen, whilst the other slipped down and rose again -to the surface—an event never known to occur with any one who falls into -the Indus at that place where it is very rapid. He, however, made his way -over to Bunji, and just as he was reaching it, a stone fell on his head -and he was drowned. - - * * * * * - -A year had scarcely elapsed after the battle of Chakarkòt, when, in -the spring, about 20,000 Kashmir troops with the former General came -to Astor. He sent a letter of defiance to Gauhar Aman, challenging him -to do his worst, to assemble the mountaineers and to meet him on an -open plain. Gauhar Aman at once told the mountaineers that they should -quietly get into Jalkot (Sai District) by way of the valley of Kámberi, -over the mountain Hudurga, to the village Kirinjot, and get out by the -mountains of Puhût. This was done. Gauhar Aman again fell ill at Minôr. -His son just got there in time to meet the Sikhs (10,000 in number) near -the Niludar, the mountain ridge which is between Gilgit and Sai. It was -night, and so both armies encamped; in the morning the fight began. 7,000 -Dareylis and Tangîris had come under Jeldar, and Lala Khan of Gaya in -Dareyl and Izzetí, Pátsha Khan of Phogutsh of Dareyl—also Matshar Khan -of Samagiál—Bitori, Kalashmir of another Samagial, Kusuti of Manekyál, -Arzennu of Dareyl—Rústami, Kâmi of Tangîr, Muhammad Mir, Adab Shah of -Gali, Khairulla of Jagôt—Karim, Moya Shah, Mawêshi, Matti of the Deyamur -village—Merdumi of Lúrak—Akbaro of Sheikho—[2,000 came from Tangir, 5,000 -from Dareyl]. Gouhar Aman’s son had 3,000 infantry and 6,000 horsemen. -The Sikhs were on the roads below the mountains, whilst the Yaghistanis -were firing from the tops. The Sikhs necessarily wasted their shot in -such an encounter, whilst the mountaineers had it all their own way. -This lasted the whole day. All (10,000!!) were destroyed—only one sepoy -escaped to Bunji to tell the news to the other half of the army. The -General was not present in this as in the Chakarkót battles, but stayed -at Bunji. The Yaghis only lost 2 men, one from Phúgutsh and the other -from Samagial, viz.: Shahbaz, also called “Osmin,” and Uzet Shah. The -mountaineers then accompanied the victorious army back to Minôr and -Gilgit, where they consulted regarding the future safety from the Sikhs. -Gauhar Aman thought that the Gilgit Fort could not stand a siege and that -it should therefore be strengthened and the walls made higher. This view -was shared by the mountaineers who looked upon Gilgit as their centre: so -they all set to work to improve the fort and raised it twenty yards in -height and gave six yards of depth to the walls. Bullocks were constantly -treading down the stones as the walls were being raised. The Zamindars -also helped. The Mountaineers assisted and were fed during the month that -it took to strengthen the place. Then all left, when Gauhar Aman fell -very ill. He sent Mulk Aman, with 5,000 horsemen against Yasin to fight -Mahtar and A’smat Shah, sons of Suleyman Shah, descendants of Pátsha (?), -Shins. They came there on the fourth day and surrounded the place. Mahtar -would not fight, and surrendered on the tenth day, saying that they all -came from one stock and were subjects to Gauhar Aman. A’smat Shah fled to -Swat. Mahtar paid his respects with 1,000 young men and was apparently -received in a friendly manner by Mulk Aman, who said he wanted to talk to -him privately. There is a hall for the princes 100 yards from the Fort, -and to this he led Mahtar and after a conversation of two hours struck -off his head. Then he came out and killed 20 of Mahtar’s relatives and -friends. The rest he put into the Fort, as they were merely Zamindars. -He then asked Gauhar Aman to come to Yasin with his whole family. On the -good news reaching him he assembled the Gilgitis and told them that, as -his illness was sure to carry him off, he wanted to be buried in his own -country where also his ancestors reposed. In reality, he wanted to marry -the widow of Mahtar. When he came near Yasin, some one told him that his -son had married the widow. This rendered him furious and made him think -of killing his son. In this state of mind he reached Yasin, where he said -nothing but ascertained that the widow had been married eight days ago. -He then threw Mulk Aman into a prison which was at the top of the highest -tower of the Yasin fort and ordered that he should not receive sufficient -food. The woman was also placed under surveillance. He left Ghulam as -Wazir of Gilgit. Gauhar Aman remained ill for a year, being unable to -move and one side being shrivelled up. When he felt his death nigh, he -released Mulk Aman and made the woman over to him. A few days after he -died and Mulk Aman had accomplished the funeral rites, he ascended the -throne. When Isa Baghdùr [Isa Bahádur] and the fugitive A’smat Shah -heard this in Swat, they rejoiced as they did not think that Mulk Aman -was a hero like his father. Isa Bahadur of Sher Kila’ had also fled to -Swat having heard of the defeat of the Sikhs and being afraid of being -dispossessed by Gauhar Aman—an idea which was confirmed by Akbar Aman, -the brother on the father’s side of Gauhar Aman—(Isa Bahadur and Akbar -were cousins, sons of two sisters) (Isa Bahadur and Gauhar Amán were -tarburs تربور, namely brothers’ children). There is a road from Swat -to Yasin which is much used and is near. Mulk Aman, wishing to conquer -other countries, enquired who had caused Isa Bahadur’s flight and offered -a reward for the information. Hayátulla, a servant of Gauhar Amán, told -him a month after about his uncle being the cause, as they were related -on the women’s side (the stronger tie; being related on the father’s side -is not a strong bond wherever polygamy is common). This convinced Mulk -Aman, for having taken the throne from his uncle to whom it by right -belonged, he always felt suspicious of him. However, he kept his own -counsel, when one day he invited Akbar Aman to go out shooting with him. -They went about one kôs from the Yasîn fort, where a fine plain comes in -view. Mulk Aman advised all retainers to get down from their horses as -he wanted to rest a little and then start the game which would come in -sight in that place. This they did not do, so he jumped from his horse, -pretending that he saw game in different directions and ran after it. -Then Akbar Aman also got down from his horse. He had scarcely moved about -for a few yards, when a ball, fired by Mulk Aman, struck him dead. Mulk -Aman then returned to govern in peace of mind. This news Isa Bahadur had -also heard in Swat. What with wishing to revenge Akbar and thinking of -the confusion which would be sure to follow the discord of the brothers -of Mulk Aman (Mîr Wali, Pahlivan, etc.) he and Asmár got ready and came -back—but I don’t know whether he came _via_ Kandiá [a hitherto unexplored -District, referred to elsewhere] or by what road. Anyhow he appeared at -Sai with the 20 followers whom he had taken with him from Sher Kila’ -on his flight. There he found Sultan, the ex-Wazir of Pohordu Shah, a -descendant of the Queen Johari (Jowâri—_vide_ 1st Song, page 22) who in -ancient times was the ruler of Sai and whose descendants had fled from -Gauhar Aman into the hills. When Gauhar Aman died, all these fugitives -came back and so Sultan turned up at Sai. When Isa and Asmat met him -they contracted an alliance by oath and went together to Jammu by way -of Astor in order to offer their services to the Maharajah. Indeed, -they offered their allegiance, if he would help them with troops. The -Maharajah made them swear on the Koran, because he said, “your religious -bigotry may induce you to turn on me and induce you to be again friends -with Mulk Aman. Besides, you all belong to one family and I alone shall -be the loser.” Then they all agreed and he made them swear on the Koran, -after getting them to wash themselves first; “that they would never ally -themselves or be subject to any one but the Maharaja and consult nobody’s -interests but his.” The three swore most solemnly and assured H. H. that -he need not be under any anxiety in future regarding his army and their -own movements. They then asked leave in order to avail themselves of the -dissensions of the brothers and prevent their becoming friends again. -Then H. H. sent 6,000 infantry and 4 guns (mule-batteries) with Isa, -Sultan and Asmat—Rs. 200 cash were given to Isa and a dress of honour; -Rs. 100 and a gun to Sultan and Rs. 120 and a horse to Asmat Shah. The -Maharaja recommended them always to keep the garrisons at Astor and -Bunji, which were each 5,000 strong, at half their strength and to take -the rest in order to prevent surprises and the loss of places which were -difficult to acquire and to reduce to taxation. He thus allowed them -to take 11,000 troops with them in all—_viz._ 6,000 men whom he sent -direct and 5,000 from the garrisons of Astor and Bunji. Thus they started -with the General and the Jítan Sahib (Adjutant?) for Astor. There they -remained a month to see whether the roads ahead were safe. They sent -a Kashmiri, called Abdulla, into Yaghistan, _via_ Sai, Minôr, Gilgit, -Yasin, Dareyl, Tangîr, Hunza, Nagyr, etc., to enquire what the tribes -were doing and going to do. He went to Gilgit and instead of fulfilling -his mission himself, he sent Norôz, a Zemindar and a subject of Mulk -Aman, who, of course, went to Yasin and told Mulk Aman all he had heard -from Abdulla and that Isa and his allies were advancing. On his return -he told Abdulla that he had seen the tribes, that they had no idea that -anything was impending and that Isa might advance with safety at once. -Abdulla returned to Astor, whilst Mulk Aman summoned the Darêl and Tangîr -tribes, saying that unless they fought now they would lose their country. -He also sent a messenger to Ghazanfar, Raja of Hunza and one to Shah -Murad, Wazir of Nagyr (?) telling them to forget their enmity with him in -the advance of a common foe to their country and religion (although the -people of Hunza and Nagyr are Shiahs, necessity made Mulk Aman, a Sunni, -call them Mussulmans) and asking them to meet him with their young men -at Gilgit. Ghazanfar promised to come on the ninth day and asked him to -go ahead. Mulk Aman, however, waited nine days and when nobody came, he -advanced with the friendly hill tribes of Darêl and Tangîr to Gilgit. -Isa Bahadur and his allies, altogether 9,500 men, started from Astor, -2,500 soldiers joined them at Bunji and they all advanced to within the -distance of one kôs from the Gilgit Fort, which they surrounded. Wazir -Zoraveru commanded in this war on the part of the Sikhs—there were also -Sirdar Muhammad Khan of Swat, the Sirdar Jitani (Adjutant) and others -whose names I forget. On behalf of the tribes there were: (1) from -DAREYL: Lalá Khan, Jeldár Bura Khan of Gayá—with 1,000 Zemindars;—Izzeti -and Muhammad Khan of Phugotsh with 700 Zemindars—Matshar Khan and Mahman -from Karini (lower) Samegial with 1,000 men—Mirza Khan and Kalashmir -from Upper Samegial and 1,000 men—Kasûti from Karini Manikyal with -1,000 men—Hamza Khan and Arzennu from Upper Manikyal and 900 men—Bitori -of Yatsho and 40 men—Suryó from Jutyal and 60 men—Tubyó and Syad Amir -of Dudishal and 30 men—altogether 5,846 from Dareyl. (2) from TANGIR: -Mardumì (is still alive), Talipu of Lurak and 40 men—Moza Shah and -Maweshi (still alive) of Dîyamar and 400 men—Khairulla and Mansur (still -alive) of Julkôt and 140 Zemindars—Adab Shah and Mansur (still alive), -of Gali and 60 men,—Néyo and Rustam Khan of Kami (still alive) and 400 -men—Multan of Korgah (still alive) and 60 men—Akbaru of Sheikho and 40 -men—altogether 1,153 men and Chiefs. With Mulk Aman there came from -YASIN: his brother Mir Vali Khan, the Wazirs Rahmat and Nasir—Hayatalla, -Habib—Padisha Mia, Balhi, Syad Khan (of Swat) with 100 Pathans—Muhammad -Hussain, a great Chief of Yasin and 10,000 men, horse and foot, from -Yasin and friendly countries. - -At the dictation of Pehliwan, son of the sister of Aman-ul-Mulk, ruler -of Chitral or little Kashghár, a messenger of the name Balli—was sent to -Chitrál, saying that Hunza and Nagyr had broken their promise and that, -now that their father was dead, all his enemies had assembled to destroy -them, 11,000 infidels, described as كافر نابكار ڈوگره بي اِعتبار, -or useless unbelievers and perfidious Dogras, had already surrounded -Gilgit with the help of faithless Isa, the fugitive Asmat and the traitor -Sultan. “When we shall be dead, what is the use of you, a relative, -striking your forehead with a stone (as a sign of grief)”? Balli taking -forced marches reached Aman-ul-Mulk speedily, who, at once sent Lakhtar -Khan, his nephew, son of Adam Khor (whom he had caused to be killed) with -8,000 men of sorts to Gilgit and wrote to promise further help, if Balli -were sent again. Indeed it was said that Aman-ul-Mulk might come himself. -So there advanced to the rescue of Gilgit the united forces of Mulk Aman -and the auxiliaries from Chitrál. Mulk Aman then told the Dareylis and -Tangîris to lay in ambush behind Parmas and Basîn in the valley, as the -Sikh troops were there. He himself at 6 o’clock in the evening went to -attack these places. About 1,000 Sikhs were there, not suspecting any -danger, in their tents. The attack was sudden and 120 were at once -despatched to the lowest regions [of hell]; 100 Sikhs were captured. -Then he called out to his young horsemen that having done so much they -should attack the besiegers and that the infantry would follow them. -He himself rode ahead, thereby inspiring his troops with courage. The -enemy was attacked, but was now ready for them. A fierce struggle began -and the Sikhs were forced on to the fortress with the loss of twenty -youths and a loss of three Dareylis on our side, who had rashly followed -the Sikhs into the fort. Then Mulk Aman halted in front of the fort and -attacked it in the early morning and called out. “If you want to fight, -well and good—if not, I will let you depart for Astor.” Isa Bahadur -replied: “We will certainly not do so till we uproot the foundations of -your houses.” Saying this, he fired his musket and killed Hayatulla (who -had been the cause of his uncle’s death). Then volleys were exchanged. -So the fight lasted for a month, during the day—Mulk Aman retiring to a -short distance at night—the Sikhs, however, picking off stragglers at -night also. On the 27th day after the siege, the Raja of Hunza reached -with 12,000 soldiers, but did not join the fight. 6,000 soldiers, in -addition to the 8,000 already sent, also came from Chitrál who, at once, -assisted in the siege. There was plenty of wheat which had been cut and -heaped up by the Gilgit Zemindars who had fled at the approach of the -Sikhs. The soldiers of Aman-ul-Mulk would take the sheaves, crush them -with stones and boil them in water. Food was taken at night. Three days -later, when the besiegers still held out, the Chitrál forces thought of -returning. On the last day, Makhsat, a servant of Asmat Shah, renowned -all over Yaghistan as an incomparable hero, came out of the fort with -sword and buckler and called out. “Is there any one who will fight [me] -the mountain eating lion?” Then Balli, the servant of Mulk-Aman, replied: -“Come out and fight with me in the open space, for brave men do not -boast.” So he, snatching a sword and shield, met him. After boasts and -insults on both sides, they closed; but Makhsat’s sword could only find -Balli’s shield to strike, whilst Balli, in protecting himself always -found an exposed part of Makhsat to hit. At last Balli struck a blow -which not only cut through Makhsat’s shield, but falling on his right -shoulder caused the sword to pass out on his left side, thus dividing -the body into two pieces. On seeing this, Mulk Aman considered that a -sufficient victory had been gained and passed on to Yasin, accompanied -by the Allies. Of the prisoners he had captured at Barmas, in order to -wreak his revenge, having been disappointed in taking the Gilgit fort, -he selected twenty four of the officers and ordered them to be executed -at Kuffarkôt, four kôs from Gilgit near the Indus. This was accordingly -done by some men in Lakhtar Khan, the Chitrál General’s army. When their -souls had reached the angels of Hell, Mulk Aman ordered the rest also -to be killed, for, he said, these infidels have made martyrs of many -of our friends and countrymen. Lakhtar Khan interposed on the ground -that they were helpless, now that their officers were dead, and made a -claim to carry them off himself, as a satisfaction for the losses of -his army. “I want,” he said, “to bring them to my country and sell them -for red gold to the Tájiks. Thus I shall obtain compensation for the -blood of martyrs that has been shed and they will be punished by being -sold from place by the Tájiks.” Then Mulk Aman conferred the desired -present on Lakhtar Khan, but kept one (the only officer who was spared) -who was called “Commandân Bahádur” and presented him to Jaldár Khan of -Gayá (Dareyl), as many martyrs [so called because they were Muhammadans, -who had been killed in the war with the “infidel” Dogras] had fallen -from that District. When the troops had gone back for another kôs (from -Kuffárkôt) to a place called Serga—a very deep valley—Jaldár Khan told -the “Commandán” to come near him, as he was in his charge. He caught -hold of his hand and led him along. He then noticed a talisman round the -Sikh’s neck and wanted to snatch it away, forgetting that he was exposing -himself to an attack by the movement. The “Commandan” saw a sword hanging -on Jaldár’s shoulder, so he let Jaldár take his talisman and drawing -the sword struck off his head. When the Dareylis saw the death of their -chief, they rushed upon the murderer and secured him. Separating in -groups to consult as to the best means of putting him to death, the -people of Gayá (Jaldár’s village) advised his arms and legs being tied to -four horses and his body being torn to pieces by the horses being set off -at a gallop. This proposal was not favourably received by Khoshál Khan, -the brother of Jaldár. The people of Samegiál suggested that his tongue -should be torn out with red-hot pincers, then to flay him alive, cover -his body afterwards with salt and pepper and finally to burn him and make -him over to the ruler of Jahannam [Hell]. This suggestion being favoured -by Khoshál Khan, it was ordered to be carried out. Thus the “Commandán -Bahádur” died. The Dareylis then rushed on his ashes and half-burnt flesh -and taking a handful, secured it in their clothes as a reminiscence of -the event. I have mentioned this affair at length, because Jaldár was -a very celebrated man for his hospitality, eloquence, good manners and -administrative capacity. Rich and poor obeyed him, for he was wise and -his death was a great advantage to the Sikhs. - -Mulk Aman set out for Yasin, as I have said, and dismissed the -Yaghistanis. Lakhtar Khan also asked for his leave through Pahliwan, -Mulk Aman’s brother and offered to let the army remain if he himself was -allowed to go. This was permitted and the army remained with Pahliwan, -his mother’s brother (a sister of Adamkhor of Chitrál was Gauhar-Aman’s -wife and Gauhar Aman’s sister was Adamkhor’s wife). The following is the -list of the chiefs killed before Gilgit: [The Sikhs lost 221 killed, -wounded and prisoners.] Wazirs Nuseir and Hayatulla of Yasin; Jaldár Khan -of Gayá (Dareyl); Talîpu of Tangîr; Béra Khan of Gaya; Mirza Khan of -Hunîni Samagiál; Sirdar of Hunîni Samagiál; and Padshah Mia of Yasin. - -_Dareyl_ lost 203 Zemindars; _Tangîr_ 101 men; _Gakutsh_ [or _Galkûtsh_] -50; _Tshér_, 40; _Sherôt_ 52; _Shukoyôt_ 30; _Guluphúr_ 44. Mulk Aman -lost 160 of his retainers; (altogether 376 of his subjects.) The -Chitrális lost 410, altogether 1,090 were killed on our side. [For a -more chronological account of the conquest of Gilgit vide “Chronological -History of Dardistan,” pages 70-75.] - - -III.—WAR ON YASIN AND THE MASSACRE OF ITS INHABITANTS. [1860] - -When Lakhtar Khan informed the ruler of Chitrál of all that had occurred, -Aman-ul-Mulk sent a messenger to the ruler of Yasin with the advice to -fortify Gakutsh, lest that too should be lost by him and he should be -blamed for not advising him in time. He also thought that the Sikhs would -not advance before they had strengthened their hold on Gilgit. Therefore -he asked for his army to be sent back; next year he promised to send a -larger force, as then an attack from the Sikhs might be possible. Mulk -Aman delayed the messenger for ten days, but sent Sirdar Mustaán, son -of General Hayat-ulla of Yasin, with the Chitrál army to Aman-ul-Mulk. -They were 5,880 horse; 7,720 foot and 12 mules with ammunition. Mulk Aman -then remained at Yasin, feeling quite safe and established a Thanna of -five men at Gakutsh, one day’s march from Yasin, in order to scour the -country and enquire from travellers and Zemindars about the movements of -the Sikhs. He advised them to treat informants well and let him know in -time, lest Aman-ul-Mulk’s warning should come true. The outpost kept a -good look-out, entertained travellers and daily sent in news of the state -of affairs. Five months afterwards Wazir Zoraweru of Kashmir sent Wazir -Mukhtár with twenty young men to Gakutsh to surprise the Thanna at night, -and establish themselves as an outpost and intercept all travellers -from or to Yasin. He also sent after them Sabûr, a Kashmiri, with ten -Hindu Sipahis and Attaì, Kashmiri, with ten Muhammadan Sipahis, and -ordered Attaì to establish himself at 100 yards above Gakutsh and Sabur -at the same distance below Gakutsh and intercept the roads. Three days -afterwards, Zoraweru, Isa Bahadur, Ghulam Haydar, Mizra Wazir, Baghdur -Shah, Zohrab Khan, Asmat Shah and Saif Ali, the Commandant, with 9,000 -infantry and 3,000 cavalry, advanced on Gakutsh. We must now leave them -on the road and see what the surprise party is doing. They came there -shortly after mid-night, surrounded the Thanna and captured the five men. -Mukhtar then established himself as Thannadar and Attaì and Sabûr took -up their appointed posts and captured all travellers of whatever age and -sex, sending them in to the Thanna; in all, three women, four children, -two foreign youths and one Yasini were captured. When the army came to -Gakutsh, Zoraweru left the Thanna as it was, and advanced the same day -without stopping, so as to prevent all notice of his march reaching -Yasin before he himself arrived, marching all night, and at about 4 -o’clock came to Chamûgar, a village, about twenty nine kôs from Yasin. -Accidentally, Muhammad Hussain, a Sayad, had gone out hunting that day. -His horse rearing without any apparent cause he looked round and saw -clouds of dust at Chamûgar. He, at once, suspected what was taking place, -galloped back to Yasin and called out before Mulk Aman’s house: “Why are -you sitting at your ease? the enemy is on you—now do anything if you -can.” Mulk Aman at once got his horses saddled and fled with his family -over the mountains in the direction of Chitrál. When the army came near -Yasin, Isa Bahadur, who knew the country, ordered it to be divided into -three corps, one of which marched straight on Yasin—the second to go to -the right of Yasin by the village of Martal and the third to go to the -left of the place, so that the inhabitants should not be able to escape. -When the Sikhs entered Yasin with Asmat Khan preceding them (who got all -his friends and relatives out of the way) acts of oppression occurred -which I have heard related by the people of Kholi and which have never -been surpassed by any nation of infidels. In traditions much is told, -but all is nothing compared with the following atrocities which surpass -the doings of demons, jins and witches. We, say the Kholi informants, -with our own sinful eyes saw these ferocities practised by Mussulmans on -Mussulmans. That blood thirsty Kafir, Isa Bahadur, ordered the houses to -be entered and all the inhabitants, without regard to sex or age, to be -killed. We swear that Isa Bahadur descended from his horse and distinctly -ordered the soldiers to snatch the babes from their mothers’ arms and -kill them, so that his heart might be set at ease. He then put one knee -on the ground, putting his hands on his knees and waiting for the babes. -As they were brought to him, he put one of their small legs under his -foot and tore the other off with his hand. Even the Sikh soldiery could -not bear looking on this spectacle. However, this accursed infidel, -(infidel, although he was a Sunni) kept on tearing them to pieces. The -slaughter lasted five days and nights. The blood of the victims flowed -in streams through the roads: there is not a word of exaggeration in -all this. After these dreadful five days were over, Zoraweru sent for -Asmat Shah and enquired after his relatives, whom he had put in safety. -They were brought forward and Yasin committed to their charge, but what -was left of Yasin!?[98] Thus 2,000 men, women, and children above ten -years of age and a countless number of infants and babes became martyrs -at the hands of the bloody Sikhs—3,000 persons (chiefly women) a very -few children as also a few old men were kept as prisoners and brought -in three days to Gilgit, Zoraweru being elated with excessive joy which -he manifested in various ways _en route_. When he came to Gilgit, Isa -Bahadur and Asmat Shah, selecting 1,000 of the more beautiful women, took -them to Jammu with 3,000 soldiers. They were so delighted that they took -double marches in order to be early with their good news. At a public -assembly at Jammu, these scoundrels narrated, with much boasting and -eloquence, their own achievements and those of the Sikhs and spoke with -the loud tone in which victories are reported. - -When they had finished, the Maharaja asked them whether their hearts were -pleased with all these doings. Isa Bahadur said that all his heart’s -desire had not been accomplished, though he certainly had experienced a -slight satisfaction in the fate of the people of Yasin, who had been his -enemies in the times of Gauhar Aman. “God be praised,” he said, “that -I have lived to revenge myself on them.” The Maharaja enquired what -else there remained to afford him complete satisfaction. “Perhaps,” he -said, “I may be able to meet your views.” Isa Bahadur replied. “Alas, -Mulk Aman with all his family has escaped unhurt to Chitrál! I should -have liked to have treated him as the Commandán Sahib who killed Jaldár -was treated, and to have taken his wife for myself and to have killed -his children, as I did the infants of Yasin and, moreover, to burn -them. Then alone will my heart be at ease. However, in consequence of -Your Highness’s good fortune, much has been done. If your shadow only -continues to protect me, I may, some day, be able to have my heart’s -desire on Mulk Aman.” The Maharaja then bestowed on him a splendid and -complete dress of honor, a horse and Rs. 500. He also gave Rs. 100, a -dress and a horse to Asmat Shah. He finally placed the 3,000 soldiers -whom he had brought under his command and made him Governor of Sher Kila -(where he is still). Isa Bahadur, after the usual deprecatory forms -of politeness used at oriental Courts, suggested that, in the midst -of Yaghistan, he would not be able to hold his own even with 30,000 -soldiers, unless the Maharaja placed Pahlivan, the son of the sister of -Aman-ul-Mulk at the head of the Government of Yasin even without troops, -as he had all the prestige of Aman-ul-Mulk on his side. At last, the Lord -of Srinagar said that he agreed to it, if Isa Bahadur could manage to -get Pahlivan appointed to Yasin, a matter which, naturally, was out of -his own control. Isa Bahadur then asked for troops, not against Chitrál, -whose interests would now be conciliated, but against the Dareylis and -the other hill tribes. So the Maharaja gave him the troops, warning him -at the same time to be on his guard against Pahlivan tampering with his -troops and so causing a general revolt against the Maharaja’s authority. - -His Highness then ordered Asmat Shah to go to Yasin in order to keep a -watch on the movements of Pahlivan and to inform Wazîr Zoraweru of all -that was going on. Asmat Shah feared that his life would not be safe at -Yasin and wished for some other employment. The Maharaja then said his -salary should be Rs. 40 per mensem[99] and he should go with Isa Bahadur, -as Thanadar of Gakûtsh. Isa Bahadur, however, thought that it could not -be done and that it would be better to send him to Basîn. This was agreed -to and the two got ready to depart. The Maharaja advised him to take the -2,000 prisoners left at Gilgit back with him to Sher Kila, so that the -place might be well populated, a plan that would not only give him more -income from the produce of fields but provide him with assistance against -an enemy. “Leave,” he added, “your first wife at Gilgit, (as a hostage, -no doubt, for Isa’s fidelity to the Maharaja) and take your second wife -and her children with you to Shêr.” So they returned to Gilgît, Asmat -Shah setting up with his family at Basîn, where he is still and receives -his pay. Isa Bahadur also settled at Shêr in the manner suggested by the -Maharaja. He then sent Daulat Shù, a Zemindar of Gulmutti, eight kôs -from Shêr, to Aman-ul-Mulk of Chitrál asking him to appoint Pahlivan as -Governor of Yasin, who would be quite safe there. Daulat Shù was sent -because he knew the roads and had often gone to Chitrál. He reached -the place in seven days. Aman-ul-Mulk replied that he could not send -Pahlivan, unless Isa Bahadur also agreed to MIR VALI and Wazir Rahmat. -He gave Daulat Shù a parting present of a gun, sword and horse. Daulat -Shù told Isa Bahadur of the result of his mission. Isa at once set off -for Gilgit to consult with Zoraweru. He represented to him that unless -Aman-ul-Mulk was allowed to have his way, he himself could not hold his -own at Sher Kila. Zoraweru, upon this, gave him full permission to act -as he liked, taking the responsibility on his own shoulders in the event -of the Maharaja asking any questions, as the only means of securing some -peace. Isa then again despatched Daulat Shù in all haste, who reached -Chitrál in five days, with the message that Aman-ul-Mulk should do him -the favour of sending the three men he had suggested. Aman-ul-Mulk -entertained Daulat Shù for twenty days, during which time he assembled -2,000 young men and sent them to Yasin with Pahlivan, Mir Vali and -Rahmat. He made those three take an oath on the Koran that they would -never intrigue against each other, “for, if you do, you will fall an easy -prey to Isa Bahadur.” When they reached Yasin, they sent on Daulat Shù -to Isa Bahadur. The first thing they did was to get the fugitive Yasinis -back to their country which they ruled as in former days. Isa Bahadur was -glad at this and gave eight tolahs of gold to the messenger.[100] - - -IV.—WAR WITH NAGYR AND HUNZA. [1864] - -It is now nine years since these wars have taken place or two years after -the conclusion of the war with Yasin. The Maharaja wrote to Zoraweru -that after all what he wanted to conquer were the countries of Nagyr and -Hunza, as there was no profit to be gained from Gilgit and Yaghistan, -whence hitherto, he said, “we have only reaped stony districts and -loss of men,” [in reality, Gilgit and Yasin are fertile, whilst Hunza -is “stony”]. Zoraweru at once set out for Nômal, which is twelve kôs -from Gilgit in the direction of Nagyr and sent Mehdîn Khan of Bunair -and Sultan Wazir of the Janheri descendants and Saif Ali, Commandant, -with 8,000 infantry. Zoraweru himself remained at Nômal in order to -facilitate communications and bring up help, if necessary. The army -advanced next day to Chaprôt, Guyétsh and Hini, of which the latter is -in Nagyr and the former in Hunza and encamped between these places on -a plain.[101](?) Guyétsh and Chaprôt are on the frontier of Hunza. Its -inhabitants speak the same language as the people of Hunza. Hini was on -the other side of the army and is on the frontier of Nagyr. The Chief -of Chaprôt is Shah Murad Wazir, whilst Sirdar Mamal Beg is at Hini and -Phagoi, the Lumbardar, at Guyêtsh, whose son is Shukar Beg, a brave young -man. The chief command of the invading troops was given to Sultan, who -had previously sent a man, Uruz Ali, to the Hunza Raja, to announce his -arrival. He told him to lie in ambush at Nilamutsh in order to destroy -the troops under the other Kashmir Officers. “I will draw off,” he said, -“half the army in the direction of the Valley.” Uruz Ali was by origin -a Hunza man who had settled at Gilgit. The Raja of Hunza acted on the -advice thus sent. When Wazîr Sultan came to Nilamutsh, he started with -some youths towards Chaprôth. Now Nilamutsh is a place so surrounded by -inaccessible and high mountains that escape from an enemy who occupies -them is impossible and even a great army is helpless. No one prevented -or questioned the movements of Sultan, who advanced about one kôs out of -Nilamutsh—Mahdin and Saif Ali now entered the place when they were at -once assailed with stones and bullets on every side by invisible enemies -and lost 400 young men killed between forenoon and evening. Two Nagyris -only were wounded, one being shot through the mouth who is still alive -and the other receiving a bullet in his thigh from which he subsequently -died at Nagyr. When the surprised Generals consulted at night on the -events of the day, they inferred from the absence of Sultan and the fact -that he had got safely through Nilamutsh, as well as from the unexpected -presence of the enemy, that treachery had been at work. The reason of -this conduct was that Sultan, although the bravest to fight on behalf -of the Maharaja, had not been rewarded with land as Isa and Azmat had -been, but had remained under the direct orders of Zoraweru, who had put -him forward in the war in order to get him killed and who had poisoned -the Maharaja’s mind against him. “However,” the Generals added, “at -present we must think of getting out of this place; otherwise not a man -will remain alive to tell the news at Nômal.” They then decided, on the -suggestion of Saif Ali, to send two Dareylis, Firôz and Kúweti, into -the Hunza lines, as they might have influence with them, being also -Yaghistanis, in order to secure the safe return of the Army. The task -was reluctantly accepted by the Dareylis whose presence in the Sikh Army -naturally compromised them. However, they went and swore on behalf of the -Sikhs that if they were allowed to depart no future invasion should ever -take place. Naudin, the Wazir of Nagyr and Ghazanfar of Hunza refused, -on which the Dareylis requested that they might be shot and their bodies -thrown in the valley, as a proof that they had done their best and failed -in their mission. “We are Mussulmans and you should forgive us and as a -natural consequence those whom we represent.” The men now prepared for -death, when Naudin interposed and got their request sanctioned, on the -understanding that the Sikhs would at once return to Gilgit or else he -would attack within an hour. The Kashmir Army, which had been re-joined -by Sultan in the meanwhile, were only too glad to get away on these terms -and returned to Nômal. Sultan gave out that he had gone ahead in order -to clear the road in advance. However, Zoraweru was informed of the -treachery, and, at once, put Sultan in chains and sent him to Jammu with -a detailed letter under strict charge of Sirdars Baghdùr Shah and Ghulam -Haidar and ten soldiers. - -Zoraweru then took the army back to Gilgit. When the Maharaja read the -letter, from which it appeared that no one except Sultan’s _confidant_, -Urùz Ali, who, the Gilgitis said, was always going backwards and forwards -to Hunza, could have gone to inform the Hunza people of an attack, which -must have been successful, had they not been forewarned, he condemned -Sultan to imprisonment for life. I think that it was a got-up affair, -for Zoraweru had often and in vain tried to take Hunza-Nagyr. As a proof -of this I may mention that Hilli Shah of Hunza had come to Gilgit a few -days before the expedition to buy merchandise. The Wazîr sent for him, -gave him money and took him into his confidence. Seven days after he -asked Hilli Shah to assist him in an attack on Nilamutsh which he was -contemplating a month hence. Hilli said that he and his brother Mirza -Khan, an artilleryman famous for his bravery and influence, would guide -the Sikh Army through Nilamutsh into Hunza. So they swore to abide by -this plan and the Wazir dismissed him with a present of Rs. 40 and a -Lungi. He also promised great rewards in the event of the success of the -expedition. Hilli Shah told Mirza Khan, who was delighted. Uruz reached -Hunza after Hilli Shah and told the Raja of it, who sent for Hilli Shah -and enquired from him whether he had heard anything at Gilgit about -the movements of the Sikhs or of an attack on Hunza. Hilli Shah said -that he had not been to Gilgit and had heard nothing. However, the Raja -noticed the Lungi which Hilli wore and which Uruz said had been given by -Zoraweru. When he set out to surprise the Sikhs he sent for the brothers: -Mirza Khan came at once, but Hilli Shah hid himself at Gakkarkôt, five -kôs above Hunza. When Ghazanfar returned from the war, he sent for Hilli -Shah. The messenger found him returning from a hunting expedition and -brought him to Ghazanfar who asked him, why he had not gone to the war -against the infidels; “has the Lungi on your head bribed you?” and added -“it is improper that you should live.” He was accordingly cut into pieces -(literally) before the eyes of Mirza Khan, his brother (who is still -alive and braver than Hilli Shah and also a better artilleryman); as -for Uruz Ali, he was put in prison for a fortnight by the order of the -Maharaja, as soon as he came to Gilgit, although Zoraweru wanted him to -share the fate of Sultan. At that time Kalashmir of Dareyl visited Gilgit -and was well entertained by Zoraweru for twenty days, when he presented -him with a shawl and Rs. 100 and gave cheap shawls to the Sirdars who -came with Kalashmir. Zoraweru then asked them, as he had conquered the -whole of Yaghistan, to collect tribute for the Maharaja. This was agreed -to, but when Kalashmir returned to his country he did nothing. In the war -that will ensue I was present all through. - - -V.—WAR WITH DAREYL [YAGHISTAN] 1866. - -When Zoraweru saw that the Hill, or Yaghistan tribes kept quiet he -thought it a good opportunity for attacking Dareyl, which, he fancied, -would fall easily. He appointed spies to bring to him any Dareylis that -might happen to visit Gilgit. Aziz, a Lamberdár of Manikial, came with -100 goats to Gilgit and when he had sold them, visited Zoraweru, who -received him kindly and entertained him for two days. When he left, the -Kashmir General asked him to remind Kalashmir that he had not sent the -tribute of Dareyl and Tangir, which had been promised two years ago and -gave him an ultimatum of one month in which to come himself or send the -tribute, otherwise Zoraweru would pay Kalashmir a visit with his army. -Kalashmir replied that the Kashmiris had better come and take the taxes -and that there was no occasion for his fellow-countrymen to take the -least notice of the threat. When twenty days of the month had passed, two -other messengers, one a Kashmiri, Kurban, residing at Kiner in Chilás; -the other, Rahm Nur of Samegial—both traders, happening to be at Gilgit, -were sent to announce Zoraweru’s immediate attack and to ask the Hillmen -to prepare themselves, because, as Zoraweru said, “it is my custom to -give my enemy notice three times.” Kalashmir replied he did not care and -next day requested the tribes to assemble at Samegiál—_viz_: the people -of Tórr, Harbenn, Shatiál, Sazîn, Sômer—and of Tangi, Lurok, Dayamur, -Sheikho, Jalkôt, Galli, Kammi, and Korgah. He even sent to the Kandiá -people for help, who, however, replied that their harvest was just -getting ready and that Dareyl was too far off. He also sent to Jagloth, -Chilás, Hudur, Takk, Buder, and Gor. The Chilásis flatly refused on the -ground of being subjects of Kashmir and being helpless. Jalkôt also -did not send, as the notice had reached them too late and the war was -immediately impending. The rest all assembled at Samegiál on the 10th day -and were 7,000 in number; there were also 7,000 men from Dareyl itself. -The Sikhs also started from Gilgit, on hearing which Kalashmir appointed -four scouts at each of the following six posts: in the Kargá valley—at -Karóri-Jóji—at Ruro-Dader, fifteen kos off—at Gitshár, at the same -distance—at Barîga, sixteen kos distance—and at Naranéiga, fifteen kos. - -From Samegial the tribes marched over the Dummu-dummu mountain to the -valley of Bariga where they halted. Next morning at about 9 o’clock, -after only a few had taken food, the heavens seemed to become dark. -Looking round we saw a Dareyli waving his dress at the Karori-Joji post, -which was a sign of the approach of the enemy. We all got ready and an -hour afterwards the enemy came up, who had taken 11,000 men from Gilgit. -A Sirdar of Samegial, Kuwéti, who had fled about four years ago to Gilgit -from his village in consequence of the enmity of another fellow-villager, -Dodár, now showed the way to the Sikhs. When the forces reached Yatshotsh -below Dummu-dummu on the Gilgit side, he asked Zoraweru to confide the -guidance of the troops to him, as he alone knew the paths. Zoraweru -assenting, Kuweti divided the forces into three bodies; one under General -Har Chand in the direction of the valley of Dutial, the second under -Sirdar Shahzada he despatched to the Yatshotsh valley—whilst the third -was forwarded with Zoraweru to the Bariga valley—he himself going with -the first column. We did not know these tricks and thought we had only to -deal with the troops advancing on Barîga and rushed on them at once. The -fight lasted till four in the afternoon. Accidentally, a Dareyli looking -in the direction of Jadári-Jùt, saw from that “grassy plain” such a cloud -of dust arise that the sky was darkened and out of which troops emerged. -The Manikialis, whose village is five kos from that plain, fled at once -to defend their homes, as they thought the enemy threatened Manikial. -This was followed by the flight of the Samegialis by the Dareyl valley—an -hour afterwards the people of Phugotsh, then the people of Gayá, also -fled in the same direction. Now the fight ceased and night broke in. -We remained at Bariga. The fugitives on reaching their villages, -fled onwards with their families, some to Sazin, others to Tangîr, -others again to Shatial. Yet we only lost five in killed and three in -wounded—the losses of the Sikhs it is impossible to estimate. I alone -counted twenty from where I stood. The Sikhs during the night surrounded -us and cut off our retreat. At day-break, the fight was renewed and -lasted till noon, when we discovered a mountain path for flight which -we took and came to Samegial. The second day we lost nine men and the -Sikhs thirty. The Sikhs remained for ten days at Jadári-Jùt and then -advanced on Samegial _via_ the District of Manikial, of which they burnt -two villages, Shinó Kot and Yashkunó Kot, and killed the old women and -children who had not been able to get away; four boys were found ill and -also killed. Reaching Samegial, they found that we had fled on to Gayá. -In that District the Sikhs also burnt two deserted villages, Dudó Kot and -Birió Kot; they found, however, twelve fugitive women and children _en -route_ and killed them. The Sikhs stayed at Samegial, where 200 of us had -remained concealed at about a mile from the place. A fight took place -with a loss of four on our side and twelve on the part of the Sikhs. We -were not followed up to Gayá. The Sikhs returned to Manikial where they -remained ten days and indulged in eating the grapes which had become -over-ripe and are very abundant in that District. Many died from disease -engendered by this over-indulgence, but the Sikh Sirdars spread a report -that the tribes had scattered poison on the grapes. Winter also set in, -and snow fell, so the Sikhs returned to Gilgit. _En route_ snow-storms -set in, which blinded some and froze others. The Sikhs lost in dead -about 120 men. The fugitive villagers now returned to their homes and -rebuilt the burnt down villages. Six months later, Kalashmîr of Dudokôt -(Samegiál) and Duran of Phugôtsh and Surió of Karînokot (Mánikial) and -Burshù Sirdar of Biliokôt, (Manikial) and Sirdar of Gayá and Nur Muhammed -of Shurôt started for Gilgit and offered allegiance to Zoraweru. He -replied; “Oh! Kalashmir, thou hast given me much trouble and inflicted -much injury. Now I want a goat per annum from every two houses throughout -Dareyl.” He then dismissed them with Khilats and now the tribute is -regularly paid from those villages that I have named as being represented -on that occasion by their Sirdars. - -It is necessary to say a few words about the treatment of those who had -assisted Kashmir. After Doulat Shù had arranged matters with Chitrál, -Zoraweru appointed him over the yield of the gold washing of Bakrôt, -Sakwár, Jutial, Deyúr, Minôr, Nomal, and Gilgit. The mode of taxation on -gold washings is as follows: the men work two months in spring and two -months in autumn and have to pay Rs. 3, or 2 gold Rupees = about 5 Chilki -Rupees, for each season per head. Taxes are also raised on the produce, -viz., a third of the whole. Doulat Shù received 10 Chilkis per mensem -for that service. He went one autumn for the first time and brought back -the taxes collected, which were sent to the Maharajah through Baghdur -Shah. Six weeks later, some gold washers came to Gilgit to pay their -respects to Zoraweru, who asked them whether they had had a bad season -as the taxes paid had been small. The goldwashers said that it had been -as good as usual: so Zoraweru, on referring to the accounts of the -preceding year, found a difference of 5 tolas (about 60 Rupees). Doulat -Shu was at once thrown into chains and sent to Jammu in charge of Ghulam -Haidar and Mirza. The Maharajah sent him to the same place in which -Sultan is confined and where both are now. In neither case was there an -investigation. When Isa Bahadur heard of the imprisonment of men who -had rendered such services as Sultan and Doulat Shu he came to Gilgit, -where he found Ghulam Haidar and Mirza and took them to Jammu. They -there interceded for the prisoners with the Maharajah and represented -that brave and faithful men should not be punished with perpetual -imprisonment, one of whom had conquered a country for His Highness, which -the other had kept for Kashmir by his admirable arrangement with Chitrál. -The Maharajah told them to go about their own business. When they heard -this, they left, but, in their correspondence during four years, they -constantly urged the release of the prisoners on His Highness. Two years -ago they again presented themselves at Jammu and represented that the -years that Sultan and Doulat Shu had already passed in prison were a -sufficient punishment. They conjured His Highness by his idol, but the -Maharajah threatened to send them to keep company with the prisoners if -they did not at once desist from their importunities. - -When Isa Bahadur heard such words, he left the same night and galloped on -without stopping, till he had got to Sher Kila. He still considers that -he has been very discourteously treated by Kashmir and his correspondence -with the Maharajah has ceased. I have heard him lament over the past. -Ghulam Haidar and Mirza kept on for a whole month importuning His -Highness, who resolved on imprisoning them, when they fortunately asked -and obtained leave to go home to Gilgit. The three Chiefs have not -visited Jammu since the affair which I have related. - - - - -PRESENT STATE OF MIR VALI. - - -A year and a half ago Mir Vali (who drugs himself with charas = a -preparation of hemp) got offended with Pahlivan, (probably on account -of a difference of opinion in _re_ Hayward);[102] went to Kandiá (road -described elsewhere) and to Manikiál [not the village so often referred -to in the account of the Wars] on the borders of Swat. Thence he went to -Tall, Ramta, Berahmar and then to Beïkéy, the Akhûn of Swat, who asked -him why he had come. Mir Vali said that Pahlivan had annoyed him and as -the Akhun was a great Saint he had come to him, having no other friends. -The Akhun entertained him for eight months, after which, on a Friday -(when service takes place at noon instead of 2 P. M.) he told him to -go back to Yasin, “for your heart’s desire has been accomplished.” Mir -Vali at once started off on horseback, taking the bank of the Indus. On -the third day he reached Ghorband; thence he went to Damtirey, Bilkái, -Ranulia and Jajiál; there he crossed the river to Kúi; thence to Palus, -Gagréy Khware (or in Gilgiti, Gabréga), Shogobind (a place for pasture) -Jaglôth, Tekkegá, Parbáh (a place for pasture) Latór, Sazin, Dareyl, -_viz_: Gayá, Samegial (where he stayed a week in order to consult Mulk -Aman, who was there) Manekial, the Matrêt valley (pasture place for -Gujers), and finally to Yasin. There he was well received by Pahlivan -who could not understand why he had left and now the brothers love each -other more than before. The rule is in the hands of Mir Vali who keeps up -friendly relations with the Dogras and would strengthen these relations -still further were it not for fear of Aman-ul-mulk, who is a great enemy -of the Maharajah and who has ordered him to have as little to do with -them or Isa Bahadur as possible. [_Vide_ note on next page.] - - -MULK AMAN. - -When Mulk Aman remembered his country, Yasin, he fell home-sick in -Chitrál and begged Aman-ul-mulk to let him go and, if Aman-ul-mulk -would assist him, he would fight the Sikhs or else die as a martyr. -Aman-ul-mulk said that Mulk Aman could only do the latter, as he had -no army left. “I advise you, he added, to go to Dareyl and ask the -Maharajah’s forgiveness, who may give you some appointment. Serve -him, he said, as Isa Bahadur has done and you may be restored to the -throne of your ancestors.” Aman-ul-mulk said this in order to get rid -of the importunities of Mulk-Aman, who left for Samegial. Baghdur Shah -and Kuweti, the Maharajah’s agents, happened to be there and actually -offered to intercede with the Maharajah on his behalf and to get him an -appointment. Mulk Aman was delighted. The agents spoke in his favour to -the Maharajah who cheerfully ordered him to present himself. They came to -Samegial and brought Mulk Aman to Jammu. His Highness bestowed a dress -of honour, a horse and Rs. 200 on him and a monthly salary of Rs. 100 -for himself, Rs. 30 for his son and Rs. 50 for the rest of his family -and requested him to live at Gilgit outside the fort. “Remain there -for 7 years; afterwards I will give you Yasin.” This Mulk Aman did and -built a house about 100 yards from the fort. He did not, however, for -two years send for his family from Samegial where he had left them when -he started for Jammu. When they came he continued serving Kashmir for -four years more. Isa Bahadur, however, happened to tell Zoraweru last -year (for Isa was the arch-enemy of Mulk Aman and feared his getting -back to Yasin) that Mulk Aman intended to escape with his family to -Chitrál, after which, as he had plotted with the Gilgitis, there would -be a general revolt which would end in his sharing the Government of -Yasin with Pahlivan. When Zoraweru heard this he consulted with Isa -Bahadur, who advised him to seize Mulk Aman and send him and his family -to Jammu at once, so as not to give him time to rouse the country. This -pleased the Governor and a suitable hour was left to Isa’s discretion -for surrounding the house and bringing Mulk Aman and his family before -Zoraweru. Isa Bahadur at once went and selected 400 young men whom he -ordered to be in readiness at four in the afternoon. Accidentally a -friend of Mulk Aman overheard the conversation between Zoraweru and Isa -Bahadur and at once informed him of what was contemplated and of the -arrangements made by Isa. The friend advised him to flee at once into the -mountains. Mulk Aman, greatly astonished, went to his house and ordered -his family to get ready to start. Just as his women were coming out of -the house, he saw Isa Bahadur with his soldiers all round it. Mulk Aman -drew his sword, ran a-muck among the troops and after killing a few -soldiers managed to escape alone into the mountains in the direction of -Dareyl.[103] However swiftly pursued he could not be found; the Sikhs -returned from the mountain and took the family prisoners. Mulk Aman, -descending on the other side of the mountain, came to Samegial. Isa -Bahadur then presented the women and children as hostages to Zoraweru who -forwarded them to Jammu, where they still remain. Shortly afterwards the -Maharajah heard that Mulk Aman was perfectly innocent of any conspiracy -and had been got out of the way by the calumny of Isa Bahadur, the enemy -of the house of Gauhar Aman from which he had suffered. The Maharajah -was very sorry at what had taken place and ordered Muhammad Khan of Swat -to bring the brave and unfortunate man back from Samegial under liberal -promises of rewards and appointments. The Swati started and told Mulk -Aman that he was responsible that no treachery was intended. All was in -vain; he insulted Muhammad Khan and raved about the loss of honour, etc., -which he had suffered at the hands of the Maharajah. “If he makes me his -greatest Sirdar he can not wipe out the stain of having taken away my -wife.” Muhammad Khan returned to Jammu from his fruitless expedition and -told the Maharajah, who was very sorry. Twenty eight days after Muhammad -Khan’s visit, Mulk Aman, considering himself unsafe, went to Harbenn, -which is still Yaghistan [independent, wild]. Zoraweru then advised the -Maharajah to send for him, as he had got among the Yaghis and might -incite them to an attack on Gilgit. “Above all, make him satisfied.” -When the Maharajah read Zoraweru’s letter, he again sent the Swati to -Harbenn and told him to swear on the Koran, on his own behalf and that -of His Highness, that it was all Isa’s fault and that he would give Mulk -Amán his revenge for the wrong suffered and allow him double his former -salary. This Muhammad Khan did and saw Mulk Aman at Harbenn to whom he -brought a shawl as a present from himself. He told him, in private, after -“salâming” to him at a public meeting, all that he was charged to say and -took an oath in attestation of the sincerity of his promises. Mulk Aman -replied that he would not fall a victim to treachery and that if he said -another word or came again he would certainly kill him. So Muhammad Khan -left and again had to report his failure. “Only an army can bring him, -he said, back from Harbenn.” The Maharajah is hoping now that he will -get tired of wandering about and come back of his own accord. During the -last eight months he has sent nobody for him. Mulk Aman is very badly off -and is now at Rimon (Dareyl) and I am quite sure that the Yaghistanis -will never assist him. His brothers will not help him. His wife (Mahtar’s -widow) is now at Jammu and reports have spread about her conduct.” - - * * * * * - -In connexion with the Sazîni’s account, which in all particulars relating -to the tribes is very trustworthy, may be read the following statements -of S... S... of Kûner, on the borders of Kafiristan, now a Christian. -He relates that he was once a Sepoy in the Maharajah’s Army and started -on one of the Gilgit expeditions [1860?] with 300 Affghans and 3,000 -Dogras, etc., under the command of Samund Khan, Ata Muhammad, Badam -Singh, Man Singh and Dula Singh. He believes that Wazir Pannu was with -the forces. At any rate, the attack on Gilgit was mere child’s play. The -Kashmîr troops bombarded it for two or three days, but the Dards had -no cannon with which to reply. Wahháb, the Wazir, looked out of one of -the fort loopholes and was shot and so was a Bhishti. Wahháb’s body was -stripped and hung to a tree. S... S... adds, “We were well entertained by -the people who treated us to curds and we found grapes and wallnuts in -abundance at Sher Kila’. The women of the country cooked our food, but -our soldiers repayed the hospitality which they received by plundering -and ill-treating the inhabitants. I remained behind, but when my company -came back they told me that the Sikhs wanted to dig out the body of -Gauhar Aman, but were prevented from doing so by their own Muhammadan -comrades. We found caverns in the mountains which were filled with food -for the use of the enemy. It is the custom of this people to heap up -food in caverns to which the owners only know the way. After entrusting -Sher Kila’ (a fort as big as that of Gilgit and constructed of wooden -beams and stone) to the administration of native partisans, we went to -Gao-Kutsh, where we found plenty of sport. Gauhar Aman used to sell -captured Sepoys for hunting dogs.” (This story is repeated from so many -trustworthy quarters that it seems to deserve credence. I heard it from -many at Gilgit in 1866. The kidnapping propensities of Gauhar Aman were -great and one of my own retainers, a petty Chief, had been dragged off -for sale, when he escaped by sliding down a mountain side. Yet the people -of Gilgit preferred his rule to that of Kashmir and revolted in his -favour, when oppressed by Santu Singh in 1852). “We had two Hindustani -rebels of 1857 with us and there were also several with the petty -Rajahs.” [This important statement can be somewhat confirmed by me. What -I understood to be the fourth Light Kashmir Cavalry was said to be almost -entirely composed of rebels of 1857. I found many of the stations in -charge of Swatis and numbers of soldiers of that race at Gilgit. One of -the Maharajah’s Sepoys, who came to see me, admitted that he was formerly -at Hyderabad and then had joined the rebels.] - - * * * * * - -I can also confirm the statements of the Sazîni with regard to the -atrocities committed in the War with Dareyl. In order to be able to -report victories, men, said to be innocent of complicity in the war, -were hanged and women were dragged into captivity in order to fill the -Zananas of the Kashmîr Sepoys. I saw the body of a tall, and powerfully -built Dareyli, which had evidently been hacked about a good deal, -suspended on a tree by the way-side. It was said to be the body of a man -who was quietly returning to Sai, which had long been in the undisturbed -occupation of the Maharajah. A little further on near Jaglôth [which is -also in long-occupied territory] there is a bridge on one of the poles -of which I saw the skeleton head of a Lumberdar of the place, said to -be perfectly innocent of all participation in the war with Kashmir. -The roofs of the houses in Gilgit had been blown off, and most of the -inhabitants had fled into the mountains (_vide_ “dance at Gilgit” page -36). On the other hand, dreadful stories were related of the retaliation -of the Dard tribes. Sepoys had been sold by hundreds into Badakhshan, -etc.; others had been used as fireworks and blown to atoms for the -amusement of the Kunjûtis. Personally, I found the Dards pleasant enough -and consider them to be superior in many respects to either Dogras or -Pathans, but it is by no means improbable that they have been guilty -of many of the atrocities which are laid to their charge. At the same -time, it must be remembered that the wanton cruelties of the Massacre of -Yasin (_vide_ page 69) and the fact that their country was invaded by -a stranger and an “infidel”—in defiance of treaty obligations—is some -palliation for their conduct. The Kashmîr troops, and more particularly -the coolies sent with them, were also grossly neglected as regards food, -clothing and shelter by their own authorities. It is said that out of -12,000 Kashmiris, impressed for the purpose of carrying loads, only -600 survived in the expedition of 1866. The roads were strewn with the -skeletons of horses, etc. I saw men in the most emaciated condition and -ready to eat “unlawful” food. Three Mussulmans in a dying condition whom -I met below the “Acho” summit,[104] were ready to take a tin containing -pork and could scarcely be restrained till “lawful” food was brought to -them by my servants. Men were forced to go with the troops. One Hakím -Ali Shah, a teacher at Amritsar, was compelled to serve as a physician, -a post to which he had no other claim, except that his name happened to -be “Hakím.” I rescued him. A virulent fever was destroying the troops -at Gilgit, who, even after the siege of the fort had been raised, were -liable to be shot down by prowlers from the tribes within a few yards of -the fort. I ordered the fort, etc., to be cleaned and, although myself -in danger of life from my Kashmîr friends, if not from the tribes, I -insisted on my order being obeyed, the assumption of an authoritative -tone being often a traveller’s only chance of safety among Asiatics. I -distributed medicine among the troops and was afterwards told in Durbar -by the Maharajah that some medicine which I had sent to Wazir Zoraweru, -who was then on his Dureyl expedition, had saved his life. - - * * * * * - -Since then, the Dards have made the acquaintance of diseases for -which there was not even a name in 1866. I refer chiefly to cholera -and syphilis, which Kashmiri and Indian troops have introduced. -Simultaneously, the indigenous methods of treatment, which are full of -lessons for the impartial learner, are dying out. Industrial handicrafts, -historical superstitions or reminiscences, national feasts which existed -in 1866 exist no longer, and what exists now will soon vanish before -the monotony of orthodox Muhammadanism and the vulgarity of so-called -European civilization. “_Und der Götter bunt Gewimmel, Hat sogleich das -stille Haus geleert._” The fairies and prophetesses of Dardistan are -silent, the Tham of Hunza no longer brings down rain, the family axes -are broken, the genealogists have been destroyed, and the sacred drum -is heard no longer. The quaint computations of age, of months, seasons, -years and half-years, and the strange observations of shadows thrown -at various times are dying out or are already dead. Worse than all for -enquiry into ancient human history, the languages which contain the words -of “_what once was_,” are being flooded by foreign dialects, and what -may survive will no longer appeal to the national understanding. This -result is most lamentable as regards Hunza, where the oldest human speech -still showed elementary processes of development. I fear that my attempt -to commit, for the first time, to writing, in an adapted _Persian_ -character, the Khajuná language, has only been followed in a document -of honour which the venerable Chief of Nagyr sent me some years ago. -Already do some European writers call him and his people “ignorant” when -their own ignorance is alone deserving of censure. I deeply regret that -the friendship of so many Dard Chiefs for me has made them unsuspicious -of Europeans, and may have thus indirectly led to the loss of their -independence, but I rejoice that for over twenty-five years I have -not attracted the European adventurer to Dardistan by saying anything -about Pliny’s “_fertilissimi sunt auri Dardæ_,” except in Khajuná -Ethnographical Dialogues in the “Hunza-Nagyr Handbook,” which exploiters -were not likely to read. Now others have published the fact, but not the -accompanying risks. - -As Kandiá is learned, Nagyr pious, Chilás puritanical, and all true Dard -tribes essentially peaceful and virtuously republican, so, no doubt, -Hunza was the country of free love and of raiding, that had ceased -in 1865, which _we_ practically revived (see Appendix I.). I doubt, -however, whether picturesque vice, which, unfortunately, may form part -of indigenous associations, is as reprehensible as the hypocrisy of -those hired knights of the pen, who, not practising the virtues which -they preach, take away the character of nations and of Chiefs, merely -because they are opposed to us, and falsify their history. I do not, -for instance, palliate the old Hunza practice of lending one’s wife to -a guest, or of kidnapping good-looking strangers in order to improve -the race, though the latter course may be preferred by a physiologist -to a careless marriage, but I do find a reproach on European or Indian -morality in the fact that not a single Hunza woman showed herself to -the British or Kashmîri invaders, although the men, once conquered, -freely joined them in sport and drinking bouts. Europeans have a worse -reputation among Orientals than Orientals among Europeans, and, in -either case, ignorance, prejudice, want of sympathy and disinclination -to learn the truth, are probably among the causes of such regrettable -preconceptions. At any rate, it shall not be said that the races which -I, so disastrously for them, discovered and named, shall suffer from -any misrepresentation so far as I can help it, although the political -passions of the moment may deprive my statements of the weight which -has hitherto attached to them as authoritative in this speciality. _Væ -victis et victoribus_—for history now marches rapidly towards the common -disaster. _Finis Dardarum._ “It has been decided that CHILÁS is to be -_permanently_ held, and consequently the present strength of the garrison -in the GILGIT district will be _increased_ by one native regiment, while -the 23rd Pioneers will complete the road through the Kaghan Valley -to Chilás, and will then _remain for duty on the advanced frontier_. -This strengthening of the garrison in the sub-Himalayan country will -effectually _secure British influence_ over CHITRAL where an Agent is to -be _permanently_ stationed; it will also insure the _control of the Indus -Valley tribes_” (_Times_ telegram of the 8th July, 1893—the italics are -mine). Alas that British influence should so destroy both itself and the -freedom of ancient races! - - * * * * * - -_Quem Deus vult perdere prius dementat._ Considering the promises of -redress of all grievances made by the Great Northern Emancipator of -Oppressed Nationalities,[105] whose lightest finger is heavier than our -entire yoke, it would be a great mistake on our part to still further -reduce the independence of Native States, the troops of which are already -at our disposal. Even as regards Kashmir, against the mismanagement of -which I have protested for so many years, and the Agents of which made -several attempts on my life in order to prevent my exposure of their -frontier encroachments in 1866, I am bound to say that our procedure -has been a great deal too peremptory, if not altogether illegal. The -following Treaty between Kashmir and the British Government shows alike -that Kashmir had no right to encroach on Chilás and Gilgit (see preceding -pages), and still less on Hunza-Nagyr, and that the Government of India -has no right to convert Kashmir into a “_semi_-independent State” as -called by the _Times_ of the 8th July, 1893. Kashmir is an _independent_ -State, whose independence has been paid for and must be protected by -our honour against our ambition, as long as it is loyal to the British -Government: - - “TREATY between the British Government on the one part and - MAHARAJAH GOLAB SING of JUMMOO on the other, concluded on the - part of the British Government by FREDERICK CURRIE, ESQUIRE, - and Brevet-Major HENRY MONTGOMERY LAWRENCE, acting under the - orders of the Right Honourable SIR HENRY HARDINGE, G.C.B., - one of Her Britannic Majesty’s Most Honourable Privy Council, - Governor-General, appointed by the Honourable Company to direct - and control all their affairs in the East Indies, and by - MAHARAJAH GOLAB SING in person. - -ARTICLE I. - -The British Government transfers and makes over for ever, in INDEPENDENT -POSSESSION, TO MAHARAJAH GOLAB SING AND THE HEIRS MALE OF HIS BODY, all -the hilly or mountainous country, with its DEPENDENCIES, situated to the -EASTWARD of the River Indus and westward of the River Ravee, including -Chumba, and excluding Lahul, being part of the territories ceded to the -British Government by the Lahore State, according to the provisions of -Article IV. of the Treaty of Lahore, dated 9th March, 1846. - -ARTICLE II. - -The eastern boundary of the tract transferred by the foregoing Article -to Maharajah Golab Sing shall be laid down by Commissioners appointed by -the British Government and Maharajah Golab Sing respectively for that -purpose, and shall be defined in a separate Engagement after survey. - -ARTICLE III. - -In consideration of the transfer made to him and his heirs by the -provisions of the foregoing Articles, Maharajah Golab Sing will pay -to the British Government the sum of seventy-five lakhs of Rupees -(Nanukshahee), fifty lakhs to be paid on ratification of this Treaty, and -twenty-five lakhs on or before the first October of the current year, -A.D. 1846. - -ARTICLE IV. - -The limits of the territories of Maharajah Golab Sing shall not be at any -time changed without the concurrence of the British Government. - -ARTICLE V. - -Maharajah Golab Sing will refer to the arbitration of the British -Government any disputes or questions that may arise between himself and -the Government of Lahore or any other neighbouring State, and will abide -by the decision of the British Government. - -ARTICLE VI. - -Maharajah Golab Sing engages for himself and heirs to join, with the -whole of his Military Force, the British troops, when employed within the -hills, or in the territories adjoining his possessions. - -ARTICLE VII. - -Maharajah Golab Sing engages never to take, or retain in his service, -any British subject, nor the subject of any European or American State, -without the consent of the British Government. - -ARTICLE VIII. - -Maharajah Golab Sing engages to respect in regard to the territory -transferred to him, the provisions of Articles V., VI., and VII., of the -separate Engagement between the British Government and the Lahore Durbar, -dated March 11th, 1846. - -ARTICLE IX. - -The British Government will give its aid to Maharajah Golab Sing in -protecting his territories from external enemies. - -ARTICLE X. - -Maharajah Golab Sing acknowledges the supremacy of the British -Government, and will, in token of such supremacy, present annually to -the British Government one horse, twelve perfect shawl goats of approved -breed (six male and six female), and three pairs of Cashmere shawls. - -This Treaty, consisting of ten Articles, has been this day settled by -Frederick Currie, Esquire, and Brevet-Major Henry Montgomery Lawrence, -acting under the directions of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, -G.C.B., Governor-General, on the part of the British Government, and by -Maharajah Golab Sing in person; and the said Treaty has been this day -ratified by the seal of the Right Honourable Sir Henry Hardinge, G.C.B., -Governor-General. - -_Done at Umritsur, this Sixteenth day of March, in the year of our -Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Forty-six, corresponding with the -Seventeenth day of Rubbee-ool-awal 1262 Hijree._ - - (Signed) H. HARDINGE - - +-----+ - |SEAL.| - +-----+ - - (Signed) F. CURRIE. - ” H. M. LAWRENCE. - - By order of the Right Honorable the Governor-General of India. - - (Signed) F. CURRIE, - _Secretary to the Government of India, with the Governor-General_. - - * * * * * - -_Note on the Genealogy of the divine Rajas of Nagyr_ (given to me -by Raja Habibulia Khan of Nagyr in 1886).—At Doyur, near Gilgit, on -the mountain-top, three fairy-brothers shot at a calf, which only -the youngest (Azru) hit and was induced to eat, thereby losing his -fairy-hood. The two others flew away and settled on another mountain, but -the crowing of a cock betrayed them to the people of Gilgit who made one -of them, Tura Khan, Raja of Gilgit; the other, Chalis Khan, becoming Raja -of Nagyr. [This account is incorrect as _Azru_ became Raja of Gilgit, -because he had become man by eating meat (_incarnation_), but it is -interesting as showing the desire of Nagyris to be connected with the -Historical Legend of the origin of the neighbouring and more civilized -Gilgit. Some say that Chalis Khan had no son, but that the Rajas of Nagyr -are the descendants of the Makpon rulers of Little Tibet (from which the -Makpon-i-Shang-rong—see page 107—takes its name). Others say that Alladad -was a son of Chalis Khan: at all events, the founders of the Hunza-Nagyr -Dynasty, Girkis-Mogholot, two brothers, whether descended from Mogholot -or Chalis, are called Mogholoti, Girkis becoming the Tham of Hunza, and -Mogholot that of Nagyr. As for Alladad, he was succeeded by Kamal, whom -Rahim and Babar (or tiger) followed in turn. Babar’s son was Ferdûs, and -his son Alif Khan was the father of the present reigning Chief, Zafar -Khan, whose progeny is very numerous]. [The above account, although -very deficient and confused, supplements, as regards Hunza-Nagyr, the -important “historical legend of the origin of Gilgit,” which will be -found on pages 9 to 16, and which chronicles the change in the Shîn rule -in Dardistan. The mystery in the Hunza-Nagyr dynasty fitly entitles it to -be called “ayeshó,” or “heavenly.” I can quite understand that the Chief -of Hunza, unable to convince European disbelievers of his divine origin, -should have claimed a descent from Alexander the Great, _faute de mieux_, -since the more terrestrial chiefs of Badakhshan and other neighbouring -countries claim to be descended from that conqueror.] (See note on page -55 and page 69.) - -Colonel Biddulph gives the following interesting version of the above -story: - -“The ruling family of Hunza is called Ayeshé (heavenly), from the -following circumstance. The two States of Hunza and Nager were formerly -one, ruled by a branch of the Shahreis, the ruling family of Gilgit, -whose seat of government was Nager. Tradition relates that Mayroo Khan, -apparently the first Mahommedan Thum of Nager, some two hundred years -after the introduction of the religion of Islam in to Gilgit, married a -daughter of Trakhan of Gilgit, who bore him twin sons, named Moghlot and -Girkis. From the former the present ruling family of Nager is descended. -The twins are said to have shown hostility to one another from their -birth. Their father, seeing this, and unable to settle the question of -succession, divided his State between them, giving to Girkis the north, -and to Moghlot the south, bank of the river. - -Age did not diminish their enmity, and Girkis, while out hunting, was -one day killed by an adherent of Moghlot, a native of Haramosh, named -Mogul Beg, who, under pretence of a quarrel with Moghlot, took service -with Girkis, and persuading him to look up at some game on the cliff -above him, drove an arrow into his throat. Girkis left only a daughter, -who, according to the custom of the country, became Queen or Ganish of -Hunza. Her first care was to avenge her father’s death. The tradition -relates that having sworn to tear the murderer’s liver with her teeth, -she carried out her vow to the letter. Left without a chaperon, she -was not long without getting into a scrape, as young ladies in similar -circumstances are apt to do. The young prince Kamal Khan of Nager, a -younger son of Moghlot, crossed the river by night, serenaded her and -won her heart. Night after night the lovers met, unknown to the rest of -the world, till serious consequences ensued; and one fine day it was -announced in Hunza that, though Providence had not yet provided the -princess with a husband, it had seen fit to bless her with a son. Morals -in Hunza are not of the strictest even now, so that few questions were -asked, and the good people generally contented themselves with beating -their drums, dancing, and the usual festivities proper on the occasion of -the birth of the Prince Chiliss Khan. Kamal Khan seems to have ‘behaved -badly’ all through, as the above story is concealed in Hunza under the -fiction that a prince of Shighnan became the husband of the princess, but -that his name being forgotten he is known only as Ayeshó (Heaven-sent), -from which the present ruling family of Hunza takes the name. The present -Thum of Hunza is Ghazan Khan” (1880). - - - - -APPENDICES. - - - i. _HUNZA-NAGYR AND THE PAMIRS._ - - ii. _RECENT EVENTS IN CHILAS AND CHITRAL._ - - iii. _FABLES, SONGS, AND LEGENDS OF CHITRAL._ - - iv. _RACES AND LANGUAGES OF THE HINDUKUSH._ - - v. _ANTHROPOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS._ - - vi. _ROUGH ITINERARIES IN THE HINDUKUSH._ - - vii. _A SECRET RELIGION IN THE HINDUKUSH._ - - viii. _THE SCIENCES OF LANGUAGE AND OF ETHNOLOGY AS ILLUSTRATED - BY THE LANGUAGE AND CUSTOMS OF HUNZA (A SEPARATE PAMPHLET)._ - -[Illustration: SPECIMENS OF THE BURISHKI RACE OF HUNZA (ON A SLOPE OF THE -PAMIR), OF NAGYR, AND OF YASIN. - -MATAVALLI, the first Hunza man who came to Europe. - -SOME BURISHKIS FROM YASIN separating the Hunza and Nagyri Warriors. - -SAYAD ALI, OF NAGYR.] - - - - -APPENDIX I. - -HUNZA, NAGYR, AND THE PAMIR REGIONS.[106] - - -I wish to record how from small beginnings, owing to carelessness, -exclusiveness, and official desire for promotion, Northern India may be -lost and British interests in Europe and Asia become subordinate, as they -have often been, to Russian guidance; how statesmanship has laboriously -invited dangers which physical barriers had almost rendered impossible; -and how it may still be practicable to maintain as independent States -the numerous mountain strongholds which Nature has interposed between -encroachment and intrigue from either the Russian or the English sphere -of action in Asia, much to the benefit of these two Powers and of the -peace of mankind. - -When, after an enormous expenditure of men and money and during campaigns -which lasted over thirty-six years, Russia had conquered independent -Circassia—a task in which she was largely aided by our preventing -provisions and ammunitions from reaching by sea the so-called rebels, -although we ourselves were fighting against her in 1856, _quorum pars -parva fui_, it was easy to foresee that our conduct, which some called -chivalry, others loyalty, and some duplicity or folly, would give -her the present command of the Black Sea and lead to the subjugation -of Circassia. The same conduct was repeated at Panjdeh, and may be -repeated on the Pamir, much to the personal advantage of the discreet -officers concerned. We have also recently discovered that the holding of -Constantinople by a neutral Power is not essential to British interests, -as we had long ago found out that neither Merv nor Herat were keys to -India. Indeed, as we give up position after position, a crop of honours -falls to those who bring about our losses and, like charity, covers a -multitude of political sins of ignorance or treason. - -It seemed, however, that there was one obscure corner which the official -sidelight could not irradiate. Valley after valley, plateau after -plateau, high mountains and difficult passes separate the populations -of India from those of Central Asia. Innumerable languages and warlike -races, each unconquerable in their own strongholds if their autonomy and -traditions are respected, intervene between invaders from either side -who would lead masses of disciplined slaves to slaughter and conquest. -It is not necessary to draw an imaginary line on Lord Salisbury’s -large or small Map of Asia across mountains and rivers, and dividing -arbitrarily tribes and kingdoms whose ancestry is the same, call it “the -neutral zone.” No sign-board need indicate “the way to India,” and amid -much ado about nothing by ambitious subordinates and puzzled superiors -settle to the momentary satisfaction of the British public that Russia -can go so far and no farther. Where the cold, the endless marching -over inhospitable ground, and starvation do not show the frontier, the -sparse population, the unknown tongue, and the bullet of the raider will -indicate it sufficiently, without adding to the number of generals or -knights for demarcating impossible boundaries. - -The reassurances given by Lords Lansdowne and Cross to the native Princes -of India indicate the policy that should be adopted with regard to all -the Mountain States beyond India proper. It is by everywhere respecting -the existing indigenous Oriental Governments that we protect them and -ourselves against invasion from without and treachery from within. The -loyalty of our feudatories is most chivalrous and touching, but it should -be based on enlightened self-interest in order to withstand the utmost -strain. The restoration of some powers to the Maharaja of Kashmîr came -not a minute too soon. Wherever elsewhere reasonable claims are withheld, -they should be generously and speedily conceded. The Indian princes -know full well that we are arming them, at their own expense, against -a common foe who is not wanting in promises, and who is already posing -as a saviour to the people of Raushan, Shignan, Wakhan, Hunza, and even -Badakhshan, whose native dynasties or traditions we have either already -put aside or are believed to threaten. - -As for the small States offering a fruitful field for intrigue, their -number and internal jealousies (except against a common foreign invader) -are in themselves a greater safeguard than the resistance of a big but -straggling ally, whose frontier, when broken through at one of its many -weak points, finds an unresisting population from which all initiative -has disappeared. The intrigue or treachery of a big ally is also a more -serious matter than that of a little State. What does it matter if -English and Russian agents intrigue or fraternize among the _ovis poli_, -and the Kirghiz shepherds of the Pamir, or advocate their respective -civilizations in Yasin, Chitrál, Wakhan, Nagyr, Hunza, etc. Ambitious -employes of both empires will always trouble waters, in order to fish in -them; but their trouble is comparatively innocuous, and resembles that of -Sisyphus when it has to be repeated or wasted in a dozen States, before -the real defences of either India or of Russia in Asia are reached. -Indeed, so far as India is concerned, the physical difficulties on -our side of the Himalayas or of the Hindukush, except at a few easily -defensible passes, are insuperable to an invader, even after he has -crowned the more approachable heights when coming from the North. - -The only policy worthy of the name is to leave the Pamir alone. Whatever -line is drawn, it is sure to be encroached upon by either side. Races -will be found to overlap it, and in the attempt to gather the fold, as -with the Sarik and Salor Turkomans, a second Panjdeh is sure to follow. -Intrigues will be active on both sides of the line; and, as in Kashmîr, -the worried people will hail the foreigner as a saviour, so long as he -has not taken possession, when they find his little finger heavier than -the whole body of the indigenous oppressor. I have suffered so much from -my persistent exposure of the misrule and intrigues of Kashmîr by those -who now hail the _fait accompli_ of its practical annexation, that I may -claim to be heard in favour of at least one feature of its former native -administration. With bodies of troops averaging from 20 to 200, the -late Maharaja, who foresaw what has happened after his death, kept the -Hunza-Nagyr frontier in order. It certainly was by rule of thumb, and had -no dockets, red tape, and reports. Indeed, his frontier guardians were, -as I found them, asleep during a state of siege in 1866, or, when war -was over, were engaged in storing grain _outside_ the forts; but peace -was kept as it will never be again, in spite of 2,000 Imperial troops, -first-rate roads, and suspension bridges over the “Shaitan Naré,” instead -of the rotten rope-way that spanned “Satan’s Gorge,” or of boats dragged -up from Srinagar over the mountains to enable a dozen sepoys to cross -the Indus at a time, or to convey couriers with a couple of bullets, -some dried butter-cakes, and an open letter or two, who ran the siege at -Gilgit and brought such effective reinforcements to its defenders! - -[Illustration] - -Nor has our diplomacy been more effectual than our arms, as the encounter -at Chalt with Hunza-Nagyr, hereditary foes, but whom our policy has -united against us, has shown. To us Nagyr is decidedly friendly; but -a worm will turn if trodden on by some of our too quickly advanced -subalterns. That, however, the wise and amiable Chief of Nagyr, a -patriarch with a large progeny, and preserving the keenness of youth in -his old age, is really friendly to us in spite of provocation, may be -inferred from the following letter to me, which does credit alike to his -head and heart, and which is far from showing him to be our inveterate -foe, as alleged by the _Pioneer_. His eldest son began to teach me the -remarkable Khajuná language, which I first committed to writing in 1866, -during the siege of Gilgit, and another son continued the lessons in -1886. The latter is a hostage in Kashmîr, to secure the good behaviour -of his tribe, which is really infinitely superior in culture and piety to -those around them. The father, who is over 90, writes in Persian to the -following effect, after the usual compliments:—“The affairs of this place -are by your fortune in a fair way, and I am in good health and constantly -ask the same for you from the Throne which grants requests. Your kind -favour with a drawing of the Mosque has reached me, and has given me much -pleasure and satisfaction. The reason of the delay in its receipt and -acknowledgment is due to the circumstance that, owing to disturbances -(_fesád_) I have not sent agents to Kashmîr this year. After the -restoration of peace, I will send [a letter] with them. In the meanwhile, -I have caught your hem [seek your protection] for my son Habibullah -Khan, a beloved son, about whom I am anxious; the aforesaid son is a -well-wisher to the illustrious English Government.—ZA’FAR KHAN.” [The -letter was apparently written in June last, when _The Times_ reported a -“rising,” because the British Agent was at Chalt with 500 men.] - -It seems to me that none but a farseeing man could, in the midst of a -misunderstanding, if not a fight, with us, so write to one in the enemy’s -camp, unless he were a true man alike in war and peace, and a ruler -whose good-will was worth acquiring. As for his son, I know him to be -indeed well-disposed to our Government. He was very popular among our -officers when I saw him in Kashmîr, owing to his modesty, amiability, and -unsurpassed excellence at Polo. In fact, my friendship with several of -the chiefs since 1866 has aided our good relations with them; and it is a -pity if they should be destroyed for want of a little “_savoir_,” as also -“_savoir faire_,” on our part. - -Between the States of Nagyr and Hunza there exists a perpetual feud. -They are literally rivals, being separated by a swift-flowing river on -which, at almost regulated distances, one Nagyr fort on one bank frowns -at the Hunza fort on the other. The paths along the river sides are very -steep, involving at times springing from one ledge of a rock to another, -or dropping on to it from a height of six feet, when, if the footing -is lost, the wild torrent sweeps one away. Colonel Biddulph does not -credit the Nagyris with bravery. History, however, does not bear out his -statement; and the defeat inflicted on the Kashmîr troops under Nathu -Shah in 1848 is a lesson even for the arrogance of a civilized invader -armed with the latest rifle. The Nagyris are certainly not without -culture; in music they were proficient before the Muhammadan piety of the -Shiah sect somewhat tabooed the art. At all events, they are different -in character from the Hunzas with whom they share the same language, and -their chiefs the same ancestry. The Hunzas, in whom a remnant of the -Huns may be found, were great kidnappers; but under Kashmîr influence -they stopped raiding since 1869, till the confusion incidental to our -interference revived their gone occupation. Indeed, it is asserted on -good authority, that even our ally of Chitrál, who had somewhat abandoned -the practice of selling his Shiah or Kalásha Kafir subjects into slavery, -and who had so disposed of the miners for not working his ruby mines -to profit, has now returned to the trade in men, “with the aid of our -present of rifles and our moral support.” Nor is Bokhara said to be -behind Chitrál in the revival of the slave-trade from Darwáz, in spite of -Russian influence; so that we have the remarkable instance of two great -Powers both opposed to slavery and the slave-trade, having revived it in -their approach to one another. Nor is a third Power, quite blameless in -the matter; for when we worried Hunza, that robber-nest remembered its -old allegiance to distant Kitái and arranged with the Chinese authorities -at Yarkand to be informed of the departure of a caravan. Then, after -intercepting it on the Kulanuldi road, the Hunzas would take those they -kidnapped from it back for sale to Yarkand! - -As a matter of fact, we have now a scramble for the regions surrounding -and extending into the Pamirs by three Powers, acting either directly or -through States of Straw. The claims of Bokhara to Karategin and Darwáz—if -not to Shignán, Raushan, and Wakhan are as little founded as are those -of Afghanistan on the latter three districts. Indeed, even the Afghan -right to Badakhshan is very weak. The Russian claims through Khokand on -the pasturages of the Kirghiz in two-thirds of the Pamirs are also as -fanciful as those of Kashmir or China on Hunza. As in the scramble for -Africa, the natives themselves are not consulted, and their indigenous -dynasties have been either destroyed, or dispossessed, or ignored. - - * * * * * - -In an Indian paper, received by to-day’s mail (29 Nov., 1891), I find -the following paragraph: “Col. A. G. Durand, British Agent at Gilgit, -has received definite orders to bring the robber tribes of Hunza and -Nagar under control. These tribes are the pirates of Central Asia, whose -chief occupation is plundering caravans on the Yarkand and Kashgar. -Any prisoners they take on these expeditions are sold into slavery. -Colonel Durand has established an outpost at Chalt, about thirty miles -beyond Gilgit, on the Hunza river, and intends making a road to Aliabad, -the capital of the Hunza chief, at once. That he will meet with armed -opposition in doing so is not improbable.” - -For some months past the _mot d’ordre_ appears to have been given to the -Anglo-Indian Press, to excite public feeling against Hunza and Nagyr, -two States which have been independent for fourteen centuries. The -cause of offence is not stated, nor, as far as I know, does one exist -of sufficient validity to justify invasion. In the _Pioneer_ and the -_Civil and Military Gazette_ I find vague allusions to the disloyalty -or recalcitrance of the above-mentioned tribes, and to the necessity -of punishing them. As Nagyr is extremely well-disposed towards the -British, and is only driven into making common cause with its hereditary -foe and rival of Hunza by fear of a common danger,—the loss of their -independence,—I venture to point out the impolicy and injustice of -interfering with these principalities. - -I have already referred to a letter from the venerable chief of Nagyr, in -which he strongly commends to my care one of his sons, Raja Habibulla, as -a well-wisher of the English Government. Indeed, he has absolutely done -nothing to justify any attack on the integrity of his country; and before -we invade it other means to secure peace should be tried. I have no doubt -that I, for one, could induce him to comply with everything in reason, -if reason, and not an excuse for taking his country, is desired. Nagyr -has never joined Hunza in kidnapping expeditions, as is alleged in the -above-quoted paragraph. Indeed, slavery is an abomination to the pious -and peaceful agriculturist of that interesting country. The Nagyris are -musical and were fond of dances, polo, ibex _battue_-hunting, archery and -shooting from horseback, and other manly exercises; but the growing piety -of the race has latterly proscribed music and dancing. The accompanying -drawing of a Nagyri dance in the neighbouring Gilgit gives a good idea of -similar performances at Nagyr. - -The country is full of legendary lore, but less so than Hunza, where -Grimm’s fairy tales appear to be translated into actual life. No war is -undertaken except at the supposed command of an unseen fairy, whose drum -is on such occasions sounded in the mountains. Ecstatic women, inhaling -the smoke of a cedar-branch, announce the future, tell the past, and -describe the state of things in neighbouring valleys. They are thus -alike the prophets, the historians, and the journalists of the tribe. -They probably now tell their indignant hearers how, under the pretext of -shooting or of commerce, Europeans have visited their country, which they -now threaten to destroy with strange and murderous weapons; but Hunza -is “ayeshó,” or “heaven-born,” and the fairies, if not the inaccessible -nature of the country, will continue to protect it. - -The folly of invading Hunza and Nagyr is even greater than the physical -obstacles to which I have already referred. Here, between the Russian and -the British spheres of influence in Central Asia, we have not only the -series of Pamirs, or plateaux and high valleys, which I first brought -to notice on linguistic grounds, in the map accompanying my tour in -Dardistan in 1866 (the country between Kashmir and Kabul), and which -have been recently confirmed topographically; but we have also a large -series of mountainous countries, which, if left alone, or only assured -of our help against a foreign invader, would guarantee for ever the -peace alike of the Russian, the British, and the Chinese frontiers. -Unfortunately, we have allowed Afghanistan to annex Badakhshan, Raushan, -Shignan, and Wakhan, at much loss of life to their inhabitants; and -Russia has similarly endorsed the shadowy and recent claims of Bokhara on -neighbouring provinces, like Darwáz and Karategin. - -It is untrue that Hunza and Nagyr were ever tributaries of Kashmîr, -except in the sense that they occasionally sent a handful of gold dust -to its Maharaja, and received substantial presents in return. It is to -China or Kitái that Hunza considers itself bound by an ancient, but -vague, allegiance. Hunza and Nagyr, that will only unite against a -foreign common foe, have more than once punished Kashmîr when attempting -invasion; but they are not hostile to Kashmîr, and Nagyr even sends one -of the princes to Srinagar as a guarantee of its peaceful intentions. At -the same time, it is not very many months ago that they gave us trouble -at Chalt, when we sought to establish an outpost, threatening the road to -Hunza and the independence alike of Hunza and Nagyr. - -Just as Nagyr is pious, so Hunza is impious. Its religion is a perversion -even of the heterodox Mulái faith, which is Shiah Muhammadan only in -name, but pantheistic in substance. It prevails in Punyál, Zebak, Darwáz, -etc. The Tham, or Raja, of Hunza used to dance in a Mosque and hold -revels in it. Wine is largely drunk in Hunza, and like the Druses of the -Lebanon, the “initiated” Muláis may consider nothing a crime that is not -found out. Indeed, an interesting connection can be established between -the doctrines of the so-called “Assassins” of the Crusaders, which have -been handed down to the Druses, and those of the Muláis in various parts -of the Hindukush. Their spiritual chief gave me a few pages of their -hitherto mysterious Bible, the “Kelám-i-Pir,” in 1886, which I have -translated, and shortly intend to publish. All I can now say is, that, -whatever the theory of their faith, the practice depends, as elsewhere, -on circumstances and the character of the race. - -The language of Hunza and Nagyr solves many philological puzzles. It -is a prehistoric remnant, in which a series of simple consonantal or -vowel sounds stands for various groups of ideas, relationships, etc. It -establishes the great fact, that customs and the historical and other -associations of a race are the basis of the so-called rules of grammar. -The cradle, therefore, of human thought as expressed in language, whether -of the Aryan, the Turanian, or the Shemitic groups, is to be found in the -speech of Hunza-Nagyr; and to destroy this by foreign intervention, which -has already brought new diseases into the Hindukush, as also a general -linguistic deterioration, would be a greater act of barbarism than to -permit the continuance of Hunza raiding on the Yarkand road. Besides, -that raiding can be stopped again, by closing the slave-markets of -Badakhshan, Bokhara, and Yarkand, or by paying a subsidy, say of £1,000 -per annum, to the Hunza chief. - -Indeed, as has already been pointed out, the recrudescence of kidnapping -is largely due to the state of insecurity and confusion caused by our -desire to render the Afghan and the Chinese frontiers conterminous with -our own, in the vain belief that the outposts of three large and distant -kingdoms, acting in concert, will keep Russia more effectively out of -India than a number of small independent republics or principalities. -Afghanistan may now be big, but every so-called subject in her outlying -districts is her inveterate foe. As stated in a letter from Nevsky to -the Calcutta _Englishman_, in connection with Colonel Grambcheffsky’s -recent explorations: - -“One and all, these devastated tribes are firm in their conviction that -the raids of their Afghan enemies were prompted and supported by the gold -of Abdur Rahman’s English protectors. They will remember this on the -plateau of Pamir, and among the tribes of Kaffiristan.” - -However colourable this statement may be as regards Shignán, Raushan, and -perhaps even Wakhan, I believe that the Kafirs are still our friends. -At the same time it should not be forgotten that, owing to the closing -of the slave-markets in Central Asia, the sale of Shiah subjects had -temporarily stopped in Chitrál. The Kafirs were being less molested by -kidnapping Muhammadan neighbours; the Hunzas went back to agriculture, -which the Nagyris had never abandoned; Kashmîr, India, and the Russian -side of Central Asia afforded no opening for the sale of human beings. -The insensate ambition of officials, British and Russian, the gift of -arms to marauding tribes and the destruction of Kashmîr influence, have -changed all this, and it is only by a return to “masterly inactivity,” -which does not mean the continuance of the Cimmerian darkness that now -exists as to the languages and histories of the most interesting races -of the world, that the peace and pockets of three mighty empires can be -saved. - -In the meanwhile, it is to the interest of Russia to force us into -heavy military expenditure by false alarms; to create distrust between -ourselves and China by pretending that Russia and England alone have -civilizing missions in Central Asia, with which Chinese tyranny would -interfere; to hold up before us the Will-o’-the-wisp of an impossible -demarcation of the Pamirs, and finally, to ally itself with China -against India. For let it not be forgotten, that once the Trans-Siberian -railway is completed, China will be like wax in her hand; and that she -will be compelled to place her immense material in men and food at the -disposal of an overawing, but, as far as the _personnel_ is concerned, -not unamiable neighbour. The tribes, emasculated by our overwhelming -civilization, and driven into three large camps, will no longer have the -power of resistance that they now possess separately. - -Let us therefore leave intact the two great belts of territories that -Nature has raised for the preservation of peace in Asia—the Pamir with -its adjacent regions to the east and west, and the zone of the Hindukush -with its hives of independent tribes, intervening between Afghanistan on -the one side and Kashmîr on the other, till India proper is reached. This -will never be the case by a foreign invader, unless diplomatists “meddle -and muddle,” and try to put together what Nature has put asunder. What -we require is the cultivation of greater sympathy in our relations with -natives; and, comparing big things with small, it is to this feeling that -I myself owed my safety, when I put off the disguise in which I crossed -the Kashmîr frontier in 1866 into countries then wrongly supposed by our -Government to be inhabited by cannibals. This charge was also made, with -equal error, by one tribe against the other. Then too, as in 1886, the -Indian Press spoke of Russian intrigues; but then, as in 1886, I found -the very name of Russia to be unknown, except where it had been learnt -from a Kashmîr Munshi, who had no business to be there at all, as the -treaty of 1846, by which we sold Kashmîr to Ghulab Singh, assigned the -Indus as his boundary on the west. Now, as to the question as to “What -and where are the Pamirs?” I have already stated my view in a letter to -the Editor of the _Morning Post_, which I trust I may be allowed to quote: - -“As some of the statements made at the Royal Geographical Society are -likely to cause a sense of false security, as dangerous to peace as -a false alarm, I write to say that ‘Pamirs’ do not mean ‘deserts,’ -or ‘broken valleys,’ and that they are not uninhabitable or useless -for movements of large bodies of men. They may be all this in certain -places, at certain periods of the year, and under certain conditions; -but had our explorers or statesmen paid attention to the languages of -this part of the world, as they should in regard to every other with -which they deal, they would have avoided many idle conjectures and the -complications that may follow therefrom. I do not wish them to refer to -philologists who have never been to the East, and who interpret ‘Pamir’ -as meaning the ‘Upa-Meru’ Mountain of Indian mythology, but to the people -who frequent the Pamirs during the summer months, year after year, for -purposes of pasturage, starting from various points, and who in their own -languages (Yarkandi, Turki, and Kirghiz) call the high plain, elevated -valley, table-land, or plateau which they come across ‘Pamir.’ There -are, therefore, in one sense many ‘Pamirs,’ and as a _tout-ensemble_, -one ‘Pamir,’ or geographically, _the_ ‘Pamir.’ The legend of the two -brothers, ‘Alichur and Pamir,’ is merely a personification of two -plateaux. Indeed, the obvious and popular idea which has always attached -to the word ‘Pamir,’ is the correct one, whether it is the geographical -‘roof of the world,’ the ‘Bám-i-dunya’ of the poet, or the ‘Pamir-dunya’ -of the modern journalist. We have, therefore, to deal with a series of -plateaux, the topographical limits of which coincide with linguistic, -ethnographical, and political limits. To the North, the Pamirs have the -Trans-Altaic Mountain range marking the Turki element, under Russian -influence; the Panja river, by whatever name, on the West is a Tadjik -or Iranian Frontier [Affghan]. The Sarikol on the East is a Tibetan, -Mongolian, or Chinese Wall, and the South is our natural frontier, -the Hindukush, to go beyond which is physical death to the Hindu, and -political ruin to the holder of India, as it also is certain destruction -to the invader, except by one pass, which I need not name, and which -is accessible from a Pamir. That the Pamirs are not uninhabitable may -be inferred from Colonel Grambcheffsky’s account [which is published -at length elsewhere in this issue of the ASIATIC QUARTERLY REVIEW]. A -few passages from it must now suffice:—‘The Pamir is far from being a -wilderness. It contains a permanent population, residing in it both -summer and winter.’ ‘The population is increasing to a marked extent.’ -‘Slavery on the Pamir is flourishing: moreover, the principal contingents -of slaves are obtained from Chatrar, Jasen, and Kanshoot, chanates -under the protectorate of England.’ ‘On descending into Pamir we found -ourselves between the cordons of the Chinese and Affghan armies.’ ‘The -population of Shoognan, numbering 2,000 families, had fled to Pamir, -hoping to find a refuge in the Russian Provinces’ (from ‘the untold -atrocities which the Affghans were committing in the conquered provinces -of Shoognan,’ etc.). ‘I term the whole of the tableland “Pamir,” in view -of the resemblance of the valleys to each other.’ - -“The climate of the Pamirs is variable, from more than tropical heat -in the sun to arctic cold in the shade, and in consequence, is alike -provocative and destructive of life. Dr. G. Capus, who crossed them from -north to south, exactly as Mr. Littledale has done, but several months -in the year before him, says in his ‘Observations Météorologiques sur le -Pamir,’ which he sent to the last Oriental Congress,—‘The first general -fact is the inconstancy of severe cold. The nights are generally coldest -just before sunrise.’ ‘We found an extreme amplitude of 61 deg. between -the absolute minimum and maximum, and of 41 deg. between the minimum -and the maximum in the shade during the same day.’ ‘The thermometer -rises and falls rapidly with the height of the sun.’ ‘Great cold is less -frequent and persistent than was believed to be the case at the period -of the year dealt with’ (March 13 to April 19), ‘and is compensated by -daily intervals of elevation of temperature, which permit animal life, -represented by a fairly large number of species, and including man, to -keep up throughout the winter under endurable conditions.’ Yet ‘the -water-streak of snow, which has melted in contact with a dark object, -freezes immediately when put into the shadow of the very same object.’ -... The solution of political difficulties in Central Asia is not in a -practically impossible, and certainly unmaintainable, demarcation of the -Pamirs, but in the strengthening of the autonomy of the most interesting -races that inhabit the series of Circassias that already guard the -safety alike of British, Chinese, and of Russian dominion or spheres of -influence in Central Asia.” - - * * * * * - -WOKING, _Nov. 29_. - -It is not impossible that the tribes may again combine in 1892 as they -did in 1866 to turn out the Kashmîr troops from Gilgit. The want of -wisdom shown in forcing on the construction of a road from Chalt to -Aliabad, in the centre of Hunza, as announced in to-day’s _Times_, -must bring on, if not a confederation of the tribes against us, at -any rate their awakened distrust. It is doubtful whether it was ever -expedient to establish an outpost at Gilgit, and the carrying it still -farther to the traditional apple of discord, the holding of Chalt, which -commands the Hunza road, is still more impolitic. As in Affghanistan, -so here, whatever power does _not_ interfere is looked upon as the -saviour from present evils. Once we have created big agglomerations -under Affghanistan, or China, or Kashmir, we are liable to the dangers -following either on collapse, want of cohesion, treachery from within, -the ambitions of a few men at the respective courts, or, as with us, -to serious fluctuations in foreign politics due to the tactics of -English parties. The change, therefore, from natural boundaries to the -wirepulling of diplomatists at Kabul, Peking, or Downing Street is not -in the interests of peace, of our empire, or of civilization. Besides, -it should not be forgotten that we have added an element of disturbance, -far more subtle than the Babu, to our frontier difficulties. The timid -Kashmîri is unsurpassed as an intriguer and adventurer among tribes -beyond his frontier. The time seems to have arrived when, in the words -of the well-known Persian proverb,[107] the sparseness of races round -the Pamirs should bid us to be on our guard against the Affghan, the -“bad-raced” Kashmîrî, and the Kambó (supposed to be the tribe on the -banks of the Jhelum beyond Mozaffarabad). Perhaps, however, the Kambó is -the Heathen Chinee; and the proverb would then be entirely applicable -to the present question. After the construction of the Trans-Siberian -Railway, Russia will be able to exert the greatest pressure on China. -The Russian strength at Vladivostok is already enormous, and when the -time comes she can hurl an overwhelming force on what remains of Chinese -Manchuria, before which Chinese resistance will melt like snow. Peking -and the north of China are thus quite at the mercy of Russia. She will -find there the most populous country of those she rules in Asia, and with -ample supplies. China has a splendid raw material, militarily speaking; -and Russia could there form the biggest army that has ever been seen in -Asia, to hold _in terrorem_ over a rival or to hurl at the possessions of -a foe. - -It is against such possibilities that the maintenance of “masterly -inactivity,” qualified by the moral and, if need be, pecuniary or other -material support of the Anglo-Indian Government is needed. This is -the object of this paper, before I enter into the more agreeable task -of describing the languages, customs, and country of perhaps the most -interesting races that inhabit the globe. - - * * * * * - -_The Times_ of the 30th November publishes a map of the Pamirs and an -account of the questions connected with them that, like many other -statements in its articles on “Indian affairs,” are incorrect and -misleading. Having been on a special mission by the Panjab Government, in -1866, when I discovered the races and languages of “Dardistan,” and gave -the country that name, and again having been on special duty with the -Foreign Department of the Government of India in 1886 in connection with -the Boorishki language and race of Hunza, Nagyr, and a part of Yasin, -regarding which I have recently completed Part I. of a large work, I -may claim to speak with some authority as regards these districts, even -if I had no other claim. The point which I wish to specially contradict -at present, is the one relating to the Russians bringing themselves into -almost direct contact with “the Hunza and other tribes subject to Kashmîr -and, as such, entitled to British protection and under British control.” - -[Illustration: DR. LEITNER AS A BUKHARA MAULVI, WHEN CROSSING THE -FRONTIER IN 1866 DURING THE KASHMÎR WAR WITH THE DARD TRIBES.] - -When I crossed the then Kashmîr frontier in 1866, in the disguise of -a Bokhara Maulvi, armed with a testimonial of Muhammadan theological -learning, I found that the tribes of Hunza, Nagyr, Dareyl, Yasin, and -Chitrál had united under the leadership of the last-named to expel the -Kashmîr invaders from the Gilgit Fort. My mission was a purely linguistic -one; but the sight of dying and dead men along the road, that of heads -stuck up along the march of the Kashmîr troops, and the attempts made on -my life by our feudatory, the late Maharaja of Kashmîr, compelled me to -pay attention to other matters besides the languages, legends, songs, and -fables of the interesting races with whom I now came in contact under -circumstances that might not seem to be favourable to the accomplishment -of my task. I had been warned by the then Lieutenant-Governor of the -Panjab, Sir Donald McLeod, whose like we have not seen again, not to -cross the frontier, as the tribes beyond were supposed to be cannibals; -but as I could not get the information of which I was in search within -our frontier, I had to cross it. My followers were frightened off by all -sorts of wild stories, till our party was reduced from some fifty to -three, including myself. The reason for all this was, that the Maharaja -was afraid that I should find out and report his breach of the Treaty by -which we sold Kashmîr to him in 1846, and in which the Indus is laid down -as his boundary on the west. In 1866, therefore, at any rate, even the -tenure of Gilgit, which is on the other side of the Indus, was contested -and illegal, whilst the still more distant Hunza and Nagyr had more than -once inflicted serious punishment on the Kashmîr troops that sought -to invade districts that have preserved their autonomy during the last -fourteen centuries, as was admitted by _The Times_ of the 2nd November, -1891, before its present change with the times, if an unintentional pun -may be permitted. - -Then, as ever, the Anglo-Indian newspapers spoke of Russian intrigues in -those regions. I am perfectly certain that if, instead of the fussiness -of our statesmen and the sensationalism of our journals, the languages, -history, and relations of these little-known races had been studied by -them, we should never have heard of Russia in that part of the East. It -is also not by disingenuousness and short cuts on maps or in diplomacy, -but by _knowledge_, that physical, ethnographical, and political problems -are to be solved; nor will the bold and brilliant robberies of Russia be -checked by our handing over the inhabitants of the supposed “cradle of -the human race” to Affghan, Kashmîr, or Chinese usurpations. Above all, -it is a loss of time to palm off myths as history in order to suit the -policy or conceal the ignorance of the moment. - -Just as little as Darwaz and Karategin are ancestral dominions of -Bokhara, and, therefore, under Russian influence, so little did even -Badakhshan, and much less so, Raushan, Shignan, and Wakhan, ever really -belong to Affghanistan. As for the Chinese hold on Turkistan, we -ourselves denied it when we coquetted with Yakub Khush Begi, though Kitái -was ever the acknowledged superior of Eastern Turkistan. If Hunza admits -any allegiance, it is to China, and not to Kashmîr; and the designations -of offices of rule in that country are of Chinese, and not of Aryan -origin, including even “Thàm,” the title of its Raja. - -As a matter of fact, however, the vast number of tribes that inhabit -the many countries between the Indus and the Kuner own no master except -their own tribal head or the tribal council. From kidnapping Hunza, -where the right to plunder is monarchical, hereditary, and “ayeshó” -= “heaven-born,” to the peace and learning of republican Kandiá or -Gabriál, all want to be left alone. If a neighbour becomes troublesome, -he is raided on till an interchange of presents restores harmony. It -is impossible to say that either side is tributary to the other. The -wealthier gives the larger present; the bigger is considered the superior -in a general sort of way, and so two horses, two dogs, and a handful of -gold dust are yearly sent by Hunza to Kashmîr or to Yarkand as a cloak -for much more substantial exactions in return. Nagyr sends a basket of -apricots instead of the horses and dogs. In 1871 Chitrál still paid a -tribute to Badakhshan in slaves, but it would be absurd to infer from -this fact that Chitrál ever acknowledged the suzerainty of Jehandar Shah, -or of the Affghan faction that dispossessed him. Nor were the Khaibaris, -or other highway robbers, our rulers, because we paid them blackmail, or -they our subjects because they might bring us “sweetmeats.” - -The points in which most Englishmen are as deficient as Russians are -generally proficient, are language and a sympathetic manner with natives. -That, however, linguistic knowledge is not useless may be inferred from -the fact that it enabled me, to use the words of my Chief, Commissary -General H. S. Jones, C.B., during the Russian War in 1855, “to pass -unharmed through regions previously unknown and among tribes hitherto -unvisited by any European.” - -Also in topography and geography linguistics are necessary; and the -absurd mistakes now made at certain learned societies and in certain -scientific journals, regarding the Pamirs, would be avoided by a little -study of the Oriental languages concerned. In 1866, the map which -accompanies my philological work on “Dardistan” shows, on linguistic -grounds, and on the basis of native itineraries, the various Pamirs that -have been partially revealed within the last few weeks, or have been -laboriously ascertained by expensive Russian and British expeditions -between 1867 and 1890. The publication of my material, collected at -my own expense and which shall no longer be delayed, would have saved -many complications; but when, _e.g._, I pointed out, in 1866, that -the Indus, after leaving Bunji, ran west instead of south, as on the -then existing maps, I got into trouble with the Topographical Survey, -which “discovered” the fact through its well-known “Mulla” in 1876. The -salvation of India that is not made “departmentally” is crucified; and -whoever does not belong to the regular military or civil services has no -business to know or to suggest. Mr. Curzon, when presiding at a meeting -of the late Oriental Congress, assured us that a new era had risen; but -only the other night, at the Royal Geographical Society, a complaint was -made of the reluctance of official departments in giving the Society -information. As a rule, the mysteriousness of offices only conceals their -ignorance, of which we have an instance in Capt. Younghusband being sent -to shut the passes after the Russians had already stolen a march on, or -through, them. - - * * * * * - -The neutralization of the Pamirs is the only solution of a difficulty -created by the conjectural treaties of diplomatists and the ambition of -military emissaries. Left as a huge happy hunting-ground for sportsmen, -or as pasturage for nomads from whatever quarter, the Pamirs form the -most perfect “neutral zone” conceivable. That the wanderings of these -nomads should be accompanied by territorial or political claims, whether -by Russia, China, Affghanistan, Kashmir, or ourselves, is the height of -absurdity. As for Hunza-Nagyr, the sooner they are left to themselves the -better for us, who are not bound to help Kashmîr in encroaching on them. -Kashmîr managed them very fairly after 1848; and when it was occasionally -defeated, its prestige did not suffer, for the next summer invariably -found the tribal envoys again suing for peace and presents. The sooner -the Gilgit Agency is withdrawn, the greater will be our reputation for -fair dealing. Besides, we can take hostages from the Chiefs’ families -as guarantees of future tranquillity. Hunza-Nagyr are certainly not -favourable to Russia, whilst Nagyr is decidedly friendly to us. The -sensational account of Colonel Grambcheffsky’s visit to Hunza, which -he places on his map where Nagyr is, seems to be one of the usual traps -to involve us in great military expenditure and to alienate the tribes -from us. It is also not creditable that, for party or personal purposes, -the peaceful and pious Nagyris,—whom our own Gilgit Resident, Colonel -Biddulph, has reported on as distinguished for “timidity and incapacity -for war,” “never having joined the Hunza raids,” “slavery being unknown -in Nagyr,”—should be described as “kidnappers,” “raiders along with -Hunza,” “slave-dealers,” “robbers,” and “scoundrels,”—statements made by -a correspondent from Gilgit in a morning newspaper of to-day, and to all -of which I give an unqualified contradiction. - -The establishment of the Gilgit Agency has already drawn attention to -the shortest road for the invasion of India; and it is significant that -its advocate at Gilgit should admit that all the tribes of the Indus -Valley “sympathized with the Hunzas,” from whose depredations they are -erroneously supposed to have suffered, and that they were likely “to -attack the British from behind by a descent on the Gilgit road” to -Kashmîr. Why should “the only other exit from Gilgit by way of the Indus -Valley be through territories held by tribes hostile to the British”? -Have the Gilgit doings already alienated the poor, but puritanical -Chilásis, tributaries of Kashmîr, who adjoin our settled British district -of Kaghan? Are we to dread the Republic of Muhammadan learning, Kandiá, -that has not a single fort; pastoral Dareyl; the Koli-Palus traders; -agricultural Tangir, and other little Republics—one only of eleven -houses? As for the places beyond them, our officials at Attock, Peshawur, -Rawalpindi, and Abbottabad will deal with the Pathan tribes in their own -neighbourhood, which have nothing to do with the adjoining Republics of -quiet, brave, and intelligent Dards, on both sides of the Indus, up to -Gilgit, to which I have referred, and which deserve our respectful study, -sympathy, and unobtrusive support. - - G. W. LEITNER. - -_16th December, 1891._ - - * * * * * - -The following account, published by Reuter’s Telegram Company, will -supplement the preceding article:— - - “WOKING, _Dec. 13_. - -“A representative of Reuter’s Agency interviewed Dr. Leitner at his -residence at Woking to-day, with the object of eliciting some information -on the subject of the Hunza and Nagyr tribes, with whom the British -forces are at present in conflict. - -“Dr. Leitner, it is needless to say, is the well-known discoverer of -the races and languages of Dardistan (the country between Kabul and -Kashmir), which he so named when sent on a linguistic mission by the -Punjab Government in 1864, at a time when the various independent tribes, -including Hunza and Nagyr, had united in order to turn the troops of the -Maharaja of Kashmir out of Gilgit. At that time it was considered that -the treaty of 1846, by which Great Britain sold Kashmir to the Maharaja, -had confined him to the Indus as his westward boundary, and had therefore -rendered his occupation of Gilgit an encroachment and breach of treaty. - -“Dr. Leitner, although the country was in a state of war, which is -not favourable to scientific research, managed to collect a mass of -information, and a fine ethnographical collection, which is at the museum -at Woking. He has also made many friends in the country, and is doubtless -the highest, if not the only, authority regarding these countries. - -“Dr. Leitner, who was quite unprepared for to-day’s visit, said that the -relations which he had kept up with the natives of Gilgit, Hunza, Nagyr, -and Yasin forced him to the conclusion that a conflict had been entered -into which might have easily been avoided by a little more sympathy and -knowledge, especially of the Nagyr people. Indeed, it was not a light -matter that could have induced the venerable chief of Nagyr to make -common cause with his hereditary foe of Hunza, unless he feared that the -British threatened their respective independence. - -“Not many weeks ago Dr. Leitner received a letter from the chief of -Nagyr, in which he recommended to his kind attention his son, now in -Kashmir, on the ground that he, even more so than any other member of his -numerous family, was a well-wisher to the British Government. At that -time the chief could not have had any feelings of animosity, although -he might have protested, together with his rival of Hunza, against the -British occupation of Chalt. In fact, it was not true that Nagyr and -Hunza were really subject to Kashmir, except in the vague way in which -these States constantly recognised the suzerainty of a neighbouring power -in the hope of getting substantial presents for their offerings of a -few ounces of gold dust, a couple of dogs, or basket of apricots, etc. -Thus Chitrál, the ally of Great Britain, used to pay a tribute of slaves -to the Ameers of Badakshan; but it would be absurd on that ground to -render Chitrál a part of Afghanistan, because Badakshan now, in a manner, -belongs to Abdurrahman. Hunza, again, sends a tribute to China; and, in -a general way, China is the only Power that ever had a shadow of claim -on these countries, but it is a mere shadow. Dr. Leitner said, the only -policy for Great Britain is, in the words of the Secretary of State or -Viceroy, ‘to maintain and strengthen all the indigenous Governments.’ -This policy he would extend to the triangle which has Peshawur for its -base, and thereby interpose a series of almost impregnable mountainous -countries, which would be sufficiently defended by the independence of -their inhabitants. If Circassia could oppose Russia for thirty years, -even although Russia had the command of the Black Sea, how much more -effective would be the resistance of the innumerable Circassias which -Providence had placed between ourselves and the Russian frontier in Asia? -We ought to have made these tribes look upon us as a distant but powerful -friend, ready to help them in an emergency; but now, by attacking two -of them, we caused Russia to be looked upon as the coming Saviour; -indeed, the people of Wakhan, on the Pamir side of Hunza, were already -doing so, whilst Shignan and Roshan, which had been almost depopulated -by our friends, the Afghans, had already begun to emigrate into Russian -territory. Here Dr. Leitner added that the Russian claims through Bokhara -were as illusory as those of Kashmir, and historically even less founded -than those of China. Indeed, no one had a right to these countries -except the indigenous peoples and chiefs who inhabited them; and in -this scramble for the regions round the Pamir, great Britain was simply -breaking down her natural defences by stamping out the independence of -native tribes and making military roads; for it was the absence of those -roads on the British side that rendered it impossible to an invader to do -England any real harm or to advance on India proper. - -Asked why the trouble had broken out at the present time, Dr. Leitner -said, that he had been kept without information of the immediate cause, -but he felt certain that it was owing to the attempt to construct a -military road to Hunza, whereby England would only facilitate the advent -of a possible invader from that direction, besides making Hunza throw in -its lot with that invader. It was perfectly untrue, as alleged in some of -the Indian papers, that the Nagyris were kidnappers, and that our attack -would be an advantage to the cause of anti-slavery. The fact was just -the other way. Kidnapping had been stopped in 1869 as far as Hunza was -concerned. - -The Nagyris never raided at all; Chitrál also gave up selling its Káfir -or Shiah subjects into slavery when the markets of Badakshan were closed; -but now that confusion had caused the English and Russian advance, -Hunza had again taken to raiding, and Chitrál to selling slaves. As for -Nagyr, the case was quite different; they were an excellent people and -very quiet, so much so that Colonel Biddulph, the Resident, described -them as “noted for timidity and incapacity for war,” whereas in his -“Tribes of the Hindu Kush” he also states that the people of Hunza are -not warlike in the sense in which the Afghans are said to be so. No -doubt the Nagyris dislike war, but would fight bravely if driven to do -so. Colonel Biddulph adds: “They are settled agricultural communities, -proud of the independence they have always maintained for fourteen -centuries, hemmed in by lofty mountains, and living under rulers who -boast of long, unbroken descent from princes of native blood.” He also -bears testimony to the fact that “the Nagyr people were never concerned -in these raids, and slavery does not exist among them.” At the same time -Dr. Leitner fully admitted that the Hunza people were not a model race, -since they used to be desperate raiders and kidnappers, and very immoral -and impious. The father of the present king used to dance in a state of -drunkenness in the mosque; but, on the other hand, we were not bound to -be the reformers of Hunza by pulling down one of the bulwarks to our -Indian Empire. Hunza was a picturesque country in every sense; it was -nominally governed by fairies: ecstatic women were the prophetesses of -the tribe, recounted its past glories, and told what was going on in the -neighbouring valleys, so they were its historians and journalists as well -as its prophetesses. No war was undertaken unless the fairies gave their -consent, and the chief fairy, Yudeni, who protects the “Tham” (a Chinese -title), has no doubt already struck the sacred drum in order to call the -men of the country to defend the “Heaven-born,” as their chief is called. -The two “Thams” of Hunza and Nagyr, who have a common ancestry, are also -credited with the power of causing rain, and there would certainly appear -to be some foundation for this remarkable fact. - -The two tribes are great polo players; archery on horseback is common -amongst them; and they are very fair ibex hunters. - -The people of Nagyr are as pious and gentle as those of Hunza are the -contrary. Their language went back to simple sounds as indicative of -a series of human relations or experiences, and clearly showed that -the customs and associations of a race were at the basis of so-called -rules of grammar. Nothing more wonderful than their language could be -conceived; it went to the root of human thought as expressed in language, -but the language had already suffered by foreign influences between 1866, -when one son of the Rajah of Nagyr taught him, and 1886, when another son -of the Rajah continued his lessons. - -As regards religion, the Hunzas are Mulais, a mysterious and heretical -sect, akin to the Druses of the Lebanon, practising curious rites, -and practically infidels. He had obtained a few pages of their secret -Bible, the Kelam-i-pir, which throws much light on the doctrines of -the so-called “assassins” during the Crusades. The Nagyris are pious -Muhammadans of the Shiah denomination. - -Dr. Leitner then showed the map accompanying his linguistic work on -Dardistan. After comparing it with the most recent Russian and British -maps, that of Dr. Leitner gives the fullest and clearest information, -not only as regards Hunza-Nagyr, where all the places where fighting -has occurred are marked, but also as regards the various Pamirs, thus -anticipating in 1866 on linguistic grounds and native itineraries the -different Pamirs that have recently been settled geographically. It -shows that the ethnographical frontier of the Pamirs to the north are -the Turki-speaking nomads of the trans-Altaic range (now Russian); to -the west the Persian, or Tajiks (now Afghan); to the south the Aryan -Hindu Kush [British]; and to the east the wall of the Serikol Mountains, -dividing or admitting Chinese, Tibetan, or Mongolian influence. The -indeterminate river courses through the Pamir, or a line stretched across -its plateaux, valleys, and mountains, are obviously an unmaintainable -demarcation, which is liable to be transgressed by shepherds under -whatever rule; but the whole of the Pamirs together, as a huge and -happy hunting-ground, are, no doubt, if neutralized by the three Powers -concerned, the best possible frontier, as “no man’s land,” and a perfect -neutral zone. “What matter,” continued Dr. Leitner, “if the passes are -easy of access on the Russian side, it is on the descent, and on the -ascent on our side that almost insuperable difficulties begin. Where we -are now fighting in Hunza-Nagyr only the low state of the river which -divides Hunza from Nagyr enables us to make a simultaneous advance on -both. Otherwise we should have to let ourselves man by man down from one -ledge of rock to another, and if we miss our footing be whirled away -in the most terrible torrent the imagination can conceive. Why, then, -destroy such a great defence in our favour if Hunza is kept friendly, -as it so easily can be, especially with the pressure exercised on it by -the Nagyris, whose forts frown on those of Hunza all down the river that -separates their countries? I cannot conceive anything more wanton or -suicidal than the present advance even if we should succeed in removing -one of the most important landmarks in the history of the human race by -shooting down the handful of Nagyris and Hunzas that oppose us. They -preserve the pre-historic remnants of legends and customs that explain -much that is still obscure in the life and history of European races. -A few hundred pounds a year judiciously spent and the promise of the -withdrawal of the Gilgit Agency, which was already once before attacked -when under Colonel Biddulph, would be a far better way of securing -peace than shooting down with Gatlings and Martini-Henry rifles people -who defend their independence within their crags with bows, arrows, -battleaxes, and a few muskets; and promise of the withdrawal of the -Gilgit Agency might be contingent upon the increase of the number of -hostages belonging to the chiefs’ families that are now annually sent to -Kashmir as a guarantee of friendly relations. - -The Hunzas and Nagyris are not to be despised as foes; they are very -good marksmen. In 1886, when the Kashmir troops thought they had cleared -the plain before the Gilgit Fort entirely of enemies, and not a person -was to be seen outside it, the tribesmen would glide along the ground -unperceived behind a stone pushed in front of them, and resting their -old flint muskets on them shoot off the Maharajah’s Sepoys whenever they -showed themselves outside the fort. Indeed, it was this circumstance -that induced Dr. Leitner to abandon the protection of the fort and make -friends with the tribesmen outside. All the tribes desired was to be -left alone in their mountain fastnesses. They had sometimes internecine -feuds, but would unite against the common foe. It was merely emasculating -their powers of resistance to subject them, either on the one side to -Bokhara, which meant Russia, or to Afghanistan or Kashmir, which meant -Great Britain, or to China, which meant dependence on a Power that might -be utilized any day against Great Britain after the completion of the -trans-Siberian railway. Diplomatists, frontier delimitation commissions, -and officers, both British and Russian, anxious for promotion, had, -continued Dr. Leitner, created the present confusion; and it was now high -time to rely rather on the physical obstacles that guaranteed the safety -alike of the British, Russian, and Chinese frontiers than on the chapter -of political accidents. - -Dr. Leitner, who is going to give a lecture at the Westminster Town-hall -to-morrow afternoon on “The Races, Religions, and Politics of the Pamir -Regions,” then showed our representative Col. Grambcheffsky’s map, -which put Hunza where Nagyr ought to be, and ignored the latter place -altogether, just as did the last map of the Geographical Society in -connection with Mr. Littledale’s tour. Grambcheffsky’s map, however, had -since been corrected by evidently an English map, and it was strange that -Russians had easier access to English maps than Englishmen themselves. -In fact, all this secrecy, Dr. Leitner maintained, was injurious to -the acquisition of full knowledge regarding imperfectly known regions. -Attention was then directed to a number of maps, that of Mr. Drew, a -Kashmir official, showing Hunza-Nagyr to be beyond Kashmir influence. -This was practically confirmed by several official maps and the -statements of Colonels Biddulph and Hayward, the latter of whom placed -the Kashmir frontier towards Hunza at Nomal, whilst the British are now -fighting sixteen and a half miles beyond in front of Mayun, where the -first Hunza fort is. The Nagyr frontier Dr. Leitner places at Jaglot, -which is nineteen miles from Nilt, where we are simultaneously fighting -the first Nagyr fort. - -Dr. Leitner, in conclusion, expressed his conviction, from his knowledge -of the people concerned, that any one with a sympathetic mind could get -them to do anything in reason; but that encroachments, whether overt or -covert, would be resisted to the utmost. Indeed, England’s restlessness -had brought on the present trouble. - -In 1866, he stated, the very name of Russia was unknown in these parts, -and in 1886 was only known to a few. Yet the English Press in both these -years spoke of Russian intrigues among the tribes. He did not fear them -as long as the Indian Empire relied on its natural defences, its inner -strength, and on justice to its chiefs and people, and as long as its -policy with the tribes was guided by knowledge and good feeling. - - - - -APPENDIX II. - -NOTES ON RECENT EVENTS IN CHILÁS AND CHITRÁL. - - -In 1866 I was sent by the Punjab Government on a linguistic mission to -Kashmir and Chilás at the instance of the Bengal Asiatic Society and -on the motion of the late Sir George Campbell, who hoped to identify -Kailás or the Indian Olympus with Chilás.[108] Although unable to -support that conjecture, I collected material which was published in -Part I. of my “Dardistan” and which the Government declared “as throwing -very considerable and important light on matters heretofore veiled in -great obscurity.” That some obscurity still exists, is evident from the -_Times_ telegram of to-day (5th December, 1892), in which an item of -news from the Tak [Takk] valley is described as coming from _Chitrál_, -a distant country with which Chilás has nothing to do. The Takk village -is fortified, and through the valley is the shortest and easiest road -to our British district of Kaghán. It is alleged that some headmen of -Takk wished to see Dr. Robertson at Gilgit, who thereupon sent a raft to -bring them, but the raft was fired on and Capt. Wallace, who went to its -assistance, was wounded. [Chilás is on the Kashmir side of the Indus, and -the Gilgit territory is reached by crossing the Indus at Bunji.] - -The incident is ascribed either to “_the treachery of the men who -professed willingness to COME IN_” or to the mischievousness of “other -persons.” It is probable from this suggestion of treachery and the -unconscious use of the words “to come in,” which is the Anglo-Indian -equivalent for “surrender,” that the headmen of Takk were _not_ willing -to make over their Fort to the British or to open the road to Gilgit. -The Takk incident, therefore, is not a part of the so-called “_Chitrál -usurpation_,” under which heading it immediately appears, but is a part -of _our_ usurpation on the tribes inhabiting the banks of the Indus. In -1843, these tribes inflicted a severe loss on the Sikh invaders, and -in my “history of the wars with Kashmir” the part taken by the manly -defenders of Takk, now reduced from 131 to some 90 houses, is given in -detail. It seems to me that as the Gilgit force was unable to support -“the Chitrál usurpation” of our protégé, Afzul-ul-Mulk, owing to his -being killed by his uncle Sher Afzul, it is to be employed to coerce the -Indus tribes to open out a road which ought never to have been withdrawn -from their hold. About 50 years ago the Takk men were stirred into -so-called rebellion by Kashmir agents in order to justify annexation. It -is to be hoped that history will not repeat itself, or that, at any rate, -the next 50 years will see the Indus tribes as independent and peaceful -as they have been since 1856, especially in Chilás (before 1892), and as -mysterious as Hunza ought to have remained till our unnecessary attack on -that country caused practically unknown Russia to be looked upon as the -Saviour of Nations “rightly struggling to be free” (see Baron Vrevsky’s -reply to the Hunza deputation). _Quem Deus vult perdere, prius dementat_; -and no greater instance of folly can be conceived, than the construction -of a military road through countries in which the chamois is often -puzzled for its way. Nor was the attention of the Russians drawn to them -before we made our own encroachments. - -As for the Pamirs, whatever may be the present interpretation of Prince -Gortchakoff’s Convention, the Russians were unwilling to let political -consequences or limits accompany the erratic wanderings of Kirghiz sheep -in search of pasturage in that region. Prince Gortchakoff’s advocacy of -a Neutral Zone and of the autonomy of certain tribes was justified by -the facts (which he, however, rather guessed than knew) and was worthy -alike of that Diplomatist and of our acceptance in the interests of India -and of peace. The incorporation of certain Districts in the domain, or -under the sphere of influence, of Afghanistan, was distasteful to tribes -attached to their hereditary rulers or to republican institutions and was -not too willingly accepted by the Amir of Afghanistan, who now expects -us to defend the white Elephants that we have given him better than we -did Panjdeh. Some Muláis that had fled from Russian tyranny to Afghan -territory assured me that “the finger of an Afghan was more oppressive -than the whole Russian army.” Indeed, so far as Central Asia is -concerned, Russia, with the exception of certain massacres, has hitherto -behaved, on the whole, as a great civilizing power.[109] - -As for Sirdar Nizám-ul-Mulk, this is his _name_ and not his _title_. He -is the “Mihtar” or “Prince” Nizám-ul-Mulk, and neither an Indian “Sirdár” -nor a “Nizám.” He is also the “Badshah” of Turikoh, this being the -district assigned to him in his father’s lifetime as the heir-apparent. -He was snubbed by us for offering to relieve that excellent officer, -Col. Lockhart, when a prisoner in Wakhan! He has written to me from -Turikoh for “English phrases and words with their Persian equivalents -as a pleasure and a requirement.” This does not look like hostility to -the British. He spoke to me in 1886 of his brother Afzul’s bravery with -affection and pride, though he has ever maintained his own acknowledged -right as the successor of his father Amán-ul-Mulk. If he has been -alienated from us or has ever been tempted to throw himself into the arms -of Russia, it has most assuredly been our fault. Besides, just as we have -abandoned the Shiah Hazaras, our true friends during the late Afghan War, -to be destroyed by their religious and political foe, the Sunni Amir -Abdurrahman, so have the Amir Sher Ali and the Tham of Hunza, Safdar Ali -Khan, rued their trust in Russian Agents. I regret, therefore, to find -in the _Times_ telegram of to-day that “the Nizám” “is acting without -the support of the British Agent” “who has not interfered,” when he had -already interfered in favour of the usurper Afzul-ul-Mulk. - -As for the connivance of Amir Abdurrahman, my “rough history of Dardistan -from 1800 to 1872” shows that, in one sense, Chitrál is tributary to -Badakhshán and as we have assigned Badakhshán to the Amir, he, no doubt, -takes an interest in Chitrál affairs. I believe, however, that interest -to be somewhat platonic, and he knows that his friend Jehandár Shah -(the late wrongfully deposed hereditary ruler of Badakhshán) never paid -any tribute to Afghanistan. But Chitrál once also paid tribute to Dîr, -with whose able Chief, Rahmat-ullah-Khan, “the Nizám” is connected by -marriage. Chitrál on the other hand has _received_ a subsidy from Kashmir -since 1877, but this was as much a tribute from Kashmir to Aman-ul-Mulk, -as a sign of his subjection to Kashmir, for shortly after he made offers -of allegiance to Kabul. With all alike it is - - “The good old rule, the simple plan, - That they should take who have the power - And they should keep who can.” - -It is misleading to speak of their relations to neighbouring States as -“tributary.” Are the Khyberis tributary to us or we to them, because we -pay them a tribute to let our merchants travel through their Pass? Have -we never ourselves come, first as suppliants, then as merchants, then as -guests, then as advisers, then as protectors, and, finally, as conquerors? - -The procedure of Afghanistan, of Chitrál, of Kashmir, and of our own is -very much alike and so are the several radii of influence of the various -factors in “the question.” We have our fringe of independent frontier -tribes with whom we flirt, or wage war, as suits the convenience of the -moment. Afghanistan has a similar fringe of independent Ishmaelites round -it and even through it, whose hands are against everybody and everybody’s -hands against them. Chitrál is threatened all along its line by the -Kafirs, who even make a part of Badakhshán insecure, but are nevertheless -our very good friends. Kashmir has its fringe on its extreme border, -especially since, in violation of our treaty of 1846, it has attacked -countries _beyond the Indus on the west_, including the Kunjûtis of -Hunza, who resumed their raiding—which had ceased in 1867—during and -after Col. Lockhart’s visit in 1886. Yet there can be little doubt about -“the loyalty” of those concerned. The Amirs of Afghanistan consider -themselves “_shields of India_,” as I have heard two of them say, and -so did our Ally of Kashmir, who ought never to have been reduced to a -subordinate feudatory position. What wonder then that old Amán-ul-Mulk of -Chitrál should also have tried to become a buffer between Afghanistan on -the West, Kashmir on the East, India on the South and, latterly, Russia -in the North, if indeed the whole story of Russian intrigue in Chitrál -be at all truer than a similar mare’s nest which we discovered in Hunza? -It is the policy of Russia to create false alarms and thereby to involve -us in expenditure, whilst standing by and posing as the future saviour -of the tribes. Our tendency to compromises and subservient Commissions -of delimitation and to “scuttling” occasionally, is also well known and -so we are offered in Russian papers “_an Anglo-Russian understanding on -the subject of Chitrál_,” as if Chitrál was not altogether out of the -sphere of Russia’s legitimate influence! It is also amusing to find in -the _Novosti_ that Russia’s sole desire is “to prevent _Afghanistan_ from -falling into British hands.” We are already spending at Gilgit on food -etc. for our troops more in one year than were spent in the 40 years of -the so-called mismanagement of Kashmir, which I myself steadily exposed, -but which kept the frontier far more quiet than it has been since the -revival of the Gilgit Agency. There is every prospect now of heavier and -continued expenditure as the policy of the Foreign Department of the -Government of India develops. On that policy a _veto_ should at once -be put by the British Parliament and public, if our present Liberal -Administration cannot do so without pressure from without. We should -conciliate Nizam-ul-Mulk before it is too late. He is connected with Umra -Khan of Jandôl and with the influential Mullah Shahu of Bajaur through -his maternal uncle, Kokhan Beg. He has also connections in Badakhshan, -Hunza and Dîr, as already stated. Indeed, we ought to have given him our -support from the beginning. I doubt whether it would be desirable to -subdivide Chitrál as stated in to-day’s _Times_, letting Sher Afzul keep -Chitrál proper, giving Yasin to “the Nizám” and letting Umra Khan retain -what he has already seized of Southern Chitrál. As for Sher Afzul, I -believe, that he is also “loyal.” - -As for Hunza, I am not at all certain that the fugitive, Safdar Ali Khan, -really murdered his father. At all events when the deed was committed, -I find that it was attributed to Muhammad Khan,[110] probably not the -present Mir Muhammad Nazim who has acknowledged the suzerainty of -England (through Kashmir) and of China. The latter power has always had -something to say to Hunza, and the very title of its Chief “Tham” is -of Chinese origin. The subsidy that China used to pay for keeping open -the commercial road from Badakhshan and Wakhan through the Pamirs along -Kunjût (Hunza) to Yarkand, was about £380 per annum, and this sum was -divided between four States and ensured the immunity of the route from -raids.[111] I doubt whether in future £380 a year on Hunza alone will -enable us to keep it quiet, and I am sure that the lofty superciliousness -with which Chinese officials discuss the Pamir question, as something -that scarcely concerns them, is no evidence of that pertinacious power -abandoning claims to a suzerainty in those regions which are historically -founded, although their exercise has been more by an appeal to -imagination of the glorious and invincible, if distant, “Khitái,” than by -actual interference. - -Indeed, it is China alone that has a grievance—against Russia for the -occupation of the Alichur Pamir—against Afghanistan for expelling her -troops from Somatash (of subsequent Yanoff fame)—and against England -for encroaching on her ancient feudatory of Hunza, whose services in -suppressing the Khoja rebellion in 1847 are commemorated in a tablet on -one of the gates of Yarkand. - -[Illustration: H. H. Mihtar Nizam-ul-Mulk and his late Yasin Council.] - -[Illustration: Chitrali Musicians and the Badakshi Poet, Taighun Shah.] - -NOTE.—We add a reproduction of the photographs of the Mihtar and Badshah -Nizam-ul-Mulk, sitting in Council with his uncle, Bahadur Khan, now at -Gilgit, where he represented Afzul-ul-Mulk. On the Nizam’s left is his -foster-uncle, Maimun Shah, whilst behind him stand our Indian Agent, -Wafadár Khan and a Chitráli office-holder, Wazîr Khan, of corresponding -rank. We also give the portrait of the Chitrál Court poet and musician, -the celebrated Taighûn Shah, one of whose songs, with its notation, was -published in our issue of the 1st of January, 1891. He is seated with the -two flute-players who always precede the King of Chitrál when on a tour. - - * * * * * - -Although the period may be past in which a great English Journal could -ask, “_what_ is Gilgit?” the contradictory telegrams and newspaper -accounts which we receive regarding the countries adjoining Gilgit show -that the Press has still much to learn. Names of places, as far apart -as Edinburgh and London, are put within a day’s march on foot. Names of -men figure on maps as places and the relationships of the Chiefs of the -region in question are invented or confounded as may suit the politics -of the moment, if not the capacity of the printer. The injunctions of -the Decalogue are applied or misapplied, extended or curtailed, to suit -immediate convenience, and a different standard of morality is constantly -being found for our friends of to-day or our foes of to-morrow. The youth -Afzul-ul-Mulk was credited with all human virtues and with even more than -British manliness, as he was supposed to be friendly to us. He had given -his country into our hands in order to receive our support against his -elder brother, the acknowledged heir of the late Aman-ul-Mulk of Chitrál, -but that elder brother, Nizám-ul-Mulk, was no less friendly to English -interests, although he has the advantage of being a man of capacity -and independence. The sudden death of Aman-ul-Mulk coincided with the -presence of our protégé at Chitrál, and the first thing that the virtuous -Afzul-ul-Mulk did, was to invite as many brothers as were within reach to -a banquet when he murdered them. No doubt, as a single-minded potentate, -he did not wish to be diverted from the task of governing his country by -the performance of social duties to the large circle of acquaintances in -brothers and their families which Providence bestows on a native ruler or -claimant in Chitrál and Yasin. A member of the Khush-waqtia dynasty of -Yasin, which is a branch of the Chitrál dynasty, told me when I expressed -my astonishment at the constant murders in his family: “A real relative -in a high family is a person whom God points out to one to kill as an -obstacle in one’s way, whereas a foster-relative (generally of a lower -class) is a true friend who rises and falls with one’s own fortune” (it -being the custom for a scion of a noble house to be given out to a nurse.) - - * * * * * - -The dynasty of Chitral is said to have been established by Baba Ayub, -an adventurer of Khorassan. He adopted the already existing name of -_Katór_, whence the dynasty is called Katore. The Emperor Baber refers -to the country of Katór in his Memoirs and a still more ancient origin -has been found in identifying Katór with “Kitolo, the King of the Great -Yuechi, who, in the beginning of the 5th century, conquered Balkh and -Gandhara, and whose son established the Kingdom of the Little Yuechi, -at Peshawur.” (See Biddulph’s “Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh,” page 148.) -General Cunningham asserts that the King of Chitrál takes the title of -Shah Kator, which has been held for nearly 2,000 years, and the story of -their descent from Alexander may be traced to the fact that they were the -successors of the Indo-Grecian Kings in the Kabul valley. If Katór is a -corruption of Kaisar, then let it not be said that the remnant of the -Katore exclaimed with the Roman gladiator: “Ave, Kaisar-i-Hind, morituri -te salutant.” - -Amán-ul-Mulk, the late ruler of Chitrál, was, indeed, a terrible man, -who to extraordinary courage joined the arts of the diplomatist. He -succeeded his elder brother, surnamed Adam-Khôr or “man-eater.” His -younger brother, Mir Afzul, is said to have been killed by him or to -have committed a convenient suicide; another brother, Sher Afzul, who is -now in possession of Chitrál, was long a fugitive in Badakhshan whence -he has just returned with a few Afghans (such as any pretender can ever -collect) and a hundred of the Chitráli slaves that used to be given in -tribute to the Mir of Badakhshan, which itself never paid a tribute to -Kabul before the late Sher Ali of Afghanistan installed Mahmud Shah, who -expelled his predecessor Jehandar Shah, the friend of Abdur-Rahman, the -present Amir of Afghanistan. Another brother of Aman-ul-Mulk was Kokhan -Beg, whose daughter married the celebrated Mullah Shahu Baba, a man of -considerable influence in Bajaur, who is feared by the Badshah of Kunar -(a feudatory of Kabul and a friend of the British) and is an enemy of -the Kamôji Kafirs, that infest one of the roads to Chitrál. This Kokhan -Beg, who was a maternal uncle of Afzul-ul-Mulk, was killed the other -day by his brother Sher Afzul coming from Badakhshan. I mention all -this, as in the troubles that are preparing, the ramifications of the -interests of the various pretenders are a matter of importance. Other -brothers of Aman-ul-Mulk are: Muhammad Ali (Moriki), Yádgar Beg, Shádman -Beg and Bahádur Khán (all by a mother of lower degree), and another -Bahádur Khán, who was on the Council of Nizám-ul-Mulk. Nizám-ul-Mulk has -therefore to contend with one or more of his uncles, and by to-day’s -telegram[112] is on his way to the Chitrál Fort in order to expel Sher -Afzul with the aid of the very troops that Sher Afzul had sent to turn -out Afzul-ul-Mulk’s Governor from Yasin. I believe that Nizám-ul-Mulk -has or had two elder half-brothers, Gholam of Oyôn and Majid Dastagir of -Drôshp; but, in any case, he was the eldest legitimate son and, according -to Chitrál custom, was invested with the title of Badshah of Turikoh, -the rule of which valley compelled his absence from Chitrál and not “his -wicked and intriguing disposition” as alleged by certain Anglo-Indian -journals. Of other brothers of Nizám-ul-Mulk was Shah Mulk (of lower -birth), who was Governor of Daraung and was killed by Afzul-ul-Mulk. He -used to live at Dros (near Pathan in Shashi). Afzul-ul-Mulk of Drasun, -whom we have already mentioned as a wholesale fratricide, was killed in -his flight to one of the towers of the Chitrál Fort from the invading -force of his uncle, Sher Afzul of Badakhshan. A younger half-brother is -also Behram-ul-Mulk (by a lower mother), called “Viláyeti,” of Moroi in -Andarti. Other brothers are: Amin-ul-Mulk, a brother of good birth of -Oyôn (Shoghôt), who was reared by a woman of the Zondré or highest class; -Wazir-ul-Mulk (of low birth) of Brôz; Abdur-Rahman (low-born) at Owir -(Barpèsh), and Badshah-i-Mulk, also of Owir, who was reared by the wife -of Fath-Ali Shah. There are no doubt other brothers also whose names I do -not know. Murid, who was killed by Sher Afzul, is also an illegitimate -brother. - -A few words regarding the places mentioned in recent telegrams may -be interesting: Shogôth is the name of a village, of a fort, and of -a district which is the north-western part of Chitrál, and it also -comprises the Ludkho and tributary valleys. Through the district is -the road leading to the Dara and Nuqsán passes, to the right and left -respectively, at the bottom of which is a lake on which official toadyism -has inflicted the name of Dufferin in supersession of the local name. -Darushp (Drôshp) is another big village in this district and in the -Ludkho valley, and Andarti is a Fort in it within a mile of the Kafir -frontier. The inhabitants of Shogôth are descendants of Munjanis, whose -dialect (Yidgah) I refer to elsewhere, and chiefly profess to be Shiahs, -in consequence of which they have been largely exported as slaves by -their Sunni rulers. Baidam Khan, a natural son of Aman-ul-Mulk, was the -ruler of it. The Ludkho valley is traversed by the Arkari river which -falls into that of Chitrál. At the head of the Arkari valley are three -passes over the Hindukhush, including the evil-omened “Nuqsán,” which -leads to Zeibak, the home of the heretical Maulais (co-religionists -of the Assassins of the Crusades) in Badakhshán. It is shorter, more -direct, and freer from Kafir raids than the longer and easier Dora pass. -_Owir_ is a village of 100 houses on the Arkari river, and is about 36 -miles from Zeibak. _Drasan_ is both the name of a large village and of -a fort which commands the Turikoh valley, a subdivision of the Drasan -District, which is the seat of the heir-apparent to the Chitrál throne -(Nizám-ul-Mulk). Yet the _Pioneer_, in its issue of the 5th October last, -considers that Lord Lansdowne had settled the question of succession -in favour of Afzul-ul-Mulk, that Nizám-ul-Mulk would thus be driven to -seek Russian aid, but that any such aid would be an infringement of -the rights of Abdur-Rahman. Now that Abdur-Rahman is suspected, on the -flimsiest possible evidence, to have connived at Sher Afzul’s invasion -of Chitrál, we seek to pick a quarrel with him for what a few weeks -ago was considered an assertion of his rights. Let it be repeated once -for always that if ever Abdur-Rahman or Nizám-ul-Mulk, or the Chief of -Hunza or Kashmir or Upper India fall into the arms of Russia, it will -be _maxima nostra culpa_. I know the Amir Abdur-Rahman, as I knew the -Amir Sher Ali, as I know Nizám-ul-Mulk, and of all I can assert that -no truer friends to England existed in Asia than these Chiefs. Should -Abdur-Rahman be alienated, as Sher Ali was, or Nizám-ul-Mulk might -be, it will be entirely in consequence of our meddlesomeness and our -provocations. Russia has merely to start a will-o’-the-wisp conversation -between Grombcheffsky and the Chief of Hunza, when there is internal -evidence that Grombcheffsky was never in Hunza at all, and certainly -never went there by the Muztagh Pass, that we, ignoring the right of -China and of the treaty with Kashmir in 1846, forgetful of the danger -in our rear and the undesirability of paving for an invader the road in -front, fasten a quarrel on Hunza-Nagyr, and slaughter its inhabitants. -No abuse or misrepresentation was spared in order to inflame the British -public even against friendly and inoffensive Nagyr. What wonder that a -Deputation was sent from Hunza to seek Russian aid and that it returned -contented with presents, and public expressions of sympathy which -explained away the Russian official refusal as softened by private -assurances of friendship? Whatever may be the disaster to civilization in -the ascendancy of Russian rule, the personal behaviour of Russian agents -in Central Asia is, generally, pleasant. As in Hunza, so in Afghanistan, -some strange suspicion of the disloyalty of its Chief, suggested by -Russia, may involve us in a senseless war and inordinate expense, with -the eventual result that Afghanistan must be divided between England and -Russia, and their frontiers in Asia become conterminous. Then will it -be impossible for England ever to oppose Russia in Europe, because fear -of complications in Asia will paralyze her. Then the tenure of India -will depend on concessions, for which that country is not yet ripe, or -on a reign of terror, either course ending in the withdrawal of British -administration from, at any rate, Northern India. Yet it is “_Fas ab -hosti doceri_,” and when Prince Gortschakoff urged the establishment of a -neutral zone with autonomous states, including Badakhshan, he advocated -a policy that would have conducted to centuries of peace and to the -preservation of various ancient forms of indigenous Oriental civilization -by interposing the mysterious blanks of the Pamirs and the inaccessible -countries of the Hindukush between Russian and British aggression. - - * * * * * - -Instead of this consummation so devoutly to be wished, and possible even -now, though late, if action be taken under good advice and in the fulness -of knowledge, either Power— - - “Thus with his stealthy pace - With Tarquin’s ravishing strides, towards his design - Moves like a ghost.” - -If ever the pot called the kettle black, it is the story of Anglo-Russian -recriminations. Russian intrigues are ever met by British manœuvres and -Muscovite earth-hunger can only be paralleled by English annexations. -_Here_ a tribe is instigated to revolt, so that its extermination -may “rectify a boundary,” _there_ an illusory scientific frontier is -gradually created by encroachments on the territories of feudatories -accused of disloyalty, if not of attempts to poison our agents. By -setting son against father, brother against brother and, in the general -tumult, destroying intervening republics and monarchies, Anglo-Russian -dominions are becoming conterminous. Above all - - “There’s not a one of them but in his house - I keep a servant fee’d.” - -And it is this unremitting suspicion which is alike the secret of present -success and the cause of eventual failure in wresting and keeping -Asiatic countries and of the undying hatred which injured natives feel -towards Europeans. - -The attempt to obtain the surrender of the Takk fort, and of the Takk -valley, a short and easy road to the British District of Kaghán, has -merely indicated to Russia the nearest way to India, just as we forced -her attention to Hunza and are now drawing it to Chitrál. David Urquhart -used to accuse us of conspiracy with Russia in foreign politics. Lord -Dufferin in his Belfast speech sought the safety of India in his -friendship with M. de Giers and his Secretary popularized Russia in India -by getting his work on “Russia” translated into Urdu. Certainly the -coincidence of Russian as well as British officials being benefited by -their respective encroachments, Commissions, Delimitations, etc., would -show their “mutual interest” to consist in keeping up the farce of “Cox -and Box” in Central Asia, which must end in a tragedy. - -As an official since 1855, when I served Her Majesty during the Russian -War, I wish to warn the British public against the will-o’-the-wisp of -our foreign policy, especially in India. I can conceive that a small, -moral and happy people should seek the ascendancy of its principles, even -if accompanied by confusion in the camps of its enemies. I can understand -that the doctrines of Free Trade, of a free Press, a Parliamentary rule, -the Anti-Slavery propaganda and philanthropic enterprises generally, -with which the British name is connected, should have been as good as -an army to us in every country of the world in which they created a -Liberal party, but these doctrines have often weakened foreign Executive -Governments, whilst “Free Trade” ruined their native manufacture. What -I, however, cannot understand is that a swarming, starving and unhappy -population should seek consolation for misery at home in Quixotism -abroad, especially when that Quixotism is played out. If bread costs as -much now as in 1832 although the price of wheat has fallen from 60s. to -27s. a quarter, it is, indeed, high time that we should lavish no more -blood and treasure on the stones of foreign politics, but that we should -first extract the beam from our own eye before we try to take out the -mote from the eye of others. - -What these foreign politics are worth may be inferred from the growing -distrust on the Continent of British meddlesomeness or from what we -should ourselves feel if even so kindred a race as the Prussians sought -to monopolize British wealth and positions. It would be worse, if they -did so without possessing a thorough knowledge of the English language -or of British institutions. Yet we are not filled with misgivings when -our Indian Viceroys or Secretaries of State cannot speak Hindustani, the -_lingua franca_ of India or when an Under-Secretary has a difficulty in -finding Calcutta on the Map. - -India should be governed in the fulness of knowledge and sympathy, not by -short cuts. It should not be the preserve of a Class, but the _one_ proud -boast of its many and varied peoples. When Her Majesty assumed Her Indian -title, it was by a mere accident, in which _pars magna fui_, at the last -moment, that the Proclamation was translated to those whom it concerned -at the Imperial Assemblage. This superciliousness, wherever we can safely -show it, the cynical abandonment of our friends, the breach of pledges, -the constant experimentalizing on the natives, the mysteriousness that -conceals official ignorance, is the enemy to British rule in India, not -Russia. A powerful Empire can afford to discard the arts of the weak, -and _should_ even “show its hand.” India should be ruled by a permanent -Viceroy, a member of the Royal family, not by one whom the exigencies -of party can appoint and shift. When in 1869 the Chiefs and people of -the Panjab deputed me to submit their petition that H.R.H. the Prince of -Wales be pleased to visit India, it was because they felt that it was -desirable in the interests of loyalty to the Throne. If it be true that -H.R.H. the Duke of Connaught is going out as the next Viceroy, I can only -say that the longer his admirers miss him in England, the better for -India, which requires its best interests to be grouped round a permanent -Chief. - - * * * * * - -_Dec. 7th._—As for the wanton aggression on Chilás which never gave us -the least trouble, as all our Deputy Commissioners of Abbottabad can -testify, it is a sequel of our interference last year with Hunza-Nagyr. -The Gilgit Residency has disturbed a peace that has existed since 1856 -and now continues in its suicidal policy of indicating and paving the -nearest military road to British territory to an invader. In November -1891 I wrote of the possibility of driving even the peaceful, if -puritanical, Chilásis into aggression and now the _Times_ telegraphs the -cock-and-bull story of the raft, enlarged in to-day’s _Times_ telegram -into an attack of the Chilási tribesmen aided by those of Darêl (another -newly-created foe) on our convoy proceeding from Bunji—the extreme -frontier of Kashmir according to the treaty of 1846—to Dr. Robertson’s -Camp at (now) Talpenn (spelt “Thalpin” in the telegram) and (then) Gôr, -with, of course, the inevitable result of the victory of the heroism of -rifles against a few old muskets and iron wrist-bands (which the Chilásis -use in fighting). - -There are still other realms to conquer for our heroes. There is the -small Republic of Talitsha of 11 houses; there is Chilás itself which -admits women to the tribal Councils and is thus in advance even of the -India Office and of the Supreme Council of the Government of India; there -is the Republic of Muhammadan learning, Kandiá, that has not a single -fort; there is, of course, pastoral Dareyl; there are the Koli-Palus -tribes, agricultural Tangîr and other little Republics. Soon may we -hear of acts of “treachery,” “disloyalty,” etc. from Hôdur and Sazîn, -till we shoot down the supposed offenders with Gatlings and destroy the -survivors with our civilization. I humbly protest against these tribes -being sacrificed to a mistaken Russophobia. I have some claim to be -heard. I discovered and named Dardistan and am a friend of its peoples. -Although my life was attempted more than once by agents of the Maharaja -of Kashmir, I was the means of saving that of his Commander-in-Chief, -Zoraweru, when on his Dareyl expedition. This is what the Gilgit Doctor -did in 1866 and what the Gilgit Doctor should do in 1892. This is how -friendship for the British name was, and should be, cemented, and not by -shedding innocent blood or by acts worthy of _agents provocateurs_. - - * * * * * - -As for the “_toujours perdrix_” of the Afghan advance from Asmar -(_Times_, December 8th) it is better than the telegram in the _Standard_ -of the 2nd December 1892, in which the Amir makes Sher Afzul Ruler of -Kafiristan, a country that has yet to be conquered, and which says -“Consequently there is now no buffer-state between Afghanistan and -the Pamirs”!! “Goods carried from India to Russian Turkestan, through -Chitral and _Kafiristan_, will pay _duty to the Amir_.” Such journalistic -forecasts and geography are inevitable when full and faithful official -information, such as it is, is, in a free country, not obtainable by -Parliament, the Press, and the Public. Reuter’s Central Asian Telegrams, -though meagre, are more correct than those of certain correspondents of -the _Times_ and _Standard_. - - * * * * * - -_Dec. 9th._—Dr. Robertson has, at last, entered Chilás, and found -it deserted. _Solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant._ The _Times_ -Correspondent now admits that Chilás has no connexion with Chitrál, but -he still gives us “Tangail” for “Tangir,” and omits the name of the -member of the ex-royal family of Yasin, who is supposed to have stirred -up against us the tribes of Darel and “Tangail,” among whom he has -resided for years. This is one of the Khushwaqtias, though not the loyal -chief to whom I have referred, and who has rendered us good service. -So we have now an excuse for entering Tangir also. In the meanwhile, -the Russian _Svet_ points out that the Russians “would only have to -march some 250 miles along a good road to enter Cashmere,” “since it is -impossible to invade India viâ Afghanistan.” Yet are we nibbling at the -Amir Abdurrahman, whose troops merely occupy the _status quo ante_ at -Asmar, confronted by Umra Khan on the other side of the Kuner river. -We are forgetting the lessons of the Afghan campaigns, and especially -that, although Abdurrahman allowed himself to be proclaimed by us, in -his absence, as Amir, he marched in at one side of Kabul, whilst we -marched out at the other. We forget that, with the whole country against -us in a revived Jehád, with the discontent among our native troops and -with a crushing expenditure, we preferred a political fiasco in order -to avoid a still greater military fiasco. The Russians also urge “the -construction of a military road on their side from Marghelan across the -Pamirs” leaving us to finish it for them on our side of the Hindukush. -The pretension to Wakhan, however, is already disposed of in Prince -Gortchakoff’s Convention with Lord Granville in 1872, and no notice -need be taken of the preposterous claim of the _Svet_ to place Chitrál -under a Russian protectorate! Thus have we sown the wind and reaped the -whirlwind. Our real defence of India lies, as Lord Lawrence ever held, -in its good government, and to this I would respectfully add, in justice -to its Chiefs, wherever they have a legitimate grievance. Mere speeches -of Viceroys, unaccompanied by acts, will not convince them of our “good -intentions.” It is also not by emasculating the Dard tribes and breaking -down their powers of resistance to the level of Slaves to the British, -that we can interpose an effectual barrier to the invading Myriads of -Slavs that threaten the world’s freedom. By giving to the loyalty of -India the liberty which it deserves, on the indigenous bases that it -alone really understands and in accordance with the requirements of the -age, we can alone lead our still martial Indian Millions in the defence -of the Roman Citizenship which should be the reward of their chivalrous -allegiance to the Queen. - - G. W. LEITNER. - -_P.S._—15 Dec. 1892. The just cause of Nizám-ul-Mulk appears to have -triumphed. Sher Afzul is said to have fled. So far Chitrál. As for -Chilás, the people have come to Dr. Robertson’s Camp and express -friendliness. - - * * * * * - -LETTERS FROM MIHTAR NIZAM-UL-MULK TO DR. LEITNER: - - My kind and true friend and dear companion, may you know: - - That before this, prompted by excess of friendship and belief - in me, you had written to me a letter of sincerity full of - pleasing precepts and words of faithfulness. These were - received and caused joy to my heart. My true friend, whatever - words of faith and sincere regard there were, these have - been written in my mind. For I am one of your disciples and - well-wishers here, and have no other care but that of serving - and well-wishing my friends. My heart sorrows at separation - from friends, but there is no remedy except resignation. _As - I consider your stay there [in London] as my own stay, I hope - from your friendship that you have expressed words of my - well-being and my sincerity towards the Lord Bahadoor and the - Great Queen and thus performed the office of friendship and - caused joy there._ Another request is that if you have found a - good dog like “Zulu,” when you come to Delhi please send it to - Jummoo. My men are there, and shall bring it to me. Further, - the volume of papers on the customs of Chitrár and the old - folk-tales have been written partly in Persian and partly in - the Chitrári language. We are frontier and village people, and - are deficient in intelligence and eloquence. They have not - been very well done, and I don’t know if they will please you - or not. But we have no better eloquence or practice as we are - hillmen. - - Tuesday 11th Shavval 1304 despatched from Turikoh to London. - - * * * * * - - The standard of affection and friendship, the foundation-stone - of kindness and obligation, my friend, may his kindness - increase! - - After expressing the desire of your joy-giving meeting be it - known to your kind self, that the condition of _this_ your - faithful friend is such as to call for thanks to the Almighty. - The safety and good health of _that_ friend [yourself] is - always wished for. As you had sent me several volumes of bound - papers to write on them the customs of the Chitrar people and - their folk-tales, partly in Persian and partly in Chitrari - language, I have in accordance with this request of _that_ - true friend got them written partly in Persian and partly in - Chitrari and sent to you. Inshallah, they will reach you, but - I do not know whether they will please you or not; in any case - you know, that whatever may be possible to do by a faithful - friend or by his employés I will do, with the help of God, - if you will forgive any faulty execution of your wishes, and - continue to remember me for any services in my power, and keep - me informed continually of your good health so as to dispel - my anxiety. The condition here is of all news the best, as - no new event has happened; but three persons, wayfarers and - travellers, have come from Wakhan to Mastuch and two of these - persons I have sent on to Chitrar, and one of these wanderers - has remained (behind) at Mastuch. They don’t know anybody. - Sometimes they say we are Russians, and sometimes they say we - are Frenchmen. And I with my own eye have not seen them. If I - had seen them, they might have told me. Another desire is that - you send me something worth reading in English words and write - opposite to them their translation into Persian, so that it may - be a pleasure and useful to me. I have another request to make - which is that you may be pleased to give an early fulfilment - to your kind promise of visiting Chitrar with your lady for - the purpose of sight-seeing and sport and study. I have been - waiting ever since for your arrival. It is really only right - that you should come now when the weather is very delightful, - game is abundant, and I have made every arrangement for our - hunting together. Everything is tranquil and you will be able - to return before the winter, greatly pleased. Let this become - a fact. The writer Sirdar Nizam-ul-Mulk, Tuesday the 11th of - Shevvál, from Turikoh to London. May it be received! - - - - -APPENDIX III. - -FABLES, LEGENDS, AND SONGS OF CHITRAL[113] - -(_called Chitrár by the natives_). - -Collected by H. H. SIRDAR NIZÁM-UL-MULK, Raja of Yasin, etc., and by Dr. -G. W. LEITNER, and translated from Persian or Chitráli. - - -I. FABLES. - - -1. THE VINDICTIVE FOWL. - -A fowl sat near a thistle, and opened a rag, in which corals were tied -up. Suddenly one fell into the thistle; the fowl said, “O thistle, give -me my coral.” The thistle said, “This is not my business.” The fowl -said, “Then I will burn thee.” The thistle agreed. The fowl then begged -the fire to burn the thistle. The fire replied, “Why should I burn this -weak thorn?” The fowl thereupon threatened to extinguish the fire by -appealing to water: “O water, kill this fire for my sake.” The water -asked, “What is thy enmity with the fire, that I should kill it?” The -fowl said, “I will bring a lean cow to drink thee up.” The water said, -“Well”; but the cow refused, as it was too lean and weak to do so. Then -the fowl threatened to bring the wolf to eat the cow. The wolf refused, -as he could feed better on fat sheep. The fowl threatened the wolf with -the huntsman, as he would not eat the lean cow. The huntsman refused to -shoot the wolf, as it was not fit to eat. The fowl then threatened the -huntsman with the mouse. The huntsman replied, “Most welcome.” But the -mouse said that it was feeding on almonds and other nice things, and had -no need to gnaw the leather-skin of the huntsman. The fowl then said, “I -will tell the cat to eat thee.” The mouse said, “The cat is my enemy in -any case, and will try to catch and eat me, wherever it comes across me, -so what is the use of your telling the cat?” The fowl then begged the cat -to eat the mouse. The cat agreed to do so whenever it was hungry: “Now,” -it added, “I do not care to do so.” The fowl then became very angry, and -threatened to bring little boys to worry the cat. The cat said, “Yes.” -The fowl then begged the little boys to snatch the cat one from the -other, so that it might know what it was to be vexed. The boys, however, -just then wanted to play and fight among themselves, and did not care to -interrupt their own game. The fowl then threatened to get an old man to -beat the boys. The boys said, “By all means.” But the old man refused to -beat the boys without any cause, and called the fowl a fool. The fowl -then said to the Pîr (old man), “I will tell the wind to carry away thy -wool.” The old man acquiesced; and the wind, when ordered by the fowl, -with its usual perverseness, obeyed the fowl, and carried off the old -man’s wool. Then the old man beat the boys, and the boys worried the cat, -and the cat ran after the mouse, and the mouse bit the huntsman in the -waist, and the huntsman went after the wolf, and the wolf bit the cow, -and the cow drank the water, and the water came down on the fire, and the -fire burnt the thistle, and the thistle gave the coral to the fowl, and -the fowl took back its coral. - - -2. THE STORY OF THE GOLDEN MOUSE WHO TELLS THE STORY OF A MOUSE AND A -FROG. - -There was a kind of mice that had a golden body. They never went out -of their hole. One day one of them thought: “I will go out and see the -wonders of God’s creation.” So it did; and when thirty or forty yards -from its hole, a cat, prowling for game, saw it come out from the hole. -The cat, that was full of wiles, plotted to get near the hole, awaiting -the return of the mouse, who, after its peregrinations, noticed the mouth -of the hole closed by the wicked cat. The mouse then wished to go another -way, and turned to the left, towards a tree, on which sat concealed a -crow, expecting to devour the mouse when it should run away from the -cat. The crow then pounced on the mouse, who cried out to God, “O God, -why have these misfortunes overtaken such a small being as myself? My -only help is in thee, to save me from these calamities.” The mouse was -confused, and ran hither and thither, in vain seeking a refuge, when it -saw another cat stealthily approaching it; and, in its perplexity, the -mouse nearly ran into the cat’s paws; but that cat had been caught in -a hunter’s net, and could do nothing. The crow, and the cat which was -watching at the hole, saw that the mouse had got near another cat between -the two. They thought that the mouse had fallen a victim to the second -cat, and that it was no use remaining. It was the fortune of the mouse -that they should be so deceived. The trembling mouse saw that the two -enemies had gone. It thanked the Creator for having escaped from the cat -and the crow, and it said, “It would be most unmanly of me not to deliver -the cat in the net, as it has been the instrument of my safety; but then, -if I set it free, it will eat me.” The mouse was immersed in thought, -and came to the conclusion to gnaw the net at a distance from the cat, -and that as soon as the hunter should come in sight, the cat then, being -afraid of the hunter, would seek its own safety, and not trouble itself -about the mouse. “Thus I will free the cat from the hunter and the net, -and deliver my own life from the cat,” was the thought of the mouse. -It then began to gnaw the net at a distance. The cat then said to the -mouse, “If you want to save me, for God’s sake, then gnaw the net round -my throat, and not at a distance; that is no use to me when the hunter -will come. You err if you think that I will eat you as soon as I get out. -For all the faults, hitherto, have been on the side of cats, which you -mice have never injured, so that, if you are magnanimous and release me, -there is no such ungrateful monster in the world as would return evil for -the unmerited good that I implore you to bestow on me.” The golden mouse, -which was very wise, did not attend to this false speech, but continued -to gnaw the net at a distance, so that, when the hunter came, there -only remained the threads round the neck of the cat, which the mouse -bit asunder at the last moment and then ran back into its hole. The cat -bolted up the tree where the crow had sat, the huntsman saw that the cat -had escaped, and that his net was gnawed in several places, so he took -the net to get it repaired in the Bazaar. - -Then the cat descended from the tree and said to herself, “The time of -meals is over, it is no use to go home; I had better make friends with -the mouse, entice it out of the hole, and eat it.” This she did, and -going to the hole, called out: “O faithful companion and sympathizing -friend, although there has been enmity between cats and mice for a long -time, thou hast, by God’s order, been the cause of my release, therefore -come out of the hole, and let us lay the foundation of our friendship.” -The mouse replied: “I once tried to come out, and then I fell from one -danger into another. Now it is difficult for me to comply with your -request. I have cut the threads encircling your throat, not out of -friendship for you, but out of gratitude to God. Nor is our friendship of -any use in this world, as you will gather from the story of - - -3. “THE FROG AND THE MOUSE.” - -The mouse then narrated: “There was once a mouse that went out for a -promenade, and going into people’s houses, found food here and there, and -in the dawn of the next morning it was returning to its home. It came to -a place where there was a large tank, round which there were flowers and -trees; and a voice was heard from out of the tank. Coming near, it saw -that it emanated from a being that had no hair on its body, no tail, and -no ear. The mouse said to itself: ‘What is this ill-formed being?’ and -thanked God that it was not the ugliest of creatures. With this thought -the mouse, that was standing still, shook its head to and fro. The frog, -however, thought that the mouse was smitten with astonishment at his -beauty and entranced with pleasure at his voice, and jumping out of the -corner of the tank came near: ‘I know, beloved, that you are standing -charmed with my voice; we ought to lay the firm basis of our friendship, -but you are sharper than I am, therefore go to the house of an old woman -and steal from it a thread, and bring it here.’ The mouse obeyed the -order. The frog then said: ‘Now tie one end to your tail and I will tie -the other end to my leg, because I want to go to your house, where you -have a large family and there are many other mice, so that I may know you -from the others. If again you visit me, the tank is large, my friends -many, and you too ought to distinguish me from the rest. Again, when -I want to see you I will follow the thread to your hole, and when you -want to see me you will follow it to the tank.’ This being settled, they -parted. One day the frog wanted to see the mouse. Coming out of the tank -he was going to its hole, when he saw the mouse-hawk, who pounced upon -the frog as he was limping along, and flew up with him in its claws. This -pulled the end to which the mouse was tied. It thought that its lover -had come to the place and wanted to see it; so it came out, only to be -dragged along in the air under the mouse-hawk. As the unfortunate mouse -passed a Bazaar it called out: ‘O ye Mussulmans, learn from my fate what -happens to whoever befriends beings of a different species.’ - -“Now,” said the golden mouse to the cat, “this is the story which teaches -me what to do; and that is, to decline your friendship and to try never -again to see your face.” - - -4. THE QUAIL AND THE FOX. - - The Quail said: I teach thee art. - Night and day I work at art; - Whoever lies, the shame is on his neck. - -A quail and a fox were friends. The fox said: “Why should you not make -me laugh some day?” The quail replied, “This is easy.” So they went to -a Bazaar, where the quail, looking through the hole in the wall of a -house, saw a man sitting, and his wife turning up and down the “samanak” -sweetmeat with a big wooden ladle (much in the same way as the Turkish -_rakat lokum_, or lumps of delight, are made). The quail then settled on -the head of the man. The woman said to him, “Don’t stir; I will catch -it.” Then the quail sat on the woman’s head, so the man asked the woman -to be quiet, as he would catch the quail, which, however, then flew back -to the head of the man. This annoyed the wife, who struck at the quail -with the wooden ladle, but hit instead the face of her husband, whose eye -and beard were covered with the sweetmeat, and who thereupon beat his -wife. When the fox saw this, he rejoiced and laughed greatly; and both -the fox and quail returned to their home. After a time the fox said to -the quail: “It is true that you have made me laugh, but could you feed -me?” This the quail undertook to do, and with the fox went to a place -where a woman was carrying a plate of loaves of bread to her husband in -the fields. Then the quail repeated her tactics, and sat on the head of -the woman, who tried to catch it with one hand. The quail escaped and -settled on one shoulder, then on another, and so on till the woman became -enraged, put the plate of bread on the ground, and ran after the quail, -who, by little leaps, attracted her further and further away till she was -at a considerable distance from it, when the fox pounced on the bread and -appeased his hunger. - -Some time after, the fox wanted to put the cleverness of the quail again -to the test, and said: “You have made me laugh, you have fed me, now make -me weep.” The quail replied, “Why, this is the easiest task of all,” so -she took the fox to the gate of the town and called out: “O ye dogs of -the Bazaar, come ye as many as ye are, for a fox has come to the gate!” -So all the dogs, hearing this good news, assembled to hunt the fox, -which, seeing the multitude of its enemies, fled till he reached a high -place. Turning round, he saw the dogs following, so he jumped down and -broke his back. The fox therefore helplessly sat down and said to the -approaching quail: “O sympathizing companion, see how my mouth has become -filled with mud and blood, and how my back has been broken. This is my -fate in this world; now, could you kindly clean my mouth from mud and -blood, as my end is near?” The intention of the fox was, that he should -take the opportunity of this artifice to swallow the quail in revenge of -her being the cause of its death. The quail, in her unwise friendship, -began to clean the fox’s mouth. The accursed fox caught her in his mouth; -but the quail, which was intelligent and clever, said, “O beloved friend, -your eating me is lawful, because I forgive you my blood, on condition -that you pronounce my name, otherwise you will suffer an injury.” The -base fox, although full of wiles, clouded by approaching death, fell into -the trap, and as soon as he said “O quail,” his teeth separated, and the -quail flew away from him and was safe, whilst the fox died. - - -II. STORIES AND LEGENDS. - -There is a story which seems to illustrate the fact that private hatred -is often the cause of the injury that is ascribed to accident. A man -slaughtered a goat, and kept it over-night in an outhouse. His enemy put -a number of cats through the airhole, and when their noise awoke the -master of the house he only found the bones of his goat. But he took -their bones, and scattered them over the field of his enemy the same -night; and the dogs came, smelling the bones, searched for them, and -destroyed the wheat that was ripe for reaping. One blamed the cats, the -other blamed the dogs; but both had the reward of their own actions. - - * * * * * - -Sulei was a man well known on the frontier of Chitrál for his eloquence. -One day, as he was travelling, he met a man from Badakhshan, who asked -him whether he knew Persian. Sulei said, “No.” “Then,” replied the -Badakhshi, “you are lost” [nobody, worthless]. Sulei at once rejoined, -“Do you know Khowár?” (the language of Chitrál). “No,” said the -Badakhshi. “Then you too are lost,” wittily concluded Sulei (to show that -personal worth or eloquence does not depend on knowing any particular -language). - - * * * * * - -It is related that beyond Upper Chitrár there is a country called _Shin_ -or Rashan. It is very beautiful, and its plains are gardens, and its -trees bear much fruit, and its chunars (plane trees) and willows make it -a shaded land. Its earth is red, and its water is white and tasty. They -say that in ancient times the river of that district for a time flowed -with milk without the dashing (of the waves) of water. - - * * * * * - -Besir is a place near Ayin towards Kafiristan. The inhabitants were -formerly savage Kafirs, but are now subjects of the Mehter (Prince) of -Chitrár. They carry loads of wood, and do not neglect the work of the -Mehter. They are numerous and peaceful, and in helplessness like fowls, -but they are still Kafirs; though in consequence of their want of energy -and courage they are called “Kalàsh.” The people of Ayin say that in -ancient times five savages fled into the Shidi Mount and concealed -themselves there. - - * * * * * - -Shidi is below Ayin opposite Gherát on the east (whence Shidi is on the -west). Between them is a river. It is said that these savages had to get -their food by the chase. One day word came to them from God that “to-day -three troops of deer will pass; don’t interfere with the first, but do -so with the others.” When, however, the troops came, the savages forgot -the injunctions of God, and struck the first deer. Now there was a cavern -in the mountain where they lived, into which they took the two or three -deer that they had killed and were preparing to cook, two being sent out -to fetch water. By God’s order the lips of the cavern were closed, and -the three men imprisoned in it. God converted the three into bees, whilst -the two who had gone to fetch water fled towards Afghanistan. Thus were -created the first honey-bees, who, finding their way out of the cavern, -spread themselves and their sweet gift all over the world. This is a -story told by the Kalàsh, who credit that the bees are there still; but -it is difficult to get there, as the mountains are too steep, but people -go near it and, pushing long rods into the hole of the cavern, bring them -back covered with honey. - - * * * * * - -Shah Muhterim is the name of a Mehter (prince), the grandfather of the -present Ruler of Chitrár. This Mehter was renowned as a descendant of -fairies, who all were under his command. Whatever he ordered the fairies -did. Thus some time passed. From among them he married a fairy, with -whom he made many excursions. She bore him a daughter. Seven generations -have passed since that time. This daughter is still alive, and her sign -among the fairies is that her hair is white, which does not happen to -ordinary fairies. Whenever a descendant of the Shah Muhterim leaves this -transitory world for the region of permanence, all the fairies, who -reside in the mountains of Chitrár, together with that white-haired lady, -weep and lament, and their voices are clearly heard. This statement is -sure and true, and all the men on the frontiers of Chitrár are aware of -the above fact. - - -THE PEOPLE OF AUJER (THE BŒOTIA OF CHITRAL). - -There is a country “Aujer,” on the frontier of Chitrár (or Chitrāl as -we call it), the inhabitants of which in ancient times were renowned -for their stupidity. One had taken service at Chitrár, and at a certain -public dinner noticed that the King (Padishah) ate nothing. So he -thought that it was because the others had not given anything to the -king. This made him very sorry. He left the assembly, and reached home -towards evening; there he prepared a great amount of bread, and brought -it next day to the council enclosure, beckoning to the king with his -finger to come secretly to him. The king could not make this out, and -sent a servant to inquire what was the matter; but the man would not -say anything except that the king should come himself. On this the king -sent his confidant to find out what all this meant. The man answered the -inquiries of the confidant by declaring that he had no news or claim, but -“as they all ate yesterday and gave nothing to the king, my heart has -become burnt, and I have cooked all this bread for him.” The messenger -returned and told the king, who told the meeting, causing them all to -laugh. The king, too, smiled, and said: “As this poor man has felt for -my need, I feel for his;” and ordered the treasurer to open for him the -door of the treasury, so that he might take from it what he liked. The -treasurer took him to the gate, next to which was the treasurer’s own -house, where he had put a big water-melon, on which fell the eye of that -stupid man from Aujer. He had never seen such a thing, and when he asked, -“What is it?” the treasurer, knowing what a fool he had to deal with, -said, “This is the egg of a donkey.” Then he showed him the gold, silver, -jewels, precious cloths, and clean habiliments of the treasury from -which to select the king’s present. The man was pleased with nothing, -and said, “I do not want this; but, if you please, give me the egg of -the donkey, then I shall indeed be glad.” The treasurer and the king’s -confidant, consulting together, came to the conclusion that this would -amuse the king to hear, and gave him the melon, with the injunction not -to return to the king, but to take the egg to his house, and come after -some nights (days). The fool was charmed with this request, went towards -his home, but climbing a height, the melon fell out of his hand, rolled -down towards a tree and broke in two pieces. Now there was a hare under -that tree, which fled as the melon touched the tree. The fool went to -his house full of grief, said nothing to his wife and children, but -sat mournfully in a corner. The wife said, “O man, why art thou sorry? -and what has happened?” The man replied: “Why do you ask? there is no -necessity.” Finally, on the woman much cajoling him, he said: “From the -treasury of the prince (mehter) I had brought the egg of the donkey; it -fell from me on the road, broke, and the young one fled out from its -midst. I tried my utmost, but could not catch it.” The woman said: “You -silly fellow! had you brought it, we might have put loads on it.” The -man replied, “You flighty thing! how could it do so, when it was still -so young? Why, its back would have been broken.” So he got into a great -rage, took his axe, and cut down his wife, who died on the spot. - - * * * * * - -Once, a donkey having four feet, in this country of donkeys having two -feet, put his head into a jar of jáo (barley), but could not extricate -it again. So the villagers assembled, but could not hit on a plan to -effect this result. But there was a wise man in that land, and he was -sent for and came. He examined all the circumstances of the case, and -finally decided that they should do him “Bismillah”; that is to say, that -they should cut his throat with the formula, “in the name of God,” which -makes such an act lawful. When they had done this to the poor donkey, the -head remained in the jar, and the wise man ordered them now to break the -jar. This they did, and brought out the head of the donkey. The wise man -then said: “If I had not been here, in what manner could you have been -delivered of this difficulty?” This view was approved by all, even by the -owner of the donkey. - - * * * * * - -Two brothers in that country of idiots, being tired of buying salt -every day, decided on sowing it over their fields, so that it may bring -forth salt abundantly. The grass grew up, and the grasshoppers came; -and the brothers, fearing that their crop of salt would be destroyed, -armed themselves with bows and arrows to kill the grasshoppers. But the -grasshoppers jumped hither and thither, and were difficult to kill; and -one of the brothers hit the other by mistake with an arrow instead of a -grasshopper, and he got angry, and shot back and killed his brother. - - * * * * * - -A penknife once fell into the hands of this people, so they held a -council in order to consider what it was. Some thought it was the young -one of a sword, the others that it was the baby of an axe, but that its -teeth had not yet come out. So the argument waxing hot, they fell to -fight one another, and many were wounded and killed. - - * * * * * - -A number of these people, considering that it was not proper that birds -alone should fly, and that they were able to do so, clad themselves in -posteens (some of which are made from the light down of the Hindukush -eagle), and threw themselves down from a great height, with the result -that they reached the ground killed and mangled. - - -III. SONGS. - - -_A Song (of evidently recent date, as the influence on it of Persian -poetry is obvious)._ - -THE CONFESSION OF THE SOUL. - - 1. (_He._) If thy body be as lithe as (the letter) Alif (ا), - thy eye is as full as (the letter) Nûn (ن). - If thou art Laila, this child (or lover) is Majnûn (referring - to the well-known story of these true lovers). - - 2. (_She._) If thou art the Prince of the Sultan of Rûm (Turkey) - Come and sit by me, free from constraint; - My eye has fallen on thee, and I now live. - - 3. My friend had scarcely come near me—why, alas, has he left? - My flesh has melted from these broken limbs. - - 4. How could I guard against the enmity of a friend? - May God now save me from such grief! - - 5. (_He._) Were I to see 200 Fairies and 100,000 Houris, - I should be a Káfir (infidel), O my beloved! - If my thoughts then even strayed from thee. - - 6. Yea, not the Houri nightingale, nor my own soul and eyes as - Houris, - Would, on the day of judgment, divert my thought from thee. - - 7. I envy the moth, for it can fly - Into the fire in which it is burnt (whereas I cannot meet thee). - - 8. (_She._) My friend, who once came nigh me, suddenly left me—to - weep. - My grief should move the very highest heaven. - A coral bed with its root has been torn out and gone. - - 9. A ship of pilgrims (Calendárs) has sunk, and yet the world does - not care. - The end of all has been a bad name to me. - - 10. (_He._) On this black earth how can I do (sing) thy praise? - Imbedded in the blue heaven (of my heart) thou wilt find it; - And yet, O child (himself), how great a failure (and below thy - merits)! - - 11. Before thy beauty the very moon is nothing, - For sometimes she is full and sometimes half. - May God give thee to me, my perfect universe! - - 12. (_She._) If an angel were a mortal like myself, - It would be ashamed to see my fate (unmoved). - - 13. (_He._) O angel! strangely without pity, - Thou hast written her good with my evil (linked our fates). - - 14. (_Both._) All have friends, but my friend is the Chief (God), - And of my inner grief that friend is cognizant; - His light alone loves our eyes and soul. - - 15. Break with the world, its vanities, its love; - Leave ignorance, confess, and let thy goal be heaven! - -The following is an attempt to render the pretty tune of a more worldly -Laila and Majnûn song, which reminds one of the “Yodeln” of the Tyrolese. -It was sung to me by Taighûn Shah, the poet-minstrel of the Raja, to the -accompaniment of a kind of guitar. The Chitráli language, it will be -perceived, is musical. - -[Music: Shin·djùr is-prûo sar ma bul-bul hut bó·wor Tsá·ren-tu ru-pé - -dūr thu mor lo - lé gam - - bū - - ro shūnn donn do - sé - -Lai - lī - ki ha - rōsh o - ré Majnun o lo - - lé!] - - - - -APPENDIX IV. - -THE RACES AND LANGUAGES OF THE HINDU-KUSH. - -By DR. G. W. LEITNER. - - -[Illustration: GROUP OF DARDS AND CENTRAL ASIATICS WITH DR. LEITNER. - -_Standing_ Nos. 1 2 3 4 5 6 (_see next page_.) - -_Sitting_ Nos. 7 8 9 10 11 (_see next page_.) - -_Standing_—1. Khundayar, son of a Shiah Akhun (priest) at Nagyr; 2. -Maulvi Najmuddin, a poet from Kolab; 3 and 4. Khudadad and Hatamu, -pilgrims from Nagyr; 5. A Chitrali soldier; 6. Matavalli, of Hunza. - -_Sitting_—7. Mir Abdullah, a famous Arabic scholar and jurist from -Gabrial; 8. Hakim Habibullah, a Tajik, a physician from Badakshan; 9. -Ghulam Muhammad, Dr. Leitner’s Gilgit retainer; 10. Ibrahim Khan, a -Shiah, Rono (highest official caste), of Nagyr; 11. Sultan Ali Yashkun, -of Nagyr.] - -The accompanying illustration was autotyped some years ago from a -photograph taken in 1881, and is now published for the first time. -Following the numbers on each figure represented we come first to No. -1, the tall Khudayár, the son of an Akhun or Shiah priest of Nagyr, a -country ruled by the old and wise Tham or Raja Zafar Ali Khan, whose -two sons, Alidád Khan in 1866, and Habib ulla Khan in 1886, instructed -me in the Khajuná language, which is spoken alike in gentle but brave -Nagyr and in its hereditary rival country, the impious and savage Hunza -“Hun-land,” represented by figure 6, Matavalli, the ex-kidnapper whom I -took to England, trained to some Muhammadan piety, and sent to Kerbelá a -year ago. No. 2 was an excellent man, an Uzbek visitor from Koláb, one -Najmuddin, a poet and theologian, who gave me an account of his country. -Nos. 3 and 4 are pilgrims from Nagyr to the distant Shiah shrine in Syria -of the martyrdom of Husain at Kerbelá; No. 5 is a Chitráli soldier, -whilst No. 7 is a distinguished Arabic Scholar from Gabriál, from whom -much of my information was derived regarding a peaceful and learned home, -now, alas! threatened by European approach, which my travels in 1866 and -1872, and my sympathetic intercourse with the tribes of the Hindu Kush, -have unfortunately facilitated. The Jalkóti, Dareyli, and others, who are -referred to in the course of the present narrative, will either figure -on other illustrations or must be “taken as read.” No. 8 is the Sunni -Moulvi Habibulla, a Tájik of Bukhara and a Hakîm (physician). No. 9 is my -old retainer, Ghulám Muhammad, a Shiah of Gilgit, a Shîn Dard (highest -caste), who was prevented by me from cutting down his mother, which he -was attempting to do in order “to save her the pain of parting from him.” -10. Ibrahim Khan, a Shiah, Rôno (highest official caste) of _Nagyr_, -pilgrim to Kerbelá. 11. Sultan Ali Yashkun (2nd Shîn caste) Shiah, of -Nagyr, pilgrim to Kerbelá. The word “Yashkun” is, perhaps, connected with -“Yuechi.” - -The languages spoken by these men are: Khajuná by the Hunza-Nagyr men; -Arnyiá by the Chitráli; Turki by the Uzbek from Koláb; Shiná by the -Gilgiti; Pakhtu and Shuthun, a dialect of Shiná, by the Gabriáli. The -people of _Hunza_ are dreaded robbers and kidnappers; they, together -with the people of Nagyr, speak a language, Khajuná, which philologists -have not yet been able to classify, but which I believe to be a remnant -of a pre-historic language. They are great wine-drinkers and most -licentious. They are nominally Muláis, a heresy within the Shiah schism -from the orthodox Sunni Muhammadan faith, but they really only worship -their Chief or Raja, commonly called “Thàm.” The present ruler’s name -is Mohammad Khan. They are at constant feud with the people of _Nagyr_, -who have some civilization, and are _now_ devoted Shiahs (whence the -number of pilgrims, four, from one village). They are generally fair, and -taller than the people of Hunza, who are described as dark skeletons. -The Nagyris have fine embroideries, and are said to be accomplished -musicians. Their forts confront those of Hunza on the other side of the -same river. The people of _Badakhshán_ used to deal largely in kidnapped -slaves. A refugee, Shahzada Hasan, from the former royal line (which -claims descent from Alexander the Great), who has been turned out by the -Afghan faction, was then at Gilgit with a number of retainers on fine -Badakhshi horses, awaiting the fortunes of war, or, perhaps, the support -of the British. He was a younger brother of Jehandár Shah, who used to -infest the Koláb road, after being turned out by a relative, Mahmûd Shah, -with the help of the Amir of Kabul. _Koláb_ is about eleven marches from -_Faizabád_, the capital of Badakhshán. The Chitráli is from Shogòt, the -residence of Adam Khor (man-eater), brother of Aman-ul-Mulk, of Chitrál, -who used to sell his Shiah subjects regularly into slavery and to kidnap -Bashgeli Kafirs. The man from _Gabriál_ was attracted to Lahore by the -fame of the Oriental College, Lahore, as were also several others in -this group; and there can be no doubt that this institution may still -serve as a nucleus for sending pioneers of our civilization throughout -Central Asia. Gabriál is a town in Kandiá, or Kiliá, which is a secluded -Dard country, keeping itself aloof from tribal wars. _Gilgit_ and its -representative have been described in my “Dardistan,” to which refer, -published in parts between 1866 and 1877. - - -I. POLO IN HUNZA-NAGYR. - -Although our first practical knowledge of “Polo” was derived from the -Manipuri game as played at Calcutta, it is not Manipur, but Hunza and -Nagyr, that maintain the original rules of the ancient “Chaughán-bazi,” -so famous in Persian history. The account given by J. Moray Brown for the -“Badminton Library” of the introduction of Polo into England (Longmans, -Green & Co., 1891), seems to me to be at variance with the facts within -my knowledge, for it was introduced into England in 1867, not 1869, -by one who had played the Tibetan game as brought to Lahore by me in -1866, after a tour in Middle and Little Tibet. Since then it has become -acclimatized not only in England, but also in Europe. The Tibet game, -however, does not reach the perfection of the Nagyr game, although it -seems to be superior to that of Manipur. Nor is Polo the only game in -Hunza-Nagyr. “Shooting whilst galloping” at a gourd filled with ashes -over a wooden scaffold rivals the wonderful performances of “archery on -horseback,” in which the people of Hunza and Nagyr (not “Nagar,” or the -common Hindi word for “town,” as the telegram has it) are so proficient. -Nor are European accompaniments wanting to these Central Asian games; -for prizes are awarded, people bet freely in Hunza as they do here, -they drink as freely, listen to music, and witness the dancing of lady -charmers, the Dayál, who, in Hunza, are supposed to be sorceresses, -without whom great festivities lose their main attraction. The people -are such keen sportsmen that it is not uncommon for the Tham, or ruler, -to confiscate the house of the unskilful hunter who has allowed a -Markhôr (Ibex) that he might have shot to escape him. Indeed, this even -happens when a number of Markhôrs are shut up in an enclosure, “_tsá_,” -as a preserve for hunting. The following literally translated dialogue -regarding Polo and its rules tells an attentive reader more “between the -lines” than pages of instructions:— - - POLÓ = Bolá.—The Raja has ordered many people: To-morrow Polo I - will play. To the musicians give notice they will play. - - Hast thou given notice, O (thou)? - - Yes, I have given notice, O Nazúr; let me be thy offering - (sacrifice). - - Well, we will come out, that otherwise it will become (too) hot. - - The Raja has gone out for Polo; go ye, O (ye); the riders will - start. - - Now divided will be, O ye! (2) goals nine nine (games) we will - do (play). Tola-half (= 4 Rupees) a big sheep bet we will do. - - Now bet we have made. To the Raja the _ball_ give, O ye, - _striking_ (whilst galloping) he will take. - - O ye, efforts (search) make, young men, to a man disgrace is - death; you your own _party_ abandon not; The Raja has taken the - _ball to strike_; play up, O ye musicians! - - Now descend (from your horses) O ye; Tham has come out - (victorious); now again the day after to-morrow, he (from - fatigue) _recovering Poló_ we will strike (play). - - _Rules_:—The musical instruments of Polo; the ground for the - game; the riders; the goals; 9, 9 games let be (nine games - won); the riders nine one side; nine one (the other) side; when - this has become (the case) the drum (Tsagàr) they will strike. - - First the Tham takes the ball (out into the Maidan to strike - whilst galloping at full speed). - - The Tham’s _side_ upper part will take. - - The rest will strike from the lower part (of the ground). - - Those above the goal when becoming will take to the lower part. - - Those below the goal when becoming to above taking the ball - will send it flying. - - Thus being (or becoming) whose goal when becoming, the ball - will be sent flying and the musicians will play. - - Whose nine goals when has become, they issue (victorious). - -[Illustration: No. 1. Dareyli. - -No. 2. Gabriali. - -No. 3. Hunza Man. - -No. 4. Nagyri.] - - -II. THE KOHISTÁN OF THE INDUS, INCLUDING GABRIÁL. - -ACCOUNT OF MIR ABDULLA. - -The real native place of Mir Abdulla is in the territory of Nandiyar; but -his uncle migrated to, and settled in, Gabriál. The Mir narrates:— - -“In the country of Kunar there is a place called _Pusht_, where lives a -Mulla who is famous for his learning and sanctity. I lived for a long -time as his pupil, studying Logic, Philosophy, and Muhammadan Law, the -subjects in which the Mulla was particularly proficient. When my absence -from my native place became too long, I received several letters and -messages from my parents, asking me to give up my studies and return -home. At last I acceded to their pressing demands and came to my native -village. There I stayed for a long time with my parents; but as I was -always desirous to pursue my studies, I was meditating on my return to -Pusht, or to go down to India. - -In the meantime I met one Abdulquddūs of Kohistan, who was returning -from India. He told me that a Dár-ul-u’lûm (House of Sciences) had been -opened at Lahore, the capital of the Punjab, where every branch of -learning was taught, and that it was superintended by Dr. L., who being -himself a proficient scholar of Arabic and Persian, was a patron of -learning and a warm supporter of students from foreign countries. I was -accompanied by two pupils of mine, named Sher Muhammad and Burhánuddin; -and I started together with them from my native village. We passed -through the territory of _Dir_, which is governed by Nawab Rahmatulla -Khan. The Qazi of that place was an old acquaintance of mine, and he -persuaded me to stop my journey, and promised to introduce me to the -Nawab, and procure for me a lucrative and honourable post. I declined his -offer, and continued my journey. The next territory we entered in was -that of Nawab _Tore Mian Khan_, who reigns over eight or nine hundred -people. After staying there some days we reached _Kanan Gharin_, which -was governed jointly by Nawabs Fazl Ahmad and Bayazid Khan. After two -days’ march we came to _Chakesur_, which was under a petty chief named -Suhe Khan. Here we were told that there are two roads to India from this -place—one, which is the shorter, is infested with robbers; and the other, -the longer one, is safe; but we were too impatient to waste our time, and -decided at once to go by the shorter way, and proceeded on our journey. -We met, as we were told, two robbers on the road, who insisted on our -surrendering to them all our baggage. But we made up our minds to make a -stand, though we were very imperfectly armed, having only one “tamancha” -among three persons. In the conflict which ensued, one of the robbers -fell, and the other escaped; but Burhanuddin, one of our party, was also -severely wounded, and we passed the night on the banks of a neighbouring -stream, and reached next day _Ganagar Sirkol Jatkol_, where we halted -for eight or nine days. In this place the sun is seen only three or four -times a year, when all the dogs of the village, thinking him an intruding -stranger, begin to bark at him. Burhanuddin, having recovered there, -went back to his home, and I, with the other companion, proceeded to the -Punjab, and passing through the territory of a chief, named _Shálkhan_, -entered the British dominions. On arriving at Lahore we were told that -Dr. L. was not there, and my companion, too impatient to wait, went down -to Rampur, and I stayed at Lahore.” He then gave an account of— - - -THE KOHISTÁN (OR MOUNTAINOUS COUNTRY). - -(A DIFFERENT COUNTRY FROM ONE OF THE SAME NAME NEAR KABUL.) - -_Boundaries._—It is bounded on the north by _Chitrál_, _Yasin_, and -_Hunza_, on the east by _Chilas_, _Kashmir_, and a part of _Hazara_; on -the south by _Yaghistán_ (or wild country); on the west by _Swat_ and -_Yaghistán_. - -It is surrounded by three mountainous ranges running parallel to each -other, dividing the country into two parts (the northern part is called -_Gabriál_). The Indus flows down through the country, and has a very -narrow bed here, which is hemmed in by the mountains. - -The northern part, which is called Gabriál, has only two remarkable -villages—_Kandyá_, on the western side of the river, and _Siwa_ on the -eastern; and the southern part contains many towns and villages:— - - On the eastern side of the river,— - - Name of influential - Town. Malak - (Landowner). - (1) Ladai Machú. - (2) Kolai Shah Said. - (3) Palas (9,000 pop.) Lachur. - (4) Marín Karm Khán. - - On the western side of the river,— - - Name of influential - Town. Malak - - (5) Batera - (6) Patan (8,000 pop.) Qudrat Ali. - (7) Chakarga - (8) Ranotia - -That part of _Yaghistán_ which bounds Kohistan on the west is divided -into (1) _Thakot_, which is governed by Shalkhán, and (2) _Dishán_, which -is under Ram Khan; and that part of Yaghistán which bounds it on the -south is divided into three valleys,— - - (1) Alahi, governed by Arsalan Khan. - (2) Nandiyar, ” Zafar Khan. - (3) Tikráí, ” Ghaffar Khan (has also two cannons). - -Between the southern part of Kohistan and Alahi, in the eastern corner, -there is a plain, of a circular form, surrounded on all sides by -mountains. This plain is always covered with grass, and streams of clear -and fresh water run through it. Both the grass and the water of this vast -meadow are remarkable for their nourishing and digestive qualities. This -plain is called “_Chaur_,” and is debatable ground between the Kohistanis -of Ladai, Kolai, and Palas, and the Afghans of Alahi. - -_People._—The people of this country are not allied to the Afghans, as -their language shows, but have the same erect bearing and beautiful -features. - -_Language._—Their language is altogether different from that of their -neighbours, the Afghans, as will be shown by the following comparison:— - - KOHISTANI. PUSHTO (THE AFGHAN LANGUAGE). - - 1. To-morrow night to Lahore I 1. To-morrow night to Lahore I - will go. will go. - _Douche rate Lahore bajanwa._ _Saba shapa ba Lahore shazam._ - - 2. Thou silent be. 2. Thou silent be. - _Tohe chut guda._ _Tah chup shai._ - - 3. Prepare, ye young men. 3. Prepared be, O young men. - _Jubti masha._ _Saubhal she zalmú._ - -There is a song very current in Kohistan which begins,— - -_Palas kulal mariga, Patane jirga hotiga, Johle johal madado propár -asáli_ = “In Palas a potter was killed, in Patan the jirga (or tribal -assembly) sat.” - -“The corrupted (Jirga of Malaks) took a bribe, and retaliation was -ignored.” The Afghans are called Pathans. - -_Religion._—They have been converted to Islám since four or five -generations, and they have forsaken their old religion so completely that -no tinge of it now remains; and when a Kohistani is told that they are -“nau-Muslims,” that is, “new Muhammadans,” he becomes angry. - -Muslim learning, and the building of mosques have become common in -Kohistan, and now we find twenty or thirty learned mullas in every -considerable town, besides hundreds of students, studying in mosques. - -_Dress._—Their national dress consists of a woollen hat, brimmed like -that of Europeans, and a loose woollen tunic having a long جاكى -along the right breast, so that one can easily get out the right hand to -wield one’s arms in a fight. Their trousers are also made of wool and are -very tight. In the summer they wear a kind of leathern shoes borrowed -from the Afghans, but in the winter they wear a kind of boots made of -grass (the straw of rice) reaching to the knees. They call it “pájola.” - -Till very lately their only arms were a small “khanjar” (dagger), bows -and arrows; but they have borrowed the use of guns and long swords from -the Afghans. - -The dress of their women consists of a loose woollen head-dress with -silken fringes, a woollen tunic and blue or black trousers of cotton -cloth, which they call “_shakara_.” Generally their women work with their -husbands in the corn-fields, and do not live confined to their houses. - -_Government._—They have no chiefs like the Afghans, but influential -Malaks lead them to battle, who are paid no tribute, salary, etc. - -When an enemy enters their country they whistle so sharply that the sound -is heard for miles; then the whole tribe assembles in one place for the -defence of their country, with their respective Malaks at their heads. - -_Mode of Living, and other Social Customs._—In winter they live in the -valleys, in houses made of wood and stones; but in summer they leave -their houses in the valleys for those on the peaks of mountains, and the -mass of the population spends the summer in the cooler region; but those -who cultivate the land live the whole day in the valley, and when night -comes go up to their houses on the heights. Their food is the bread of -wheat, and milk furnished by their herds of cattle (gaómesh, cows, goats, -and sheep), which is their sole property. There are no regular Bazárs -even in the large villages; but the arrival of a merchant from India is -generally hailed throughout the country. The woollen cloth which they use -generally is manufactured by them. - -_Marriage._—Very lately there was a custom amongst them that the young -man was allowed to court any girl he wished; but now, from their contact -with the Afghans, the system of “betrothal” at a very early age is -introduced, and the boy does not go till his marriage to that part of the -village in which the girl betrothed to him lives. The Kohistanis say that -they have learned three things from the Afghans:— - -(1) The use of leathern shoes, - -(2) The use of long swords and guns, - -(3) The system of betrothal. - - -III. A ROUGH SKETCH OF KHATLÁN (KOLÁB) AND ADJOINING COUNTRIES.[114] - -By MAULVI NAJMUDDIN, a Theologian and Poet from Koláb. - -NAMES OF MANZILS (STATIONS) FROM KOLAB TO THE PUNJAB. - - کولاب (1) Kolab. - - صیاد (2) Sayad. Situated on this side of the Amoo, and - belongs to Badakhshan. - - ین قلع (3) Yan-Qalá. - - چاھیاب (4) Chahyáb. Governed then (18 years ago) by Sultan - Azdahar, son of Yusuf Ali Khán. - - دشت سبز (5) Dashti-sabz. A halting-place. - - رستاق (6) Rustáq. Governed then by Ismail Khán, son of Yusuf - Ali Khán. - - قزل درہ (7) Kizil Dara. - - الکاشان (8) Elkáshán. The Himalaya begins. - - اتن جلب (9) Átin Jalab. Here the river _Kokcha_[115] is crossed. - - دشت سفید (10) Dasht-e-sufed. - - فیض اباد (11) Faízabad. Capital of Badakhshan; governed then by - Jahandár Shah; is situated on the river Kokchá. - - رباط (11) Rubát. - - دشت فراخ (12) Dashti Farákh. - - وردوج (13) Wardúj. Contains a mine of sulphur. - - (14) } Names are forgotten. - (15) } - - زیباق (16) Zibáq. Peopled by _Shi’as_ (or rather Muláis). - - دہ گول (17) Deh Gôl. The frontier village of Badakhshán; only - a kind of inn. - - سنگر (18) Sanghar. A halting-place. - - چترال (19) Chitrál. Governed then by Aman-ul-mulk (as now). - - سرغال (20) Sarghál. - - رباطَك (21) Rubatak. - - دیر (22) Dír. Governed then by Ghazan Khán. - - سوات (23) Swat. - - پشاور (24) Peshawar. - -That part of the country lying at the foot of the Hindu Kush mountains, -which is bounded on the north by Kokand and Karatigan, on the east by -Durwaz, on the south by Badakhshan and the Amu, on the west by Sherabad -and Hissar (belonging to Bukhara) is called _Khatlan_ ختلان. KOLÁB, -a considerable town containing a population of about ten thousand, is -situated at the distance of five miles from the northern bank of the -Amu, and is the capital of the province. The other towns of note are -_Muminabad_ مؤمن اباد, Daulatabad دولتاباد, Khawaling خوالنگ, -Baljawan بلجوان, and Sarchashmá سرچشمہ. - -The country, being situated at the foot of mountains, and being watered -by numerous streams, is highly fertile. The most important products -are rice, wheat, barley, kharpazá, etc.; and the people generally are -agricultural. - -There is a mine of salt in the mountains of خواجه مؤمن _Khawaja -Mumin_; and the salt produced resembles the Lahori salt, though it is not -so pure and shining, and is very cheap. - -Cattle breeding is carried on on a great scale, and the wealth of a -man is estimated by the number of cattle he possesses. There is a kind -of goat in this country which yields a very soft kind of wool (called -Tibit); and the people of Kolah prepare from it hoses and a kind of -turban, called _Shamali_ (from shamal, the northern wind, from which it -gives shelter). - -_Religion._—Generally the whole of the population belongs to the Sunni -sect (according to the Hanafi rite). - -_Tribes._—The population of the country is divided into _Laqai_, -_Battash_, and _Tajiks_. The Laqais live in movable tents (khargah) like -the Kirghiz, and lead a roving life, and are soldiers and thieves by -profession. The Battashes live in villages, which are generally clusters -of _kappás_ (thatched cottages), and are a peaceful and agricultural -people. The Tajiks live in the towns, and are mostly artisans. - -_Language._—Turki is spoken in the villages and a very corrupt form of -Persian in the towns. Most of the words are so twisted and distorted that -a Persian cannot understand the people of the country without effort. - -_Government._—The country is really a province of Bukhárá; but a native -of Kolab, descended from the Kapchaqs by the father’s and from the Laqais -by the mother’s side, became independent of Bukhará. After his death, -his four sons, Sayer Khan, Sara Khan, Qamshin Khan, Umra Khan, fought -with one another for the crown; and Sara Khan, having defeated the other -three, came to be the Chief of the province, but was defeated by an army -from Bukhará and escaped to Kabul. - -When Najmuddin left his country, it was governed by a servant of the -court of Bukhárá. - -The houses are generally built of mud, cut into smooth and symmetrical -walls, and are plastered by a kind of lime called _guch_. Burnt bricks -are very rare, and only the palace of the governor is made partially of -them. The walls are roofed by thatch made of “damish” (reeds), which grow -abundantly on the banks of the Amoo. - -The _dress_ consists of long, flowing choghás (stuffed with cotton) and -woollen turbans. The Khatlanis wear a kind of full boot which they call -_chamush_, but lately a kind of shoe is introduced from Russia, and is -called _nughai_. - -The country is connected with Yarkand by two roads, one running through -Kokand and the other through the Pamir. - - * * * * * - -The above and following accounts were in answer to questions by Dr. -Leitner, whose independent researches regarding Kandiá in 1866-72 were -thus corroborated in 1881, and again in 1886, when the photographs which -serve as the basis of our illustrations were taken. - - -IV. THE LANGUAGE, CUSTOMS, SONGS, AND PROVERBS OF GABRIÁL. - -POSITION.—A town in _Kandiá_, a part of Yaghistan (the independent, -or wild, country) situated beyond the river Indus (Hawā-sinn), which -separates it from _Chilás_. The country of _Kandiá_ extends along both -sides of the _Kheri Ghá_, a tributary of the Indus, and is separated from -_Tangir_ by a chain of mountains. - -The town of _Gabriál_ is situated three days’ march from _Jalkôt_, in a -north-west direction, and is one day’s march from _Patan_, in a northerly -direction. _Patan_ is the chief city of Southern Kandiá. - -INHABITANTS.—The whole tract of Kandiá can send out 20,000 fighting men. -They are divided into the following castes:— - -(1) Shîn, the highest, who now pretend to be Quraishes, the Arabs of the -tribe to which the Prophet Muhammad belonged. (Harif Ullá, the Gabriáli, -and Ghulam Mohammad, of Gilgit, _call themselves Quraishes_.) - -(2) Yashkun, who now call themselves Mughals, are inferior to the Shîn. A -Yashkun man cannot marry a _Shîn_ woman. Ahmad Shah, the Jalkoti belonged -to this caste. - - { (3) Doeúzgar, carpenters.} In reality these people constitute no - { (4) Jolá, weavers. } distinct castes, but all belong to a - 3 { (5) Akhár, blacksmiths. } third, the Kamìn, caste. - { (6) Dôm, musicians. - { (7) Kámìn, lowest class. - -The people of _Northern Kandiá_ (Gabriál) are called _Bunzárî_, and of -the southern part (_i.e._, Patan) _Maní_, as the Chilasis are called -_Boté_. A foreigner is called _Raráwi_, and fellow-countryman, _Muqámi_. - -RELIGION.—The Gabriális, as well as all the people of _Chilás_, _Patan_, -and _Palas_, are Sunnis, and are very intolerant to the _Shias_, who are -kidnapped and kept in slavery (Ghulam Mohammad, the Gilgiti, has been -for many years a slave in Chilás, as Ahmad Shah reports). The Gabriális -were converted to Muhammadanism by a saint named _Bâbâji_, whose shrine -is in Gabriál, and is one of the most frequented places by pilgrims. -The Gabriális say that this saint lived six or seven generations ago. -Mir Abdulla (who is really of Afghanistan, but now lives in Gabriál,) -says that the Gabriális were converted to Islám about 150 years ago. -Lately, this religion has made great progress among the people of Kandiá -generally. Every little village has a mosque, and in most of the towns -there are numerous mosques with schools attached to them, which are -generally crowded by students from every caste. In Gabriál, the Mullahs -or priests are, for the most part, of the Shîn caste, but men of every -caste are zealous in giving education to their sons. Their education is -limited to Muhammadan law (of the Hanifite school), and Arabian logic -and philosophy. Very little attention is paid to Arabic or Persian -general literature and caligraphy, that great Oriental art; so little, -indeed, that Harifullah and Mir Abdulla, who are scholars of a very high -standard, are wholly ignorant of any of the caligraphic forms, and their -handwriting is scarcely better than that of the lowest primary class boys -in the schools of the Punjab. - -The most accomplished scholar in Kandiá is the high priest and chief of -Patan, named Hazrat Ali, who is a Shîn. - -The people generally are peaceful, and have a fair complexion and erect -bearing. Their social and moral status has lately been raised very high. -Robbery and adultery are almost unknown, and the usual punishment for -these crimes is death. Divorce is seldom practised; polygamy is not rare -among the rich men (wadán), but is seldom found among the common people. - -GOVERNMENT.—Every village or town is governed by a Council of elders, -chosen from among every tribe or “taífa.” The most influential man -among these elders for the time being is considered as the chief of -the Council. These elders are either Shîns or Yashkun. No Kamìn can be -elected an elder, though he may become a Mullá, but a Mulla-kamìn also -cannot be admitted to the Council. - -The reigning Council of Gabriál consists of 12 persons, of whom 9 are -Shins and 3 Yashkuns. Patshé Khân is the present chief of the Council. -The post of Chief of the Council is not hereditary, but the wisest and -the most influential of the elders is elected to that post. Justice is -administered by the Mullahs without the interference of the Council, -whose operation is limited to inter-tribal feuds. - -CUSTOMS AND MANNERS.—Hockey on horseback, which is called “lughât” in -Gabriál, is played on holidays; and the place where they meet for the -sport is called “lughât-kárin-jha.” - -Guns are called “nâli” in Gabriál, and are manufactured in the town by -blacksmiths. - -Dancing is not practised generally, as in the other Shin countries. Only -“Doms” dance and sing, as this is their profession; they play on the -“surúi” (pipe), rabáb (harp), and shaṇdo (drum). - -The “purdá” system, or “veiling” women, is prevalent among the gentry, -but it is only lately that the system was introduced into this country. - -When a son is born, a musket is fired off, and the father of the newborn -son gives an ox as a present to the people, to be slaughtered for a -general festival. - -Infanticide is wholly unknown. - -MARRIAGE.—The father of the boy does not go himself, as in Gilgit, to -the father of the girl, but sends a man with 5 or 6 rupees, which he -offers as a present. If the present is accepted, the betrothal (lóli) is -arranged. As far as the woman is concerned the “lóli” is inviolable. The -usual sum of dowry paid in cash is 80 rupees. - -A bride is called “zhiyán,” and the bridegroom “zhiyán lo.” - -LANGUAGE.—On account of the want of intercourse between the tribes the -language of Kohistan is broken into numerous dialects; thus the structure -of the dialects spoken in Kandiá, _i.e._, in Gabriál and Patan, differs -from that of the language spoken in Chilás and Palus, _i.e._, in the -countries situated on this side of the Indus. Harifullah, a Gabriáli, did -not understand any language except his own; but Ahmad Shah, an inhabitant -of Jalkôt (situated in the southern part of Chilás), understood Gabriáli, -as he had been there for a time. Ghulam Mohammad, our Gilgiti man, who -had been captured in an excursion, and had lived as a slave in Chilás, -also thoroughly understood Jalkóti. - -The language of Kohistan (as Chilás, Kandiá, etc., are also called) is -divided into two dialects, called _Shéná_ and _Shúthun_ respectively. -In the countries situated on that side of the Indus, that is in Kandiá, -Shúthun is spoken. - -The following pages are devoted to _Ballads_, _Proverbs_, _Riddles_, and -_Dialogues_ in the Shúthun dialect. - -_Songs_ = Gíla. Meshón gíla = men’s songs; Gharón gíla = female songs. - - -1. AN ELEGY. - -Fifteen years ago a battle was fought between _Arslán Khan_ of _Kali_, -and _Qamar Ali Khan_ of _Pálus_, in which 300 men were killed on both -sides. _Phaju_, on whose death the elegy is written by his sister, was -one of the killed. The inhabitants of Palus are called “Sikhs,” in -reproach. - -i. - - _Rugé níle, jimátyán-kachh-dúkánt_, - In a green place, next a mosque, in a sitting (resting) place, - _Chá chápár gála mazé, shahzada marégil_ - In a surrounded fort within, the prince was killed - _Rugé níle, jimátyán kachh, dúkánt_ - In a green place, next a mosque, in a resting place - _Sheú wále, bathrí, sóh viráti walégil_. - Bring the bier, lay it down, (so that) that heirless one may be - brought to his home. - -ii. - - _Rúge níle, wo Shérkot shar hogaé_, - In the green place, that Sherkot, where the halting-places of guests - _Diri Sikáno qatle karégil_. - Are deserted, the Sikhs (infidels, that is the Pálusis) slaughter - committed (did). - _Rúge níle, Shérkot, barí bigá hojowo_, - In the green place, in Sherkot, a great fight happened to be, - _Kali Khel, Phajú dasgír marégil_. - O Kalikhel (a tribe of Kohistan) Phajú is captured and killed. - -TRANSLATION. - - 1. In a green place, next the mosque, in a place of rest. - Within an enclosure the prince was killed. - In a green place, next a mosque, in a spot of rest, - Bring the bier and lay it down, to bring him home who has no heir. - - 2. In the green place, that Sherkôt, where the halting-place of guests - Is deserted, the Sikhs committed slaughter. - In the green place, in Sherkot, a great fight took place, - Oh, Kalikhel tribe, Phajú was captured and killed. - -2. The following song is a chârbait, or quatrain, composed by Qamrán, a -Gabriali poet. The song treats of the love between Saif-ul-mulk, a prince -of Rúm, and Shahparì (the Fairy-queen). - -The first line of a _charbait_ is called _Sarnâmâh_, and the remaining -poem is divided into stanzas or “Khhàṛáo,” consisting each of four lines. -At the end of every stanza the burden of the song is repeated: - - SARNAMAH.—_Ma húga musfar, mi safár hugâe Hindustan waín_ - I became a stranger, my travel became towards Hindustan. - _Mí duâ’ salám, duâ’ salámi ahl Kohistan waín_ - My prayer-compliments, prayer-compliments, to the - inhabitants of Kohistan (may go forth). - _Malá Malúkh thû, O Badrái tou ínê haragilua_ - I myself am Malukh (name of the Prince Saif-ul-mulk), O - Badra, thou didst lose me. - - BURDEN.—_Hái, Malá Malúkh thû, O Badrái, ché Malúkh tîṇ tâó bar - zíthu_ - Woe, I am Malukh, O Badra, now thy Malukh from thy sorrow - has lost his senses. - -i. - - STANZAS.—1. _Mala Malukh thu, O Badrai, Malúkh tîṇ, tâó thú dazélo_ - I myself am Malukh, O Badra, thy Malukh burnt has been from - thy heat. - - 2. _Hyó níeṇ nidhéto qarâré, Malúkh Badré wátbe thú harzélo_ - In the heart there is no ease, which Malukh after Badra - has lost. - - 3. _Be tí áṇs yârâúâ, mah pai-mukhé á’ṇs soh wéloṇ_ - Ours, yours, was friendship, I beardless at that time. - - 4. _Gini kirí thi, háê háê, mi Azli qalam zikzithu_ - Why dost thou ... woe! woe! the pen of Eternity wrote so. - - BURDEN.—5. _Hái, Malá Malúkh thu, O Badrai, Ché Malukh tîṇ tâó harzi - thu._ - Woe, I am Malukh, O Badra, etc., etc. - -ii. - - 1. _Gini kiri the, hae hae, mi azló mazé lìkh taqdîr thú_ - Why dost thou ... woe, woe! in Eternity did Fate write so. - - 2. _Darwázoṇ mazá galáchhe dhuî Mato tiṇ daráṇ faqîr thu_ - On thy gate I lit fire (like Jôgís), I a boy was the beggar of thy - door. - - 3. _To hikmat biu báz-shâî thi kishéu lûṇgo maza zanzîr thu_ - By thy stratagem thou takest the eagle a prisoner in the chain of - thy black locks. - - 4. _Kisheu lûngá, narai narai, panar mûṇla bé the zetdu_ - Black locks, in strings, on thy bright face are twined. - - 5. _Hae Mala Malukh thu...._ - Woe, I am Malukh, etc.... - -iii. - - 1. _Kisheu lûngá narai narai, panar mûṇ la âwizâṇ thu_ - Black locks in strings on thy bright face are hanging. - - 2. _Mi laṛmûṇ mazá karáé, tiu makhchúe gi mi armâṇ thu_ - In my body is the knife, thine is this deed which was my desire. - - 3. _A’khir dhar héṇti nímgaré shoṇ fáni na, malá rawâṇ thu_ - At length will remain unfinished this waning (world), I now depart. - - 4. _Hyó mi kir súraí súraí, Jandun giná thu, ma mari thu_ - My heart didst thou pierce in holes, where is my life, I am dead. - - 5. _Hae Hae...._ - Woe, I am Malukh, etc. - -iv. - - 1. _Hyó mi kir súraí súraí térubir, teṇ shon niázah ghiu_ - My heart didst thou pierce throughout, by this thy spear. - - 2. _Mála thu muṛé, ti dalbaráṇ, lailo bá mi janázah ghiu_ - I am thy dead boy, thy lover, O dearest, go off from my bier. - - 3. _Khún tiu gḥaṛ hoga, ghi tulá nibháé ansi khévah ghiu_ - My blood is on thy neck, alas! thou didst not sit with me, being - engaged in thy toilet. - - 4. _Khévah kirethi zhare tin soh khiyál mudá chaizbithú_ - Thy toilet do now, now that thy remembrance of me is slackened - by Time. - - -MATAL (Masl = Proverbs). - - PROVERBS.—(1) _Zánda chapélo razan bhiyáṇt._ - One who is struck by all, fears even a rope. - - (2) _Zoṛoṇ waé nhálé k hurá zhiká._ - Looking towards (the length of) the sheet, extend your feet. - - (3) _Háte ché rachhélú darwáze aṛat kara._ - Elephant if you keep, make your door wide. - - (4) _Kaṛotál ghutágir, láwáṇ na hol kir._ - The Lion attacks, the Jackal makes water. - - (5) _Qá mil tillu gûṇ kaáṇt, báz mil tillu máséu khánt._ - With crow went, ate dung; with eagle went, ate flesh. - _i.e._ In the company of the crow you will learn to eat dung - and in that of the eagle, you will eat flesh. - - (6) _Taṇgá gatam karé rupaé balyúṇ._ - A penny, for collecting went, lost rupee. - - (7) _Aíṇ tale kaṇwalé déthé, mazé háṛ shárá túṇ._ - Big mouth flattery does, inwardly (in mind) breaks bones. - - (8) _Dúṇí lawáṇo karú márch._ - Two Jackals a lion kill. - - (9) _Dhon mazé ek bakrí budi agalu, bûtoṇ bakroṇ ethi._ - In a flock, if a contagious disease to one goat come, it comes to - all goats. - - (10) _Gúṇ khuch táṇt soṇ, gháṇo cháí hont._ - Dung is spread out however much, bad smell so much more becomes. - - (11) _Zhá zhui dárú._ - Brother’s remedy is brother. - - (12) _Tálaiṇ uthi, kozá dishál, tiu dú boṇdi._ - A sieve rose, to pot said, “You have two holes.” - - (13) _Zar bádshah tamam hotoṇ, hiyá bandgár shilát._ - Money of the king is spent, heart of the treasurer pains. - - -ISHOLÁ (Question). - - RIDDLES.—(1) _Shúṇ ghélá chíz thuṇ, che naháláṇt tasi wáiṇ pasháṇt amá?_ - Such what thing is, which they see towards it, they see - themselves in it? - _Answer: Mirror._ _Shúṇ áhan thi._ = Such _mirror_ is. - - (2) _Shúṇ gheḷá chíz thúṇ che surat záné thi, tilháṇt nai?_ - Such what thing is, whose figure serpent-like is, does not move? - _Answer: Rope._ _Shúṇ rás thi._ = Such rope is. - - (3) _Shúṇ ghelá chíz thúṇ, aṇgár dheráni gellú, dhúaṇ darya bau nikáṇt?_ - Such what thing is, fire is applied to dry grass, the river of - smoke flows from it. - _Answer: Hookâh._ - - (4) _Shúṇ ghélá chíz thúṇ, che mut surté waré nahále? hasáṇt, khuroṇ - we nahále roṇt?_ - Such what thing is, who seeing towards other body laughs, seeing - towards feet, weeps? - _Answer: Peacock._ - - -SHÚTHUN. - -WORDS AND DIALOGUES. - - -_Words._ - - God, _Khávaṇd_. - fairy, _kháperé_. - demon, _div_. - female demon, _balái_. - paradise, _janat_. - fire, _aṇgár_. - earth, _uzmuk_. - water, _wí_. - heaven, _asmán_. - moon, _yúṇ_. - star, _tará_. - darkness, _tamáí_. - shadow, _chhoṇl_. - day, _des_. - light, _láwar_. - night, _rál_. - midday, _mazardi_. - midnight, _áṛ-rál_. - evening, _nosháṇ_. - to-day, _ázuk des_. - yesterday, _bayaluk des_. - to-morrow, _rályaṇk des_. - heat, _taó_, _tát_. - cold, _hewán_. - flame, _lám_. - smoke, _dhúáṇ_. - thunder, _hagá-dazi-gé_. - lightning, _mili_. - rain, _ájo_. - drop, _ájo-tìpo_. - rainbow, _bijonṛ_. - snow, _hiṇ yúṇ_. - ice, _kambuk_. - hail, _mékh_. - dew, _palús_. - earthquake, _bhúnál_. - dust, _udhún_. - pebbles, _lakh-bato_. - sand, _sighál_. - mud, _chichál_. - plain, _maidán_, _meráh_. - valley, _dará_. - mount, _kháu_. - foot of mountain, _múndh_. - river, _sín_. - wooden bridge, _síú_. - rivulet, _uchhu_. - streamlet, _kháṛ_. - avalanche, _hiṇál_. - lake, _dhám_. - pond, _dhamkalú_. - confluence, _milil_. - banks, _sin-kaí_. - yonder bank, _pír sinkai_. - this bank, _ár sinkai_. - a well, _kohi_. - country, _watau_. - village, _gáụ_. - - place, _zhaí_. - army, _kauár_. - leader, _kauár sardár_. - lumberdár, _malak_. - tax-gatherer, _jám kai_. - policeman, _zeitú_. - cannon, _tof_. - gun, _náli_. - sword, _tarwál_. - dagger, _karái_. - lance, _naizá_, _shel_. - powder, _náláṇ daru_. - ball, _goli_. - ditches, _kahe_. - war, _kali_. - thief, _lú_. - sentinel, _ráth_. - guard, _chár_. - guide, _pan-pasháṇtuk_. - coward, _khiá to_. - traitor, _fatandár_. - bribe, _baṛi_. - prisoner, _bandi_. - slave, _dim_. - master, _maulá_. - servant, _naukar_. - drum, _shaudo_. - sheath, _káti_. - grip, _kauzá_. - bottom of sheath, _kundi_. - hatchet, _ckháí_. - file, _soán_. - smoothing iron, _rambi_. - scythe, _liṇzh_. - tongs, _ochhúṇ_. - razor, _chhúr_. - mirror, _áhin_. - plough, _hól_. - oar, _phiyá_. - yoke, _úṇ_. - ladle, _tagú_. - kneading roller, _chhagór_. - kettle, _chati_. - little kettle, _chedin_. - stone kettle, _botá-bháṇ_. - pan, _to_. - coal, _phúthe_. - key, _kunji_. - lion, _khará_. - shawl, _shíyúṇ_. - bedding, _bathár_. - lock, _sáṛ_. - bolt, _hul_. - vineyard, _dháṇgá_. - stable, _ghozai_. - ” for cattle, _gáṇ zai_. - ” for sheep, _bakroṇ-ghuzál_. - water mill, _yáṇzh_. - iron peg, _kili_. - bullet-bag, _koti_. - powder-flask, _darú kothi_. - iron and flint, _tíz_. - tinder, _khú_. - bow, _sháe_. - arrow, _káṇó_. - quiver, _káṇó bhaṇ_. - ship, _jaház_. - boat, _heṛi_. - - century, _shol kála_. - year, _kála_. - half-year, _aṛa-kála_. - three months, _sha-yúṇ_. - week, _sát-dés_. - spring, _basáṇ_. - summer, _barish_. - autumn, _sharal_. - -LUNAR MUHAMMADAN MONTHS. - - Khudá tálá yúṇ, Rajab. - Shahqadar, Shaaban. - Rozoṇ yúṇ, Ramazan. - Lukut (smaller) eed yúṇ, Shawal. - Kháli yúṇ, Zi Qáad. - Gháíṇ eed yúṇ, Zi Haj. - Hasan Husain yúṇ, Muharram. - Chár bheyáṇ (four sisters), four months of Rabiulawwal: Rabi 2, - Jamadi 1, Jamadi 2. - - man, _máṇsho_. - male, _mésh_. - woman, _gharoṇ_. - new-born child, _chinot_. - girl, _mati_. - virgin, _bikra-mati_. - bachelor, _cháur_. - old man, _zárá_. - old woman, _zírí_. - puberty, _zuáni_. - life, _zhigi_. - death, _máreg_. - sickness, _ráṇs_. - sick, _najúr_. - health, _mith ráhat_. - relation, _zhává_. - brotherhood, _sak zhá_. - friend, _yár_. - aunt, _máfi_. - father, _abá_. - paternal uncle, _pichá_. - mother, _yá_. - brother, _zhá_. - sister, _bhiyúṇ_. - son, _púsh_. - daughter, _dhí_. - daughter’s husband, _zamá zhú_. - grandson, _pázho_. - granddaughter, _pozhi_. - nephew, _zhá-lichh_. - husband, _baryú_. - wife’s brother, _shábri_. - wife’s mother, _ichosh_. - wife’s father, _shor_. - pregnancy, _ghaleíṇ_. - nurse, _razáí mahal_. - priest, _moláṇ_. - mosque, _jamáat_. - pupil, _shágar_. - sportsman, _dháuzír_. - goldwasher, _keryáṇ_. - peasant, _déqán_. - horse-stealer, _gálwáṇ_. - robber, _lú_. - brick-baker, _ustá kár_. - butcher, _qasábi_. - shepherd, _payál_. - cowherd, _go-chár_. - groom, _kharbal_. - - body, _surté adúmá_. - skin, _chám_. - bones, _hár_. - marrow, _métho_. - flesh, _maséṇ_. - fat, _miyún_. - blood, _rát_. - veins, _rage_. - head, _shish_. - occiput, _shisháṇ-kokar_. - brain, _metho_. - curls, _chaṇdú_. - tresses, _pétú_. - forehead, _tál_. - eyes, _aṇchhi_. - eyebrow, _ruzí_. - eyelids, _papáíṇ_. - pupil, _machhá_. - tears, _áṇchhe_. - ears, _kaná_. - hearing, _shúoṇ_. - cheeks, _hargel_. - chin, _dáí_. - nose, _nathúr_. - nostrils, _shúli_. - odour, _gháṇ_. - sneezing, _zhitá_. - upper lip, _bul-dhút_. - nether lip, _múṇ-dhút_. - mouth, _áiṇ_. - taste, _khoṇd_. - licking, _chara_. - sucking, _chúshoṇ_. - beard, _dáí-bál_. - moustaches, _phuṇge_. - teeth, _daná_. - tongue, _zíb_. - jaw, _tálú_. - throat, _marri_. - neck, _shák_. - shoulder, _phyá_. - back, _dah_. - fore-arm, _mutá_. - palm, _kát-zil_. - nails, _naḳhá_. - thumb, _aṇgú_. - middle finger, _mazwál angúi_. - breast, _heṇ li_. - lungs, _phap_. - liver, _shúr_. - kidneys, _juká_. - breath, _dhéṇs_. - coughing, _kháṇg_. - spleen, _shiyáṇ_. - belly, _vari_. - side, _shígát_. - ribs, _pash_. - thighs, _sethi_. - knee, _kútá_. - feet, _khurá_. - sole, _sháṇdá_. - - anger, _rush_. - aversion, _achháq_. - boastful, _amá-tikú_. - cheating, _tḥag_. - courage, _hyo-kura_. - cowardice, _bhiyáto_. - - blind, _shéo_. - deaf, _borá_. - dumb, _cháo_. - dwarf, _khátoṇ_. - giant, _zhigo_. - hunch-back, _dakoro_. - stammering, _hup-hup_. - one-eyed, _ek-áchhá_. - - bed, _shi-úṇ_. - broom, _láhúli_. - canal, _yáh_. - fort, _kalá_. - house, _báo_. - ladder, _párchaṇgi_. - street, _durro_. - water-jug, _dhomb-lú_. - wall, _kúṛ_. - window, _bá-úṇ_. - - guest, _maláshi_. - host, _malásh-khais_. - breakfast, _vépli_. - midday meal, _ashari-goli_. - luncheon, _mazardiṇ-goli_. - evening meal, _bilalú-ki-goli_. - sour dough, _kham birá_. - light, _lawár_. - - I, _má_. - thou, _tú_. - he, _úṇ_. - we, _améṇ_. - you, _tus_. - they, _áiṇ_. - - great, _ghéroṇ_. - small, _lakho_. - much, _che_. - beautiful, _sugá_. - ugly, _adash_. - clean, _sáf_. - dirty, _mulgán_. - deep, _khatoṇ_. - rich, _poyandá_. - poor, _kám toáṇ_. - miserly, _sakh_. - - oath, _súgáu_. - - -_Dialogues._ - - What is your name? _tiṇ ná gi thú?_ - - Where do you come from? _tú guláṇ ethú?_ - - Where do you go to? _tú guláṇ byáṇ thú?_ - - When did you come? _tú kal ethú?_ - - Come quickly, _zino é_. - - Go slowly, _suple bhá_. - - Beat him now, _as uskéṇ koteh_. - - Kill him afterwards, _as hilék pásrih máreh_. - - How is the road between this and there? _uṇgáí shálgái har páṇ - goshe the?_ - - Very bad and dangerous, _chaí kharáb thi, chai gi aụ thi_. - - Very easy; a plain, and nothing to fear, _chaí hasán thi; bodi - maiaán kingi bhíl nithi_. - - Is there any water on the road? _paú mazé wi thú ya na thú_ - (way-in water is or not is)? - - Why should there not be any? _giné nithú?_ - - There is plenty, and good water, _cho thú, sains thú_. - - The water is bad and salty, _achhak thú, lúsuláe milál thú_. - - There is a big river on the road, which you will not be able to - cross, _pánda mazé, ghái sin thi, pir-khingí_ (on that side) - _ni biháṇt_. - - Why? Is there no bridge? _ginah? síú nithú?_ - - There was a rope bridge, but to-day it broke, _bilálá síú áṇs, - áz sher thi_. - - Can it be not repaired? _sáṇdhat nai éṇ?_ - - There are no men for two days’ march all round. There are - neither twigs nor ropes to be got. How am I to do? _shásh taraf - se másh nithu, doṇ diṇ so mazaló-mazé, gishí sandhyí?_ - - How can he come; he has gone about some business, _sóh gishé - éshóto, soh kámi béjthú_. - - Go! be silent. Bring him at once, or else I shall be very - angry, _bóh! chubbó; má khapá hothiú, zino bádi á_. - - What do you want? _tú gi lukhát?_ - - I do not want anything except to drink and eat, _mà kiṇgeh ni - lukhaṇt, kháṇ púr lukháṇt_. - - I have nothing; what can I give you? _minge kíngé nithú, má gi - dáwá?_ - - First of all bring cold water, _buttó mú tḥo tú mitḥa wi á_. - - Afterwards bring milk, ghi, butter, _paitóṇ shír, ghil, - shishaṇ_. - - How many days will you stay here? _tú ondháṇ ketúk desi - bhayáṇto?_ - - I will start to-morrow early, _má ráli béṇto_. - - Get coolies (porters), _petwáre á_. - - How many coolies do you want? _ketúk petwáre pakár thú?_ - - The road is full of stones, _páṇdá maze batáh chaí vaṇte_. - - Your loads are very heavy, _tíṇ aíṇ_ (-this) _peté chaí abur - thíṇ_. - - The coolies will not be able to carry them, _zaṇ petwaré búí - ner haṇthé_. - - I beg that you will make your loads a little lighter, and then - you will arrive quicker, _mi arzí thi, as peté hilék achhrá; - amén hálo chhíl_. - - Be patient; I will pay for all; I will give the rate to the - coolies. If you act well I will reward you, _sabar karé; móṇh - buto mazdúri dashul; téṇ miṭh kám karlu, má tighé inám dashut_. - - Get the horses ready, _ghúí tayár karáh_. - - Put the saddle on, _ghúí tal kátḥí sambhál karé_. - - Take the saddle and bridle off, _ghúí na maláni alú karé, háṇ - káthé_. - - Catch hold of this, _as dháí_. - - Do not lose it, _as phat niré_. - - Do not forget what I say, _míṇ bál_ (my word) _né ushá_. - - Hear! look! take care, _káno hin shúná, anchhí náhlí l fikar - karé_. - - Tie the horse to that tree, _gho as gáí mél gáṇdá_. - - Keep watch all night, _rál chokidárí karáh_. - - Are there many thieves here? _úndá lú ché thé?_ - - What is this noise? _shún awáz kasiṇ thúṇ?_ - - Who are you? _tú káṇ thúṇ?_ - - Get away from here, _uṇd gáí báh_. - - Shoot him the moment he comes near, _uṇgáí ígálo, asíṇ tumakáh - deh_. - - This man is treacherous, _úṇ másh bepat thú_. - - Don’t let him go, _as másh úṇdú phat niyáréh_. - - Bind him, imprison him, enchain him; put him into stocks, _as - gaṇdáh; asiṇ háthe zanzír gáláh; as kundi galáh_. - - I am going to sleep, _hú íṇ má sútá bijáṇtaé_. - - Don’t make a noise, _chozuk niyáreh_. - - How many people are there in the village? _as gáṇó maz katú - maṇsh thé?_ - - I have not counted them, _méṇ ishmár niyárchí_. - - Is the soil fertile or sterile? _dol níl thé, gíh shíshi thé?_ - - Is there much fruit? _mévá chaí thé?_ - - Is there much grain in the village? _as watné maz án cho thú?_ - - How many taxes do you pay in the year? _ek kál maz ketúk masúl - diyáṇt tus?_ - - Are you satisfied? _tú khush-hál thú?_ - - How is your health? _tú uṇdáṇ arám thú?_ - - I am in good health, _arám thú_. - - Good temper, _tabyát sáf_. - - Bad temper, _tabyát asak_. - - God bless you, _khudáé tigé barakat dé_. - - May God lengthen your life, _khudáe tiṇ umar chai kare_. - - My name is Gharib Shah, _míṇ ná Gharíb Sháh thú_. - - My age is twenty years, _míṇ umar bísh káláh thú_. - - My mother is dead; my father is alive; _míṇ mháṇli marigai, míṇ - mahálo zaná thú_. - - How is the road, good or bad? _pán mit thi ghi achak thi?_ - - In one or two places it is good, in others bad, _ek dú záé mit - thíṇ, ek dú záé achak thíṇ_. - - How did you come from Chilas? _tú Chilasúṇ gishéí thú?_ - - I could not get a horse, I went on foot, _gho nyans, maton, - khuron tal ethú_. - - Are the mountains on the road high? _pán maze kháná úchat thé?_ - - When are you going back? _tú kaiá bashotá?_ - - I am poor, _má gharíh thú_. - - We kill all infidels, _bé bud kafra maráṇ the_. - - I have come to learn the language, _má zíb chhitáíṇ éthú_. - - What do I care about? _miṇ gi parwá thú?_ - - I make my prayers five times every day, _má har dés panjwaqtúṇ - nimáz karáṇ thé_. - - Where did you come from? _tu guláṇ ethú?_ - - Come into the house, _bá khuní é_. - - Sit at your ease, _mitho bhaí_. - - Are you well? _tú mit thú?_ - - Are your children well? _tíu chinomati júṛ thé?_ - - Is your sister’s son well? _tíu sazú júṛ thé?_ - - Are you very ill? _tú cho ácháq_ (sick) _thé?_ - - May God restore you to health! _khudá tálá tú joṛ kéré._ - - Light the fire, _angár guyáh_. - - Cook the food, _goli pazáh_. - - Spread the bed, _bathári karé_. - - It is very cold, _chaí lúí thé_. - - It is very hot, _chaí tut thé_. - - Put on your clothes, _zúr shá_. - - Catch hold of the horse, _gho dhaí_. - - Look at that man, _píshas másh nahálá_. - - Take care, _fikar karé_. - - You will fall, _tú ullá shat_. - - Take a good aim, _mitḥi nazir karé_. - - I will give you help, _ma timál madat karéshat_. - - I am hungry, bring food that I may eat, _má húshoshat, goli á, - khéij_. - - I am thirsty, bring water that I may drink, _má chúha húga, wi - á, púmá_. - - I am sleepy now, I will go to sleep, _migé nízh íge, nizh - karáṇthú_. - - What do you call this in your language? _tus shas chizí taí zíb - hín gimá manáth?_ - - How much is the produce of this land? _as zaímuz ketúk paidá - húnt?_ - - Can you sing? _tige gila eṇthe?_ - - - - -V.—ANTHROPOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS ON DARDS AND KAFIRS IN DR. LEITNER’S -SERVICE. - - -(_Measurements in Centimetres._) - -1. ABDUL GHAFÛR, KAFIR OF KAMÔZ, _about 24 or 25 years of age_. - - Height, 168·5; hair, black; eyes, hazel; colour of face, ruddy; - colour of body, very light brown; narrow forehead; high instep; - big boned; length round the forehead, biggest circumference of - head, 53·75; protruding and big ears; square face; long nose, - slightly aquiline; good regular teeth; small beard; slight - moustache and eyebrows; distance between eyebrows, ordinary; - good chest; fine hand; well-made nails. Weight, 10 st. 2¾ lbs. - -2. KHUDAYÁR, YASHKUN NÁGYRI; _age 24_.[116] - - Height, 182; colour of body, light yellow brown; round the - head, 52·5; teeth, good, regular; nose, very slightly aquiline; - little growth on upper lip; none on cheeks; long, straight, - coarse black hair; eyes, hazel; ears, not so protruding; - better-proportioned forehead; small hand; good instep; foot - bigger, in proportion, than hand (not so good as other’s hand); - 80 pulse. Weight, 9 st. 10 lbs. - -3. IBRAHÍM, RÔNO, NAGYRI; _age 34_. - - Height, 162·3; round the head, 56·5; eyes, dark brown; big - hands and feet; instep, good; colour, brown; good muscular - foot; strong arms; hair, black; plentiful growth on upper lip; - nose, aquiline; broad nostrils; full lips. Weight, 10 st. 12 - lbs. (No. 10 on Drawing 1 of Appendix IV.) - -4. MATAVALLI, YASHKUN OF HUNZA; _age 30_.[116] - - Height, 164·0; very hairy, including hands; round the head, - 54·0; head, pyramidal pointed; sinister countenance; very big - hands and feet; thin lips; great moustache, coarser hair; more - flat-soled than rest. Weight, 9 st. 8½ lbs. (_Full details in - “Comparative Table.”_) - -5. SULTAN ALI, YASHKUN OF NAGYR; _age 35_. - - Height, 165·25; round the head 53·75; square head; retroussé, - small nose; small mouth; red beard, plentiful; black hair; - brown eyes; very big hands and feet, also instep. Weight, 9 st. - 12 lbs. (No. 11 on Drawing 1 of Appendix IV.) - -6. KHUDADAD OF NAGYR; _age 30_. - - Height, 163·3; round the head, 54·4; stupid expression; big - chest; ordinary hands and feet; low forehead; rising head; very - muscular; eyes, brown; complexion, brown; thickish nose; very - narrow forehead; underhung jaw; lots of hair. Weight, 9 st. 12 - lbs. (No. 3 on Drawing 1 of Appendix IV.) - -7. HATÁMU OF NAGYR; _age 16_. - - Height, 162·1; round the head, 54·4 (broad head); low Grecian - forehead; small nose; eyes, dark brown; light brown complexion; - small hands and feet; regular, white teeth. Weight, 7 st. 13 - lbs. (No. 4 of above Drawing.) - -8. GHULAM MUHAMMAD, SHÎN OF GILGIT; _age 38_.[116] - - Height, 161·0; round the head, 54; beard, prematurely grey; - lost second incisor; small hands and feet; fair instep; brown - eyes and complexion; nose, straight; ears all right. Weight 8 - st. 5 lbs. - -[Illustration: ANTHROPOLOGICAL. - -Gilgiti (Ghulman Muhammad). - -Nagyri (Khudayar). - -Hunza Man (Matavalli). - -ETHNOLOGICAL. (_See also Drawing 1 of Appendix IV._) - -A Gabriali Student and two Messengers (A Chitrali and a Yasini), from a -Brother of the late Mihtar Aman-ul-Mulk, Ruler of Chitral.] - - -FURTHER MEASUREMENTS OF THE ABOVE MEN BY THE SCHWARZ SYSTEM. - -(_See explanations of these numbers further on, page 5._) - - +---------------------------------------------------------------------+ - |NUMBERS BY SCHWARZ. | - | |1. ABDUL-GHAFÛR, KAMÔZ KÁFIR. | - | | |2. KHUDAYAR YASHKUN, NAGYRI. | - | | | |3. IBRAHÎM, NAGYRI RÓNO. | - | | | | |4.[117] MATAVALLI, HUNZA YASHKUN. | - | | | | | |5. SULTAN ALI, YASHKUN, NAGYRI. | - | | | | | | |6. KHUDADÁD NAGYRI. | - | | | | | | | |7. HATAMU NAGYRI.| - | | | | | | | | |8. GHULAM | - | | | | | | | | | MUHAMAD,| - | | | | | | | | | GILGITI | - | | | | | | | | | SHÎN. | - +----+-------+-------+-------+------+-------+-------+------+----------+ - | 28 | 30 |26·7·5 | 29·2 | 31·5 | 25·5 | 28·5 | 24·7 | 29·5 | - | 29 | 15 |24·7·5 | 14 | 13·5 | 14 | 11·75 | 31·1 | 15·5 | - | 30 | 14·5 | 13·5 | 14·5 | 13·6 |13·7·5 | 14·2 | 12·7 | 14 | - | 31 |10·2·5 | 8·7·5 | 9·5 | 9·6 | 8·7·5 | 9·2 | 8·1 | 9·1 | - | 32 | 3·7·5 | 3·5 | 3 |3·7·5 | 3·25 | 3·3 | 3·8 | 3·9 | - | | | | | | | | | | - | 34 | 3·9 | 4 | 4·6 | 4·1 | 3·6 | 3·6 | 3·4 | 3·5 | - | 35 | 5·5 | 4 | 4·7·5 | 5 | 4·1 | 5·5 | 4·5 | 4·8 | - | 36 | 14 | 11·2 |11·7·5 |11·25 | 11·2 | 11·2 | 11·1 | 10·2 | - | 37 |18·7·5 |20·2·5 | 20·6 | 20·8 | 19 | 20·75 | 19·2 | 18·5 | - | | | | | | | | | | - | 39 | 46 |44·7·5 | 48 | 44·5 | 44·5 | 48·6 | 41·5 | 39·6 | - +----+-------+-------+-------+------+-------+-------+------+----------+ - - -DESCRIPTION OF JAMSHÉD, THE SIAH PÔSH KAFIR. - -Jamshêd of Katár, the nephew of General Feramorz, the renowned Kafir -General in the service of the late Amir Sher Alí of Kabul, was a -confidential orderly both in the service of the Amir Sher Alí and in -that of Yakúb Khan, whose cause he espoused against that of his father, -in consequence of which, when his master was imprisoned, he fled to -Rawalpindi, where he came to me. He had witnessed some of the most -exciting scenes in modern Kabul history, had risen to the rank of Major, -and had served with Prince Iskandar of Herát, whom he afterwards again -met in London. - -In 1872 I published from Jamshêd’s dictation an account of the -“Adventures of Jamshèd, a Siah Pôsh Kafir, and his wanderings with -Amir Sher Alí,” and also “a statement about slavery in Kabul, etc.,” -which contained the names of places and tribes previously unknown to -Geographers and Ethnographers, as well as historical and political -material, the value of which has been proved by subsequent events. I -took him with me to England, not only on account of the interest which -exists in certain scientific quarters as regards the “mysterious race” -of which he was a member, but also in order to draw the attention of the -Anti-slavery Society and of Government to the kidnapping of Kafirs—the -supposed “poor relations” of the European—which is carried on by the -Afghans. - -His measurement was taken, according to the systems of both Broca -and Schwarz (of the Novara expedition), by Dr. Beddoe, and the type -appeared to approach nearest to that of the slavonized Macedonians of -the Herzegovina, like one of whose inhabitants he looked, thus creating -far less attention, especially when dressed _à l’européenne_ in Europe, -than he did at Lahore, where Lord Northbrook saw him. The Anti-slavery -Society sent him to the Chiefs of Katár with a communication to the -effect that Englishmen strongly disapproved of slavery, and that they -should represent their case to the Panjab Government. A curious incident -in connection with his presence in England may be mentioned. It was -the 6th May, 1874, the day of the “Two Thousand”; the result of the -Newmarket race was eagerly expected, when the _Globe_ came out with the -following titles placed on the posters: “Result of the ‘Two Thousand.’” -“An Interesting Race” (the latter was an article on the race of the Siah -Pôsh Kafirs). The result may be imagined. Hundreds of Welshers plunged -into an account of the Siah Pôsh Kafirs under the notion that they were -going to have a great treat in a telegraphic description of a Newmarket -race. I was informed that the wrath of the sporting roughs who besieged -the office was awful when they found out their mistake. Poor Jamshêd was -seen across the Panjab border by one of my Munshis, but returned some -months later to Lahore, whence he found his way to Brussa, in Asia Minor. -It is supposed that he took service in the Turkish Army, but he has not -since been heard of. As I intend to publish an account of the Káfirs of -Katár (now, I fear, all Nimchas, or half-Muhammadans), Gambir, etc., I -reserve the interesting statements of Jamshêd to their proper Section in -my “Káfiristán.” - -[Illustration: JAMSHÊD, THE SIAH PÔSH KAFIR, - -BROUGHT TO ENGLAND BY PROF. LEITNER IN 1872.] - - -COMPARATIVE TABLE OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS ON SOME OF THE DARDS IN -DR. LEITNER’S SERVICE. - -(_The first five and the last are described by the French system; -the sixth by the German system, put into millimetres and centimetres -respectively._) - - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - | | A | - | | MATAVALLI.[118] | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - |Date and place of observation | 2-6-81: Simla | - |Age; sex; profession | 32 yrs.; m.; peasant | - | | and warrior | - |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Yashkun; Khajuná; | - | | Burishki | - |Religion and birthplace | Shiah; (probably Mulái) | - | | Hunza | - |Thin, medium, or stout | medium | - |Weight[121] | 9 st. 8½ lb. | - |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 53 (red brown) | - | { ” covered parts | 21 (light red brown) | - | { hair | 48 (black) | - | { beard | 41 (black) | - | { eyes | 3 (light brown) | - |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | | - | or woolly | straight | - |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | thick, long and stiff | - |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | very hairy | - |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | No. 2 (nearly quite | - | | straight) | - |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | medium (arched) | - | ” straight, or turned outwards | straight | - |Teeth: large, medium, or small | small | - | ” incisors, straight (vertical), | straight (incisors wide | - | slanting, or very slanting | apart) | - |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | | - | bad, or very bad | good (but dirty) | - | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 195 millim. | - | { ” ” inial | 192 ” | - | { ” transverse, maximum | 144 ” | - |Skull{ ” auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 116 ” | - | {Curves: inio-frontal | 345 ” | - | { ” horizontal | 540 ” | - | { ” transverse sub-auricular | 330 ” | - | {facial angle (Camner) | 81 ” | - |From point of chin to edge of hair | 185 ” | - | ” ophryon to alveolar point | 95 ” | - |Breadth between zygomata | 139 ” | - |Length of nose | 48 ” | - |Breadth of nose | 31 ” | - |From ophryon to root of nose | 12 ” | - |Width between inner angle of eyes | | - | ” ” cheekbones | 94 ” | - |Height (standing) | 164 centim. | - | ” (sitting) | 126 ” | - |Greatest extension of arms | 162 ” | - | ” ” of span | 20 ” | - |Total length of foot | 25 ” | - |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 20 ” | - |Forehead | high; slightly receding | - |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | very marked | - |Intra-ocular distance | scarcely any | - |Eyebrows | bushy, crossing, | - | | forming but one line | - |Eyes | straight | - |Cheeks | little salient | - |Zygomatic arch | very salient | - |Chin | oval | - |Ears | medium, little salient | - | | (round, small) | - |Mouth | | - |Neck | strong | - |Torso | strong | - |Extremities | very small | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - | | B | - | | KHUDÁYÁR. | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - |Date and place of observation | 2-6-81: Simla | - |Age; sex; profession | 21 yrs.; m.; student | - |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Yashkun; Khajuná; | - | | Burishki | - |Religion and birthplace | Shiah; Nagyr | - |Thin, medium, or stout | thin | - |Weight[121] | 9 st. 10 lb. | - |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 54 | - | { ” covered parts | 47 | - | { hair | 42 | - | { beard | 43 | - | { eyes | 3 | - |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | | - | or woolly | curly | - |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | scanty | - |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | a little hairy | - |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | 5 | - |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | medium | - | ” straight, or turned outwards | straight | - |Teeth: large, medium, or small | medium | - | ” incisors, straight (vertical), | | - | slanting, or very slanting | straight | - |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | | - | bad, or very bad | very good | - | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 183 | - | { ” ” inial | 180 | - | { ” transverse, maximum | 144 | - |Skull{ ” auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 110 | - | {Curves: inio-frontal | 315 | - | { ” horizontal | 525 | - | { ” transverse sub-auricular | 315 | - | {facial angle (Camner) | | - |From point of chin to edge of hair | | - | ” ophryon to alveolar point | | - |Breadth between zygomata | | - |Length of nose | | - |Breadth of nose | | - |From ophryon to root of nose | | - |Width between inner angle of eyes | | - | ” ” cheekbones | | - |Height (standing) | 182 | - | ” (sitting) | 131 | - |Greatest extension of arms | 180 | - | ” ” of span | 16½ | - |Total length of foot | 26 | - |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 21½ | - |Forehead | high; slightly | - | | retreating | - |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | well developed | - |Intra-ocular distance | deep | - |Eyebrows | very bushy | - |Eyes | straight | - |Cheeks | little salient | - |Zygomatic arch | salient | - |Chin | oval | - |Ears | | - |Mouth | | - |Neck | proportioned | - |Torso | square | - |Extremities | fine | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - | | C | - | | GHULAM MUHAMMAD. | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - |Date and place of observation | 2-6-81: Simla | - |Age; sex; profession | 40 yrs.; m.; | - | | agriculturist | - |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Shiná | - |Religion and birthplace | Shiah; Gilgit | - |Thin, medium, or stout | medium | - |Weight[121] | 8 st. 5 lb. | - |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 38 | - | { ” covered parts | 38 | - | { hair | grey | - | { beard | grey | - | { eyes | 2 | - |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | | - | or woolly | curly | - |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | very thick | - |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | a little hairy | - |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | 5 | - |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | medium | - | ” straight, or turned outwards | straight | - |Teeth: large, medium, or small | large | - | ” incisors, straight (vertical), | | - | slanting, or very slanting | straight | - |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | | - | bad, or very bad | good | - | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 186 | - | { ” ” inial | 187 | - | { ” transverse, maximum | 144 | - |Skull{ ” auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 123 | - | {Curves: inio-frontal | 325 | - | { ” horizontal | 540 | - | { ” transverse sub-auricular | 320 | - | {facial angle (Camner) | | - |From point of chin to edge of hair | | - | ” ophryon to alveolar point | | - |Breadth between zygomata | | - |Length of nose | | - |Breadth of nose | | - |From ophryon to root of nose | | - |Width between inner angle of eyes | | - | ” ” cheekbones | | - |Height (standing) | 161 | - | ” (sitting) | 124 | - |Greatest extension of arms | 174 | - | ” ” of span | 16 | - |Total length of foot | 25 | - |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 19 | - |Forehead | medium; straight | - |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | much developed | - |Intra-ocular distance | very deep | - |Eyebrows | arched, bushy, crossed | - |Eyes | straight | - |Cheeks | salient | - |Zygomatic arch | salient | - |Chin | oval | - |Ears | | - |Mouth | medium | - |Neck | proportioned | - |Torso | proportioned | - |Extremities | fine | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - | | D | - | | GHULÁM. | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - |Date and place of observation | —— Simla | - |Age; sex; profession | 18 yrs.; m. | - |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Shîn (Kashmir subject) | - |Religion and birthplace | Sunni; Gurukôt near | - | | Astor | - |Thin, medium, or stout | | - |Weight[121] | | - |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 52 | - | { ” covered parts | 53 | - | { hair | 48 | - | { beard | 48 | - | { eyes | 1 | - |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | | - | or woolly | curly | - |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | thick | - |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | very hairy | - |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | 5 | - |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | thin | - | ” straight, or turned outwards | straight | - |Teeth: large, medium, or small | small | - | ” incisors, straight (vertical), | | - | slanting, or very slanting | straight | - |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | | - | bad, or very bad | very good | - | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 187 | - | { ” ” inial | 185 | - | { ” transverse, maximum | 144 | - |Skull{ ” auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 110 | - | {Curves: inio-frontal | 335 | - | { ” horizontal | 540 | - | { ” transverse sub-auricular | 335 | - | {facial angle (Camner) | | - |From point of chin to edge of hair | | - | ” ophryon to alveolar point | | - |Breadth between zygomata | | - |Length of nose | | - |Breadth of nose | | - |From ophryon to root of nose | | - |Width between inner angle of eyes | | - | ” ” cheekbones | | - |Height (standing) | 159 | - | ” (sitting) | 125 | - |Greatest extension of arms | 167 | - | ” ” of span | 20 | - |Total length of foot | 24½ | - |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 20 | - |Forehead | medium; straight | - |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | scarcely any | - |Intra-ocular distance | not deep | - |Eyebrows | arched, bushy, crossed | - |Eyes | straight | - |Cheeks | little salient | - |Zygomatic arch | much developed | - |Chin | oval | - |Ears | | - |Mouth | small | - |Neck | well proportioned | - |Torso | well made | - |Extremities | medium | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - | | E | - | | ABDULLAH. | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - |Date and place of observation | 2-6-81: Simla | - |Age; sex; profession | 40 yrs.; m.; | - | | agriculturist | - |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Shîn; (Kashmir subject) | - |Religion and birthplace | Sunni; Gurukôt near | - | | Astor | - |Thin, medium, or stout | medium | - |Weight[121] | | - |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 37 | - | { ” covered parts | 37 | - | { hair | 48 | - | { beard | 48 | - | { eyes | 1 | - |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | | - | or woolly | curly | - |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | very thick | - |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | very hairy | - |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | 5, very high nostrils | - |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | medium | - | ” straight, or turned outwards | little turned outward | - |Teeth: large, medium, or small | small | - | ” incisors, straight (vertical), | | - | slanting, or very slanting | straight | - |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | | - | bad, or very bad | very bad | - | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 193 | - | { ” ” inial | 183 | - | { ” transverse, maximum | 140 | - |Skull{ ” auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 114 | - | {Curves: inio-frontal | 345 | - | { ” horizontal | 520 | - | { ” transverse sub-auricular | 320 | - | {facial angle (Camner) | 81 | - |From point of chin to edge of hair | 177 | - | ” ophryon to alveolar point | 75 | - |Breadth between zygomata | 132 | - |Length of nose | 52 | - |Breadth of nose | 39 | - |From ophryon to root of nose | 20 | - |Width between inner angle of eyes | 38 | - | ” ” cheekbones | 108 | - |Height (standing) | 152 | - | ” (sitting) | 124 | - |Greatest extension of arms | 165 | - | ” ” of span | 19 | - |Total length of foot | 23½ | - |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 19½ | - |Forehead | high; straight | - |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | scarcely any | - |Intra-ocular distance | not deep | - |Eyebrows | arched, bushy, crossed | - |Eyes | straight | - |Cheeks | little salient | - |Zygomatic arch | much developed | - |Chin | oval | - |Ears | medium flat | - |Mouth | thick | - |Neck | strong | - |Torso | slim (svelte) | - |Extremities | medium | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - | | F | - | | MIR ABDULLAH.[119] | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - |Date and place of observation | 23-3-86: Lahore | - |Age; sex; profession | 30 yrs.; m.; Jurist | - |Caste, tribe, and tongue | Dard; Gabriál | - |Religion and birthplace | Sunni | - |Thin, medium, or stout | medium | - |Weight[121] | | - |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | forehead & cheeks, | - | | reddish-brown | - | { ” covered parts | lips, pink; covered | - | | parts, lighter | - | { hair | black | - | { beard | red-brown | - | { eyes | _iris_: dark brown; | - | | _ball_: white, bluish, | - | | injected | - |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | | - | or woolly | black, short, curly | - |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | straight; woolly; | - | | brown-reddish | - |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | hairy on breast, little | - | | on arms | - |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | convex | - |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | thin, arched | - | ” straight, or turned outwards | thin, straight | - |Teeth: large, medium, or small | small | - | ” incisors, straight (vertical), | | - | slanting, or very slanting | straight | - |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | | - | bad, or very bad | transparent, very white | - | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 191 | - | { ” ” inial | 186 | - | { ” transverse, maximum | 141 | - |Skull{ ” auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 119 | - | {Curves: inio-frontal | | - | { ” horizontal | 530 | - | { ” transverse sub-auricular | | - | {facial angle (Camner) | | - |From point of chin to edge of hair | 191 | - | ” ophryon to alveolar point | | - |Breadth between zygomata | 136 | - |Length of nose | 59 | - |Breadth of nose | 35 | - |From ophryon to root of nose | | - |Width between inner angle of eyes | 34 | - | ” ” cheekbones | | - |Height (standing) | 166 | - | ” (sitting) | | - |Greatest extension of arms | 165 | - | ” ” of span | | - |Total length of foot | 25½ | - |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | | - |Forehead | high; breadth of | - | | forehead 107 | - |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | pronounced | - |Intra-ocular distance | deep; distance 3·4 | - |Eyebrows | standing far apart, | - | | thin | - |Eyes | straight | - |Cheeks | very salient | - |Zygomatic arch | salient | - |Chin | oval | - |Ears | long; height of ear 6·3 | - |Mouth | length of mouth 5·3 | - |Neck | proportioned | - |Torso | proportioned | - |Extremities | small | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - | | G[120] | - | | DR. LEITNER. | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - |Date and place of observation | 2-6-81: Simla | - |Age; sex; profession | 40 yrs. | - |Caste, tribe, and tongue | | - |Religion and birthplace | | - |Thin, medium, or stout | stout | - |Weight[121] | 14 st. 4 lb. | - |Colours[122] { skin, exposed parts | 25 (very fair) | - | { ” covered parts | 24 (very fair) | - | { hair | fair | - | { beard | fair; slightly red | - | { eyes | 14 (blue) | - |Hair: straight, wavy, curly, frizzled, | | - | or woolly | curly | - |Beard: thick (abundant), scanty, or none | abundant | - |Skin: smooth, a little, or very hairy | very hairy | - |Shape of profile of nose (p. 111) | 5 | - |Lips: thick, medium, or thin | medium | - | ” straight, or turned outwards | thin, straight | - |Teeth: large, medium, or small | medium | - | ” incisors, straight (vertical), | | - | slanting, or very slanting | vertical | - |The set of teeth: very good, good, medium, | | - | bad, or very bad | medium | - | {Diameters: antero-posterior, maximum | 201 | - | { ” ” inial | 200 | - | { ” transverse, maximum | 163 | - |Skull{ ” auriculo-vertical (fr. m.) | 126 | - | {Curves: inio-frontal | 340 | - | { ” horizontal | 600 | - | { ” transverse sub-auricular | 330 | - | {facial angle (Camner) | 73 | - |From point of chin to edge of hair | 193 | - | ” ophryon to alveolar point | 94 | - |Breadth between zygomata | 133 | - |Length of nose | 54 | - |Breadth of nose | 33 | - |From ophryon to root of nose | 16 | - |Width between inner angle of eyes | 35 | - | ” ” cheekbones | 103 | - |Height (standing) | 171 | - | ” (sitting) | 126 | - |Greatest extension of arms | 182 | - | ” ” of span | 19 | - |Total length of foot | 27 | - |Length of ditto, ante-malleolar | 22 | - |Forehead | high; slightly receding | - |Frontal bone (bord sourcillier) | very pronounced | - |Intra-ocular distance | very small | - |Eyebrows | arched | - |Eyes | straight | - |Cheeks | salient | - |Zygomatic arch | not salient | - |Chin | square | - |Ears | medium | - |Mouth | medium | - |Neck | strong | - |Torso | vigorous | - |Extremities | medium[123] | - +--------------------------------------------+-------------------------+ - - -JAMSHÊD.—A KATÁR KÁFIR; NEPHEW OF GENERAL FERAMORZ. - -MEASUREMENTS OF HEAD (BY DR. JOHN BEDDOE). - - ENGLISH INCHES. - - MILLIMETRES. - - 1. Greatest length of head from glabella 6·8 172·7 - 2. Length from tuber occip. to greatest convexity of - frontal arch 6·7 170·2 - 3. Length from tuber occip. to glabella 6·8 172·7 - 4. Greatest length of head from smooth depression above - glabella (ophryon) 6·75 171·4 - 5. Greatest length of head from depression at root of 6·65 168·9 - nose - 6. Length from chin to vertex 9·1 231·1 - 7. Least breadth between frontal crests 3·7 94 - 8. Greatest breadth between zygomata 5·1 129·5 - 9. Breadth from tragus to tragus 5· 127 - 10. Greatest breadth of head, yielding cranial index 86·7 5·9 149·8 - 11. Breadth between greatest convexities of mastoid 5·3 134·6 - processes - 12. Greatest circumference of head 20·6 523·2 - 13. Circumference at glabello-inial line 20·4 518·1 - 14. Circumference at inion and frontal convexity 20·5 520·6 - 15. Arc from nasal notch to inion (tuber occip.) 12·8 325·1 - 16. Arc from one meatus to the other across top of head 14·4 365·7 - 17. Arc from one meatus to the other over glabella 11·5 292·1 - 18. Length of face (nasal notch to chin), giving facial - index, 80·4 4·1 104·1 - Height from meatus to vertex 5·3 133·5 - Bigoniac breadth 4·1 103·5 - -The head, though strongly brachy-cephalic, is distinctly of Aryan type; -high and round, but not at all acro-cephalic; the inion is placed very -high. - - -JAMSHÈD—(_continued_). - -THE FOLLOWING MEASUREMENTS ARE ACCORDING TO THE SYSTEM OF SCHWARZ, OF THE -NOVARA EXPEDITION. - - CENTIMETRES. - - 28. From the growth of hair to the incisura semilunaris sterni 25· - 29. From the inion to the Halswirbel (vertebra prominens) 14·45 - 30. Direct diameter, from one meatus aud. ext. to the other 11·85 - 31. Outer angle of the eye to the other 8·75 - 32. Inner angle of the eye to the other 2·75 - 33. Distance of the fixed points of the ear 4·05 - 34. Breadth of the nose 3·2 - 35. Breadth of the mouth 5· - 36. Distance of the two angles of the lower jaw 10·35 - 37. From incis. semil. sterni to the seventh vertebra 12·95 - 38. From the axillary line over the mammæ to the other 26·4 - 39. From sternum to columna vertebralis, straight across 19·3 - 40. From one spina anterior superior ilii to the other 22·35 - 41. From one troch. maj. to other 26·05 - 42. Circumference of the neck 33·5 - 43. From one tuberculum majus to the other 37· - 44. From middle line of axillary line over the chest, above mammæ, - to the other middle line 41·5 - 45. Circumference of chest on the same level 88·25 - 46. From nipple to nipple 19·25 - 47. Between anterior spines of ilia 26·85 - 48. From trochanter major to the spina anterior ilii of the same - side 13·5 - 49. From the most prominent part of the sternal articulation of - the clavicular to above 43·4 - 50. From same point to the navel 39·2 - 51. From navel to upper edge of the symphysis ossium pubis 14·75 - 52. From the 5th lumbar vertebra along the edge of the pelvis to - the edge of the symphysis 43· - 53. From the 7th vertebra to the end of the os coccygis 60·35 - 54. From one acromion to the other across the back 43·7 - 55. From the acromion to the condyl. ext. humeri 32·25 - 56. From ext. condyl. humeri to processus styloideus radii 25· - 57. From processus styloideus radii to metacarpal joint 10·2 - 58. From the same joint to the top of the middle finger 9·8 - 59. Circumference of the hand 21·4 - 60. Greatest circumference of upper arm over the biceps 26·8 - 61. Greatest circumference of forearm 24·5 - 62. Smallest circumference of forearm 15·2 - 63. From trochanter major to condyl. ext. femoris 34·35 - 64. - 65. - 66. - 67. - 68. From condyl. ext. femoris to mal. ext. 38·6 - 69. Circumference of knee joint 32·4 - 70. Circumference of calf 36·4 - 71. Smallest circumference of leg 21·3 - 72. Length of the foot 23·3 - 73. Circumference of instep 23·5 - 74. Circumference of metatarsal joint 23·5 - 75. From external malleolus to ground 8·1 - 76. From condyl. intern. to malleolus int. 36·9 - 77. Greatest circumference of thigh 48·5 - 78. Smallest circumference of thigh 35·5 - 79. Round the waist 68·4 - 80. Height of man (English, 5´ 3¾) 161·9 - 81. Colour of hair, very dark reddish-brown. - 82. Colour of eyes, hazel-grey. - 83. Colour of face, yellowish-brown. - 84. Colour of skin of body, lighter than above. - 85. Weight, - 86. Strength, - 87. Pulsation, 80 (a little excited). - - - - -APPENDIX VI. - -A ROUGH ACCOUNT, COLLECTED IN 1886, OF ITINERARIES IN THE “NEUTRAL ZONE” -BETWEEN CENTRAL ASIA AND INDIA. By RAJA KHUSHWAQTIA AND DR. G. W. LEITNER. - - -ROUTE I. - -FROM GILGIT TO KABUL, viâ Dareyl, Tangir, Kandiá, Ujù, Torwál, Swat, Dir, -Maidán, Jandūl, Bajaur, Muravarri, Pashàt, Kunèr, Jelalabad, Kabul. - -GILGIT TO SHERKILA, 9 katsha (rough) kôs[124] (1½ miles), ruled by Isa -Bahadur’s son, Raja Akbar Khan, under Kashmīr, a faithful ally, contains -70 zemindars’ (peasants’) houses on the Yasin river. - -SHERKILA TO PATÀRI (is uninhabited), over a ridge Pīr (17 katsha kôs) -called Batrèt, which is a plateau on which the Dareylis graze their -flocks in the spring. - -PATÀRI TO YATSHŌT (12 katsha kôs), road stony and jungly. Yatshōt is -a village of Dareyl of one hundred houses, occupied by zemindars who -have cattle, sheep, goats, and _buffaloes_ (which are not found in -Badakhshan). The ground produces much white maize (from which bread is -made), wheat, barley, grapes growing to a gigantic size, nuts, etc. -There is excellent water, but it is very cold. The people are Sunnis, -and speak Shiná (the dialect of Chilás). [The Shins appear to have been -a Hindu tribe expelled from Kashmir territory and converted to a sort -of Muhammadanism, both Shiah and Sunni. They are the highest caste in -Dardistan; but, instead of the Brahminical veneration for the cow, they -abhor everything connected with it—its flesh and milk—and only touch its -calf at the end of a prong.] Yatshōt has two mosques, and Mullas who -understand Arabic well. The Dareylis are very religious, and attentive to -their ceremonial practices. The streamlet of Dareyl runs past it. - -YATSHŌT TO MANIKÁL, 3 katsha kôs, a plain easy march through a prairie. -Manikál has two forts, one of which has about 500 houses, and is called -Dòrkans; and the other, Manikál proper, which has 300 houses and an old -Mosque. Manikál is surrounded by forests. When the Kashmīr troops reached -Manikál, the Dareylis, after fighting, burned down their old fort rather -than surrender. There are many Mullas and disciples there, some coming -from Peshawar, Swat, etc. - -MANIKÁL TO SAMANGÁL, 3 katsha kôs, over an inhabited plain. The fort -contains 800 houses. A great elder (Djashtero) called Kalashmīr resides -there, whom all the Dareylis respect and follow, although there are many -other Djashteros, like Muqaddams (elders, mayors), in Kashmir villages. -He is wise and rich, possessing, perhaps, in addition to cattle, etc., -5 or 6 thousand tolas of gold; and he has one wife and two or three -children. Persian is read there in addition to Arabic. There is also -another fort containing 500 houses, also called Samangál, a few hundred -yards from the first. In fact, Dareyl, although a small country, is -thickly populated. - -SAMANGÁL TO PÙGUTSH, a fort, with 500 houses, 2 katsha kôs—thence 1 -katsha kôs to Gayál, a fort with 600 houses—all an easy road. - -GAYÁL TO KÀMI, Fort Tangīr, over a high mountain called Kùbbekunn, -very windy, and wooded. Water must be taken with one when starting -from Gayál, as none is found before reaching Rîm, a small village of -20 houses, on the Tangīr side. The road for 8 kôs is difficult, being -an ascent of 4 kôs on each side. From Rîm to Tangīr the road is good, -water abundant, and habitations numerous. Kàmi fort has 1,000 houses -of Gujars (a shepherd and cowherd tribe that is found following its -peaceful occupation, either as settlers or nomads, in the most dangerous -districts), and zemindars, who are tributaries to Yasin, paying taxes in -gold and kind. There is a direct road from Tangīr to Yasin, viâ Satìl—6 -kôs, plain, with many Gujars, paying their grazing tax in gold; thence -over a small peak, Mayiréy, to the plateau of Batrêt, 8 katsha kôs. (See -second stage of this route.) - -FROM BATRÊT TO RÀUSHAN, over a small mountain. Ràushan is a small fort -of Yasin, whence there are roads to Yasin, Chitrál, Gilgit, etc. Gold is -washed from the Indus, which is 3 katsha kôs from Kàmi. The Tangīris are -braver than the Dareylis and equally religious, having many Mullas; but -the country, although larger, is not so well populated as Dareyl, the -people of which are also rather shepherds than hunters. The _Gabár_ are -the ruling people in Tangīr, about 1,000 families, of which 500 are in -Kàmi. They are the old proprietors of the country, and are all Shins who -_now_ have given up their old aversion to the cow, its flesh and milk. - -KÀMI, over the mountain Tràk, called by the Pathans Chaudunno, which has -no snow on the Tangīr side, but a snow-covered plateau 1½ kôs long on the -Kandiá side. Then comes a green plain. To the foot of the mountain Tràk -on the Tangīr side 11 kôs pakka (11 good kôs, or nearly 22 miles), over -a tree-covered plain. Then over the Tràk pass and plateau, the road goes -along a plain which extends for 17 kôs to GABRIÁL. There are a great many -Gujars along the road. [The road to Yasin is through the Gujar-frequented -district of Kuranjá, belonging to Tangīr. Multán is the Muqaddam of the -Gujars, a brave man.] - -GABRIÁL has only 40 houses, but the country of Gabriál generally is -studded with habitations. The famous Mullah Habîbulla, a relative of -Raja Khushwaqtia, is a most influential man among Kohistanis. His tribe -is Mullakheyl, and all the Gujars of Kandiá are obedient to him. The -Mullakheyl are Shîns, but Yashkuns also live there. Yashkuns are the -peasantry of Dardistan, including Hunza, and supposed to be aborigines, -though some derive the Yashkuns of Hunza from the white Yuechi, or Huns, -and others give them a Western origin. They have always been Sunnis. -(The Dareylis were formerly Shiahs.) (See detailed account of Gabriál by -one of its Maulvis, Mir Abdullah, and of Kandiá or Kiliá, translated -by Dr. G. W. Leitner.) The people of Kandiá are wealthy in flocks, ghi -(= clarified butter, exported to Peshawur, 18 to 25 pakka seers for the -rupee). It is subject to Yasin. They possess double or Indian rupees and -mahmudshahis, some having 10 or 20 thousand rupees. The poorest have 10 -to 12 cows, 100 sheep, etc. The greatest among the Gujars intermarry -with Yasin chiefs. The Kohistanis are independent, but the Gujars pay a -tribute to Yasin. The Samu or Samasi village is 2 kôs from Gabriál. From -Gabriál, ½ kôs distant, is a mountain called by the same name, with an -ascent of five to six pakka kôs, with excellent water; road only open -in summer. A descent of 5 kôs brings one to _Ushu_, a big village of -600 houses inhabited by Bashkaris. (See special account by Dr. Leitner -of Bashkar and its language.) The Swat river touches it. The Bashkaris -pay a small tribute to Yasin, but are practically independent. They are -generally on good terms with the Torwaliks, who were formerly their -rulers. The languages of Torwal and Bashkar are different. - -FROM USHÙ TO TORWÁL, 13 kôs, very bad, stony road, after Kalám (2 miles -from Ushù). Torwál has 200 houses. They are not so rich as the people of -Kandiá and Jalkôt. - -FROM TORWÁL TO BRANIHÁL, the frontier of Torwál, 12 to 13 kôs, a bad -stony road, 600 houses and a Bazár in which there are 5 or 6 Hindu -merchants. [The Hindu traders are not molested in Yaghistán (“the wild -land” as Dardistán, the country between Kabul and Kashmir is often -called), because no one is afraid of them; whereas if a Sahib (English -man) came, people would be afraid.] There are many wealthy people in -Branihál, which may be considered to be the capital of Torwál. - -BRANIHÁL TO SWAT, a plain; at only 1½ kôs is Shagrám, composed of 3 -villages, under the children of the Sayad (descendant of the prophet -Muhammad), Pir Bâba. The three villages are inhabited by Sayads and -contain 500 houses. Then to Tiráh (1 mile, a plain), where the Mîna or -Akhunkheyls live (300 houses). - -TIRÁH TO LANDÉY, 1 kôs pakka, a Patán village, in which rice grows, -beginning from Branihál; Landéy to Lalkún (a small village away from the -big road to Hoti Murdan) 5 kôs, a plain. Thence Fazil banda, 12 kôs, a -plain; thence to a mountain, Barkànn, 12 kôs, a plain, leaving the Swat -for the Dīr territory. Jarughey (hamlet of Gujars) is the halting-place. -From Jarughey into the Dara of Ushuréy, in Yaghistan proper; it is the -home of the Khan of Dīr, and is inhabited by the Panda Kheyl tribe. -Halt at Jàbar, a village 14 kôs from Jarughey, a fairly inhabited road. -From Jàbar to Maidán (16 kôs) by the mountain Káir Dara, and passing -the fort Bībiól (100 houses) a fort of the Khan of Dīr. The mountain is -high. Maidán fort and Bazar, and Bandey fort (500 houses), Kumbàr 1 kôs -distant, 1,000 houses, of Mīans, and Bazar with many Hindus. Thence to -Bandey Mayár, a great Bazár, and a renowned Ziáret (shrine), and Langar -(almshouse) of Saukanó Mīân, a village of Peshawar, are 2,000 or 3,000 -houses, belonging to Jandūl. It is 14 kôs distant from Maidán, over an -inhabited plain. Umr Khan, the ruler, has 240 excellent horsemen, 3,000 -infantry, fights with Dīr, who has 500 inferior horses and numerous -footmen, but not so brave as Jandúl. Terkanì is the name of the Jandúl -ruler and tribe up to Jellalabad, and Irubsì that of Dîr, Swat, Buneyr, -Samè, Pakli, etc. At 1½ kôs of Mayar is Miákil, a big town, of 5,000 -houses and a Bazar. Miákil to (Bajaur) Badâm, are Kakazis, of the Mamùnd -tribe, for 16 kôs a plain, 400 houses, Yágis (wild); Badàm to _Mureweri_, -are 16 kôs, over a small mountain (Mohmands) in Yaghistan, has 1,000 -houses. (At Nawagai is a Khan, Ajdar Khan, with 20 horsemen and 3,000 -footmen.) At Khàr was another Khán, Dilawar Khan, who fled to Peshawar, -his place having been conquered by Ajdar Khan; 100 houses. The place is -surrounded by the Tuman-kheyl tribe. On the other side of the river, -Kabul rule begins, and opposite is Chagar Sarai, leading to Katár, once -a stronghold of Kafirs. Gambīr is subject to Kabul, the rest of the Siah -Posh being independent; and another road leads to Petsh, which is Yági, -or independent. - -FROM MURAWERI TO PASHÙTT, 5 or 6 kôs pakka. Below Muraweri, 2 kôs, is -Serkanni, where there are 200 Kabul troops. From Pashùtt cross stream on -jhallas (inflated skins) to Jelalabad, 20 or 22 kôs; whence the road to -Kabul is too well known to need even a passing reference. - - * * * * * - -Uninteresting as rough accounts of itineraries may be to the general -reader, they are not without importance to the specialist. My material -on the subject of routes to, and through, the Hindu-kush territories is -considerable, though necessarily defective. It was mainly collected in -1866-72, when a portion of it was used by that leader of men, General Sir -Charles MacGregor. I published a few “routes” at various intervals in -the hope of stimulating inquiry, and of eliciting corrections or further -information; but Indian official Departments, instead of co-operating, -are uncommunicative of the partial, and therefore often misleading, -knowledge which they possess, and, above all, jealous of non-official -specialists. The First part of my work on Hunza has recently been printed -by the Indian Foreign Office; where and when the Second will appear, is -doubtful. I think the public have a right to know how matters stand in -what was once called “the neutral zone,” the region between the Russian -and the British spheres of influence in Asia. At any rate, the learned -Societies and International Oriental and other Congresses, that, on the -strength of the material already published, have done me the honour at -various times to apply with but very partial success, to Government on -behalf of the elaboration of my material, shall not be deprived of it, -though I can only submit it to them in its rough primitive state. The -reader of _The Asiatic Quarterly Review_ will, I hope, not be deterred -by the dulness of “routes” from glancing at material which, in future -articles, will include accounts, however rough, of the languages, the -history and Governments, the customs, legends, and songs of, perhaps, -the most interesting countries and races in Asia. The information, often -collected under circumstances of danger, is based on personal knowledge, -and on the accounts of natives of position in the countries to be dealt -with. - - G. W. L. - -[Reprinted from _The Asiatic Quarterly Review_, April, 1891.] - - - - -ROUGH ACCOUNTS OF ITINERARIES THROUGH THE HINDUKUSH AND TO CENTRAL ASIA. - -BY DR. G. W. LEITNER. - - -ROUTE II. - -In connection with my note in “Routes in Dardistan,” I now propose to -publish a series of accounts which have been supplied to me by native -Indian or Central Asian travellers of position and trustworthiness, and -which cannot fail, whatever their scientific or literary deficiencies, -to be of topographical and ethnographical, if not of political, value. -I commence with the account of a loyal native Chief, who has had -opportunities of comparing Russian with British administration. The -Chief first passes quickly from JELALABAD TO GANDAMAK, thence to Tazîn, -Butkhák, Balahisár (where he left his sword with D... S...); he then -proceeds from KABUL TO CHALIKÁR, (a distance of 17 kôs over a plain); -then stops at the _Salán_ village, at the foot of the Hindukush, 11 -kôs, and then goes on to say: “_Salán_: one road goes to the Hindukush -and one to _Bajgá_ (a halt) 14 kôs,[125] over a mountain into Afghan -Turkistan. _Anderáb_, district of _Kundûz_, 17 kôs, plain; Anderáb -to Bazderá; then Baghbán; then Robât (where there is a camp of Kabul -troopers against Uzbak robbers), 14 k. in Haibak district to Haibak -town; stayed at a small place of Tashkurghán, which has 6,000 houses, -and is held by a Risála (troop) of the Amir; stayed at an intermediate -cantonment established by Kabul; then to Mazari Sharif, 13 kôs (all -belonging to Balkh). Daulatabad (300 houses); thence to the river Amu -over a Rēg (sandy and dusty place) _in a buggy of two horses_, paid -three double rupees,[126] took water with us (20 kôs). There are 100 men -over the ferry for protection against raiding Turkomans. Sherdil Khan -Loináb gave me a passport to visit the Ziárat (shrine) of Khaja Bahauddin -Naqshbandi, at Bokhára. Went on ferry with 100 cattle and 50 men all day -long, to the village of Talashkhán (500 h.) in Bokhára territory, where -we rested in the evening. Next day by road to Sherabad, 7 kôs, plain -(2,500 h.); then to Chinarì (600 houses), passing the _Khirga_ Nishin -Khirghiz and Uzbak, “living in huts” (also Zemindars); Cheshma-i-Hafiz, -40 h., and a Serai for travellers. Then again on to the plain; made a -halt among the Khirga-nishīn. Next day went on to the large city of -Ghuzár (250,000 inhabitants, with villages, etc.). (Thence to Karshi to -Bokhára); thence to Karabagh (700 houses); to town of Chiraghtshi in -Shehrsabz (Ch. has 3,000 h.), whence it is four miles distant. Shehrsabz -is a beautiful place of 6,000 houses. (The Bokhára army has a band in -Russian style, and is drilled in a Russian way; it is better fed and -clad than are the Afghans, but it is not so brave.) Thence to Kitáb, -3,000 houses, and Bokhára troops; did not stay there, but went to Takhta -Karatsha, 10 kôs: thence to Kurghantippé Bazár; thence to _Samarcand_, -a paradise (500,000 inhabitants, two rivers); there is a Hákim and -General, the place belongs to the White Czar = the Ak Padishah. There -were 12 regiments of infantry, and 8 of cavalry there. Then to Jám, 4 -kôs (a large Russian force), 12 regiments of infantry, 4 of cavalry. I -stayed with A.R. at Samarcand. There is a Russian cantonment between -Jezakh and Samarcand, Kōr, Khoshgurù. _The guns everywhere are directed -towards Yasin, or India._ I was nowhere molested in visiting Russian -cantonments. Jezakh, Tamburabad, little Bokhara; Zamīn, Uratippa, a great -town, and among 40,000 inhabitants there are 6 battalions and 8 regiments -of infantry; Náu in Khojend district. Then Khojend, 800,000 inhabitants, -great army; Mahràm, Besharìh in Khokand, then to the city of Khokand; -Karawultippa, 8 kôs, plain, Murghilán, a big city, 350,000 inhabitants -with villages; Mintippé, 3,000 houses (or inhabitants?), Arabán; Ush, a -large army (Kashghár is eleven days’ march). Induján, big Russian army; -150,000 (inhabitants). Then to the Kokand river, Derya Sîr, crossing to -Namangán, big city and army, thence returned to Induján, then to Asáka, -8 kôs plain, 9,000 inhabitants and army (1 cavalry, 4 infantry), then -to Shahrikhán, 6 kôs, big city, 8,000 inhabitants or houses; then to -Kawa, 5 kôs. Utshkurghán, 10 kôs, big city in Khokand: thence into a -valley to a Langar, 17 kôs, plain, at night, where there are Khirghiz -subjects to Khokand; over a mountain into Alai, 13 kôs, plain of Pamīr, -inhabited by Khirghiz, very cold; then to Chaghalmak, 15 kôs, plain, a -small village, 100 houses of Khirghiz. District of Karateghin, which is -subject to Bokhara (Alai being under the Russians); Chaghalmak to Zankù, -16 kôs, plain (horses are to be found everywhere for hire, according to -distance by Farsang). At Samarcand one mule’s wheat load = two double -rupees; a big sheep costs one rupee, and one and a half long-tailed sheep -at Khokand, also one rupee. The fat of sheep is used instead of Ghi. Gold -and notes abound more than silver. (Abdurrahman received 700 tungas = 350 -rupees per day, for self and eighty followers.) Silk Atlas one and a half -yards is sold for one rupee. The Russian ladies are well dressed, and -great respect is shown to them. The officers are very polite. There are -free dispensaries, and schools in which Russian and the Korán are taught. -(Haldi and black pepper from India is dear); there is no tyranny, and -they are exactly like the English; the Russians live in bungalows. The -Kázis and the man who beats the drum at night for Ramazan are paid by the -Russians; sanitation is well attended to; all the troops are Europeans, -except the Noghais, who are Tartars. I was much struck at Khojend by -seeing the cavalry mounted according to the colour of the horses. (Gold -is said to come from Kashgar and Khokand, but I have not seen the mine.) -Camels abound and are eaten. Zankù to Kila-i Lab-i Ab (300 houses), 16 -kôs, plain, to a village Shòkh darà (300 houses). - -It is a fine country; the people talk Persian, and are Sunnis (belongs to -Bokhára). - -KILA-I LAB-I AB, governed by a Bokhára Kardár, called Hákim Muhammad -Nazir Beg, at a Fort Gharm to Shughdaréy, 12 kôs, plain, on horseback -all along to Samarcand (300 h.), Shughdaréy to Fort Gharm, 3 k. (1,500 -houses or inhabitants), Gharm to Childará, a village in Derwáz, plain, 17 -k. packa (buggies do not go there), 150 h.; thence to Khawaling, Bazar, -1,000 h. (in the District of _Koláb_), 17 kôs, plain; carriages can go; -thence to the city of Koláb 14 kôs, plain (Koláb is under Bokhára) (was -formerly governed by Kartshîn Khan, a raider), whose brother Serakhan -is at Kábul. Koláb, 6,000 houses, is a fine city, and there are six -other cities belonging to it (Khawaling, Kungár, etc.); thence to -Sar-i-Chashma, 10 kôs, plain; carriages can go (200 houses); thence to -Baràk, 40 h. on the Amu 4 kôs, a warm place like Koláb generally; cross -into Samptì (60 h.), in the district of _Rosták_, belonging to Badakhshán -(paid 4 annas for conveyance of five horses costing me 3 tolas in Koláb -= 30 rupees); to Chayáp city, 2,000 houses (Jews are wealthy and not -oppressed, and at Koláb there are Jews and Hindus, the latter with no -families). Jews wear front curls, and have furs; women are handsome, -but are dressed like Mussulman women; men, however, wear caps and -narrow trousers, not turbans, as a rule, or wide trousers. The Jews in -Turkestan are very clean. “_They have a learning like the Shastras of the -Pandits._” They lend money to the Khan of Bokhára. (The utensils are of -china.) - -Mare’s milk is much consumed cooked with meat, and has a highly -intoxicant effect. Chayàp to _Rosták_, 8 kôs, plain, 2 Afghan regiments -of cavalry, 4 regiments of infantry (there are also some troops at -Chayàp) 4,000 houses. Bazár well-frequented; springs; is a hot place. -Atunjuláb, 12 kôs, plain, carriages can go (60 houses); Faizabád 16 kôs, -great city and large Afghan force (3,500 houses?). I stayed at Bárak, -10 kôs; a nice place for illustrious strangers (100 houses); plenty of -Zemindars, very easy, plain, full of fruit (apples, apricots, etc.); -Chaugarán 9 kos, plain (200 houses); Tirgarán (60 houses, of MULÁIS, the -strange sect regarding which elsewhere) 11 kôs, plain, with the exception -of a small bad bit, over which horses, how ever, can go, called Rafàq = -Parrì in Punjabi. From Tirgarán to Zerkhan in Zebák, 14 kôs, plain, but -carriages cannot go. Zebák is a fine cool place. Its great Mulai, Sayed -Abdurrahim, has fled to Arkari in Chitrál. Zerkhan has 500 Khassadars of -Kabul (even the infantry there have horses), and 150 houses. Zerkhan to -Shikashìm, small fort, 11 kôs, plain, 300 houses in villages all round; -it is now well garrisoned with Kabulis (2 k. from Shikashìm are the ruby -mines worked in winter near Gharàn on the road to Shignán). (In the time -of Mir Shah rubies as large as candles were said to be got, lighting up -the place.) “Lajvard” (Lapis lazuli) is got from Yumgan, a village in -mountain above Jirm in Badakhshan. “Lajvard” is sold at a rupee of a -Rupee size. (Gold streaks are often found in it.) Shikashìm to Kazi-deh, -10 kôs, plain (carriages could go) in Wakhan, which begins at Putr about -half kôs from Shikashìm (another road from Shikashìm to Shignán in two -days _viâ_ Ghasann 10 kôs, plain, very cold); thence 12 kôs to a fort in -Shignan. Kazi-deh has 40 houses. Kazi-deh to Pigitsh 12 kôs, very plain, -15 houses of very wealthy people, all Mulais; Shoghōr under Chitrál, -500 houses. Fort over the Khatinza, Nuqsan and Dura passes from Zeibák -all under Chitrál; the first-named pass is open all the year round, but -violent storms blow at the top. - -PIGITSH TO FORT PANJAH, a plain 12 kôs; Ali Murdan Khan, its former -ruler, is a refugee with Chitrál; 200 Afghan cavalry; there are 5 or 6 -houses in the fort, and a number of villages round it (Zròng, a warm -mineral spring, 40 houses; Kishm, 40 houses, Gatskhòn, 30 houses. Above -Pigitsh are other villages. Khindàt, 50 houses; supplies are most -plentiful). - -From PANJAH TO ZÀNG (50 houses) 11 kôs, plain (artillery could go); ZÀNG -TO SERHADD 12 katcha kôs, 200 houses, plain, cold, much wheat, cattle, -etc.; _here the Pamir begins_. Thence to Ushàk, 14 k. plain, except a -small elevation, very cold (here there is a road to Yarkand, and another -to Hunza; the Wakhanis graze their cattle and flocks here in winter as -there is abundant grass); USHÀK TO LANGÀR, 12 kôs, plain; the roads -divide, of which the left one goes to Sarikol, and the right one to -Hunza. Cattle are kept there in winter by the Serhadd people; Langàr to -Baikará 8 kôs plain. - -BARKARÁ TO BABAGUNDÌ, 12 kôs over the Irshád Pir (somewhat steep and -snow-covered on the Wakhan side, but otherwise easy). Here there is -a road on the other side to Babagundì (small town); place for Ghazan -Khan’s cattle (Dannkut). Babagundì is a famous shrine of Pir Irshád, -where even the Mulai Ghazankhan gives cooking pots for travellers, and -makes offerings; there are 5 or 6 houses of Zemindars, who look after the -shrine. (Half a kôs beyond Babagundì the various roads to the Karumbar, -Badakhshan, and one to Hunza join.) - -BABAGUNDI TO RÍSHATT; small fort, 11 kôs; inhabited; 5 villagers’ houses -employed in agriculture. Ríshatt; for 4 kôs there is a plain road; then -a difficult road, Ráship Jeráb, with precipices (6 kôs from Ríshatt), -which can be destroyed, so as to make the approach from that side very -hazardous; the road continues to Yubkatí, with scarcely much improvement, -for 1½ kôs. There is a small town there, as generally on difficult -defiles, or places than can be defended. Yubkatí to Gircha, 1 kôs -katcha (10 houses); Gircha to Murkhon, 10 houses of Zemindars, 1 kôs; 2 -katcha-kôs comes the Khaibar village of 4 houses, a defile defended by a -small town, _with a door shutting the road_ (_Der-band_); Khaibar, 4 kôs -to Pàss; road over snow or glacier for 1½ kôs; below the glacier is the -village of Pàss, 25 houses. - -_Pàss_ to Hussain, 20 houses; also a shrine 1½ kôs; fair road; also -a deep natural tank (hauz) (where there is a place to keep cattle in -winter) a few hundred yards from village. Beyond there is again one of -the streaks of never-melting icefields, and dividing it from Ghulkin, -a village of 60 houses (the gardens flourishing in the close vicinity -of these icefields). Immediately near Ghulkin is Gulmùtti, 100 houses; -thence for 10 kôs to Alti, a bad road over an elevation, Refáq, closed -by one of the doors to which I have referred. The door is 1 kôs distant -from Gulmùtti. Alti (150 houses), the residence of Salim Khan, father of -Ghazanfar, who built Balti, where his son, the present ruler of Hunza, -Ghazankhan, lives. Balti is ½ kôs from Alti, and above it. Balti has -1,000 houses, Zemindars Muláis; there are 50 Mosques, but no one reads -prayers in them; people build them for the sake of glorification, not -worship. They are used for dancing, drinking, etc. (the Raja used to -dance himself on the Naurōz, and give presents to the Zemindars). Hunza -_may_ turn out 2,000 fighting men. Near it Fort Haiderabad (½ kôs), with -300 houses; close to it is another fort, Chumarsingh, with 100 houses; -near it Dòrkhann Fort, with 200 houses (the inhabitants are more numerous -than the wasted ground can support. People live largely on apricots, -etc.; the land is generally sterile). ½ kôs from Dòrkhann is Gannish -Fort, 600 houses, above the river which divides Hunza from Nagyr, where -the Sumeir Fort confronts Gannish. There is also a small fort near -Gannish, called Karál, with 50 houses. (Near Dòrkhann is also a similar -small fort, the name of which I forget.) Coming back to Dòrkhann, and -going from it straight in the Gilgit direction, is Aliabad Fort, with 600 -houses, and close to it Hasanabad Fort, with 100 houses. There is also a -“Derrband” between Hasanabad and Murtezabad, about a mile distant over -a stream. Murtezabad has 2 forts, one with 100, and the other with 50 -houses. - -FROM MURTEZABAD TO HIRÌ for two kôs; difficult ascent and descent. Hirì, -a large village, with 800 houses of Zemindars _in_ the fort (Shins live -there); 2 kôs of bad road, excepting about 1 mile; to Mayón, 50 houses. -Four katcha kôs bring one without much difficulty, except over one -ascent, over the Budalèss stream, violent in summer, where there is also -a fort (a warm spring in a fort called Barr, 25 houses, occupied by 20 -Sepoys of the Maharaja) to Chálta, in Gilgit territory, near Budalèss. -There is a fort there, 150 houses, and 100 Sepoys. Over the Nulla, about -one kôs above, is Chaprôt, 50 Sepoys and 60 houses; is a strong position -(Natu Shah came to grief, with 1,000 men, between Budalèss and Mayôn). -From Chálta, crossing the river and a small mountain, is a plateau to -Nilt Fort, in Nagyr territory, 4 kôs from Chálta, and confronting Mayôn. -From Chálta to Nomal, in Gilgit territory, with two Rifáqs each; near -to these respective places for 11 kôs (kacha), 100 houses. There are 20 -Sepoys in the Koti to guard the grain. The Zemindars now live outside the -fort, which is merely used for the storage of grain. From Nomal to Gilgit -12 kôs, plain, which now contains 200 houses. - - -ROUTE III. - -FROM ZEIBÁK TO CHITRÁL, over the Khatinza, a very high Pass, to Shoghor, -or the other passes already mentioned. _Viâ_ the Khatinza, which is -always open, the road from Zeibák to Deh-i-gul, 1 kôs, 25 houses. - -There the roads separate, one going over the Nuqsán, which is closed in -winter, and the other one over the Khatinza, both joining at Kurubakh, -a place ensconced by stones, and about 5 kôs either way from Deh-i-gul; -from Kurubakh to Owîr, 20 houses, 3 kôs, easy road; from Owîr to Arkari, -80 houses, 5 kôs, easy road (Sháli, 10 houses, is one kôs from Arkari); -Mōmi, 5 kôs farther on, 50 houses. From Arkari to Shoghor is 10 kôs -katcha. From Shoghor, 3 miles below, is Rondur, 5 or 6 houses; 4 kôs is -another Shali, 20 houses, and thence over a plain by a village (the name -of which I forget) 5 katcha kôs. - -Below Shoghor the streams of Arkari and Lodko join, at Andakhti, two -katcha kôs from Shoghor. The Rajah of Chitràl’s son lives there (Bahram); -another son, Murid, lived in Lodko district. There is little snowfall -on the high Khatinza, but there is plenty on the easy Nuqsán. A third -road, over a plain, also leads to Chitrál from Zeibák, namely, to Uskútul -(3 kôs from Zeibák); thence to Singlich, 2½ kôs, maidán; thence to the -great tank, lake, or Hauz, five miles long and 1½ miles broad, full -of big fish. Thence over the Durra, infested by Kafirs, only a katcha -kôs, easy ascent, when the snow melts (otherwise impassable), and an -easy descent of one kôs to Shai Sidèn, at foot of pass (below which is, -2 kôs, Gobôr, where there is some cultivation in summer). (Birzin is -a village of 40 houses, about 8 kôs distant from Gobôr.) Parabêg, 50 -houses, 2 kôs; Parabêg to Kui, 70 houses, 1 katcha kôs; below Kui, ½ -kôs, is Jítur; below is a ziarat of Pir Shah Nasir Khosrō at Birgunnì, -one kôs, a warm spring, 50 houses; Birgunnì to Drôshp, 2 katcha kôs, -where Raja Imán-ul-Mulk’s son, Murid, resides. Drôshp, 40 houses; one -kôs further is Mogh, 20 houses; thence to Andákhti, 4 or 5 kôs. Over the -Hauz is the Mandàl mountain towards the Siah Posh country. Ahmad Diwanè, -50 houses, is the first village of Kafirs, subject to Chitrál. Over -Gabôr is the Shuitsh Mountain, behind which is the Aptzai Fort of the -Siah Posh Kafirs, 200 houses; these are the two places from which Kafirs -descend to plunder caravans coming from Peshawar, and of whose approach -they may have been warned from Chitrál, keeping clothes and weapons for -themselves, and giving the horses, etc., to Chitrál. The Kafirs of Kamōz -(2,000 houses) are subject to Chitrál; also Ludde (1,000 houses), Aptsai -(200 houses), Shudgol Fort (150 houses). - -Istagàz is subject (100 houses) to Chitrál; Mēr (40 houses) subject to -Chitrál; Mundjèsh, 500 houses; Madugàll (500 houses and two forts), on -a difficult road, is between Kamōz (1 kôs above it) and Kamtán (Ludde, -Aptsai, Shudgol, Ahmad Diwané), 4 kôs. These Madugallis are independent, -and plunder caravans from Dīr or Zemindars. Sometimes they are bribed by -the Chitrál Raja to keep quiet. - - * * * * * - -Dull as the above account may read, it is full of topographical, if not -political, interest to whoever can read “between the lines”; and the -telegrams and articles in _The Times_ of the 23rd and 25th Sept., 1891, -throw light on an unpleasant and hitherto concealed situation. Since 1866 -I have, in vain, drawn the attention of the Indian Government to the -Gilgit frontier. In 1886, or twenty years after my exploration, Colonel -Lockhart’s mission, no doubt, did service, as regards Chitrál; but Hunza -and Nagyr have been mismanaged, owing to the incompetent manner in which -my information has been used. I have recently, after three years’ labour, -much expense, and some danger, completed the first quarto volume of my -work on Hunza, Nagyr, and a part of Yasin, the language of which has been -a great puzzle, that has now been unravelled, giving a new departure -to philology; and the Foreign Department of the Indian Government has -presented me with 100 copies of my work, a compliment that is often paid -to the honorary contributor of a paper to the ASIATIC QUARTERLY REVIEW. - - - - -APPENDIX VII. - -(a) A SECRET RELIGION IN THE HINDUKUSH [THE PAMIR REGION] AND IN THE -LEBANON. - - -I.—THE MULÁIS OF THE HINDUKUSH. - -A number of conjectures as to the origin of the word “Mulái,” all of -which are incorrect, have been made by eminent writers unacquainted with -Arabic or the meaning of its theological history and terms. A few of -these conjectures, however, go very near some fact or view connected with -the “Muláis.” The word may not mean “terrestrial gods,” but there are -no other, for practical purposes, in the creed of the “Muláis.” It is -certainly not a corruption of “Muláhid” or “heretic,” if not “atheist,” -although this term has been specially applied to them by their enemies. -It can have nothing whatever to do etymologically with “Muwáhidin” or -worshippers of “One” [God], though they, no doubt, call themselves so, -_i.e._, “Unitarians.” There is this additional difficulty, moreover, -introduced into the question, that no name can be conclusive as to -the esoteric appellation of a sect that has been obliged to practise -“Conformity” or “Pious fraud” or “concealment” of its religion, in -order to escape persecution or wholesale massacre. The Shiahs,[127] -whose belief, in the hereditary succession, through the descendants of -A’li, of the _spiritual_ “Imámat” or leadership or apostleship of the -prophet Muhammad, rendered them overt or covert enemies of those Sunni -rulers who held the _temporal_ power or “the Khiláfat” (misspelt as “the -Caliphate”), were, and are, allowed to practise “Taqqîa” (which I have -rendered as “Conformity”) outwardly and the more exaggerated or exclusive -a particular A’liite or Shiite sect, the more careful had it to be. The -Sunni and Shiah may both publicly confess “There is no God but God, and -Muhammad is his prophet”; but the Shiah adds under his breath, “A’li -is the Deputy (Governor) of God and the heir of the prophet of God.” -Now this word for “Deputy” is “_vali_,” “to be close to,” whether it -be to God, a king, a priest, a master, or other position of eminence -in Arabian belief, society, history, or intellectual creations.[128] -“Maulá” or “Mulá” comes from the same root and is generally applied -to a spiritual master, but, among the Shiahs, specially to their -“LORD” A’li. Therefore, “Muláis” are the special followers of the -“Lord A’li,” just as the Jesuits claim to be a fraternity of special -followers of “the Lord Jesus.” When, then, the term “Mauláná” or our -“Master or Lord” is specially used in the Druse Covenant of Initiation -[see further on], there is not far to seek for the meaning of the -appellation “Mulái,” though it was left for me to find it out from the -A’liite songs of the Muláis of the Hindukush. Whatever the innermost -coterie of the “initiated” may practise or believe, a connecting link -of the sect with some existing creed is necessary for their safety or -respectability. Thus, the _Ismailians_ might call themselves “_Sadiqis_” -or “the righteous,” in order to spread the belief of their being special -adherents of the 6th Imám, (in the order of descent from A’li), the -Imám Ja’far _Sádiq_ (the righteous), without entering into the vexed -question as to whether his son “_Ismàîl_” was the real “seventh” Imám -or his other son, Mûsa (through whom the bulk of Shiahs look for their -Mahdi or Messiah, the 12th Imám). Nor would any such special fervour in -revering a particular phase or man be necessarily deemed to be heretical, -even among Sunnis. I have often heard a Sunni, especially if he was a -Persian scholar and the strange magic of that language had subdued him, -admit the impeachment of having “a particular love for the house of -A’li,” and the numerous class of Sayads, who claim to be descendants -of the Prophet, is respected, if not venerated, among Sunnis, who, in -theory, oppose the “hereditary” claims of Shiahs.[129] The Máulais, -therefore, of the Hindukush, being, consciously or not, a sub-sect of -Shiahs, can make friends with the main body of Shiahs, and yet pretend to -the Sunnis as being, in many respects, with them. Normally, the Mauláis -would profess to be good Muhammadans of the Shiah persuasion, leaning, -however, to the 7th Imám; if surrounded by, or in danger of, Sunnis, they -would _outwardly_ “conform” (which is all that the Sunnis require), and, -at home, practise their own rites. The Khojas of Bombay, who had been -converted from Hinduism, but whose very name is Ismailian, used to read -the “Das-awtar” or “ten incarnations,” in which “A’li” is made out to be -the “Tenth Incarnation,” thus rendering their step from Wishnu Hinduism -to Shiah Muhammadanism an easy one. “All things to all men” is the dictum -of the Muláis, without, thereby, sacrificing their own convictions. -The more a Mulái knows, the more he acts on Disraeli’s sneer that all -sensible men are of _one_ religion, but do not tell what that religion -is. The less a Mulái knows, the more fanatically is he an A’liite, -centreing however his faith on the living descendant of the 7th Imám. -“Nothing is a crime that is not found out” may, or may not be, the theory -among the Druses, or the practice all over the world; the fact remains -that neither the Druses nor the Muláis, whatever their belief, are worse -than their neighbours. Even the odious signification that attaches to the -term “Assassin” has been a calumny against those misguided Ismailians who -sought to rid the world of tyrants who had ordered the general massacre -of the sect or who sacrificed one man in order to save a whole people. - -In 1866 I discovered the languages and races of “Dardistan” and gave -that name to the countries between Kashmir and Kabul, including Hunza in -them. In 1886 I was again on a special mission regarding the language -of Hunza-Nagyr and a part of Yasin. I had already pointed out in 1867 -the importance which our good friend, His Highness Agha Khan of Bombay, -the Head of the Khojas in that city, enjoyed in those, then nearly -inaccessible, regions, as also in Wakhan, Zebak, Shignán, Raushan, Koláb -and Derwáz, where the Muláis predominate and are governed by hereditary -Pîrs or ancient sages of their own choice,[130] to whom they yield -implicit obedience, as do also the covenanters with “Al-Hákim” among the -“initiated” of the Druses. Of these Pîrs, Agha Khan is Chief, and any -command by him would be obeyed in some of the most dangerous parts of the -Hindukush. Advantage was only taken in 1886 of this hint, when Colonel -Lockhart’s mission was supplied with letters of recommendation by His -Highness to the Mulais. My identification of their mysterious rites with -those of the Druses connects the Lebanon with the Hindukush through the -Ismailia sect, which under the name of the “Assassins” enjoyed such an -unenviable notoriety during the Crusades and establishes a link among the -nations of Richard Cœur de Lion,[131] of Palestine and of the Pamirs. -The connection of Hunza with the Huns or Hunas and the relations between -the “Old Man of the Mountain” and our own Richard may be the subject -of a future article. At present, I will confine myself to translating -from the Persian original a Pythian utterance out of the “Kelám-i-Pîr” -or “the Word of the ancient Sage,” which takes the place of the Korán -among Mauláis, and of which the following is the first extract ever -given from that hidden book. It was partly dictated to me and partly -written out on the occasion of His Highness, the present Agha Khan, -paying me a visit, by the leader of some Muláis, who had fled, first -from Russian tyranny, and then from the still heavier Afghan oppression -in the border-countries of Central Asia, my own Hunza man also being -present on the occasion.[132] The extract was called the Mulái “Mukti” -or “Salvation” Cry of the Muláis. It may be incidentally mentioned that -Shah Abdurrahim in Zeibak was (and perhaps still is) the greatest Pîr in -Central Asia. He controls Hunza, so far as that God-forsaken country can -be controlled. In Wakhan, Khwaja Ibrahim Husain was the Mulái leader, -and in Sarikul, Shahzada Makin. Sayad Jafar Khan ruled what there is of -the sect in Bokhara, Balkh, Kabul and Kunduz. “_The_ Pîr” or “ancient -sage,” however, was the historical Shah Nasir Khosrô, who is styled “a -missionary of H. H. Aga Khan’s ancestor.” He is said to have had the -complete “Kelám-i-Pîr,” a book of which I have for so many years in -vain tried to get a copy, although assisted by my friend, the Mihtar -Nizám-ul-Mulk of Yasin and Chitrál. The following extract from it, in -one and the same breath, affirms and denies the special doctrine of -metempsychosis and other notions opposed to the professed Muhammadanism -of the Muláis: - - * * * * * - -The MUKTI or “SALVATION.” - - * * * * * - -The Mulái “A’QIL” or “intelligent” = “initiated” [the singular of the -Druse “U’qalá” or “initiated”] first asks, in inelegant and enigmatical -Persian: - - * * * * * - -“ALA! In what I say, can I remain _knowingly_ an Á’qil?” or “initiated” -or “I remain knowingly an Á’qil, although what I say - - * * * * * - -1. “Come, solve for me a difficult story [or conjecture] - -Come, tell me the Light which the spirit from the world-shape [this world -of Phenomena] - -When it becomes [gets] beyond [of] this shape, where [is] its abode and -station? [place of descent = “manzil”] - -Is its place [of existence] in plants or in the Higher Universe [the -world above?] - -Or in the Lower Universe between water, dust and clay” [or stone]? [the -strata between the centre and the surface of the earth] - - * * * * * - -2. “If, _knowingly_, that secret, come and tell me: ‘Light’ - -And, if not, away! not _knowing_, without head-wandering, careless [care -not] - -Dear ones! The spirit of the _knowing_ when it departs from these chains, - -Does it become [wend] towards the skies [heavens]? Is that its Station -obtaining?[133] - -Or why in the shape of man [anthropomorphic shape] is the Adamite -created?[134] - -Nay (?) the perfect man [ko-burd] cultured perfect,[135] or ‘the ruling -man [if] perfect, develops perfect culture’ - -But they who are not wanted [the useless] are ignorant doubters” - - * * * * * - -3. “Let me tell its Commentary; every one, Come! in the ear make it -acceptable. - -The present is one stride [or state of a man] - -When they put him outside the body - -They bind him in chains; he becomes with cow or ass entering - -Another time his place [of staying] is the [world of] plants. They hold -him [there] - -He will remain inside these chains for three years [many a year] [under] -that vain curse” [this is a vain word] - - * * * * * - -4. AL LÁY! Helper of Chosroes![136] Such secrets to men why recklessly -impart? [it only makes them impudent] Not will say ever this the _A’qil_ -[or “the initiated one.”] - -[The wise do not mention their religion; if they do, they only make the -unwise impudent.] - - * * * * * - -So, after all, we have not been told the process or secret of after-life, -whether ascending into air, descending into earth, renewing human life -or migrating into animal, plant or stone. In fact, we are made to -understand that our inquiry is folly and that its answer, whether true or -not, is also folly. Yet are we allowed to conjecture the belief of “the -initiated” in transmigration. - -As for the Muláis “being all things to all men” in matters of -religion—Sunnis with Sunnis and Shiahs with Shiahs—this is, as already -stated, a mere amplification of the Shiah doctrine of _Taqqîah_ or -concealment in times of danger, to which I have specially referred in my -“Dardistan.” - -The leaning of the Muláis is, of course, rather to poetical Shiism, with -the chivalrous martyr A’li as its demigod or “next to God” in the A’lewia -sect, than to prosaic and monotonous Sunniism, so that to strangers they -seem to be Shiahs, as will be seen in an extract from a native Indian -Diary[137] written some 20 years ago, and which, it may be incidentally -stated, still throws much light on the present conflicts in Dir, Bajaur -and other petty States bordering on our frontier. No stranger is allowed -to see the Kelám-i-Pir, which takes the place of the Koran with Muláis, -but in the most popular poem that is recited by them, the Imám-ul Zemán -or Sahib-al-Zeman = the Imam or Lord of the Age (H. H. Aga Khan) is -worshipped as the Monarch of this World, the visible incarnation of the -Deity, offerings or a pilgrimage to whom dispenses a Mulái from prayer, -fasting or a visit to the sacred shrines of Mecca or Madina, or rather -the Shiah Kerbelá, the place of the martyrdom of Hasan and Husain, which -Shiahs annually celebrate by what are inappropriately called “miracle -plays,” but which really are “elegies,” and commemorative funeral -recitations and processions. A person who has seen “the Lord of the Age” -or who possesses some of the water in which he has washed his feet is -an honoured guest in Mulái countries. The poem above alluded to is a -parallel to the Druse “Contract” which will be considered further on, and -begins with an invocation for “Help, oh Ali.” - - “Nobody will worship God, without worshipping Thee, Lord of the Age! - Jesus will descend from the fourth heaven to follow Thee, Lord of the - Age! - Thy will alone will end the strife with Antichrist, Lord of the Age! - Thy beauty gives light to heaven, the sun and the moon, Lord of the Age! - May I be blessed by being under the dust of Thy feet, Lord of the Age!” - -A Maulái is, if sincere, already dead to sin, and can, therefore, not -commit any. He needs, therefore, no resurrection or last Judgment day. -Obedience to the Pîr is his sole article of faith, and he holds his -property, family and life at this Chief’s disposal. - -I must now conclude this introduction to a comparison of the creeds of -the Druses and of the Muláis by quoting a few words from a rhapsody of -A’li, repeated by the ordinary Mauláis till the pious frenzy is at white -heat: - -“Oh A’li, to God, to God, oh A’li, my sole aim, the only one, our Mula -A’li; My desire, the only our Mula A’li; My passion only the beauty of -A’li; My longing day and night for union with A’li; Higher and Higher -A’li, oh A’li; A’li is the Killer of difficulties, oh A’li; He is the -Commander of the Faithful, namely A’li; _That_ one is the Imám of the -steadfast in faith, namely A’li,” and so on _ad infinitum_ till we come -to the natural connection between normal Shiism, its exaggeration into -A’li worship, its mysterious interpretation of the self-sacrifice of -Husain to save the world, and, finally, to all other aberrations of -which Maulaism is one. The poem then goes into wild Turkish and Arabic -measures, which exhausted my informant, Ghulam Haidar, who adds on behalf -of himself, also in verse: “It is not proper that I should not answer -the question which you ask me, but what am I to say? The answer from me -is easy, but I see a difficulty in _your_ way. Oh Ghulam Haidar” (thrice -repeated). Then in prose. “In the night of Friday, the Mulái men (in -Hunza), instead of worship and prayer, taking Guitars and Drums (Rabábs -and Ḍaffs) in their hands, play the above “Ghazals” on them. Then six old -men, Akhunds (priests), having assembled, read (sing) them in the Mosque, -when the men of the mass of the people gather and give ear to them: - - ‘“Yá A’li, Yá A’li, Yá Imám-i-Zemán”’— - ‘“Oh Ali, Oh Ali, Oh Imám (and Lord) of the Age”’— - -is the mention (Chorus) which they take on their tongues. From the -beginning of the evening till the morning they thus show their zeal; the -Raja then as a reward of thanks for that worship bestows (gold dust to -the value of) four tilas on the priests and gives them a quantity of -butter of the weight of four measures and one sheep or big calf and one -maund of wheat in order to hold a feast.” - - -II.—THE COVENANT OF “THE INITIATED” DRUSES. - -The following is a rendering of the Covenant or Contract which the -U’qalá or “the initiated” amongst the Druses are reciting in mysterious -seclusion. It was overheard by my informant, an “uninitiated” Druse.[138] -It formed, as it were, the evening prayer of his uncle and aunt. Although -an educated and highly intelligent person, he was not aware of even -its local interest, much less of its general historical and religious -importance. - - -_The Covenant = Al Mitháq_: - -“O Governor [Valî] of the Age,[139] may Allah’s blessing and peace be -upon him” (this phrase seems intended to delude Muhammadans into the -belief that the Druses have the same Allah or God, but it has an esoteric -sense which will become apparent further on). “I put my confidence into -‘our spiritual head the Lord’ (literally ‘OUR MAULA AL-HÁKIM’) (here -is one of the esoteric formulæ)—‘the One, the Single, the Everlasting -(Lord), the (serenely) Distinct from Duality and Number.’ (This is a -protest not only against the female form of the Deity, but also against -the notion of a distinct good and evil principle, an Ahriman or Ormuz, -whilst its Muhammadan form would seem to outsiders to be merely a protest -against giving any ‘companion to God.’) The initiator and the to be -‘initiated’ then go on repeating together the following, the former using -the 3rd, and the latter the 1st, person. ‘I so and so’ (here comes name -of the initiated), ‘son of such a one, CONFESS firmly the confession to -which he (or I) respond from his [or my] soul, and bears testimony to it -upon his spirit, whilst in a condition of soundness of his spirit and -of his body, and with the (acceptance of the passing of the) lawfulness -of the order, obeying without reluctance and under no violence: THAT he -verily absolves (himself) from all Religions and Dogmas and Faiths and -Convictions, all of them, in the various species of their contradictions, -and that he does not acknowledge anything except the OBEDIENCE TO OUR -MAULA AL-HÁKIM, may his mention be glorious! and this obedience it is the -worship, and that he will not associate in his worship any (other) that -is past or is present, or is to come, and that he has verily entrusted -his spirit and his body, and whatever is to him and the whole of what he -may possess to OUR MAULA AL-HÁKIM, and that he is satisfied to fulfil all -His orders unto himself and against himself without any contradiction, -and not refusing anything and not denying (refusing) anything of His -actions, whether this injures him or rejoices him, and that he, should he -ever revert (apostatize) from the religion of our Maula Al-Hákim which he -has written upon his soul, and to which he has born testimony unto his -spirit, that HE SHALL BE BEREFT (free) of the Creator, who is worshipped -and deprived of the benefits of all the sanctions (rules, laws), and that -he shall be considered as deserving the punishment of God, the High, may -His mention be glorious! And that he, if he acknowledges that there is -not to him in Heaven and not in the Earth an Imám in existence _except -our Maula Al-Hákim_” (this confession distinguishes the Druses of the -Lebanon and the Muláis of the Hindukush from the orthodox Shiahs, who -believe in the coming of the ever-present Mahdi, or the twelfth Imám, a -view that had been fostered by us in the Sudán to our endless confusion -by our inexcusable opposition to the Sultan of Turkey as the Khalifa -of the Sunnis), “then will the mention of him (who only believes in -Al-Hákim) become glorious, and he will be of the _Muwáhidîn_ (who profess -the unity of God), who will (eventually) conquer.” (This appellation is -common to the Druses and to the Muláis, but is not admitted as being -applicable to them by orthodox Shiahs or Sunnis. In retaliation they -call the Sunni a dog, and the Shiah an ass.) “And (the above) has been -written[140] in the month so and so of the year (chronology) of the I’d -(festival) of our Maula Al-Hákim, whose nation be glorious, whose Empire -be strengthened to Him alone.” (The Maulái Chronology is said to begin -with the _special_ revelation of the Imám on the 17th Ramadan in the -559th year of the Hejira, at the castle of Alamût.) - - -_The Special Recitation._ - -The following is repeated by Druses at the conclusion of their prayers: -“May God’s blessing be upon him who speaks (confesses) the Lord of -goodness and benefits. May God bless the Ruler of the Guidances (Hidāyā); -to him be profit and sufficiency. May God’s blessing be on our Lord the -Hādi” (the Guide or “Mehdi” means one who is guided aright by God = -the coming Messiah of the Shiah world,) “the Imám, the greatest of the -perfect light” (this is an allusion to the 7th Imám, Ismail, descendant -of _the_ light[141] (Mohammed)), “who is waiting for the refuge -(salvation) of all living beings. On Him may be (our) trust, and from -him (may be) the peace. May God bless him and them whatever passes of -nights and of days and of months and of years, whenever flashes the dawn -of morning or night remains in darkness may abundant peace and trust be -for ever! _O Allah-humma!_” (the mystic Muhammadan remnant of Elohim = -Lords, Gods) “provide us with _Thy_ contentment” (this is a play of words -implying that our best “daily bread” is God’s contentment with us) “and -with _Their_ contentment” (this is either a Trinitarian or Polytheistic -invocation to “Elohim”) “and with _their_ intercession and with _Thy_ -mercy and with _their_ mercy in this world and in the next! O our Maula! -and Lord of the Imám” (this is indeed significant as to the pretensions -of Al-Hákim to the godhead, or to some dignity very near it). - - * * * * * - -Now comes an ancient curse with a modern application and an appeal to -arms (whispered along the line of assembled Druses): - -“Pray for the ornament of sons, - -In the East the five[142] residing (compare also the Shiah ‘Panjtan’[143] -and the five main Shiah sects)[144] - -They say: Father Abraham has appeared, - -and they announce the good tidings to the worshippers of _One_ (the -Druses). - -They say: With the sword has Father Abraham appeared; - -A violence to his enemies - -O brethren! Prepare earnestly for the campaign, - -Visiting the House of Mecca. - -The House of Mecca and the sacred places, - -On them has destruction been ordained. - -Oh people of the Berbers! Extermination is lawful. - -With the sword shall ye be sacrificed. - -The French are coming with stealth. - -The ‘A’ql’ [or ‘the body of the initiated’] will protect us with its -sword. - -Rejoice, people of China, in the hour of Thy arrival. - -Welcome to thee, city of Arin (?), oh my Lady!” [Fatima?]. - - * * * * * - -A Druse wedding-song may also be quoted here: (“Allah, billáli, -billáli.”) _The Chorus_: “O God, with the pearls, with the pearls,” -“Sway on to me, oh my Gazelle!” _Song_: “Thou maid who combest her (the -bride’s) tresses, comb them gently, and give her no pain; for she is the -daughter of nobles, accustomed to being a pet” [_delláli_]. _Chorus_: -_Allah, billáli, billáli; wa tanaqqalí, yá Ghazáli!_ - - * * * * * - -_Another Song_: “Sing the praises of the shore, oh daughters; sing -the praises of the daughters of the shore; for we have passed by the -pomegranate-tree bearing full fruit, and we have compared it with the -cheeks of the daughters of the shore.” - - -(b) THE KELÁM-I-PÎR AND ESOTERIC MUHAMMADANISM. - -It is not my wish to satisfy idle curiosity by describing the contents -of a book, concealed for nine hundred years, the greater portion of -which accident has placed in my hands after years of unsuccessful search -in inhospitable regions. The fragmentary information regarding it and -the practices of its followers which I had collected, were contributed -to publications, like this Review, of specialists for specialists -or for genuine Students of Oriental learning. Nothing could be more -distressing to me than the formation of a band of “esoteric Muhammadans,” -unacquainted with Arabic, which is the only key to the knowledge of -Islám. The mastery of the original language of his holy Scripture is, -still more emphatically, the _sine quâ non_ condition of a teacher, be he -Christian, Muhammadan, or other “possessor of a sacred book.” Nor should -anyone discuss another’s faith without knowing its religious texts in the -original as well as its present practice. - -The term “esoteric” has been so misused in connection with Buddhism, the -least mystic of religions, by persons unacquainted with Sanscrit, Pali -and modern Buddhism, that it has become unsafe to adopt it as describing -the “inner” meaning of any faith. Were Buddha alive, he would regret -having made the path of salvation so easy by abolishing the various -stages of Brahminical preparation, through a studious, practical and -useful life, for the final retirement, meditation, and Nirvana. Yet -there are mysterious practices in the Tantric worship of “the Wisdom -of the Knowable,” which Buddha alone brought to the masses that were -to be emancipated from the Brahminical yoke. Even transparent Judaism -has its Kabala, and the religion that brought God to Man has mysteries -of grace and godliness, the real meaning of which is only known to the -true Christian of one’s own sect or school. Thus open, easy and simple -Muhammadanism has its two triumphant orthodoxies of Sunnis and Imamîa -Shiahs and 72 militant, or outwardly conforming, heterodoxies. Indeed, -as long as words can be fought over, and even facts do not impress all -alike, so long will the more or less proficient professors of a creed -reach various degrees of “esoteric” knowledge. - -It is the unknown merit of the religious system of the so-called -Assassins of the Crusades to have discussed, dismissed and yet absorbed -a number of faiths and philosophies. It adapted itself to various stages -of knowledge among its proselytes from various creeds, whilst the -circumstances of its birth, history and surroundings gave it a Muhammadan -basis. _Non omnia scimus omnes_ may be said by the most “initiated” -Druse, Ismailian or “Mulái,” the latter being the name by which I will, -in future, designate all the ramifications of this remarkable system of -Philosophy, Religion and Practical politics. - -This system elaborates the principle that all truths, except ONE, are -relative. It treats each man as it finds him, leading him through stages, -complete in themselves, to the final secret. We, too, in a way admit -that strong meat and drink are not the proper food for babes. We speak -of professional training and of the professional spirit, of _esprit de -corps_, terms which all have an “esoteric” sense, and imply preparation; -indeed, every experience of life is an “initiation” which he, who has not -undergone it, cannot “realize;” we, too, have medical and other works -which the ordinary reader does not buy and which are, so far, “esoteric” -to him, but we have not laid down in practice that he, who does not -know, shall not teach or rule. This has been systematized, with a keen -sense of proportion, by the Founders of the Ismailian sect. Fighting for -its existence against rival Muhammadan bodies and in the conflicts of -Christianity, Judaism, Magianism and various Philosophies, its emissaries -applied the Pauline conduct of being “all things to all men” in order to -gain converts. - -After the establishment of mutual confidence, a Christian might be -confronted with puzzling questions regarding the Trinity, the Atonement, -the Holy Communion, etc.—the Jew be called to explain an Universal God, -yet exclusively beneficent to His people, or might be cross-examined -on the miracles of Moses; a Zoroastrian, to whom much sympathy should -be expressed, would be sounded as to his Magian belief; an idolater, -if ignorant, could be easily shown the error of his ways and, if not, -his pantheism might be checked by the evidences of materialistic or -monotheistic doctrine; the orthodox Sunni would be required to explain -the apparent inconsistencies of statements in the Korán, and the various -sects of Shiahs would be confounded by doubts being thrown on this or -that link of the hereditary succession of the apostleship of Muhammad; -sceptics, philosophers, word-splitters, both orthodox and heterodox, -would be followed into their last retrenchments by contradictory -arguments, materialistic, idealistic, exegetical, as the case may be. -With every creed, to use an Indian simile, the peeling of the onion -was repeated, in which, after one leaf after the other of the onion -is taken off in search of the onion, no onion is found and nothing is -left. The enquirer would thus be ready for the reception of such new -doctrine as might be taught him by the “Mulái”[145] preacher, or _Dái_, -who then revealed himself one step beyond the mental and moral capacity -of his intended convert, whilst sharing with the latter a basis of -common belief. Now this required ability of no mean order, as also of -great variety, so as to be adapted to all conditions of men to whom -the _Dái_ might address himself. Sex, age, profession, heredity and -acquired qualities, antecedents and attainments, all were taken into -consideration. At the same time, in an age of violence, the missionaries -of the new faith had to keep their work a profound secret and to insist -on a covenant, identical with, or similar to, the one of the Druses, -which I published in the last number of the _Asiatic Quarterly Review_. -Even when confronted by Hinduism, the new creed could represent that -Áli, the son-in-law of the prophet Muhammad, was the 10th incarnation -of Vishnu, which is expected, as was the Paraclete and as are the -Messiah and the “Mehdi” (many of those who adopted that title being -secret followers of the Ismailian creed).[146] I have pointed out in my -last article how the very name of ’Ali, his chivalrous character, his -eloquence, his sad death and the martyrdom of his sons lent themselves to -his more than apotheosis in minds already prepared by Magian doctrine and -the spirit of opposition to the successful Sunni oppressor. I think that -I can quote extracts, in support of this statement from the “Kelám-i-pîr” -or the “_Logos_ of the Ancient,” showing how the contributor to it -(for I take the “Kelám-i-pîr” to be a collective name like “Homer”), -the eminent mathematician, historian and poet, Shah Násir Khosrû, who -was born in the year 355 A.H. = 969 A.D. was led, after a long life of -purity and piety, of abstemiousness and study, to examine and reject one -religion after the other and, finally, adopt the one with which we are -now concerned and of which His Highness, Agha Sultan Muhammad Shah is the -present hereditary spiritual head. His authority extends from the Lebanon -to the Hindukush and wherever else there may be Ismailians, who either -openly profess obedience to him, as do the Khojahs in Bombay; or who are -his secret followers in various parts of the Muhammadan world in Asia and -Africa.[147] The present young, but enlightened, Chief is, as his father -and grandfather, likely to exert his influence for good. - -The following is a short biographical sketch of this lineal descendant -of the prophet Áli. His genealogy is incontestable and will, I hope, be -included in my next paper.[148] - -“H. H. Agha Sultan Muhammad Shah was born at Karachi on Nov. 2nd, 1877. -It was soon seen that it would be necessary to give him a good education, -and his father, H. H. the late Agha Ali Shah, early grounded him in the -history of Persia and the writings of its great poets. But this education -was certainly not sufficient in the present day, and Lady Ali Shah, after -the death of her husband, very wisely carried out his wishes by placing -his son under an English tutor, so that, whilst Persian was by no means -neglected, a course of English reading was begun. Four years ago he -stumbled over the spelling of monosyllables. The progress made now is -really surprising; with natural talents he has found it easy to acquire -a thorough English accent and converses freely with Englishmen. The -histories of Persia, India and England, the series of the Rulers of India -and the Queen’s Prime Ministers, McCarthy’s ‘History of our Own Times’ -and the lives of eminent men that stock his library, mark a predilection -for History and Biography. The subjects of conversation during a -morning’s ride are often the politics of the day or the turning points -in the lives of illustrious men. But with this reading his other studies -are not neglected. Algebra, Geometry, Arithmetic, elementary Astronomy, -Chemistry and Mechanics, with English authors like Shakespeare, Macaulay, -and Scott, form a part of his scholastic course. - -“Unlike his father and grandfather, the Aga Sahib has little love for -hunting, though he is seen regularly on the racecourse and is well known -in India as a patron of the turf. In the peculiarity of his position it -will be difficult for him to travel for some years, but his eyes are -directed to Europe and he looks forward to the pleasure of witnessing at -some future time an important debate in the House of Commons. From the -fact that every mail brings English periodicals to his door, it will be -seen that he closely follows everything that relates to English politics. - -“With the work amongst the Khojahs and his other followers devolving -upon him at so early an age his studies are, of course, liable to be -interrupted, and it is hardly possible for him to devote himself to his -books—Oriental and English—as much as he would wish to do. He is not yet -married, nor does he seem inclined to marry early. A few years, however, -must see him the father of a family, and there is little doubt that his -children will be educated with all the advantages of the best ancient and -modern education so as to make them worthy of their illustrious descent.” - -How far His Highness will be himself initiated into more than the -practice and rites, public and private, of so much of his form of the -Ismailian Faith as is necessary for the maintenance of his position and -responsibilities towards his followers, depends on his attainments, -mental vigour, and character. With greater theoretical power than -even the Pope, who is not hereditary, his influence is personal and -representative by the _consensus fidelium_. Nearly all of them are -in the first, or second, degree, even their Pirs being generally in -the 3rd or 4th, with a general leaning to a mystic divine A’li, not -merely the historical A’li, whom their followers see incarnated in his -present living descendant. Few, if any, of the leaders are in higher -degrees, for they might be out of touch with the practical exigencies -of their position in different countries and circumstances. Perhaps, -among the Druses, there may be one professor in the highest stage of -the “initiated”—the Ninth—but even then he would take his choice of -Philosophies and find a microcosm of theory and practice in each. The -result on mind and character would be ennobling, and he would die, if, -indeed, an “initiated” can die, carrying away with him the secret of -his faith, which he alone has been found worthy to discover. What that -secret is, no amount of divulging will impart to any one who is not -fit to receive it, though the infinite variety of its manifestations -adapt it to every form of thought or life. That even Masonic passwords -may, for practical purposes and in spite of published books, be kept a -secret, though possibly an open one, experience has shown, but the man -does not yet exist who can, or will, apply the system, of which I have -endeavoured to give a hint, to the Universal Federation of Religious -Autonomies, which, in my humble opinion, the Ismailian doctrine was -intended to found, little as its present followers may know of this use -of the genuine ring of Truth, of which every religion, according to -Lessing’s _Nathan der Weise_, claims to have the exclusive possession. If -this be not enough, I will, at the outset, give the advice that the old -man in Lavengro with his dying breath gave to his disciple as the reward -of a life-long devotion to learn the great secret—“LEARN ARABIC”—as a -variation on his “Learn German.” There is no royal road to learning or to -salvation, and mental culture is impossible without the synthesis which -the study of Classical languages—Oriental or European—still foster in -this age of destructive analysis and of that scepticism which does not -seek to re-construct. - - * * * * * - -Since writing above another accident has placed in my hands an evidently -ancient manuscript in Persian verse, on the same or kindred subjects of -Ismailian belief. The manuscript is duodecimo, about 200 pages in extent, -and is written in exquisite miniature caligraphy. Its perusal may affect -my decision as to the manner of dealing with the question, so far as the -public is concerned; in the meanwhile, I am still in search of the name -of its author, and of its date. - - - - - APPENDIX VIII. - ON THE - SCIENCES OF LANGUAGE AND OF ETHNOGRAPHY - - WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO - _The Language and Customs of the People of Hunza_ - - BEING A REPORT ON AN EXTEMPORE ADDRESS - - BY G. W. LEITNER, M.A., PH.D., LL.D., D.O.L., ETC. - - _Publications of the Oriental Institute, Woking._ - - LONDON - SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO. - PATERNOSTER SQUARE - 1890 - - - - -ON THE SCIENCES OF LANGUAGE AND OF ETHNOGRAPHY: - -_With special reference to the Language and Customs of the People of -Hunza._[149] - - -The time has long passed since grammar and its rules could be treated -in the way to which we were accustomed at school. Vitality has now to -be breathed into the dry bones of conjugations and declensions, and -no language can be taught, even for mere practical purposes, without -connecting custom and history with so-called “rules.” The influences of -climate and of religion have to be considered, as well as the character -of the people, if we wish to obtain a real hold on the language of our -study. Do we desire to make language a speciality, the preparation of -acquiring early in life two dissimilar languages, one analytic and the -other synthetic, is absolutely necessary, because if that is not done, we -shall always be hampered by the difficulty of dissociating the substance -from the word which designates it. The human mind is extremely limited, -and amongst the limits imposed upon it are those of, in early life, -connecting an idea, fact, or process, with certain words; and unless -two languages, at least, are learnt, and those two are as dissimilar -as possible, one is always, more or less, the slave of routine in the -perception and in the application of new facts and of new ideas, and -in the adaptation of any matter of either theoretical or practical -importance. It is a great advantage, for linguistic purposes, which are -far more practically important than may be generally believed, that -the study of the classical languages still holds the foremost place in -this country; because, however necessary scientific “observation” may -be, it cannot take the place of a cultured imagination. The stimulus -of illustration and comparison, which, in the historical sense of the -terms, is an absolutely necessary primary condition to mental advance, -is derived from classical and literary pursuits. The study of two very -similar languages, however, is not the same discipline to a beginner in -linguistics; _e.g._, to learn French and Italian is not of the same value -as French and German, for the more dissimilar the languages the better. - -Again, if you desire to elicit a language of which you know nothing, from -a savage who cannot explain it and who does not understand your language, -there are certain processes with which some linguists, no doubt, are -familiar, and others commend themselves in practical experience; for -instance, in pointing to an object which you wish to have, say, a fruit -which you want to eat, you may not only obtain the name for it, but the -gesture to obtain it, if you are surrounded by several savages whose -language you do not know, may also induce one of the men to order another -to get it for you,—I suppose on the principle that it is easy for one -to command and for others to obey; but, be that as it may, this course, -to the attentive observer, first obtains the name for the required -thing and next elicits the imperative; you hear something with a kind -of inflection which, once heard, cannot be mistaken for anything else -than the imperative. Further, the _reply_ to the imperative would either -elicit “yes,” or “no,” or the indicative present. This process of inquiry -does not apply to all languages, but it applies to a great many; and -the attitude which you have to assume towards every language that you -know nothing about, in the midst of strangers who speak it, is that, of -course, of an entirely sympathetic student. You have, indeed, to apply -to language the dictum which Buddhist Lamas apply to religion—never to -think, much less to say, that your own religion (in this case your own -language) is the best; _i.e._, the form of expression in which you are in -the habit of conveying your thoughts, is one so perfectly conventional, -though rational in your case, that the greatest freedom from prejudice -is as essential a consideration as the wish to acquire the language of -others. In other words, in addition to the mere elementary acquisition -of knowledge, you have to cultivate a sympathetic attitude; and here, -again, is one of the proofs of a truth which my experience has taught me, -that, however great knowledge may be, sympathy is greater, for sympathy -enables us to fit the key which is given by knowledge. Gestures also -elicit a response in dealing, for instance, with numerals, where we are -facilitated by the fingers of the hand. Of course, one is occasionally -stopped by a savage who cannot go, or is supposed not to be able to go, -beyond two, or beyond five. - -I take it that in the majority of cases of that kind, a good deal of -our misconception with regard to the difficulty of the inquiry lies in -ourselves—that ideas of multitude connected with the peculiar customs -of the race that have yet to be ascertained, are at the bottom of the -inability of that race to follow our numeration. For instance we go up -to ten, and in order to elicit a name for eleven, we say “one, ten;” if -the man laughs, change the order, and say “ten, one;” the chances are -that the savage will instinctively rejoin “ten _and_ one,” and we then -get the conjunction. Putting the fingers of both hands together may mean -“multitude,” “alliance,” or “enmity,” according as the customs of the -race are interpreted by that gesture. - -I am reminded of this particular instance in my experience, because -I referred to it in a discussion on an admirable paper on the Kafirs -of the Hindukush by the eminent Dr. Bellew. If you do not take custom -along with a “rule,” and do not try to explain the so-called rule by -either historical events or some custom of the race, you make language -a matter entirely of memory, and as memory is one of the faculties that -suffers most from advancing age, or from modes of living and various -other circumstances, the moment that memory is impaired your linguistic -knowledge must suffer—you, therefore, should make language a matter of -judgment and of associations. If you do not do that, however great your -linguistic knowledge or scholarship, you must eventually fail in doing -justice to the subject or to those with whom you are dealing. - -The same principle applies as much to a highly civilised language like -Arabic, one of the most important languages in the way of expressing the -multifarious processes of human thought and action, as to the remnant of -the pre-historic Hunza language, which throws an unexpected light on the -science of language. - -Let us first take Arabic and the misconceptions of it by Arabic -scholars. In 1859 I pointed out before the College of Preceptors, how -it was necessary not only to discriminate between the Chapters in the -Koran delivered at Mecca, and those given at Medina, but also to arrange -the verses out of various Chapters in their real sequence. I believe we -are now advancing towards a better understanding of this most remarkable -book. But we still find in its translation such passages, for instance, -as, “when in war women are captured, _take_ those that are not married.” -The meaning is nothing so arbitrary. The expression for “take” that we -have there is _ankohu_—marry, _i.e._, take in marriage or _nikáh_, as no -alliance can be formed with even a willing captive taken in war, except -through the process of _nikáh_, which is the religious marriage contract. -Again, we have the passage, “Kill the infidels wherever you find them.” -There again is shown the want of sympathetic knowledge, which is distinct -from the knowledge of our translators who render “qatilu” by “kill,” -when it merely means “fight” and refers to an impending engagement with -enemies who were then attacking Muhammed’s camp. Apart from accuracy of -translation, a sympathetic attitude is also of practical importance. -_E.g._, had we gone into Oriental questions with more sympathy and, in -consequence, more real knowledge, many of our frontier wars would have -been avoided, and there is not the least doubt that in dealing with -Oriental humanity, whether we had taken a firm or a conciliatory course, -we should have been upon a track more likely to lead to success than -by taking action based on insufficient knowledge or on preconceptions. -For instance, in the _Times_ there was a telegram from Suakim about the -Mahdi, to the effect that El Senousi was opposing him successfully. I -do not know who El Senousi is, but very many years ago I pointed out -the great importance of the Senousi _sect_ in Africa, and, unless the -deceased founder of that name has now arisen, whether it is a man of -that name or the now well-known sect that is mentioned, one cannot say -from the telegram. The sender of the message states that as sure as the -El Senousi rises to importance there will be a danger to Egypt and to -Islam. It is Christian like to think well of Islam, and to try to protect -it. This very few Christians do, and it shows a kind feeling towards a -sister-faith, but I am not sure that the writer accurately knew what -Islam is; though there can be no doubt that the rise of fanatical sects, -like the Senousi, which is largely due to the feeling of resistance -created by the encroachments of so-called European civilisation, is -opposed to orthodox Muhammedanism. Be that as it may, I have also -turned to “the further correspondence on the affairs of Egypt” which a -friend gave me, and, really, I now know rather less about Egypt than I -did before. For instance, I find (and I am specially referring to the -blue-book in my hand) that letters of the greatest importance from the -Mahdi are treated in the following flippant manner: “This is nothing more -or less than an unauthenticated copy of a letter sent by the deceased -Mahdi to General Gordon!” Is this not enough to deserve attentive -inquiry? General Gordon would, probably, not have agreed with the writer -of this contemptuous remark, which is doubly out of place when we are -also told that the Mahdi was sending Gordon certain verses and passages -from the Korán, illustrative of his position, which are eliminated by -the translator as unnecessary, of no importance, and of very little -interest! Now, considering that this gentleman knew Arabic, I think I am -right when I add that with a little more sympathy he would have known -more, and had he known more he would have quoted those passages, for it -is most necessary for us to know on what precise authority of the Korán -or of tradition this so-called Mahdi based his claim, and knowledge of -this kind would give us the opportunity of dealing with the matter. -Again, on the question of Her Majesty’s title of “Kaisar-i-hind,” which, -after great difficulty, I succeeded in carrying into general adoption in -India, the previous translators of “Empress” had suggested some title -which would either have been unintelligible or which would have given Her -Majesty a disrespectful appellation, whilst none would have created that -awe and respect which, I suppose, the translation of the Imperial title -was intended to inspire. Even the subsequent official adopter of this -title, Sir W. Muir, advocated it on grounds which would have rendered -it inapplicable to India. With the National Anthem similarly, we had a -translation by a Persian into Hindustani, which was supported by a number -of Oriental scholars in this country, who either did not study it, or who -dealt with the matter entirely from a theoretical point of view, and what -was the result? The result was—that for “God Save the Queen,” a passage -was put which was either blasphemous, or which, in popular Muhammedan -acceptance, might mean, “God grant that Her Majesty may again marry!” -whereas one of the glories of Her Majesty among her Hindu subjects is -that she is a true “Satti” or Suttee, viz., a righteous widow, who ever -honours the memory of her terrestrial and spiritual husband—neither of -those views being intended by the translator, or by that very large and -responsible body of men who supported him, and that still larger and -emphatically loyal body that intended to give the translation of the -National Anthem as a gift to India at a cost of several thousand pounds, -when for a hundred rupees a dozen accurate and respectful versions were -elicited by me in India itself. - -I therefore submit that in speaking of the sciences of language and -ethnography, we have, or ought to have, passed, long ago, the standpoint -of treating them separately; they must be treated together, and, as -I said at the beginning, taking, _e.g._, Arabic, with its thirty-six -broken plurals (quite enough to break anybody’s memory), you will never -be able to learn it unless you thoroughly realise the life of the Arab, -as he gets out of his tent in the morning, milks his female camel, &c., -and unless you follow him through his daily ride or occupations. Then -you will understand how it is, especially if you have travelled in -Arabia, that camels that appear at a distance on the horizon, affect the -eye differently from camels when they come near, and are seen as they -follow one another in a row, and those again different from the camels -as they gather round the tent or encampment; and therefore it is that -in the different perceptions to the eye, under the influence of natural -phenomena, these multifarious plurals are of the greatest importance in -examining the customs of the people. Then will the discovery of the right -plural be a matter of enjoyment, leading one on to another discovery, -and to work all the better; whereas, with the grammatical routine that -we still pursue, I wonder, when we reach to middle or old age, after -following the literary profession, that we are not more dull or confused -than we are at present. When one abstract idea follows the other, as in -our phraseology, it is not like one scene following another in a new -country which is full of stimulus, but the course which we adopt of -abstract generalisations, without analysing them and bringing them back -to their concrete constituents, is almost a process of stultification. - -Coming now to one of the most primitive, and certainly one of the -remnants of pre-historic languages, that of Hunza, which I had the -opportunity of examining twenty-three years ago, while Gilgit was in a -state of warfare, and where I had to learn the language, so to speak, -with a pencil in one hand and a weapon in the other, and surrounded by -people who were waiting for an opportunity to kill me, I found, that on -reverting to it three years ago, the language had already undergone a -process of assimilation to the surrounding dialects, owing to the advance -of so-called civilisation, which in that case, and which in the case of -most of these tribes, means the introduction of drunkenness and disease, -in this instance of cholera, for we know what has been the condition of -those countries which lie in the triangle between Cashmere, Kabul, and -Badakhshan, and to which I first gave the name of Dardistan in 1866. - -Now, what does this language show us? There the ordinary methods proved -entirely at fault. If one pointed to an object, quite apart from the -ordinary difficulties of misapprehension, the man appealed to, for -instance, might say “your finger,” if a finger were the thing of which -he thought you wanted the name. If not satisfied with the name given in -response, and you turned to somebody else, another name was obtained; and -if you turned to a third person, you got a third name. - -What was the reason for these differences? It was this, that the language -had not emerged from the state in which it is impossible to have such -a word as “head,” as distinguished from “my head,” or “thy head,” or -“his head”; for instance, _ak_ is “my name,” and _ik_ is “his name.” -Take away the pronominal sign, and you are left with _k_, which means -nothing. _Aus_ is “my wife,” and _gus_ “thy wife.” The _s_ alone has no -meaning, and, in some cases, it seemed impossible to arrive at putting -anything down correctly; but so it is in the initial stage of a language. -In the Hunza language under discussion, that stage is important to us as -members of the Aryan group, as the dissociation of the pronoun, verb, -adverb and conjunction from the act or substance only occurs when the -language emerges beyond the stage when the groping, as it were, of the -human child between the _meum_ and _tuum_, the first and second persons, -approaches the clear perception of the outer world, the “_suum_,” the -third person. Now, during the twenty years referred to “his” (house), -“his” (name), and “his” (head) are beginning to take the place of -“house,” “name,” “head,” generally, in not quite a decided manner, but -still they are taking their place. When I subsequently talked to the -Hunzas, and tried to find a reason for that “idiom,” if one may use -the term, it seemed very clear and convincing when they said, “How is -it possible for ‘a wife’ to exist unless she is somebody’s wife?” “You -cannot say, for instance, if you dissociate the one from the other, ‘her -wife,’ or ‘his husband.’ ‘Head,’ by itself, does not exist; it must be -somebody’s head.” When, again, you dissociate the sound which stands for -the action or substance from the pronoun, you come, in a certain group -of words, to another range of thought connected with the primary family -relation, and showing the existence of that particularly ancient form -of endogamy, in which all the elder females are the mothers and all the -elder men are the fathers of the tribe. For instance, take a word like -“mother;” “m” would mean the female principle, “o” would be the self, and -the _ther_ would mean “the tribe;” in other words, “mother” would mean: -“the female that bore me and that belongs to my tribe.” Now, fanciful -as this may appear to us, it is the simple fact as regards the Hunza -language, which, when put the test of analysis, will throw an incredible -light on the history of Aryan words. For instance, taking Sanskrit as -a typical language, you will, I believe, find how the early relations -grew, and you will get beyond the root into the parts of which the root -is made up; each of which has a meaning, not in one or two instances, but -in most. I am not going to read you the volume which I am preparing for -the Indian Government, and which is only the first part of the analysis -with regard to this language, and only a very small portion indeed of -the material that I collected in 1866, 1872, and 1884 regarding that -important part of the world, Dardistan, which is now being drawn within -the range of practical Indian politics—a region situated between the -Hindukush and Kaghan (lat. 37° N. and long. 73° E. to lat. 35° N. and -long. 74·3° E.) and comprising monarchies and republics, including a -small republic of eleven houses—a region which contains the solution -of numerous linguistic and ethnographical problems, the cradle of the -Aryan race, inhabited by the most varied tribes, from which region I -brought the first Hunza and the first Káfir that ever visited England, -and of which region one of its bigger Chiefs, owing to my sympathy with -the people, invested me with a kind of titular governorship. In that -comparatively small area the questions that are to be solved are great, -and it is even now in some parts, perhaps, as hazardous a journey as, -say, through the dark continent. Whether you get to the ancient Robber’s -Seat of Hunza, where the right of plundering is hereditary, or into the -recesses of Kafiristan or the fastnesses of Pakhtu settlers; whether -you proceed to the republics of Darel, Tangir or Chilás, or proceed to -the community where women are sometimes at the head of affairs, and -which is neither worse nor better than others, an amount of information, -especially ethnographic, is within one’s reach which makes Dardistan a -region that would reward a number of explorers. I may say, in my own -instance, if my life is spared for ten years longer, all I could do would -be to bring out the mere material in my possession in a rough form, -leaving the theories thereon to be elaborated by others. My difficulties -were great, but my reward has been in a mass of material, for the -elaboration of which International, Oriental, and other Congresses and -learned societies have petitioned Government since 1866. My official -duties have hitherto prevented my addressing myself to the congenial -task of elaborating the material in conjunction with others. In 1886, I -was, however, put for a few months on special duty in connexion with the -Hunza language, at the very time that Colonel Lockhart was traversing a -portion of Dardistan. But I think you will be more interested if, beyond -personal observations, I tell you something about that little country of -Hunza itself, which in many respects differs from those surrounding it, -not only in regard to its peculiar language, which I have mentioned, but -in other respects also. Unfortunately, it is also unlike the surrounding -districts, in being characterised by customs the absence of some of -which would be desirable. The Hunzas are nominal Muhammedans, and they -use their mosques for drinking and dancing assemblies. Women are as free -as air. There is little restriction in the relation of the sexes, and -the management of the State, in theory, is attributed to fairies. No war -is undertaken unless the fairy (whom, by the way, one is not allowed to -see) gives the command by beating the sacred drum. The witches, who get -into an ecstatic state, are the journalists, historians, and prophetesses -of the tribe. They tell you what goes on in the surrounding valleys. -They represent, as it were, the local _Times_; they tell you the past -glories, such as they are, of raids and murders by their tribe; and when -the _Tham_ or ruler, who is supposed to be heaven-born (there being some -mystery about the origin of his dynasty), does wrong, the only one who -will dare to tell him the truth is the Dayal, or the witch who prophesies -the future, and takes the opportunity of telling the Rajah that, unless -he behaves in a manner worthy of his origin, he will come to grief! This -is not a common form of popular representation to be met with, say, in -India. Grimm’s fairy-tales sometimes seem to be translated into practise -in Hunza-land, which offers material for discussion alike to those who -search for the Huns and to those who search for the very different Honas. - -Then with regard to religion, as I said before, though nominally -Muhammedan, they are really deniers of all the important precepts of -true Muhammedanism, which is opposed to drunkenness, introduces a real -brotherhood, and enjoins great cleanliness as absolutely necessary -before the spiritual purification by prayer can take place. The people -are mostly Muláis, but inferior in piety (?) to those of Zébak, Shignán, -Wakhan, and other places. Now, what is that sect? It is represented by -His Highness Prince Aga Khan, of Bombay, a person who is not half aware -of his importance in those regions, where, till very recently, men were -murdered as soon as looked at. One who acknowledges him or has brought -some of the water with which he has washed his feet, would always be able -to pass through those regions perfectly unharmed! I found my disguise -as a Bokhara Mullah in 1866 to be quite useless, as a protection at -Gilgit, whence men were kidnapped to be exchanged for a good hunting -dog, but in Hunza they used to fill prisoners with gunpowder, and blow -them up for general amusement. His Highness, who is much given to -horse-racing, confines his spiritual administration to the collection of -taxes throughout Central Asia from his followers or believers, and the -believers themselves represent what is still left of the doctrine of the -Sheik-ul-Jabl or the Ancient of the Mountain, the head of the so-called -Assassins, a connexion of the Mahdi, if he was the Mahdi, or the supposed -Mahdi in the Soudan. I consider he was not the Mahdi as foretold in -Muhammedan tradition; but, be that as it may, the 7th Imám of the Shiahs -has given rise to the sects both of the Druses in the Lebanon and to the -Hunzas on the Pamir. They are the existing Ismailians, who, centuries -ago, under the influence of _Hashish_, the Indian hemp, committed crimes -throughout Christendom, and were the terror of Knight-Templars, as -“Hashîshîn,” corrupted into “Assassins.” - -Now, I have been fortunate enough, owing to my friendship with the head -of their tribe, to obtain some portions of the Kelám-i-pîr volume, which -takes the place, really, of the Korán, and of which I have got a portion -here. I thought it might not be unworthy of your society to bring this to -your knowledge, as a very interesting remnant which throws, _inter alia_, -considerable light not only on their doctrine, but also on the Crusades. -By a similar favour, I have had the opportunity of hearing the Mitháq, -or covenant of the Druses, and that covenant of the Druses is a kind of -prayer they offer up to God, not only in connexion with the Old Man of -the Mountain, the head of the assassins who began about 1022, but also -with those mysterious rites which also take place in what I may call the -fairy-land of Hunza. With regard to the covenants, or one of them, which -the “U’qelá” or the “initiated” or “wise,” as distinguished from the -“Juhelá” or “ignorant” “laity,” among the Druses, offer up every night, -this was used by a so-called educated Druse, one who had been converted -to Protestantism,—a very good thing: but, as often happens, with that -denationalisation which renders his conversion useless as a means for -the promotion of any religion, as there are no indigenous elements for -its growth. Such a convert is often unable to obtain a knowledge of the -practices of his still unconverted countrymen, as nobody can be looked -upon with greater distrust than that native of a country who has unlearnt -to think in his own language, and who cannot acquire a foreign language -with its associations, which are part of the history of that language; -he does not become an Englishman with English associations, but ceases -to be a good native with his own indigenous associations. Therefore, -in my humble opinion, of all the unfortunate specimens of mankind, the -most degraded are those who, under the guise of being Europeanised and, -therefore, reformers, have themselves the greatest necessity for reform. -Their mind has become completely unhinged, thereby showing us that if we -Europeans wish to do good among Orientals we can do so best by living -good lives in the midst of professors of other religions, this being also -in accordance with the 13th edict of Asoka. - -This Druse covenant makes the mad Fatimite ruler of Egypt, Hákim, the -“Lord of the Universe.” As I said before, the present “Lord of the -Universe”. for the Hunzas is the lineal descendant of the 7th Imám, a -resident of Bombay, one to whom the Muláis make pilgrimages, instead -of going to Mecca or to Kerbelá. You may imagine that, even as regards -the Druses, there must be something higher than _their_ “Lord of the -Universe;” but, such as he is, it is with him that this covenant is made. -Reverting to his living colleague, the Indian “Lord,” it may be stated -that there are men scattered throughout India of whose influence we have -only the faintest conception. I pointed out in 1866 that if anyone wanted -to follow successfully my footsteps is Dardistan, he would have to get -recommendations from His Highness Aga Khan of Bombay, and I am glad to -say that Col. Lockhart has taken advantage of that recommendation. The -Druse “Lord of the Universe” is regarded as one with whom nothing can be -compared. The Druses are to render him the most implicit obedience, and -to carry out his behests at the loss of everything, good name, wealth, -and life, with the view of obtaining the favour of one who may be taken -to be God; but the sentence is so constructed as to make him, if not God, -only second to God; in other words, only just a discrimination between -God as the distant ruler of the Universe and, perhaps, some lineal -descendant of Hákim, or rather, Hákim himself as an ever-living being, as -the ruler of _this_ world. This and some other prayers, with some songs, -one amongst which breathes the greatest hatred to Muhammedanism, and -speaks of the destruction of Mecca as something to look forward to, seems -to be deserving of study. There are also references in them to rites -connected with Abraham. A full translation of these documents, compared -with invocations in portions of the Korán, would, indeed, reward the -attention of the student. - -I will now again revert from the Druses of the Lebanon to the Muláis -in the Himalayas. I obtained the poem in my hand from the head of that -sect, and the wording is such that it denies whilst affirming the -immortality and transmigration of souls. It says, “It is no use telling -the ignorant multitude what your faith is.” That is very much like what -Lord Beaconsfield said—that all thinking men were of one religion, but -they would not tell of what religion!—a wrong sentiment, but one that is -embodied in the above poem. “Tell them,” continues the poem in effect, -“if they want to know, in an answer of wisdom to a question of folly: ‘if -your life has been bad you will descend into the stone the vegetable, or -the animal; if your life has been good you will return as a better man. -The chain of life is undivided. The animal that is sacrificed proceeds to -a higher life.’ You cannot discriminate and yet deny individual life, and -apportion that air, stone, or plant, to the animal and to man, but you -ought to be punished for saying this to others!” And on this principle, -at any rate, the Druses also act or acted, that that is no crime which -is not found out; and a good many people, I am sorry to say, elsewhere, -think much the same; whereas in Hunza they have gone beyond that stage, -and care extremely little about their crimes being found out. The Mitháq -and other religious utterances of the Druses and the Kelám-i-Pîr of the -Hunzas, if published together, with certain new information which we -have regarding the Crusade of Richard Cœur-de-Lion, would, I think, were -time given and the matter elaborated, indeed deserve the attention of -the readers of the “Transactions.” It also seems strange that where such -customs exist there should be a prize for virtue, but there is one in -Hunza for wives who have remained faithful to their husbands, something -like the French prize for _rosières_. - -Formerly Suttee was practised, but Suttee had rather the meaning of Sáthi -or companion, as both husband and wife went to the funeral pyre. Prizes -are similarly given to wives who have not quarrelled for, say, a certain -number of years with their husbands. The most curious custom which seems -to permeate these countries is to foster relationship in nursing, -where a nurse and all her relations come not only within the prohibited -degrees, which is against the spirit of Muhammedanism, but also create -the only real bond of true attachment that I have seen in Dardistan, -where other relatives seemed always engaged in murdering one another. - -Nearly all the chiefs in Dardistan give their children to persons of -low degree to nurse, and these and the children of the nurse become -attached to them throughout life and are their only friends. But -this foster-relationship is also taken in order to get rid of the -consequences, say, of crime; for instance, in the case of adultery, or -supposed adultery, the suspected person who declares that he enters -into the relationship of a son to the woman with whom he is suspected, -after a certain penalty, is really accepted in that position, and the -trust is in no case betrayed. It is the only kind of forgiveness which -is given in Dardistan generally to that sort of transgression; but, -further than that, drinking milk with some one, or appointing some one -as foster-father, which is done by crossing two vases of milk, creates -the same relationship, except amongst the noble caste of Shins, who were -expelled by the Brahmins from India or Kashmir, and who hold the cow in -abhorence as one of their religious dogmas, whereas, in other ways, they -are really Brahmins, among whom we find Hinduism peeping out through the -thin crust of Muhammedanism. - -The subject of caste, by the way, is also one which is generally -misunderstood, and which, if developed on Christian lines, would give -us the perfection of human society, and solve many of the problems with -which we are dealing in Europe in more advanced civilisations. I have -just read with concern some remarks against caste by Sir John Petheram, -who has been in India some three or four years. I think that before -people speak on subjects of such intricacy, they should take the position -of students of the question, learn at least one of the classical and one -of the vernacular languages of India, and then alone assume the role -of teachers whilst continuing to be learners; even in regard to such -subjects of infant-marriage and the prohibition of widow re-marriage, -there is a side of the question which has not yet been put sufficiently -before the British public. Infant-marriage, when properly carried out -in the higher castes, is an adoption of the girl into the family where -she and the husband grow up together and join in prayer in common, which -is necessary for their respective salvation; there is much to learn in -the way of tenderness, charity, and love, from some of the households in -India, where we find a community constituted on the noblest principles -of “the joint family,” with an admirable and economical subdivision of -labour, which enables them to live for a mere trifle, and yet so to -prepare their food that in every dish you can see the tender care of the -woman who prepares it for the good of the husband and of the household. - -Then, as to the widow re-marriage, it has not been sufficiently pointed -out to the British public that spiritual marriage renders the re-marriage -of the Hindu widow impossible, because she is necessary for the spiritual -salvation of the husband, and because as the representative of his -property she may be called on to be the head of the family, for many of -them _are_ at the head of the family, and their position, therefore, -renders it simply impossible for them to re-marry. These are matters -that we should treat with respect, especially if we seek to adapt them -to the spirit of the age. There are also differences amongst Muhammedans -as great as there are between a Christian who tries to follow the Sermon -on the Mount and a nominal Christian. Science and religion, according to -a Muhammedan saying, are twins, and if I understand the object of this -Society, it is in order to make this twinship (if I may be allowed to -use the expression) more real that your labours have been initiated, and -that, under Providence, they have been carried to the successful results -that have followed them both here and abroad. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] Strabo II. I., XV. I.—Arrian de Exped. Alex. V. 4 Indica c. -5.—Dio-Chrysos. Orat. XXXV.—Philostrat. de vitâ Apollon. Tyan. VI. -I.—Clem. Alex. Paed., II. 12.—Aelian de Nat. An. XV. 14.—Harpokrat, s. -v. χρυσοχοεῖν, Themist. Orat. XXVII.—Heliodor. X. 26.—Tzetz. Chil. XII. -330-340.—Pseudo Kallisth. II. 29.—Schol. ad Sophocl. Antig., v. 1,025. - -[2] Propert. Eleg. III. 13.—Pomp. Mel. III. 7.—Plin. H. N. XI. 36, -XXXIII. 21.—Solin, c. 30. - -[3] Indeed, there _is_ no other country between Kaspatyros and the -Paktyan country excepting Dardistan. - -[4] This is the Bunji of recent Chilás fights (1893). - -[5] General A. Cunningham very kindly sent me the quotation last year. It -runs as follows: Κασπάπυρος πόλις Γανόπρικὴ, Σκυθὼν άκτὴ. - -[6] Who refers to my “Results of a Tour in Dardistan, Kashmir, Little -Tibet, Ladak, etc., in 1867-70,” and other papers in his pamphlet on the -origin of that legend. - -[7] “Dardistan,” or the country of the Daradas of Hindu mythology, -embraces, in the narrowest sense of the term, the Shiná-speaking -countries (Gilgit, &c.); in a wider sense, Hunza, Nagyr, Yasin, -and Chitrál; and in the widest, also parts of Kafiristan. (See my -“Dardistan,” part III.) - -[8] “Yatsh” means “bad” in Kashmiri. - -[9] The father’s name was Mir Khan. The daughter’s name was Birani. The -bridegroom’s name was Shadu Malik of Nagyr, of Phall Tshatshe race, and -the place of the wedding was Buldar Butshe. - -[10] Elsewhere called _tshi_. - -[11] Eating meat was the process of _incarnation_. - -[12] The story of the famous horse, the love-making between Azru and the -Princess, the manner of their marriage and other incidents connected with -the expulsion of the tyrant deserve attention. - -[13] Possibly this legend is one of the causes of the unfounded -reputation of cannibalism which was given by Kashmiris and others to the -Dards before 1866, and of which one Dardu tribe accuses another, with -which, even if it should reside in a neighbouring valley, it may have no -intercourse. I refer elsewhere to the custom of drinking a portion of the -blood of an enemy, to which my two Kafirs confessed.—(“Dardistan,” Part -III.) - -[14] Elsewhere called “Shiribadatt” in one name. - -[15] Words inviting attention, such as “listen,” “explain,” etc., etc., -are generally put at the end of riddles. - -[16] The abbreviations “G.” and “A.” stand respectively for “in the -Gilgiti dialect” and “in the Astori dialect.” - -[17] Not very many years ago the Albanian robbers in attacking shepherds -used to consider themselves victorious if they had robbed more sheep than -they had lost men. - -[18] “Tré” = “three” is pronounced like “tshé.” - -[19] Ae = (_Gilgiti_) mouth; aru = in the mouth; ázeju = against the -mouth. Aze = (_Astori_) mouth; ázeru = in the mouth; azeju = against the -mouth. - -[20] [Her father was a Mirza and she was, therefore, called Mirzéy.] - -[21] Khān is pronounced Khann for the sake of the metre. - -[22] Term of familiarity used in calling a daughter. - -[23] Mutshutshul is a narrow pass leading from Gakutsh to Yassen. - -[24] Doloja is a village ahead of Mutshutshul. - -[25] [To fear is construed with the Dative.] - -[26] More probably “rey” is the pine called the Picea Webbiana. - -[27] Part II., page 16, gives the following for “Birch.” “Birch? = Djônjî -(the white bark of which is used for paper) in Kashmîr where it is called -the book-tree “Burus kull” lit: Burus = the book; kúll = plant, tree.” - -[28] “Tshikkí” is a black fragrant matter said to be gathered under -the wing-pits of the hawk; “djónji” is, to me, an unknown tree, but I -conjecture it to be the birch tree. “Gas” is a princess and “mal” is -added for euphony. - -[29] [“Mulayi” for woman is not very respectful; women are generally -addressed as “kaki” sister, or “dhì” daughter.] - -[30] _Na?_ is it? is it not so? _na_ seems generally to be a mere -exclamation. - -[31] The people of Astor are mostly Sunnis, and the Gilgitis mostly -Shiahs, the Chilásis are all Sunnis. - -[32] A reed which grows in the Gilgit country of white or red colour. - -[33] It is rather unusual to find the nightingale representing the -beloved. She is generally “the rose” and the lover “the nightingale.” - -[34] Possibly Ali Sher Khan, also called Ali Shah, the father of Ahmed -Shah, the successful and popular Rajah of Skardo in the Sikh days—or else -the great Ali Sher Khan, the founder of the race or caste of the Makpon -Rajahs of Skardo. He built a great stone aqueduct from the Satpur stream -which also banked up a quantity of useful soil against inundations. - -[35] Murad was, I believe, the first Skardo Rajah who conquered Gilgit, -Nagyr, Hunza and Chitrál. He built a bridge near the Chitrál fort. Traces -of invasion from Little Tibet exist in Dardistan. A number of historical -events, occurring at different periods, seem to be mixed up in this song. - -[36] The veneration for the name is, of course, also partly due to the -fact that it means “the lion of Ali,” Muhammad’s son-in-law, to whose -memory the Shiah Mussulmans are so devotedly attached. The Little -Tibetans are almost all Shiahs. - -[37] “Sar” is Astori for Gilgiti “Djor.” - -[38] The defile of the Makpon-i-Shang-Rong, where the Indus river makes a -sudden turn southward and below which it receives the Gilgit river. - -[39] The Shiah Rajahs of Skardo believed themselves to be under the -special protection of Ali. - -[40] The “Harginn,” a fabulous animal mentioned elsewhere. - -[41] The beautiful songs of “My little darling ornaments will wear,” -“Corn is being distributed,” “I will give pleasure’s price,” “My metal is -hard,” “Come out, oh daughter of the hawk,” will be found on pages 2, 4, -10, 11, and 37, of this pamphlet respectively and need not therefore be -quoted in this place. - -[42] “Powder” is called “Jebati” in Astóri and in Gilgiti “Bilen,” and -is, in both dialects, also the word used for medicinal powder. It is made -of Sulphur, Saltpetre and coal. Sulphur = dantzil. Saltpetre = Shór in -Astori, and Shorá in Ghilgiti. Coal = Kári. The general proportion of the -composition is, as my informant put it, after dividing the whole into six -and a half parts to give 5 of Saltpetre, 1 of coal, and ½ of Sulphur. -Some put less coal in, but it is generally believed that more than the -above proportion of Sulphur would make the powder too explosive. - -[43] By the people of Gilgit. - -[44] A few remarks made under this head and that of music have been taken -from Part II, pages 32 and 21, of my “Dardistan,” in order to render the -accounts more intelligible. - -[45] The drawing and description of this scene were given in the -_Illustrated London News_ of the 12th February, 1870, under the heading -of “A Dance at Gilgit.” - -[46] Wine is called in Gilgit by the same name as is “beer” by the -Astoris, _viz._: “Mō.” The wine press is called “Mōe Kùrr.” The reservoir -into which it flows is called “Mōe Sán.” - -[47] These are the strange sect of the Muláis about whom more in my -“Handbook of Hunza, Nagyr and a part of Yasín.” - -[48] This is said to be no longer the case, except in those Dard -republics, where foreigners have not yet interfered. In monarchical -Yasin, and, above all, in Hunza, sexual laxity has ever been great. -Where Sunni rulers have substituted dancing-boys for the dancing of -men (formerly both men and women danced together), a worse evil has -been introduced. A most sacred relationship is the one created by the -foster-mother. The linguistic portion of “The of Hunza-Nagyr Handbook,” -as also of Parts I. and II. of “Dardistan” solves the questions of -whether and where polygamy, endogamy, etc., existed among the Dards, -who, in appearance and sentiment as regards women, as also in legendary -lore, are very “European,” but whom invasion will convert into strict -Muhammadans and haters of the “Firenghi.” - -[49] The “brother in the faith” with whom raw milk has been drunk, _Vide_ -page 41. - - Betrothal, = balli = pumpkin in Gilgiti, Soél—Astóri - Bridegroom, = hileléo, Gil. hiláleo. Astóri. - Bride, = hilal - Bridegroom’s MEN, = garóni, Gil. hilalée, Astóri. - Marriage شادي = garr, Gil. Kàsh. Astóri - Dowry, = “dab,” Gil. and Astóri - -(the grain, ghee and sheep that may accompany the betrothal-present is -called by the Astóris “sakáro.”) - - Husband, = baráo, Gil. baréyo, Astóri. - Wife, = Greyn, Gil. gréyn, Astóri. - -Wedding dinner “garéy tíki” in Gilgiti. “Kajjéyn bai kyas,” in Astori (?) -[“tikki” is bread, “bai” is a chippati, kyas = food]. - -[50] The Turks say “a girl of 15 years of age should be either married or -buried.” - -[51] Is celebrated in Autumn when the fruit and corn have become ripe. -For a detailed account of this and other festivals see “Hunza-Nagyr -Handbook,” and Parts II. and III. of the “Languages and Races of -Dardistan.” - -[52] I have already related that a foreign Mulla had found his way to -Gilgit, and that the people, desirous that so holy a man should not -leave them and solicitous about the reputation that their country had no -shrine, killed him in order to have some place for pilgrimage. Similar -stories are, however, also told about shrines in Afghanistan. My Sazîni -speaks of shrines in Nagyr, Chilâs and Yasin, and says that in Sunni -Chilâs there are many Mullahs belonging to all the castes—two of the most -eminent being Kramìns of Shatiál, about 8 miles from Sazîn. About Castes, -_vide_ page 62. - -[53] I refer to the Khajuná, or Burishki, a language also spoken in Nagyr -and a part of Yasin, whose inhabitants are Dards. - -[54] I refer to the practice of “Taqqîah.” In the interior of Kabul -Hazara, on the contrary, I have been told that Pathan Sunni merchants -have to pretend to be Shiahs, in order to escape being murdered. - -[55] Since writing the above in 1867, a third Kafir from Katár has -entered my service, and I have derived some detailed information from him -and others regarding the languages and customs of this mysterious race, -which will be embodied in my next volume. [This note was written in 1872.] - -[56] I have heard this denied by a man from Sazîn, but state it on the -authority of two Chilâsis who were formerly in my service. - -[57] My Sazîni says that only a portion of the Fort was blown up. - -[58] _Vide_ “History of Dardistan” for details of the contending -dynasties of that region, pages 67 to 110. - -[59] Major Montgomery remarks “the coins have the word Gujanfar on them, -the name, I suppose, of some emblematic animal. I was however unable to -find out its meaning.” The word is غضنفر , Ghazanfar [which means in -_Arabic_: lion, hero] and is the name of the former ruler of Hunza whose -name is on the coins. In Hunza itself, coined money is unknown. [For -changes since 1866, see “Hunza and Nagyr Handbook, 1893.”] - -[60] This was the _name_ of the grandfather of Amán-ul-Mulk, the present -ruler of Chitrál (1877). Cunningham says that the _title_ of “Kathor” -has been held for 2000 years. I may incidentally mention that natives -of India who had visited Chitrál did not know it by any other name than -“Kashkar” the name of the principal town, whilst Chitrál was called “a -Kafir village surrounded by mountains” by Neyk Muhammad, a Lughmáni -Nîmtsha (or half) Mussulman in 1866. - -[61] This is the plausible Gilgit story, which will, perhaps, be adopted -in Hunza when it becomes truly Muhammadan. In the meanwhile, my endeavour -in 1866 to find traces of Alexander the Great’s invasion in Dardistan, -has led to the adoption of the myth of descent from that Conqueror by the -Chinese Governor or the ancient hereditary “Thàm” of Hunza, who really -is “_ayeshó_,” or “heaven-born,” owing to the miraculous conception of a -female ancestor. “Mogholot” is the direct ancestor of the kindred Nagyr -line, “Girkis,” his twin-brother and deadly foe, being the ancestor of -the Hunza dynasty. (See Genealogy on pages 69 and 111.) - -[62] This designation is really that of the Minister of Finances. - -[63] This was written in 1866. - -[64] I refer only to the present rule of Kashmir itself and not to the -massacres by Kashmir troops in Dardistan, of which details are given -elsewhere. - -[65] _Vide_ my comparison between Dardu buildings, etc., and certain -excavations which I made at Takht-i-Bahi in Yusufzai in 1870. - -[66] Seduction and adultery are punished with death in Chilâs and the -neighbouring independent Districts. Morality is, perhaps, not quite so -stern at Gilgit, whilst in Yasin, Hunza, and even in Nagyr before 1886, -great laxity is said to prevail. - -[67] Since writing the above I have discovered that the people of -Kandiá—an unsuspected race and country lying between Swat and the -Indus—are Dards and speak a Dialect of Shiná, of which specimens are -given elsewhere in the “Races of the Hindukush.” (See Appendix IV.) -The tribe living on the left bank of the Kandiá river is called by its -neighbours “Dard.” - -[68] The word ought to be transliterated “Gilgit” گلگت and -pronounced as it would be in German, but this might expose it to being -pronounced as “Jiljit” by some English readers, so I have spelt it here -as “Ghilghit.” - -[69] In a restricted sense “Shîn” is the name of the highest _caste_ of -the Shîn _race_. “Róno” is the highest official caste next to the ruling -families. - -[70] My Sazîni says that they are really Shîns, Yashkuns, Dôms and -Kramins, but pretend to be Afghans. _Vide_ List of Castes, page 62. -Kholi-Palus are _two_ Districts, Khóli and Palus, whose inhabitants are -generally fighting with each other. Shepherds from these places often -bring their flocks for sale to Gilgit. I met a few. - -[71] This name is also and properly given by the Baltis to their Dard -fellow-countrymen. Indeed the Little Tibetans look more like Dards than -Ladákis. - -[72] _Place aux dames!_ For six years I believed myself “the discoverer” -of this fact, but I find that, as regards Kartakchun in Little Tibet, I -have been nearly anticipated by Mrs. Harvey, who calls the inhabitants -“Dards,” “Dâruds” (or “Dardoos.”) - -[73] My Sazîni calls the people of his own place = Bigé; those of Tórr = -_Manuké_, and those of Harbenn = _Jure_. - -[74] The two Kafirs in my service in 1866, one of whom was a Bashgali, -seemed inoffensive young men. They admitted drinking a portion of the -blood of a killed enemy or eating a bit of his heart, but I fancy this -practice proceeds more from bravado than appetite. In “Davies’ Trade -Report” I find the following Note to Appendix XXX., page CCCLXII. “The -ruler of Chitrál is in the habit of enslaving all persons from the -tribes of Kalásh, Dangini and Bashghali, idolaters living in the Chitrál -territory.” - -[75] Both my Gilgiti follower, Ghulam Muhammad, and the Astóri retainer, -Mirza Khan, claimed to be pure Shîns. The former returned to my service -some years afterwards and was measured together with other Dards. (See -Appendix V.) - -[76] My Sazîni says that the Dôms are below the Kramìns and that there -are only 4 original castes: Shîn, Yáshkunn, Kramìn [or “Kamìnn”] and Dôm, -who, to quote his words, occupy the following relative ranks: “The Shîn -is the right hand, the Yáshkunn the left; the Kramìn the right foot, the -Dôm the left foot.” “The other castes are mere names for occupations.” A -Shîn or Yáshkunn can trade, cultivate land or be a shepherd without loss -of dignity—Kramìns are weavers, carpenters, etc., but not musicians—as -for leather, it is not prepared in the country. Kramìns who cultivate -land consider themselves equal to Shîns. Dôms can follow _any_ -employment, but, if a Dôm becomes a Mulla, he is respected. Members of -the several castes who misbehave are called Mîn, Pashgun, Mamin and Môm -respectively. “A man of good caste will espouse sides and fight to the -last even against his own brother.” Revenge is a duty, as among Afghans, -but is not transmitted from generation to generation, if the first -murderer is killed. A man who has killed another, by mistake, in a fight -or otherwise, seeks a frank forgiveness by bringing a rope, shroud and a -buffalo to the relatives of the deceased. The upper castes can, if there -are no Kramìns in their villages, do ironmonger’s and carpenter’s work, -without disgrace; but must wait for Kramìns or Dôms for weaver’s work. -The women spin. The “Dôms” are the “Rôms” of Gipsy lore. - -[77] These legends should be compared with the Chitrál Fables published -by Mihtar Nizám-ul-Mulk in the _Asiatic Quarterly Review_ of January, -1891, namely: “the vindictive fowl,” “the golden mouse,” “the mouse and -the frog,” “the quail and the fox.” See Appendix III. as also Legends in -“The Hunza-Nagyr Handbook.” - -[78] The scrupulousness of the Gipsies in discharging such obligations, -when contracted with a member of the same race, used to be notorious. The -Dôms or Rôms of the Shins are the “Romany” of Europe and our “Zingari” is -a corruption of “Sinkari” or inhabitants on the borders of the River or -Sin = the (Upper) Indus. - -[79] Tromba, to be made eatable, must be ground into flour, then boiled -in water and placed in the “tshamúl” [in Astori] or “popúsh” [Ghilgiti], -a receptacle under the hearth, and has to be kept in this place for one -night, after which it is fit for use after being roasted or put on a -tawa [pan] like a Chupatti [a thin cake of unleavened bread]. “barao” or -tshítti baráo = sour baráo [móro baráo = sweet baráo]. - -[80] Almost every third man I met had, at some time or other, been -kidnapped and dragged off either to Chilás, Chitrál, Badakhshán or -Bukhárá. The surveillance, however, which is exercised over prisoners, -as they are being moved by goat-paths over mountains, cannot be a very -effective one and, therefore, many of them escape. Some of the Kashmir -Maharajah’s Sepoys, who had invaded Dardistan, had been captured and -had escaped. They narrated many stories of the ferocity of these -mountaineers; _e.g._, that they used their captives as fireworks, etc., -etc., in order to enliven public gatherings. Even if this be true, -there can be no doubt that the Sepoys retaliated in the fiercest manner -whenever they had an opportunity, and the only acts of barbarism that -came under my observation, during the war with the tribes in 1866, were -committed by the Kashmir invaders. - -[81] This is undoubtedly the _canis rutilans_, a species of wild dog, -which hunts in packs after the wild goat, so numerously found in the -high mountains round Gilgit. The snow-ounce also pursues it. Dardistan, -specially Hunza, is the paradise of the ibex, the wild sheep, including -the _ovis poli_, and the red bear. - -[82] Only so much has been mentioned of the Genealogies of the rulers -of Nagyr, Hunza, and Dîr, as belongs to this portion of my account of -Dardistan. - -[83] Full details of the son and successor of Ghazan Khan, Safdar Ali -Khan, to the present vassal of the Kashmir (Anglo-Indian) Government, -Muhammad Názim Khan, the fugitive Safdar Ali Khan’s half-brother, are -given elsewhere. - -[84] Abbas Khan(?) now at Srinagur and Bahadur Khan(?). - -[85] I believe that Raja Záhid Za’far’s wife was a sister of Rajas Kerîm -Khan and Sakandar Khan of Gilgit (also of Nagyr descent). _Vide_ page 67 -and Heading V. on page 69. - -This connexion might account for Za’far helping the Dogras, who had -reinstated Kerîm Khan in Gilgit. - -[86] Jewahir Singh went by Shigar with 13,000 Baltis (Little Tibetans), -2,000 light infantry came _viâ_ Jagloth under Sirdar Mahmud Khan. The -general of all the “Khulle” Regiments was Bakhshi Radha Kishn. Colonel -Hoshiára went by the Nomal road to Nagyr, and after destroying 3,000 head -of sheep and many villages returned. - -Wazir Zoraweru went to Darêl with Colonel Devi Singh and 10,000 men(?). -Bija Singh was at Gor(?) and Hussani Ali was in command of the Artillery. - -[87] Mir Vali and Pahlwan are brothers by different mothers. Mulk Amán -and Nura Guzá (Mîr Ghazi?) are brothers by the same mother—so one of my -men says. Pahlwan is Amán-ul-Mulk’s sister’s son (_vide_ “History of Wars -with Kashmir”). - -[88] _Extract_: “_1850._ The raids of the Chilásis, is made the occasion -for invading the country of Chilás, which not being a dependency of -Kashmir, is not included in the Treaty of 1846. The Maharaja gives -out that he is acting under orders of the British Government. Great -consternation among petty chiefs about Muzaffarabad regarding ulterior -plans of the Maharaja. The Sikhs send a large army, which is defeated -before the Fort of Chilás. 1851.—Bakhshi Hari Singh and Dewan Hari Chand -are sent with 10,000 men against Chilás, and succeed in destroying the -fort and scattering the hostile hill tribes which assisted the Chilásis.” - -[89] Extract from Drew’s “Northern Barriers of India,” 1877: “Until -about 1850 they used to make occasional expeditions for plunder, coming -round the flanks of the mountain into this Astor Valley. It was these -raids that determined Maharaja Gulâb Singh to send a punitive expedition -against Chilás. This he did in 1851 or 1852. The Dogrâs at last took the -chief stronghold of the Chilásis, a fort two or three miles from the -Indus River, and reduced those people to some degree of obedience: and -_there has been no raid since_.” - -[90] “The Astor people used formerly to do the same thing,” and on page -459 of Drew’s “Jummoo and Kashmir Territories,” the author, who was a -high official in the Kashmir service, says: “The Sikhs sent an expedition -to Chilás under one Sujah Singh, but it was repulsed.... This was about -the year 1843.... The good effects (of the expedition in 1850 or 1851) -... have already been spoken of. Since that time the Chilásis ... pay -yearly to the Maharaja a tribute of 100 goats and about two ounces of -gold-dust; _otherwise they are free_.” Since then Major Ommaney in -1868 reports that ever since the advent of British neighbourhood they -have never committed any offences: “The people are inoffensive.” Mr. -Scott calls them “a quiet, peace-loving people,” and all the Panjab -Administration Reports give them the same reputation. - -[91] The word “Thousand” may only stand for 400, as explained elsewhere. - -[92] For divisions of Dard castes see pages 62, 63. - -[93] Of the value of ten annas each, then 1s. 3d. - -[94] “Yaghistáni” means inhabitant of the “wild” or “independent” country. - -[95] For Divisions of Dard Castes, see pages 62, 63. - -[96] Robe of honor. - -[97] [The stones are so loosely embedded in sandy soil, that treading -on or catching hold of one, often brings down an avalanche of stones. -When the path is narrow and a river flows beneath, it is, generally, -impossible to escape. Stones are often placed in such a way as to cause -avalanches to come on the invader who steps on them.] - -[98] Here my informant, himself a Sunni Mussulman and always calling his -Shiah co-religionists Kafirs, was raving with indignation against the -orthodox Sunnis, Isa and Asmat and the Sunni soldiers of Kashmir, for -murdering the Shiahs of Yasin. He ascribed the atrocities of the Sikhs -entirely to the orders of the ex-fugitives. - -[99] I met Lehna Singh, a relative of the Maharaja, in 1866 in command of -the Sai forces, who had only Rs. 20 per mensem, with unlimited liberty, -however, to make as much besides out of the people, as he could. Bad as -this system is, the drain on the rulers and the ruled is not so great, -under Oriental methods, as under a highly-paid European administration, -and the mismanagement of Kashmîr was far less expensive and less -injurious to the Empire than the present “good” management through -British officers. - -[100] The Kholi people from whom the Sazini heard the account of the -massacre were 100 merchants who had come to Gilgit, as is their custom, -to sell goats, etc., and had there been arrested and taken along to Yasin -by Isa Bahadur, in order to prevent their spreading the news of the -impending attack. There were also eight men from Djajiál and five from -Patan. The following were the Chiefs with the merchants: Káhar, Kali, -Dessa, Amr, Djá—Shìns of Mahrëin in Koli (four miles from Koli). Sabit -Shah, Aman, Shudum Khan, Serdàn, Guldán (Kamins); Hajetu, Lola, Shughlu -Hákko, Bisat, Puz, Khushir (Yashkunns); Ashmál, Gulu, Subhán Shah, Bilál, -Mahsúmu, Yadúla, Najb-ulla of Kóli; Bolós Khan, and Bula Shài, two Patan -Sirdars—Wáli, Sirdar of Djajiál, a Shin, with seven Zemindars. I, adds -my informant, have also heard it from Mulk Aman who was not present, -but who sorrows deeply for the occurrence. (The atrocities related are -fully confirmed by Mr. Hayward’s account, quoted elsewhere, and by what I -saw and heard myself in 1866. Mr. Hayward fixes 1863 as the date of the -massacre.) - -[101] There is a place called Nilamutsh—green mountain ridge—literally -a mountain that has fallen off a still higher one. Chaprôt is three kôs -above and Guyetsh two kôs below this place. Hîni is on the other side -of the river two and a half kos from Nilamutsh. Chaprôt has 150 houses; -Guyêtsh 30 and Hini 80 houses. - -[102] I sent the Yarkandi, Niaz Muhammad, (whom I had taken to Europe), -by the little frequented Shigar route to find out the truth about -Hayward’s murder. His report is a strange and suggestive one, and will be -published in my next volume. (See also pages 74, 75 and 105.) - -[103] It has also been alleged that in order to get rid of two doubtful -friends of the Maharajah, namely, Mir Vali and Mulk-Aman, and to make -room for the more trusted Pehliwan, Aman-ul-Mulk, the ruler of Chitrál -and supposed instigator of the murder of Hayward through the agency of -Mir Vali of Yasin, wrote to the Maharajah to implicate Mulk Aman in the -business. Immediately on his flight, his wife and son were temporarily -imprisoned in the Fort of Gilgit. Pehliwan and Rahmat interceded for some -of the servants, who were set free and sent on to Chitrál. Mir Vali found -his way to Chitrál, whose ruler had one of Mr. Hayward’s guns, though -the bulk of his property is said to have been recovered. There he was -seen by Major Montgomery’s Havildar, who reported that Mir Vali was lame -from a kick by a horse. This however, does not seem to have prevented -him from resuming the rule of Yasin in conjunction with Pehliwan or, if -recent accounts are to be trusted, from turning his nominal suzerain, -Aman-ul-Mulk, out of Chitrál. Mulk Aman also figured for a short time on -the scene of the war with Aman-ul-Mulk and by the latest report, seems to -have fled to Yarkand. - -[104] This peak overlooks Bunji and the whole course of the Indus (with -a sight of the Gilgit Valley) from its sudden southward bend at the -Makpon-i-Shang-Rong, till it again bends westward beyond Chilás. - -[105] The last (semi-official) _Moscow Gazette_ says: “Russia will not -neglect to avail herself of the first convenient opportunity to assist -the people of India to throw off the English yoke, with the view of -establishing the country under independent native rule.” - -[106] I began to write this paper as an introduction to an academical -treatment of the history, language, and customs of Hunza-Nagyr, when -the apparently, sudden, but, probably, calculated complications on that -frontier compelled me to abandon my task for the present and to discuss -instead the ephemeral news as they were published from day to day in the -press. - -[107] - - “Agàr qahàt rijál uftad az-sî qaum kam gîrî. - Yakùm Affghan, doyum Kambó, soyùm bad-zât Kashmîrî.” - -If there (ever) should be a scarcity of men, frequent little (beware of) -three peoples: one the Affghan, the second the Kambó, and the third the -bad-raced Kashmîrî. - -[108] I was again on special duty in 1886, and its result was Part I. of -the “Hunza-Nagyr Handbook,” of which a second and enlarged edition will -appear shortly. My material, some of which has been published, has been -collected between 1865 and 1889 in my private capacity as a student of -languages and customs. - -[109] In spite of Russian attempts to conciliate the orthodox Muhammadans -of Turkey and thus to take the place of the British as “the Protector of -Islám,” the news of the revision of the Korán by a Russian Censor and the -_bévue_ of putting up the Czar’s portrait in Central Asian Mosques, have -injured Russia’s propaganda among Muhammadans, whom also the accounts -of the persecution of the Jews have estranged from a Power that began -its rule in Central Asia by repairing and constructing Mosques, helping -Mosque Schools and even subsidizing an employé to call “the faithful” to -fast and _break_-fast during the month of Ramazán. - -[110] “By the most recent account, Ghazan Khan, the son of Ghazanfar, -has been killed by his own son, Muhammad Khan. Muhammad Khan’s mother -was the sister of Zafar Khan, the ruler of Nagyr. She was killed by her -father-in-law, Ghazanfar, and thrown over a precipice from her house. -Ghazan Khan treacherously killed his paternal uncle, Abdullah Khan, ruler -of Gojál, who unsuspectingly met him. On ascending the throne, Ghazan -Khan is also said to have poisoned his ailing full brother, Bukhtawar -Shah, and another (by a different Sayad mother) Nanawal Shah. The -fratricidal traditions of Hunza and of the Khush-waqtia family of Yasin -have now been somewhat thrown into the shade by the parricide of Muhammad -Khan. The father of Ghazan Khan, Ghazanfar, is said to have died from -the effects of a suit of clothes, impregnated with small-pox, sent to -him by his daughter, the full sister of Ghazan Khan, who was married to -Mir Shah of Badakhshan, in order to accelerate her brother’s accession -to the throne. The father of Ghazanfar, Sullum, also poisoned his own -father. This state of things is very different from the gentle rules and -traditions of Nagyr, whose aged Chief, Zafar Khan, has nineteen sons, and -who sent his rebellious eldest son. Muhammad Khan (whose mother was a -full sister of Ghazan Khan of Hunza) to Ramsu in Kashmir territory, where -he died. He was married to a daughter of his maternal uncle, and tried -to sell some of his Nagyr subjects into slavery, against the traditions -of that peaceful country, in consequence of which his father, Zafar Khan -expelled him.” (See Part referring to the History and Customs of Hunza -and Nagyr.) Yet it is this patriarchal, loyal and God-fearing Záfar Khan, -whose letter to me I published last year, whom we accused of kidnapping -and aggressiveness, so that we might take his country. - -[111] Of the £380, Shignán received £170, Sirikul £100, Wakkan £50, and -Hunza £60 in Yambus (silver blocks of the value of £17). - -[112] _Times_, 5th December, 1892. - -[113] _Asiatic Quarterly Review_, January, 1891. - -[114] Burns, in his travels to Bukhárá, points out the locality of the -province of Koláb in the south of the Amu (Oxus), and calls it by the -name of Gawalan, which I think is a corruption of Khatlan; but Najmuddin -asserts with certainty that it is situated on the northern bank and -is a part of Ma-vara-un-nahr (the country on that side of the river) -(Transoxiana). Najmuddin is No. 2 of the group at the beginning of this -paper. - -[115] This river is formed by three tributaries (1) coming from Sarghalan -(has a mine of rubies); (2) from Wardùj (sulphur mines); (3) یمغان -Yamghan (iron mine). It flows through the territory of Badakhshan, and -joins the Amu. - -[116] See also “Comparative Table” at the end of this Appendix, and -the “Anthropological Photograph” facing this page. Read also page 1 of -Appendix IV. “The Races of the Hindukush,” opposite to Drawing 1 of that -Appendix, on which look for Nos. 1, 6, and 9. - -[117] Matavalli, and a new man, Mîr Abdullah of Gabriál (column F of -subjoined Comparative Table), were also measured at Lahore on the 23rd -March, 1886, with the following results that may be added to the above -measurements or may be compared with those in the “Comparative Table,” -respectively columns A and F, (_Matavalli_ and _Mîr Abdullah_). - - I. Head: Greatest breadth, A, 14·3—F, 14·1. - Greatest length from glabella to the back of the head, A, - 18·8—F, 18·6. - Greatest length from root of nose to the back of the head, - A, 19·6—F, 19·1. - Height of ear, A, 11·2—F, 11·9. Breadth of forehead, A, - 10·6—F, 10·7. - Height of face (_a_), chin to edge of hair, A, 18·4—F, 19·1. - Height of face (_b_), root of nose to chin, A, 12·7—F, 12·1. - Middle face, root of nose to mouth. A, 8·1—F, 7·6. - Breadth of face, zygomatic arch, A, 13·8—F, 13·6. - Distance of the inner angles of eyes, A, 3·4—F, 3·4. - Distance of the outer angles of eyes, A, 9·2—F, 8·8. - Nose: Height, A, 5·1—F, 5·8; Length, A, 5·3—F, 5·9; Breadth, - A, 3·9—F, 3·5. - Mouth: Length, A, 5·4—F, 5·3. - Ear: Height, A, 6·1—F, 6·3; distance from ear-hole to root - of nose, A, 12·1—F, 12·1. - Horizontal circumference of head, A, 55—F, 53. - - II. Body: Entire height, A, 165·7 centim.—F, 166. - Greatest extension of arms, A, 166·5—F, 165. !! - Height: chin, A, 142—F, 143. Height to navel, A, 96·5—F, 99. - ” shoulder, A, 138—F, 138. ” middle finger, A, 73—F, - 71·5. - ” elbows, A, 104—F, 105. ” patella, A, 45—F, 44·5. - ” wrist, A, 78—F, 80. - Height in sitting, to top of head (over the seat), A, 88—F, 85. - Breadth of shoulder, A, 43—F, 36. - Circumference of chest, A, 87—F, 81. - Hand: length middle finger, A, 8—F, 7·5; breadth, base of four - fingers, A, 10—F, 7·5. - Foot: length, A, 26—F, 25·5; breadth, A, 11—F, 8·25. - Circumference of upper leg, A, 46—F, 42·5. - Circumference of calf, A, 34—F, 32. - -[118] For additional measurements, see page 2. He is No. 6 of Drawing 1 -of Appendix IV. - -[119] Mîr Abdullah is No. 7 of Drawing 1, and No. 2 of Drawing 2, of -Appendix IV. For additional measurements, see page 2. - -[120] I was obliged to get myself measured in order to encourage the -Dards and Kafirs to allow themselves to be subjected to a process so -unintelligible to them. At the same time, their comparison with an -European may have some interest. His brachycephalic Cranial Index -81·44 may be compared with those of dolichocephalic Matavalli 73·84, -mesocephalic Khudáyár 78·7, mesocephalic Ghulám Muhammad 77·4, -mesocephalic Ghulám 77, the exquisitely dolichocephalic Abdullah 72·53 -and dolichocephalic Mîr Abdullah 73·82, which give an average of 75·55. -The European’s circumference of head, 60 centimetres, may also be -compared with Abdul Ghafûr’s, 53·7½; Khudayâr’s, 52·5; Ibrahîm’s, 56·5; -Matavalli’s, 54; Sultan Ali’s, 53·75; Khudádad’s and Hatamu’s, 54·4; and -Ghulam Mahammad’s, 54; which give the circumference of the heads of the -eight Dards and Kafirs on the first page. This Table supplies further -details regarding three of them, and adds the measurements of three other -Dards (Ghulám, Abdullah, and Mîr Abdullah), so that in all, including -Jamshêd, the measurements of twelve Dards or Kafirs have been preserved. -Those taken by Dr. Neill have been lost. Notice also the fine formation -of the head and the amplitude of the frontal region of the Dareyli -herdsman, on the drawing opposite to page 76 of the text of this Volume. - -[121] There were also weighed the Kamôzi Káfir Abdulghafûr, age 23 or 24, -weighing 10 st. 2¾ lb.; and the following Nagyris: Ibrahim Rôno, 34 years -old, 10 st. 12 lb.; Sultàn Ali, 35 years old, 9 st. 12 lb.; and the boy -Hatamu, 16 years old, and weighing 7 st. 13 lb. - -[122] The numbers refer to the tables published by Broca, Topinard and -Hamy. - -[123] The following extra measurements were given:—Height to auricular -meatus, 158; to acromion, 142; to epicondyle, 106; styloid apophysis of -the radius, 82; to the end of middle finger, 64. - -[124] A kôs is a measurement of distance varying from 1 to 2½ miles, and -often depending on the speaker’s impression due to hardships encountered -or to other causes. “Katsha” and “pakka,” for “rough, unfinished,” and -“thorough” respectively, are terms well known to Anglo-Indians. “Katsha” -and “pakka” are generally spelt “kucha” and “pucka.” - -[125] Or about 20 miles. The reader should notice that such abbreviations -as “14 kôs, plain” mean that “the distance is 14 kôs over generally a -plain or easy ground”; “h” stands for houses. - -[126] Or British-Indian Rupees. - -[127] It is superfluous to inform readers of this Review that the -Persians are Shiah, and the Turks Sunni, Muhammadans. Most of the Indian -Muhammadans are Sunnis. - -[128] Many words denoting proximity, become honorifics, such as “Sherîf” -(Shereef), “Hazrat,” “Jenáb,” etc. “Khalîfah” is one who succeeds, or -follows, or is a deputy. Strictly speaking, this title refers to the -Sultan of Turkey as the successor of the Prophet Muhammad in the temporal -headship of the Sunnis, but even the successor of the heretical Mahdi in -the Sudán calls himself “Khalifa.” - -[129] The “Sherîfs” or “Shereefs,” in a special, princely or official -sense, are lineal descendants of Muhammad through his daughter Fatima -who was married to A’li, and have, perhaps, even a higher claim to the -respect of the Faithful, than ordinary descendants or “Sayads.” The Grand -Shereef of Mecca, the Shereefian dynasty of Morocco, the Shereef of -Wazan, who also bears the title, like the Emperor of Morocco, of “Muláy,” -or “Maulái,” show the great extent of the “House of A’li.” - -[130] Among these Pîrs each Mulái chooses his own, of course, _under_ the -supreme headship of Agha Khan. - -[131] Who has been accused of instigating the “Old Man of the Mountain” -to send his emissaries to murder Conrad of Montferrat, titular King of -Jerusalem. The Ismailian “Assassins” are also accused of an attempt to -murder Prince Edward of England at Acre. - -[132] Whom I took to England and whose name, curiously enough, was -“Matav_ali_,” which is also a derivative of “vali.” - -[133] Also, “Does it rise in the direction of heavens, or is its descent -in vegetation?” [taking “Hásil” = obtaining for “Mehásil” = vegetation], -reproduction (?) - -[134] Also, “Or in the form of Man how does it again rotate into being -born an Adamite?” or, “Why is man created in the form of a human being?” - -[135] Also, “Nay, but the perfect man, the seemly, the all-perfect wins -the prize.” - -[136] These words are so badly written that they may also be read as, “O, -thou that waitest not for wisdom.” - -[137] “Degol is the first village of Zebák ... which is ruled by Shah -Abdur-Rahim, a Sayad of the Shiah sect, worshipped by all the Shiahs -of Kashkar, (Chitrál), Yarkand, and Khokand. They also worship Shah -Bombáy, Shah Madkasan, who is learned, good-natured, and friendly -to travellers.... The people give a tenth of their income to their -preceptors; if one has ten children, he consecrates one to Shah -Abdur-Rahim.... The inhabitants are strong and hardy; the women do not -cover their faces from strangers. Although Shiahs, they have no mosques -and repeat no prayers. Abdur-Rahim has one in his village, where _he_ -prays. Every morning at _Chasht_ (the middle hour between sunrise and -noon) he sits in the assembly and distributes breads of wheat among the -members, followed by the servants handing round tea in porcelain cups -in which each one soaks his bread, and, after eating it, lifts his hand -to bless the giver, a custom also followed by the nobles on entering -the assembly. If Shah Abdur-Rahim addresses any of them, he rises from -his seat and answers as if he were reading a _ruka’t_ at the time of -praying, and then returns to his place, and sits on his knees, for to sit -otherwise is reckoned a sin amongst these men.” In other words, the only -worship of the prayerless Muláis is to their Pîr, to whom they address -the _ruka’t_ given by real Muhammadans in prayers to God [bowing, whilst -standing, with hands resting on the knees]. - -[138] The Druses are divided into “Juhelá” = “uninitiated,” or the Laity, -and “U’qalá” = the “initiated.” - -[139] It should be noticed that this apotheosis of “Al-Hákim,” the -mad Fatimite Khalifa of Cairo (A.D. 996-1020), who was the head and -originator of the special Ismailian sect, which became subsequently -known to the Crusaders under the name of the “Assassins”—a corruption of -“Hashishin,” or drinkers of Hashish (_Canabis Indica_)—commences with -titles of governorship or Age which would seem (to the uninitiated) to be -compatible with his subordination to the Deity, although, for practical -purposes, Al-Hákim is the “ruler of this world,” whether for good or -for evil. He is, therefore, the Prince of this world, if not Apollyon, -and the fact that the words “Valî” = a deputed governor or “Hákim” = a -governor, may cause him to be confounded with either an ordinary ruler, -or be merely ringing the changes on his own name of “Al-Hákim,” it is -clear, at any rate to the initiated, that the only Deity worth caring for -is thereby meant, and that he began with the Khalifa Al-Hákim, who lives -for ever. In the titles “Maula” and “Valî” there is also an allusion to -A’li, who is “next to God,” and from whom Al-Hákim was descended. The -Mauláis or Muláis of the Hindukush use similar titles for their spiritual -head, whether dead, or continuing in his lineal descendant, Agha Khan of -Bombay. The “Kelám-i-Pîr,” or “the Logos or word of the Pîr or ancient -sage,” mainly refers to the sayings attributed to the “Sheikh-ul-Jabl,” -or “Old Man of the Mountain.” In Hunza itself, the Muláis equally address -their practical Deity as “The Ancient of the Age,” or “Pîr-uz-Zamán.” - -[140] The contract is thus repeated from a written document. - -[141] Many Shiahs call A’li “the light” of God. - -[142] There are _five_ books of the _Sheikh-ul-A’ql_, “or old man of -the intelligence,” or of the “initiated,” and also apparently a book of -investigation and of the unity of the Godhead for the “initiated of the -retirement” = “U’qala al Khalwat.” There are _five_ “Maulas” or Mulas of -“the initiated,” which I take to be the names of five books, namely: (1) -the Mula of the A’ql, or Mind, or of the body-corporate of the “U’qalá” -or “the initiated”; (2) the Mula of the Nafs, or Breath; (3) the Mula -of the Zeman, or the Age; (4) the Mula of the Kalima, or the Word; (5) -the Mula of Al-Hákim, or the founder of the sect. Numbers 3 and 4 are -probably the Kelám-i-Pîr and other dicta of the Mulais of the Hindukush, -to which I have already referred. - -[143] This holy roll among extreme Shiahs has _five_ names, namely, God, -Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husain, which positively excludes the prophet -Muhammad, but includes his son-in-law (Ali), his daughter, Fatima, and -the martyred grandsons of Ali, namely Hasan and Husain. As a rule, -however, the ordinary orthodox “Panjtan” among Shiahs (and even in -some Sunni Mosque inscriptions) are: “Muhammad, Ali, Fatima, Hasan and -Husain.” “Panjtan” means “the five (holy) bodies.” - -[144] There are _five_ main sects among the Shiahs, or, rather, -“Adelias,” or advocates of “the rightful” and hereditary succession to -the Apostleship of Muhammad, in opposition to the elective principle by -the _consensus fidelium_ of the Sunnis. The two sects that now concern us -are the African Ismailians, and the Ismailians of the Lebanon and of the -Hindukush. The number of Shiah sects is estimated variously from 3 to 72. - -[145] I use the word “Mulái” to include not only the virtuous Druses -with their self-denying “initiated” or “_U’qelá_” leaders, but also the -Ismailians generally, whether religious or not, (as in impious Hunza) and -of whatever degree of conformity or scepticism. As a rule, an ordinary -Mulái will outwardly practise Sunni rites and hold Shiah doctrines. - -[146] In discussion, whenever expedient, with a Brahmin, or even -Buddhist, the belief in a modified metempsychosis would form a bond of -sympathy (see last A. Q. R.), whilst the survival “of the most adapted,” -rather than that of “the best,”—without, however, the loss of any -individual or type,—would be connected with the notion of a certain fixed -number of souls in evolution from “the beginning” and ever recurrent in -living form. “The beginning,” however, would be a mere term applying -to this or that revealed condition, for behind what may be called “the -terrestrial gods,” behind Allah in whatever form, Deity or Deities, -there was The BEING that existed without a beginning and whose first -manifestation was the “Word” with its Replica as the type of the apostle -and his fellow that ever succeeded itself throughout the generations of -this world. If the visible Deity, preferring to show itself in human, -rather than any other, form, is incorporated in the lineal descendant -of the 7th Imám, it is, apparently, because humanity requires such -an unbroken link in order to convert into certainty its hope of the -deliverer, the Messiah, the Mahdi, the second [advent of] Jesus, who will -similarly be the Deity in the shape of a man, reconciling the various -expectations of all religions in one manifestation. That few, if any, -Muláis, or even the most “initiated” Druses, should know _every_ variety -of their belief, is natural, not only in consequence of varying degrees -of mental ability and of corresponding “initiation,” but also because of -varied historical or national surroundings, circumstances which underlie -the guiding principle of all Mulái belief and practice. I venture to -indicate, _as purely my personal impression_, that this principle, which -need not be further explained in this place, is the real secret of that -faith. In my humble opinion, the _disjecta membra_, so to speak, of that -faith form, if reconstituted, an embodiment of the religious thought of -the World that seeks to reconcile all differences in one Philosophy and -in one Policy. - -[147] In the interior of Arabia, Mr. W. B. Harris has come across a -curious sect that may be connected with a section of the Kerámis or -Keramátis, sects that gave much trouble in Syria in the 10th century, -or, more probably, with an extreme and, probably, disavowed heterodox -sub-sect of the Ismailians. It may be interesting to quote the -correspondence that has taken place between us on the subject: - - Tangier, _April 5, 1893_. - - “During my journey through the Yemen last year I came across - a sect of people calling themselves _Makarama_, of whom I was - able to learn little, on account of their own reticence and the - apparent want of interest of their Moslem neighbours. However, - one of their number gave me a couple of lines of Arabic poetry, - which translated, run: - - “God is unknown—by day or by night. - Why trouble about him, there is no heaven and no hell.” - - All that I could find out about them in addition to this is - that they hold an annual nightly feast with closed doors and - lights in the windows, in which they are said to practise - incest; and that they annually practise the form of driving a - scapegoat into the mountains. The latter is clearly Judaic and - the former custom savours of the Karmathians, but this seems - improbable as the people are not Moslems. They are visited, it - is said, by certain Indians who prize the charms written by - these Yemenis. Beyond this I was able to discover nothing. - - I have no valuable books of reference as to religions here, - but if I remember aright there were Phœnician rites resembling - this. Could it have anything to do with the Sabeans? I should - be so grateful to you if you could let me know, when you have - time, what you think about it. I can find no reference to them - in any work on the Yemen. The name of the sect is, I suppose, - of Persian origin. - - WALTER B. HARRIS. - -[REPLY.] - - Vichy, _April 14, 1893_. - - I, too, am not here within the reach of books of reference. I - will, however, try to suggest what occurs to me on the spur of - the moment in the hope that it may possibly be of some slight - use in your enquiries. It is very important, first of all, - to learn how “Makarama” is spelt by the Yemen people in the - Arabic character, and especially whether the “k” is a “kef” or - a “qaf” ق . Then the lines you quote should be sent to me - in the original Arabic dialect and character (not the Maghrebi - form, of course) and transliterated in Roman characters[*] _as - you heard them_, for a good deal depends, _inter alia_, on the - Arabic equivalents, used by “the Makarama” of “God,” “heaven,” - and “hell.” ... The sentiment of the translation is the _Mulái_ - of Hunza, about whom I have written in the last _Asiatic - Quarterly Review_.... - - How do you know that the people are _not_ Moslems? That their - orthodox Muhammadan neighbours do not admit them to be such, - is not conclusive, for I have heard rigid Sunnis even exclude - Shiahs from that appellation. If you could remember the _exact_ - question which you put on that subject to your Mukarama friends - and their precise reply, it might help to a conclusion. - - Driving a scapegoat into the mountains is a common practice - among the Afghans, who call themselves “Beni Israel” (not to be - confounded with the _Jews_ properly so called—their “Musáis” or - “Yahûdis”). The other rites you speak of _were alleged_ against - the Karmathians and the Yazîdis _are_ accused of them. Have you - thought of the Yazîdis? The accusation of incestuous gatherings - is, as you know, constantly brought by “the orthodox” against - sectarians and I would not, in your place, give up the - conjecture of a Karmathian origin of the “Makarama,” before - you have gone further into the matter. Please, therefore, to - remember _all you can_ about your friends and, if I can, I - shall aid your enquiry to the best of my ability. I think you - are right about the Phœnician rites and the Sabean conjecture. - - I do not think that “Makarama” is of Persian origin. Is - it possibly “_Mu_karama” or “_Mu_karrima”? If so, this - would be an appropriate title for a specially “blessed” or - enlightened sect. Why do you call them a “_sect_”? Are they - also ethnographically distinct from their neighbours and what - are their occupations? Could you get me a copy of one of - their _charms_? Their being visited by certain Indians would - rather show their Ismailian connexion than that they are not a - heretical Muhammadan sect. Indeed, among the Ismailian sects - mentioned by Makrizi as having spread in Yemen, among other - countries, are “the _Kerámis_, _Karmátis_, Khárijis, etc.,” - “all of whom studied philosophy and chose what suited them.” I - really think these are your “Makaráma.” - - G. W. LEITNER. - - [*] I think “romanizing” the Oriental characters a great - mistake, except “to make assurance doubly sure.” The _Arabic_ - spelling would at once limit conjectures and lead to a solution. - -[148] We trust to be able to publish in our next issue the history of his -family since 622 A.D. as also his photograph and those of his father and -grandfather, the latter of whom tendered great services to our Government -in Sind and Kandahar.—ED. - -[149] Being a report of an extempore address delivered before the -Victoria Institute. - - - - -Transcriber’s Note: - - -This book is a collection of papers written at different times, and not -edited with any consistency. Spelling and accents vary considerably. -The text has been preserved as printed apart from minor repairs to -punctuation and the following changes to correct near-certain errors. - - Introduction, page 1: “acccurate” changed to “accurate” (one of - the most accurate codes) - - Main text, page 12: “Arzu” changed to “Azru” (‘Refuse food,’ - said Azru) - - Main text, page 40: “porbably” changed to “probably” (in Astor - (probably Vigne)) - - Main text, page 78: “Seapoys” changed to “Sepoys” (in 1866 - _six_ Kashmir Sepoys) - - Main text, page 89: “aud” changed to “and” (Shahbaz, also - called “Osmin,” and Uzet Shah) - - Main text, page 99: redundant word “in” removed (lost 400 young - men [in] killed) - - Main text, page 101: “Dumnu-dummu” changed to “Dummu-dummu” - (Yatshotsh below Dummu-dummu on the Gilgit side) - - Main text, page 111: “Islamin” changed to “Islam in” (the - introduction of the religion of Islam in to Gilgit) - - Appendix I, page 22: “Naygr” changed to “Nagyr” (As for Nagyr, - the case was quite different) - - Appendix IV, page 1: “Kerbalá” changed to “Kerbelá” (sent to - Kerbelá a year ago) - - Appendix IV, page 14: “wár” changed to “war” (war, _kali_.) - - Appendix VI, page 8: “Pigisth” changed to “Pigitsh” (Kazi-deh - to Pigitsh 12 kôs) - - Appendix VIII, page 5: “arbitary” changed to “arbitrary” (The - meaning is nothing so arbitrary.) - - Illustration 15: “gNayari” changed to “Nagyri” (No. 4. Nagyri) - - Footnote 38: “make” changed to “makes” (the Indus river makes a - sudden turn) - - Footnote 129: “Marocco” changed to “Morocco” (like the Emperor - of Morocco) - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Dardistan in 1866, 1886 and 1893, by G. W. 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