diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-01-27 10:50:48 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-01-27 10:50:48 -0800 |
| commit | a7663e4a40d9ac08b982518debe5d70b36dd2403 (patch) | |
| tree | 6ff4f4d0dcfa9395e6d39f15f1e2ad669cc4615e | |
| parent | 197be49db69f894ed195260ae995004416316a32 (diff) | |
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 4 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/60315-8.txt | 5491 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/60315-8.zip | bin | 120445 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/60315-h.zip | bin | 241419 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/60315-h/60315-h.htm | 5666 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/60315-h/images/cover.jpg | bin | 95252 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/60315-h/images/dec.jpg | bin | 18559 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/60315.txt | 5491 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/60315.zip | bin | 120399 -> 0 bytes |
11 files changed, 17 insertions, 16648 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8d86ca6 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #60315 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/60315) diff --git a/old/60315-8.txt b/old/60315-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 4932780..0000000 --- a/old/60315-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5491 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, My Disillusionment in Russia, by Emma Goldman - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: My Disillusionment in Russia - - -Author: Emma Goldman - - - -Release Date: September 17, 2019 [eBook #60315] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA*** - - -E-text prepared by Tim Lindell, Martin Pettit, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made -available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/mydisillusionmen00golduoft - - - - - -MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA - -by - -EMMA GOLDMAN - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - - - -Garden City New York -Doubleday, Page & Company -1923 - -Copyright, 1923, by -Doubleday, Page & Company -All Rights Reserved, Including That of Translation -into Foreign Languages, Including the Scandinavian - -Printed in the United States -at -The Country Life Press, Garden City, N. Y. - -First Edition - - - - -PREFACE - - -The decision to record my experiences, observations, and reactions -during my stay in Russia I had made long before I thought of leaving -that country. In fact, that was my main reason for departing from that -tragically heroic land. - -The strongest of us are loath to give up a long-cherished dream. I had -come to Russia possessed by the hope that I should find a new-born -country, with its people wholly consecrated to the great, though very -difficult, task of revolutionary reconstruction. And I had fervently -hoped that I might become an active part of the inspiring work. - -I found reality in Russia grotesque, totally unlike the great ideal -that had borne me upon the crest of high hope to the land of promise. -It required fifteen long months before I could get my bearings. Each -day, each week, each month added new links to the fatal chain that -pulled down my cherished edifice. I fought desperately against the -disillusionment. For a long time I strove against the still voice -within me which urged me to face the overpowering facts. I would not -and could not give up. - -Then came Kronstadt. It was the final wrench. It completed the terrible -realization that the Russian Revolution was no more. - -I saw before me the Bolshevik State, formidable, crushing every -constructive revolutionary effort, suppressing, debasing, and -disintegrating everything. Unable and unwilling to become a cog in -that sinister machine, and aware that I could be of no practical use -to Russia and her people, I decided to leave the country. Once out of -it, I would relate honestly, frankly, and as objectively as humanly -possible to me the story of my two years' stay in Russia. - -I left in December, 1921. I could have written then, fresh under the -influence of the ghastly experience. But I waited four months before -I could bring myself to write a series of articles. I delayed another -four months before beginning the present volume. - -I do not pretend to write a history. Removed by fifty or a hundred -years from the events he is describing, the historian may seem to -be objective. But real history is not a compilation of mere data. -It is valueless without the human element which the historian -necessarily gets from the writings of the contemporaries of the -events in question. It is the personal reactions of the participants -and observers which lend vitality to all history and make it vivid -and alive. Thus, numerous histories have been written of the French -Revolution; yet there are only a very few that stand out true and -convincing, illuminative in the degree in which the historian has -_felt_ his subject through the medium of human documents left by the -contemporaries of the period. - -I myself--and I believe, most students of history--have felt and -visualized the Great French Revolution much more vitally from the -letters and diaries of contemporaries, such as Mme. Roland, Mirabeau, -and other eye witnesses, than from the so-called objective historians. -By a strange coincidence a volume of letters written during the French -Revolution, and compiled by the able German anarchist publicist, -Gustav Landauer, came into my hands during the most critical period -of my Russian experience. I was actually reading them while hearing -the Bolshevik artillery begin the bombardment of the Kronstadt rebels. -Those letters gave me a most vivid insight into the events of the -French Revolution. As never before they brought home to me the -realization that the Bolshevik régime in Russia was, on the whole, a -significant replica of what had happened in France more than a century -before. - -Great interpreters of the French Revolution, like Thomas Carlyle and -Peter Kropotkin, drew their understanding and inspiration from the -human records of the period. Similarly will the future historians of -the Great Russian Revolution--if they are to write real history and not -a mere compilation of facts--draw from the impressions and reactions of -those who have lived through the Russian Revolution, who have shared -the misery and travail of the people, and who actually participated in -or witnessed the tragic panorama in its daily unfoldment. - -While in Russia I had no clear idea how much had already been written -on the subject of the Russian Revolution. But the few books which -reached me occasionally impressed me as most inadequate. They were -written by people with no first-hand knowledge of the situation and -were sadly superficial. Some of the writers had spent from two weeks -to two months in Russia, did not know the language of the country, and -in most instances were chaperoned by official guides and interpreters. -I do not refer here to the writers who, in and out of Russia, play -the rôle of Bolshevik court functionaries. They are a class apart. -With them I deal in the chapter on the "Travelling Salesmen of the -Revolution." Here I have in mind the sincere friends of the Russian -Revolution. The work of most of them has resulted in incalculable -confusion and mischief. They have helped to perpetuate the myth that -the Bolsheviki and the Revolution are synonymous. Yet nothing is -further from the truth. - -The _actual_ Russian Revolution took place in the summer months of -1917. During that period the peasants possessed themselves of the -land, the workers of the factories, thus demonstrating that they knew -well the meaning of social revolution. The October change was the -finishing touch to the work begun six months previously. In the great -uprising the Bolsheviki assumed the voice of the people. They clothed -themselves with the agrarian programme of the Social Revolutionists and -the industrial tactics of the Anarchists. But after the high tide of -revolutionary enthusiasm had carried them into power, the Bolsheviki -discarded their false plumes. It was then that began the spiritual -separation between the Bolsheviki and the Russian Revolution. -With each succeeding day the gap grew wider, their interests more -conflicting. To-day it is no exaggeration to state that the Bolsheviki -stand as the arch enemies of the Russian Revolution. - -Superstitions die hard. In the case of this modern superstition the -process is doubly hard because various factors have combined to -administer artificial respiration. International intervention, the -blockade, and the very efficient world propaganda of the Communist -Party have kept the Bolshevik myth alive. Even the terrible famine is -being exploited to that end. - -How powerful a hold that superstition wields I realize from my own -experience. I had always known that the Bolsheviki are Marxists. For -thirty years I fought the Marxian theory as a cold, mechanistic, -enslaving formula. In pamphlets, lectures, and debates I argued against -it. I was therefore not unaware of what might be expected from the -Bolsheviki. But the Allied attack upon them made them the symbol of the -Russian Revolution, and brought me to their defence. - -From November, 1917, until February, 1918, while out on bail for -my attitude against the war, I toured America in defence of the -Bolsheviki. I published a pamphlet in elucidation of the Russian -Revolution and in justification of the Bolsheviki. I defended them -as embodying _in practice_ the spirit of the revolution, in spite -of their theoretic Marxism. My attitude toward them at that time is -characterized in the following passages from my pamphlet, "The Truth -About the Bolsheviki:"[1] - - - The Russian Revolution is a miracle in more than one respect. - Among other extraordinary paradoxes it presents the phenomenon - of the Marxian Social Democrats, Lenin and Trotsky, adopting - Anarchist revolutionary tactics, while the Anarchists Kropotkin, - Tcherkessov, Tschaikovsky are denying these tactics and falling - into Marxian reasoning, which they had all their lives repudiated - as "German metaphysics." - - The Bolsheviki of 1903, though revolutionists, adhered to the - Marxian doctrine concerning the industrialization of Russia - and the historic mission of the bourgeoisie as a necessary - evolutionary process before the Russian masses could come into - their own. The Bolsheviki of 1917 no longer believe in the - predestined function of the bourgeoisie. They have been swept - forward on the waves of the Revolution to the point of view held - by the Anarchists since Bakunin; namely, that once the masses - become conscious of their economic power, they make their own - history and need not be bound by traditions and processes of a - dead past which, like secret treaties, are made at a round table - and are not dictated by life itself. - - -In 1918, Madame Breshkovsky visited the United States and began -her campaign against the Bolsheviki. I was then in the Missouri -Penitentiary. Grieved and shocked by the work of the "Little -Grandmother of the Russian Revolution," I wrote imploring her to -bethink herself and not betray the cause she had given her life to. On -that occasion I emphasized the fact that while neither of us agreed -with the Bolsheviki in theory, we should yet be one with them in -defending the Revolution. - -When the Courts of the State of New York upheld the fraudulent methods -by which I was disfranchised and my American citizenship of thirty-two -years denied me, I waived my right of appeal in order that I might -return to Russia and help in the great work. I believed fervently that -the Bolsheviki were furthering the Revolution and exerting themselves -in behalf of the people. I clung to my faith and belief for more than a -year after my coming to Russia. - -Observation and study, extensive travel through various parts of the -country, meeting with every shade of political opinion and every -variety of friend and enemy of the Bolsheviki--all convinced me of the -ghastly delusion which had been foisted upon the world. - -I refer to these circumstances to indicate that my change of mind -and heart was a painful and difficult process, and that my final -decision to speak out is for the sole reason that the people everywhere -may learn to differentiate between the Bolsheviki and the Russian -Revolution. - -The conventional conception of gratitude is that one must not be -critical of those who have shown him kindness. Thanks to this notion -parents enslave their children more effectively than by brutal -treatment; and by it friends tyrannize over one another. In fact, all -human relationships are to-day vitiated by this noxious idea. - -Some people have upbraided me for my critical attitude toward the -Bolsheviki. "How ungrateful to attack the Communist Government after -the hospitality and kindness she enjoyed in Russia," they indignantly -exclaim. I do not mean to gainsay that I have received advantages while -I was in Russia. I could have received many more had I been willing to -serve the powers that be. It is that very circumstance which has made -it bitter hard for me to speak out against the evils as I saw them -day by day. But finally I realized that silence is indeed a sign of -consent. Not to cry out against the betrayal of the Russian Revolution -would have made me a party to that betrayal. The Revolution and the -welfare of the masses in and out of Russia are by far too important to -me to allow any personal consideration for the Communists I have met -and learned to respect to obscure my sense of justice and to cause me -to refrain from giving to the world my two years' experience in Russia. - -In certain quarters objections will no doubt be raised because I have -given no names of the persons I am quoting. Some may even exploit the -fact to discredit my veracity. But I prefer to face that rather than -to turn any one over to the tender mercies of the Tcheka, which would -inevitably result were I to divulge the names of the Communists or -non-Communists who felt free to speak to me. Those familiar with the -real situation in Russia and who are not under the mesmeric influence -of the Bolshevik superstition or in the employ of the Communists will -bear me out that I have given a true picture. The rest of the world -will learn in due time. - -Friends whose opinion I value have been good enough to suggest that -my quarrel with the Bolsheviki is due to my social philosophy rather -than to the failure of the Bolshevik régime. As an Anarchist, they -claim, I would naturally insist on the importance of the individual -and of personal liberty, but in the revolutionary period both must -be subordinated to the good of the whole. Other friends point out -that destruction, violence, and terrorism are inevitable factors in a -revolution. As a revolutionist, they say, I cannot consistently object -to the violence practised by the Bolsheviki. - -Both these criticisms would be justified had I come to Russia expecting -to find Anarchism realized, or if I were to maintain that revolutions -can be made peacefully. Anarchism to me never was a mechanistic -arrangement of social relationships to be imposed upon man by political -scene-shifting or by a transfer of power from one social class to -another. Anarchism to me was and is the child, not of destruction, but -of construction--the result of growth and development of the conscious -creative social efforts of a regenerated people. I do not therefore -expect Anarchism to follow in the immediate footsteps of centuries of -despotism and submission. And I certainly did not expect to see it -ushered in by the Marxian theory. - -I did, however, hope to find in Russia at least the beginnings of the -social changes for which the Revolution had been fought. Not the fate -of the individual was my main concern as a revolutionist. I should have -been content if the Russian workers and peasants as a whole had derived -essential social betterment as a result of the Bolshevik régime. - -Two years of earnest study, investigation, and research convinced me -that the great benefits brought to the Russian people by Bolshevism -exist only on paper, painted in glowing colours to the masses of Europe -and America by efficient Bolshevik propaganda. As advertising wizards -the Bolsheviki excel anything the world had ever known before. But -in reality the Russian people have gained nothing from the Bolshevik -experiment. To be sure, the peasants have the land; not by the grace -of the Bolsheviki, but through their own direct efforts, set in motion -long before the October change. That the peasants were able to retain -the land is due mostly to the static Slav tenacity; owing to the -circumstance that they form by far the largest part of the population -and are deeply rooted in the soil, they could not as easily be torn -away from it as the workers from their means of production. - -The Russian workers, like the peasants, also employed direct action. -They possessed themselves of the factories, organized their own shop -committees, and were virtually in control of the economic life of -Russia. But soon they were stripped of their power and placed under the -industrial yoke of the Bolshevik State. Chattel slavery became the lot -of the Russian proletariat. It was suppressed and exploited in the name -of something which was later to bring it comfort, light, and warmth. -Try as I might I could find nowhere any evidence of benefits received -either by the workers or the peasants from the Bolshevik régime. - -On the other hand, I did find the revolutionary faith of the people -broken, the spirit of solidarity crushed, the meaning of comradeship -and mutual helpfulness distorted. One must have lived in Russia, -close to the everyday affairs of the people; one must have seen -and felt their utter disillusionment and despair to appreciate -fully the disintegrating effect of the Bolshevik principle and -methods--disintegrating all that was once the pride and the glory of -revolutionary Russia. - -The argument that destruction and terror are part of revolution I do -not dispute. I know that in the past every great political and social -change necessitated violence. America might still be under the British -yoke but for the heroic colonists who dared to oppose British tyranny -by force of arms. Black slavery might still be a legalized institution -in the United States but for the militant spirit of the John Browns. -I have never denied that violence is inevitable, nor do I gainsay it -now. Yet it is one thing to employ violence in combat, as a means of -defence. It is quite another thing to make a principle of terrorism, to -institutionalize it, to assign it the most vital place in the social -struggle. Such terrorism begets counter-revolution and in turn itself -becomes counter-revolutionary. - -Rarely has a revolution been fought with as little violence as the -Russian Revolution. Nor would have Red Terror followed had the people -and the cultural forces remained in control of the Revolution. This was -demonstrated by the spirit of fellowship and solidarity which prevailed -throughout Russia during the first months after the October revolution. -But an insignificant minority bent on creating an absolute State is -necessarily driven to oppression and terrorism. - -There is another objection to my criticism on the part of the -Communists. Russia is on strike, they say, and it is unethical for -a revolutionist to side against the workers when they are striking -against their masters. That is pure demagoguery practised by the -Bolsheviki to silence criticism. - -It is not true that the Russian people are on strike. On the contrary, -the truth of the matter is that the Russian people have been _locked -out_ and that the Bolshevik State--even as the bourgeois industrial -master--uses the sword and the gun to keep the people out. In the case -of the Bolsheviki this tyranny is masked by a world-stirring slogan: -thus they have succeeded in blinding the masses. Just because I am a -revolutionist I refuse to side with the master class, which in Russia -is called the Communist Party. - -Till the end of my days my place shall be with the disinherited and -oppressed. It is immaterial to me whether Tyranny rules in the Kremlin -or in any other seat of the mighty. I could do nothing for suffering -Russia while in that country. Perhaps I can do something now by -pointing out the lessons of the Russian experience. Not my concern for -the Russian people only has prompted the writing of this volume: it is -my interest in the masses everywhere. - -The masses, like the individual, may not readily learn from the -experience of others. Yet those who have gained the experience must -speak out, if for no other reason than that they cannot in justice to -themselves and their ideal support the great delusion revealed to them. - -EMMA GOLDMAN. - -Berlin, July, 1922. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[1] Mother Earth Publishing Association, New York, February, 1917. - - - - -CONTENTS - - PAGE -PREFACE v - -CHAPTER - I. DEPORTATION TO RUSSIA 1 - - II. PETROGRAD 11 - - III. DISTURBING THOUGHTS 22 - - IV. MOSCOW: FIRST IMPRESSIONS 32 - - V. MEETING PEOPLE 46 - - VI. PREPARING FOR AMERICAN DEPORTEES 57 - - VII. REST HOMES FOR WORKERS 67 - - VIII. THE FIRST OF MAY IN PETROGRAD 74 - - IX. INDUSTRIAL MILITARIZATION 79 - - X. THE BRITISH LABOUR MISSION 90 - - XI. A VISIT FROM THE UKRAINA 94 - - XII. BENEATH THE SURFACE 107 - - XIII. JOINING THE MUSEUM OF THE REVOLUTION 118 - - XIV. PETROPAVLOVSK AND SCHLÜSSELBURG 126 - - XV. THE TRADE UNIONS 132 - - XVI. MARIA SPIRIDONOVA 141 - - XVII. ANOTHER VISIT TO PETER KROPOTKIN 153 - -XVIII. EN ROUTE 160 - - XIX. IN KHARKOV 166 - - XX. POLTAVA 194 - - XXI. KIEV 211 - - - - -MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA - - - - -CHAPTER I - -DEPORTATION TO RUSSIA - - -On the night of December 21, 1919, together with two hundred and -forty-eight other political prisoners, I was deported from America. -Although it was generally known we were to be deported, few really -believed that the United States would so completely deny her past as -an asylum for political refugees, some of whom had lived and worked in -America for more than thirty years. - -In my own case, the decision to eliminate me first became known when, -in 1909, the Federal authorities went out of their way to disfranchise -the man whose name gave me citizenship. That Washington waited till -1917 was due to the circumstance that the psychologic moment for the -finale was lacking. Perhaps I should have contested my case at that -time. With the then-prevalent public opinion, the Courts would probably -not have sustained the fraudulent proceedings which robbed me of -citizenship. But it did not seem credible then that America would stoop -to the Tsaristic method of deportation. - -Our anti-war agitation added fuel to the war hysteria of 1917, and -thus furnished the Federal authorities with the desired opportunity to -complete the conspiracy begun against me in Rochester, N. Y., 1909. - -It was on December 5, 1919, while in Chicago lecturing, that I was -telegraphically apprised of the fact that the order for my deportation -was final. The question of my citizenship was then raised in court, but -was of course decided adversely. I had intended to take the case to a -higher tribunal, but finally I decided to carry the matter no further: -Soviet Russia was luring me. - -Ludicrously secretive were the authorities about our deportation. To -the very last moment we were kept in ignorance as to the time. Then, -unexpectedly, in the wee small hours of December 21st we were spirited -away. The scene set for this performance was most thrilling. It was six -o'clock Sunday morning, December 21, 1919, when under heavy military -convoy we stepped aboard the _Buford_. - -For twenty-eight days we were prisoners. Sentries at our cabin doors -day and night, sentries on deck during the hour we were daily permitted -to breathe the fresh air. Our men comrades were cooped up in dark, -damp quarters, wretchedly fed, all of us in complete ignorance of the -direction we were to take. Yet our spirits were high--Russia, free, new -Russia was before us. - -All my life Russia's heroic struggle for freedom was as a beacon to me. -The revolutionary zeal of her martyred men and women, which neither -fortress nor _katorga_ could suppress, was my inspiration in the -darkest hours. When the news of the February Revolution flashed across -the world, I longed to hasten to the land which had performed the -miracle and had freed her people from the age-old yoke of Tsarism. But -America held me. The thought of thirty years of struggle for my ideals, -of my friends and associates, made it impossible to tear myself away. I -would go to Russia later, I thought. - -Then came America's entry into the war and the need of remaining true -to the American people who were swept into the hurricane against their -will. After all, I owed a great debt, I owed my growth and development -to what was finest and best in America, to her fighters for liberty, to -the sons and daughters of the revolution to come. I would be true to -them. But the frenzied militarists soon terminated my work. - -At last I was bound for Russia and all else was almost blotted out. -I would behold with mine own eyes _matushka Rossiya_, the land freed -from political and economic masters; the Russian _dubinushka_, as the -peasant was called, raised from the dust; the Russian worker, the -modern Samson, who with a sweep of his mighty arm had pulled down the -pillars of decaying society. The twenty-eight days on our floating -prison passed in a sort of trance. I was hardly conscious of my -surroundings. - -Finally we reached Finland, across which we were forced to journey in -sealed cars. On the Russian border we were met by a committee of the -Soviet Government, headed by Zorin. They had come to greet the first -political refugees driven from America for opinion's sake. - -It was a cold day, with the earth a sheet of white, but spring was in -our hearts. Soon we were to behold revolutionary Russia. I preferred to -be alone when I touched the sacred soil: my exaltation was too great, -and I feared I might not be able to control my emotion. When I reached -Beloöstrov the first enthusiastic reception tendered the refugees was -over, but the place was still surcharged with intensity of feeling. I -could sense the awe and humility of our group who, treated like felons -in the United States, were here received as dear brothers and comrades -and welcomed by the Red soldiers, the liberators of Russia. - -From Beloöstrov we were driven to the village where another reception -had been prepared: A dark hall filled to suffocation, the platform lit -up by tallow candles, a huge red flag, on the stage a group of women in -black nuns' attire. I stood as in a dream in the breathless silence. -Suddenly a voice rang out. It beat like metal on my ears and seemed -uninspired, but it spoke of the great suffering of the Russian people -and of the enemies of the Revolution. Others addressed the audience, -but I was held by the women in black, their faces ghastly in the yellow -light. Were these really nuns? Had the Revolution penetrated even the -walls of superstition? Had the Red Dawn broken into the narrow lives of -these ascetics? It all seemed strange, fascinating. - -Somehow I found myself on the platform. I could only blurt out that -like my comrades I had not come to Russia to teach: I had come to -learn, to draw sustenance and hope from her, to lay down my life on the -altar of the Revolution. - -After the meeting we were escorted to the waiting Petrograd train, -the women in the black hood intoning the "Internationale," the whole -audience joining in. I was in the car with our host, Zorin, who had -lived in America and spoke English fluently. He talked enthusiastically -about the Soviet Government and its marvellous achievements. His -conversation was illuminative, but one phrase struck me as discordant. -Speaking of the political organization of his Party, he remarked: -"Tammany Hall has nothing on us, and as to Boss Murphy, we could teach -him a thing or two." I thought the man was jesting. What relation could -there be between Tammany Hall, Boss Murphy, and the Soviet Government? - -I inquired about our comrades who had hastened from America at the -first news of the Revolution. Many of them had died at the front, -Zorin informed me, others were working with the Soviet Government. And -Shatov? William Shatov, a brilliant speaker and able organizer, was -a well-known figure in America, frequently associated with us in our -work. We had sent him a telegram from Finland and were much surprised -at his failure to reply. Why did not Shatov come to meet us? "Shatov -had to leave for Siberia, where he is to take the post of Minister of -Railways," said Zorin. - -In Petrograd our group again received an ovation. Then the deportees -were taken to the famous Tauride Palace, where they were to be fed -and housed for the night. Zorin asked Alexander Berkman and myself to -accept his hospitality. We entered the waiting automobile. The city was -dark and deserted; not a living soul to be seen anywhere. We had not -gone very far when the car was suddenly halted, and an electric light -flashed into our eyes. It was the militia, demanding the password. -Petrograd had recently fought back the Yudenitch attack and was still -under martial law. The process was repeated frequently along the route. -Shortly before we reached our destination we passed a well-lighted -building. "It is our station house," Zorin explained, "but we have -few prisoners there now. Capital punishment is abolished and we have -recently proclaimed a general political amnesty." - -Presently the automobile came to a halt. "The First House of the -Soviets," said Zorin, "the living place of the most active members -of our Party." Zorin and his wife occupied two rooms, simply but -comfortably furnished. Tea and refreshments were served, and our hosts -entertained us with the absorbing story of the marvellous defence -the Petrograd workers had organized against the Yudenitch forces. -How heroically the men and women, even the children, had rushed to -the defence of the Red City! What wonderful self-discipline and -coöperation the proletariat demonstrated. The evening passed in these -reminiscences, and I was about to retire to the room secured for me -when a young woman arrived who introduced herself as the sister-in-law -of "Bill" Shatov. She greeted us warmly and asked us to come up to -see her sister who lived on the floor above. When we reached their -apartment I found myself embraced by big jovial Bill himself. How -strange of Zorin to tell me that Shatov had left for Siberia! What did -it mean? Shatov explained that he had been ordered not to meet us at -the border, to prevent his giving us our first impressions of Soviet -Russia. He had fallen into disfavour with the Government and was being -sent to Siberia into virtual exile. His trip had been delayed and -therefore we still happened to find him. - -We spent much time with Shatov before he left Petrograd. For whole days -I listened to his story of the Revolution, with its light and shadows, -and the developing tendency of the Bolsheviki toward the right. Shatov, -however, insisted that it was necessary for all the revolutionary -elements to work with the Bolsheviki Government. Of course, the -Communists had made many mistakes, but what they did was inevitable, -imposed upon them by Allied interference and the blockade. - -A few days after our arrival Zorin asked Alexander Berkman and myself -to accompany him to Smolny. Smolny, the erstwhile boarding school for -the daughters of the aristocracy, had been the centre of revolutionary -events. Almost every stone had played its part. Now it was the seat of -the Petrograd Government. I found the place heavily guarded and giving -the impression of a beehive of officials and government employees. The -Department of the Third International was particularly interesting. It -was the domain of Zinoviev. I was much impressed by the magnitude of it -all. - -After showing us about, Zorin invited us to the Smolny dining room. The -meal consisted of good soup, meat and potatoes, bread and tea--rather a -good meal in starving Russia, I thought. - -Our group of deportees was quartered in Smolny. I was anxious about my -travelling companions, the two girls who had shared my cabin on the -_Buford_. I wished to take them back with me to the First House of the -Soviet. Zorin sent for them. They arrived greatly excited and told -us that the whole group of deportees had been placed under military -guard. The news was startling. The people who had been driven out of -America for their political opinions, now in Revolutionary Russia again -prisoners--three days after their arrival. What had happened? - -We turned to Zorin. He seemed embarrassed. "Some mistake," he said, and -immediately began to make inquiries. It developed that four ordinary -criminals had been found among the politicals deported by the United -States Government, and therefore a guard was placed over the whole -group. The proceeding seemed to me unjust and uncalled for. It was my -first lesson in Bolshevik methods. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -PETROGRAD - - -My parents had moved to St. Petersburg when I was thirteen. Under the -discipline of a German school in Königsberg and the Prussian attitude -toward everything Russian, I had grown up in the atmosphere of hatred -to that country. I dreaded especially the terrible Nihilists who had -killed Tsar Alexander II, so good and kind, as I had been taught. St. -Petersburg was to me an evil thing. But the gayety of the city, its -vivacity and brilliancy, soon dispelled my childish fancies and made -the city appear like a fairy dream. Then my curiosity was aroused by -the revolutionary mystery which seemed to hang over everyone, and of -which no one dared to speak. When four years later I left with my -sister for America I was no longer the German Gretchen to whom Russia -spelt evil. My whole soul had been transformed and the seed planted for -what was to be my life's work. Especially did St. Petersburg remain in -my memory a vivid picture, full of life and mystery. - -I found Petrograd of 1920 quite a different place. It was almost in -ruins, as if a hurricane had swept over it. The houses looked like -broken old tombs upon neglected and forgotten cemeteries. The streets -were dirty and deserted; all life had gone from them. The population -of Petrograd before the war was almost two million; in 1920 it had -dwindled to five hundred thousand. The people walked about like living -corpses; the shortage of food and fuel was slowly sapping the city; -grim death was clutching at its heart. Emaciated and frost-bitten men, -women, and children were being whipped by the common lash, the search -for a piece of bread or a stick of wood. It was a heart-rending sight -by day, an oppressive weight at night. Especially were the nights of -the first month in Petrograd dreadful. The utter stillness of the -large city was paralysing. It fairly haunted me, this awful oppressive -silence broken only by occasional shots. I would lay awake trying to -pierce the mystery. Did not Zorin say that capital punishment had been -abolished? Why this shooting? Doubts disturbed my mind, but I tried to -wave them aside. I had come to learn. - -Much of my first knowledge and impressions of the October Revolution -and the events that followed I received from the Zorins. As already -mentioned, both had lived in America, spoke English, and were eager -to enlighten me upon the history of the Revolution. They were devoted -to the cause and worked very hard; he, especially, who was secretary -of the Petrograd committee of his party, besides editing the daily, -_Krasnaya Gazetta_, and participating in other activities. - -It was from Zorin that I first learned about that legendary figure, -Makhno. The latter was an Anarchist, I was informed, who under the Tsar -had been sentenced to _katorga_. Liberated by the February revolution, -he became the leader of a peasant army in the Ukraina, proving himself -extremely able and daring and doing splendid work in the defence of the -Revolution. For some time Makhno worked in harmony with the Bolsheviki, -fighting the counter-revolutionary forces. Then he became antagonistic, -and now his army, recruited from bandit elements, was fighting the -Bolsheviki. Zorin related that he had been one of a committee sent to -Makhno to bring about an understanding. But Makhno would not listen -to reason. He continued his warfare against the Soviets and was -considered a dangerous counter-revolutionist. - -I had no means of verifying the story, and I was far from disbelieving -the Zorins. Both appeared most sincere and dedicated to their work, -types of religious zealots ready to burn the heretic, but equally ready -to sacrifice their own lives for their cause. I was much impressed by -the simplicity of their lives. Holding a responsible position, Zorin -could have received special rations, but they lived very poorly, their -supper often consisting only of herring, black bread, and tea. I -thought it especially admirable because Lisa Zorin was with child at -the time. - -Two weeks after my arrival in Russia I was invited to attend the -Alexander Herzen commemoration in the Winter Palace. The white marble -hall where the gathering took place seemed to intensify the bitter -frost, but the people present were unmindful of the penetrating cold. I -also was conscious only of the unique situation: Alexander Herzen, one -of the most hated revolutionists of his time, honoured in the Winter -Palace! Frequently before the spirit of Herzen had found its way into -the house of the Romanovs. It was when the "Kolokol," published abroad -and sparkling with the brilliancy of Herzen and Turgenev, would in -some mysterious manner be discovered on the desk of the Tsar. Now the -Tsars were no more, but the spirit of Herzen had risen again and was -witnessing the realization of the dream of one of Russia's great men. - -One evening I was informed that Zinoviev had returned from Moscow and -would see me. He arrived about midnight. He looked very tired and was -constantly disturbed by urgent messages. Our talk was of a general -nature, of the grave situation in Russia, the shortage of food and fuel -then particularly poignant, and about the labour situation in America. -He was anxious to know "how soon the revolution could be expected in -the United States." He left upon me no definite impression, but I was -conscious of something lacking in the man, though I could not determine -at the time just what it was. - -Another Communist I saw much of the first weeks was John Reed. I had -known him in America. He was living in the Astoria, working hard and -preparing for his return to the United States. He was to journey -through Latvia and he seemed apprehensive of the outcome. He had been -in Russia during the October days and this was his second visit. Like -Shatov he also insisted that the dark sides of the Bolshevik régime -were inevitable. He believed fervently that the Soviet Government -would emerge from its narrow party lines and that it would presently -establish the Communistic Commonwealth. We spent much time together, -discussing the various phases of the situation. - -So far I had met none of the Anarchists and their failure to call -rather surprised me. One day a friend I had known in the States -came to inquire whether I would see several members of an Anarchist -organization. I readily assented. From them I learned a version of the -Russian Revolution and the Bolshevik régime utterly different from what -I had heard before. It was so startling, so terrible that I could not -believe it. They invited me to attend a small gathering they had called -to present to me their views. - -The following Sunday I went to their conference. Passing Nevsky -Prospekt, near Liteiny Street, I came upon a group of women huddled -together to protect themselves from the cold. They were surrounded -by soldiers, talking and gesticulating. Those women, I learned, were -prostitutes who were selling themselves for a pound of bread, a piece -of soap or chocolate. The soldiers were the only ones who could -afford to buy them because of their extra rations. Prostitution in -revolutionary Russia. I wondered. What is the Communist Government -doing for these unfortunates? What are the Workers' and Peasants' -Soviets doing? My escort smiled sadly. The Soviet Government had closed -the houses of prostitution and was now trying to drive the women off -the streets, but hunger and cold drove them back again; besides, -the soldiers had to be humoured. It was too ghastly, too incredible -to be real, yet there they were--those shivering creatures for sale -and their buyers, the red defenders of the Revolution. "The cursed -interventionists, the blockade--they are responsible," said my escort. -Why, yes, the counter-revolutionists and the blockade are responsible, -I reassured myself. I tried to dismiss the thought of that huddled -group, but it clung to me. I felt something snap within me. - -At last we reached the Anarchist quarters, in a dilapidated house -in a filthy backyard. I was ushered into a small room crowded with -men and women. The sight recalled pictures of thirty years ago when, -persecuted and hunted from place to place, the Anarchists in America -were compelled to meet in a dingy hall on Orchard Street, New York, or -in the dark rear room of a saloon. That was in capitalistic America. -But this is revolutionary Russia, which the Anarchists had helped to -free. Why should they have to gather in secret and in such a place? - -That evening and the following day I listened to a recital of the -betrayal of the Revolution by the Bolsheviki. Workers from the Baltic -factories spoke of their enslavement, Kronstadt sailors voiced their -bitterness and indignation against the people they had helped to -power and who had become their masters. One of the speakers had been -condemned to death by the Bolsheviki for his Anarchist ideas, but had -escaped and was now living illegally. He related how the sailors had -been robbed of the freedom of their Soviets, how every breath of life -was being censored. Others spoke of the Red Terror and repression in -Moscow, which resulted in the throwing of a bomb into the gathering of -the Moscow section of the Communist Party in September, 1919. They told -me of the over-filled prisons, of the violence practised on the workers -and peasants. I listened rather impatiently, for everything in me cried -out against this indictment. It sounded impossible; it could not be. -Someone was surely at fault, but probably it was they, my comrades, I -thought. They were unreasonable, impatient for immediate results. Was -not violence inevitable in a revolution, and was it not imposed upon -the Bolsheviki by the Interventionists? My comrades were indignant. -"Disguise yourself so the Bolsheviki do not recognize you; take a -pamphlet of Kropotkin and try to distribute it in a Soviet meeting. You -will soon see whether we told you the truth. Above all, get out of the -First House of the Soviet. Live among the people and you will have all -the proofs you need." - -How childish and trifling it all seemed in the face of the world event -that was taking place in Russia! No, I could not credit their stories. -I would wait and study conditions. But my mind was in a turmoil, and -the nights became more oppressive than ever. - -The day arrived when I was given a chance to attend the meeting of -the Petro-Soviet. It was to be a double celebration in honour of the -return of Karl Radek to Russia and Joffe's report on the peace treaty -with Esthonia. As usual I went with the Zorins. The gathering was in -the Tauride Palace, the former meeting place of the Russian Duma. Every -entrance to the hall was guarded by soldiers, the platform surrounded -by them holding their guns at attention. The hall was crowded to the -very doors. I was on the platform overlooking the sea of faces below. -Starved and wretched they looked, these sons and daughters of the -people, the heroes of Red Petrograd. How they had suffered and endured -for the Revolution! I felt very humble before them. - -Zinoviev presided. After the "Internationale" had been sung by the -audience standing, Zinoviev opened the meeting. He spoke at length. -His voice is high pitched, without depth. The moment I heard him I -realized what I had missed in him at our first meeting--depth, strength -of character. Next came Radek. He was clever, witty, sarcastic, and -he paid his respects to the counter-revolutionists and to the White -Guards. Altogether an interesting man and an interesting address. - -Joffe looked the diplomat. Well fed and groomed, he seemed rather -out of place in that assembly. He spoke of the peace conditions -with Esthonia, which were received with enthusiasm by the audience. -Certainly these people wanted peace. Would it ever come to Russia? - -Last spoke Zorin, by far the ablest and most convincing that evening. -Then the meeting was thrown open to discussion. A Menshevik asked for -the floor. Immediately pandemonium broke loose. Yells of "Traitor!" -"Kolchak!" "Counter-Revolutionist!" came from all parts of the audience -and even from the platform. It looked to me like an unworthy proceeding -for a revolutionary assembly. - -On the way home I spoke to Zorin about it. He laughed. "Free speech -is a bourgeois superstition," he said; "during a revolutionary period -there can be no free speech." I was rather dubious about the sweeping -statement, but I felt that I had no right to judge. I was a newcomer, -while the people at the Tauride Palace had sacrificed and suffered so -much for the Revolution. I had no right to judge. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -DISTURBING THOUGHTS - - -Life went on. Each day brought new conflicting thoughts and emotions. -The feature which affected me most was the inequality I witnessed in my -immediate environment. I learned that the rations issued to the tenants -of the First House of the Soviet (Astoria) were much superior to those -received by the workers in the factories. To be sure, they were not -sufficient to sustain life--but no one in the Astoria lived from these -rations alone. The members of the Communist Party, quartered in the -Astoria, worked in Smolny, and the rations in Smolny were the best in -Petrograd. Moreover, trade was not entirely suppressed at that time. -The markets were doing a lucrative business, though no one seemed able -or willing to explain to me where the purchasing capacity came from. -The workers could not afford to buy butter which was then 2,000 rubles -a pound, sugar at 3,000, or meat at 1,000. The inequality was most -apparent in the Astoria kitchen. I went there frequently, though it was -torture to prepare a meal: the savage scramble for an inch of space on -the stove, the greedy watching of the women lest any one have something -extra in the saucepan, the quarrels and screams when someone fished -out a piece of meat from the pot of a neighbour! But there was one -redeeming feature in the picture--it was the resentment of the servants -who worked in the Astoria. They were servants, though called comrades, -and they felt keenly the inequality: the Revolution to them was not a -mere theory to be realized in years to come. It was a living thing. I -was made aware of it one day. - -The rations were distributed at the Commissary, but one had to fetch -them himself. One day, while waiting my turn in the long line, a -peasant girl came in and asked for vinegar. "Vinegar! who is it calls -for such a luxury?" cried several women. It appeared that the girl was -Zinoviev's servant. She spoke of him as her master, who worked very -hard and was surely entitled to something extra. At once a storm of -indignation broke loose. "Master! is that what we made the Revolution -for, or was it to do away with masters? Zinoviev is no more than we, -and he is not entitled to more." - -These workingwomen were crude, even brutal, but their sense of justice -was instinctive. The Revolution to them was something fundamentally -vital. They saw the inequality at every step and bitterly resented -it. I was disturbed. I sought to reassure myself that Zinoviev and -the other leaders of the Communists would not use their power for -selfish benefit. It was the shortage of food and the lack of efficient -organization which made it impossible to feed all alike, and of course -the blockade and not the Bolsheviki was responsible for it. The Allied -Interventionists, who were trying to get at Russia's throat, were the -cause. - -Every Communist I met reiterated this thought; even some of the -Anarchists insisted on it. The little group antagonistic to the Soviet -Government was not convincing. But how to reconcile the explanation -given to me with some of the stories I learned every day--stories of -systematic terrorism, of relentless persecution, and suppression of -other revolutionary elements? - -Another circumstance which perplexed me was that the markets were -stacked with meat, fish, soap, potatoes, even shoes, every time that -the rations were given out. How did these things get to the markets? -Everyone spoke about it, but no one seemed to know. One day I was in -a watchmaker's shop when a soldier entered. He conversed with the -proprietor in Yiddish, relating that he had just returned from Siberia -with a shipment of tea. Would the watchmaker take fifty pounds? Tea -was sold at a premium at the time--no one but the privileged few could -permit themselves such a luxury. Of course the watchmaker would take -the tea. When the soldier left I asked the shopkeeper if he did not -think it rather risky to transact such illegal business so openly. -I happen to understand Yiddish, I told him. Did he not fear I would -report him? "That's nothing," the man replied nonchalantly, "the Tcheka -knows all about it--it draws its percentage from the soldier and -myself." - -I began to suspect that the reason for much of the evil was also within -Russia, not only outside of it. But then, I argued, police officials -and detectives graft everywhere. That is the common disease of the -breed. In Russia, where scarcity of food and three years of starvation -must needs turn most people into grafters, theft is inevitable. The -Bolsheviki are trying to suppress it with an iron hand. How can they -be blamed? But try as I might I could not silence my doubts. I groped -for some moral support, for a dependable word, for someone to shed -light on the disturbing questions. - -It occurred to me to write to Maxim Gorki. He might help. I called -his attention to his own dismay and disappointment while visiting -America. He had come believing in her democracy and liberalism, and -found bigotry and lack of hospitality instead. I felt sure Gorki would -understand the struggle going on within me, though the cause was not -the same. Would he see me? Two days later I received a short note -asking me to call. - -I had admired Gorki for many years. He was the living affirmation of my -belief that the creative artist cannot be suppressed. Gorki, the child -of the people, the pariah, had by his genius become one of the world's -greatest, one who by his pen and deep human sympathy made the social -outcast our kin. For years I toured America interpreting Gorki's genius -to the American people, elucidating the greatness, beauty, and humanity -of the man and his works. Now I was to see him and through him get a -glimpse into the complex soul of Russia. - -I found the main entrance of his house nailed up, and there seemed -to be no way of getting in. I almost gave up in despair when a woman -pointed to a dingy staircase. I climbed to the very top and knocked -on the first door I saw. It was thrown open, momentarily blinding me -with a flood of light and steam from an overheated kitchen. Then I -was ushered into a large dining room. It was dimly lit, chilly and -cheerless in spite of a fire and a large collection of Dutch china on -the walls. One of the three women I had noticed in the kitchen sat -down at the table with me, pretending to read a book but all the while -watching me out of the corner of her eye. It was an awkward half hour -of waiting. - -Presently Gorki arrived. Tall, gaunt, and coughing, he looked ill and -weary. He took me to his study, semi-dark and of depressing effect. -No sooner had we seated ourselves than the door flew open and another -young woman, whom I had not observed before, brought him a glass of -dark fluid, medicine evidently. Then the telephone began to ring; -a few minutes later Gorki was called out of the room. I realized -that I would not be able to talk with him. Returning, he must have -noticed my disappointment. We agreed to postpone our talk till some -less disturbed opportunity presented itself. He escorted me to the -door, remarking, "You ought to visit the Baltflot [Baltic Fleet]. The -Kronstadt sailors are nearly all instinctive Anarchists. You would -find a field there." I smiled. "Instinctive Anarchists?" I said, "that -means they are unspoiled by preconceived notions, unsophisticated, and -receptive. Is that what you mean?" - -"Yes, that is what I mean," he replied. - -The interview with Gorki left me depressed. Nor was our second meeting -more satisfactory on the occasion of my first trip to Moscow. By -the same train travelled Radek, Demyan Bedny, the popular Bolshevik -versifier, and Zipperovitch, then the president of the Petrograd -unions. We found ourselves in the same car, the one reserved for -Bolshevik officials and State dignitaries, comfortable and roomy. On -the other hand, the "common" man, the non-Communist without influence, -had literally to fight his way into the always overcrowded railway -carriages, provided he had a _propusk_ to travel--a most difficult -thing to procure. - -I spent the time of the journey discussing Russian conditions with -Zipperovitch, a kindly man of deep convictions, and with Demyan -Bedny, a big coarse-looking man. Radek held forth at length on his -experiences in Germany and German prisons. - -I learned that Gorki was also on the train, and I was glad of another -opportunity for a chat with him when he called to see me. The one thing -uppermost in my mind at the moment was an article which had appeared in -the Petrograd _Pravda_ a few days before my departure. It treated of -morally defective children, the writer urging prison for them. Nothing -I had heard or seen during my six weeks in Russia so outraged me as -this brutal and antiquated attitude toward the child. I was eager to -know what Gorki thought of the matter. Of course, he was opposed to -prisons for the morally defective, he would advocate reformatories -instead. "What do you mean by morally defective?" I asked. "Our young -are the result of alcoholism rampant during the Russian-Japanese War, -and of syphilis. What except moral defection could result from such a -heritage?" he replied. I argued that morality changes with conditions -and climate, and that unless one believed in the theory of free will -one cannot consider morality a fixed matter. As to children, their -sense of responsibility is primitive, and they lack the spirit of -social adherence. But Gorki insisted that there was a fearful spread -of moral defection among children and that such cases should be -isolated. - -I then broached the problem that was troubling me most. What about -persecution and terror--were all the horrors inevitable, or was there -some fault in Bolshevism itself? The Bolsheviki were making mistakes, -but they were doing the best they knew how, Gorki said drily. Nothing -more could be expected, he thought. - -I recalled a certain article by Gorki, published in his paper, _New -Life_, which I had read in the Missouri Penitentiary. It was a scathing -arraignment of the Bolsheviki. There must have been powerful reasons to -change Gorki's point of view so completely. Perhaps he is right. I must -wait. I must study the situation; I must get at the facts. Above all, I -must see for myself Bolshevism at work. - -We spoke of the drama. On my first visit, by way of introduction, I had -shown Gorki an announcement card of the dramatic course I had given -in America. John Galsworthy was among the playwrights I had discussed -then. Gorki expressed surprise that I considered Galsworthy an artist. -In his opinion Galsworthy could not be compared with Bernard Shaw. I -had to differ. I did not underestimate Shaw, but considered Galsworthy -the greater artist. I detected irritation in Gorki, and as his hacking -cough continued, I broke off the discussion. He soon left. I remained -dejected from the interview. It gave me nothing. - -When we pulled into the Moscow station my chaperon, Demyan Bedny, had -vanished and I was left on the platform with all my traps. Radek came -to my rescue. He called a porter, took me and my baggage to his waiting -automobile and insisted that I come to his apartments in the Kremlin. -There I was graciously received by his wife and invited to dinner -served by their maid. After that Radek began the difficult task of -getting me quartered in the Hotel National, known as the First House of -the Moscow Soviet. With all his influence it required hours to secure a -room for me. - -Radek's luxurious apartment, the maidservant, the splendid dinner -seemed strange in Russia. But the comradely concern of Radek and the -hospitality of his wife were grateful to me. Except at the Zorins -and the Shatovs I had not met with anything like it. I felt that -kindliness, sympathy, and solidarity were still alive in Russia. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -MOSCOW: FIRST IMPRESSIONS - - -Coming from Petrograd to Moscow is like being suddenly transferred -from a desert to active life, so great is the contrast. On reaching -the large open square in front of the main Moscow station I was amazed -at the sight of busy crowds, cabbies, and porters. The same picture -presented itself all the way from the station to the Kremlin. The -streets were alive with men, women, and children. Almost everybody -carried a bundle, or dragged a loaded sleigh. There was life, motion, -and movement, quite different from the stillness that oppressed me in -Petrograd. - -I noticed considerable display of the military in the city, and scores -of men dressed in leather suits with guns in their belts. "Tcheka -men, our Extraordinary Commission," explained Radek. I had heard of -the Tcheka before: Petrograd talked of it with dread and hatred. -However, the soldiers and Tchekists were never much in evidence in -the city on the Neva. Here in Moscow they seemed everywhere. Their -presence reminded me of a remark Jack Reed had made: "Moscow is a -military encampment," he had said; "spies everywhere, the bureaucracy -most autocratic. I always feel relieved when I get out of Moscow. -But, then, Petrograd is a proletarian city and is permeated with the -spirit of the Revolution. Moscow always was hierarchical. It is much -more so now." I found that Jack Reed was right. Moscow was indeed -hierarchical. Still the life was intense, varied, and interesting. -What struck me most forcibly, besides the display of militarism, was -the preoccupation of the people. There seemed to be no common interest -between them. Everyone rushed about as a detached unit in quest of -his own, pushing and knocking against everyone else. Repeatedly I saw -women or children fall from exhaustion without any one stopping to lend -assistance. People stared at me when I would bend over the heap on the -slippery pavement or gather up the bundles that had fallen into the -street. I spoke to friends about what looked to me like a strange lack -of fellow-feeling. They explained it as a result partly of the general -distrust and suspicion created by the Tcheka, and partly due to the -absorbing task of getting the day's food. One had neither vitality nor -feeling left to think of others. Yet there did not seem to be such a -scarcity of food as in Petrograd, and the people were warmer and better -dressed. - -I spent much time on the streets and in the market places. Most of -the latter, as also the famous Soukharevka, were in full operation. -Occasionally soldiers would raid the markets; but as a rule they were -suffered to continue. They presented the most vital and interesting -part of the city's life. Here gathered proletarian and aristocrat, -Communist and bourgeois, peasant and intellectual. Here they were bound -by the common desire to sell and buy, to trade and bargain. Here one -could find for sale a rusty iron pot alongside of an exquisite ikon; -an old pair of shoes and intricately worked lace; a few yards of cheap -calico and a beautiful old Persian shawl. The rich of yesterday, hungry -and emaciated, denuding themselves of their last glories; the rich of -to-day buying--it was indeed an amazing picture in revolutionary Russia. - -Who was buying the finery of the past, and where did the purchasing -power come from? The buyers were numerous. In Moscow one was not so -limited as to sources of information as in Petrograd; the very streets -furnished that source. - -The Russian people even after four years of war and three years of -revolution remained unsophisticated. They were suspicious of strangers -and reticent at first. But when they learned that one had come from -America and did not belong to the governing political party, they -gradually lost their reserve. Much information I gathered from them and -some explanation of the things that perplexed me since my arrival. I -talked frequently with the workers and peasants and the women on the -markets. - -The forces which had led up to the Russian Revolution had remained -_terra incognita_ to these simple folk, but the Revolution itself had -struck deep into their souls. They knew nothing of theories, but they -believed that there was to be no more of the hated _barin_ (master) -and now the _barin_ was again upon them. "The _barin_ has everything," -they would say, "white bread, clothing, even chocolate, while we have -nothing." "Communism, equality, freedom," they jeered, "lies and -deception." - -I would return to the National bruised and battered, my illusions -gradually shattered, my foundations crumbling. But I would not let -go. After all, I thought, the common people could not understand -the tremendous difficulties confronting the Soviet Government: the -imperialist forces arraigned against Russia, the many attacks which -drained her of her men who otherwise would be employed in productive -labour, the blockade which was relentlessly slaying Russia's young and -weak. Of course, the people could not understand these things, and I -must not be misled by their bitterness born of suffering. I must be -patient. I must get to the source of the evils confronting me. - -The National, like the Petrograd Astoria, was a former hotel but not -nearly in as good condition. No rations were given out there except -three quarters of a pound of bread every two days. Instead there was -a common dining room where dinners and suppers were served. The meals -consisted of soup and a little meat, sometimes fish or pancakes, and -tea. In the evening we usually had _kasha_ and tea. The food was not -too plentiful, but one could exist on it were it not so abominably -prepared. - -I saw no reason for this spoiling of provisions. Visiting the kitchen I -discovered an array of servants controlled by a number of officials, -commandants, and inspectors. The kitchen staff were poorly paid; -moreover, they were not given the same food served to us. They resented -this discrimination and their interest was not in their work. This -situation resulted in much graft and waste, criminal in the face of -the general scarcity of food. Few of the tenants of the National, I -learned, took their meals in the common dining room. They prepared or -had their meals prepared by servants in a separate kitchen set aside -for that purpose. There, as in the Astoria, I found the same scramble -for a place on the stove, the same bickering and quarrelling, the same -greedy, envious watching of each other. Was that Communism in action, I -wondered. I heard the usual explanation: Yudenitch, Denikin, Kolchak, -the blockade--but the stereotyped phrases no longer satisfied me. - -Before I left Petrograd Jack Reed said to me: "When you reach Moscow, -look up Angelica Balabanova. She will receive you gladly and will put -you up should you be unable to find a room." I had heard of Balabanova -before, knew of her work, and was naturally anxious to meet her. - -A few days after reaching Moscow I called her up. Would she see me? -Yes, at once, though she was not feeling well. I found Balabanova in -a small, cheerless room, lying huddled up on the sofa. She was not -prepossessing but for her eyes, large and luminous, radiating sympathy -and kindness. She received me most graciously, like an old friend, and -immediately ordered the inevitable samovar. Over our tea we talked -of America, the labour movement there, our deportation, and finally -about Russia. I put to her the questions I had asked many Communists -regarding the contrasts and discrepancies which confronted me at every -step. She surprised me by not giving the usual excuses; she was the -first who did not repeat the old refrain. She did refer to the scarcity -of food, fuel, and clothing which was responsible for much of the graft -and corruption; but on the whole she thought life itself mean and -limited. "A rock on which the highest hopes are shattered. Life thwarts -the best intentions and breaks the finest spirits," she said. Rather an -unusual view for a Marxian, a Communist, and one in the thick of the -battle. I knew she was then secretary of the Third International. Here -was a personality, one who was not a mere echo, one who felt deeply the -complexity of the Russian situation. I went away profoundly impressed, -and attracted by her sad, luminous eyes. - -I soon discovered that Balabanova--or Balabanoff, as she preferred -to be called--was at the beck and call of everybody. Though poor in -health and engaged in many functions, she yet found time to minister -to the needs of her legion callers. Often she went without necessaries -herself, giving away her own rations, always busy trying to secure -medicine or some little delicacy for the sick and suffering. Her -special concern were the stranded Italians of whom there were quite -a number in Petrograd and Moscow. Balabanova had lived and worked in -Italy for many years until she almost became Italian herself. She felt -deeply with them, who were as far away from their native soil as from -events in Russia. She was their friend, their advisor, their main -support in a world of strife and struggle. Not only the Italians but -almost everyone else was the concern of this remarkable little woman: -no one needed a Communist membership card to Angelica's heart. No -wonder some of her comrades considered her a "sentimentalist who wasted -her precious time in philanthropy." Many verbal battles I had on this -score with the type of Communist who had become callous and hard, -altogether barren of the qualities which characterized the Russian -idealist of the past. - -Similar criticism as of Balabanova I heard expressed of another leading -Communist, Lunacharsky. Already in Petrograd I was told sneeringly, -"Lunacharsky is a scatterbrain who wastes millions on foolish -ventures." But I was eager to meet the man who was the Commissar of one -of the important departments in Russia, that of education. Presently an -opportunity presented itself. - -The Kremlin, the old citadel of Tsardom, I found heavily guarded and -inaccessible to the "common" man. But I had come by appointment and -in the company of a man who had an admission card, and therefore -passed the guard without trouble. We soon reached the Lunacharsky -apartments, situated in an old quaint building within the walls. Though -the reception room was crowded with people waiting to be admitted, -Lunacharsky called me in as soon as I was announced. - -His greeting was very cordial. Did I "intend to remain a free bird" -was one of his first questions, or would I be willing to join him -in his work? I was rather surprised. Why should one have to give -up his freedom, especially in educational work? Were not initiative -and freedom essential? However, I had come to learn from Lunacharsky -about the revolutionary system of education in Russia, of which we -had heard so much in America. I was especially interested in the care -the children were receiving. The Moscow _Pravda_, like the Petrograd -newspapers, had been agitated by a controversy about the treatment -of the morally defective. I expressed surprise at such an attitude -in Soviet Russia. "Of course, it is all barbarous and antiquated," -Lunacharsky said, "and I am fighting it tooth and nail. The sponsors -of prisons for children are old criminal jurists, still imbued -with Tsarist methods. I have organized a commission of physicians, -pedagogues, and psychologists to deal with this question. Of course, -those children must not be punished." I felt tremendously relieved. -Here at last was a man who had gotten away from the cruel old methods -of punishment. I told him of the splendid work done in capitalist -America by Judge Lindsay and of some of the experimental schools for -backward children. Lunacharsky was much interested. "Yes, that is just -what we want here, the American system of education," he exclaimed. -"You surely do not mean the American public school system?" I asked. -"You know of the insurgent movement in America against our public -school method of education, the work done by Professor Dewey and -others?" Lunacharsky had heard little about it. Russia had been so long -cut off from the western world and there was great lack of books on -modern education. He was eager to learn of the new ideas and methods. I -sensed in Lunacharsky a personality full of faith and devotion to the -Revolution, one who was carrying on the great work of education in a -physically and spiritually difficult environment. - -He suggested the calling of a conference of teachers if I would talk -to them about the new tendencies in education in America, to which I -readily consented. Schools and other institutions in his charge were to -be visited later. I left Lunacharsky filled with new hope. I would join -him in his work, I thought. What greater service could one render the -Russian people? - -During my visit to Moscow I saw Lunacharsky several times. He was -always the same kindly gracious man, but I soon began to notice that he -was being handicapped in his work by forces within his own party: most -of his good intentions and decisions never saw the light. Evidently -Lunacharsky was caught in the same machine that apparently held -everything in its iron grip. What was that machine? Who directed its -movements? - -Although the control of visitors at the National was very strict, no -one being able to go in or out without a special _propusk_ [permit], -men and women of different political factions managed to call on me: -Anarchists, Left Social Revolutionists, Coöperators, and people I -had known in America and who had returned to Russia to play their -part in the Revolution. They had come with deep faith and high hope, -but I found almost all of them discouraged, some even embittered. -Though widely differing in their political views, nearly all of my -callers related an identical story, the story of the high tide of the -Revolution, of the wonderful spirit that led the people forward, of -the possibilities of the masses, the rôle of the Bolsheviki as the -spokesmen of the most extreme revolutionary slogans and their betrayal -of the Revolution after they had secured power. All spoke of the -Brest Litovsk peace as the beginning of the downward march. The Left -Social Revolutionists especially, men of culture and earnestness, -who had suffered much under the Tsar and now saw their hopes and -aspirations thwarted, were most emphatic in their condemnation. They -supported their statements by evidence of the havoc wrought by the -methods of forcible requisition and the punitive expeditions to the -villages, of the abyss created between town and country, the hatred -engendered between peasant and worker. They told of the persecution of -their comrades, the shooting of innocent men and women, the criminal -inefficiency, waste, and destruction. - -How, then, could the Bolsheviki maintain themselves in power? After -all, they were only a small minority, about five hundred thousand -members as an exaggerated estimate. The Russian masses, I was told, -were exhausted by hunger and cowed by terrorism. Moreover, they had -lost faith in all parties and ideas. Nevertheless, there were frequent -peasant uprisings in various parts of Russia, but these were ruthlessly -quelled. There were also constant strikes in Moscow, Petrograd, and -other industrial centres, but the censorship was so rigid little ever -became known to the masses at large. - -I sounded my visitors on intervention. "We want none of outside -interference," was the uniform sentiment. They held that it merely -strengthened the hands of the Bolsheviki. They felt that they could -not publicly even speak out against them so long as Russia was being -attacked, much less fight their régime. "Have not their tactics and -methods been imposed on the Bolsheviki by intervention and blockade?" I -argued. "Only partly so," was the reply. "Most of their methods spring -from their lack of understanding of the character and the needs of the -Russian people and the mad obsession of dictatorship, which is not even -the dictatorship of the proletariat but the dictatorship of a small -group _over_ the proletariat." - -When I broached the subject of the People's Soviets and the elections -my visitors smiled. "Elections! There are no such things in Russia, -unless you call threats and terrorism elections. It is by these alone -that the Bolsheviki secure a majority. A few Mensheviki, Social -Revolutionists, or Anarchists are permitted to slip into the Soviets, -but they have not the shadow of a chance to be heard." - -The picture painted looked black and dismal. Still I clung to my faith. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -MEETING PEOPLE - - -At A conference of the Moscow Anarchists in March I first learned of -the part some Anarchists had played in the Russian Revolution. In the -July uprising of 1917 the Kronstadt sailors were led by the Anarchist -Yarchuck; the Constituent Assembly was dispersed by Zhelezniakov; -the Anarchists had participated on every front and helped to drive -back the Allied attacks. It was the consensus of opinion that the -Anarchists were always among the first to face fire, as they were -also the most active in the reconstructive work. One of the biggest -factories near Moscow, which did not stop work during the entire period -of the Revolution, was managed by an Anarchist. Anarchists were doing -important work in the Foreign Office and in all other departments. I -learned that the Anarchists had virtually helped the Bolsheviki into -power. Five months later, in April, 1918, machine guns were used to -destroy the Moscow Anarchist Club and to suppress their press. That -was before Mirbach arrived in Moscow. The field had to be "cleared of -disturbing elements," and the Anarchists were the first to suffer. -Since then the persecution of the Anarchists has never ceased. - -The Moscow Anarchist Conference was critical not only toward the -existing régime, but toward its own comrades as well. It spoke frankly -of the negative sides of the movement, and of its lack of unity and -coöperation during the revolutionary period. Later I was to learn more -of the internal dissensions in the Anarchist movement. Before closing, -the Conference decided to call on the Soviet Government to release the -imprisoned Anarchists and to legalize Anarchist educational work. The -Conference asked Alexander Berkman and myself to sign the resolution -to that effect. It was a shock to me that Anarchists should ask any -government to legalize their efforts, but I still believed the Soviet -Government to be at least to some extent expressive of the Revolution. -I signed the resolution, and as I was to see Lenin in a few days I -promised to take the matter up with him. - -The interview with Lenin was arranged by Balabanova. "You must see -Ilitch, talk to him about the things that are disturbing you and the -work you would like to do," she had said. But some time passed before -the opportunity came. At last one day Balabanova called up to ask -whether I could go at once. Lenin had sent his car and we were quickly -driven over to the Kremlin, passed without question by the guards, and -at last ushered into the workroom of the all-powerful president of the -People's Commissars. - -When we entered Lenin held a copy of the brochure _Trial and -Speeches_[2] in his hands. I had given my only copy to Balabanova, who -had evidently sent the booklet on ahead of us to Lenin. One of his -first questions was, "When could the Social Revolution be expected in -America?" I had been asked the question repeatedly before, but I was -astounded to hear it from Lenin. It seemed incredible that a man of his -information should know so little about conditions in America. - -My Russian at this time was halting, but Lenin declared that though he -had lived in Europe for many years he had not learned to speak foreign -languages: the conversation would therefore have to be carried on in -Russian. At once he launched into a eulogy of our speeches in court. -"What a splendid opportunity for propaganda," he said; "it is worth -going to prison, if the courts can so successfully be turned into a -forum." I felt his steady cold gaze upon me, penetrating my very being, -as if he were reflecting upon the use I might be put to. Presently he -asked what I would want to do. I told him I would like to repay America -what it had done for Russia. I spoke of the Society of the Friends of -Russian Freedom, organized thirty years ago by George Kennan and later -reorganized by Alice Stone Blackwell and other liberal Americans. I -briefly sketched the splendid work they had done to arouse interest in -the struggle for Russian freedom, and the great moral and financial aid -the Society had given through all those years. To organize a Russian -society for American freedom was my plan. Lenin appeared enthusiastic. -"That is a great idea, and you shall have all the help you want. But, -of course, it will be under the auspices of the Third International. -Prepare your plan in writing and send it to me." - -I broached the subject of the Anarchists in Russia. I showed him a -letter I had received from Martens, the Soviet representative in -America, shortly before my deportation. Martens asserted that the -Anarchists in Russia enjoyed full freedom of speech and press. Since -my arrival I found scores of Anarchists in prison and their press -suppressed. I explained that I could not think of working with the -Soviet Government so long as my comrades were in prison for opinion's -sake. I also told him of the resolutions of the Moscow Anarchist -Conference. He listened patiently and promised to bring the matter to -the attention of his party. "But as to free speech," he remarked, "that -is, of course, a bourgeois notion. There can be no free speech in a -revolutionary period. We have the peasantry against us because we can -give them nothing in return for their bread. We will have them on our -side when we have something to exchange. Then you can have all the free -speech you want--but not now. Recently we needed peasants to cart some -wood into the city. They demanded salt. We thought we had no salt, but -then we discovered seventy poods in Moscow in one of our warehouses. -At once the peasants were willing to cart the wood. Your comrades -must wait until we can meet the needs of the peasants. Meanwhile, -they should work with us. Look at William Shatov, for instance, who -has helped save Petrograd from Yudenitch. He works with us and we -appreciate his services. Shatov was among the first to receive the -order of the Red Banner." - -Free speech, free press, the spiritual achievements of centuries, what -were they to this man? A Puritan, he was sure his scheme alone could -redeem Russia. Those who served his plans were right, the others could -not be tolerated. - -A shrewd Asiatic, this Lenin. He knows how to play on the weak sides of -men by flattery, rewards, medals. I left convinced that his approach to -people was purely utilitarian, for the use he could get out of them for -his scheme. And his scheme--was it the Revolution? - -I prepared the plan for the Society of the Russian Friends of American -Freedom and elaborated the details of the work I had in mind, but -refused to place myself under the protecting wing of the Third -International. I explained to Lenin that the American people had little -faith in politics, and would certainly consider it an imposition to be -directed and guided by a political machine from Moscow. I could not -consistently align myself with the Third International. - -Some time later I saw Tchicherin. I believe it was 4 A. M. -when our interview took place. He also asked about the possibilities -of a revolution in America, and seemed to doubt my judgment when I -informed him that there was no hope of it in the near future. We spoke -of the I. W. W., which had evidently been misrepresented to him. -I assured Tchicherin that while I am not an I. W. W. I must state -that they represented the only conscious and effective revolutionary -proletarian organization in the United States, and were sure to play an -important rôle in the future labour history of the country. - -Next to Balabanova, Tchicherin impressed me as the most simple and -unassuming of the leading Communists in Moscow. But all were equally -naďve in their estimate of the world outside of Russia. Was their -judgment so faulty because they had been cut off from Europe and -America so long? Or was their great need of European help father to -their wish? At any rate, they all clung to the idea of approaching -revolutions in the western countries, forgetful that revolutions are -not made to order, and apparently unconscious that their own revolution -had been twisted out of shape and semblance and was gradually being -done to death. - -The editor of the London _Daily Herald_, accompanied by one of his -reporters, had preceded me to Moscow. They wanted to visit Kropotkin, -and they had been given a special car. Together with Alexander Berkman -and A. Shapiro, I was able to join Mr. Lansbury. - -The Kropotkin cottage stood back in the garden away from the street. -Only a faint ray from a kerosene lamp lit up the path to the house. -Kropotkin received us with his characteristic graciousness, evidently -glad at our visit. But I was shocked at his altered appearance. The -last time I had seen him was in 1907, in Paris, which I visited after -the Anarchist Congress in Amsterdam. Kropotkin, barred from France -for many years, had just been given the right to return. He was then -sixty-five years of age, but still so full of life and energy that he -seemed much younger. Now he looked old and worn. - -I was eager to get some light from Kropotkin on the problems that were -troubling me, particularly on the relation of the Bolsheviki to the -Revolution. What was his opinion? Why had he been silent so long? - -I took no notes and therefore I can give only the gist of what -Kropotkin said. He stated that the Revolution had carried the people -to great spiritual heights and had paved the way for profound social -changes. If the people had been permitted to apply their released -energies, Russia would not be in her present condition of ruin. The -Bolsheviki, who had been carried to the top by the revolutionary wave, -first caught the popular ear by extreme revolutionary slogans, thereby -gaining the confidence of the masses and the support of militant -revolutionists. - -He continued to narrate that early in the October period the -Bolsheviki began to subordinate the interests of the Revolution to the -establishment of their dictatorship, which coerced and paralysed every -social activity. He stated that the coöperatives were the main medium -that could have bridged the interests of the peasants and the workers. -The coöperatives were among the first to be crushed. He spoke with much -feeling of the oppression, the persecution, the hounding of every shade -of opinion, and cited numerous instances of the misery and distress of -the people. He emphasized that the Bolsheviki had discredited Socialism -and Communism in the eyes of the Russian people. - -"Why haven't you raised your voice against these evils, against this -machine that is sapping the life blood of the Revolution?" I asked. -He gave two reasons. As long as Russia was being attacked by the -combined Imperialists, and Russian women and children were dying from -the effects of the blockade, he could not join the shrieking chorus of -the ex-revolutionists in the cry of "Crucify!" He preferred silence. -Secondly, there was no medium of expression in Russia itself. To -protest to the Government was useless. Its concern was to maintain -itself in power. It could not stop at such "trifles" as human rights or -human lives. Then he added: "We have always pointed out the effects of -Marxism in action. Why be surprised now?" - -I asked Kropotkin whether he was noting down his impressions and -observations. Surely he must see the importance of such a record to -his comrades and to the workers; in fact, to the whole world. "No," -he said; "it is impossible to write when one is in the midst of great -human suffering, when every hour brings new tragedies. Then there may -be a raid at any moment. The Tcheka comes swooping down in the night, -ransacks every corner, turns everything inside out, and marches off -with every scrap of paper. Under such constant stress it is impossible -to keep records. But besides these considerations there is my book on -Ethics. I can only work a few hours a day, and I must concentrate on -that to the exclusion of everything else." - -After a tender embrace which Peter never failed to give those he loved, -we returned to our car. My heart was heavy, my spirit confused and -troubled by what I had heard. I was also distressed by the poor state -of health of our comrade: I feared he could not survive till spring. -The thought that Peter Kropotkin might go to his grave and that the -world might never know what he thought of the Russian Revolution was -appalling. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[2] _Trial and Speeches of Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman before -the Federal Court of New York, June-July, 1917._ Mother Earth -Publishing Co., New York. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -PREPARING FOR AMERICAN DEPORTEES - - -Events in Moscow, quickly following each other, were full of interest. -I wanted to remain in that vital city, but as I had left all my effects -in Petrograd I decided to return there and then come back to Moscow to -join Lunacharsky in his work. A few days before my departure a young -woman, an Anarchist, came to visit me. She was from the Petrograd -Museum of the Revolution and she called to inquire whether I would take -charge of the Museum branch work in Moscow. She explained that the -original idea of the Museum was due to the famous old revolutionist -Vera Nikolaievna Figner, and that it had recently been organized by -non-partisan elements. The majority of the men and women who worked in -the Museum were not Communists, she said; but they were devoted to the -Revolution and anxious to create something which could in the future -serve as a source of information and inspiration to earnest students -of the great Russian Revolution. When my caller was informed that I was -about to return to Petrograd, she invited me to visit the Museum and to -become acquainted with its work. - -Upon my arrival in Petrograd I found unexpected work awaiting me. -Zorin informed me that he had been notified by Tchicherin that a -thousand Russians had been deported from America and were on their way -to Russia. They were to be met at the border and quarters were to be -immediately prepared for them in Petrograd. Zorin asked me to join the -Commission about to be organized for that purpose. - -The plan of such a commission for American deportees had been broached -to Zorin soon after our arrival in Russia. At that time Zorin directed -us to talk the matter over with Tchicherin, which we did. But three -months passed without anything having been done about it. Meanwhile, -our comrades of the _Buford_ were still walking from department to -department, trying to be placed where they might do some good. They -were a sorry lot, those men who had come to Russia with such high -hopes, eager to render service to the revolutionary people. Most of -them were skilled workers, mechanics--men Russia needed badly; but -the cumbersome Bolshevik machine and general inefficiency made it a -very complex matter to put them to work. Some had tried independently -to secure jobs, but they could accomplish very little. Moreover, those -who found employment were soon made to feel that the Russian workers -resented the eagerness and intensity of their brothers from America. -"Wait till you have starved as long as we," they would say, "wait till -you have tasted the blessings of Commissarship, and we will see if you -are still so eager." In every way the deportees were discouraged and -their enthusiasm dampened. - -To avoid this unnecessary waste of energy and suffering the Commission -was at last organized in Petrograd. It consisted of Ravitch, the then -Minister of Internal Affairs for the Northern District; her secretary, -Kaplun; two members of the Bureau of War Prisoners; Alexander Berkman, -and myself. The new deportees were due in two weeks, and much work -was to be done to prepare for their reception. It was unfortunate -that no active participation could be expected from Ravitch because -her time was too much occupied. Besides holding the post of Minister -of the Interior she was Chief of the Petrograd Militia, and she also -represented the Moscow Foreign Office in Petrograd. Her regular working -hours were from 8 A. M. to 2 A. M. Kaplun, a very able administrator, -had charge of the entire internal work of the Department and could -therefore give us very little of his time. There remained only four -persons to accomplish within a short time the big task of preparing -living quarters for a thousand deportees in starved and ruined Russia. -Moreover, Alexander Berkman, heading the Reception Committee, had to -leave for the Latvian border to meet the exiles. - -It was an almost impossible task for one person, but I was very anxious -to save the second group of deportees the bitter experiences and the -disappointments of my fellow companions of the _Buford_. I could -undertake the work only by making the condition that I be given the -right of entry to the various government departments, for I had learned -by that time how paralysing was the effect of the bureaucratic red -tape which delayed and often frustrated the most earnest and energetic -efforts. Kaplun consented. "Call on me at any time for anything you may -require," he said; "I will give orders that you be admitted everywhere -and supplied with everything you need. If that should not help, call -on the Tcheka," he added. I had never called upon the police before, I -informed him; why should I do so in revolutionary Russia? "In bourgeois -countries that is a different matter," explained Kaplun; "with us the -Tcheka defends the Revolution and fights sabotage." I started on my -work determined to do without the Tcheka. Surely there must be other -methods, I thought. - -Then began a chase over Petrograd. Materials were very scarce and -it was most difficult to procure them owing to the unbelievably -centralized Bolshevik methods. Thus to get a pound of nails one had to -file applications in about ten or fifteen bureaus; to secure some bed -linen or ordinary dishes one wasted days. Everywhere in the offices -crowds of Government employees stood about smoking cigarettes, awaiting -the hour when the tedious task of the day would be over. My co-workers -of the War Prisoners' Bureau fumed at the irritating and unnecessary -delays, but to no purpose. They threatened with the Tcheka, with the -concentration camp, even with _raztrel_ (shooting). The latter was the -most favourite argument. Whenever any difficulty arose one immediately -heard _raztreliat_--to be shot. But the expression, so terrible in its -significance, was gradually losing its effect upon the people: man gets -used to everything. - -I decided to try other methods. I would talk to the employees in -the departments about the vital interest the conscious American -workers felt in the great Russian Revolution, and of their faith and -hope in the Russian proletariat. The people would become interested -immediately, but the questions they would ask were as strange as they -were pitiful: "Have the people enough to eat in America? How soon will -the Revolution be there? Why did you come to starving Russia?" They -were eager for information and news, these mentally and physically -starved people, cut off by the barbarous blockade from all touch with -the western world. Things American were something wonderful to them. A -piece of chocolate or a cracker were unheard-of dainties--they proved -the key to everybody's heart. - -Within two weeks I succeeded in procuring most of the things needed -for the expected deportees, including furniture, linen, and dishes. A -miracle, everybody said. - -However, the renovation of the houses that were to serve as living -quarters for the exiles was not accomplished so easily. I inspected -what, as I was told, had once been first-class hotels. I found them -located in the former prostitute district; cheap dives they were, until -the Bolsheviki closed all brothels. They were germ-eaten, ill-smelling, -and filthy. It was no small problem to turn those dark holes into a -fit habitation within two weeks. A coat of paint was a luxury not to -be thought of. There was nothing else to do but to strip the rooms -of furniture and draperies, and have them thoroughly cleaned and -disinfected. - -One morning a group of forlorn-looking creatures, in charge of two -militiamen, were brought to my temporary office. They came to work, I -was informed. The group consisted of a one-armed old man, a consumptive -woman, and eight boys and girls, mere children, pale, starved, and in -rags. "Where do these unfortunates come from?" I inquired. "They are -speculators," one of the militiamen replied; "we rounded them up on -the market." The prisoners began to weep. They were no speculators, -they protested; they were starving, they had received no bread in two -days. They were compelled to go out to the market to sell matches or -thread to secure a little bread. In the midst of this scene the old -man fainted from exhaustion, demonstrating better than words that he -had speculated only in hunger. I had seen such "speculators" before, -driven in groups through the streets of Moscow and Petrograd by convoys -with loaded guns pointed at the backs of the prisoners. - -I could not think of having the work done by these starved creatures. -But the militiamen insisted that they would not let them go; they had -orders to make them work. I called up Kaplun and informed him that -I considered it out of the question to have quarters for American -deportees prepared by Russian convicts whose only crime was hunger. -Thereupon Kaplun ordered the group set free and consented that I give -them of the bread sent for the workers' rations. But a valuable day was -lost. - -The next morning a group of boys and girls came singing along the -Nevski Prospekt. They were _kursanti_ from the Tauride Palace who were -sent to my office to work. On my first visit to the palace I had been -shown the quarters of the _kursanti_, the students of the Bolshevik -academy. They were mostly village boys and girls housed, fed, clothed, -and educated by the Government, later to be placed in responsible -positions in the Soviet régime. At the time I was impressed by the -institutions, but by April I had looked somewhat beneath the surface. -I recalled what a young woman, a Communist, had told me in Moscow -about these students. "They are the special caste now being reared in -Russia," she had said. "Like the church which maintains and educates -its religious priesthood, our Government trains a military and civic -priesthood. They are a favoured lot." I had more than one occasion to -convince myself of the truth of it. The _kursanti_ were being given -every advantage and many special privileges. They knew their importance -and they behaved accordingly. - -Their first demand when they came to me was for the extra rations of -bread they had been promised. This demand satisfied, they stood about -and seemed to have no idea of work. It was evident that whatever else -the _kursanti_ might be taught, it was not to labour. But, then, few -people in Russia know how to work. The situation looked hopeless. Only -ten days remained till the arrival of the deportees, and the "hotels" -assigned for their use were still in as uninhabitable a condition as -before. It was no use to threaten with the Tcheka, as my co-workers -did. I appealed to the boys and girls in the spirit of the American -deportees who were about to arrive in Russia full of enthusiasm for -the Revolution and eager to join in the great work of reconstruction. -The _kursanti_ were the pampered charges of the Government, but they -were not long from the villages, and they had had no time to become -corrupt. My appeal was effective. They took up the work with a will, -and at the end of ten days the three famous hotels were ready as far as -willingness to work and hot water without soap could make them. We were -very proud of our achievement and we eagerly awaited the arrival of the -deportees. - -At last they came, but to our great surprise they proved to be no -deportees at all. They were Russian war prisoners from Germany. -The misunderstanding was due to the blunder of some official in -Tchicherin's office who misread the radio information about the party -due at the border. The prepared hotels were locked and sealed; they -were not to be used for the returned war prisoners because "they were -prepared for American deportees who still might come." All the efforts -and labour had been in vain. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -REST HOMES FOR WORKERS - - -Since my return from Moscow I noticed a change in Zorin's attitude: -he was reserved, distant, and not as friendly as when we first met. -I ascribed it to the fact that he was overworked and fatigued, and -not wishing to waste his valuable time I ceased visiting the Zorins -as frequently as before. One day, however, he called up to ask if -Alexander Berkman and myself would join him in certain work he was -planning, and which was to be done in hurry-up American style, as he -put it. On calling to see him we found him rather excited--an unusual -thing for Zorin who was generally quiet and reserved. He was full of -a new scheme to build "rest homes" for workers. He explained that on -Kameniy Ostrov were the magnificent mansions of the Stolypins, the -Polovtsovs, and others of the aristocracy and bourgeoisie, and that he -was planning to turn them into recreation centres for workers. Would -we join in the work? Of course, we consented eagerly, and the next -morning we went over to inspect the island. It was indeed an ideal -spot, dotted with magnificent mansions, some of them veritable museums, -containing rare gems of painting, tapestry, and furniture. The man in -charge of the buildings called our attention to the art treasures, -protesting that they would be injured or entirely destroyed if put to -the planned use. But Zorin was set on his scheme. "Recreation homes for -workers are more important than art," he said. - -We returned to the Astoria determined to devote ourselves to the work -and to go at it intensively, as the houses were to be ready for the -First of May. We prepared detailed plans for dining rooms, sleeping -chambers, reading rooms, theatre and lecture halls, and recreation -places for the workers. As the first and most necessary step we -proposed the organization of a dining room to feed the workers who were -to be employed in preparing the place for their comrades. I had learned -from my previous experience with the hotels that much valuable time -was lost because of the failure to provide for those actually employed -on such work. Zorin consented and promised that we were to take charge -within a few days. But a week passed and nothing further was heard -about what was to be a rush job. Some time later Zorin called up to -ask us to accompany him to the island. On our arrival there we found -half-a-dozen Commissars already in charge, with scores of people idling -about. Zorin reassured us that matters would arrange themselves and -that we should have an opportunity to organize the work as planned. -However, we soon realized that the newly fledged officialdom was as -hard to cope with as the old bureaucracy. - -Every Commissar had his favourites whom he managed to list as employed -on the job, thereby entitling them to bread rations and a meal. -Thus almost before any actual workers appeared on the scene, eighty -alleged "technicians" were already in possession of dinner tickets and -bread cards. The men actually mobilized for the work received hardly -anything. The result was general sabotage. Most of the men sent over -to prepare the rest homes for the workers came from concentration -camps: they were convicts and military deserters. I had often watched -them at work, and in justice to them it must be said that they did not -overexert themselves. "Why should we," they would say; "we are fed on -Sovietski soup; dirty dishwater it is, and we receive only what is -left over from the idlers who order us about. And who will rest in -these homes? Not we or our brothers in the factories. Only those who -belong to the party or who have a pull will enjoy this place. Besides, -the spring is near; we are needed at home on the farm. Why are we kept -here?" Indeed, they did not exert themselves, those stalwart sons of -Russia's soil. There was no incentive: they had no point of contact -with the life about them, and there was no one who could translate to -them the meaning of work in revolutionary Russia. They were dazed by -war, revolution, and hunger--nothing could rouse them out of their -stupor. - -Many of the buildings on Kameniy Ostrov had been taken up for boarding -schools and homes for defectives; some were occupied by old professors, -teachers, and other intellectuals. Since the Revolution these people -lived there unmolested, but now orders came to vacate, to make room -for the rest homes. As almost no provision had been made to supply -the dispossessed ones with other quarters, they were practically -forced into the streets. Those friendly with Zinoviev, Gorki, or other -influential Communists took their troubles to them, but persons lacking -"pull" found no redress. The scenes of misery which I was compelled to -witness daily exhausted my energies. It was all unnecessarily cruel, -impractical, without any bearing on the Revolution. Added to this was -the chaos and confusion which prevailed. The bureaucratic officials -seemed to take particular delight in countermanding each other's -orders. Houses already in the process of renovation, and on which much -work and material were spent, would suddenly be left unfinished and -some other work begun. Mansions filled with art treasures were turned -into night lodgings, and dirty iron cots put among antique furniture -and oil paintings--an incongruous, stupid waste of time and energy. -Zorin would frequently hold consultations by the hour with the staff -of artists and engineers making plans for theatres, lecture halls, and -amusement places, while the Commissars sabotaged the work. I stood the -painful and ridiculous situation for two weeks, then gave up the matter -in despair. - -Early in May the workers' rest homes on Kameniy Ostrov were opened with -much pomp, music, and speeches. Glowing accounts were sent broadcast -of the marvellous things done for the workers in Russia. In reality, -it was Coney Island transferred to the environs of Petrograd, a gaudy -showplace for credulous visitors. From that time on Zorin's demeanour -to me changed. He became cold, even antagonistic. No doubt he began to -sense the struggle which was going on within me, and the break which -was bound to come. I did, however, see much of Lisa Zorin, who had just -become a mother. I nursed her and her baby, glad of the opportunity -thus to express my gratitude for the warm friendship the Zorins had -shown me during my first months in Russia. I appreciated their sterling -honesty and devotion. Both were so favourably placed politically that -they could be supplied with everything they wanted, yet Lisa Zorin -lacked the simplest garments for her baby. "Thousands of Russian -working women have no more, and why should I?" Lisa would say. When -she was so weak that she could not nurse her baby, Zorin could not be -induced to ask for special rations. I had to conspire against them by -buying eggs and butter on the market to save the lives of mother and -child. But their fine quality of character made my inner struggle the -more difficult. Reason urged me to look the social facts in the face. -My personal attachment to the Communists I had learned to know and -esteem refused to accept the facts. Never mind the evils--I would say -to myself--as long as there are such as the Zorins and the Balabanovas, -there must be something vital in the ideas they represent. I held on -tenaciously to the phantom I had myself created. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE FIRST OF MAY IN PETROGRAD - - -In 1890 the First of May was for the first time celebrated in America -as Labour's international holiday. May Day became to me a great, -inspiring event. To witness the celebration of the First of May in a -free country--it was something to dream of, to long for, but perhaps -never to be realized. And now, in 1920, the dream of many years was -about to become real in revolutionary Russia. I could hardly await the -morning of May First. It was a glorious day, with the warm sun melting -away the last crust of the hard winter. Early in the morning strains of -music greeted me: groups of workers and soldiers were marching through -the streets, singing revolutionary songs. The city was gaily decorated: -the Uritski Square, facing the Winter Palace, was a mass of red, the -streets near by a veritable riot of colour. Great crowds were about, -all wending their way to the Field of Mars where the heroes of the -Revolution were buried. - -Though I had an admission card to the reviewing stand I preferred to -remain among the people, to feel myself a part of the great hosts that -had brought about the world event. This was their day--the day of their -making. Yet--they seemed peculiarly quiet, oppressively silent. There -was no joy in their singing, no mirth in their laughter. Mechanically -they marched, automatically they responded to the claqueurs on the -reviewing stand shouting "Hurrah" as the columns passed. - -In the evening a pageant was to take place. Long before the appointed -hour the Uritski Square down to the palace and to the banks of the Neva -was crowded with people gathered to witness the open-air performance -symbolizing the triumph of the people. The play consisted of three -parts, the first portraying the conditions which led up to the war and -the rôle of the German Socialists in it; the second reproduced the -February Revolution, with Kerensky in power; the last--the October -Revolution. It was a play beautifully set and powerfully acted, a play -vivid, real, fascinating. It was given on the steps of the former -Stock Exchange, facing the Square. On the highest step sat kings and -queens with their courtiers, attended by soldiery in gay uniforms. -The scene represents a gala court affair: the announcement is made -that a monument is to be built in honour of world capitalism. There is -much rejoicing, and a wild orgy of music and dance ensues. Then from -the depths there emerge the enslaved and toiling masses, their chains -ringing mournfully to the music above. They are responding to the -command to build the monument for their masters: some are seen carrying -hammers and anvils; others stagger under the weight of huge blocks -of stone and loads of brick. The workers are toiling in their world -of misery and darkness, lashed to greater effort by the whip of the -slave drivers, while above there is light and joy, and the masters are -feasting. The completion of the monument is signalled by large yellow -disks hoisted on high amidst the rejoicing of the world on top. - -At this moment a little red flag is seen waving below, and a small -figure is haranguing the people. Angry fists are raised and then flag -and figure disappear, only to reappear again in different parts of the -underworld. Again the red flag waves, now here, now there. The people -slowly gain confidence and presently become threatening. Indignation -and anger grow--the kings and queens become alarmed. They fly to the -safety of the citadels, and the army prepares to defend the stronghold -of capitalism. - -It is August, 1914. The rulers are again feasting, and the workers are -slaving. The members of the Second International attend the confab -of the mighty. They remain deaf to the plea of the workers to save -them from the horrors of war. Then the strains of "God Save the King" -announce the arrival of the English army. It is followed by Russian -soldiers with machine guns and artillery, and a procession of nurses -and cripples, the tribute to the Moloch of war. - -The next act pictures the February Revolution. Red flags appear -everywhere, armed motor cars dash about. The people storm the Winter -Palace and haul down the emblem of Tsardom. The Kerensky Government -assumes control, and the people are driven back to war. Then comes the -marvellous scene of the October Revolution, with soldiers and sailors -galloping along the open space before the white marble building. -They dash up the steps into the palace, there is a brief struggle, -and the victors are hailed by the masses in wild jubilation. The -"Internationale" floats upon the air; it mounts higher and higher into -exultant peals of joy. Russia is free--the workers, sailors, and -soldiers usher in the new era, the beginning of the world commune! - -Tremendously stirring was the picture. But the vast mass remained -silent. Only a faint applause was heard from the great throng. I was -dumbfounded. How explain this astonishing lack of response? When I -spoke to Lisa Zorin about it she said that the people had actually -lived through the October Revolution, and that the performance -necessarily fell flat by comparison with the reality of 1917. But my -little Communist neighbour gave a different version. "The people had -suffered so many disappointments since October, 1917," she said, "that -the Revolution has lost all meaning to them. The play had the effect of -making their disappointment more poignant." - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -INDUSTRIAL MILITARIZATION - - -The Ninth Congress of the All-Russian Communist Party, held in March, -1920, was characterized by a number of measures which meant a complete -turn to the right. Foremost among them was the militarization of labour -and the establishment of one-man management of industry, as against -the collegiate shop system. Obligatory labour had long been a law upon -the statutes of the Socialist Republic, but it was carried out, as -Trotsky said, "only in a small private way." Now the law was to be made -effective in earnest. Russia was to have a militarized industrial army -to fight economic disorganization, even as the Red Army had conquered -on the various fronts. Such an army could be whipped into line only by -rigid discipline, it was claimed. The factory collegiate system had to -make place for military industrial management. - -The measure was bitterly fought at the Congress by the Communist -minority, but party discipline prevailed. However, the excitement did -not abate: discussion of the subject continued long after the congress -adjourned. Many of the younger Communists agreed that the measure -indicated a step to the right, but they defended the decision of their -party. "The collegiate system has proven a failure," they said. "The -workers will not work voluntarily, and our industry must be revived if -we are to survive another year." - -Jack Reed also held this view. He had just returned after a futile -attempt to reach America through Latvia, and for days we argued about -the new policy. Jack insisted it was unavoidable so long as Russia was -being attacked and blockaded. "We have been compelled to mobilize an -army to fight our external enemies why not an army to fight our worst -internal enemy, hunger? We can do it only by putting our industry -on its feet." I pointed out the danger of the military method and -questioned whether the workers could be expected to become efficient or -to work intensively under compulsion. Still, Jack thought mobilization -of labour unavoidable. "It must be tried, anyhow," he said. - -Petrograd at the time was filled with rumours of strikes. The story -made the rounds that Zinoviev and his staff, while visiting the -factories to explain the new policies, were driven by the workers from -the premises. To learn about the situation at first hand I decided to -visit the factories. Already during my first months in Russia I had -asked Zorin for permission to see them. Lisa Zorin had requested me to -address some labour meetings, but I declined because I felt that it -would be presumptuous on my part to undertake to teach those who had -made the revolution. Besides, I was not quite at home with the Russian -language then. But when I asked Zorin to let me visit some factories, -he was evasive. After I had become acquainted with Ravitch I approached -her on the subject, and she willingly consented. - -The first works to be visited were the Putilov, the largest and most -important engine and car manufacturing establishment. Forty thousand -workers had been employed there before the war. Now I was informed that -only 7,000 were at work. I had heard much of the Putilovtsi: they had -played a heroic part in the revolutionary days and in the defence of -Petrograd against Yudenitch. - -At the Putilov office we were cordially received, shown about the -various departments, and then turned over to a guide. There were four -of us in the party, of whom only two could speak Russian. I lagged -behind to question a group working at a bench. At first I was met -with the usual suspicion, which I overcame by telling the men that -I was bringing the greetings of their brothers in America. "And the -revolution there?" I was immediately asked. It seemed to have become -a national obsession, this idea of a near revolution in Europe and -America. Everybody in Russia clung to that hope. It was hard to rob -those misinformed people of their naďve faith. "The American revolution -is not yet," I told them, "but the Russian Revolution has found an echo -among the proletariat in America." I inquired about their work, their -lives, and their attitude toward the new decrees. "As if we had not -been driven enough before," complained one of the men. "Now we are to -work under the military _nagaika_ [whip]. Of course, we will have to -be in the shop or they will punish us as industrial deserters. But how -can they get more work out of us? We are suffering hunger and cold. -We have no strength to give more." I suggested that the Government -was probably compelled to introduce such methods, and that if Russian -industry were not revived the condition of the workers would grow even -worse. Besides, the Putilov men were receiving the preferred _payok_. -"We understand the great misfortune that has befallen Russia," one of -the workers replied, "but we cannot squeeze more out of ourselves. -Even the two pounds of bread we are getting is not enough. Look at the -bread," he said, holding up a black crust; "can we live on that? And -our children? If not for our people in the country or some trading on -the market we would die altogether. Now comes the new measure which is -tearing us away from our people, sending us to the other end of Russia -while our brothers from there are going to be dragged here, away from -their soil. It's a crazy measure and it won't work." - -"But what can the Government do in the face of the food shortage?" -I asked. "Food shortage!" the man exclaimed; "look at the markets. -Did you see any shortage of food there? Speculation and the new -bourgeoisie, that's what's the matter. The one-man management is our -new slave driver. First the bourgeoisie sabotaged us, and now they are -again in control. But just let them try to boss us! They'll find out. -Just let them try!" - -The men were bitter and resentful. Presently the guide returned -to see what had become of me. He took great pains to explain that -industrial conditions in the mill had improved considerably since the -militarization of labour went into effect. The men were more content -and many more cars had been renovated and engines repaired than within -an equal period under the previous management. There were 7,000 -productively employed in the works, he assured me. I learned, however, -that the real figure was less than 5,000 and that of these only about -2,000 were actual workers. The others were Government officials and -clerks. - -After the Putilov works we visited the Treugolnik, the great rubber -factory of Russia. The place was clean and the machinery in good -order--a well-equipped modern plant. When we reached the main workroom -we were met by the superintendent, who had been in charge for -twenty-five years. He would show us around himself, he said. He seemed -to take great pride in the factory, as if it were his own. It rather -surprised me that they had managed to keep everything in such fine -shape. The guide explained that it was because nearly the whole of -the old staff had been left in charge. They felt that whatever might -happen they must not let the place go to ruin. It was certainly very -commendable, I thought, but soon I had occasion to change my mind. At -one of the tables, cutting rubber, was an old worker with kindly eyes -looking out of a sad, spiritual face. He reminded me of the pilgrim -Lucca in Gorki's "Night Lodgings." Our guide kept a sharp vigil, but -I managed to slip away while the superintendent was explaining some -machinery to the other members of our group. - -"Well, _batyushka_, how is it with you?" I greeted the old worker. -"Bad, _matushka_," he replied; "times are very hard for us old people." -I told him how impressed I was to find everything in such good -condition in the shop. "That is so," commented the old worker, "but it -is because the superintendent and his staff are hoping from day to day -that there may be a change again, and that the Treugolnik will go back -to its former owners. I know them. I have worked here long before the -German master of this plant put in the new machinery." - -Passing through the various rooms of the factory I saw the women and -girls look up in evident dread. It seemed strange in a country where -the proletarians were the masters. Apparently the machines were not the -only things that had been carefully watched over--the old discipline, -too, had been preserved: the employees thought us Bolshevik inspectors. - -The great flour mill of Petrograd, visited next, looked as if it were -in a state of siege, with armed soldiers everywhere, even inside the -workrooms. The explanation given was that large quantities of precious -flour had been vanishing. The soldiers watched the millmen as if they -were galley slaves, and the workers naturally resented such humiliating -treatment. They hardly dared to speak. One young chap, a fine-looking -fellow, complained to me of the conditions. "We are here virtual -prisoners," he said; "we cannot make a step without permission. We are -kept hard at work eight hours with only ten minutes for our _kipyatok_ -[boiled water] and we are searched on leaving the mill." "Is not the -theft of flour the cause of the strict surveillance?" I asked. "Not at -all," replied the boy; "the Commissars of the mill and the soldiers -know quite well where the flour goes to." I suggested that the workers -might protest against such a state of affairs. "Protest, to whom?" the -boy exclaimed; "we'd be called speculators and counter-revolutionists -and we'd be arrested." "Has the Revolution given you nothing?" I asked. -"Ah, the Revolution! But that is no more. Finished," he said bitterly. - -The following morning we visited the Laferm tobacco factory. The place -was in full operation. We were conducted through the plant and the -whole process was explained to us, beginning with the sorting of the -raw material and ending with the finished cigarettes packed for sale or -shipment. The air in the workrooms was stifling, nauseating. "The women -are used to this atmosphere," said the guide; "they don't mind." There -were some pregnant women at work and girls no older than fourteen. They -looked haggard, their chests sunken, black rings under their eyes. Some -of them coughed and the hectic flush of consumption showed on their -faces. "Is there a recreation room, a place where they can eat or drink -their tea and inhale a bit of fresh air?" There was no such thing, I -was informed. The women remained at work eight consecutive hours; they -had their tea and black bread at their benches. The system was that of -piece work, the employees receiving twenty-five cigarettes daily above -their pay with permission to sell or exchange them. - -I spoke to some of the women. They did not complain except about being -compelled to live far away from the factory. In most cases it required -more than two hours to go to and from work. They had asked to be -quartered near the Laferm and they received a promise to that effect, -but nothing more was heard of it. - -Life certainly has a way of playing peculiar pranks. In America I -should have scorned the idea of social welfare work: I should have -considered it a cheap palliative. But in Socialist Russia the sight -of pregnant women working in suffocating tobacco air and saturating -themselves and their unborn with the poison impressed me as a -fundamental evil. I spoke to Lisa Zorin to see whether something -could not be done to ameliorate the evil. Lisa claimed that "piece -work" was the only way to induce the girls to work. As to rest -rooms, the women themselves had already made a fight for them, but -so far nothing could be done because no space could be spared in the -factory. "But if even such small improvements had not resulted from -the Revolution," I argued, "what purpose has it served?" "The workers -have achieved control," Lisa replied; "they are now in power, and -they have more important things to attend to than rest rooms--they -have the Revolution to defend." Lisa Zorin had remained very much the -proletarian, but she reasoned like a nun dedicated to the service of -the Church. - -The thought oppressed me that what she called the "defence of the -Revolution" was really only the defence of her party in power. At any -rate, nothing came of my attempt at social welfare work. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE BRITISH LABOUR MISSION - - -I was glad to learn that Angelica Balabanova arrived in Petrograd to -prepare quarters for the British Labour Mission. During my stay in -Moscow I had come to know and appreciate the fine spirit of Angelica. -She was very devoted to me and when I fell ill she gave much time to -my care, procured medicine which could be obtained only in the Kremlin -drug store, and got special sick rations for me. Her friendship was -generous and touching, and she endeared herself very much to me. - -The Narishkin Palace was to be prepared for the Mission, and Angelica -invited me to accompany her there. I noticed that she looked more worn -and distressed than when I had seen her in Moscow. Our conversation -made it clear to me that she suffered keenly from the reality which was -so unlike her ideal. But she insisted that what seemed failure to me -was conditioned in life itself, itself the greatest failure. - -Narishkin Palace is situated on the southern bank of the Neva, almost -opposite the Peter-and-Paul Fortress. The place was prepared for -the expected guests and a number of servants and cooks installed to -minister to their needs. Soon the Mission arrived--most of them typical -workingmen delegates--and with them a staff of newspaper men and Mrs. -Snowden. The most outstanding figure among them was Bertrand Russell, -who quickly demonstrated his independence and determination to be free -to investigate and learn at first hand. - -In honour of the Mission the Bolsheviki organized a great demonstration -on the Uritski Square. Thousands of people, among them women and -children, came to show their gratitude to the English labour -representatives for venturing into revolutionary Russia. The ceremony -consisted of the singing of the "Internationale," followed by music and -speeches, the latter translated by Balabanova in masterly fashion. Then -came the military exercises. I heard Mrs. Snowden say disapprovingly, -"What a display of military!" I could not resist the temptation of -remarking: "Madame, remember that the big Russian army is largely the -making of your own country. Had England not helped to finance the -invasions into Russia, the latter could put its soldiers to useful -labour." - -The British Mission was entertained royally with theatres, operas, -ballets, and excursions. Luxury was heaped upon them while the people -slaved and went hungry. The Soviet Government left nothing undone to -create a good impression and everything of a disturbing nature was kept -from the visitors. Angelica hated the display and sham, and suffered -keenly under the rigid watch placed upon every movement of the Mission. -"Why should they not see the true state of Russia? Why should they not -learn how the Russian people live?" she would lament. "Yet I am so -impractical," she would correct herself; "perhaps it is all necessary." -At the end of two weeks a farewell banquet was given to the visitors. -Angelica insisted that I must attend. Again there were speeches and -toasts, as is the custom at such functions. The speeches which seemed -to ring most sincere were those of Balabanova and Madame Ravitch. The -latter asked me to interpret her address, which I did. She spoke in -behalf of the Russian women proletarians and praised their fortitude -and devotion to the Revolution. "May the English proletarians learn the -quality of their heroic Russian sisters," concluded Madame Ravitch. -Mrs. Snowden, the erstwhile suffragette, had not a word in reply. She -preserved a "dignified" aloofness. However, the lady became enlivened -when the speeches were over and she got busy collecting autographs. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -A VISIT FROM THE UKRAINA - - -Early in May two young men from the Ukraina arrived in Petrograd. Both -had lived in America for a number of years and had been active in the -Yiddish Labour and Anarchist movements. One of them had also been -editor of an English weekly Anarchist paper, _The Alarm_, published -in Chicago. In 1917, at the outbreak of the Revolution, they left for -Russia together with other emigrants. Arriving in their native country, -they joined the Anarchist activities there which had gained tremendous -impetus through the Revolution. Their main field was the Ukraina. -In 1918 they aided in the organization of the Anarchist Federation -_Nabat_ [Alarm], and began the publication of a paper by that name. -Theoretically, they were at variance with the Bolsheviki; practically -the Federation Anarchists, even as the Anarchists throughout Russia, -worked with the Bolsheviki and also fought on every front against the -counter-revolutionary forces. - -When the two Ukrainian comrades learned of our arrival in Russia they -repeatedly tried to reach us, but owing to the political conditions and -the practical impossibility of travelling, they could not come north. -Subsequently they had been arrested and imprisoned by the Bolsheviki. -Immediately upon their release they started for Petrograd, travelling -illegally. They knew the dangers confronting them--arrest and possible -shooting for the possession and use of false documents--but they -were willing to risk anything because they were determined that we -should learn the facts about the _povstantsi_ [revolutionary peasants] -movements led by that extraordinary figure, Nestor Makhno. They wanted -to acquaint us with the history of the Anarchist activities in Russia -and relate how the iron hand of the Bolsheviki had crushed them. - -During two weeks, in the stillness of the Petrograd nights, the two -Ukrainian Anarchists unrolled before us the panorama of the struggle -in the Ukraina. Dispassionately, quietly, and with almost uncanny -detachment the young men told their story. - -Thirteen different governments had "ruled" Ukraina. Each of them had -robbed and murdered the peasantry, made ghastly pogroms, and left -death and ruin in its way. The Ukrainian peasants, a more independent -and spirited race than their northern brothers, had come to hate all -governments and every measure which threatened their land and freedom. -They banded together and fought back their oppressors all through the -long years of the revolutionary period. The peasants had no theories; -they could not be classed in any political party. Theirs was an -instinctive hatred of tyranny, and practically the whole of Ukraina -soon became a rebel camp. Into this seething cauldron there came, in -1917, Nestor Makhno. - -Makhno was a Ukrainian born. A natural rebel, he became interested in -Anarchism at an early age. At seventeen he attempted the life of a -Tsarist spy and was sentenced to death, but owing to his extreme youth -the sentence was commuted to _katorga_ for life [severe imprisonment, -one third of the term in chains]. The February Revolution opened the -prison doors for all political prisoners, Makhno among them. He had -then spent ten years in the Butirky prison, in Moscow. He had but a -limited schooling when first arrested, but in prison he had used his -leisure to good advantage. By the time of his release he had acquired -considerable knowledge of history, political economy, and literature. -Shortly after his liberation Makhno returned to his native village, -Gulyai-Poleh, where he organized a trade union and the local soviet. -Then he threw himself in the revolutionary movement and during all of -1917 he was the spiritual teacher and leader of the rebel peasants, who -had risen against the landed proprietors. - -In 1918, when the Brest Peace opened Ukraina to German and Austrian -occupation, Makhno organized the rebel peasant bands in defence against -the foreign armies. He fought against Skoropadski, the Ukrainian -Hetman, who was supported by German bayonets. He waged successful -guerilla warfare against Petlura, Kaledin, Grigoriev, and Denikin. A -conscious Anarchist, he laboured to give the instinctive rebellion of -the peasantry definite aim and purpose. It was the Makhno idea that the -social revolution was to be defended against all enemies, against every -counter-revolutionary or reactionary attempt from right and left. At -the same time educational and cultural work was carried on among the -peasants to develop them along anarchist-communist lines with the aim -of establishing free peasant communes. - -In February, 1919, Makhno entered into an agreement with the Red -Army. He was to continue to hold the southern front against Denikin -and to receive from the Bolsheviki the necessary arms and ammunition. -Makhno was to remain in charge of the _povstantsi_, now grown into -an army, the latter to have autonomy in its local organizations, the -revolutionary soviets of the district, which covered several provinces. -It was agreed that the _povstantsi_ should have the right to hold -conferences, freely discuss their affairs, and take action upon them. -Three such conferences were held in February, March, and April. But -the Bolsheviki failed to live up to the agreement. The supplies which -had been promised Makhno, and which he needed desperately, would -arrive after long delays or failed to come altogether. It was charged -that this situation was due to the orders of Trotsky who did not look -favourably upon the independent rebel army. However it be, Makhno was -hampered at every step, while Denikin was gaining ground constantly. -Presently the Bolsheviki began to object to the free peasant Soviets, -and in May, 1919, the Commander-in-Chief of the southern armies, -Kamenev, accompanied by members of the Kharkov Government, arrived at -the Makhno headquarters to settle the disputed matters. In the end -the Bolshevik military representatives demanded that the _povstantsi_ -dissolve. The latter refused, charging the Bolsheviki with a breach of -their revolutionary agreement. - -Meanwhile, the Denikin advance was becoming more threatening, and -Makhno still received no support from the Bolsheviki. The peasant army -then decided to call a special session of the Soviet for June 15th. -Definite plans and methods were to be decided upon to check the growing -menace of Denikin. But on June 4th Trotsky issued an order prohibiting -the holding of the Conference and declaring Makhno an outlaw. In a -public meeting in Kharkov Trotsky announced that it were better to -permit the Whites to remain in the Ukraina than to suffer Makhno. -The presence of the Whites, he said, would influence the Ukrainian -peasantry in favour of the Soviet Government, whereas Makhno and his -_povstantsi_ would never make peace with the Bolsheviki; they would -attempt to possess themselves of some territory and to practice their -ideas, which would be a constant menace to the Communist Government. -It was practically a declaration of war against Makhno and his army. -Soon the latter found itself attacked on two sides at once--by the -Bolsheviki and Denikin. The _povstantsi_ were poorly equipped and -lacked the most necessary supplies for warfare, yet the peasant army -for a considerable time succeeded in holding its own by the sheer -military genius of its leader and the reckless courage of his devoted -rebels. - -At the same time the Bolsheviki began a campaign of denunciation -against Makhno and his _povstantsi_. The Communist press accused him of -having treacherously opened the southern front to Denikin, and branded -Makhno's army a bandit gang and its leader a counter-revolutionist -who must be destroyed at all cost. But this "counter-revolutionist" -fully realized the Denikin menace to the Revolution. He gathered new -forces and support among the peasants and in the months of September -and October, 1919, his campaign against Denikin gave the latter its -death blow on the Ukraina. Makhno captured Denikin's artillery base -at Mariopol, annihilated the rear of the enemy's army, and succeeded -in separating the main body from its base of supply. This brilliant -manoeuvre of Makhno and the heroic fighting of the rebel army again -brought about friendly contact with the Bolsheviki. The ban was lifted -from the _povstantsi_ and the Communist press now began to eulogize -Makhno as a great military genius and brave defender of the Revolution -in the Ukraina. But the differences between Makhno and the Bolsheviki -were deep-rooted: he strove to establish free peasant communes in the -Ukraina, while the Communists were bent on imposing the Moscow rule. -Ultimately a clash was inevitable, and it came early in January, 1920. - -At that period a new enemy was threatening the Revolution. Grigoriev, -formerly of the Tsarist army, later friend of the Bolsheviki, now -turned against them. Having gained considerable support in the south -because of his slogans of freedom and free Soviets, Grigoriev proposed -to Makhno that they join forces against the Communist régime. Makhno -called a meeting of the two armies and there publicly accused Grigoriev -of counter-revolution and produced evidence of numerous pogroms -organized by him against the Jews. Declaring Grigoriev an enemy of the -people and of the Revolution, Makhno and his staff condemned him and -his aides to death, executing them on the spot. Part of Grigoriev's -army joined Makhno. - -Meanwhile, Denikin kept pressing Makhno, finally forcing him to -withdraw from his position. Not of course without bitter fighting all -along the line of nine hundred versts, the retreat lasting four months, -Makhno marching toward Galicia. Denikin advanced upon Kharkov, then -farther north, capturing Orel and Kursk, and finally reached the gates -of Tula, in the immediate neighbourhood of Moscow. - -The Red Army seemed powerless to check the advance of Denikin, but -meanwhile Makhno had gathered new forces and attacked Denikin in -the rear. The unexpectedness of this new turn and the extraordinary -military exploits of Makhno's men in this campaign disorganized the -plans of Denikin, demoralized his army, and gave the Red Army the -opportunity of taking the offensive against the counter-revolutionary -enemy in the neighbourhood of Tula. - -When the Red Army reached Alexandrovsk, after having finally beaten -the Denikin forces, Trotsky again demanded of Makhno that he disarm -his men and place himself under the discipline of the Red Army. The -_povstantsi_ refused, whereupon an organized military campaign against -the rebels was inaugurated, the Bolsheviki taking many prisoners and -killing scores of others. Makhno, who managed to escape the Bolshevik -net, was again declared an outlaw and bandit. Since then Makhno had -been uninterruptedly waging guerilla warfare against the Bolshevik -régime. - -The story of the Ukrainian friends, which I have related here in -very condensed form, sounded as romantic as the exploits of Stenka -Rasin, the famous Cossack rebel immortalized by Gogol. Romantic and -picturesque, but what bearing did the activities of Makhno and his -men have upon Anarchism, I questioned the two comrades. Makhno, my -informants explained, was himself an Anarchist seeking to free Ukraina -from all oppression and striving to develop and organize the peasants' -latent anarchistic tendencies. To this end Makhno had repeatedly called -upon the Anarchists of the Ukraina and of Russia to aid him. He offered -them the widest opportunity for propagandistic and educational work, -supplied them with printing outfits and meeting places, and gave them -the fullest liberty of action. Whenever Makhno captured a city, freedom -of speech and press for Anarchists and Left Social Revolutionists was -established. Makhno often said: "I am a military man and I have no time -for educational work. But you who are writers and speakers, you can do -that work. Join me and together we shall be able to prepare the field -for a real Anarchist experiment." But the chief value of the Makhno -movement lay in the peasants themselves, my comrades thought. It was -a spontaneous, elemental movement, the peasants' opposition to all -governments being the result not of theories but of bitter experience -and of instinctive love of liberty. They were fertile ground for -Anarchist ideas. For this reason a number of Anarchists joined Makhno. -They were with him in most of his military campaigns and energetically -carried on Anarchist propaganda during that time. - -I have been told by Zorin and other Communists that Makhno was a -Jew-baiter and that his _povstantsi_ were responsible for numerous -brutal pogroms. My visitors emphatically denied the charges. Makhno -bitterly fought pogroms, they stated; he had often issued proclamations -against such outrages, and he had even with his own hand punished -some of those guilty of assault on Jews. Hatred of the Hebrew was of -course common in the Ukraina; it was not eradicated even among the Red -soldiers. They, too, have assaulted, robbed, and outraged Jews; yet -no one holds the Bolsheviki responsible for such isolated instances. -The Ukraina is infested with armed bands who are often mistaken for -Makhnovtsi and who have made pogroms. The Bolsheviki, aware of this, -have exploited the confusion to discredit Makhno and his followers. -However, the Anarchist of the Ukraina--I was informed--did not idealize -the Makhno movement. They knew that the _povstantsi_ were not conscious -Anarchists. Their paper _Nabat_ had repeatedly emphasized this fact. -On the other hand, the Anarchists could not overlook the importance of -popular movement which was instinctively rebellious, anarchistically -inclined, and successful in driving back the enemies of the Revolution, -which the better organized and equipped Bolshevik army could not -accomplish. For this reason many Anarchists considered it their duty -to work with Makhno. But the bulk remained away; they had their larger -cultural, educational, and organizing work to do. - -The invading counter-revolutionary forces, though differing in -character and purpose, all agreed in their relentless persecution of -the Anarchists. The latter were made to suffer, whatever the new -régime. The Bolsheviki were no better in this regard than Denikin or -any other White element. Anarchists filled Bolshevik prisons; many -had been shot and all legal Anarchist activities were suppressed. The -Tcheka especially was doing ghastly work, having resurrected the old -Tsarist methods, including even torture. - -My young visitors spoke from experience: they had repeatedly been in -Bolshevik prisons themselves. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -BENEATH THE SURFACE - - -The terrible story I had been listening to for two weeks broke over -me like a storm. Was this the Revolution I had believed in all my -life, yearned for, and strove to interest others in, or was it a -caricature--a hideous monster that had come to jeer and mock me? -The Communists I had met daily during six months--self-sacrificing, -hard-working men and women imbued with a high ideal--were such people -capable of the treachery and horrors charged against them? Zinoviev, -Radek, Zorin, Ravitch, and many others I had learned to know--could -they in the name of an ideal lie, defame, torture, kill? But, then--had -not Zorin told me that capital punishment had been abolished in Russia? -Yet I learned shortly after my arrival that hundreds of people had been -shot on the very eve of the day when the new decree went into effect, -and that as a matter of fact shooting by the Tcheka had never ceased. - -That my friends were not exaggerating when they spoke of tortures by -the Tcheka, I also learned from other sources. Complaints about the -fearful conditions in Petrograd prisons had become so numerous that -Moscow was apprised of the situation. A Tcheka inspector came to -investigate. The prisoners being afraid to speak, immunity was promised -them. But no sooner had the inspector left than one of the inmates, a -young boy, who had been very outspoken about the brutalities practised -by the Tcheka, was dragged out of his cell and cruelly beaten. - -Why did Zorin resort to lies? Surely he must have known that I would -not remain in the dark very long. And then, was not Lenin also guilty -of the same methods? "Anarchists of ideas [_ideyni_] are not in -our prisons," he had assured me. Yet at that very moment numerous -Anarchists filled the jails of Moscow and Petrograd and of many other -cities in Russia. In May, 1920, scores of them had been arrested in -Petrograd, among them two girls of seventeen and nineteen years of -age. None of the prisoners were charged with counter-revolutionary -activities: they were "Anarchists of ideas," to use Lenin's expression. -Several of them had issued a manifesto for the First of May, calling -attention to the appalling conditions in the factories of the -Socialist Republic. The two young girls who had circulated a handbill -against the "labour book," which had then just gone into effect, were -also arrested. - -The labour book was heralded by the Bolsheviki as one of the great -Communist achievements. It would establish equality and abolish -parasitism, it was claimed. As a matter of fact, the labour book was -somewhat of the character of the yellow ticket issued to prostitutes -under the Tsarist régime. It was a record of every step one made, and -without it no step could be made. It bound its holder to his job, to -the city he lived in, and to the room he occupied. It recorded one's -political faith and party adherence, and the number of times he was -arrested. In short, a yellow ticket. Even some Communists resented the -degrading innovation. The Anarchists who protested against it were -arrested by the Tcheka. When certain leading Communists were approached -in the matter they repeated what Lenin had said: "No Anarchists of -ideas are in our prisons." - -The aureole was falling from the Communists. All of them seemed to -believe that the end justified the means. I recalled the statements -of Radek at the first anniversary of the Third International, when -he related to his audience the "marvellous spread of Communism" in -America. "Fifty thousand Communists are in American prisons," he -exclaimed. "Molly Stimer, a girl of eighteen, and her male companions, -all Communists, had been deported from America for their Communist -activities." I thought at the time that Radek was misinformed. Yet it -seemed strange that he did not make sure of his facts before making -such assertions. They were dishonest and an insult to Molly Stimer and -her Anarchist comrades, added to the injustice they had suffered at the -hands of the American plutocracy. - -During the past several months I had seen and heard enough to become -somewhat conversant with the Communist psychology, as well as with -the theories and methods of the Bolsheviki. I was no longer surprised -at the story of their double-dealing with Makhno, the brutalities -practised by the Tcheka, the lies of Zorin. I had come to realize -that the Communists believed implicitly in the Jesuitic formula that -the end justifies _all_ means. In fact, they gloried in that formula. -Any suggestion of the value of human life, quality of character, the -importance of revolutionary integrity as the basis of a new social -order, was repudiated as "bourgeois sentimentality," which had no place -in the revolutionary scheme of things. For the Bolsheviki the end to -be achieved was the Communist State, or the so-called Dictatorship of -the Proletariat. Everything which advanced that end was justifiable -and revolutionary. The Lenins, Radeks, and Zorins were therefore quite -consistent. Obsessed by the infallibility of their creed, giving of -themselves to the fullest, they could be both heroic and despicable at -the same time. They could work twenty hours a day, live on herring and -tea, and order the slaughter of innocent men and women. Occasionally -they sought to mask their killings by pretending a "misunderstanding," -for doesn't the end justify all means? They could employ torture and -deny the inquisition, they could lie and defame, and call themselves -idealists. In short, they could make themselves and others believe that -everything was legitimate and right from the revolutionary viewpoint; -any other policy was weak, sentimental, or a betrayal of the Revolution. - -On a certain occasion, when I passed criticism on the brutal way -delicate women were driven into the streets to shovel snow, insisting -that even if they had belonged to the bourgeoisie they were human, -and that physical fitness should be taken into consideration, a -Communist said to me: "You should be ashamed of yourself; you, an old -revolutionist, and yet so sentimental." It was the same attitude that -some Communists assumed toward Angelica Balabanova, because she was -always solicitous and eager to help wherever possible. In short, I had -come to see that the Bolsheviki were social puritans who sincerely -believed that they alone were ordained to save mankind. My relations -with the Bolsheviki became more strained, my attitude toward the -Revolution as I found it more critical. - -One thing grew quite clear to me: I could not affiliate myself with -the Soviet Government; I could not accept any work which would place -me under the control of the Communist machine. The Commissariat of -Education was so thoroughly dominated by that machine that it was -hopeless to expect anything but routine work. In fact, unless one was -a Communist one could accomplish almost nothing. I had been eager -to join Lunacharsky, whom I considered one of the most cultivated -and least dogmatic of the Communists in high position. But I became -convinced that Lunacharsky himself was a helpless cog in the machine, -his best efforts constantly curtailed and checked. I had also learned -a great deal about the system of favouritism and graft that prevailed -in the management of the schools and the treatment of children. Some -schools were in splendid condition, the children well fed and well -clad, enjoying concerts, theatricals, dances, and other amusements. -But the majority of the schools and children's homes were squalid, -dirty, and neglected. Those in charge of the "preferred" schools had -little difficulty in procuring everything needed for their charges, -often having an over-supply. But the caretakers of the "common" schools -would waste their time and energies by the week going about from one -department to another, discouraged and faint with endless waiting -before they could obtain the merest necessities. - -At first I ascribed this condition of affairs to the scarcity of food -and materials. I heard it said often enough that the blockade and -intervention were responsible. To a large extent that was true. Had -Russia not been so starved, mismanagement and graft would not have -had such fatal results. But added to the prevalent scarcity of things -was the dominant notion of Communist propaganda. Even the children -had to serve that end. The well-kept schools were for show, for the -foreign missions and delegates who were visiting Russia. Everything was -lavished on these show schools at the cost of the others. - -I remembered how everybody was startled in Petrograd by an article in -the Petrograd _Pravda_ of May, disclosing appalling conditions in the -schools. A committee of the Young Communist organizations investigated -some of the institutions. They found the children dirty, full of -vermin, sleeping on filthy mattresses, fed on miserable food, punished -by being locked in dark rooms for the night, forced to go without their -suppers, and even beaten. The number of officials and employees in the -schools was nothing less than criminal. In one school, for instance, -there were 138 of them to 125 children. In another, 40 to 25 children. -All these parasites were taking the bread from the very mouths of the -unfortunate children. - -The Zorins had spoken to me repeatedly of Lillina, the woman in -charge of the Petrograd Educational Department. She was a wonderful -worker, they said, devoted and able. I had heard her speak on several -occasions, but was not impressed: she looked prim and self-satisfied, -a typical Puritan schoolma'am. But I would not form an opinion until -I had talked with her. At the publication of the school disclosures I -decided to see Lillina. We conversed over an hour about the schools -in her charge, about education in general, the problem of defective -children and their treatment. She made light of the abuses in her -schools, claiming that "the young comrades had exaggerated the -defects." At any rate, she added, the guilty had already been removed -from the schools. - -Similarly to many other responsible Communists Lillina was consecrated -to her work and gave all her time and energies to it. Naturally, she -could not personally oversee everything; the show schools being the -most important in her estimation, she devoted most of her time to them. -The other schools were left in the care of her numerous assistants, -whose fitness for the work was judged largely according to their -political usefulness. Our talk strengthened my conviction that I could -have no part in the work of the Bolshevik Board of Education. - -The Board of Health offered as little opportunity for real -service--service that should not discriminate in favour of show -hospitals or the political views of the patients. This principle of -discrimination prevailed, unfortunately, even in the sick rooms. -Like all Communist institutions, the Board of Health was headed by a -political Commissar, Doctor Pervukhin. He was anxious to secure my -assistance, proposing to put me in charge of factory, dispensary, -or district nursing--a very flattering and tempting offer, and one -that appealed to me strongly. I had several conferences with Doctor -Pervukhin, but they led to no practical result. - -Whenever I visited his department I found groups of men and women -waiting, endlessly waiting. They were doctors and nurses, members of -the _intelligentsia_--none of them Communists--who were employed in -various medical branches, but their time and energies were being wasted -in the waiting rooms of Doctor Pervukhin, the political Commissar. They -were a sorry lot, dispirited and dejected, those men and women, once -the flower of Russia. Was I to join this tragic procession, submit to -the political yoke? Not until I should become convinced that the yoke -was indispensable to the revolutionary process would I consent to it. I -felt that I must first secure work of a non-partisan character, work -that would enable me to study conditions in Russia and get into direct -touch with the people, the workers and peasants. Only then should I be -able to find my way out of the chaos of doubt and mental anguish that I -had fallen prey to. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -JOINING THE MUSEUM OF THE REVOLUTION - - -The Museum of the Revolution is housed in the Winter Palace, in the -suite once used as the nursery of the Tsar's children. The entrance to -that part of the palace is known as _detsky podyezd_. From the windows -of the palace the Tsar must have often looked across the Neva at the -Peter-and-Paul Fortress, the living tomb of his political enemies. How -different things were now! The thought of it kindled my imagination. I -was full of the wonder and the magic of the great change when I paid my -first visit to the Museum. - -I found groups of men and women at work in the various rooms, huddled -up in their wraps and shivering with cold. Their faces were bloated and -bluish, their hands frost-bitten, their whole appearance shadow-like. -What must be the devotion of these people, I thought, when they can -continue to work under such conditions. The secretary of the Museum, -M. B. Kaplan, received me very cordially and expressed "the hope -that I would join in the work of the Museum." He and another member -of the staff spent considerable time with me on several occasions, -explaining the plans and purposes of the Museum. They asked me to join -the expedition which the Museum was then organizing, and which was to -go south to the Ukraina and the Caucasus. Valuable material of the -revolutionary period was to be gathered there, they explained. The -idea attracted me. Aside from my general interest in the Museum and -its efforts, it meant non-partisan work, free from Commissars, and an -exceptional opportunity to see and study Russia. - -In the course of our acquaintance I learned that neither Mr. Kaplan -nor his friend was a Communist. But while Mr. Kaplan was strongly -pro-Bolshevik and tried to defend and explain away everything, the -other man was critical though by no means antagonistic. During my stay -in Petrograd I saw much of both men, and I learned from them a great -deal about the Revolution and the methods of the Bolsheviki. Kaplan's -friend, whose name for obvious reasons I cannot mention, often spoke of -the utter impossibility of doing creative work within the Communist -machine. "The Bolsheviki," he would say, "always complain about lack -of able help, yet no one--unless a Communist--has much of a chance." -The Museum was among the least interfered with institutions, and work -there had been progressing well. Then a group of twenty youths were -sent over, young and inexperienced boys unfamiliar with the work. Being -Communists they were placed in positions of authority, and friction -and confusion resulted. Everyone felt himself watched and spied upon. -"The Bolsheviki care not about merit," he said; "their chief concern -is a membership card." He was not enthusiastic about the future of the -Museum, yet believed that the coöperation of the "Americans" would aid -its proper development. - -Finally I decided on the Museum as offering the most suitable work for -me, mainly because that institution was non-partisan. I had hoped for -a more vital share in Russia's life than the collecting of historical -material; still I considered it valuable and necessary work. When I had -definitely consented to become a member of the expedition, I visited -the Museum daily to help with the preparations for the long journey. -There was much work. It was no easy matter to obtain a car, equip it -for the arduous trip, and secure the documents which would give us -access to the material we set out to collect. - -While I was busy aiding in these preparations Angelica Balabanova -arrived in Petrograd to meet the Italian Mission. She seemed -transformed. She had longed for her Italian comrades: they would bring -her a breath of her beloved Italy, of her former life and work there. -Though Russian by birth, training, and revolutionary traditions, -Angelica had become rooted in the soil of Italy. Well I understood her -and her sense of strangeness in the country, the hard soil of which -was to bear a new and radiant life. Angelica would not admit even to -herself that the much hoped-for life was stillborn. But knowing her as -I did, it was not difficult for me to understand how bitter was her -grief over the hapless and formless thing that had come to Russia. But -now her beloved Italians were coming! They would bring with them the -warmth and colour of Italy. - -The Italians came and with them new festivities, demonstrations, -meetings, and speeches. How different it all appeared to me from my -memorable first days on Belo-Ostrov. No doubt the Italians now felt as -awed as I did then, as inspired by the seeming wonder of Russia. Six -months and the close proximity with the reality of things quite changed -the picture for me. The spontaneity, the enthusiasm, the vitality had -all gone out of it. Only a pale shadow remained, a grinning phantom -that clutched at my heart. - -On the Uritski Square the masses were growing weary with long waiting. -They had been kept there for hours before the Italian Mission arrived -from the Tauride Palace. The ceremonies were just beginning when a -woman leaning against the platform, wan and pale, began to weep. I -stood close by. "It is easy for them to talk," she moaned, "but we've -had no food all day. We received orders to march directly from our work -on pain of losing our bread rations. Since five this morning I am on my -feet. We were not permitted to go home after work to our bit of dinner. -We had to come here. Seventeen hours on a piece of bread and some -_kipyatok_ [boiled water]. Do the visitors know anything about us?" The -speeches went on, the "Internationale" was being repeated for the tenth -time, the sailors performed their fancy exercises and the claqueurs on -the reviewing stand were shouting hurrahs. I rushed away. I, too, was -weeping, though my eyes remained dry. - -The Italian, like the English, Mission was quartered in the Narishkin -Palace. One day, on visiting Angelica there, I found her in a perturbed -state of mind. Through one of the servants she had learned that the -ex-princess Narishkin, former owner of the palace, had come to beg for -the silver ikon which had been in the family for generations. "Just -that ikon," she had implored. But the ikon was now state property, and -Balabanova could do nothing about it. "Just think," Angelica said, -"Narishkin, old and desolate, now stands on the street corner begging, -and I live in this palace. How dreadful is life! I am no good for it; I -must get away." - -But Angelica was bound by party discipline; she stayed on in the palace -until she returned to Moscow. I know she did not feel much happier than -the ragged and starving ex-princess begging on the street corner. - -Balabanova, anxious that I should find suitable work, informed me one -day that Petrovsky, known in America as Doctor Goldfarb, had arrived in -Petrograd. He was Chief of the Central Military Education Department, -which included Nurses' Training Schools. I had never met the man in the -States, but I had heard of him as the labour editor of the New York -_Forward_, the Jewish Socialist daily. He offered me the position -of head instructress in the military Nurses' Training School, with a -view to introducing American methods of nursing, or to send me with -a medical train to the Polish front. I had proffered my services at -the first news of the Polish attack on Russia: I felt the Revolution -in danger, and I hastened to Zorin to ask to be assigned as a nurse. -He promised to bring the matter before the proper authorities, but I -heard nothing further about it. I was, therefore, somewhat surprised -at the proposition of Petrovsky. However, it came too late. What I -had since learned about the situation in the Ukraina, the Bolshevik -methods toward Makhno and the _povstantsi_ movement, the persecution -of Anarchists, and the Tcheka activities, had completely shaken my -faith in the Bolsheviki as revolutionists. The offer came too late. But -Moscow perhaps thought it unwise to let me see behind the scenes at the -front; Petrovsky failed to inform me of the Moscow decision. I felt -relieved. - -At last we received the glad tidings that the greatest difficulty had -been overcome: a car for the Museum Expedition had been secured. It -consisted of six compartments and was newly painted and cleaned. Now -began the work of equipment. Ordinarily it would have taken another -two months, but we had the coöperation of the man at the head of the -Museum, Chairman Yatmanov, a Communist. He was also in charge of all -the properties of the Winter Palace where the Museum is housed. The -largest part of the linen, silver, and glassware from the Tsar's -storerooms had been removed, but there was still much left. Supplied -with an order of the chairman I was shown over what was once guarded -as sacred precincts by Romanov flunkeys. I found rooms stacked to -the ceiling with rare and beautiful china and compartments filled -with the finest linen. The basement, running the whole length of the -Winter Palace, was stocked with kitchen utensils of every size and -variety. Tin plates and pots would have been more appropriate for the -Expedition, but owing to the ruling that no institution may draw upon -another for anything it has in its own possession, there was nothing to -do but to choose the simplest obtainable at the Winter Palace. I went -home reflecting upon the strangeness of life: revolutionists eating out -of the crested service of the Romanovs. But I felt no elation over it. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -PETROPAVLOVSK AND SCHLÜSSELBURG - - -As some time was to pass before we could depart, I took advantage of -the opportunity which presented itself to visit the historic prisons, -the Peter-and-Paul Fortress and Schlüsselburg. I recollected the dread -and awe the very names of these places filled me with when I first -came to Petrograd as a child of thirteen. In fact, my dread of the -Petropavlovsk Fortress dated back to a much earlier time. I think -I must have been six years old when a great shock had come to our -family: we learned that my mother's oldest brother, Yegor, a student -at the University of Petersburg, had been arrested and was held in -the Fortress. My mother at once set out for the capital. We children -remained at home in fear and trepidation lest Mother should not find -our uncle among the living. We spent anxious weeks and months till -finally Mother returned. Great was our rejoicing to hear that she had -rescued her brother from the living dead. But the memory of the shock -remained with me for a long time. - -Seven years later, my family then living in Petersburg, I happened to -be sent on an errand which took me past the Peter-and-Paul Fortress. -The shock I had received many years before revived within me with -paralyzing force. There stood the heavy mass of stone, dark and -sinister. I was terrified. The great prison was still to me a haunted -house, causing my heart to palpitate with fear whenever I had to pass -it. Years later, when I had begun to draw sustenance from the lives -and heroism of the great Russian revolutionists, the Peter-and-Paul -Fortress became still more hateful. And now I was about to enter its -mysterious walls and see with my own eyes the place which had been the -living grave of so many of the best sons and daughters of Russia. - -The guide assigned to take us through the different ravelins had been -in the prison for ten years. He knew every stone in the place. But -the silence told me more than all the information of the guide. The -martyrs who had beaten their wings against the cold stone, striving -upward toward the light and air, came to life for me. The Dekabristi, -Tchernishevsky, Dostoyevsky, Bakunin, Kropotkin, and scores of others -spoke in a thousand-throated voice of their social idealism and their -personal suffering--of their high hopes and fervent faith in the -ultimate liberation of Russia. Now the fluttering spirits of the heroic -dead may rest in peace: their dream has come true. But what is this -strange writing on the wall? "To-night I am to be shot because I had -once acquired an education." I had almost lost consciousness of the -reality. The inscription roused me to it. "What is this?" I asked the -guard. "Those are the last words of an _intelligent_," he replied. -"After the October Revolution the _intelligentsia_ filled this prison. -From here they were taken out and shot, or were loaded on barges never -to return. Those were dreadful days and still more dreadful nights." -So the dream of those who had given their lives for the liberation of -Russia had not come true, after all. Is there any change in the world? -Or is it all an eternal recurrence of man's inhumanity to man? - -We reached the strip of enclosure where the prisoners used to be -permitted a half-hour's recreation. One by one they had to walk up and -down the narrow lane in dead silence, with the sentries on the wall -ready to shoot for the slightest infraction of the rules. And while -the caged and fettered ones treaded the treeless walk, the all-powerful -Romanovs looked out of the Winter Palace toward the golden spire -topping the Fortress to reassure themselves that their hated enemies -would never again threaten their safety. But not even Petropavlovsk -could save the Tsars from the slaying hand of Time and Revolution. -Indeed, there _is_ change; slow and painful, but come it does. - -In the enclosure we met Angelica Balabanova and the Italians. We -walked about the huge prison, each absorbed in his own thoughts set in -motion by what he saw. Would Angelica notice the writing on the wall, -I wondered. "To-night I am to be shot because I had once acquired an -education." - -Some time later several of our group made a trip to Schlüsselburg, the -even more dreadful tomb of the political enemies of Tsarism. It is a -journey of several hours by boat up the beautiful River Neva. The day -was chilly and gray, as was our mood; just the right state of mind to -visit Schlüsselburg. The fortress was strongly guarded, but our Museum -permit secured for us immediate admission. Schlüsselburg is a compact -mass of stone perched upon a high rock in the open sea. For many -decades only the victims of court intrigues and royal disfavour were -immured within its impenetrable walls, but later it became the Golgotha -of the political enemies of the Tsarist régime. - -I had heard of Schlüsselburg when my parents first came to Petersburg; -but unlike my feeling toward the Peter-and-Paul Fortress, I had no -personal reaction to the place. It was Russian revolutionary literature -which brought the meaning of Schlüsselburg home to me. Especially the -story of Volkenstein, one of the two women who had spent long years -in the dreaded place, left an indelible impression on my mind. Yet -nothing I had read made the place quite so real and terrifying as when -I climbed up the stone steps and stood before the forbidding gates. As -far as any effect upon the physical condition of the Peter-and-Paul -Fortress was concerned, the Revolution might never have taken place. -The prison remained intact, ready for immediate use by the new régime. -Not so Schlüsselburg. The wrath of the proletariat struck that house of -the dead almost to the ground. - -How cruel and perverse the human mind which could create a -Schlüsselburg! Verily, no savage could be guilty of the fiendish -spirit that conceived this appalling tomb. Cells built like a bag, -without doors or windows and with only a small opening through which -the victims were lowered into their living grave. Other cells were -stone cages to drive the mind to madness and lacerate the heart of the -unfortunates. Yet men and women endured twenty years in this terrible -place. What fortitude, what power of endurance, what sublime faith one -must have had to hold out, to emerge from it alive! Here Netchaev, -Lopatin, Morosov, Volkenstein, Figner, and others of the splendid -band spent their tortured lives. Here is the common grave of Ulianov, -Mishkin, Kalayev, Balmashev, and many more. The black tablet inscribed -with their names speaks louder than the voices silenced for ever. Not -even the roaring waves dashing against the rock of Schlüsselburg can -drown that accusing voice. - -Petropavlovsk and Schlüsselburg stand as the living proof of how futile -is the hope of the mighty to escape the Frankensteins of their own -making. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -THE TRADE UNIONS - - -It was the month of June and the time of our departure was approaching. -Petrograd seemed more beautiful than ever; the white nights had -come--almost broad daylight without its glare, the mysterious soothing -white nights of Petrograd. There were rumours of counter-revolutionary -danger and the city was guarded against attack. Martial law prevailing, -it was forbidden to be out on the streets after 1 A. M., -even though it was almost daylight. Occasionally special permits -were obtained by friends and then we would walk through the deserted -streets or along the banks of the dark Neva, discussing in whispers -the perplexing situation. I sought for some outstanding feature in -the blurred picture--the Russian Revolution, a huge flame shooting -across the world illuminating the black horizon of the disinherited and -oppressed--the Revolution, the new hope, the great spiritual awakening. -And here I was in the midst of it, yet nowhere could I see the promise -and fulfilment of the great event. Had I misunderstood the meaning and -nature of revolution? Perhaps the wrong and the evil I have seen during -those five months were inseparable from a revolution. Or was it the -political machine which the Bolsheviki have created--is that the force -which is crushing the Revolution? If I had witnessed the birth of the -latter I should now be better able to judge. But apparently I arrived -at the end--the agonizing end of a people. It is all so complex, so -impenetrable, a _tupik_, a blind alley, as the Russians call it. Only -time and earnest study, aided by sympathetic understanding, will show -me the way out. Meanwhile, I must keep up my courage and--away from -Petrograd, out among the people. - -Presently the long-awaited moment arrived. On June 30, 1920, our car -was coupled to a slow train called "Maxim Gorki," and we pulled out of -the Nikolayevski station, bound for Moscow. - -In Moscow there were many formalities to go through with. We thought -a few days would suffice, but we remained two weeks. However, our -stay was interesting. The city was alive with delegates to the Second -Congress of the Third International; from all parts of the world the -workers had sent their comrades to the promised land, revolutionary -Russia, the first republic of the workers. Among the delegates there -were also Anarchists and syndicalists who believed as firmly as I -did six months previously that the Bolsheviki were the symbol of the -Revolution. They had responded to the Moscow call with enthusiasm. -Some of them I had met in Petrograd and now they were eager to hear -of my experiences and learn my opinions. But what was I to tell -them, and would they believe me if I did? Would I have believed any -adverse criticism before I came to Russia? Besides, I felt that my -views regarding the Bolsheviki were still too unformed, too vague, a -conglomeration of mere impressions. My old values had been shattered -and so far I have been unable to replace them. I could therefore not -speak on the fundamental questions, but I did inform my friends that -the Moscow and Petrograd prisons were crowded with Anarchists and other -revolutionists, and I advised them not to content themselves with the -official explanations but to investigate for themselves. I warned them -that they would be surrounded by guides and interpreters, most of them -men of the Tcheka, and that they would not be able to learn the facts -unless they made a determined, independent effort. - -There was considerable excitement in Moscow at the time. The Printers' -Union had been suppressed and its entire managing board sent to prison. -The Union had called a public meeting to which members of the British -Labour Mission were invited. There the famous Socialist Revolutionist -Tchernov had unexpectedly made his appearance. He severely criticised -the Bolshevik régime, received an ovation from the huge audience -of workers, and then vanished as mysteriously as he had come. The -Menshevik Dan was less successful. He also addressed the meeting, but -he failed to make his escape: he landed in the Tcheka. The next morning -the Moscow _Pravda_ and the _Izvestia_ denounced the action of the -Printers' Union as counter-revolutionary, and raged about Tchernov -having been permitted to speak. The papers called for exemplary -punishment of the printers who dared defy the Soviet Government. - -The Bakers' Union, a very militant organization, had also been -suppressed, and its management replaced by Communists. Several months -before, in March, I had attended a convention of the bakers. The -delegates impressed me as a courageous group who did not fear to -criticise the Bolshevik régime and present the demands of the workers. -I wondered then that they were permitted to continue the conference, -for they were outspoken in their opposition to the Communists. "The -bakers are 'Shkurniki' [skinners]," I was told; "they always instigate -strikes, and only counter-revolutionists can wish to strike in the -workers' Republic." But it seemed to me that the workers could not -follow such reasoning. They did strike. They even committed a more -heinous crime: they refused to vote for the Communist candidate, -electing instead a man of their own choice. This action of the bakers -was followed by the arrest of several of their more active members. -Naturally the workers resented the arbitrary methods of the Government. - -Later I met some of the bakers and found them much embittered against -the Communist Party and the Government. I inquired about the condition -of their union, telling them that I had been informed that the Russian -unions were very powerful and had practical control of the industrial -life of the country. The bakers laughed. "The trade unions are the -lackeys of the Government," they said; "they have no independent -function, and the workers have no say in them. The trade unions are -doing mere police duty for the Government." That sounded quite -different from the story told by Melnichansky, the chairman of the -Moscow Trade Union Soviet, whom I had met on my first visit to Moscow. - -On that occasion he had shown me about the trade union headquarters -known as the _Dom Soyusov_, and explained how the organization worked. -Seven million workers were in the trade unions, he said; all trades -and professions belonged to it. The workers themselves managed the -industries and owned them. "The building you are in now is also owned -by the unions," he remarked with pride; "formerly it was the House of -the Nobility." The room we were in had been used for festive assemblies -and the great nobles sat in crested chairs around the table in the -centre. Melnichansky showed me the secret underground passage hidden -by a little turntable, through which the nobles could escape in case -of danger. They never dreamed that the workers would some day gather -around the same table and sit in the beautiful hall of marble columns. -The educational and cultural work done by the trade unions, the -chairman further explained, was of the greatest scope. "We have our -workers' colleges and other cultural institutions giving courses and -lectures on various subjects. They are all managed by the workers. The -unions own their own means of recreation, and we have access to all the -theatres." It was apparent from his explanation that the trade unions -of Russia had reached a point far beyond anything known by labour -organizations in Europe and America. - -A similar account I had heard from Tsiperovitch, the chairman of the -Petrograd trade unions, with whom I had made my first trip to Moscow. -He had also shown me about the Petrograd Labour Temple, a beautiful and -spacious building where the Petrograd unions had their offices. His -recital also made it clear that the workers of Russia had at last come -into their own. - -But gradually I began to see the other side of the medal. I found that -like most things in Russia the trade union picture had a double facet: -one paraded before foreign visitors and "investigators," the other -known by the masses. The bakers and the printers had recently been -shown the other side. It was a lesson of the benefits that accrued to -the trade unions in the Socialist Republic. - -In March I had attended an election meeting arranged by the workers -of one of the large Moscow factories. It was the most exciting -gathering I had witnessed in Russia--the dimly lit hall in the factory -club rooms, the faces of the men and women worn with privation and -suffering, the intense feeling over the wrong done them, all impressed -me very strongly. Their chosen representative, an Anarchist, had been -refused his mandate by the Soviet authorities. It was the third time -the workers gathered to re-elect their delegate to the Moscow Soviet, -and every time they elected the same man. The Communist candidate -opposing him was Semashko, the Commissar of the Department of Health. -I had expected to find an educated and cultured man. But the behaviour -and language of the Commissar at that election meeting would have put -a hod-carrier to shame. He raved against the workers for choosing a -non-Communist, called anathema upon their heads, and threatened them -with the Tcheka and the curtailment of their rations. But he had no -effect upon the audience except to emphasize their opposition to him, -and to arouse antagonism against the party he represented. The final -victory, however, was with Semashko. The workers' choice was repudiated -by the authorities and later even arrested and imprisoned. That was -in March. In May, during the visit of the British Labour Mission, the -factory candidate together with other political prisoners declared a -hunger strike, which resulted in their liberation. - -The story told me by the bakers of their election experiences had the -quality of our own Wild West during its pioneer days. Tchekists with -loaded guns were in the habit of attending gatherings of the unions -and they made it clear what would happen if the workers should fail to -elect a Communist. But the bakers, a strong and militant organization, -would not be intimidated. They declared that no bread would be baked -in Moscow unless they were permitted to elect their own candidate. -That had the desired effect. After the meeting the Tchekists tried to -arrest the candidate-elect, but the bakers surrounded him and saw him -safely home. The next day they sent their ultimatum to the authorities, -demanding recognition of their choice and threatening to strike in -case of refusal. Thus the bakers triumphed and gained an advantage -over their less courageous brothers in the other labour organizations -of minor importance. In starving Russia the work of the bakers was as -vital as life itself. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -MARIA SPIRIDONOVA - - -The Commissariat of Education also included the Department of Museums. -The Petrograd Museum of the Revolution had two chairmen; Lunacharsky -being one of them, it was necessary to secure his signature to our -credentials which had already been signed by Zinoviev, the second -chairman of the Museum. I was commissioned to see Lunacharsky. - -I felt rather guilty before him. I left Moscow in March promising -to return within a week to join him in his work. Now, four months -later, I came to ask his coöperation in an entirely different field. -I went to the Kremlin determined to tell Lunacharsky how I felt about -the situation in Russia. But I was relieved of the necessity by the -presence of a number of people in his office; there was no time to -take the matter up. I could merely inform Lunacharsky of the purpose -of the expedition and request his aid in the work. It met with his -approval. He signed our credentials and also supplied me with letters -of introduction and recommendation to facilitate our efforts in behalf -of the Museum. - -While our Commission was making the necessary preparations for the trip -to the Ukraine, I found time to visit various institutions in Moscow -and to meet some interesting people. Among them were certain well-known -Left Social Revolutionists whom I had met on my previous visit. I -had told them then that I was eager to visit Maria Spiridonova, of -whose condition I had heard many conflicting stories. But at that -time no meeting could be arranged: it might have exposed Spiridonova -to danger, for she was living illegally, as a peasant woman. History -indeed repeats itself. Under the Tsar Spiridonova, also disguised as -a country girl, had shadowed Lukhanovsky, the Governor of Tamboy, of -peasant-flogging fame. Having shot him, she was arrested, tortured, -and later sentenced to death. The western world became aroused, and it -was due to its protests that the sentence of Spiridonova was changed -to Siberian exile for life. She spent eleven years there; the February -Revolution brought her freedom and back to Russia. Maria Spiridonova -immediately threw herself into revolutionary activity. Now, in the -Socialist Republic, Maria was again living in disguise after having -escaped from the prison in the Kremlin. - -Arrangements were finally made to enable me to visit Spiridonova, and -I was cautioned to make sure that I was not followed by Tcheka men. -We agreed with Maria's friends upon a meeting place and from there we -zigzagged a number of streets till we at last reached the top floor of -a house in the back of a yard. I was led into a small room containing -a bed, small desk, bookcase, and several chairs. Before the desk, -piled high with letters and papers, sat a frail little woman, Maria -Spiridonova. This, then, was one of Russia's great martyrs, this woman -who had so unflinchingly suffered the tortures inflicted upon her -by the Tsar's henchmen. I had been told by Zorin and Jack Reed that -Spiridonova had suffered a breakdown, and was kept in a sanatorium. -Her malady, they said, was acute neurasthenia and hysteria. When I -came face to face with Maria, I immediately realized that both men -had deceived me. I was no longer surprised at Zorin: much of what he -had told me I gradually discovered to be utterly false. As to Reed, -unfamiliar with the language and completely under the sway of the new -faith, he took too much for granted. Thus, on his return from Moscow -he came to inform me that the story of the shooting of prisoners _en -masse_ on the eve of the abolition of capital punishment was really -true; but, he assured me, it was all the fault of a certain official of -the Tcheka who had already paid with his life for it. I had opportunity -to investigate the matter. I found that Jack had again been misled. It -was not that a certain man was responsible for the wholesale killing -on that occasion. The act was conditioned in the whole system and -character of the Tcheka. - -I spent two days with Maria Spiridonova, listening to her recital of -events since October, 1917. She spoke at length about the enthusiasm -and zeal of the masses and the hopes held out by the Bolsheviki; of -their ascendancy to power and gradual turn to the right. She explained -the Brest-Litovsk peace which she considered as the first link in -the chain that has since fettered the Revolution. She dwelt on the -_razverstka_, the system of forcible requisition, which was devastating -Russia and discrediting everything the Revolution had been fought for; -she referred to the terrorism practised by the Bolsheviki against -every revolutionary criticism, to the new Communist bureaucracy and -inefficiency, and the hopelessness of the whole situation. It was a -crushing indictment against the Bolsheviki, their theories and methods. - -If Spiridonova had really suffered a breakdown, as I had been -assured, and was hysterical and mentally unbalanced, she must have -had extraordinary control of herself. She was calm, self-contained, -and clear on every point. She had the fullest command of her material -and information. On several occasions during her narrative, when she -detected doubt in my face, she remarked: "I fear you don't quite -believe me. Well, here is what some of the peasants write me," and -she would reach over to a pile of letters on her desk and read to me -passages heart-rending with misery and bitter against the Bolsheviki. -In stilted handwriting, sometimes almost illegible, the peasants of the -Ukraine and Siberia wrote of the horrors of the _razverstka_ and what -it had done to them and their land. "They have taken away everything, -even the last seeds for the next sowing." "The Commissars have robbed -us of everything." Thus ran the letters. Frequently peasants wanted to -know whether Spiridonova had gone over to the Bolsheviki. "If you also -forsake us, _matushka_, we have no one to turn to," one peasant wrote. - -The enormity of her accusations challenged credence. After all, the -Bolsheviki were revolutionists. How could they be guilty of the -terrible things charged against them? Perhaps they were not responsible -for the situation as it had developed; they had the whole world -against them. There was the Brest peace, for instance. When the news -of it first reached America I happened to be in prison. I reflected -long and carefully whether Soviet Russia was justified in negotiating -with German imperialism. But I could see no way out of the situation. -I was in favour of the Brest peace. Since I came to Russia I heard -conflicting versions of it. Nearly everyone, excepting the Communists, -considered the Brest agreement as much a betrayal of the Revolution as -the rôle of the German Socialists in the war--a betrayal of the spirit -of internationalism. The Communists, on the other hand, were unanimous -in defending the peace and denouncing as counter-revolutionist -everybody who questioned the wisdom and the revolutionary justification -of that agreement. "We could do nothing else," argued the Communists. -"Germany had a mighty army, while we had none. Had we refused to sign -the Brest treaty we should have sealed the fate of the Revolution. We -realized that Brest meant a compromise, but we knew that the workers -of Russia and the rest of the world would understand that we had been -forced to it. Our compromise was similar to that of workers when -they are forced to accept the conditions of their masters after an -unsuccessful strike." - -But Spiridonova was not convinced. "There is not one word of truth in -the argument advanced by the Bolsheviki," she said. It is true that -Russia had no disciplined army to meet the German advance, but it had -something infinitely more effective: it had a conscious revolutionary -people who would have fought back the invaders to the last drop of -blood. As a matter of fact, it was the people who had checked all -the counter-revolutionary military attempts against Russia. Who else -but the people, the peasants and the workers, made it impossible for -the German and Austrian army to remain in the Ukraine? Who defeated -Denikin and the other counter-revolutionary generals? Who triumphed -over Koltchak and Yudenitch? Lenin and Trotsky claim that it was the -Red Army. But the historic truth was that the voluntary military -units of the workers and peasants--the _povstantsi_--in Siberia as -well as in the south of Russia--had borne the brunt of the fighting -on every front, the Red Army usually only completing the victories of -the former. Trotsky would have it now that the Brest treaty had to be -accepted, but he himself had at one time refused to sign the treaty and -Radek, Joffe, and other leading Communists had also been opposed to it. -It is claimed now that they submitted to the shameful terms because -they realized the hopelessness of their expectation that the German -workers would prevent the Junkers from marching against revolutionary -Russia. But that was not the true reason. It was the whip of the party -discipline which lashed Trotsky and others into submission. - -"The trouble with the Bolsheviki," continued Spiridonova, "is that -they have no faith in the masses. They proclaimed themselves a -proletarian party, but they refused to trust the workers." It was -this lack of faith, Maria emphasized, which made the Communists bow -to German imperialism. And as concerns the Revolution itself, it was -precisely the Brest peace which struck it a fatal blow. Aside from -the betrayal of Finland, White Russia, Latvia, and the Ukraine--which -were turned over to the mercy of the German Junkers by the Brest -peace--the peasants saw thousands of their brothers slain, and had -to submit to being robbed and plundered. The simple peasant mind -could not understand the complete reversal of the former Bolshevik -slogans of "no indemnity and no annexations." But even the simplest -peasant could understand that his toil and his blood were to pay the -indemnities imposed by the Brest conditions. The peasants grew bitter -and antagonistic to the Soviet régime. Disheartened and discouraged -they turned from the Revolution. As to the effect of the Brest peace -upon the German workers, how could they continue in their faith in the -Russian Revolution in view of the fact that the Bolsheviki negotiated -and accepted the peace terms with the German masters over the heads of -the German proletariat? The historic fact remains that the Brest peace -was the beginning of the end of the Russian Revolution. No doubt other -factors contributed to the debacle, but Brest was the most fatal of -them. - -Spiridonova asserted that the Left Socialist Revolutionary elements had -warned the Bolsheviki against that peace and fought it desperately. -They refused to accept it even after it had been signed. The presence -of Mirbach in Revolutionary Russia they considered an outrage against -the Revolution, a crying injustice to the heroic Russian people who had -sacrificed and suffered so much in their struggle against imperialism -and capitalism. Spiridonova's party decided that Mirbach could not -be tolerated in Russia: Mirbach had to go. Wholesale arrests and -persecutions followed upon the execution of Mirbach, the Bolsheviki -rendering service to the German Kaiser. They filled the prisons with -the Russian revolutionists. - -In the course of our conversation I suggested that the method of -_razverstka_ was probably forced upon the Bolsheviki by the refusal of -the peasants to feed the city. In the beginning of the revolutionary -period, Spiridonova explained, so long as the peasant Soviets existed, -the peasants gave willingly and generously. But when the Bolshevik -Government began to dissolve these Soviets and arrested 500 peasant -delegates, the peasantry became antagonistic. Moreover, they daily -witnessed the inefficiency of the Communist régime: they saw their -products lying at side stations and rotting away, or in possession of -speculators on the market. Naturally under such conditions they would -not continue to give. The fact that the peasants had never refused to -contribute supplies to the Red Army proved that other methods than -those used by the Bolsheviki could have been employed. The _razverstka_ -served only to widen the breach between the village and the city. The -Bolsheviki resorted to punitive expeditions which became the terror of -the country. They left death and ruin wherever they came. The peasants, -at last driven to desperation, began to rebel against the Communist -régime. In various parts of Russia, in the south, on the Ural, and in -Siberia, peasants' insurrections have taken place, and everywhere they -were being put down by force of arms and with an iron hand. - -Spiridonova did not speak of her own sufferings since she had parted -ways with the Bolsheviki. But I learned from others that she had been -arrested twice and imprisoned for a considerable length of time. Even -when free she was kept under surveillance, as she had been in the time -of the Tsar. On several occasions she was tortured by being taken -out at night and informed that she was to be shot--a favoured Tcheka -method. I mentioned the subject to Spiridonova. She did not deny the -facts, though she was loath to speak of herself. She was entirely -absorbed in the fate of the Revolution and of her beloved peasantry. -She gave no thought to herself, but she was eager to have the world and -the international proletariat learn the true condition of affairs in -Bolshevik Russia. - -Of all the opponents of the Bolsheviki I had met Maria Spiridonova -impressed me as one of the most sincere, well-poised, and convincing. -Her heroic past and her refusal to compromise her revolutionary ideas -under Tsarism as well as under Bolshevism were sufficient guarantee of -her revolutionary integrity. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -ANOTHER VISIT TO PETER KROPOTKIN - - -A few days before our Expedition started for the Ukraine the -opportunity presented itself to pay another visit to Peter Kropotkin. -I was delighted at the chance to see the dear old man under more -favourable conditions than I had seen him in March. I expected at least -that we would not be handicapped by the presence of newspaper men as we -were on the previous occasion. - -On my first visit, in snow-clad March, I arrived at the Kropotkin -cottage late in the evening. The place looked deserted and desolate. -But now it was summer time. The country was fresh and fragrant; the -garden at the back of the house, clad in green, smiled cheerfully, -the golden rays of the sun spreading warmth and light. Peter, who was -having his afternoon nap, could not be seen, but Sofya Grigorievna, -his wife, was there to greet us. We had brought some provisions given -to Sasha Kropotkin for her father, and several baskets of things sent -by an Anarchist group. While we were unpacking those treasures Peter -Alekseyevitch surprised us. He seemed a changed man: the summer had -wrought a miracle in him. He appeared healthier, stronger, more alive -than when I had last seen him. He immediately took us to the vegetable -garden which was almost entirely Sofya's own work and served as the -main support of the family. Peter was very proud of it. "What do you -say to this!" he exclaimed; "all Sofya's labour. And see this new -species of lettuce"--pointing at a huge head. He looked young; he was -almost gay, his conversation sparkling. His power of observation, his -keen sense of humour and generous humanity were so refreshing, he made -one forget the misery of Russia, one's own conflicts and doubts, and -the cruel reality of life. - -After dinner we gathered in Peter's study--a small room containing an -ordinary table for a desk, a narrow cot, a wash-stand, and shelves of -books. I could not help making a mental comparison between this simple, -cramped study of Kropotkin and the gorgeous quarters of Radek and -Zinoviev. Peter was interested to know my impressions since he saw me -last. I related to him how confused and harassed I was, how everything -seemed to crumble beneath my feet. I told him that I had come to doubt -almost everything, even the Revolution itself. I could not reconcile -the ghastly reality with what the Revolution had meant to me when I -came to Russia. Were the conditions I found inevitable--the callous -indifference to human life, the terrorism, the waste and agony of it -all? Of course, I knew revolutions could not be made with kid gloves. -It is a stern necessity involving violence and destruction, a difficult -and terrible process. But what I had found in Russia was utterly unlike -revolutionary conditions, so fundamentally unlike as to be a caricature. - -Peter listened attentively; then he said: "There is no reason whatever -to lose faith. I consider the Russian Revolution even greater than the -French, for it has struck deeper into the soul of Russia, into the -hearts and minds of the Russian people. Time alone can demonstrate -its full scope and depth. What you see to-day is only the surface, -conditions artificially created by a governing class. You see a -small political party which by its false theories, blunders, and -inefficiency has demonstrated how revolutions must _not_ be made." It -was unfortunate--Kropotkin continued--that so many of the Anarchists -in Russia and the masses outside of Russia had been carried away by -the ultra-revolutionary pretenses of the Bolsheviki. In the great -upheaval it was forgotten that the Communists are a political party -firmly adhering to the idea of a centralized State, and that as -such they were bound to misdirect the course of the Revolution. The -Bolsheviki were the Jesuits of the Socialist Church: they believed in -the Jesuitic motto that the end justifies the means. Their end being -political power, they hesitate at nothing. The means, however, have -paralysed the energies of the masses and have terrorized the people. -Yet without the people, without the direct participation of the masses -in the reconstruction of the country, nothing essential could be -accomplished. The Bolsheviki had been carried to the top by the high -tide of the Revolution. Once in power they began to stem the tide. -They have been trying to eliminate and suppress the cultural forces of -the country not entirely in agreement with their ideas and methods. -They destroyed the coöperatives which were of utmost importance to the -life of Russia, the great link between the country and the city. They -created a bureaucracy and officialdom which surpasses even that of the -old régime. In the village where he lived, in little Dmitrov, there -were more Bolshevik officials than ever existed there during the reign -of the Romanovs. All those people were living off the masses. They were -parasites on the social body, and Dmitrov was only a small example -of what was going on throughout Russia. It was not the fault of any -particular individuals: rather was it the State they had created, which -discredits every revolutionary ideal, stifles all initiative, and sets -a premium on incompetence and waste. It should also not be forgotten, -Kropotkin emphasized, that the blockade and the continuous attacks on -the Revolution by the interventionists had helped to strengthen the -power of the Communist régime. Intervention and blockade were bleeding -Russia to death, and were preventing the people from understanding the -real nature of the Bolshevik régime. - -Discussing the activities and rôle of the Anarchists in the Revolution, -Kropotkin said: "We Anarchists have talked much of revolutions, but -few of us have been prepared for the actual work to be done during the -process. I have indicated some things in this relation in my 'Conquest -of Bread.' Pouget and Pataud have also sketched a line of action in -their work on 'How to Accomplish the Social Revolution.'" Kropotkin -thought that the Anarchists had not given sufficient consideration -to the fundamental elements of the social revolution. The real facts -in a revolutionary process do not consist so much in the actual -fighting--that is, merely the destructive phase necessary to clear -the way for constructive effort. The basic factor in a revolution is -the organization of the economic life of the country. The Russian -Revolution had proved conclusively that we must prepare thoroughly for -that. Everything else is of minor importance. He had come to think that -syndicalism was likely to furnish what Russia most lacked: the channel -through which the industrial and economic reconstruction of the country -may flow. He referred to Anarcho-syndicalism. That and the coöperatives -would save other countries some of the blunders and suffering Russia -was going through. - -I left Dmitrov much comforted by the warmth and light which the -beautiful personality of Peter Kropotkin radiated; and I was much -encouraged by what I had heard from him. I returned to Moscow to help -with the completion of the preparations for our journey. At last, on -July 15, 1920, our car was coupled to a train bound for the Ukraine. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -EN ROUTE - - -Our train was about to leave Moscow when we were surprised by an -interesting visitor--Krasnoschekov, the president of the Far Eastern -Republic, who had recently arrived in the capital from Siberia. He had -heard of our presence in the city, but for some reason he could not -locate us. Finally he met Alexander Berkman who invited him to the -Museum car. - -In appearance Krasnoschekov had changed tremendously since his Chicago -days, when, known as Tobinson, he was superintendent of the Workers' -Institute in that city. Then he was one of the many Russian emigrants -on the West Side, active as organizer and lecturer in the Socialist -movement. Now he looked a different man; his expression stern, the -stamp of authority on him, he seemed even to have grown taller. But at -heart he remained the same--simple and kind, the Tobinson we had known -in Chicago. - -We had only a short time at our disposal and our visitor employed -it to give us an insight into the conditions in the Far East and -the local form of government. It consisted of representatives of -various political factions and "even Anarchists are with us," said -Krasnoschekov; "thus, for instance, Shatov is Minister of Railways. We -are independent in the East and there is free speech. Come over and try -us, you will find a field for your work." He invited Alexander Berkman -and myself to visit him in Chita and we assured him that we hoped to -avail ourselves of the invitation at some future time. He seemed to -have brought a different atmosphere and we were sorry to part so soon. - -On the way from Petrograd to Moscow the Expedition had been busy -putting its house in order. As already mentioned, the car consisted -of six compartments, two of which were converted into a dining room -and kitchen. They were of diminutive size, but we managed to make a -presentable dining room of one, and the kitchen might have made many -a housekeeper envy us. A large Russian samovar and all necessary -copper and zinc pots and kettles were there, making a very effective -appearance. We were especially proud of the decorative curtains on our -car windows. The other compartments were used for office and sleeping -quarters. I shared mine with our secretary, Miss A. T. Shakol. - -Besides Alexander Berkman, appointed by the Museum as chairman and -general manager, Shakol as secretary, and myself as treasurer and -housekeeper, the Expedition consisted of three other members, including -a young Communist, a student of the Petrograd University. En route -we mapped out our plan of work, each member of the Expedition being -assigned some particular branch of it. I was to gather data in the -Departments of Education and Health, the Bureaus of Social Welfare and -Labour Distribution, as well as in the organization known as Workers' -and Peasants' Inspection. After the day's work all the members were to -meet in the car to consider and classify the material collected during -the day. - -Our first stop was Kursk. Nothing of importance was collected there -except a pair of _kandai_ [iron handcuffs] which had been worn by -a revolutionist in Schlüsselburg. It was donated to us by a chance -passer-by who, noticing the inscription on our car, "Extraordinary -Commission of the Museum of the Revolution," became interested -and called to pay us a visit. He proved to be an intellectual, -a Tolstoian, the manager of a children's colony. He succeeded in -maintaining the latter by giving the Soviet Government a certain amount -of labour required of him: three days a week he taught in the Soviet -schools of Kursk. The rest of his time he devoted to his little colony, -or the "Children's Commune," as he affectionately called it. With -the help of the children and some adults they raised the vegetables -necessary for the support of the colony and made all the repairs of -the place. He stated that he had not been directly interfered with -by the Government, but that his work was considerably handicapped by -discrimination against him as a pacifist and Tolstoian. He feared that -because of it his place could not be continued much longer. There was -no trading of any sort in Kursk at the time, and one had to depend for -supplies on the local authorities. But discrimination and antagonism -manifested themselves against independent initiative and effort. -The Tolstoian, however, was determined to make a fight, spiritually -speaking, for the life of his colony. He was planning to go to the -centre, to Moscow, where he hoped to get support in favour of his -commune. - -The personality of the man, his eagerness to make himself useful, did -not correspond with the information I had received from Communists -about the _intelligentsia_, their indifference and unwillingness to -help revolutionary Russia. I broached the subject to our visitor. He -could only speak of the professional men and women of Kursk, his native -city, but he assured us that he found most of them, and especially the -teachers, eager to coöperate and even self-sacrificing. But they were -the most neglected class, living in semi-starvation all the time. Like -himself, they were exposed to general antagonism, even on the part of -the children whose minds had been poisoned by agitation against the -_intelligentsia_. - -Kursk is a large industrial centre and I was interested in the fate -of the workers there. We learned from our visitor that there had been -repeated skirmishes between the workers and the Soviet authorities. -A short time before our arrival a strike had broken out and soldiers -were sent to quell it. The usual arrests followed and many workers were -still in the Tcheka. This state of affairs, the Tolstoian thought, -was due to general Communist incompetence rather than to any other -cause. People were placed in responsible positions not because of their -fitness but owing to their party membership. Political usefulness was -the first consideration and it naturally resulted in general abuse of -power and confusion. The Communist dogma that the end justifies all -means was also doing much harm. It had thrown the door wide open to the -worst human passions, and discredited the ideals of the Revolution. The -Tolstoian spoke sadly, as one speaks of a hope cherished and loved, and -lost. - -The next morning our visitor donated to our collection the _kandali_ he -had worn for many years in prison. He hoped that we might return by way -of Kursk so that we could pay a visit to some Tolstoian communes in the -environs of the city. Not far from Yasnaya Polyana there lived an old -peasant friend of Tolstoi, he told us. He had much valuable material -that he might contribute to the Museum. Our visitor remained to the -moment of our departure; he was starved for intellectual companionship -and was loath to see us go. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -IN KHARKOV - - -Arriving in Kharkov, I visited the Anarchist book store, the address -of which I had secured in Moscow. There I met many friends whom I had -known in America. Among them were Joseph and Leah Goodman, formerly -from Detroit; Fanny Baron, from Chicago, and Sam Fleshin who had worked -in the Mother Earth office in New York, in 1917, before he left for -Russia. With thousands of other exiles they had all hastened to their -native country at the first news of the Revolution, and they had been -in the thick of it ever since. They would have much to tell me, I -thought; they might help me to solve some of the problems that were -perplexing me. - -Kharkov lay several miles away from the railroad station, and it would -have therefore been impractical to continue living in the car during -our stay in the city. The Museum credentials would secure quarters for -us, but several members of the Expedition preferred to stay with their -American friends. Through the help of one of our comrades, who was -commandant of an apartment house, I secured a room. - -It had been quite warm in Moscow, but Kharkov proved a veritable -furnace, reminding me of New York in July. Sanitary and plumbing -arrangements had been neglected or destroyed, and water had to be -carried from a place several blocks distant up three flights of stairs. -Still it was a comfort to have a private room. - -The city was alive. The streets were full of people and they looked -better fed and dressed than the population of Petrograd and Moscow. -The women were handsomer than in northern Russia; the men of a finer -type. It was rather odd to see beautiful women, wearing evening gowns -in the daytime, walk about barefoot or clad in wooden sandals without -stockings. The coloured kerchiefs most of them had on lent life -and colour to the streets, giving them a cheerful appearance which -contrasted favourably with the gray tones of Petrograd. - -My first official visit was paid to the Department of Education. -I found a long line of people waiting admission, but the Museum -credentials immediately opened the doors, the chairman receiving -me most cordially. He listened attentively to my explanation of the -purposes of the Expedition and promised to give me an opportunity to -collect all the available material in his department, including the -newly prepared charts of its work. On the chairman's desk I noticed a -copy of such a chart, looking like a futurist picture, all lined and -dotted with red, blue, and purple. Noticing my puzzled expression the -chairman explained that the red indicated the various phases of the -educational system, the other colours representing literature, drama, -music, and the plastic arts. Each department was subdivided into -bureaus embracing every branch of the educational and cultural work of -the Socialist Republic. - -Concerning the system of education the chairman stated that from -three to eight years of age the child attended the kindergarten or -children's home. War orphans from the south, children of Red Army -soldiers and of proletarians in general received preference. If -vacancies remained, children of the bourgeoisie were also accepted. -From eight to thirteen the children attended the intermediary schools -where they received elementary education which inculcates the general -idea of the political and economic structure of R.S.F.S.R. Modern -methods of instruction by means of technical apparatus, so far as the -latter could be secured, had been introduced. The children were taught -processes of production as well as natural sciences. The period from -twelve to seventeen embraced vocational training. There were also -higher institutions of learning for young people who showed special -ability and inclination. Besides this, summer schools and colonies -had been established where instruction was given in the open. All -children belonging to the Soviet Republic were fed, clothed, and -housed at the expense of the Government. The scheme of education also -embraced workers' colleges and evening courses for adults of both -sexes. Here also everything was supplied to the pupils free, even -special rations. For further particulars the chairman referred me to -the literature of his department and advised me to study the plan in -operation. The educational work was much handicapped by the blockade -and counter-revolutionary attempts; else Russia would demonstrate to -the world what the Socialist Republic could do in the way of popular -enlightenment. They lacked even the most elemental necessaries, such as -paper, pencils, and books. In the winter most of the schools had to be -closed for lack of fuel. The cruelty and infamy of the blockade was -nowhere more apparent and crying than in its effect upon the sick and -the children. "It is the blackest crime of the century," the chairman -concluded. It was agreed that I return within a week to receive the -material for our collection. In the Social Welfare Department I also -found a very competent man in charge. He became much interested in the -work of the Expedition and promised to collect the necessary material -for us, though he could not offer very much because his department had -but recently been organized. Its work was to look after the disabled -and sick proletarians and those of old age exempt from labour. They -were given certain rations in food and clothing; in case they were -employed they received also a certain amount of money, about half of -their earnings. Besides that the Department was supporting living -quarters and dining rooms for its charges. - -In the corridor leading to the various offices of the Department -there were lines of emaciated and crippled figures, men and women, -waiting for their turn to receive aid. They looked like war veterans -awaiting their pittance in the form of rations; they reminded me of the -decrepit unemployed standing in line in the Salvation Army quarters -in America. One woman in particular attracted my attention. She was -angry and excited and she complained loudly. Her husband had been dead -two days and she was trying to obtain a permit for a coffin. She had -been in line ever since but could procure no order. "What am I to do?" -she wailed; "I cannot carry him on my own back or bury him without a -coffin, and I cannot keep him in my room much longer in this heat." The -woman's lament remained unanswered for everyone was absorbed in his own -troubles. Sick and disabled workers are thrown everywhere on the scrap -pile--I thought--but in Russia an effort is being made to prevent such -cruelty. Yet judging from what I saw in Kharkov I felt that not much -was being accomplished. It was a most depressing picture, that long -waiting line. I felt as if it was adding insult to injury. - -I visited a house where the social derelicts lived. It was fairly well -kept, but breathing the spirit of cold institutionalism. It was, of -course, better than sleeping in the streets or lying all night in the -doorways, as the sick and poor are often compelled to do in capitalist -countries, in America, for instance. Still it seemed incongruous that -something more cheerful and inviting could not be devised in Soviet -Russia for those who had sacrificed their health and had given their -labour to the common good. But apparently it was the best that the -Social Welfare Department could do in the present condition of Russia. - -In the evening our American friends visited us. Each of them had a -rich experience of struggle, suffering, and persecution and I was -surprised to learn that most of them had also been imprisoned by the -Bolsheviki. They had endured much for the sake of their ideas and -had been hounded by every government of Ukraina, there having been -fourteen political changes in some parts of the south during the last -two years. The Communists were no different: they also persecuted -the Anarchists as well as other revolutionists of the Left. Still -the Anarchists continued their work. Their faith in the Revolution, -in spite of all they endured, and even in the face of the worst -reaction, was truly sublime. They agreed that the possibilities of -the masses during the first months after the October Revolution were -very great, but expressed the opinion that revolutionary development -had been checked, and gradually entirely paralysed, by the deadening -effect of the Communist State. In the Ukraina, they explained, the -situation differed from that of Russia, because the peasants lived -in comparatively better material conditions. They had also retained -greater independence and more of a rebellious spirit. For these reasons -the Bolsheviki had failed to subdue the south. - -Our visitors spoke of Makhno as a heroic popular figure, and related -his daring exploits and the legends the peasants had woven about his -personality. There was considerable difference of opinion, however, -among the Anarchists concerning the significance of the Makhno -movement. Some regarded it as expressive of Anarchism and believed -that the Anarchists should devote all their energies to it. Others -held that the _povstantsi_ represented the native rebellious spirit -of the southern peasants, but that their movement was not Anarchism, -though anarchistically tinged. They were not in favour of limiting -themselves to that movement; they believed their work should be of a -more embracing and universal character. Several of our friends took -an entirely different position, denying to the Makhno movement any -anarchistic meaning whatever. - -Most enthusiastic about Makhno and emphatic about the Anarchist value -of that movement was Joseph, known as the "Emigrant"--the very last -man one would have expected to wax warm over a military organization. -Joseph was as mild and gentle as a girl. In America he had participated -in the Anarchist and Labour movements in a quiet and unassuming manner, -and very few knew the true worth of the man. Since his return to Russia -he had been in the thick of the struggle. He had spent much time with -Makhno and had learned to love and admire him for his revolutionary -devotion and courage. Joseph related an interesting experience of his -first visit to the peasant leader. When he arrived the _povstantsi_ for -some reason conceived the notion that he had come to harm their chief. -One of Makhno's closest friends claimed that Joseph, being a Jew, must -also be an emissary of the Bolsheviki sent to kill Makhno. When he saw -how attached Makhno became to Joseph, he decided to kill "the Jew." -Fortunately he first warned his leader, whereupon Makhno called his -men together and addressed them somewhat in this manner: "Joseph is a -Jew and an idealist; he is an Anarchist. I consider him my comrade and -friend and I shall hold everyone responsible for his safety." Idolized -by his army, Makhno's word was enough: Joseph became the trusted -friend of the _povstantsi_. They believed in him because their _batka_ -[father] had faith in him, and Joseph in return became deeply devoted -to them. Now he insisted that he must return to the rebel camp: they -were heroic people, simple, brave, and devoted to the cause of liberty. -He was planning to join Makhno again. Yet I could not free myself of -the feeling that if Joseph went back I should never see him alive any -more. He seemed to me like one of those characters in Zola's "Germinal" -who loves every living thing and yet is able to resort to dynamite for -the sake of the striking miners. - -I expressed the view to my friends that, important as the Makhno -movement might be, it was of a purely military nature and could not, -therefore, be expressive of the Anarchist spirit. I was sorry to see -Joseph return to the Makhno camp, for his work for the Anarchist -movement in Russia could be of much greater value. But he was -determined, and I felt that it was Joseph's despair at the reactionary -tendencies of the Bolsheviki which drove him, as it did so many others -of his comrades, away from the Communists and into the ranks of Makhno. - -During our stay in Kharkov I also visited the Department of Labour -Distribution, which had come into existence since the militarization of -labour. According to the Bolsheviki it became necessary then to return -the workers from the villages to which they had streamed from the -starving cities. They had to be registered and classified according to -trades and distributed to points where their services were most needed. -In the carrying out of this plan many people were daily rounded up on -the streets and in the market place. Together with the large numbers -arrested as speculators or for possession of Tsarist money, they were -put on the list of the Labour Distribution Department. Some were sent -to the Donetz Basin, while the weaker ones went on to concentration -camps. The Communists justified this system and method as necessary -during a revolutionary period in order to build up the industries. -Everybody must work in Russia, they said, or be forced to work. They -claimed that the industrial output had increased since the introduction -of the compulsory labour law. - -I had occasion to discuss these matters with many Communists and I -doubted the efficacy of the new policy. - -One evening a woman called at my room and introduced herself as -the former owner of the apartment. Since all the houses had been -nationalized she was allowed to keep three rooms, the rest of her -apartment having been put in charge of the House Bureau. Her family -consisted of eight members, including her parents and a married -daughter with her family. It was almost impossible to crowd all into -three rooms, especially considering the terrific heat of the Kharkov -summer; yet somehow they had managed. But two weeks prior to our -arrival in Kharkov Zinoviev visited the city. At a public meeting he -declared that the bourgeoisie of the city looked too well fed and -dressed. "It proves," he said, "that the comrades and especially the -Tcheka are neglecting their duty." No sooner had Zinoviev departed than -wholesale arrests and night raids began. Confiscation became the order -of the day. Her apartment, the woman related, had also been visited and -most of her effects taken away. But worst of all was that the Tcheka -ordered her to vacate one of the rooms, and now the whole family was -crowded into two small rooms. She was much worried lest a member of the -Tcheka or a Red Army man be assigned to the vacant room. "We felt much -relieved," she said, "when we were informed that someone from America -was to occupy this room. We wish you would remain here for a long time." - -Till then I had not come in personal contact with the members of the -expropriated bourgeoisie who had actually been made to suffer by the -Revolution. The few middle-class families I had met lived well, which -was a source of surprise to me. Thus in Petrograd a certain chemist I -had become acquainted with in Shatov's house lived in a very expensive -way. The Soviet authorities permitted him to operate his factory, and -he supplied the Government with chemicals at a cost much less than the -Government could manufacture them at. He paid his workers comparatively -high wages and provided them with rations. On a certain occasion I was -invited to dinner by the chemist's family. I found them living in a -luxurious apartment containing many valuable objects and art treasures. -My hostess, the chemist's wife, was expensively gowned and wore a -costly necklace. Dinner consisted of several courses and was served -in an extravagant manner with exquisite damask linen in abundance. It -must have cost several hundred thousand rubles, which in 1920 was a -small fortune in Russia. The astonishing thing to me was that almost -everybody in Petrograd knew the chemist and was familiar with his mode -of life. But I was informed that he was needed by the Soviet Government -and that he was therefore permitted to live as he pleased. Once I -expressed my surprise to him that the Bolsheviki had not confiscated -his wealth. He assured me that he was not the only one of the -bourgeoisie who had retained his former condition. "The bourgeoisie is -by no means dead," he said; "it has only been chloroformed for a while, -so to speak, for the painful operation. But it is already recovering -from the effect of the anesthetic and soon it will have recuperated -entirely. It only needs a little more time." The woman who visited me -in the Kharkov room had not managed so well as the Petrograd chemist. -She was a part of the wreckage left by the revolutionary storm that had -swept over Russia. - -During my stay in the Ukrainian capital I met some interesting people -of the professional classes, among them an engineer who had just -returned from the Donetz Basin and a woman employed in a Soviet Bureau. -Both were cultured persons and keenly alive to the fate of Russia. We -discussed the Zinoviev visit. They corroborated the story told me -before. Zinoviev had upbraided his comrades for their laxity toward the -bourgeoisie and criticized them for not suppressing trade. Immediately -upon Zinoviev's departure the Tcheka began indiscriminate raids, the -members of the bourgeoisie losing on that occasion almost the last -things they possessed. The most tragic part of it, according to the -engineer, was that the workers did not benefit by such raids. No one -knew what became of the things confiscated--they just disappeared. -Both the engineer and the woman Soviet employee spoke with much -concern about the general disintegration of ideas. The Russians once -believed, the woman said, that hovels and palaces were equally wrong -and should be abolished. It never occurred to them that the purpose of -a revolution is merely to cause a transfer of possessions--to put the -rich into the hovels and the poor into the palaces. It was not true -that the workers have gotten into the palaces. They were only made to -believe that that is the function of a revolution. In reality, the -masses remained where they had been before. But now they were not alone -there: they were in the company of the classes they meant to destroy. - -The civil engineer had been sent by the Soviet Government to the Donetz -Basin to build homes for the workers, and I was glad of the opportunity -to learn from him about the conditions there. The Communist press was -publishing glowing accounts about the intensive coal production of the -Basin, and official calculations claimed that the country would be -provided with sufficient coal for the approaching winter. In reality, -the Donetz mines were in a most deplorable state, the engineer informed -me. The miners were herded like cattle. They received abominable -rations, were almost barefoot, and were forced to work standing -in water up to their ankles. As a result of such conditions very -little coal was being produced. "I was one of a committee ordered to -investigate the situation and report our findings," said the engineer. -"Our report is far from favourable. We know that it is dangerous to -relate the facts as we found them: it may land us in the Tcheka. But -we decided that Moscow must face the facts. The system of political -Commissars, general Bolshevik inefficiency, and the paralysing effect -of the State machinery have made our constructive work in the Basin -almost impossible. It was a dismal failure." - -Could such a condition of affairs be avoided in a revolutionary -period and in a country so little developed industrially as Russia? I -questioned. The Revolution was being attacked by the bourgeoisie within -and without; there was compelling need of defence and no energies -remained for constructive work. The engineer scorned my viewpoint. The -Russian bourgeoisie was weak and could offer practically no resistance, -he claimed. It was numerically insignificant and it suffered from a -sick conscience. There was neither need nor justification for Bolshevik -terrorism and it was mainly the latter that paralysed the constructive -efforts. Middle-class intellectuals had been active for many years in -the liberal and revolutionary movements of Russia, and thus the members -of the bourgeoisie had become closer to the masses. When the great day -arrived the bourgeoisie, caught unawares, preferred to give up rather -than to put up a fight. It was stunned by the Revolution more than any -other class in Russia. It was quite unprepared and has not gotten its -bearings even to this day. It was not true, as the Bolsheviki claimed, -that the Russian bourgeoisie was an active menace to the Revolution. - -I had been advised to see the Chief of the Department of Workers' and -Peasants' Inspection, the position being held by a woman, formerly -an officer of the Tcheka, reputed to be very severe, even cruel, but -efficient. She could supply me with much valuable material, I was -told, and give me entrance to the prisons and concentration camps. On -my visiting the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection offices I found the -lady in charge not at all cordial at first. She ignored my credentials, -apparently not impressed by Zinoviev's signature. Presently a man -stepped out from an inner office. He proved to be Dibenko, a high Red -Army officer, and he informed me that he had heard of me from Alexandra -Kollontay, whom he referred to as his wife. He promised that I should -get all available material and asked me to return later in the day. -When I called again I found the lady much more amiable and willing to -give me information about the activities of her department. It appeared -that the latter had been organized to fight growing sabotage and graft. -It was part of the duties of the Tcheka, but it was found necessary to -create the new department for the inspection and correction of abuses. -"It is the tribunal to which cases may be appealed," said the woman; -"just now, for instance, we are investigating complaints of prisoners -who had been wrongly convicted or received excessive sentences." She -promised to secure for us permission to inspect the penal institutions -and several days later several members of the Expedition were given the -opportunity. - -First we visited the main concentration camp of Kharkov. We found -a number of prisoners working in the yard, digging a new sewer. It -was certainly needed, for the whole place was filled with nauseating -smells. The prison building was divided into a number of rooms, all of -them overcrowded. One of the compartments was called the "speculators' -apartment," though almost all its inmates protested against being -thus classed. They looked poor and starved, everyone of them anxious -to tell us his tale of woe, apparently under the impression that we -were official investigators. In one of the corridors we found several -Communists charged with sabotage. Evidently the Soviet Government did -not discriminate in favour of its own people. - -There were in the camp White officers taken prisoners at the Polish -front, and scores of peasant men and women held on various charges. -They presented a pitiful sight, sitting there on the floor for lack of -benches, a pathetic lot, bewildered and unable to grasp the combination -of events which had caught them in the net. - -More than one thousand able-bodied men were locked up in the -concentration camp, of no service to the community and requiring -numerous officials to guard and attend them. And yet Russia was badly -in need of labour energy. It seemed to me an impractical waste. - -Later we visited the prison. At the gates an angry mob was -gesticulating and shouting. I learned that the weekly parcels brought -by relatives of the inmates had that morning been refused acceptance -by the prison authorities. Some of the people had come for miles and -had spent their last ruble for food for their arrested husbands and -brothers. They were frantic. Our escort, the woman in charge of the -Bureau, promised to investigate the matter. We made the rounds of the -big prison--a depressing sight of human misery and despair. In the -solitary were those condemned to death. For days their look haunted -me--their eyes full of terror at the torturing uncertainty, fearing to -be called at any moment to face death. - -We had been asked by our Kharkov friends to find a certain young -woman in the prison. Trying to avoid arousing attention we sought -her with our eyes in various parts of the institution, till we saw -someone answering her description. She was an Anarchist, held as -a political. The prison conditions were bad, she told us. It had -required a protracted hunger strike to compel the authorities to -treat the politicals more decently and to keep the doors of those -condemned to death open during the day, so that they could receive a -little cheer and comfort from the other prisoners. She told of many -unjustly arrested and pointed out an old stupid-looking peasant woman -locked up in solitary as a Makhno spy, a charge obviously due to a -misunderstanding. - -The prison régime was very rigid. Among other things, it was forbidden -the prisoners to climb up on the windows or to look out into the -yard. The story was related to us of a prisoner being shot for once -disobeying that rule. He had heard some noise in the street below and, -curious to know what was going on, he climbed up on the window sill of -his cell. The sentry in the yard gave no warning. He fired, severely -wounding the man. Many similar stories of severity and abuse we heard -from the prisoners. On our way to town I expressed surprise at the -conditions that were being tolerated in the prisons. I remarked to our -guide that it would cause a serious scandal if the western world were -to learn under what conditions prisoners live and how they are treated -in Socialist Russia. Nothing could justify such brutality, I thought. -But the chairman of the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection remained -unmoved. "We are living in a revolutionary period," she replied; -"these matters cannot be helped." But she promised to investigate some -cases of extreme injustice which we had pointed out to her. I was not -convinced that the Revolution was responsible for the existing evils. -If the Revolution really had to support so much brutality and crime, -what was the purpose of the Revolution, after all? - -At the end of our first week in Kharkov I returned to the Department of -Education where I had been promised material. To my surprise I found -that nothing had been prepared. I was informed that the chairman was -absent, and again assured that the promised data would be collected and -ready before our departure. I was then referred to the man in charge -of a certain school experimental department. The chairman had told me -that some interesting educational methods were being developed, but I -found the manager unintelligent and dull. He could tell me nothing of -the new methods, but he was willing to send for one of the instructors -to explain things to me. A messenger was dispatched, but he soon -returned with the information that the teacher was busy demonstrating -to his class and could not come. The manager flew into a rage. "He -must come," he shouted; "the bourgeoisie are sabotaging like the other -damnable _intelligentsia_. They ought all to be shot. We can do very -well without them." He was one of the type of narrow-minded fanatical -and persecuting Communists who did more harm to the Revolution than any -counter-revolutionary. - -During our stay in Kharkov we also had time to visit some factories. -In a plough manufacturing plant we found a large loft stacked with the -finished product. I was surprised that the ploughs were kept in the -factory instead of being put to practical use on the farms. "We are -awaiting orders from Moscow," the manager explained; "it was a rush -order and we were threatened with arrest for sabotage in case it should -not be ready for shipment within six weeks. That was six months ago, -and as you see the ploughs are still here. The peasants need them -badly, and we need their bread. But we cannot exchange. We must await -orders from Moscow." - -I recalled a remark of Zinoviev when on our first meeting he stated -that Petrograd lacked fuel, notwithstanding the fact that less than a -hundred versts from the city there was enough to supply almost half the -country. I suggested on that occasion that the workers of Petrograd -be called upon to get the fuel to the city. Zinoviev thought it very -naďve. "Should we grant such a thing in Petrograd," he said, "the -same demand would be made in other cities. It would create communal -competition which is a bourgeois institution. It would interfere -with our plan of nationalized and centralized control." That was the -dominating principle, and as a result of it the Kharkov workers lacked -bread until Moscow should give orders to have the ploughs sent to the -peasants. The supremacy of the State was the cornerstone of Marxism. - -Several days before leaving Kharkov I once more visited the Board of -Education and again I failed to find its chairman. To my consternation -I was informed that I would receive no material because it had been -decided that Ukraina was to have its own museum and the chairman -had gone to Kiev to organize it. I felt indignant at the miserable -deception practised upon us by a man in high Communist position. Surely -Ukraina had the right to have its own museum, but why this petty fraud -which caused the Expedition to lose so much valuable time. - -The sequel to this incident came a few days later when we were -surprised by the hasty arrival of our secretary who informed us that -we must leave Kharkov immediately and as quietly as possible, because -the local executive committee of the party had decided to prevent our -carrying out statistical material from Ukraina. Accordingly, we made -haste to leave in order to save what we had already collected. We knew -the material would be lost if it remained in Kharkov and that the plan -of an independent Ukrainian museum would for many years remain only on -paper. - -Before departing we made arrangements for a last conference with our -local friends. We felt that we might never see them again. On that -occasion the work of the "Nabat" Federation was discussed in detail. -That general Anarchist organization of the south had been founded as a -result of the experiences of the Russian Anarchists and the conviction -that a unified body was necessary to make their work more effective. -They wanted not merely to die but to live for the Revolution. It -appeared that the Anarchists of Russia had been divided into several -factions, most of them numerically small and of little practical -influence upon the progress of events in Russia. They had been unable -to establish a permanent hold in the ranks of the workers. It was -therefore decided to gather all the Anarchist elements of the Ukraina -into one federation and thus be in condition to present a solid front -in the struggle not only against invasion and counter-revolution, but -also against Communist persecution. - -By means of unified effort the "Nabat" was able to cover most of the -south and get in close touch with the life of the workers and the -peasantry. The frequent changes of government in the Ukraina finally -drove the Anarchists to cover, the relentless persecution of the -Bolsheviki having depleted their ranks of the most active workers. -Still the Federation had taken root among the people. The little -band was in constant danger, but it was energetically continuing its -educational and propaganda work. - -The Kharkov Anarchists had evidently expected much from our presence -in Russia. They hoped that Alexander Berkman and myself would join -them in their work. We were already seven months in Russia but had -as yet taken no direct part in the Anarchist movement. I could sense -the disappointment and impatience of our comrades. They were eager we -should at least inform the European and American Anarchists of what -was going on in Russia, particularly about the ruthless persecution of -the Left revolutionary elements. Well could I understand the attitude -of my Ukrainian friends. They had suffered much during the last years: -they had seen the high hopes of the Revolution crushed and Russia -breaking down beneath the heel of the Bolshevik State. Yet I could -not comply with their wishes. I still had faith in the Bolsheviki, in -their revolutionary sincerity and integrity. Moreover, I felt that as -long as Russia was being attacked from the outside I could not speak -in criticism. I would not add fuel to the fires of counter-revolution. -I therefore had to keep silent, and stand by the Bolsheviki as the -organized defenders of the Revolution. But my Russian friends scorned -this view. I was confounding the Communist Party with the Revolution, -they said; they were not the same; on the contrary, they were opposed, -even antagonistic. The Communist State, according to the "Nabat" -Anarchists, had proven fatal to the Revolution. - -Within a few hours before our departure we received the confidential -information that Makhno had sent a call for Alexander Berkman and -myself to visit him. He wished to place his situation before us, and, -through us, before the Anarchist movement of the world. He desired to -have it widely understood that he was not the bandit, Jew-baiter, and -counter-revolutionist the Bolsheviki had proclaimed him. He was devoted -to the Revolution and was serving the interests of the people as he -conceived them. - -It was a great temptation to meet the modern Stenka Rasin, but we were -pledged to the Museum and could not break faith with the other members -of the Expedition. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -POLTAVA - - -In the general dislocation of life in Russia and the breaking down -of her economic machinery the railroad system had suffered most. The -subject was discussed in almost every meeting and every Soviet paper -often wrote about it. Between Petrograd and Moscow, however, the real -state of affairs was not so noticeable, though the main stations -were always overcrowded and the people waited for days trying to -secure places. Still, trains between Petrograd and Moscow ran fairly -regularly. If one was fortunate enough to procure the necessary -permission to travel, and a ticket, one could manage to make the -journey without particular danger to life or limb. But the farther -south one went the more apparent became the disorganization. Broken -cars dotted the landscape, disabled engines lay along the route, and -frequently the tracks were torn up. Everywhere in the Ukraina the -stations were filled to suffocation, the people making a wild rush -whenever a train was sighted. Most of them remained for weeks on the -platforms before succeeding in getting into a train. The steps and even -the roofs of the cars were crowded by men and women loaded with bundles -and bags. At every station there was a savage scramble for a bit of -space. Soldiers drove the passengers off the steps and the roofs, and -often they had to resort to arms. Yet so desperate were the people and -so determined to get to some place where there was hope of securing -a little food, that they seemed indifferent to arrest and risked -their lives continuously in this mode of travel. As a result of this -situation there were numberless accidents, scores of travellers being -often swept to their death by low bridges. These sights had become -so common that practically no attention was paid to them. Travelling -southward and on our return we frequently witnessed these scenes. -Constantly the _meshotchniki_ [people with bags] mobbed the cars in -search of food, or when returning laden with their precious burden of -flour and potatoes. - -Day and night the terrible scenes kept repeating themselves at every -station. It was becoming a torture to travel in our well-equipped car. -It contained only six persons, leaving considerable room for more; yet -we were forbidden to share it with others. It was not only because of -the danger of infection or of insects but because the Museum effects -and the material collected would have surely vanished had we allowed -strangers on board. We sought to salve our conscience by permitting -women and children or cripples to travel on the rear platform of our -car, though even that was contrary to orders. - -Another feature which caused us considerable annoyance was the -inscription on our car, which read: Extraordinary Commission of the -Museum of the Revolution. Our friends at the Museum had assured us -that the "title" would help us to secure attention at the stations and -would also be effective in getting our car attached to such trains as -we needed. But already the first few days proved that the inscription -roused popular feeling against us. The name "Extraordinary Commission" -signified to the people the Tcheka. They paid no attention to the other -words, being terrorized by the first. Early in the journey we noticed -the sinister looks that met us at the stations and the unwillingness -of the people to enter into friendly conversation. Presently it -dawned on us what was wrong; but it required considerable effort -to explain the misunderstanding. Once put at his ease, the simple -Russian opened up his heart to us. A kind word, a solicitous inquiry, -a cigarette, changed his attitude. Especially when assured that we -were not Communists and that we had come from America, the people -along the route would soften and become more talkative, sometimes even -confidential. They were unsophisticated and primitive, often crude. -But illiterate and undeveloped as they were, these plain folk were -clear about their needs. They were unspoiled and possessed of a deep -faith in elementary justice and equality. I was often moved almost to -tears by these Russian peasant men and women clinging to the steps of -the moving train, every moment in danger of their lives, yet remaining -good-humoured and indifferent to their miserable condition. They -would exchange stories of their lives or sometimes break out in the -melodious, sad songs of the south. At the stations, while the train -waited for an engine, the peasants would gather into groups, form a -large circle, and then someone would begin to play the accordion, -the bystanders accompanying with song. It was strange to see these -hungry and ragged peasants, huge loads on their backs, standing about -entirely forgetful of their environment, pouring their hearts out in -folk songs. A peculiar people, these Russians, saint and devil in one, -manifesting the highest as well as the most brutal impulses, capable of -almost anything except sustained effort. I have often wondered whether -this lack did not to some extent explain the disorganization of the -country and the tragic condition of the Revolution. - -We reached Poltava in the morning. The city looked cheerful in the -bright sunlight, the streets lined with trees, with little garden -patches between them. Vegetables in great variety were growing on them, -and it was refreshing to note that no fences were about and still the -vegetables were safe, which would surely not have been the case in -Petrograd or Moscow. Apparently there was not so much hunger in this -city as in the north. - -Together with the Expedition Secretary I visited the government -headquarters. Instead of the usual _Ispolkom_ [Executive Committee of -the Soviet] Poltava was ruled by a revolutionary committee known as the -_Revkom_. This indicated that the Bolsheviki had not yet had time to -organize a Soviet in the city. We succeeded in getting the chairman of -the _Revkom_ interested in the purpose of our journey and he promised -to coöperate and to issue an order to the various departments that -material be collected and prepared for us. Our gracious reception -augured good returns. - -In the Bureau for the Care of Mothers and Infants I met two very -interesting women--one the daughter of the great Russian writer, -Korolenko, the other the former chairman of the Save-the-Children -Society. Learning of the purpose of my presence in Poltava the women -offered their aid and invited me to visit their school and the near-by -home of Korolenko. - -The school was located in a small house set deep in a beautiful garden, -the place hardly visible from the street. The reception room contained -a rich collection of dolls of every variety. There were handsome -Ukrainian lassies, competing in colourful dress and headgear with their -beautiful sisters from the Caucasus; dashing Cossacks from the Don -looked proudly at their less graceful brothers from the Volga. There -were dolls of every description, representing local costumes of almost -every part of Russia. The collection also contained various toys, the -handwork of the villages, and beautiful designs of the _kustarny_ -manufacture, representing groups of children in Russian and Siberian -peasant attire. - -The ladies of the house related the story of the Save-the-Children -Society. The organization in existence, for a number of years, was of -very limited scope until the February Revolution. Then new elements, -mainly of revolutionary type, joined the society. They strove to extend -its work and to provide not only for the physical well-being of the -children but also to educate them, teach them to love work and develop -their appreciation of beauty. Toys and dolls, made chiefly of waste -material, were exhibited and the proceeds applied to the needs of the -children. After the October Revolution, when the Bolsheviki possessed -themselves of Poltava, the society was repeatedly raided and some -of the instructors arrested on suspicion that the institution was a -counter-revolutionary nest. The small band which remained went on, -however, with their efforts on behalf of the children. They succeeded -in sending a delegation to Lunacharsky to appeal for permission to -carry on their work. Lunacharsky proved sympathetic, issued the -requested document, and even provided them with a letter to the local -authorities, pointing out the importance of their labours. - -But the society continued to be subjected to annoyance and -discrimination. To avoid being charged with sabotage the women offered -their services to the Poltava Department of Education. There they -worked from nine in the morning till three in the afternoon, devoting -their leisure time to their school. But the antagonism of the Communist -authorities was not appeased: the society remained in disfavour. - -The women pointed out that the Soviet Government pretended to stand -for self-determination and yet every independent effort was being -discredited and all initiative discouraged, if not entirely suppressed. -Not even the Ukrainian Communists were permitted self-determination. -The majority of the chiefs of the departments were Moscow appointees, -and Ukraina was practically deprived of opportunity for independent -action. A bitter struggle was going on between the Communist Party of -Ukraina and the Central authorities in Moscow. The policy of the latter -was to control everything. - -The women were devoted to the cause of the children and willing to -suffer misunderstanding and even persecution for the sake of their -interest in the welfare of their charges. Both had understanding -for and sympathy with the Revolution, though they could not approve -of the terroristic methods of the Bolsheviki. They were intelligent -and cultured people and I felt their home an oasis in the desert of -Communist thought and feeling. Before I left the ladies supplied me -with a collection of the children's work and some exquisite colour -drawings by Miss Korolenko, begging me to send the things to America as -specimens of their labours. They were very eager to have the American -people learn about their society and its efforts. - -Subsequently I had the opportunity of meeting Korolenko who was still -very feeble from his recent illness. He looked the patriarch, venerable -and benign; he quickly warmed one's heart by his melodious voice and -the fine face that lit up when he spoke of the people. He referred -affectionately to America and his friends there. But the light faded -out of his eyes and his voice quivered with grief as he spoke of the -great tragedy of Russia and the suffering of the people. - -"You want to know my views on the present situation and my attitude -toward the Bolsheviki?" he asked. "It would take too long to tell you -about it. I am writing to Lunacharsky a series of letters for which -he had asked and which he promised to publish. The letters deal with -this subject. Frankly speaking, I do not believe they will ever appear -in print, but I shall send you a copy of the letters for the Museum as -soon as they are complete. There will be six of them. I can give you -two right now. Briefly, my opinion is summarized in a certain passage -in one of these letters. I said there that if the gendarmes of the -Tsar would have had the power not only to arrest but also to shoot -us, the situation would have been like the present one. That is what -is happening before my eyes every day. The Bolsheviki claim that such -methods are inseparable from the Revolution. But I cannot agree with -them that persecution and constant shooting will serve the interests -of the people or of the Revolution. It was always my conception that -revolution meant the highest expression of humanity and of justice. In -Russia to-day both are absent. At a time when the fullest expression -and coöperation of all intellectual and spiritual forces are necessary -to reconstruct the country, a gag has been placed upon the whole -people. To dare question the wisdom and efficacy of the so-called -dictatorship of the proletariat or of the Communist Party leaders is -considered a crime. We lack the simplest requisites of the real essence -of a social revolution, and yet we pretend to have placed ourselves at -the head of a world revolution. Poor Russia will have to pay dearly -for this experiment. It may even delay for a long time fundamental -changes in other countries. The bourgeoisie will be able to defend its -reactionary methods by pointing to what has happened in Russia." - -With heavy heart I took leave of the famous writer, one of the last of -the great literary men who had been the conscience and the spiritual -voice of intellectual Russia. Again I felt him uttering the cry of that -part of the Russian _intelligentsia_ whose sympathies were entirely -with the people and whose life and work were inspired only by the love -of their country and the interest for its welfare. - -In the evening I visited a relative of Korolenko, a very sympathetic -old lady who was the chairman of the Poltava Political Red Cross. She -told me much about things that Korolenko himself was too modest to -mention. Old and feeble as he was, he was spending most of his time -in the Tcheka, trying to save the lives of those innocently condemned -to death. He frequently wrote letters of appeal to Lenin, Gorki, and -Lunacharsky, begging them to intervene to prevent senseless executions. -The present chairman of the Poltava Tcheka was a man relentless and -cruel. His sole solution of difficult problems was shooting. The lady -smiled sadly when I told her that the man had been very gracious to -the members of our Expedition. "That was for show," she said, "we know -him better. We have daily occasion to see his graciousness from this -balcony. Here pass the victims taken to slaughter." - -Poltava is famous as a manufacturing centre of peasant handicrafts. -Beautiful linen, embroidery, laces, and basket work were among the -products of the province's industry. I visited the Department of Social -Economy, the _sovnarkhoz_, where I learned that those industries -were practically suspended. Only a small collection remained in the -Department. "We used to supply the whole world, even America, with our -_kustarny_ work," said the woman in charge, who had formerly been the -head of the _Zemstvo_, which took special pride in fostering those -peasant efforts. "Our needlework was known all over the country as -among the finest specimens of art, but now it has all been destroyed. -The peasants have lost their art impulse, they have become brutalized -and corrupted." She was bemoaning the loss of peasant art as a mother -does that of her child. - -During our stay in Poltava we got in touch with representatives of -various other social elements. The reaction of the Zionists toward the -Bolshevik régime was particularly interesting. At first they refused -to speak with us, evidently made very cautious by previous experience. -It was also the presence of our secretary, a Gentile, that aroused -their distrust. I arranged to meet some of the Zionists alone, and -gradually they became more confidential. I had learned in Moscow, in -connection with the arrest of the Zionists there, that the Bolsheviki -were inclined to consider them counter-revolutionary. But I found the -Poltava Zionists very simple orthodox Jews who certainly could not -impress any one as conspirators or active enemies. They were passive, -though bitter against the Bolshevik régime. It was claimed that the -Bolsheviki made no pogroms and that they do not persecute the Jews, -they said; but that was true only in a certain sense. There were two -kinds of pogroms: the loud, violent ones, and the silent ones. Of the -two the Zionists considered the former preferable. The violent pogrom -might last a day or a week; the Jews are attacked and robbed, sometimes -even murdered; and then it is over. But the silent pogroms continued -all the time. They consisted of constant discrimination, persecution, -and hounding. The Bolsheviki had closed the Jewish hospitals and now -sick Jews were forced to eat _treife_ in the Gentile hospitals. The -same applied to the Jewish children in the Bolshevik feeding houses. -If a Jew and a Gentile happened to be arrested on the same charge, it -was certain that the Gentile would go free while the Jew would be sent -to prison and sometimes even shot. They were all the time exposed to -insult and indignities, not to mention the fact that they were doomed -to slow starvation, since all trade had been suppressed. The Jews in -the Ukraina were suffering a continuous silent pogrom. - -I felt that the Zionist criticism of the Bolshevik régime was inspired -by a narrow religious and nationalistic attitude. They were Orthodox -Jews, mostly tradesmen whom the Revolution had deprived of their sphere -of activity. Nevertheless, their problem was real--the problem of the -Jew suffocating in the atmosphere of active anti-Semitism. In Poltava -the leading Communist and Bolshevik officials were Gentiles. Their -dislike of the Jews was frank and open. Anti-Semitism throughout the -Ukraine was more virulent than even in pre-revolutionary days. - -After leaving Poltava we continued on our journey south, but we -did not get farther than Fastov owing to the lack of engines. That -town, once prosperous, was now impoverished and reduced to less than -one third of its former population. Almost all activity was at a -standstill. We found the market place, in the centre of the town, a -most insignificant affair, consisting of a few stalls having small -supplies of white flour, sugar, and butter. There were more women -about than men, and I was especially struck by the strange expression -in their eyes. They did not look you full in the face; they stared -past you with a dumb, hunted animal expression. We told the women that -we had heard many terrible pogroms had taken place in Fastov and we -wished to get data on the subject to be sent to America to enlighten -the people there on the condition of the Ukrainian Jews. As the news -of our presence spread many women and children surrounded us, all much -excited and each trying to tell her story of the horrors of Fastov. -Fearful pogroms, they related, had taken place in that city, the -most terrible of them by Denikin, in September, 1919. It lasted eight -days, during which 4,000 persons were killed, while several thousand -died as the result of wounds and shock. Seven thousand perished from -hunger and exposure on the road to Kiev, while trying to escape the -Denikin savages. The greater part of the city had been destroyed or -burned; many of the older Jews were trapped in the synagogue and there -murdered, while others had been driven to the public square where -they were slaughtered. Not a woman, young or old, that had not been -outraged, most of them in the very sight of their fathers, husbands, -and brothers. The young girls, some of them mere children, had suffered -repeated violation at the hands of the Denikin soldiers. I understood -the dreadful look in the eyes of the women of Fastov. - -Men and women besieged us with appeals to inform their relatives in -America about their miserable condition. Almost everyone, it seemed, -had some kin in that country. They crowded into our car in the -evenings, bringing scores of letters to be forwarded to the States. -Some of the messages bore no addresses, the simple folk thinking the -name sufficient. Others had not heard from their American kindred -during the years of war and revolution but still hoped that they were -to be found somewhere across the ocean. It was touching to see the -people's deep faith that their relatives in America would save them. - -Every evening our car was filled with the unfortunates of Fastov. Among -them was a particularly interesting visitor, a former attorney, who had -repeatedly braved the pogrom makers and saved many Jewish lives. He -had kept a diary of the pogroms and we spent a whole evening listening -to the reading of his manuscript. It was a simple recital of facts and -dates, terrible in its unadorned objectivity. It was the soul cry of -a people continuously violated and tortured and living in daily fear -of new indignities and outrages. Only one bright spot there was in the -horrible picture: no pogroms had taken place under the Bolsheviki. The -gratitude of the Fastov Jews was pathetic. They clung to the Communists -as to a saving straw. It was encouraging to think that the Bolshevik -régime was at least free from that worst of all Russian curses, pogroms -against Jews. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -KIEV - - -Owing to the many difficulties and delays the journey from Fastov -to Kiev lasted six days and was a continuous nightmare. The railway -situation was appalling. At every station scores of freight cars -clogged the lines. Nor were they loaded with provisions to feed the -starving cities; they were densely packed with human cargo among whom -the sick were a large percentage. All along the route the waiting rooms -and platforms were filled with crowds, bedraggled and dirty. Even -more ghastly were the scenes at night. Everywhere masses of desperate -people, shouting and struggling to gain a foothold on the train. They -resembled the damned of Dante's Inferno, their faces ashen gray in -the dim light, all frantically fighting for a place. Now and then an -agonized cry would ring through the night and the already moving train -would come to a halt: somebody had been thrown to his death under the -wheels. - -It was a relief to reach Kiev. We had expected to find the city almost -in ruins, but we were pleasantly disappointed. When we left Petrograd -the Soviet Press contained numerous stories of vandalism committed by -Poles before evacuating Kiev. They had almost demolished the famous -ancient cathedral in the city, the papers wrote, destroyed the water -works and electric stations, and set fire to several parts of the -city. Tchicherin and Lunacharsky issued passionate appeals to the -cultured people of the world in protest against such barbarism. The -crime of the Poles against Art was compared with that committed by -the Germans in Rheims, whose celebrated cathedral had been injured by -Prussian artillery. We were, therefore, much surprised to find Kiev in -even better condition than Petrograd. In fact, the city had suffered -very little, considering the numerous changes of government and the -accompanying military operations. It is true that some bridges and -railroad tracks had been blown up on the outskirts of the city, but -Kiev itself was almost unharmed. People looked at us in amazement when -we made inquiries about the condition of the cathedral: they had not -heard the Moscow report. - -Unlike our welcome in Kharkov and Poltava, Kiev proved a -disappointment. The secretary of the _Ispolkom_ was not very amiable -and appeared not at all impressed by Zinoviev's signature on our -credentials. Our secretary succeeded in seeing the chairman of the -Executive Committee, but returned very discouraged: that high official -was too impatient to listen to her representations. He was busy, he -said, and could not be troubled. It was decided that I try my luck as -an American, with the result that the chairman finally agreed to give -us access to the available material. It was a sad reflection on the -irony of life. America was in league with world imperialism to starve -and crush Russia. Yet it was sufficient to mention that one came from -America to find the key to everything Russian. It was pathetic, and -rather distasteful to make use of that key. - -In Kiev antagonism to Communism was intense, even the local Bolsheviki -being bitter against Moscow. It was out of the question for anyone -coming from "the centre" to secure their coöperation unless armed with -State powers. The Government employees in Soviet institutions took no -interest in anything save their rations. Bureaucratic indifference -and incompetence in Ukraina were even worse than in Moscow and were -augmented by nationalistic resentment against the "Russians." It was -true also of Kharkov and Poltava, though in a lesser degree. Here the -very atmosphere was charged with distrust and hatred of everything -Muscovite. The deception practised on us by the chairman of the -Educational Department of Kharkov was characteristic of the resentment -almost every Ukrainian official felt toward Moscow. The chairman was a -Ukrainian to the core, but he could not openly ignore our credentials -signed by Zinoviev and Lunacharsky. He promised to aid our efforts but -he disliked the idea of Petrograd "absorbing" the historic material -of the Ukraina. In Kiev there was no attempt to mask the opposition -to Moscow. One was made to feel it everywhere. But the moment the -magic word "America" was spoken and the people made to understand that -one was not a Communist, they became interested and courteous, even -confidential. The Ukrainian Communists were also no exception. - -The information and documents collected in Kiev were of the same -character as the data gathered in former cities. The system of -education, care of the sick, distribution of labour and so forth were -similar to the general Bolshevik scheme. "We follow the Moscow plan," -said a Ukrainian teacher, "with the only difference that in our schools -the Ukrainian language is taught together with Russian." The people, -and especially the children, looked better fed and clad than those of -Russia proper: food was comparatively more plentiful and cheaper. There -were show schools as in Petrograd and Moscow, and no one apparently -realized the corrupting effect of such discrimination upon the teachers -as well as the children. The latter looked with envy upon the pupils -of the favoured schools and believed that they were only for Communist -children, which in reality was not the case. The teachers, on the -other hand, knowing how little attention was paid to ordinary schools, -were negligent in their work. All tried to get a position in the show -schools which were enjoying special and varied rations. - -The chairman of the Board of Health was an alert and competent man, -one of the few officials in Kiev who showed interest in the Expedition -and its work. He devoted much time to explaining to us the methods of -his organization and pointing out interesting places to visit and the -material which could be collected for the Museum. He especially called -our attention to the Jewish hospital for crippled children. - -I found the latter in charge of a cultivated and charming man, Dr. -N----. For twenty years he had been head of the hospital and he took -interest as well as pride in showing us about his institution and -relating its history. - -The hospital had formerly been one of the most famous in Russia, the -pride of the local Jews who had built and maintained it. But within -recent years its usefulness had become curtailed owing to the frequent -changes of government. It had been exposed to persecution and repeated -pogroms. Jewish patients critically ill were often forced out of their -beds to make room for the favourites of this or that régime. The -officers of the Denikin army were most brutal. They drove the Jewish -patients out into the street, subjected them to indignities and abuse, -and would have killed them had it not been for the intercession of the -hospital staff who at the risk of their own lives protected the sick. -It was only the fact that the majority of the staff were Gentiles that -saved the hospital and its inmates. But the shock resulted in numerous -deaths and many patients were left with shattered nerves. - -The doctor also related to me the story of some of the patients, -most of them victims of the Fastov pogroms. Among them were children -between the ages of six and eight, gaunt and sickly looking, terror -stamped on their faces. They had lost all their kin, in some cases -the whole family having been killed before their eyes. These children -often waked at night, the physician said, in fright at their horrible -dreams. Everything possible was being done for them, but so far the -unfortunate children had not been freed from the memory of their -terrible experiences at Fastov. The doctor pointed out a group of young -girls between the ages of fourteen and eighteen, the worst victims of -the Denikin pogrom. All of them had been repeatedly outraged and were -in a mutilated state when they came to the hospital; it would take -years to restore them to health. The doctor emphasized the fact that -no pogroms had taken place during the Bolshevik régime. It was a great -relief to him and his staff to know that his patients were no longer -in such danger. But the hospital had other difficulties. There was the -constant interference by political Commissars and the daily struggle -for supplies. "I spend most of my time in the various bureaus," he -said, "instead of devoting myself to my patients. Ignorant officials -are given power over the medical profession, continuously harassing -the doctors in their work." The doctor himself had been repeatedly -arrested for sabotage because of his inability to comply with the -numerous decrees and orders, frequently mutually contradictory. It -was the result of a system in which political usefulness rather than -professional merit played the main rôle. It often happened that a -first-class physician of well-known repute and long experience would be -suddenly ordered to some distant part to place a Communist doctor in -his position. Under such conditions the best efforts were paralysed. -Moreover, there was the general suspicion of the _intelligentsia_, -which was a demoralizing factor. It was true that many of that -class had sabotaged, but there were also those who did heroic and -self-sacrificing work. The Bolsheviki, by their indiscriminate -antagonism toward the _intelligentsia_ as a class, roused prejudices -and passions which poisoned the mainsprings of the cultural life of -the country. The Russian _intelligentsia_ had with its very blood -fertilized the soil of the Revolution, yet it was not given it to reap -the fruits of its long struggle. "A tragic fate," the doctor remarked; -"unless one forget it in his work, existence would be impossible." - -The institution for crippled children proved a very model and modern -hospital, located in the heart of a large park. It was devoted to the -marred creatures with twisted limbs and deformed bodies, victims of the -great war, disease, and famine. The children looked aged and withered; -like Father Time, they had been born old. They lay in rows on clean -white beds, baking in the warm sun of the Ukrainian summer. The head -physician, who guided us through the institution, seemed much beloved -by his little charges. They were eager and pleased to see him as he -approached each helpless child and bent over affectionately to make -some inquiries about its health. The hospital had been in existence -for many years and was considered the first of its kind in Russia. Its -equipment for the care of deformed and crippled children was among the -most modern. "Since the war and the Revolution we feel rather behind -the times," the doctor said; "we have been cut off from the civilized -world for so many years. But in spite of the various government changes -we have striven to keep up our standards and to help the unfortunate -victims of strife and disease." The supplies for the institution were -provided by the Government and the hospital force was exposed to no -interference, though I understood from the doctor that because of his -political neutrality he was looked upon by the Bolsheviki as inclined -to counter-revolution. - -The hospital contained a large number of children; some of those who -could walk about studied music and art, and we had the opportunity -of attending an informal concert arranged by the children and their -teachers in our honour. Some of them played the _balalaika_ in a most -artistic manner, and it was consoling to see those marred children -finding forgetfulness in the rhythm of the folk melodies of the Ukraina. - -Early during our stay in Kiev we learned that the most valuable -material for the Museum was not to be found in the Soviet institutions, -but that it was in the possession of other political groups and private -persons. The best statistical information on pogroms, for instance, was -in the hands of a former Minister of the Rada régime in the Ukraina. -I succeeded in locating the man and great was my surprise when, upon -learning my identity, he presented me with several copies of the -_Mother Earth_ magazine I had published in America. The ex-Minister -arranged a small gathering to which were invited some writers and poets -and men active in the Jewish _Kulturliga_ to meet several members -of our Expedition. The gathering consisted of the best elements of -the local Jewish _intelligentsia_. We discussed the Revolution, the -Bolshevik methods, and the Jewish problem. Most of those present, -though opposed to the Communist theories, were in favour of the Soviet -Government. They felt that the Bolsheviki, in spite of their many -blunders, were striving to further the interests of Russia and the -Revolution. At any rate, under the Communist régime the Jews were not -exposed to the pogroms practised upon them by all the other régimes -of Ukraina. Those Jewish intellectuals argued that the Bolsheviki at -least permitted the Jews to live, and that they were therefore to be -preferred to any other governments and should be supported by the -Jews. They were fearful of the growth of anti-Semitism in Russia and -were horrified at the possibility of the Bolsheviki being overthrown. -Wholesale slaughter of the Jews would undoubtedly follow, they believed. - -Some of the younger set held a different view. The Bolshevik régime -had resulted in increased hatred toward the Jews, they said, for the -masses were under the impression that most of the Communists were Jews. -Communism stood for forcible tax-collection, punitive expeditions, and -the Tcheka. Popular opposition to the Communists therefore expressed -itself in the hatred of the whole Jewish race. Thus Bolshevik tyranny -had added fuel to the latent anti-Semitism of the Ukraina. Moreover, -to prove that they were not discriminating in favour of the Jews, the -Bolsheviki had gone to the other extreme and frequently arrested and -punished Jews for things that the Gentiles could do with impunity. The -Bolsheviki also fostered and endowed cultural work in the south in -the Ukrainian language, while at the same time they discouraged such -efforts in the Jewish language. It was true that the _Kulturliga_ was -still permitted to exist, but its work was hampered at every step. -In short, the Bolsheviki permitted the Jews to live, but only in a -physical sense. Culturally, they were condemned to death. The _Yevkom_ -(Jewish Communist Section) was receiving, of course, every advantage -and support from the Government, but then its mission was to carry the -gospel of the proletarian dictatorship to the Jews of the Ukraina. -It was significant that the _Yevkom_ was more anti-Semitic than the -Ukrainians themselves. If it had the power it would pogrom every -non-Communist Jewish organization and destroy all Jewish educational -efforts. This young element emphasized that they did not favour the -overthrow of the Bolshevik Government; but they could not support it, -either. - -I felt that both Jewish factions took a purely nationalistic view of -the Russian situation. I could well understand their personal attitude, -the result of their own suffering and the persecution of the Jewish -race. Still, my chief concern was the Revolution and its effects upon -Russia _as a whole_. Whether the Bolsheviki should be supported or not -could not depend merely on their attitude to the Jews and the Jewish -question. The latter was surely a very vital and pressing issue, -especially in the Ukraina; yet the general problem involved was much -greater. It embraced the complete economic and social emancipation of -the whole people of Russia, the Jews included. If the Bolshevik methods -and practices were not imposed upon them by the force of circumstances, -if they were conditioned in their own theories and principles, and if -their sole object was to secure their own power, I could not support -them. They might be innocent of pogroms against the Jews, but if they -were pogroming the whole of Russia then they had failed in their -mission as a revolutionary party. I was not prepared to say that I -had reached a clear understanding of all the problems involved, but -my experience so far led me to think that it was the basic Bolshevik -conception of the Revolution which was false, its practical application -necessarily resulting in the great Russian catastrophe of which the -Jewish tragedy was but a minor part. - -My host and his friends could not agree with my viewpoint: we -represented opposite camps. But the gathering was nevertheless -intensely interesting and it was arranged that we meet again before our -departure from the city. - -Returning to our car one day I saw a detachment of Red Army soldiers -at the railway station. On inquiry I found that foreign delegates were -expected from Moscow and that the soldiers had been ordered out to -participate in a demonstration in their honour. Groups of the uniformed -men stood about discussing the arrival of the mission. There were many -expressions of dissatisfaction because the soldiers had been kept -waiting so long. "These people come to Russia just to look us over," -one of the Red Army men said; "do they know anything about us or are -they interested in how we live? Not they. It's a holiday for them. They -are dressed up and fed by the Government, but they never talk to us -and all they see is how we march past. Here we have been lying around -in the burning sun for hours while the delegates are probably being -feasted at some other station. That's comradeship and equality for you!" - -I had heard such sentiments voiced before, but it was surprising to -hear them from soldiers. I thought of Angelica Balabanova, who was -accompanying the Italian Mission, and I wondered what she would think -if she knew how the men felt. It had probably never occurred to her -that those "ignorant Russian peasants" in military uniform had looked -through the sham of official demonstrations. - -The following day we received an invitation from Balabanova to attend -a banquet given in honour of the Italian delegates. Anxious to meet -the foreign guests, several members of our Expedition accepted the -invitation. - -The affair took place in the former Chamber of Commerce building, -profusely decorated for the occasion. In the main banquet hall long -tables were heavily laden with fresh-cut flowers, several varieties -of southern fruit, and wine. The sight reminded one of the feasts -of the old bourgeoisie, and I could see that Angelica felt rather -uncomfortable at the lavish display of silverware and wealth. The -banquet opened with the usual toasts, the guests drinking to Lenin, -Trotsky, the Red Army, and the Third International, the whole company -rising as the revolutionary anthem was intoned after each toast, with -the soldiers and officers standing at attention in good old military -style. - -Among the delegates were two young French Anarcho-syndicalists. They -had heard of our presence in Kiev and had been looking for us all -day without being able to locate us. After the banquet they were -immediately to leave for Petrograd, so that we had only a short time at -our disposal. On our way to the station the delegates related that they -had collected much material on the Revolution which they intended to -publish in France. They had become convinced that all was not well with -the Bolshevik régime: they had come to realize that the dictatorship -of the proletariat was in the exclusive hands of the Communist Party, -while the common worker was enslaved as much as ever. It was their -intention, they said, to speak frankly about these matters to their -comrades at home and to substantiate their attitude by the material in -their possession. "Do you expect to get the documents out?" I asked La -Petit, one of the delegates. "You don't mean that I might be prevented -from taking out my own notes," he replied. "The Bolsheviki would not -dare to go so far--not with foreign delegates, at any rate." He seemed -so confident that I did not care to pursue the subject further. That -night the delegates left Kiev and a short time afterward they departed -from Russia. They were never seen alive again. Without making any -comment upon their disappearance I merely want to mention that when -I returned to Moscow several months later it was generally related -that the two Anarcho-syndicalists, with several other men who had -accompanied them, were overtaken by a storm somewhere off the coast of -Finland, and were all drowned. There were rumours of foul play, though -I am not inclined to credit the story, especially in view of the fact -that together with the Anarcho-syndicalists also perished a Communist -in good standing in Moscow. But their disappearance with all the -documents they had collected has never been satisfactorily explained. - -The rooms assigned to the members of our Expedition were located in a -house within a _passage_ leading off the Kreschatik, the main street of -Kiev. It had formerly been the wealthy residential section of the city -and its fine houses, though lately neglected, still looked imposing. -The _passage_ also contained a number of shops, ruins of former glory, -which catered to the well-to-do of the neighbourhood. Those stores -still had good supplies of vegetables, fruit, milk, and butter. They -were owned mostly by old Jews whose energies could not be applied to -any other usefulness--Orthodox Jews to whom the Revolution and the -Bolsheviki were a _bęte noire_, because that had "ruined all business." -The little shops barely enabled their owners to exist; moreover, -they were in constant danger of Tcheka raids, on which occasions the -provisions would be expropriated. The appearance of those stores did -not justify the belief that the Government would find it worth while -raiding them. "Would not the Tcheka prefer to confiscate the goods -of the big delicatessen and fruit stores on the Kreschatik?" I asked -an old Jew storekeeper. "Not at all," he replied; "those stores are -immune because they pay heavy taxes." - -The morning following the banquet I went down to the little grocery -store I used to do my shopping in. The place was closed, and I was -surprised to find that not one of the small shops near by was open. Two -days later I learned that the places had all been raided on the eve of -the banquet in order to feast the foreign delegates. I promised myself -never to attend another Bolshevik banquet. - -Among the members of the _Kulturliga_ I met a man who had lived in -America, but for several years now was with his family in Kiev. His -home proved one of the most hospitable during my stay in the south, -and as he had many callers belonging to various social classes I was -able to gather much information about the recent history of Ukraina. -My host was not a Communist: though critical of the Bolshevik régime, -he was by no means antagonistic. He used to say that the main fault of -the Bolsheviki was their lack of psychological perception. He asserted -that no government had ever such a great opportunity in the Ukraina -as the Communists. The people had suffered so much from the various -occupations and were so oppressed by every new régime that they -rejoiced when the Bolsheviki entered Kiev. Everybody hoped that they -would bring relief. But the Communists quickly destroyed all illusions. -Within a few months they proved themselves entirely incapable of -administering the affairs of the city; their methods antagonized the -people, and the terrorism of the Tcheka turned even the friends of the -Communists to bitter enmity. Nobody objected to the nationalization -of industry and it was of course expected that the Bolsheviki would -expropriate. But when the bourgeoisie had been relieved of its -possessions it was found that only the raiders benefited. Neither -the people at large nor even the proletarian class gained anything. -Precious jewellery, silverware, furs, practically the whole wealth of -Kiev seemed to disappear and was no more heard of. Later members of the -Tcheka strutted about the streets with their women gowned in the finery -of the bourgeoisie. When private business places were closed, the doors -were locked and sealed and guards placed there. But within a few weeks -the stores were found empty. This kind of "management" and the numerous -new laws and edicts, often mutually conflicting, served the Tcheka as a -pretext to terrorize and mulct the citizens and aroused general hatred -against the Bolsheviki. The people had turned against Petlura, Denikin, -and the Poles. They welcomed the Bolsheviki with open arms. But the -last disappointed them as the first. - -"Now we have gotten used to the situation," my host said, "we just -drift and manage as best we can." But he thought it a pity that -the Bolsheviki lost such a great chance. They were unable to hold -the confidence of the people and to direct that confidence into -constructive channels. Not only had the Bolsheviki failed to operate -the big industries: they also destroyed the small _kustarnaya_ work. -There had been thousands of artisans in the province of Kiev, for -instance; most of them had worked by themselves, without exploiting -any one. They were independent producers who supplied a certain -need of the community. The Bolsheviki in their reckless scheme of -nationalization suspended those efforts without being able to replace -them by aught else. They had nothing to give either to the workers -or to the peasants. The city proletariat faced the alternative of -starving in the city or going back to the country. They preferred the -latter, of course. Those who could not get to the country engaged -in trade, buying and selling jewellery, for instance. Practically -everybody in Russia had become a tradesman, the Bolshevik Government -no less than private speculators. "You have no idea of the amount of -illicit business carried on by officials in Soviet institutions," my -host informed me; "nor is the army free from it. My nephew, a Red Army -officer, a Communist, has just returned from the Polish front. He can -tell you about these practices in the army." - -I was particularly eager to talk to the young officer. In my travels I -had met many soldiers, and I found that most of them had retained the -old slave psychology and bowed absolutely to military discipline. Some, -however, were very wide awake and could see clearly what was happening -about them. A certain small element in the Red Army was entirely -transformed by the Revolution. It was proof of the gestation of new -life and new forms which set Russia apart from the rest of the world, -notwithstanding Bolshevik tyranny and oppression. For that element the -Revolution had a deep significance. They saw in it something vital -which even the daily decrees could not compress within the narrow -Communist mould. It was their attitude and general sentiment that the -Bolsheviki had not kept faith with the people. They saw the Communist -State growing at the cost of the Revolution, and some of them even -went so far as to voice the opinion that the Bolsheviki had become the -enemies of the Revolution. But they all felt that for the time being -they could do nothing. They were determined to dispose of the foreign -enemies first. "Then," they would say, "we will face the enemy at home." - -The Red Army officer proved a fine-looking young fellow very deeply in -earnest. At first he was disinclined to talk, but in the course of the -evening he grew less embarrassed and expressed his feelings freely. He -had found much corruption at the front, he said. But it was even worse -at the base of supplies where he had done duty for some time. The men -at the front were practically without clothes or shoes. The food was -insufficient and the Army was ravaged by typhoid and cholera. Yet the -spirit of the men was wonderful. They fought bravely, enthusiastically, -because they believed in their ideal of a free Russia. But while they -were fighting and dying for the great cause, the higher officers, -the so-called _tovaristchi_, sat in safe retreat and there drank and -gambled and got rich by speculation. The supplies so desperately -needed at the front were being sold at fabulous prices to speculators. - -The young officer had become so disheartened by the situation, he had -thought of committing suicide. But now he was determined to return to -the front. "I shall go back and tell my comrades what I have seen," he -said; "our real work will begin when we have defeated foreign invasion. -Then we shall go after those who are trading away the Revolution." - -I felt there was no cause to despair so long as Russia possessed such -spirits. - -I returned to my room to find our secretary waiting to report the -valuable find she had made. It consisted of rich Denikin material -stacked in the city library and apparently forgotten by everybody. -The librarian, a zealous Ukrainian nationalist, refused to permit the -"Russian" Museum to take the material, though it was of no use to Kiev, -literally buried in an obscure corner and exposed to danger and ruin. -We decided to appeal to the Department of Education and to apply the -"American amulet." It grew to be a standing joke among the members of -the Expedition to resort to the "amulet" in difficult situations. Such -matters were always referred to Alexander Berkman and myself as the -"Americans." - -It required considerable persuasion to interest the chairman in the -matter. He persisted in refusing till I finally asked him: "Are you -willing that it become known in America that you prefer to have -valuable historical material rot away in Kiev rather than give it to -the Petrograd Museum, which is sure to become a world centre for the -study of the Russian Revolution and where Ukraina is to have such an -important part?" At last the chairman issued the required order and our -Expedition took possession of the material, to the great elation of our -secretary, to whom the Museum represented the most important interest -in life. - -In the afternoon of the same day I was visited by a woman Anarchist -who was accompanied by a young peasant girl, confidentially introduced -as the wife of Makhno. My heart stood still for a moment: the presence -of that girl in Kiev meant certain death were she discovered by the -Bolsheviki. It also involved grave danger to my landlord and his -family, for in Communist Russia harbouring--even if unwittingly--a -member of the Makhno _povstantsi_ often incurred the worst -consequences. I expressed surprise at the young woman's recklessness in -thus walking into the very jaws of the enemy. But she explained that -Makhno was determined to reach us; he would trust no one else with the -message, and therefore she had volunteered to come. It was evident that -danger had lost all terror for her. "We have been living in constant -peril for years," she said simply. - -Divested of her disguise, she revealed much beauty. She was a woman -of twenty-five, with a wealth of jet-black hair of striking lustre. -"Nestor had hoped that you and Alexander Berkman would manage to come, -but he waited in vain," she began. "Now he sent me to tell you about -the struggle he is waging and he hopes that you will make his purpose -known to the world outside." Late into the night she related the story -of Makhno which tallied in all important features with that told us -by the two Ukrainian visitors in Petrograd. She dwelt on the methods -employed by the Bolsheviki to eliminate Makhno and the agreements they -had repeatedly made with him, every one of which had been broken by -the Communists the moment immediate danger from invaders was over. -She spoke of the savage persecution of the members of the Makhno -army and of the numerous attempts of the Bolsheviki to trap and kill -Nestor. That failing, the Bolsheviki had murdered his brother and -had exterminated her own family, including her father and brother. -She praised the revolutionary devotion, the heroism and endurance -of the _povstantsi_ in the face of the greatest difficulties, and -she entertained us with the legends the peasants had woven about the -personality of Makhno. Thus, for instance, there grew up among the -country folk the belief that Makhno was invulnerable because he had -never been wounded during all the years of warfare, in spite of his -practice of always personally leading every charge. - -She was a good conversationalist, and her tragic story was relieved by -bright touches of humour. She told many anecdotes about the exploits -of Makhno. Once he had caused a wedding to be celebrated in a village -occupied by the enemy. It was a gala affair, everybody attending. While -the people were making merry on the market place and the soldiers -were succumbing to the temptation of drink, Makhno's men surrounded -the village and easily routed the superior forces stationed there. -Having taken a town it was always Makhno's practice to compel the rich -peasants, the _kulaki_, to give up their surplus wealth, which was then -divided among the poor, Makhno keeping a share for his army. Then he -would call a meeting of the villagers, address them on the purposes of -the _povstantsi_ movement, and distribute his literature. - -Late into the night the young woman related the story of Makhno and -_makhnovstchina_. Her voice, held low because of the danger of the -situation, was rich and mellow, her eyes shone with the intensity -of emotion. "Nestor wants you to tell the comrades of America and -Europe," she concluded, "that he is one of them--an Anarchist whose -aim is to defend the Revolution against all enemies. He is trying to -direct the innate rebellious spirit of the Ukrainian peasant into -organized Anarchist channels. He feels that he cannot accomplish it -himself without the aid of the Anarchists of Russia. He himself is -entirely occupied with military matters, and he has therefore invited -his comrades throughout the country to take charge of the educational -work. His ultimate plan is to take possession of a small territory in -Ukraina and there establish a free commune. Meanwhile, he is determined -to fight every reactionary force." - -Makhno was very anxious to confer personally with Alexander Berkman -and myself, and he proposed the following plan. He would arrange to -take any small town or village between Kiev and Kharkov where our -car might happen to be. It would be carried out without any use of -violence, the place being captured by surprise. The stratagem would -have the appearance of our having been taken prisoners, and protection -would be guaranteed to the other members of the Expedition. After our -conference we would be given safe conduct to our car. It would at the -same time insure us against the Bolsheviki, for the whole scheme would -be carried out in military manner, similar to a regular Makhno raid. -The plan promised a very interesting adventure and we were anxious -for an opportunity to meet Makhno personally. Yet we could not expose -the other members of the Expedition to the risk involved in such an -undertaking. We decided not to avail ourselves of the offer, hoping -that another occasion might present itself to meet the _povstantsi_ -leader. - -Makhno's wife had been a country school teacher; she possessed -considerable information and was intensely interested in all cultural -problems. She plied me with questions about American women, whether -they had really become emancipated and enjoyed equal rights. The young -woman had been with Makhno and his army for several years, but she -could not reconcile herself to the primitive attitude of her people -in regard to woman. The Ukrainian woman, she said, was considered an -object of sex and motherhood only. Nestor himself was no exception -in this matter. Was it different in America? Did the American woman -believe in free motherhood and was she familiar with the subject of -birth control? - -It was astonishing to hear such questions from a peasant girl. I -thought it most remarkable that a woman born and reared so far from -the scene of woman's struggle for emancipation should yet be so alive -to its problems. I spoke to the girl of the activities of the advanced -women of America, of their achievements and of the work yet to be -done for woman's emancipation. I mentioned some of the literature -dealing with these subjects. She listened eagerly. "I must get hold of -something to help our peasant women. They are just beasts of burden," -she said. - -Early the next morning we saw her safely out of the house. The same -day, while visiting the Anarchist club, I witnessed a peculiar sight. -The club had recently been reopened after having been raided by -the Tcheka. The local Anarchists met in the club rooms for study -and lectures; Anarchist literature was also to be had there. While -conversing with some friends I noticed a group of prisoners passing -on the street below. Just as they neared the Anarchist headquarters -several of them looked up, having evidently noticed the large sign over -the club rooms. Suddenly they straightened up, took off their caps, -bowed, and then passed on. I turned to my friends. "Those peasants are -probably _makhnovstsi_" they said; "the Anarchist headquarters are -sacred precincts to them." How exceptional the Russian soul, I thought, -wondering whether a group of American workers or farmers could be so -imbued with an ideal as to express it in the simple and significant -way the _makhnovstsi_ did. To the Russian his belief is indeed an -inspiration. - -Our stay in Kiev was rich in varied experiences and impressions. It -was a strenuous time during which we met people of different social -strata and gathered much valuable information and material. We closed -our visit with a short trip on the river Dniepr to view some of the -old monasteries and cathedrals, among them the celebrated Sophievski -and Vladimir. Imposing edifices, which remained intact during all the -revolutionary changes, even their inner life continuing as before. In -one of the monasteries we enjoyed the hospitality of the sisters who -treated us to real Russian tea, black bread, and honey. They lived as -if nothing had happened in Russia since 1914; it was as if they had -passed the last years outside of the world. The monks still continued -to show to the curious the sacred caves of the Vladimir Cathedral and -the places where the saints had been walled in, their ossified bodies -now on exhibition. Visitors were daily taken through the vaults, the -accompanying priests pointing out the cells of the celebrated martyrs -and reciting the biographies of the most important of the holy family. -Some of the stories related were wonderful beyond all human credence, -breathing holy superstition with every pore. The Red Army soldiers in -our group looked rather dubious at the fantastic tales of the priests. -Evidently the Revolution had influenced their religious spirit and -developed a sceptical attitude toward miracle workers. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA*** - - -******* This file should be named 60315-8.txt or 60315-8.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/6/0/3/1/60315 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - diff --git a/old/60315-8.zip b/old/60315-8.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 5627183..0000000 --- a/old/60315-8.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/60315-h.zip b/old/60315-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index cde2895..0000000 --- a/old/60315-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/60315-h/60315-h.htm b/old/60315-h/60315-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index d9feb85..0000000 --- a/old/60315-h/60315-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5666 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> -<head> -<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1" /> -<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of My Disillusionment in Russia, by Emma Goldman</title> - <style type="text/css"> - - p { margin-top: .75em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .75em; - } - - p.bold {text-align: center; font-weight: bold;} - p.bold2 {text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: 150%;} - - h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; - } - h1 span, h2 span { display: block; text-align: center; } - #id1 { font-size: smaller } - - - hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; - } - - body{margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; - } - - table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; padding: 5px; border-collapse: collapse; border: none; text-align: right;} - - .pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; - text-indent: 0px; - } /* page numbers */ - - .center {text-align: center;} - .smaller {font-size: smaller;} - .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - .space-above {margin-top: 3em;} - .right {text-align: right;} - .left {text-align: left;} - .s3 {display: inline; margin-left: 3em;} - - hr.full { width: 100%; - margin-top: 3em; - margin-bottom: 0em; - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; - height: 4px; - border-width: 4px 0 0 0; /* remove all borders except the top one */ - border-style: solid; - border-color: #000000; - clear: both; } - </style> -</head> -<body> -<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, My Disillusionment in Russia, by Emma Goldman</h1> -<p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States -and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no -restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at <a -href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you are not -located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this ebook.</p> -<p>Title: My Disillusionment in Russia</p> -<p>Author: Emma Goldman</p> -<p>Release Date: September 17, 2019 [eBook #60315]</p> -<p>Language: English</p> -<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> -<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA***</p> -<p> </p> -<h4>E-text prepared by Tim Lindell, Martin Pettit,<br /> - and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> - (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br /> - from page images generously made available by<br /> - Internet Archive<br /> - (<a href="https://archive.org">https://archive.org</a>)</h4> -<p> </p> -<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> - <tr> - <td valign="top"> - Note: - </td> - <td> - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - <a href="https://archive.org/details/mydisillusionmen00golduoft"> - https://archive.org/details/mydisillusionmen00golduoft</a> - </td> - </tr> -</table> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> - -<div class="center"><a name="cover.jpg" id="cover.jpg"></a><img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" /></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[Pg i]</a></span></p> - -<p class="bold2">MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[Pg iii]</a></span></p> - -<h1>MY DISILLUSIONMENT <br />IN RUSSIA</h1> - -<p class="bold">BY</p> - -<p class="bold2">EMMA GOLDMAN</p> - -<div class="center space-above"><img src="images/dec.jpg" alt="decoration" /></div> - -<p class="bold space-above">GARDEN CITY<span class="s3"> </span>NEW YORK</p> - -<p class="bold">DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY<br />1923</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[Pg iv]</a></span></p> - -<p class="center">COPYRIGHT, 1923, BY<br /> -DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY<br /> -ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF TRANSLATION<br /> -INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES, INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN<br /> -<br /> -PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES<br /> -AT<br /> -THE COUNTRY LIFE PRESS, GARDEN CITY, N. Y.<br /> -<br /> -<i>First Edition</i></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span></p> - -<h2>PREFACE</h2> - -<p>The decision to record my experiences, observations, and reactions -during my stay in Russia I had made long before I thought of leaving -that country. In fact, that was my main reason for departing from that -tragically heroic land.</p> - -<p>The strongest of us are loath to give up a long-cherished dream. I had -come to Russia possessed by the hope that I should find a new-born -country, with its people wholly consecrated to the great, though very -difficult, task of revolutionary reconstruction. And I had fervently -hoped that I might become an active part of the inspiring work.</p> - -<p>I found reality in Russia grotesque, totally unlike the great ideal -that had borne me upon the crest of high hope to the land of promise. -It required fifteen long months before I could get my bearings. Each -day, each week, each month added new links to the fatal chain that -pulled down my cherished edifice. I fought desperately against the -disillusionment. For a long<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</a></span> time I strove against the still voice -within me which urged me to face the overpowering facts. I would not -and could not give up.</p> - -<p>Then came Kronstadt. It was the final wrench. It completed the terrible -realization that the Russian Revolution was no more.</p> - -<p>I saw before me the Bolshevik State, formidable, crushing every -constructive revolutionary effort, suppressing, debasing, and -disintegrating everything. Unable and unwilling to become a cog in -that sinister machine, and aware that I could be of no practical use -to Russia and her people, I decided to leave the country. Once out of -it, I would relate honestly, frankly, and as objectively as humanly -possible to me the story of my two years' stay in Russia.</p> - -<p>I left in December, 1921. I could have written then, fresh under the -influence of the ghastly experience. But I waited four months before -I could bring myself to write a series of articles. I delayed another -four months before beginning the present volume.</p> - -<p>I do not pretend to write a history. Removed by fifty or a hundred -years from the events he is describing, the historian may seem to -be objective. But real history is not a compilation of mere data. -It is valueless without the human<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span> element which the historian -necessarily gets from the writings of the contemporaries of the -events in question. It is the personal reactions of the participants -and observers which lend vitality to all history and make it vivid -and alive. Thus, numerous histories have been written of the French -Revolution; yet there are only a very few that stand out true and -convincing, illuminative in the degree in which the historian has -<i>felt</i> his subject through the medium of human documents left by the -contemporaries of the period.</p> - -<p>I myself—and I believe, most students of history—have felt and -visualized the Great French Revolution much more vitally from the -letters and diaries of contemporaries, such as Mme. Roland, Mirabeau, -and other eye witnesses, than from the so-called objective historians. -By a strange coincidence a volume of letters written during the French -Revolution, and compiled by the able German anarchist publicist, -Gustav Landauer, came into my hands during the most critical period -of my Russian experience. I was actually reading them while hearing -the Bolshevik artillery begin the bombardment of the Kronstadt rebels. -Those letters gave me a most vivid insight into the events of the -French Revolution. As never before they brought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span> home to me the -realization that the Bolshevik régime in Russia was, on the whole, a -significant replica of what had happened in France more than a century -before.</p> - -<p>Great interpreters of the French Revolution, like Thomas Carlyle and -Peter Kropotkin, drew their understanding and inspiration from the -human records of the period. Similarly will the future historians of -the Great Russian Revolution—if they are to write real history and not -a mere compilation of facts—draw from the impressions and reactions of -those who have lived through the Russian Revolution, who have shared -the misery and travail of the people, and who actually participated in -or witnessed the tragic panorama in its daily unfoldment.</p> - -<p>While in Russia I had no clear idea how much had already been written -on the subject of the Russian Revolution. But the few books which -reached me occasionally impressed me as most inadequate. They were -written by people with no first-hand knowledge of the situation and -were sadly superficial. Some of the writers had spent from two weeks -to two months in Russia, did not know the language of the country, and -in most instances were chaperoned by official guides and interpreters. -I do not refer here to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span> writers who, in and out of Russia, play -the rôle of Bolshevik court functionaries. They are a class apart. -With them I deal in the chapter on the "Travelling Salesmen of the -Revolution." Here I have in mind the sincere friends of the Russian -Revolution. The work of most of them has resulted in incalculable -confusion and mischief. They have helped to perpetuate the myth that -the Bolsheviki and the Revolution are synonymous. Yet nothing is -further from the truth.</p> - -<p>The <i>actual</i> Russian Revolution took place in the summer months of -1917. During that period the peasants possessed themselves of the -land, the workers of the factories, thus demonstrating that they knew -well the meaning of social revolution. The October change was the -finishing touch to the work begun six months previously. In the great -uprising the Bolsheviki assumed the voice of the people. They clothed -themselves with the agrarian programme of the Social Revolutionists and -the industrial tactics of the Anarchists. But after the high tide of -revolutionary enthusiasm had carried them into power, the Bolsheviki -discarded their false plumes. It was then that began the spiritual -separation between the Bolsheviki and the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span>Russian Revolution. -With each succeeding day the gap grew wider, their interests more -conflicting. To-day it is no exaggeration to state that the Bolsheviki -stand as the arch enemies of the Russian Revolution.</p> - -<p>Superstitions die hard. In the case of this modern superstition the -process is doubly hard because various factors have combined to -administer artificial respiration. International intervention, the -blockade, and the very efficient world propaganda of the Communist -Party have kept the Bolshevik myth alive. Even the terrible famine is -being exploited to that end.</p> - -<p>How powerful a hold that superstition wields I realize from my own -experience. I had always known that the Bolsheviki are Marxists. For -thirty years I fought the Marxian theory as a cold, mechanistic, -enslaving formula. In pamphlets, lectures, and debates I argued against -it. I was therefore not unaware of what might be expected from the -Bolsheviki. But the Allied attack upon them made them the symbol of the -Russian Revolution, and brought me to their defence.</p> - -<p>From November, 1917, until February, 1918, while out on bail for -my attitude against the war, I toured America in defence of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</a></span>Bolsheviki. I published a pamphlet in elucidation of the Russian -Revolution and in justification of the Bolsheviki. I defended them -as embodying <i>in practice</i> the spirit of the revolution, in spite -of their theoretic Marxism. My attitude toward them at that time is -characterized in the following passages from my pamphlet, "The Truth -About the Bolsheviki:"<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> - -<blockquote><p>The Russian Revolution is a miracle in more than one respect. -Among other extraordinary paradoxes it presents the phenomenon -of the Marxian Social Democrats, Lenin and Trotsky, adopting -Anarchist revolutionary tactics, while the Anarchists Kropotkin, -Tcherkessov, Tschaikovsky are denying these tactics and falling -into Marxian reasoning, which they had all their lives repudiated -as "German metaphysics."</p> - -<p>The Bolsheviki of 1903, though revolutionists, adhered to the -Marxian doctrine concerning the industrialization of Russia -and the historic mission of the bourgeoisie as a necessary -evolutionary process before the Russian masses could come into -their own. The Bolsheviki of 1917 no longer believe in the -predestined function of the bourgeoisie. They have been swept -forward on the waves of the Revolution to the point of view held -by the Anarchists since Bakunin; namely, that once the masses -become conscious of their economic power, they make their own -history and need not be bound by traditions and processes of a -dead past which, like secret treaties, are made at a round table -and are not dictated by life itself.</p></blockquote> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</a></span></p> - -<p>In 1918, Madame Breshkovsky visited the United States and began -her campaign against the Bolsheviki. I was then in the Missouri -Penitentiary. Grieved and shocked by the work of the "Little -Grandmother of the Russian Revolution," I wrote imploring her to -bethink herself and not betray the cause she had given her life to. On -that occasion I emphasized the fact that while neither of us agreed -with the Bolsheviki in theory, we should yet be one with them in -defending the Revolution.</p> - -<p>When the Courts of the State of New York upheld the fraudulent methods -by which I was disfranchised and my American citizenship of thirty-two -years denied me, I waived my right of appeal in order that I might -return to Russia and help in the great work. I believed fervently that -the Bolsheviki were furthering the Revolution and exerting themselves -in behalf of the people. I clung to my faith and belief for more than a -year after my coming to Russia.</p> - -<p>Observation and study, extensive travel through various parts of the -country, meeting with every shade of political opinion and every -variety of friend and enemy of the Bolsheviki—all convinced me of the -ghastly delusion which had been foisted upon the world.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</a></span></p> - -<p>I refer to these circumstances to indicate that my change of mind -and heart was a painful and difficult process, and that my final -decision to speak out is for the sole reason that the people everywhere -may learn to differentiate between the Bolsheviki and the Russian -Revolution.</p> - -<p>The conventional conception of gratitude is that one must not be -critical of those who have shown him kindness. Thanks to this notion -parents enslave their children more effectively than by brutal -treatment; and by it friends tyrannize over one another. In fact, all -human relationships are to-day vitiated by this noxious idea.</p> - -<p>Some people have upbraided me for my critical attitude toward the -Bolsheviki. "How ungrateful to attack the Communist Government after -the hospitality and kindness she enjoyed in Russia," they indignantly -exclaim. I do not mean to gainsay that I have received advantages while -I was in Russia. I could have received many more had I been willing to -serve the powers that be. It is that very circumstance which has made -it bitter hard for me to speak out against the evils as I saw them -day by day. But finally I realized that silence is indeed a sign of -consent.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[Pg xiv]</a></span> Not to cry out against the betrayal of the Russian Revolution -would have made me a party to that betrayal. The Revolution and the -welfare of the masses in and out of Russia are by far too important to -me to allow any personal consideration for the Communists I have met -and learned to respect to obscure my sense of justice and to cause me -to refrain from giving to the world my two years' experience in Russia.</p> - -<p>In certain quarters objections will no doubt be raised because I have -given no names of the persons I am quoting. Some may even exploit the -fact to discredit my veracity. But I prefer to face that rather than -to turn any one over to the tender mercies of the Tcheka, which would -inevitably result were I to divulge the names of the Communists or -non-Communists who felt free to speak to me. Those familiar with the -real situation in Russia and who are not under the mesmeric influence -of the Bolshevik superstition or in the employ of the Communists will -bear me out that I have given a true picture. The rest of the world -will learn in due time.</p> - -<p>Friends whose opinion I value have been good enough to suggest that -my quarrel with the Bolsheviki is due to my social philosophy rather -than to the failure of the Bolshevik régime. As<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[Pg xv]</a></span> an Anarchist, they -claim, I would naturally insist on the importance of the individual -and of personal liberty, but in the revolutionary period both must -be subordinated to the good of the whole. Other friends point out -that destruction, violence, and terrorism are inevitable factors in a -revolution. As a revolutionist, they say, I cannot consistently object -to the violence practised by the Bolsheviki.</p> - -<p>Both these criticisms would be justified had I come to Russia expecting -to find Anarchism realized, or if I were to maintain that revolutions -can be made peacefully. Anarchism to me never was a mechanistic -arrangement of social relationships to be imposed upon man by political -scene-shifting or by a transfer of power from one social class to -another. Anarchism to me was and is the child, not of destruction, but -of construction—the result of growth and development of the conscious -creative social efforts of a regenerated people. I do not therefore -expect Anarchism to follow in the immediate footsteps of centuries of -despotism and submission. And I certainly did not expect to see it -ushered in by the Marxian theory.</p> - -<p>I did, however, hope to find in Russia at least the beginnings of the -social changes for which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[Pg xvi]</a></span> the Revolution had been fought. Not the fate -of the individual was my main concern as a revolutionist. I should have -been content if the Russian workers and peasants as a whole had derived -essential social betterment as a result of the Bolshevik régime.</p> - -<p>Two years of earnest study, investigation, and research convinced me -that the great benefits brought to the Russian people by Bolshevism -exist only on paper, painted in glowing colours to the masses of Europe -and America by efficient Bolshevik propaganda. As advertising wizards -the Bolsheviki excel anything the world had ever known before. But -in reality the Russian people have gained nothing from the Bolshevik -experiment. To be sure, the peasants have the land; not by the grace -of the Bolsheviki, but through their own direct efforts, set in motion -long before the October change. That the peasants were able to retain -the land is due mostly to the static Slav tenacity; owing to the -circumstance that they form by far the largest part of the population -and are deeply rooted in the soil, they could not as easily be torn -away from it as the workers from their means of production.</p> - -<p>The Russian workers, like the peasants, also<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">[Pg xvii]</a></span> employed direct action. -They possessed themselves of the factories, organized their own shop -committees, and were virtually in control of the economic life of -Russia. But soon they were stripped of their power and placed under the -industrial yoke of the Bolshevik State. Chattel slavery became the lot -of the Russian proletariat. It was suppressed and exploited in the name -of something which was later to bring it comfort, light, and warmth. -Try as I might I could find nowhere any evidence of benefits received -either by the workers or the peasants from the Bolshevik régime.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, I did find the revolutionary faith of the people -broken, the spirit of solidarity crushed, the meaning of comradeship -and mutual helpfulness distorted. One must have lived in Russia, -close to the everyday affairs of the people; one must have seen -and felt their utter disillusionment and despair to appreciate -fully the disintegrating effect of the Bolshevik principle and -methods—disintegrating all that was once the pride and the glory of -revolutionary Russia.</p> - -<p>The argument that destruction and terror are part of revolution I do -not dispute. I know that in the past every great political and social -change<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">[Pg xviii]</a></span> necessitated violence. America might still be under the British -yoke but for the heroic colonists who dared to oppose British tyranny -by force of arms. Black slavery might still be a legalized institution -in the United States but for the militant spirit of the John Browns. -I have never denied that violence is inevitable, nor do I gainsay it -now. Yet it is one thing to employ violence in combat, as a means of -defence. It is quite another thing to make a principle of terrorism, to -institutionalize it, to assign it the most vital place in the social -struggle. Such terrorism begets counter-revolution and in turn itself -becomes counter-revolutionary.</p> - -<p>Rarely has a revolution been fought with as little violence as the -Russian Revolution. Nor would have Red Terror followed had the people -and the cultural forces remained in control of the Revolution. This was -demonstrated by the spirit of fellowship and solidarity which prevailed -throughout Russia during the first months after the October revolution. -But an insignificant minority bent on creating an absolute State is -necessarily driven to oppression and terrorism.</p> - -<p>There is another objection to my criticism on the part of the -Communists. Russia is on strike,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix">[Pg xix]</a></span> they say, and it is unethical for -a revolutionist to side against the workers when they are striking -against their masters. That is pure demagoguery practised by the -Bolsheviki to silence criticism.</p> - -<p>It is not true that the Russian people are on strike. On the contrary, -the truth of the matter is that the Russian people have been <i>locked -out</i> and that the Bolshevik State—even as the bourgeois industrial -master—uses the sword and the gun to keep the people out. In the case -of the Bolsheviki this tyranny is masked by a world-stirring slogan: -thus they have succeeded in blinding the masses. Just because I am a -revolutionist I refuse to side with the master class, which in Russia -is called the Communist Party.</p> - -<p>Till the end of my days my place shall be with the disinherited and -oppressed. It is immaterial to me whether Tyranny rules in the Kremlin -or in any other seat of the mighty. I could do nothing for suffering -Russia while in that country. Perhaps I can do something now by -pointing out the lessons of the Russian experience. Not my concern for -the Russian people only has prompted the writing of this volume: it is -my interest in the masses everywhere.</p> - -<p>The masses, like the individual, may not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx">[Pg xx]</a></span> readily learn from the -experience of others. Yet those who have gained the experience must -speak out, if for no other reason than that they cannot in justice to -themselves and their ideal support the great delusion revealed to them.</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Emma Goldman.</span></p> - -<p>Berlin, July, 1922.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mother Earth Publishing Association, New York, February, -1917.</p></div></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxi" id="Page_xxi">[Pg xxi]</a></span></p> - -<h2>CONTENTS</h2> - -<table summary="CONTENTS"> - <tr> - <td colspan="2"></td> - <td><span class="smaller">PAGE</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smcap">Preface</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_v">v</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2" class="left"><span class="smaller">CHAPTER</span></td> - <td></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Deportation To Russia</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>II. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Petrograd</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>III. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Disturbing Thoughts</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_22">22</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>IV. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Moscow: First Impressions</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>V. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Meeting People</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_46">46</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>VI. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Preparing for American Deportees</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>VII. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Rest Homes for Workers</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>VIII. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">The First of May in Petrograd</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_74">74</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>IX. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Industrial Militarization</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_79">79</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>X. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">The British Labour Mission</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_90">90</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XI. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">A Visit from the Ukraina</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_94">94</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XII. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Beneath the Surface</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_107">107</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XIII. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Joining the Museum of the Revolution</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_118">118</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XIV. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Petropavlovsk and Schlüsselburg</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_126">126</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xxii" id="Page_xxii">[Pg xxii]</a></span>XV. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">The Trade Unions</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_132">132</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XVI. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Maria Spiridonova</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XVII. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Another Visit to Peter Kropotkin</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_153">153</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XVIII. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">En Route</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XIX. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">In Kharkov</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_166">166</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XX. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Poltava</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_194">194</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXI. </td> - <td class="left"><span class="smcap">Kiev</span></td> - <td><a href="#Page_211">211</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<p class="bold2">MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> - -<p class="bold2">MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA</p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER I</span> <span class="smaller">DEPORTATION TO RUSSIA</span></h2> - -<p>On the night of December 21, 1919, together with two hundred and -forty-eight other political prisoners, I was deported from America. -Although it was generally known we were to be deported, few really -believed that the United States would so completely deny her past as -an asylum for political refugees, some of whom had lived and worked in -America for more than thirty years.</p> - -<p>In my own case, the decision to eliminate me first became known when, -in 1909, the Federal authorities went out of their way to disfranchise -the man whose name gave me citizenship. That Washington waited till -1917 was due to the circumstance that the psychologic moment for the -finale was lacking. Perhaps I should have <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span>contested my case at that -time. With the then-prevalent public opinion, the Courts would probably -not have sustained the fraudulent proceedings which robbed me of -citizenship. But it did not seem credible then that America would stoop -to the Tsaristic method of deportation.</p> - -<p>Our anti-war agitation added fuel to the war hysteria of 1917, and -thus furnished the Federal authorities with the desired opportunity to -complete the conspiracy begun against me in Rochester, N. Y., 1909.</p> - -<p>It was on December 5, 1919, while in Chicago lecturing, that I was -telegraphically apprised of the fact that the order for my deportation -was final. The question of my citizenship was then raised in court, but -was of course decided adversely. I had intended to take the case to a -higher tribunal, but finally I decided to carry the matter no further: -Soviet Russia was luring me.</p> - -<p>Ludicrously secretive were the authorities about our deportation. To -the very last moment we were kept in ignorance as to the time. Then, -unexpectedly, in the wee small hours of December 21st we were spirited -away. The scene set for this performance was most thrilling. It was six -o'clock Sunday morning, December<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> 21, 1919, when under heavy military -convoy we stepped aboard the <i>Buford</i>.</p> - -<p>For twenty-eight days we were prisoners. Sentries at our cabin doors -day and night, sentries on deck during the hour we were daily permitted -to breathe the fresh air. Our men comrades were cooped up in dark, -damp quarters, wretchedly fed, all of us in complete ignorance of the -direction we were to take. Yet our spirits were high—Russia, free, new -Russia was before us.</p> - -<p>All my life Russia's heroic struggle for freedom was as a beacon to me. -The revolutionary zeal of her martyred men and women, which neither -fortress nor <i>katorga</i> could suppress, was my inspiration in the -darkest hours. When the news of the February Revolution flashed across -the world, I longed to hasten to the land which had performed the -miracle and had freed her people from the age-old yoke of Tsarism. But -America held me. The thought of thirty years of struggle for my ideals, -of my friends and associates, made it impossible to tear myself away. I -would go to Russia later, I thought.</p> - -<p>Then came America's entry into the war and the need of remaining true -to the American people who were swept into the hurricane against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> their -will. After all, I owed a great debt, I owed my growth and development -to what was finest and best in America, to her fighters for liberty, to -the sons and daughters of the revolution to come. I would be true to -them. But the frenzied militarists soon terminated my work.</p> - -<p>At last I was bound for Russia and all else was almost blotted out. -I would behold with mine own eyes <i>matushka Rossiya</i>, the land freed -from political and economic masters; the Russian <i>dubinushka</i>, as the -peasant was called, raised from the dust; the Russian worker, the -modern Samson, who with a sweep of his mighty arm had pulled down the -pillars of decaying society. The twenty-eight days on our floating -prison passed in a sort of trance. I was hardly conscious of my -surroundings.</p> - -<p>Finally we reached Finland, across which we were forced to journey in -sealed cars. On the Russian border we were met by a committee of the -Soviet Government, headed by Zorin. They had come to greet the first -political refugees driven from America for opinion's sake.</p> - -<p>It was a cold day, with the earth a sheet of white, but spring was in -our hearts. Soon we were to behold revolutionary Russia. I preferred to -be alone when I touched the sacred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> soil: my exaltation was too great, -and I feared I might not be able to control my emotion. When I reached -Beloöstrov the first enthusiastic reception tendered the refugees was -over, but the place was still surcharged with intensity of feeling. I -could sense the awe and humility of our group who, treated like felons -in the United States, were here received as dear brothers and comrades -and welcomed by the Red soldiers, the liberators of Russia.</p> - -<p>From Beloöstrov we were driven to the village where another reception -had been prepared: A dark hall filled to suffocation, the platform lit -up by tallow candles, a huge red flag, on the stage a group of women in -black nuns' attire. I stood as in a dream in the breathless silence. -Suddenly a voice rang out. It beat like metal on my ears and seemed -uninspired, but it spoke of the great suffering of the Russian people -and of the enemies of the Revolution. Others addressed the audience, -but I was held by the women in black, their faces ghastly in the yellow -light. Were these really nuns? Had the Revolution penetrated even the -walls of superstition? Had the Red Dawn broken into the narrow lives of -these ascetics? It all seemed strange, fascinating.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span></p> - -<p>Somehow I found myself on the platform. I could only blurt out that -like my comrades I had not come to Russia to teach: I had come to -learn, to draw sustenance and hope from her, to lay down my life on the -altar of the Revolution.</p> - -<p>After the meeting we were escorted to the waiting Petrograd train, -the women in the black hood intoning the "Internationale," the whole -audience joining in. I was in the car with our host, Zorin, who had -lived in America and spoke English fluently. He talked enthusiastically -about the Soviet Government and its marvellous achievements. His -conversation was illuminative, but one phrase struck me as discordant. -Speaking of the political organization of his Party, he remarked: -"Tammany Hall has nothing on us, and as to Boss Murphy, we could teach -him a thing or two." I thought the man was jesting. What relation could -there be between Tammany Hall, Boss Murphy, and the Soviet Government?</p> - -<p>I inquired about our comrades who had hastened from America at the -first news of the Revolution. Many of them had died at the front, -Zorin informed me, others were working with the Soviet Government. And -Shatov? William Shatov, a brilliant speaker and able organizer,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> was -a well-known figure in America, frequently associated with us in our -work. We had sent him a telegram from Finland and were much surprised -at his failure to reply. Why did not Shatov come to meet us? "Shatov -had to leave for Siberia, where he is to take the post of Minister of -Railways," said Zorin.</p> - -<p>In Petrograd our group again received an ovation. Then the deportees -were taken to the famous Tauride Palace, where they were to be fed -and housed for the night. Zorin asked Alexander Berkman and myself to -accept his hospitality. We entered the waiting automobile. The city was -dark and deserted; not a living soul to be seen anywhere. We had not -gone very far when the car was suddenly halted, and an electric light -flashed into our eyes. It was the militia, demanding the password. -Petrograd had recently fought back the Yudenitch attack and was still -under martial law. The process was repeated frequently along the route. -Shortly before we reached our destination we passed a well-lighted -building. "It is our station house," Zorin explained, "but we have -few prisoners there now. Capital punishment is abolished and we have -recently proclaimed a general political amnesty."</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span></p> - -<p>Presently the automobile came to a halt. "The First House of the -Soviets," said Zorin, "the living place of the most active members -of our Party." Zorin and his wife occupied two rooms, simply but -comfortably furnished. Tea and refreshments were served, and our hosts -entertained us with the absorbing story of the marvellous defence -the Petrograd workers had organized against the Yudenitch forces. -How heroically the men and women, even the children, had rushed to -the defence of the Red City! What wonderful self-discipline and -coöperation the proletariat demonstrated. The evening passed in these -reminiscences, and I was about to retire to the room secured for me -when a young woman arrived who introduced herself as the sister-in-law -of "Bill" Shatov. She greeted us warmly and asked us to come up to -see her sister who lived on the floor above. When we reached their -apartment I found myself embraced by big jovial Bill himself. How -strange of Zorin to tell me that Shatov had left for Siberia! What did -it mean? Shatov explained that he had been ordered not to meet us at -the border, to prevent his giving us our first impressions of Soviet -Russia. He had fallen into disfavour with the Government and was being -sent to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> Siberia into virtual exile. His trip had been delayed and -therefore we still happened to find him.</p> - -<p>We spent much time with Shatov before he left Petrograd. For whole days -I listened to his story of the Revolution, with its light and shadows, -and the developing tendency of the Bolsheviki toward the right. Shatov, -however, insisted that it was necessary for all the revolutionary -elements to work with the Bolsheviki Government. Of course, the -Communists had made many mistakes, but what they did was inevitable, -imposed upon them by Allied interference and the blockade.</p> - -<p>A few days after our arrival Zorin asked Alexander Berkman and myself -to accompany him to Smolny. Smolny, the erstwhile boarding school for -the daughters of the aristocracy, had been the centre of revolutionary -events. Almost every stone had played its part. Now it was the seat of -the Petrograd Government. I found the place heavily guarded and giving -the impression of a beehive of officials and government employees. The -Department of the Third International was particularly interesting. It -was the domain of Zinoviev. I was much impressed by the magnitude of it -all.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span></p> - -<p>After showing us about, Zorin invited us to the Smolny dining room. The -meal consisted of good soup, meat and potatoes, bread and tea—rather a -good meal in starving Russia, I thought.</p> - -<p>Our group of deportees was quartered in Smolny. I was anxious about my -travelling companions, the two girls who had shared my cabin on the -<i>Buford</i>. I wished to take them back with me to the First House of the -Soviet. Zorin sent for them. They arrived greatly excited and told -us that the whole group of deportees had been placed under military -guard. The news was startling. The people who had been driven out of -America for their political opinions, now in Revolutionary Russia again -prisoners—three days after their arrival. What had happened?</p> - -<p>We turned to Zorin. He seemed embarrassed. "Some mistake," he said, and -immediately began to make inquiries. It developed that four ordinary -criminals had been found among the politicals deported by the United -States Government, and therefore a guard was placed over the whole -group. The proceeding seemed to me unjust and uncalled for. It was my -first lesson in Bolshevik methods.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER II</span> <span class="smaller">PETROGRAD</span></h2> - -<p>My parents had moved to St. Petersburg when I was thirteen. Under the -discipline of a German school in Königsberg and the Prussian attitude -toward everything Russian, I had grown up in the atmosphere of hatred -to that country. I dreaded especially the terrible Nihilists who had -killed Tsar Alexander II, so good and kind, as I had been taught. St. -Petersburg was to me an evil thing. But the gayety of the city, its -vivacity and brilliancy, soon dispelled my childish fancies and made -the city appear like a fairy dream. Then my curiosity was aroused by -the revolutionary mystery which seemed to hang over everyone, and of -which no one dared to speak. When four years later I left with my -sister for America I was no longer the German Gretchen to whom Russia -spelt evil. My whole soul had been transformed and the seed planted for -what was to be my life's work. Especially did St. Petersburg <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span>remain in -my memory a vivid picture, full of life and mystery.</p> - -<p>I found Petrograd of 1920 quite a different place. It was almost in -ruins, as if a hurricane had swept over it. The houses looked like -broken old tombs upon neglected and forgotten cemeteries. The streets -were dirty and deserted; all life had gone from them. The population -of Petrograd before the war was almost two million; in 1920 it had -dwindled to five hundred thousand. The people walked about like living -corpses; the shortage of food and fuel was slowly sapping the city; -grim death was clutching at its heart. Emaciated and frost-bitten men, -women, and children were being whipped by the common lash, the search -for a piece of bread or a stick of wood. It was a heart-rending sight -by day, an oppressive weight at night. Especially were the nights of -the first month in Petrograd dreadful. The utter stillness of the -large city was paralysing. It fairly haunted me, this awful oppressive -silence broken only by occasional shots. I would lay awake trying to -pierce the mystery. Did not Zorin say that capital punishment had been -abolished? Why this shooting? Doubts disturbed my mind, but I tried to -wave them aside. I had come to learn.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span></p> - -<p>Much of my first knowledge and impressions of the October Revolution -and the events that followed I received from the Zorins. As already -mentioned, both had lived in America, spoke English, and were eager -to enlighten me upon the history of the Revolution. They were devoted -to the cause and worked very hard; he, especially, who was secretary -of the Petrograd committee of his party, besides editing the daily, -<i>Krasnaya Gazetta</i>, and participating in other activities.</p> - -<p>It was from Zorin that I first learned about that legendary figure, -Makhno. The latter was an Anarchist, I was informed, who under the Tsar -had been sentenced to <i>katorga</i>. Liberated by the February revolution, -he became the leader of a peasant army in the Ukraina, proving himself -extremely able and daring and doing splendid work in the defence of the -Revolution. For some time Makhno worked in harmony with the Bolsheviki, -fighting the counter-revolutionary forces. Then he became antagonistic, -and now his army, recruited from bandit elements, was fighting the -Bolsheviki. Zorin related that he had been one of a committee sent to -Makhno to bring about an understanding. But Makhno would not listen -to reason. He continued his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> warfare against the Soviets and was -considered a dangerous counter-revolutionist.</p> - -<p>I had no means of verifying the story, and I was far from disbelieving -the Zorins. Both appeared most sincere and dedicated to their work, -types of religious zealots ready to burn the heretic, but equally ready -to sacrifice their own lives for their cause. I was much impressed by -the simplicity of their lives. Holding a responsible position, Zorin -could have received special rations, but they lived very poorly, their -supper often consisting only of herring, black bread, and tea. I -thought it especially admirable because Lisa Zorin was with child at -the time.</p> - -<p>Two weeks after my arrival in Russia I was invited to attend the -Alexander Herzen commemoration in the Winter Palace. The white marble -hall where the gathering took place seemed to intensify the bitter -frost, but the people present were unmindful of the penetrating cold. I -also was conscious only of the unique situation: Alexander Herzen, one -of the most hated revolutionists of his time, honoured in the Winter -Palace! Frequently before the spirit of Herzen had found its way into -the house of the Romanovs. It was when the "Kolokol," published abroad -and sparkling with the brilliancy of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> Herzen and Turgenev, would in -some mysterious manner be discovered on the desk of the Tsar. Now the -Tsars were no more, but the spirit of Herzen had risen again and was -witnessing the realization of the dream of one of Russia's great men.</p> - -<p>One evening I was informed that Zinoviev had returned from Moscow and -would see me. He arrived about midnight. He looked very tired and was -constantly disturbed by urgent messages. Our talk was of a general -nature, of the grave situation in Russia, the shortage of food and fuel -then particularly poignant, and about the labour situation in America. -He was anxious to know "how soon the revolution could be expected in -the United States." He left upon me no definite impression, but I was -conscious of something lacking in the man, though I could not determine -at the time just what it was.</p> - -<p>Another Communist I saw much of the first weeks was John Reed. I had -known him in America. He was living in the Astoria, working hard and -preparing for his return to the United States. He was to journey -through Latvia and he seemed apprehensive of the outcome. He had been -in Russia during the October days and this was his second visit. Like -Shatov he also<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> insisted that the dark sides of the Bolshevik régime -were inevitable. He believed fervently that the Soviet Government -would emerge from its narrow party lines and that it would presently -establish the Communistic Commonwealth. We spent much time together, -discussing the various phases of the situation.</p> - -<p>So far I had met none of the Anarchists and their failure to call -rather surprised me. One day a friend I had known in the States -came to inquire whether I would see several members of an Anarchist -organization. I readily assented. From them I learned a version of the -Russian Revolution and the Bolshevik régime utterly different from what -I had heard before. It was so startling, so terrible that I could not -believe it. They invited me to attend a small gathering they had called -to present to me their views.</p> - -<p>The following Sunday I went to their conference. Passing Nevsky -Prospekt, near Liteiny Street, I came upon a group of women huddled -together to protect themselves from the cold. They were surrounded -by soldiers, talking and gesticulating. Those women, I learned, were -prostitutes who were selling themselves for a pound of bread, a piece -of soap or chocolate. The soldiers were the only ones who could -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>afford to buy them because of their extra rations. Prostitution in -revolutionary Russia. I wondered. What is the Communist Government -doing for these unfortunates? What are the Workers' and Peasants' -Soviets doing? My escort smiled sadly. The Soviet Government had closed -the houses of prostitution and was now trying to drive the women off -the streets, but hunger and cold drove them back again; besides, -the soldiers had to be humoured. It was too ghastly, too incredible -to be real, yet there they were—those shivering creatures for sale -and their buyers, the red defenders of the Revolution. "The cursed -interventionists, the blockade—they are responsible," said my escort. -Why, yes, the counter-revolutionists and the blockade are responsible, -I reassured myself. I tried to dismiss the thought of that huddled -group, but it clung to me. I felt something snap within me.</p> - -<p>At last we reached the Anarchist quarters, in a dilapidated house -in a filthy backyard. I was ushered into a small room crowded with -men and women. The sight recalled pictures of thirty years ago when, -persecuted and hunted from place to place, the Anarchists in America -were compelled to meet in a dingy hall on Orchard Street, New York, or -in the dark rear room of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> saloon. That was in capitalistic America. -But this is revolutionary Russia, which the Anarchists had helped to -free. Why should they have to gather in secret and in such a place?</p> - -<p>That evening and the following day I listened to a recital of the -betrayal of the Revolution by the Bolsheviki. Workers from the Baltic -factories spoke of their enslavement, Kronstadt sailors voiced their -bitterness and indignation against the people they had helped to -power and who had become their masters. One of the speakers had been -condemned to death by the Bolsheviki for his Anarchist ideas, but had -escaped and was now living illegally. He related how the sailors had -been robbed of the freedom of their Soviets, how every breath of life -was being censored. Others spoke of the Red Terror and repression in -Moscow, which resulted in the throwing of a bomb into the gathering of -the Moscow section of the Communist Party in September, 1919. They told -me of the over-filled prisons, of the violence practised on the workers -and peasants. I listened rather impatiently, for everything in me cried -out against this indictment. It sounded impossible; it could not be. -Someone was surely at fault, but probably it was they, my comrades, I -thought. They were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> unreasonable, impatient for immediate results. Was -not violence inevitable in a revolution, and was it not imposed upon -the Bolsheviki by the Interventionists? My comrades were indignant. -"Disguise yourself so the Bolsheviki do not recognize you; take a -pamphlet of Kropotkin and try to distribute it in a Soviet meeting. You -will soon see whether we told you the truth. Above all, get out of the -First House of the Soviet. Live among the people and you will have all -the proofs you need."</p> - -<p>How childish and trifling it all seemed in the face of the world event -that was taking place in Russia! No, I could not credit their stories. -I would wait and study conditions. But my mind was in a turmoil, and -the nights became more oppressive than ever.</p> - -<p>The day arrived when I was given a chance to attend the meeting of -the Petro-Soviet. It was to be a double celebration in honour of the -return of Karl Radek to Russia and Joffe's report on the peace treaty -with Esthonia. As usual I went with the Zorins. The gathering was in -the Tauride Palace, the former meeting place of the Russian Duma. Every -entrance to the hall was guarded by soldiers, the platform surrounded -by them holding their guns at attention.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> The hall was crowded to the -very doors. I was on the platform overlooking the sea of faces below. -Starved and wretched they looked, these sons and daughters of the -people, the heroes of Red Petrograd. How they had suffered and endured -for the Revolution! I felt very humble before them.</p> - -<p>Zinoviev presided. After the "Internationale" had been sung by the -audience standing, Zinoviev opened the meeting. He spoke at length. -His voice is high pitched, without depth. The moment I heard him I -realized what I had missed in him at our first meeting—depth, strength -of character. Next came Radek. He was clever, witty, sarcastic, and -he paid his respects to the counter-revolutionists and to the White -Guards. Altogether an interesting man and an interesting address.</p> - -<p>Joffe looked the diplomat. Well fed and groomed, he seemed rather -out of place in that assembly. He spoke of the peace conditions -with Esthonia, which were received with enthusiasm by the audience. -Certainly these people wanted peace. Would it ever come to Russia?</p> - -<p>Last spoke Zorin, by far the ablest and most convincing that evening. -Then the meeting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> was thrown open to discussion. A Menshevik asked for -the floor. Immediately pandemonium broke loose. Yells of "Traitor!" -"Kolchak!" "Counter-Revolutionist!" came from all parts of the audience -and even from the platform. It looked to me like an unworthy proceeding -for a revolutionary assembly.</p> - -<p>On the way home I spoke to Zorin about it. He laughed. "Free speech -is a bourgeois superstition," he said; "during a revolutionary period -there can be no free speech." I was rather dubious about the sweeping -statement, but I felt that I had no right to judge. I was a newcomer, -while the people at the Tauride Palace had sacrificed and suffered so -much for the Revolution. I had no right to judge.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER III</span> <span class="smaller">DISTURBING THOUGHTS</span></h2> - -<p>Life went on. Each day brought new conflicting thoughts and emotions. -The feature which affected me most was the inequality I witnessed in my -immediate environment. I learned that the rations issued to the tenants -of the First House of the Soviet (Astoria) were much superior to those -received by the workers in the factories. To be sure, they were not -sufficient to sustain life—but no one in the Astoria lived from these -rations alone. The members of the Communist Party, quartered in the -Astoria, worked in Smolny, and the rations in Smolny were the best in -Petrograd. Moreover, trade was not entirely suppressed at that time. -The markets were doing a lucrative business, though no one seemed able -or willing to explain to me where the purchasing capacity came from. -The workers could not afford to buy butter which was then 2,000 rubles -a pound,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> sugar at 3,000, or meat at 1,000. The inequality was most -apparent in the Astoria kitchen. I went there frequently, though it was -torture to prepare a meal: the savage scramble for an inch of space on -the stove, the greedy watching of the women lest any one have something -extra in the saucepan, the quarrels and screams when someone fished -out a piece of meat from the pot of a neighbour! But there was one -redeeming feature in the picture—it was the resentment of the servants -who worked in the Astoria. They were servants, though called comrades, -and they felt keenly the inequality: the Revolution to them was not a -mere theory to be realized in years to come. It was a living thing. I -was made aware of it one day.</p> - -<p>The rations were distributed at the Commissary, but one had to fetch -them himself. One day, while waiting my turn in the long line, a -peasant girl came in and asked for vinegar. "Vinegar! who is it calls -for such a luxury?" cried several women. It appeared that the girl was -Zinoviev's servant. She spoke of him as her master, who worked very -hard and was surely entitled to something extra. At once a storm of -indignation broke loose. "Master! is that what we made the Revolution -for, or was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> it to do away with masters? Zinoviev is no more than we, -and he is not entitled to more."</p> - -<p>These workingwomen were crude, even brutal, but their sense of justice -was instinctive. The Revolution to them was something fundamentally -vital. They saw the inequality at every step and bitterly resented -it. I was disturbed. I sought to reassure myself that Zinoviev and -the other leaders of the Communists would not use their power for -selfish benefit. It was the shortage of food and the lack of efficient -organization which made it impossible to feed all alike, and of course -the blockade and not the Bolsheviki was responsible for it. The Allied -Interventionists, who were trying to get at Russia's throat, were the -cause.</p> - -<p>Every Communist I met reiterated this thought; even some of the -Anarchists insisted on it. The little group antagonistic to the Soviet -Government was not convincing. But how to reconcile the explanation -given to me with some of the stories I learned every day—stories of -systematic terrorism, of relentless persecution, and suppression of -other revolutionary elements?</p> - -<p>Another circumstance which perplexed me was that the markets were -stacked with meat, fish, soap, potatoes, even shoes, every time that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> -the rations were given out. How did these things get to the markets? -Everyone spoke about it, but no one seemed to know. One day I was in -a watchmaker's shop when a soldier entered. He conversed with the -proprietor in Yiddish, relating that he had just returned from Siberia -with a shipment of tea. Would the watchmaker take fifty pounds? Tea -was sold at a premium at the time—no one but the privileged few could -permit themselves such a luxury. Of course the watchmaker would take -the tea. When the soldier left I asked the shopkeeper if he did not -think it rather risky to transact such illegal business so openly. -I happen to understand Yiddish, I told him. Did he not fear I would -report him? "That's nothing," the man replied nonchalantly, "the Tcheka -knows all about it—it draws its percentage from the soldier and -myself."</p> - -<p>I began to suspect that the reason for much of the evil was also within -Russia, not only outside of it. But then, I argued, police officials -and detectives graft everywhere. That is the common disease of the -breed. In Russia, where scarcity of food and three years of starvation -must needs turn most people into grafters, theft is inevitable. The -Bolsheviki are trying to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> suppress it with an iron hand. How can they -be blamed? But try as I might I could not silence my doubts. I groped -for some moral support, for a dependable word, for someone to shed -light on the disturbing questions.</p> - -<p>It occurred to me to write to Maxim Gorki. He might help. I called -his attention to his own dismay and disappointment while visiting -America. He had come believing in her democracy and liberalism, and -found bigotry and lack of hospitality instead. I felt sure Gorki would -understand the struggle going on within me, though the cause was not -the same. Would he see me? Two days later I received a short note -asking me to call.</p> - -<p>I had admired Gorki for many years. He was the living affirmation of my -belief that the creative artist cannot be suppressed. Gorki, the child -of the people, the pariah, had by his genius become one of the world's -greatest, one who by his pen and deep human sympathy made the social -outcast our kin. For years I toured America interpreting Gorki's genius -to the American people, elucidating the greatness, beauty, and humanity -of the man and his works. Now I was to see him and through him get a -glimpse into the complex soul of Russia.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span></p> - -<p>I found the main entrance of his house nailed up, and there seemed -to be no way of getting in. I almost gave up in despair when a woman -pointed to a dingy staircase. I climbed to the very top and knocked -on the first door I saw. It was thrown open, momentarily blinding me -with a flood of light and steam from an overheated kitchen. Then I -was ushered into a large dining room. It was dimly lit, chilly and -cheerless in spite of a fire and a large collection of Dutch china on -the walls. One of the three women I had noticed in the kitchen sat -down at the table with me, pretending to read a book but all the while -watching me out of the corner of her eye. It was an awkward half hour -of waiting.</p> - -<p>Presently Gorki arrived. Tall, gaunt, and coughing, he looked ill and -weary. He took me to his study, semi-dark and of depressing effect. -No sooner had we seated ourselves than the door flew open and another -young woman, whom I had not observed before, brought him a glass of -dark fluid, medicine evidently. Then the telephone began to ring; -a few minutes later Gorki was called out of the room. I realized -that I would not be able to talk with him. Returning, he must have -noticed my disappointment. We agreed to postpone our talk till some -less <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span>disturbed opportunity presented itself. He escorted me to the -door, remarking, "You ought to visit the Baltflot [Baltic Fleet]. The -Kronstadt sailors are nearly all instinctive Anarchists. You would -find a field there." I smiled. "Instinctive Anarchists?" I said, "that -means they are unspoiled by preconceived notions, unsophisticated, and -receptive. Is that what you mean?"</p> - -<p>"Yes, that is what I mean," he replied.</p> - -<p>The interview with Gorki left me depressed. Nor was our second meeting -more satisfactory on the occasion of my first trip to Moscow. By -the same train travelled Radek, Demyan Bedny, the popular Bolshevik -versifier, and Zipperovitch, then the president of the Petrograd -unions. We found ourselves in the same car, the one reserved for -Bolshevik officials and State dignitaries, comfortable and roomy. On -the other hand, the "common" man, the non-Communist without influence, -had literally to fight his way into the always overcrowded railway -carriages, provided he had a <i>propusk</i> to travel—a most difficult -thing to procure.</p> - -<p>I spent the time of the journey discussing Russian conditions with -Zipperovitch, a kindly man of deep convictions, and with Demyan -Bedny, a big coarse-looking man. Radek held<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> forth at length on his -experiences in Germany and German prisons.</p> - -<p>I learned that Gorki was also on the train, and I was glad of another -opportunity for a chat with him when he called to see me. The one thing -uppermost in my mind at the moment was an article which had appeared in -the Petrograd <i>Pravda</i> a few days before my departure. It treated of -morally defective children, the writer urging prison for them. Nothing -I had heard or seen during my six weeks in Russia so outraged me as -this brutal and antiquated attitude toward the child. I was eager to -know what Gorki thought of the matter. Of course, he was opposed to -prisons for the morally defective, he would advocate reformatories -instead. "What do you mean by morally defective?" I asked. "Our young -are the result of alcoholism rampant during the Russian-Japanese War, -and of syphilis. What except moral defection could result from such a -heritage?" he replied. I argued that morality changes with conditions -and climate, and that unless one believed in the theory of free will -one cannot consider morality a fixed matter. As to children, their -sense of responsibility is primitive, and they lack the spirit of -social adherence. But Gorki insisted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> that there was a fearful spread -of moral defection among children and that such cases should be -isolated.</p> - -<p>I then broached the problem that was troubling me most. What about -persecution and terror—were all the horrors inevitable, or was there -some fault in Bolshevism itself? The Bolsheviki were making mistakes, -but they were doing the best they knew how, Gorki said drily. Nothing -more could be expected, he thought.</p> - -<p>I recalled a certain article by Gorki, published in his paper, <i>New -Life</i>, which I had read in the Missouri Penitentiary. It was a scathing -arraignment of the Bolsheviki. There must have been powerful reasons to -change Gorki's point of view so completely. Perhaps he is right. I must -wait. I must study the situation; I must get at the facts. Above all, I -must see for myself Bolshevism at work.</p> - -<p>We spoke of the drama. On my first visit, by way of introduction, I had -shown Gorki an announcement card of the dramatic course I had given -in America. John Galsworthy was among the playwrights I had discussed -then. Gorki expressed surprise that I considered Galsworthy an artist. -In his opinion Galsworthy could not be compared with Bernard Shaw. I -had to <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span>differ. I did not underestimate Shaw, but considered Galsworthy -the greater artist. I detected irritation in Gorki, and as his hacking -cough continued, I broke off the discussion. He soon left. I remained -dejected from the interview. It gave me nothing.</p> - -<p>When we pulled into the Moscow station my chaperon, Demyan Bedny, had -vanished and I was left on the platform with all my traps. Radek came -to my rescue. He called a porter, took me and my baggage to his waiting -automobile and insisted that I come to his apartments in the Kremlin. -There I was graciously received by his wife and invited to dinner -served by their maid. After that Radek began the difficult task of -getting me quartered in the Hotel National, known as the First House of -the Moscow Soviet. With all his influence it required hours to secure a -room for me.</p> - -<p>Radek's luxurious apartment, the maidservant, the splendid dinner -seemed strange in Russia. But the comradely concern of Radek and the -hospitality of his wife were grateful to me. Except at the Zorins -and the Shatovs I had not met with anything like it. I felt that -kindliness, sympathy, and solidarity were still alive in Russia.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER IV</span> <span class="smaller">MOSCOW: FIRST IMPRESSIONS</span></h2> - -<p>Coming from Petrograd to Moscow is like being suddenly transferred -from a desert to active life, so great is the contrast. On reaching -the large open square in front of the main Moscow station I was amazed -at the sight of busy crowds, cabbies, and porters. The same picture -presented itself all the way from the station to the Kremlin. The -streets were alive with men, women, and children. Almost everybody -carried a bundle, or dragged a loaded sleigh. There was life, motion, -and movement, quite different from the stillness that oppressed me in -Petrograd.</p> - -<p>I noticed considerable display of the military in the city, and scores -of men dressed in leather suits with guns in their belts. "Tcheka -men, our Extraordinary Commission," explained Radek. I had heard of -the Tcheka before: Petrograd talked of it with dread and hatred. -However, the soldiers and Tchekists were never<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> much in evidence in -the city on the Neva. Here in Moscow they seemed everywhere. Their -presence reminded me of a remark Jack Reed had made: "Moscow is a -military encampment," he had said; "spies everywhere, the bureaucracy -most autocratic. I always feel relieved when I get out of Moscow. -But, then, Petrograd is a proletarian city and is permeated with the -spirit of the Revolution. Moscow always was hierarchical. It is much -more so now." I found that Jack Reed was right. Moscow was indeed -hierarchical. Still the life was intense, varied, and interesting. -What struck me most forcibly, besides the display of militarism, was -the preoccupation of the people. There seemed to be no common interest -between them. Everyone rushed about as a detached unit in quest of -his own, pushing and knocking against everyone else. Repeatedly I saw -women or children fall from exhaustion without any one stopping to lend -assistance. People stared at me when I would bend over the heap on the -slippery pavement or gather up the bundles that had fallen into the -street. I spoke to friends about what looked to me like a strange lack -of fellow-feeling. They explained it as a result partly of the general -distrust and suspicion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> created by the Tcheka, and partly due to the -absorbing task of getting the day's food. One had neither vitality nor -feeling left to think of others. Yet there did not seem to be such a -scarcity of food as in Petrograd, and the people were warmer and better -dressed.</p> - -<p>I spent much time on the streets and in the market places. Most of -the latter, as also the famous Soukharevka, were in full operation. -Occasionally soldiers would raid the markets; but as a rule they were -suffered to continue. They presented the most vital and interesting -part of the city's life. Here gathered proletarian and aristocrat, -Communist and bourgeois, peasant and intellectual. Here they were bound -by the common desire to sell and buy, to trade and bargain. Here one -could find for sale a rusty iron pot alongside of an exquisite ikon; -an old pair of shoes and intricately worked lace; a few yards of cheap -calico and a beautiful old Persian shawl. The rich of yesterday, hungry -and emaciated, denuding themselves of their last glories; the rich of -to-day buying—it was indeed an amazing picture in revolutionary Russia.</p> - -<p>Who was buying the finery of the past, and where did the purchasing -power come from? The buyers were numerous. In Moscow one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> was not so -limited as to sources of information as in Petrograd; the very streets -furnished that source.</p> - -<p>The Russian people even after four years of war and three years of -revolution remained unsophisticated. They were suspicious of strangers -and reticent at first. But when they learned that one had come from -America and did not belong to the governing political party, they -gradually lost their reserve. Much information I gathered from them and -some explanation of the things that perplexed me since my arrival. I -talked frequently with the workers and peasants and the women on the -markets.</p> - -<p>The forces which had led up to the Russian Revolution had remained -<i>terra incognita</i> to these simple folk, but the Revolution itself had -struck deep into their souls. They knew nothing of theories, but they -believed that there was to be no more of the hated <i>barin</i> (master) -and now the <i>barin</i> was again upon them. "The <i>barin</i> has everything," -they would say, "white bread, clothing, even chocolate, while we have -nothing." "Communism, equality, freedom," they jeered, "lies and -deception."</p> - -<p>I would return to the National bruised and battered, my illusions -gradually shattered, my<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> foundations crumbling. But I would not let -go. After all, I thought, the common people could not understand -the tremendous difficulties confronting the Soviet Government: the -imperialist forces arraigned against Russia, the many attacks which -drained her of her men who otherwise would be employed in productive -labour, the blockade which was relentlessly slaying Russia's young and -weak. Of course, the people could not understand these things, and I -must not be misled by their bitterness born of suffering. I must be -patient. I must get to the source of the evils confronting me.</p> - -<p>The National, like the Petrograd Astoria, was a former hotel but not -nearly in as good condition. No rations were given out there except -three quarters of a pound of bread every two days. Instead there was -a common dining room where dinners and suppers were served. The meals -consisted of soup and a little meat, sometimes fish or pancakes, and -tea. In the evening we usually had <i>kasha</i> and tea. The food was not -too plentiful, but one could exist on it were it not so abominably -prepared.</p> - -<p>I saw no reason for this spoiling of provisions. Visiting the kitchen I -discovered an array of servants controlled by a number of officials,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> -commandants, and inspectors. The kitchen staff were poorly paid; -moreover, they were not given the same food served to us. They resented -this discrimination and their interest was not in their work. This -situation resulted in much graft and waste, criminal in the face of -the general scarcity of food. Few of the tenants of the National, I -learned, took their meals in the common dining room. They prepared or -had their meals prepared by servants in a separate kitchen set aside -for that purpose. There, as in the Astoria, I found the same scramble -for a place on the stove, the same bickering and quarrelling, the same -greedy, envious watching of each other. Was that Communism in action, I -wondered. I heard the usual explanation: Yudenitch, Denikin, Kolchak, -the blockade—but the stereotyped phrases no longer satisfied me.</p> - -<p>Before I left Petrograd Jack Reed said to me: "When you reach Moscow, -look up Angelica Balabanova. She will receive you gladly and will put -you up should you be unable to find a room." I had heard of Balabanova -before, knew of her work, and was naturally anxious to meet her.</p> - -<p>A few days after reaching Moscow I called her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> up. Would she see me? -Yes, at once, though she was not feeling well. I found Balabanova in -a small, cheerless room, lying huddled up on the sofa. She was not -prepossessing but for her eyes, large and luminous, radiating sympathy -and kindness. She received me most graciously, like an old friend, and -immediately ordered the inevitable samovar. Over our tea we talked -of America, the labour movement there, our deportation, and finally -about Russia. I put to her the questions I had asked many Communists -regarding the contrasts and discrepancies which confronted me at every -step. She surprised me by not giving the usual excuses; she was the -first who did not repeat the old refrain. She did refer to the scarcity -of food, fuel, and clothing which was responsible for much of the graft -and corruption; but on the whole she thought life itself mean and -limited. "A rock on which the highest hopes are shattered. Life thwarts -the best intentions and breaks the finest spirits," she said. Rather an -unusual view for a Marxian, a Communist, and one in the thick of the -battle. I knew she was then secretary of the Third International. Here -was a personality, one who was not a mere echo, one who felt deeply the -complexity of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> Russian situation. I went away profoundly impressed, -and attracted by her sad, luminous eyes.</p> - -<p>I soon discovered that Balabanova—or Balabanoff, as she preferred -to be called—was at the beck and call of everybody. Though poor in -health and engaged in many functions, she yet found time to minister -to the needs of her legion callers. Often she went without necessaries -herself, giving away her own rations, always busy trying to secure -medicine or some little delicacy for the sick and suffering. Her -special concern were the stranded Italians of whom there were quite -a number in Petrograd and Moscow. Balabanova had lived and worked in -Italy for many years until she almost became Italian herself. She felt -deeply with them, who were as far away from their native soil as from -events in Russia. She was their friend, their advisor, their main -support in a world of strife and struggle. Not only the Italians but -almost everyone else was the concern of this remarkable little woman: -no one needed a Communist membership card to Angelica's heart. No -wonder some of her comrades considered her a "sentimentalist who wasted -her precious time in philanthropy." Many verbal battles I had on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> this -score with the type of Communist who had become callous and hard, -altogether barren of the qualities which characterized the Russian -idealist of the past.</p> - -<p>Similar criticism as of Balabanova I heard expressed of another leading -Communist, Lunacharsky. Already in Petrograd I was told sneeringly, -"Lunacharsky is a scatterbrain who wastes millions on foolish -ventures." But I was eager to meet the man who was the Commissar of one -of the important departments in Russia, that of education. Presently an -opportunity presented itself.</p> - -<p>The Kremlin, the old citadel of Tsardom, I found heavily guarded and -inaccessible to the "common" man. But I had come by appointment and -in the company of a man who had an admission card, and therefore -passed the guard without trouble. We soon reached the Lunacharsky -apartments, situated in an old quaint building within the walls. Though -the reception room was crowded with people waiting to be admitted, -Lunacharsky called me in as soon as I was announced.</p> - -<p>His greeting was very cordial. Did I "intend to remain a free bird" -was one of his first questions, or would I be willing to join him -in his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> work? I was rather surprised. Why should one have to give -up his freedom, especially in educational work? Were not initiative -and freedom essential? However, I had come to learn from Lunacharsky -about the revolutionary system of education in Russia, of which we -had heard so much in America. I was especially interested in the care -the children were receiving. The Moscow <i>Pravda</i>, like the Petrograd -newspapers, had been agitated by a controversy about the treatment -of the morally defective. I expressed surprise at such an attitude -in Soviet Russia. "Of course, it is all barbarous and antiquated," -Lunacharsky said, "and I am fighting it tooth and nail. The sponsors -of prisons for children are old criminal jurists, still imbued -with Tsarist methods. I have organized a commission of physicians, -pedagogues, and psychologists to deal with this question. Of course, -those children must not be punished." I felt tremendously relieved. -Here at last was a man who had gotten away from the cruel old methods -of punishment. I told him of the splendid work done in capitalist -America by Judge Lindsay and of some of the experimental schools for -backward children. Lunacharsky was much interested. "Yes, that is just -what<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> we want here, the American system of education," he exclaimed. -"You surely do not mean the American public school system?" I asked. -"You know of the insurgent movement in America against our public -school method of education, the work done by Professor Dewey and -others?" Lunacharsky had heard little about it. Russia had been so long -cut off from the western world and there was great lack of books on -modern education. He was eager to learn of the new ideas and methods. I -sensed in Lunacharsky a personality full of faith and devotion to the -Revolution, one who was carrying on the great work of education in a -physically and spiritually difficult environment.</p> - -<p>He suggested the calling of a conference of teachers if I would talk -to them about the new tendencies in education in America, to which I -readily consented. Schools and other institutions in his charge were to -be visited later. I left Lunacharsky filled with new hope. I would join -him in his work, I thought. What greater service could one render the -Russian people?</p> - -<p>During my visit to Moscow I saw Lunacharsky several times. He was -always the same kindly gracious man, but I soon began to notice that he -was being handicapped in his work by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> forces within his own party: most -of his good intentions and decisions never saw the light. Evidently -Lunacharsky was caught in the same machine that apparently held -everything in its iron grip. What was that machine? Who directed its -movements?</p> - -<p>Although the control of visitors at the National was very strict, no -one being able to go in or out without a special <i>propusk</i> [permit], -men and women of different political factions managed to call on me: -Anarchists, Left Social Revolutionists, Coöperators, and people I -had known in America and who had returned to Russia to play their -part in the Revolution. They had come with deep faith and high hope, -but I found almost all of them discouraged, some even embittered. -Though widely differing in their political views, nearly all of my -callers related an identical story, the story of the high tide of the -Revolution, of the wonderful spirit that led the people forward, of -the possibilities of the masses, the rôle of the Bolsheviki as the -spokesmen of the most extreme revolutionary slogans and their betrayal -of the Revolution after they had secured power. All spoke of the -Brest Litovsk peace as the beginning of the downward march. The Left -Social Revolutionists <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span>especially, men of culture and earnestness, -who had suffered much under the Tsar and now saw their hopes and -aspirations thwarted, were most emphatic in their condemnation. They -supported their statements by evidence of the havoc wrought by the -methods of forcible requisition and the punitive expeditions to the -villages, of the abyss created between town and country, the hatred -engendered between peasant and worker. They told of the persecution of -their comrades, the shooting of innocent men and women, the criminal -inefficiency, waste, and destruction.</p> - -<p>How, then, could the Bolsheviki maintain themselves in power? After -all, they were only a small minority, about five hundred thousand -members as an exaggerated estimate. The Russian masses, I was told, -were exhausted by hunger and cowed by terrorism. Moreover, they had -lost faith in all parties and ideas. Nevertheless, there were frequent -peasant uprisings in various parts of Russia, but these were ruthlessly -quelled. There were also constant strikes in Moscow, Petrograd, and -other industrial centres, but the censorship was so rigid little ever -became known to the masses at large.</p> - -<p>I sounded my visitors on intervention. "We want none of outside -interference," was the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> uniform sentiment. They held that it merely -strengthened the hands of the Bolsheviki. They felt that they could -not publicly even speak out against them so long as Russia was being -attacked, much less fight their régime. "Have not their tactics and -methods been imposed on the Bolsheviki by intervention and blockade?" I -argued. "Only partly so," was the reply. "Most of their methods spring -from their lack of understanding of the character and the needs of the -Russian people and the mad obsession of dictatorship, which is not even -the dictatorship of the proletariat but the dictatorship of a small -group <i>over</i> the proletariat."</p> - -<p>When I broached the subject of the People's Soviets and the elections -my visitors smiled. "Elections! There are no such things in Russia, -unless you call threats and terrorism elections. It is by these alone -that the Bolsheviki secure a majority. A few Mensheviki, Social -Revolutionists, or Anarchists are permitted to slip into the Soviets, -but they have not the shadow of a chance to be heard."</p> - -<p>The picture painted looked black and dismal. Still I clung to my faith.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER V</span> <span class="smaller">MEETING PEOPLE</span></h2> - -<p>At A conference of the Moscow Anarchists in March I first learned of -the part some Anarchists had played in the Russian Revolution. In the -July uprising of 1917 the Kronstadt sailors were led by the Anarchist -Yarchuck; the Constituent Assembly was dispersed by Zhelezniakov; -the Anarchists had participated on every front and helped to drive -back the Allied attacks. It was the consensus of opinion that the -Anarchists were always among the first to face fire, as they were -also the most active in the reconstructive work. One of the biggest -factories near Moscow, which did not stop work during the entire period -of the Revolution, was managed by an Anarchist. Anarchists were doing -important work in the Foreign Office and in all other departments. I -learned that the Anarchists had virtually helped the Bolsheviki into -power. Five months later, in April, 1918, machine guns were used to -destroy the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> Moscow Anarchist Club and to suppress their press. That -was before Mirbach arrived in Moscow. The field had to be "cleared of -disturbing elements," and the Anarchists were the first to suffer. -Since then the persecution of the Anarchists has never ceased.</p> - -<p>The Moscow Anarchist Conference was critical not only toward the -existing régime, but toward its own comrades as well. It spoke frankly -of the negative sides of the movement, and of its lack of unity and -coöperation during the revolutionary period. Later I was to learn more -of the internal dissensions in the Anarchist movement. Before closing, -the Conference decided to call on the Soviet Government to release the -imprisoned Anarchists and to legalize Anarchist educational work. The -Conference asked Alexander Berkman and myself to sign the resolution -to that effect. It was a shock to me that Anarchists should ask any -government to legalize their efforts, but I still believed the Soviet -Government to be at least to some extent expressive of the Revolution. -I signed the resolution, and as I was to see Lenin in a few days I -promised to take the matter up with him.</p> - -<p>The interview with Lenin was arranged by Balabanova. "You must see -Ilitch, talk to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> him about the things that are disturbing you and the -work you would like to do," she had said. But some time passed before -the opportunity came. At last one day Balabanova called up to ask -whether I could go at once. Lenin had sent his car and we were quickly -driven over to the Kremlin, passed without question by the guards, and -at last ushered into the workroom of the all-powerful president of the -People's Commissars.</p> - -<p>When we entered Lenin held a copy of the brochure <i>Trial and -Speeches</i><a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> in his hands. I had given my only copy to Balabanova, who -had evidently sent the booklet on ahead of us to Lenin. One of his -first questions was, "When could the Social Revolution be expected in -America?" I had been asked the question repeatedly before, but I was -astounded to hear it from Lenin. It seemed incredible that a man of his -information should know so little about conditions in America.</p> - -<p>My Russian at this time was halting, but Lenin declared that though he -had lived in Europe for many years he had not learned to speak foreign -languages: the conversation would therefore have to be carried on in -Russian. At<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> once he launched into a eulogy of our speeches in court. -"What a splendid opportunity for propaganda," he said; "it is worth -going to prison, if the courts can so successfully be turned into a -forum." I felt his steady cold gaze upon me, penetrating my very being, -as if he were reflecting upon the use I might be put to. Presently he -asked what I would want to do. I told him I would like to repay America -what it had done for Russia. I spoke of the Society of the Friends of -Russian Freedom, organized thirty years ago by George Kennan and later -reorganized by Alice Stone Blackwell and other liberal Americans. I -briefly sketched the splendid work they had done to arouse interest in -the struggle for Russian freedom, and the great moral and financial aid -the Society had given through all those years. To organize a Russian -society for American freedom was my plan. Lenin appeared enthusiastic. -"That is a great idea, and you shall have all the help you want. But, -of course, it will be under the auspices of the Third International. -Prepare your plan in writing and send it to me."</p> - -<p>I broached the subject of the Anarchists in Russia. I showed him a -letter I had received from Martens, the Soviet representative in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> -America, shortly before my deportation. Martens asserted that the -Anarchists in Russia enjoyed full freedom of speech and press. Since -my arrival I found scores of Anarchists in prison and their press -suppressed. I explained that I could not think of working with the -Soviet Government so long as my comrades were in prison for opinion's -sake. I also told him of the resolutions of the Moscow Anarchist -Conference. He listened patiently and promised to bring the matter to -the attention of his party. "But as to free speech," he remarked, "that -is, of course, a bourgeois notion. There can be no free speech in a -revolutionary period. We have the peasantry against us because we can -give them nothing in return for their bread. We will have them on our -side when we have something to exchange. Then you can have all the free -speech you want—but not now. Recently we needed peasants to cart some -wood into the city. They demanded salt. We thought we had no salt, but -then we discovered seventy poods in Moscow in one of our warehouses. -At once the peasants were willing to cart the wood. Your comrades -must wait until we can meet the needs of the peasants. Meanwhile, -they should work with us. Look at William Shatov, for instance, who -has helped<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> save Petrograd from Yudenitch. He works with us and we -appreciate his services. Shatov was among the first to receive the -order of the Red Banner."</p> - -<p>Free speech, free press, the spiritual achievements of centuries, what -were they to this man? A Puritan, he was sure his scheme alone could -redeem Russia. Those who served his plans were right, the others could -not be tolerated.</p> - -<p>A shrewd Asiatic, this Lenin. He knows how to play on the weak sides of -men by flattery, rewards, medals. I left convinced that his approach to -people was purely utilitarian, for the use he could get out of them for -his scheme. And his scheme—was it the Revolution?</p> - -<p>I prepared the plan for the Society of the Russian Friends of American -Freedom and elaborated the details of the work I had in mind, but -refused to place myself under the protecting wing of the Third -International. I explained to Lenin that the American people had little -faith in politics, and would certainly consider it an imposition to be -directed and guided by a political machine from Moscow. I could not -consistently align myself with the Third International.</p> - -<p>Some time later I saw Tchicherin. I believe it was 4 <span class="smaller">A. M.</span> -when our interview took place.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> He also asked about the possibilities -of a revolution in America, and seemed to doubt my judgment when I -informed him that there was no hope of it in the near future. We spoke -of the I. W. W., which had evidently been misrepresented to him. -I assured Tchicherin that while I am not an I. W. W. I must state -that they represented the only conscious and effective revolutionary -proletarian organization in the United States, and were sure to play an -important rôle in the future labour history of the country.</p> - -<p>Next to Balabanova, Tchicherin impressed me as the most simple and -unassuming of the leading Communists in Moscow. But all were equally -naďve in their estimate of the world outside of Russia. Was their -judgment so faulty because they had been cut off from Europe and -America so long? Or was their great need of European help father to -their wish? At any rate, they all clung to the idea of approaching -revolutions in the western countries, forgetful that revolutions are -not made to order, and apparently unconscious that their own revolution -had been twisted out of shape and semblance and was gradually being -done to death.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span></p> - -<p>The editor of the London <i>Daily Herald</i>, accompanied by one of his -reporters, had preceded me to Moscow. They wanted to visit Kropotkin, -and they had been given a special car. Together with Alexander Berkman -and A. Shapiro, I was able to join Mr. Lansbury.</p> - -<p>The Kropotkin cottage stood back in the garden away from the street. -Only a faint ray from a kerosene lamp lit up the path to the house. -Kropotkin received us with his characteristic graciousness, evidently -glad at our visit. But I was shocked at his altered appearance. The -last time I had seen him was in 1907, in Paris, which I visited after -the Anarchist Congress in Amsterdam. Kropotkin, barred from France -for many years, had just been given the right to return. He was then -sixty-five years of age, but still so full of life and energy that he -seemed much younger. Now he looked old and worn.</p> - -<p>I was eager to get some light from Kropotkin on the problems that were -troubling me, particularly on the relation of the Bolsheviki to the -Revolution. What was his opinion? Why had he been silent so long?</p> - -<p>I took no notes and therefore I can give only the gist of what -Kropotkin said. He stated that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> the Revolution had carried the people -to great spiritual heights and had paved the way for profound social -changes. If the people had been permitted to apply their released -energies, Russia would not be in her present condition of ruin. The -Bolsheviki, who had been carried to the top by the revolutionary wave, -first caught the popular ear by extreme revolutionary slogans, thereby -gaining the confidence of the masses and the support of militant -revolutionists.</p> - -<p>He continued to narrate that early in the October period the -Bolsheviki began to subordinate the interests of the Revolution to the -establishment of their dictatorship, which coerced and paralysed every -social activity. He stated that the coöperatives were the main medium -that could have bridged the interests of the peasants and the workers. -The coöperatives were among the first to be crushed. He spoke with much -feeling of the oppression, the persecution, the hounding of every shade -of opinion, and cited numerous instances of the misery and distress of -the people. He emphasized that the Bolsheviki had discredited Socialism -and Communism in the eyes of the Russian people.</p> - -<p>"Why haven't you raised your voice against these evils, against this -machine that is sapping<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> the life blood of the Revolution?" I asked. -He gave two reasons. As long as Russia was being attacked by the -combined Imperialists, and Russian women and children were dying from -the effects of the blockade, he could not join the shrieking chorus of -the ex-revolutionists in the cry of "Crucify!" He preferred silence. -Secondly, there was no medium of expression in Russia itself. To -protest to the Government was useless. Its concern was to maintain -itself in power. It could not stop at such "trifles" as human rights or -human lives. Then he added: "We have always pointed out the effects of -Marxism in action. Why be surprised now?"</p> - -<p>I asked Kropotkin whether he was noting down his impressions and -observations. Surely he must see the importance of such a record to -his comrades and to the workers; in fact, to the whole world. "No," -he said; "it is impossible to write when one is in the midst of great -human suffering, when every hour brings new tragedies. Then there may -be a raid at any moment. The Tcheka comes swooping down in the night, -ransacks every corner, turns everything inside out, and marches off -with every scrap of paper. Under such constant stress it is impossible -to keep records. But <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span>besides these considerations there is my book on -Ethics. I can only work a few hours a day, and I must concentrate on -that to the exclusion of everything else."</p> - -<p>After a tender embrace which Peter never failed to give those he loved, -we returned to our car. My heart was heavy, my spirit confused and -troubled by what I had heard. I was also distressed by the poor state -of health of our comrade: I feared he could not survive till spring. -The thought that Peter Kropotkin might go to his grave and that the -world might never know what he thought of the Russian Revolution was -appalling.</p> - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Trial and Speeches of Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman -before the Federal Court of New York, June-July, 1917.</i> Mother Earth -Publishing Co., New York.</p></div></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER VI</span> <span class="smaller">PREPARING FOR AMERICAN DEPORTEES</span></h2> - -<p>Events in Moscow, quickly following each other, were full of interest. -I wanted to remain in that vital city, but as I had left all my effects -in Petrograd I decided to return there and then come back to Moscow to -join Lunacharsky in his work. A few days before my departure a young -woman, an Anarchist, came to visit me. She was from the Petrograd -Museum of the Revolution and she called to inquire whether I would take -charge of the Museum branch work in Moscow. She explained that the -original idea of the Museum was due to the famous old revolutionist -Vera Nikolaievna Figner, and that it had recently been organized by -non-partisan elements. The majority of the men and women who worked in -the Museum were not Communists, she said; but they were devoted to the -Revolution and anxious to create something which could in the future -serve as a source of information and <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span>inspiration to earnest students -of the great Russian Revolution. When my caller was informed that I was -about to return to Petrograd, she invited me to visit the Museum and to -become acquainted with its work.</p> - -<p>Upon my arrival in Petrograd I found unexpected work awaiting me. -Zorin informed me that he had been notified by Tchicherin that a -thousand Russians had been deported from America and were on their way -to Russia. They were to be met at the border and quarters were to be -immediately prepared for them in Petrograd. Zorin asked me to join the -Commission about to be organized for that purpose.</p> - -<p>The plan of such a commission for American deportees had been broached -to Zorin soon after our arrival in Russia. At that time Zorin directed -us to talk the matter over with Tchicherin, which we did. But three -months passed without anything having been done about it. Meanwhile, -our comrades of the <i>Buford</i> were still walking from department to -department, trying to be placed where they might do some good. They -were a sorry lot, those men who had come to Russia with such high -hopes, eager to render service to the revolutionary people. Most of -them were skilled workers, mechanics—men <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span>Russia needed badly; but -the cumbersome Bolshevik machine and general inefficiency made it a -very complex matter to put them to work. Some had tried independently -to secure jobs, but they could accomplish very little. Moreover, those -who found employment were soon made to feel that the Russian workers -resented the eagerness and intensity of their brothers from America. -"Wait till you have starved as long as we," they would say, "wait till -you have tasted the blessings of Commissarship, and we will see if you -are still so eager." In every way the deportees were discouraged and -their enthusiasm dampened.</p> - -<p>To avoid this unnecessary waste of energy and suffering the Commission -was at last organized in Petrograd. It consisted of Ravitch, the then -Minister of Internal Affairs for the Northern District; her secretary, -Kaplun; two members of the Bureau of War Prisoners; Alexander Berkman, -and myself. The new deportees were due in two weeks, and much work -was to be done to prepare for their reception. It was unfortunate -that no active participation could be expected from Ravitch because -her time was too much occupied. Besides holding the post of Minister -of the Interior she was Chief of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> Petrograd Militia, and she also -represented the Moscow Foreign Office in Petrograd. Her regular working -hours were from 8 <span class="smaller">A. M.</span> to 2 <span class="smaller">A. M.</span> Kaplun, a very -able administrator, had charge of the entire internal work of the -Department and could therefore give us very little of his time. There -remained only four persons to accomplish within a short time the big -task of preparing living quarters for a thousand deportees in starved -and ruined Russia. Moreover, Alexander Berkman, heading the Reception -Committee, had to leave for the Latvian border to meet the exiles.</p> - -<p>It was an almost impossible task for one person, but I was very anxious -to save the second group of deportees the bitter experiences and the -disappointments of my fellow companions of the <i>Buford</i>. I could -undertake the work only by making the condition that I be given the -right of entry to the various government departments, for I had learned -by that time how paralysing was the effect of the bureaucratic red -tape which delayed and often frustrated the most earnest and energetic -efforts. Kaplun consented. "Call on me at any time for anything you may -require," he said; "I will give orders that you be admitted everywhere -and supplied with <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span>everything you need. If that should not help, call -on the Tcheka," he added. I had never called upon the police before, I -informed him; why should I do so in revolutionary Russia? "In bourgeois -countries that is a different matter," explained Kaplun; "with us the -Tcheka defends the Revolution and fights sabotage." I started on my -work determined to do without the Tcheka. Surely there must be other -methods, I thought.</p> - -<p>Then began a chase over Petrograd. Materials were very scarce and -it was most difficult to procure them owing to the unbelievably -centralized Bolshevik methods. Thus to get a pound of nails one had to -file applications in about ten or fifteen bureaus; to secure some bed -linen or ordinary dishes one wasted days. Everywhere in the offices -crowds of Government employees stood about smoking cigarettes, awaiting -the hour when the tedious task of the day would be over. My co-workers -of the War Prisoners' Bureau fumed at the irritating and unnecessary -delays, but to no purpose. They threatened with the Tcheka, with the -concentration camp, even with <i>raztrel</i> (shooting). The latter was the -most favourite argument. Whenever any difficulty arose one immediately -heard <i>raztreliat</i>—to be shot. But the expression, so terrible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> in its -significance, was gradually losing its effect upon the people: man gets -used to everything.</p> - -<p>I decided to try other methods. I would talk to the employees in -the departments about the vital interest the conscious American -workers felt in the great Russian Revolution, and of their faith and -hope in the Russian proletariat. The people would become interested -immediately, but the questions they would ask were as strange as they -were pitiful: "Have the people enough to eat in America? How soon will -the Revolution be there? Why did you come to starving Russia?" They -were eager for information and news, these mentally and physically -starved people, cut off by the barbarous blockade from all touch with -the western world. Things American were something wonderful to them. A -piece of chocolate or a cracker were unheard-of dainties—they proved -the key to everybody's heart.</p> - -<p>Within two weeks I succeeded in procuring most of the things needed -for the expected deportees, including furniture, linen, and dishes. A -miracle, everybody said.</p> - -<p>However, the renovation of the houses that were to serve as living -quarters for the exiles was not accomplished so easily. I inspected -what,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> as I was told, had once been first-class hotels. I found them -located in the former prostitute district; cheap dives they were, until -the Bolsheviki closed all brothels. They were germ-eaten, ill-smelling, -and filthy. It was no small problem to turn those dark holes into a -fit habitation within two weeks. A coat of paint was a luxury not to -be thought of. There was nothing else to do but to strip the rooms -of furniture and draperies, and have them thoroughly cleaned and -disinfected.</p> - -<p>One morning a group of forlorn-looking creatures, in charge of two -militiamen, were brought to my temporary office. They came to work, I -was informed. The group consisted of a one-armed old man, a consumptive -woman, and eight boys and girls, mere children, pale, starved, and in -rags. "Where do these unfortunates come from?" I inquired. "They are -speculators," one of the militiamen replied; "we rounded them up on -the market." The prisoners began to weep. They were no speculators, -they protested; they were starving, they had received no bread in two -days. They were compelled to go out to the market to sell matches or -thread to secure a little bread. In the midst of this scene the old -man fainted from exhaustion, demonstrating better than words that he -had speculated only in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> hunger. I had seen such "speculators" before, -driven in groups through the streets of Moscow and Petrograd by convoys -with loaded guns pointed at the backs of the prisoners.</p> - -<p>I could not think of having the work done by these starved creatures. -But the militiamen insisted that they would not let them go; they had -orders to make them work. I called up Kaplun and informed him that -I considered it out of the question to have quarters for American -deportees prepared by Russian convicts whose only crime was hunger. -Thereupon Kaplun ordered the group set free and consented that I give -them of the bread sent for the workers' rations. But a valuable day was -lost.</p> - -<p>The next morning a group of boys and girls came singing along the -Nevski Prospekt. They were <i>kursanti</i> from the Tauride Palace who were -sent to my office to work. On my first visit to the palace I had been -shown the quarters of the <i>kursanti</i>, the students of the Bolshevik -academy. They were mostly village boys and girls housed, fed, clothed, -and educated by the Government, later to be placed in responsible -positions in the Soviet régime. At the time I was impressed by the -institutions, but by April I had looked somewhat beneath the surface. -I recalled what a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> young woman, a Communist, had told me in Moscow -about these students. "They are the special caste now being reared in -Russia," she had said. "Like the church which maintains and educates -its religious priesthood, our Government trains a military and civic -priesthood. They are a favoured lot." I had more than one occasion to -convince myself of the truth of it. The <i>kursanti</i> were being given -every advantage and many special privileges. They knew their importance -and they behaved accordingly.</p> - -<p>Their first demand when they came to me was for the extra rations of -bread they had been promised. This demand satisfied, they stood about -and seemed to have no idea of work. It was evident that whatever else -the <i>kursanti</i> might be taught, it was not to labour. But, then, few -people in Russia know how to work. The situation looked hopeless. Only -ten days remained till the arrival of the deportees, and the "hotels" -assigned for their use were still in as uninhabitable a condition as -before. It was no use to threaten with the Tcheka, as my co-workers -did. I appealed to the boys and girls in the spirit of the American -deportees who were about to arrive in Russia full of enthusiasm for -the Revolution and eager to join in the great work of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> reconstruction. -The <i>kursanti</i> were the pampered charges of the Government, but they -were not long from the villages, and they had had no time to become -corrupt. My appeal was effective. They took up the work with a will, -and at the end of ten days the three famous hotels were ready as far as -willingness to work and hot water without soap could make them. We were -very proud of our achievement and we eagerly awaited the arrival of the -deportees.</p> - -<p>At last they came, but to our great surprise they proved to be no -deportees at all. They were Russian war prisoners from Germany. -The misunderstanding was due to the blunder of some official in -Tchicherin's office who misread the radio information about the party -due at the border. The prepared hotels were locked and sealed; they -were not to be used for the returned war prisoners because "they were -prepared for American deportees who still might come." All the efforts -and labour had been in vain.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER VII</span> <span class="smaller">REST HOMES FOR WORKERS</span></h2> - -<p>Since my return from Moscow I noticed a change in Zorin's attitude: -he was reserved, distant, and not as friendly as when we first met. -I ascribed it to the fact that he was overworked and fatigued, and -not wishing to waste his valuable time I ceased visiting the Zorins -as frequently as before. One day, however, he called up to ask if -Alexander Berkman and myself would join him in certain work he was -planning, and which was to be done in hurry-up American style, as he -put it. On calling to see him we found him rather excited—an unusual -thing for Zorin who was generally quiet and reserved. He was full of -a new scheme to build "rest homes" for workers. He explained that on -Kameniy Ostrov were the magnificent mansions of the Stolypins, the -Polovtsovs, and others of the aristocracy and bourgeoisie, and that he -was planning to turn them into recreation centres for workers. Would -we join in the work?<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> Of course, we consented eagerly, and the next -morning we went over to inspect the island. It was indeed an ideal -spot, dotted with magnificent mansions, some of them veritable museums, -containing rare gems of painting, tapestry, and furniture. The man in -charge of the buildings called our attention to the art treasures, -protesting that they would be injured or entirely destroyed if put to -the planned use. But Zorin was set on his scheme. "Recreation homes for -workers are more important than art," he said.</p> - -<p>We returned to the Astoria determined to devote ourselves to the work -and to go at it intensively, as the houses were to be ready for the -First of May. We prepared detailed plans for dining rooms, sleeping -chambers, reading rooms, theatre and lecture halls, and recreation -places for the workers. As the first and most necessary step we -proposed the organization of a dining room to feed the workers who were -to be employed in preparing the place for their comrades. I had learned -from my previous experience with the hotels that much valuable time -was lost because of the failure to provide for those actually employed -on such work. Zorin consented and promised that we were to take charge -within a few days. But a week passed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> and nothing further was heard -about what was to be a rush job. Some time later Zorin called up to -ask us to accompany him to the island. On our arrival there we found -half-a-dozen Commissars already in charge, with scores of people idling -about. Zorin reassured us that matters would arrange themselves and -that we should have an opportunity to organize the work as planned. -However, we soon realized that the newly fledged officialdom was as -hard to cope with as the old bureaucracy.</p> - -<p>Every Commissar had his favourites whom he managed to list as employed -on the job, thereby entitling them to bread rations and a meal. -Thus almost before any actual workers appeared on the scene, eighty -alleged "technicians" were already in possession of dinner tickets and -bread cards. The men actually mobilized for the work received hardly -anything. The result was general sabotage. Most of the men sent over -to prepare the rest homes for the workers came from concentration -camps: they were convicts and military deserters. I had often watched -them at work, and in justice to them it must be said that they did not -overexert themselves. "Why should we," they would say; "we are fed on -Sovietski soup; dirty dishwater it is, and we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> receive only what is -left over from the idlers who order us about. And who will rest in -these homes? Not we or our brothers in the factories. Only those who -belong to the party or who have a pull will enjoy this place. Besides, -the spring is near; we are needed at home on the farm. Why are we kept -here?" Indeed, they did not exert themselves, those stalwart sons of -Russia's soil. There was no incentive: they had no point of contact -with the life about them, and there was no one who could translate to -them the meaning of work in revolutionary Russia. They were dazed by -war, revolution, and hunger—nothing could rouse them out of their -stupor.</p> - -<p>Many of the buildings on Kameniy Ostrov had been taken up for boarding -schools and homes for defectives; some were occupied by old professors, -teachers, and other intellectuals. Since the Revolution these people -lived there unmolested, but now orders came to vacate, to make room -for the rest homes. As almost no provision had been made to supply -the dispossessed ones with other quarters, they were practically -forced into the streets. Those friendly with Zinoviev, Gorki, or other -influential Communists took their troubles to them, but persons lacking -"pull" found no redress. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> scenes of misery which I was compelled to -witness daily exhausted my energies. It was all unnecessarily cruel, -impractical, without any bearing on the Revolution. Added to this was -the chaos and confusion which prevailed. The bureaucratic officials -seemed to take particular delight in countermanding each other's -orders. Houses already in the process of renovation, and on which much -work and material were spent, would suddenly be left unfinished and -some other work begun. Mansions filled with art treasures were turned -into night lodgings, and dirty iron cots put among antique furniture -and oil paintings—an incongruous, stupid waste of time and energy. -Zorin would frequently hold consultations by the hour with the staff -of artists and engineers making plans for theatres, lecture halls, and -amusement places, while the Commissars sabotaged the work. I stood the -painful and ridiculous situation for two weeks, then gave up the matter -in despair.</p> - -<p>Early in May the workers' rest homes on Kameniy Ostrov were opened with -much pomp, music, and speeches. Glowing accounts were sent broadcast -of the marvellous things done for the workers in Russia. In reality, -it was Coney Island transferred to the environs of Petrograd,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> a gaudy -showplace for credulous visitors. From that time on Zorin's demeanour -to me changed. He became cold, even antagonistic. No doubt he began to -sense the struggle which was going on within me, and the break which -was bound to come. I did, however, see much of Lisa Zorin, who had just -become a mother. I nursed her and her baby, glad of the opportunity -thus to express my gratitude for the warm friendship the Zorins had -shown me during my first months in Russia. I appreciated their sterling -honesty and devotion. Both were so favourably placed politically that -they could be supplied with everything they wanted, yet Lisa Zorin -lacked the simplest garments for her baby. "Thousands of Russian -working women have no more, and why should I?" Lisa would say. When -she was so weak that she could not nurse her baby, Zorin could not be -induced to ask for special rations. I had to conspire against them by -buying eggs and butter on the market to save the lives of mother and -child. But their fine quality of character made my inner struggle the -more difficult. Reason urged me to look the social facts in the face. -My personal attachment to the Communists I had learned to know and -esteem refused to accept the facts. Never<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> mind the evils—I would say -to myself—as long as there are such as the Zorins and the Balabanovas, -there must be something vital in the ideas they represent. I held on -tenaciously to the phantom I had myself created.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER VIII</span> <span class="smaller">THE FIRST OF MAY IN PETROGRAD</span></h2> - -<p>In 1890 the First of May was for the first time celebrated in America -as Labour's international holiday. May Day became to me a great, -inspiring event. To witness the celebration of the First of May in a -free country—it was something to dream of, to long for, but perhaps -never to be realized. And now, in 1920, the dream of many years was -about to become real in revolutionary Russia. I could hardly await the -morning of May First. It was a glorious day, with the warm sun melting -away the last crust of the hard winter. Early in the morning strains of -music greeted me: groups of workers and soldiers were marching through -the streets, singing revolutionary songs. The city was gaily decorated: -the Uritski Square, facing the Winter Palace, was a mass of red, the -streets near by a veritable riot of colour. Great crowds were about, -all wending their way to the Field of Mars where the heroes of the -Revolution were buried.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span></p> - -<p>Though I had an admission card to the reviewing stand I preferred to -remain among the people, to feel myself a part of the great hosts that -had brought about the world event. This was their day—the day of their -making. Yet—they seemed peculiarly quiet, oppressively silent. There -was no joy in their singing, no mirth in their laughter. Mechanically -they marched, automatically they responded to the claqueurs on the -reviewing stand shouting "Hurrah" as the columns passed.</p> - -<p>In the evening a pageant was to take place. Long before the appointed -hour the Uritski Square down to the palace and to the banks of the Neva -was crowded with people gathered to witness the open-air performance -symbolizing the triumph of the people. The play consisted of three -parts, the first portraying the conditions which led up to the war and -the rôle of the German Socialists in it; the second reproduced the -February Revolution, with Kerensky in power; the last—the October -Revolution. It was a play beautifully set and powerfully acted, a play -vivid, real, fascinating. It was given on the steps of the former -Stock Exchange, facing the Square. On the highest step sat kings and -queens with their courtiers, attended by soldiery<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> in gay uniforms. -The scene represents a gala court affair: the announcement is made -that a monument is to be built in honour of world capitalism. There is -much rejoicing, and a wild orgy of music and dance ensues. Then from -the depths there emerge the enslaved and toiling masses, their chains -ringing mournfully to the music above. They are responding to the -command to build the monument for their masters: some are seen carrying -hammers and anvils; others stagger under the weight of huge blocks -of stone and loads of brick. The workers are toiling in their world -of misery and darkness, lashed to greater effort by the whip of the -slave drivers, while above there is light and joy, and the masters are -feasting. The completion of the monument is signalled by large yellow -disks hoisted on high amidst the rejoicing of the world on top.</p> - -<p>At this moment a little red flag is seen waving below, and a small -figure is haranguing the people. Angry fists are raised and then flag -and figure disappear, only to reappear again in different parts of the -underworld. Again the red flag waves, now here, now there. The people -slowly gain confidence and presently become threatening. Indignation -and anger grow—the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> kings and queens become alarmed. They fly to the -safety of the citadels, and the army prepares to defend the stronghold -of capitalism.</p> - -<p>It is August, 1914. The rulers are again feasting, and the workers are -slaving. The members of the Second International attend the confab -of the mighty. They remain deaf to the plea of the workers to save -them from the horrors of war. Then the strains of "God Save the King" -announce the arrival of the English army. It is followed by Russian -soldiers with machine guns and artillery, and a procession of nurses -and cripples, the tribute to the Moloch of war.</p> - -<p>The next act pictures the February Revolution. Red flags appear -everywhere, armed motor cars dash about. The people storm the Winter -Palace and haul down the emblem of Tsardom. The Kerensky Government -assumes control, and the people are driven back to war. Then comes the -marvellous scene of the October Revolution, with soldiers and sailors -galloping along the open space before the white marble building. -They dash up the steps into the palace, there is a brief struggle, -and the victors are hailed by the masses in wild jubilation. The -"Internationale" floats upon the air; it mounts higher and higher into -exultant peals of joy.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> Russia is free—the workers, sailors, and -soldiers usher in the new era, the beginning of the world commune!</p> - -<p>Tremendously stirring was the picture. But the vast mass remained -silent. Only a faint applause was heard from the great throng. I was -dumbfounded. How explain this astonishing lack of response? When I -spoke to Lisa Zorin about it she said that the people had actually -lived through the October Revolution, and that the performance -necessarily fell flat by comparison with the reality of 1917. But my -little Communist neighbour gave a different version. "The people had -suffered so many disappointments since October, 1917," she said, "that -the Revolution has lost all meaning to them. The play had the effect of -making their disappointment more poignant."</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER IX</span> <span class="smaller">INDUSTRIAL MILITARIZATION</span></h2> - -<p>The Ninth Congress of the All-Russian Communist Party, held in March, -1920, was characterized by a number of measures which meant a complete -turn to the right. Foremost among them was the militarization of labour -and the establishment of one-man management of industry, as against -the collegiate shop system. Obligatory labour had long been a law upon -the statutes of the Socialist Republic, but it was carried out, as -Trotsky said, "only in a small private way." Now the law was to be made -effective in earnest. Russia was to have a militarized industrial army -to fight economic disorganization, even as the Red Army had conquered -on the various fronts. Such an army could be whipped into line only by -rigid discipline, it was claimed. The factory collegiate system had to -make place for military industrial management.</p> - -<p>The measure was bitterly fought at the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span>Congress by the Communist -minority, but party discipline prevailed. However, the excitement did -not abate: discussion of the subject continued long after the congress -adjourned. Many of the younger Communists agreed that the measure -indicated a step to the right, but they defended the decision of their -party. "The collegiate system has proven a failure," they said. "The -workers will not work voluntarily, and our industry must be revived if -we are to survive another year."</p> - -<p>Jack Reed also held this view. He had just returned after a futile -attempt to reach America through Latvia, and for days we argued about -the new policy. Jack insisted it was unavoidable so long as Russia was -being attacked and blockaded. "We have been compelled to mobilize an -army to fight our external enemies why not an army to fight our worst -internal enemy, hunger? We can do it only by putting our industry -on its feet." I pointed out the danger of the military method and -questioned whether the workers could be expected to become efficient or -to work intensively under compulsion. Still, Jack thought mobilization -of labour unavoidable. "It must be tried, anyhow," he said.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span></p> - -<p>Petrograd at the time was filled with rumours of strikes. The story -made the rounds that Zinoviev and his staff, while visiting the -factories to explain the new policies, were driven by the workers from -the premises. To learn about the situation at first hand I decided to -visit the factories. Already during my first months in Russia I had -asked Zorin for permission to see them. Lisa Zorin had requested me to -address some labour meetings, but I declined because I felt that it -would be presumptuous on my part to undertake to teach those who had -made the revolution. Besides, I was not quite at home with the Russian -language then. But when I asked Zorin to let me visit some factories, -he was evasive. After I had become acquainted with Ravitch I approached -her on the subject, and she willingly consented.</p> - -<p>The first works to be visited were the Putilov, the largest and most -important engine and car manufacturing establishment. Forty thousand -workers had been employed there before the war. Now I was informed that -only 7,000 were at work. I had heard much of the Putilovtsi: they had -played a heroic part in the revolutionary days and in the defence of -Petrograd against Yudenitch.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span></p> - -<p>At the Putilov office we were cordially received, shown about the -various departments, and then turned over to a guide. There were four -of us in the party, of whom only two could speak Russian. I lagged -behind to question a group working at a bench. At first I was met -with the usual suspicion, which I overcame by telling the men that -I was bringing the greetings of their brothers in America. "And the -revolution there?" I was immediately asked. It seemed to have become -a national obsession, this idea of a near revolution in Europe and -America. Everybody in Russia clung to that hope. It was hard to rob -those misinformed people of their naďve faith. "The American revolution -is not yet," I told them, "but the Russian Revolution has found an echo -among the proletariat in America." I inquired about their work, their -lives, and their attitude toward the new decrees. "As if we had not -been driven enough before," complained one of the men. "Now we are to -work under the military <i>nagaika</i> [whip]. Of course, we will have to -be in the shop or they will punish us as industrial deserters. But how -can they get more work out of us? We are suffering hunger and cold. -We have no strength to give more." I suggested<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> that the Government -was probably compelled to introduce such methods, and that if Russian -industry were not revived the condition of the workers would grow even -worse. Besides, the Putilov men were receiving the preferred <i>payok</i>. -"We understand the great misfortune that has befallen Russia," one of -the workers replied, "but we cannot squeeze more out of ourselves. -Even the two pounds of bread we are getting is not enough. Look at the -bread," he said, holding up a black crust; "can we live on that? And -our children? If not for our people in the country or some trading on -the market we would die altogether. Now comes the new measure which is -tearing us away from our people, sending us to the other end of Russia -while our brothers from there are going to be dragged here, away from -their soil. It's a crazy measure and it won't work."</p> - -<p>"But what can the Government do in the face of the food shortage?" -I asked. "Food shortage!" the man exclaimed; "look at the markets. -Did you see any shortage of food there? Speculation and the new -bourgeoisie, that's what's the matter. The one-man management is our -new slave driver. First the bourgeoisie sabotaged us, and now they are -again in control. But just<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> let them try to boss us! They'll find out. -Just let them try!"</p> - -<p>The men were bitter and resentful. Presently the guide returned -to see what had become of me. He took great pains to explain that -industrial conditions in the mill had improved considerably since the -militarization of labour went into effect. The men were more content -and many more cars had been renovated and engines repaired than within -an equal period under the previous management. There were 7,000 -productively employed in the works, he assured me. I learned, however, -that the real figure was less than 5,000 and that of these only about -2,000 were actual workers. The others were Government officials and -clerks.</p> - -<p>After the Putilov works we visited the Treugolnik, the great rubber -factory of Russia. The place was clean and the machinery in good -order—a well-equipped modern plant. When we reached the main workroom -we were met by the superintendent, who had been in charge for -twenty-five years. He would show us around himself, he said. He seemed -to take great pride in the factory, as if it were his own. It rather -surprised me that they had managed to keep everything in such fine -shape. The guide explained that it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> was because nearly the whole of -the old staff had been left in charge. They felt that whatever might -happen they must not let the place go to ruin. It was certainly very -commendable, I thought, but soon I had occasion to change my mind. At -one of the tables, cutting rubber, was an old worker with kindly eyes -looking out of a sad, spiritual face. He reminded me of the pilgrim -Lucca in Gorki's "Night Lodgings." Our guide kept a sharp vigil, but -I managed to slip away while the superintendent was explaining some -machinery to the other members of our group.</p> - -<p>"Well, <i>batyushka</i>, how is it with you?" I greeted the old worker. -"Bad, <i>matushka</i>," he replied; "times are very hard for us old people." -I told him how impressed I was to find everything in such good -condition in the shop. "That is so," commented the old worker, "but it -is because the superintendent and his staff are hoping from day to day -that there may be a change again, and that the Treugolnik will go back -to its former owners. I know them. I have worked here long before the -German master of this plant put in the new machinery."</p> - -<p>Passing through the various rooms of the factory I saw the women and -girls look up in evident dread. It seemed strange in a country<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> where -the proletarians were the masters. Apparently the machines were not the -only things that had been carefully watched over—the old discipline, -too, had been preserved: the employees thought us Bolshevik inspectors.</p> - -<p>The great flour mill of Petrograd, visited next, looked as if it were -in a state of siege, with armed soldiers everywhere, even inside the -workrooms. The explanation given was that large quantities of precious -flour had been vanishing. The soldiers watched the millmen as if they -were galley slaves, and the workers naturally resented such humiliating -treatment. They hardly dared to speak. One young chap, a fine-looking -fellow, complained to me of the conditions. "We are here virtual -prisoners," he said; "we cannot make a step without permission. We are -kept hard at work eight hours with only ten minutes for our <i>kipyatok</i> -[boiled water] and we are searched on leaving the mill." "Is not the -theft of flour the cause of the strict surveillance?" I asked. "Not at -all," replied the boy; "the Commissars of the mill and the soldiers -know quite well where the flour goes to." I suggested that the workers -might protest against such a state of affairs. "Protest, to whom?" the -boy exclaimed; "we'd be called speculators and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> counter-revolutionists -and we'd be arrested." "Has the Revolution given you nothing?" I asked. -"Ah, the Revolution! But that is no more. Finished," he said bitterly.</p> - -<p>The following morning we visited the Laferm tobacco factory. The place -was in full operation. We were conducted through the plant and the -whole process was explained to us, beginning with the sorting of the -raw material and ending with the finished cigarettes packed for sale or -shipment. The air in the workrooms was stifling, nauseating. "The women -are used to this atmosphere," said the guide; "they don't mind." There -were some pregnant women at work and girls no older than fourteen. They -looked haggard, their chests sunken, black rings under their eyes. Some -of them coughed and the hectic flush of consumption showed on their -faces. "Is there a recreation room, a place where they can eat or drink -their tea and inhale a bit of fresh air?" There was no such thing, I -was informed. The women remained at work eight consecutive hours; they -had their tea and black bread at their benches. The system was that of -piece work, the employees receiving twenty-five cigarettes daily above -their pay with permission to sell or exchange them.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span></p> - -<p>I spoke to some of the women. They did not complain except about being -compelled to live far away from the factory. In most cases it required -more than two hours to go to and from work. They had asked to be -quartered near the Laferm and they received a promise to that effect, -but nothing more was heard of it.</p> - -<p>Life certainly has a way of playing peculiar pranks. In America I -should have scorned the idea of social welfare work: I should have -considered it a cheap palliative. But in Socialist Russia the sight -of pregnant women working in suffocating tobacco air and saturating -themselves and their unborn with the poison impressed me as a -fundamental evil. I spoke to Lisa Zorin to see whether something -could not be done to ameliorate the evil. Lisa claimed that "piece -work" was the only way to induce the girls to work. As to rest -rooms, the women themselves had already made a fight for them, but -so far nothing could be done because no space could be spared in the -factory. "But if even such small improvements had not resulted from -the Revolution," I argued, "what purpose has it served?" "The workers -have achieved control," Lisa replied; "they are now in power, and -they have more important things to attend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span> to than rest rooms—they -have the Revolution to defend." Lisa Zorin had remained very much the -proletarian, but she reasoned like a nun dedicated to the service of -the Church.</p> - -<p>The thought oppressed me that what she called the "defence of the -Revolution" was really only the defence of her party in power. At any -rate, nothing came of my attempt at social welfare work.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER X</span> <span class="smaller">THE BRITISH LABOUR MISSION</span></h2> - -<p>I was glad to learn that Angelica Balabanova arrived in Petrograd to -prepare quarters for the British Labour Mission. During my stay in -Moscow I had come to know and appreciate the fine spirit of Angelica. -She was very devoted to me and when I fell ill she gave much time to -my care, procured medicine which could be obtained only in the Kremlin -drug store, and got special sick rations for me. Her friendship was -generous and touching, and she endeared herself very much to me.</p> - -<p>The Narishkin Palace was to be prepared for the Mission, and Angelica -invited me to accompany her there. I noticed that she looked more worn -and distressed than when I had seen her in Moscow. Our conversation -made it clear to me that she suffered keenly from the reality which was -so unlike her ideal. But she insisted that what seemed failure to me -was conditioned in life itself, itself the greatest failure.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span></p> - -<p>Narishkin Palace is situated on the southern bank of the Neva, almost -opposite the Peter-and-Paul Fortress. The place was prepared for -the expected guests and a number of servants and cooks installed to -minister to their needs. Soon the Mission arrived—most of them typical -workingmen delegates—and with them a staff of newspaper men and Mrs. -Snowden. The most outstanding figure among them was Bertrand Russell, -who quickly demonstrated his independence and determination to be free -to investigate and learn at first hand.</p> - -<p>In honour of the Mission the Bolsheviki organized a great demonstration -on the Uritski Square. Thousands of people, among them women and -children, came to show their gratitude to the English labour -representatives for venturing into revolutionary Russia. The ceremony -consisted of the singing of the "Internationale," followed by music and -speeches, the latter translated by Balabanova in masterly fashion. Then -came the military exercises. I heard Mrs. Snowden say disapprovingly, -"What a display of military!" I could not resist the temptation of -remarking: "Madame, remember that the big Russian army is largely the -making of your own country. Had England not helped<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> to finance the -invasions into Russia, the latter could put its soldiers to useful -labour."</p> - -<p>The British Mission was entertained royally with theatres, operas, -ballets, and excursions. Luxury was heaped upon them while the people -slaved and went hungry. The Soviet Government left nothing undone to -create a good impression and everything of a disturbing nature was kept -from the visitors. Angelica hated the display and sham, and suffered -keenly under the rigid watch placed upon every movement of the Mission. -"Why should they not see the true state of Russia? Why should they not -learn how the Russian people live?" she would lament. "Yet I am so -impractical," she would correct herself; "perhaps it is all necessary." -At the end of two weeks a farewell banquet was given to the visitors. -Angelica insisted that I must attend. Again there were speeches and -toasts, as is the custom at such functions. The speeches which seemed -to ring most sincere were those of Balabanova and Madame Ravitch. The -latter asked me to interpret her address, which I did. She spoke in -behalf of the Russian women proletarians and praised their fortitude -and devotion to the Revolution. "May the English proletarians learn the -quality of their heroic Russian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> sisters," concluded Madame Ravitch. -Mrs. Snowden, the erstwhile suffragette, had not a word in reply. She -preserved a "dignified" aloofness. However, the lady became enlivened -when the speeches were over and she got busy collecting autographs.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XI</span> <span class="smaller">A VISIT FROM THE UKRAINA</span></h2> - -<p>Early in May two young men from the Ukraina arrived in Petrograd. Both -had lived in America for a number of years and had been active in the -Yiddish Labour and Anarchist movements. One of them had also been -editor of an English weekly Anarchist paper, <i>The Alarm</i>, published -in Chicago. In 1917, at the outbreak of the Revolution, they left for -Russia together with other emigrants. Arriving in their native country, -they joined the Anarchist activities there which had gained tremendous -impetus through the Revolution. Their main field was the Ukraina. -In 1918 they aided in the organization of the Anarchist Federation -<i>Nabat</i> [Alarm], and began the publication of a paper by that name. -Theoretically, they were at variance with the Bolsheviki; practically -the Federation Anarchists, even as the Anarchists throughout Russia, -worked with the Bolsheviki<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> and also fought on every front against the -counter-revolutionary forces.</p> - -<p>When the two Ukrainian comrades learned of our arrival in Russia they -repeatedly tried to reach us, but owing to the political conditions and -the practical impossibility of travelling, they could not come north. -Subsequently they had been arrested and imprisoned by the Bolsheviki. -Immediately upon their release they started for Petrograd, travelling -illegally. They knew the dangers confronting them—arrest and possible -shooting for the possession and use of false documents—but they -were willing to risk anything because they were determined that we -should learn the facts about the <i>povstantsi</i> [revolutionary peasants] -movements led by that extraordinary figure, Nestor Makhno. They wanted -to acquaint us with the history of the Anarchist activities in Russia -and relate how the iron hand of the Bolsheviki had crushed them.</p> - -<p>During two weeks, in the stillness of the Petrograd nights, the two -Ukrainian Anarchists unrolled before us the panorama of the struggle -in the Ukraina. Dispassionately, quietly, and with almost uncanny -detachment the young men told their story.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span></p> - -<p>Thirteen different governments had "ruled" Ukraina. Each of them had -robbed and murdered the peasantry, made ghastly pogroms, and left -death and ruin in its way. The Ukrainian peasants, a more independent -and spirited race than their northern brothers, had come to hate all -governments and every measure which threatened their land and freedom. -They banded together and fought back their oppressors all through the -long years of the revolutionary period. The peasants had no theories; -they could not be classed in any political party. Theirs was an -instinctive hatred of tyranny, and practically the whole of Ukraina -soon became a rebel camp. Into this seething cauldron there came, in -1917, Nestor Makhno.</p> - -<p>Makhno was a Ukrainian born. A natural rebel, he became interested in -Anarchism at an early age. At seventeen he attempted the life of a -Tsarist spy and was sentenced to death, but owing to his extreme youth -the sentence was commuted to <i>katorga</i> for life [severe imprisonment, -one third of the term in chains]. The February Revolution opened the -prison doors for all political prisoners, Makhno among them. He had -then spent ten years in the Butirky prison, in Moscow. He had but a -limited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> schooling when first arrested, but in prison he had used his -leisure to good advantage. By the time of his release he had acquired -considerable knowledge of history, political economy, and literature. -Shortly after his liberation Makhno returned to his native village, -Gulyai-Poleh, where he organized a trade union and the local soviet. -Then he threw himself in the revolutionary movement and during all of -1917 he was the spiritual teacher and leader of the rebel peasants, who -had risen against the landed proprietors.</p> - -<p>In 1918, when the Brest Peace opened Ukraina to German and Austrian -occupation, Makhno organized the rebel peasant bands in defence against -the foreign armies. He fought against Skoropadski, the Ukrainian -Hetman, who was supported by German bayonets. He waged successful -guerilla warfare against Petlura, Kaledin, Grigoriev, and Denikin. A -conscious Anarchist, he laboured to give the instinctive rebellion of -the peasantry definite aim and purpose. It was the Makhno idea that the -social revolution was to be defended against all enemies, against every -counter-revolutionary or reactionary attempt from right and left. At -the same time educational and cultural work was carried on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> among the -peasants to develop them along anarchist-communist lines with the aim -of establishing free peasant communes.</p> - -<p>In February, 1919, Makhno entered into an agreement with the Red -Army. He was to continue to hold the southern front against Denikin -and to receive from the Bolsheviki the necessary arms and ammunition. -Makhno was to remain in charge of the <i>povstantsi</i>, now grown into -an army, the latter to have autonomy in its local organizations, the -revolutionary soviets of the district, which covered several provinces. -It was agreed that the <i>povstantsi</i> should have the right to hold -conferences, freely discuss their affairs, and take action upon them. -Three such conferences were held in February, March, and April. But -the Bolsheviki failed to live up to the agreement. The supplies which -had been promised Makhno, and which he needed desperately, would -arrive after long delays or failed to come altogether. It was charged -that this situation was due to the orders of Trotsky who did not look -favourably upon the independent rebel army. However it be, Makhno was -hampered at every step, while Denikin was gaining ground constantly. -Presently the Bolsheviki began to object to the free peasant Soviets, -and in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> May, 1919, the Commander-in-Chief of the southern armies, -Kamenev, accompanied by members of the Kharkov Government, arrived at -the Makhno headquarters to settle the disputed matters. In the end -the Bolshevik military representatives demanded that the <i>povstantsi</i> -dissolve. The latter refused, charging the Bolsheviki with a breach of -their revolutionary agreement.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, the Denikin advance was becoming more threatening, and -Makhno still received no support from the Bolsheviki. The peasant army -then decided to call a special session of the Soviet for June 15th. -Definite plans and methods were to be decided upon to check the growing -menace of Denikin. But on June 4th Trotsky issued an order prohibiting -the holding of the Conference and declaring Makhno an outlaw. In a -public meeting in Kharkov Trotsky announced that it were better to -permit the Whites to remain in the Ukraina than to suffer Makhno. -The presence of the Whites, he said, would influence the Ukrainian -peasantry in favour of the Soviet Government, whereas Makhno and his -<i>povstantsi</i> would never make peace with the Bolsheviki; they would -attempt to possess themselves of some territory and to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> practice their -ideas, which would be a constant menace to the Communist Government. -It was practically a declaration of war against Makhno and his army. -Soon the latter found itself attacked on two sides at once—by the -Bolsheviki and Denikin. The <i>povstantsi</i> were poorly equipped and -lacked the most necessary supplies for warfare, yet the peasant army -for a considerable time succeeded in holding its own by the sheer -military genius of its leader and the reckless courage of his devoted -rebels.</p> - -<p>At the same time the Bolsheviki began a campaign of denunciation -against Makhno and his <i>povstantsi</i>. The Communist press accused him of -having treacherously opened the southern front to Denikin, and branded -Makhno's army a bandit gang and its leader a counter-revolutionist -who must be destroyed at all cost. But this "counter-revolutionist" -fully realized the Denikin menace to the Revolution. He gathered new -forces and support among the peasants and in the months of September -and October, 1919, his campaign against Denikin gave the latter its -death blow on the Ukraina. Makhno captured Denikin's artillery base -at Mariopol, annihilated the rear of the enemy's army, and succeeded -in separating the main<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> body from its base of supply. This brilliant -manœuvre of Makhno and the heroic fighting of the rebel army again -brought about friendly contact with the Bolsheviki. The ban was lifted -from the <i>povstantsi</i> and the Communist press now began to eulogize -Makhno as a great military genius and brave defender of the Revolution -in the Ukraina. But the differences between Makhno and the Bolsheviki -were deep-rooted: he strove to establish free peasant communes in the -Ukraina, while the Communists were bent on imposing the Moscow rule. -Ultimately a clash was inevitable, and it came early in January, 1920.</p> - -<p>At that period a new enemy was threatening the Revolution. Grigoriev, -formerly of the Tsarist army, later friend of the Bolsheviki, now -turned against them. Having gained considerable support in the south -because of his slogans of freedom and free Soviets, Grigoriev proposed -to Makhno that they join forces against the Communist régime. Makhno -called a meeting of the two armies and there publicly accused Grigoriev -of counter-revolution and produced evidence of numerous pogroms -organized by him against the Jews. Declaring Grigoriev an enemy of the -people and of the Revolution,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> Makhno and his staff condemned him and -his aides to death, executing them on the spot. Part of Grigoriev's -army joined Makhno.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, Denikin kept pressing Makhno, finally forcing him to -withdraw from his position. Not of course without bitter fighting all -along the line of nine hundred versts, the retreat lasting four months, -Makhno marching toward Galicia. Denikin advanced upon Kharkov, then -farther north, capturing Orel and Kursk, and finally reached the gates -of Tula, in the immediate neighbourhood of Moscow.</p> - -<p>The Red Army seemed powerless to check the advance of Denikin, but -meanwhile Makhno had gathered new forces and attacked Denikin in -the rear. The unexpectedness of this new turn and the extraordinary -military exploits of Makhno's men in this campaign disorganized the -plans of Denikin, demoralized his army, and gave the Red Army the -opportunity of taking the offensive against the counter-revolutionary -enemy in the neighbourhood of Tula.</p> - -<p>When the Red Army reached Alexandrovsk, after having finally beaten -the Denikin forces, Trotsky again demanded of Makhno that he disarm -his men and place himself under the discipline of the Red Army. The -<i>povstantsi</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> refused, whereupon an organized military campaign against -the rebels was inaugurated, the Bolsheviki taking many prisoners and -killing scores of others. Makhno, who managed to escape the Bolshevik -net, was again declared an outlaw and bandit. Since then Makhno had -been uninterruptedly waging guerilla warfare against the Bolshevik -régime.</p> - -<p>The story of the Ukrainian friends, which I have related here in -very condensed form, sounded as romantic as the exploits of Stenka -Rasin, the famous Cossack rebel immortalized by Gogol. Romantic and -picturesque, but what bearing did the activities of Makhno and his -men have upon Anarchism, I questioned the two comrades. Makhno, my -informants explained, was himself an Anarchist seeking to free Ukraina -from all oppression and striving to develop and organize the peasants' -latent anarchistic tendencies. To this end Makhno had repeatedly called -upon the Anarchists of the Ukraina and of Russia to aid him. He offered -them the widest opportunity for propagandistic and educational work, -supplied them with printing outfits and meeting places, and gave them -the fullest liberty of action. Whenever Makhno captured a city, freedom -of speech and press for <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span>Anarchists and Left Social Revolutionists was -established. Makhno often said: "I am a military man and I have no time -for educational work. But you who are writers and speakers, you can do -that work. Join me and together we shall be able to prepare the field -for a real Anarchist experiment." But the chief value of the Makhno -movement lay in the peasants themselves, my comrades thought. It was -a spontaneous, elemental movement, the peasants' opposition to all -governments being the result not of theories but of bitter experience -and of instinctive love of liberty. They were fertile ground for -Anarchist ideas. For this reason a number of Anarchists joined Makhno. -They were with him in most of his military campaigns and energetically -carried on Anarchist propaganda during that time.</p> - -<p>I have been told by Zorin and other Communists that Makhno was a -Jew-baiter and that his <i>povstantsi</i> were responsible for numerous -brutal pogroms. My visitors emphatically denied the charges. Makhno -bitterly fought pogroms, they stated; he had often issued proclamations -against such outrages, and he had even with his own hand punished -some of those guilty of assault on Jews. Hatred of the Hebrew was of -course<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> common in the Ukraina; it was not eradicated even among the Red -soldiers. They, too, have assaulted, robbed, and outraged Jews; yet -no one holds the Bolsheviki responsible for such isolated instances. -The Ukraina is infested with armed bands who are often mistaken for -Makhnovtsi and who have made pogroms. The Bolsheviki, aware of this, -have exploited the confusion to discredit Makhno and his followers. -However, the Anarchist of the Ukraina—I was informed—did not idealize -the Makhno movement. They knew that the <i>povstantsi</i> were not conscious -Anarchists. Their paper <i>Nabat</i> had repeatedly emphasized this fact. -On the other hand, the Anarchists could not overlook the importance of -popular movement which was instinctively rebellious, anarchistically -inclined, and successful in driving back the enemies of the Revolution, -which the better organized and equipped Bolshevik army could not -accomplish. For this reason many Anarchists considered it their duty -to work with Makhno. But the bulk remained away; they had their larger -cultural, educational, and organizing work to do.</p> - -<p>The invading counter-revolutionary forces, though differing in -character and purpose, all agreed in their relentless persecution of -the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> Anarchists. The latter were made to suffer, whatever the new -régime. The Bolsheviki were no better in this regard than Denikin or -any other White element. Anarchists filled Bolshevik prisons; many -had been shot and all legal Anarchist activities were suppressed. The -Tcheka especially was doing ghastly work, having resurrected the old -Tsarist methods, including even torture.</p> - -<p>My young visitors spoke from experience: they had repeatedly been in -Bolshevik prisons themselves.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XII</span> <span class="smaller">BENEATH THE SURFACE</span></h2> - -<p>The terrible story I had been listening to for two weeks broke over -me like a storm. Was this the Revolution I had believed in all my -life, yearned for, and strove to interest others in, or was it a -caricature—a hideous monster that had come to jeer and mock me? -The Communists I had met daily during six months—self-sacrificing, -hard-working men and women imbued with a high ideal—were such people -capable of the treachery and horrors charged against them? Zinoviev, -Radek, Zorin, Ravitch, and many others I had learned to know—could -they in the name of an ideal lie, defame, torture, kill? But, then—had -not Zorin told me that capital punishment had been abolished in Russia? -Yet I learned shortly after my arrival that hundreds of people had been -shot on the very eve of the day when the new decree went into effect, -and that as a matter of fact shooting by the Tcheka had never ceased.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span></p> - -<p>That my friends were not exaggerating when they spoke of tortures by -the Tcheka, I also learned from other sources. Complaints about the -fearful conditions in Petrograd prisons had become so numerous that -Moscow was apprised of the situation. A Tcheka inspector came to -investigate. The prisoners being afraid to speak, immunity was promised -them. But no sooner had the inspector left than one of the inmates, a -young boy, who had been very outspoken about the brutalities practised -by the Tcheka, was dragged out of his cell and cruelly beaten.</p> - -<p>Why did Zorin resort to lies? Surely he must have known that I would -not remain in the dark very long. And then, was not Lenin also guilty -of the same methods? "Anarchists of ideas [<i>ideyni</i>] are not in -our prisons," he had assured me. Yet at that very moment numerous -Anarchists filled the jails of Moscow and Petrograd and of many other -cities in Russia. In May, 1920, scores of them had been arrested in -Petrograd, among them two girls of seventeen and nineteen years of -age. None of the prisoners were charged with counter-revolutionary -activities: they were "Anarchists of ideas," to use Lenin's expression. -Several of them had issued a manifesto for the First of May, calling -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span>attention to the appalling conditions in the factories of the -Socialist Republic. The two young girls who had circulated a handbill -against the "labour book," which had then just gone into effect, were -also arrested.</p> - -<p>The labour book was heralded by the Bolsheviki as one of the great -Communist achievements. It would establish equality and abolish -parasitism, it was claimed. As a matter of fact, the labour book was -somewhat of the character of the yellow ticket issued to prostitutes -under the Tsarist régime. It was a record of every step one made, and -without it no step could be made. It bound its holder to his job, to -the city he lived in, and to the room he occupied. It recorded one's -political faith and party adherence, and the number of times he was -arrested. In short, a yellow ticket. Even some Communists resented the -degrading innovation. The Anarchists who protested against it were -arrested by the Tcheka. When certain leading Communists were approached -in the matter they repeated what Lenin had said: "No Anarchists of -ideas are in our prisons."</p> - -<p>The aureole was falling from the Communists. All of them seemed to -believe that the end justified the means. I recalled the statements -of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> Radek at the first anniversary of the Third International, when -he related to his audience the "marvellous spread of Communism" in -America. "Fifty thousand Communists are in American prisons," he -exclaimed. "Molly Stimer, a girl of eighteen, and her male companions, -all Communists, had been deported from America for their Communist -activities." I thought at the time that Radek was misinformed. Yet it -seemed strange that he did not make sure of his facts before making -such assertions. They were dishonest and an insult to Molly Stimer and -her Anarchist comrades, added to the injustice they had suffered at the -hands of the American plutocracy.</p> - -<p>During the past several months I had seen and heard enough to become -somewhat conversant with the Communist psychology, as well as with -the theories and methods of the Bolsheviki. I was no longer surprised -at the story of their double-dealing with Makhno, the brutalities -practised by the Tcheka, the lies of Zorin. I had come to realize -that the Communists believed implicitly in the Jesuitic formula that -the end justifies <i>all</i> means. In fact, they gloried in that formula. -Any suggestion of the value of human life, quality of character,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> the -importance of revolutionary integrity as the basis of a new social -order, was repudiated as "bourgeois sentimentality," which had no place -in the revolutionary scheme of things. For the Bolsheviki the end to -be achieved was the Communist State, or the so-called Dictatorship of -the Proletariat. Everything which advanced that end was justifiable -and revolutionary. The Lenins, Radeks, and Zorins were therefore quite -consistent. Obsessed by the infallibility of their creed, giving of -themselves to the fullest, they could be both heroic and despicable at -the same time. They could work twenty hours a day, live on herring and -tea, and order the slaughter of innocent men and women. Occasionally -they sought to mask their killings by pretending a "misunderstanding," -for doesn't the end justify all means? They could employ torture and -deny the inquisition, they could lie and defame, and call themselves -idealists. In short, they could make themselves and others believe that -everything was legitimate and right from the revolutionary viewpoint; -any other policy was weak, sentimental, or a betrayal of the Revolution.</p> - -<p>On a certain occasion, when I passed criticism on the brutal way -delicate women were driven<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> into the streets to shovel snow, insisting -that even if they had belonged to the bourgeoisie they were human, -and that physical fitness should be taken into consideration, a -Communist said to me: "You should be ashamed of yourself; you, an old -revolutionist, and yet so sentimental." It was the same attitude that -some Communists assumed toward Angelica Balabanova, because she was -always solicitous and eager to help wherever possible. In short, I had -come to see that the Bolsheviki were social puritans who sincerely -believed that they alone were ordained to save mankind. My relations -with the Bolsheviki became more strained, my attitude toward the -Revolution as I found it more critical.</p> - -<p>One thing grew quite clear to me: I could not affiliate myself with -the Soviet Government; I could not accept any work which would place -me under the control of the Communist machine. The Commissariat of -Education was so thoroughly dominated by that machine that it was -hopeless to expect anything but routine work. In fact, unless one was -a Communist one could accomplish almost nothing. I had been eager -to join Lunacharsky, whom I considered one of the most cultivated -and least dogmatic of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> Communists in high position. But I became -convinced that Lunacharsky himself was a helpless cog in the machine, -his best efforts constantly curtailed and checked. I had also learned -a great deal about the system of favouritism and graft that prevailed -in the management of the schools and the treatment of children. Some -schools were in splendid condition, the children well fed and well -clad, enjoying concerts, theatricals, dances, and other amusements. -But the majority of the schools and children's homes were squalid, -dirty, and neglected. Those in charge of the "preferred" schools had -little difficulty in procuring everything needed for their charges, -often having an over-supply. But the caretakers of the "common" schools -would waste their time and energies by the week going about from one -department to another, discouraged and faint with endless waiting -before they could obtain the merest necessities.</p> - -<p>At first I ascribed this condition of affairs to the scarcity of food -and materials. I heard it said often enough that the blockade and -intervention were responsible. To a large extent that was true. Had -Russia not been so starved, mismanagement and graft would not have -had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> such fatal results. But added to the prevalent scarcity of things -was the dominant notion of Communist propaganda. Even the children -had to serve that end. The well-kept schools were for show, for the -foreign missions and delegates who were visiting Russia. Everything was -lavished on these show schools at the cost of the others.</p> - -<p>I remembered how everybody was startled in Petrograd by an article in -the Petrograd <i>Pravda</i> of May, disclosing appalling conditions in the -schools. A committee of the Young Communist organizations investigated -some of the institutions. They found the children dirty, full of -vermin, sleeping on filthy mattresses, fed on miserable food, punished -by being locked in dark rooms for the night, forced to go without their -suppers, and even beaten. The number of officials and employees in the -schools was nothing less than criminal. In one school, for instance, -there were 138 of them to 125 children. In another, 40 to 25 children. -All these parasites were taking the bread from the very mouths of the -unfortunate children.</p> - -<p>The Zorins had spoken to me repeatedly of Lillina, the woman in -charge of the Petrograd Educational Department. She was a wonderful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> -worker, they said, devoted and able. I had heard her speak on several -occasions, but was not impressed: she looked prim and self-satisfied, -a typical Puritan schoolma'am. But I would not form an opinion until -I had talked with her. At the publication of the school disclosures I -decided to see Lillina. We conversed over an hour about the schools -in her charge, about education in general, the problem of defective -children and their treatment. She made light of the abuses in her -schools, claiming that "the young comrades had exaggerated the -defects." At any rate, she added, the guilty had already been removed -from the schools.</p> - -<p>Similarly to many other responsible Communists Lillina was consecrated -to her work and gave all her time and energies to it. Naturally, she -could not personally oversee everything; the show schools being the -most important in her estimation, she devoted most of her time to them. -The other schools were left in the care of her numerous assistants, -whose fitness for the work was judged largely according to their -political usefulness. Our talk strengthened my conviction that I could -have no part in the work of the Bolshevik Board of Education.</p> - -<p>The Board of Health offered as little <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span>opportunity for real -service—service that should not discriminate in favour of show -hospitals or the political views of the patients. This principle of -discrimination prevailed, unfortunately, even in the sick rooms. -Like all Communist institutions, the Board of Health was headed by a -political Commissar, Doctor Pervukhin. He was anxious to secure my -assistance, proposing to put me in charge of factory, dispensary, -or district nursing—a very flattering and tempting offer, and one -that appealed to me strongly. I had several conferences with Doctor -Pervukhin, but they led to no practical result.</p> - -<p>Whenever I visited his department I found groups of men and women -waiting, endlessly waiting. They were doctors and nurses, members of -the <i>intelligentsia</i>—none of them Communists—who were employed in -various medical branches, but their time and energies were being wasted -in the waiting rooms of Doctor Pervukhin, the political Commissar. They -were a sorry lot, dispirited and dejected, those men and women, once -the flower of Russia. Was I to join this tragic procession, submit to -the political yoke? Not until I should become convinced that the yoke -was indispensable to the revolutionary process would I consent to it. I -felt that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> I must first secure work of a non-partisan character, work -that would enable me to study conditions in Russia and get into direct -touch with the people, the workers and peasants. Only then should I be -able to find my way out of the chaos of doubt and mental anguish that I -had fallen prey to.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XIII</span> <span class="smaller">JOINING THE MUSEUM OF THE REVOLUTION</span></h2> - -<p>The Museum of the Revolution is housed in the Winter Palace, in the -suite once used as the nursery of the Tsar's children. The entrance to -that part of the palace is known as <i>detsky podyezd</i>. From the windows -of the palace the Tsar must have often looked across the Neva at the -Peter-and-Paul Fortress, the living tomb of his political enemies. How -different things were now! The thought of it kindled my imagination. I -was full of the wonder and the magic of the great change when I paid my -first visit to the Museum.</p> - -<p>I found groups of men and women at work in the various rooms, huddled -up in their wraps and shivering with cold. Their faces were bloated and -bluish, their hands frost-bitten, their whole appearance shadow-like. -What must be the devotion of these people, I thought, when they can -continue to work under such conditions. The secretary of the Museum, -M. B. Kaplan,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> received me very cordially and expressed "the hope -that I would join in the work of the Museum." He and another member -of the staff spent considerable time with me on several occasions, -explaining the plans and purposes of the Museum. They asked me to join -the expedition which the Museum was then organizing, and which was to -go south to the Ukraina and the Caucasus. Valuable material of the -revolutionary period was to be gathered there, they explained. The -idea attracted me. Aside from my general interest in the Museum and -its efforts, it meant non-partisan work, free from Commissars, and an -exceptional opportunity to see and study Russia.</p> - -<p>In the course of our acquaintance I learned that neither Mr. Kaplan -nor his friend was a Communist. But while Mr. Kaplan was strongly -pro-Bolshevik and tried to defend and explain away everything, the -other man was critical though by no means antagonistic. During my stay -in Petrograd I saw much of both men, and I learned from them a great -deal about the Revolution and the methods of the Bolsheviki. Kaplan's -friend, whose name for obvious reasons I cannot mention, often spoke of -the utter impossibility of doing creative work within<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> the Communist -machine. "The Bolsheviki," he would say, "always complain about lack -of able help, yet no one—unless a Communist—has much of a chance." -The Museum was among the least interfered with institutions, and work -there had been progressing well. Then a group of twenty youths were -sent over, young and inexperienced boys unfamiliar with the work. Being -Communists they were placed in positions of authority, and friction -and confusion resulted. Everyone felt himself watched and spied upon. -"The Bolsheviki care not about merit," he said; "their chief concern -is a membership card." He was not enthusiastic about the future of the -Museum, yet believed that the coöperation of the "Americans" would aid -its proper development.</p> - -<p>Finally I decided on the Museum as offering the most suitable work for -me, mainly because that institution was non-partisan. I had hoped for -a more vital share in Russia's life than the collecting of historical -material; still I considered it valuable and necessary work. When I had -definitely consented to become a member of the expedition, I visited -the Museum daily to help with the preparations for the long journey. -There was much work. It was no easy matter to obtain a car, equip it -for the arduous trip,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> and secure the documents which would give us -access to the material we set out to collect.</p> - -<p>While I was busy aiding in these preparations Angelica Balabanova -arrived in Petrograd to meet the Italian Mission. She seemed -transformed. She had longed for her Italian comrades: they would bring -her a breath of her beloved Italy, of her former life and work there. -Though Russian by birth, training, and revolutionary traditions, -Angelica had become rooted in the soil of Italy. Well I understood her -and her sense of strangeness in the country, the hard soil of which -was to bear a new and radiant life. Angelica would not admit even to -herself that the much hoped-for life was stillborn. But knowing her as -I did, it was not difficult for me to understand how bitter was her -grief over the hapless and formless thing that had come to Russia. But -now her beloved Italians were coming! They would bring with them the -warmth and colour of Italy.</p> - -<p>The Italians came and with them new festivities, demonstrations, -meetings, and speeches. How different it all appeared to me from my -memorable first days on Belo-Ostrov. No doubt the Italians now felt as -awed as I did then, as inspired by the seeming wonder of Russia. Six<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> -months and the close proximity with the reality of things quite changed -the picture for me. The spontaneity, the enthusiasm, the vitality had -all gone out of it. Only a pale shadow remained, a grinning phantom -that clutched at my heart.</p> - -<p>On the Uritski Square the masses were growing weary with long waiting. -They had been kept there for hours before the Italian Mission arrived -from the Tauride Palace. The ceremonies were just beginning when a -woman leaning against the platform, wan and pale, began to weep. I -stood close by. "It is easy for them to talk," she moaned, "but we've -had no food all day. We received orders to march directly from our work -on pain of losing our bread rations. Since five this morning I am on my -feet. We were not permitted to go home after work to our bit of dinner. -We had to come here. Seventeen hours on a piece of bread and some -<i>kipyatok</i> [boiled water]. Do the visitors know anything about us?" The -speeches went on, the "Internationale" was being repeated for the tenth -time, the sailors performed their fancy exercises and the claqueurs on -the reviewing stand were shouting hurrahs. I rushed away. I, too, was -weeping, though my eyes remained dry.</p> - -<p>The Italian, like the English, Mission was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> quartered in the Narishkin -Palace. One day, on visiting Angelica there, I found her in a perturbed -state of mind. Through one of the servants she had learned that the -ex-princess Narishkin, former owner of the palace, had come to beg for -the silver ikon which had been in the family for generations. "Just -that ikon," she had implored. But the ikon was now state property, and -Balabanova could do nothing about it. "Just think," Angelica said, -"Narishkin, old and desolate, now stands on the street corner begging, -and I live in this palace. How dreadful is life! I am no good for it; I -must get away."</p> - -<p>But Angelica was bound by party discipline; she stayed on in the palace -until she returned to Moscow. I know she did not feel much happier than -the ragged and starving ex-princess begging on the street corner.</p> - -<p>Balabanova, anxious that I should find suitable work, informed me one -day that Petrovsky, known in America as Doctor Goldfarb, had arrived in -Petrograd. He was Chief of the Central Military Education Department, -which included Nurses' Training Schools. I had never met the man in the -States, but I had heard of him as the labour editor of the New York -<i>Forward</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> the Jewish Socialist daily. He offered me the position -of head instructress in the military Nurses' Training School, with a -view to introducing American methods of nursing, or to send me with -a medical train to the Polish front. I had proffered my services at -the first news of the Polish attack on Russia: I felt the Revolution -in danger, and I hastened to Zorin to ask to be assigned as a nurse. -He promised to bring the matter before the proper authorities, but I -heard nothing further about it. I was, therefore, somewhat surprised -at the proposition of Petrovsky. However, it came too late. What I -had since learned about the situation in the Ukraina, the Bolshevik -methods toward Makhno and the <i>povstantsi</i> movement, the persecution -of Anarchists, and the Tcheka activities, had completely shaken my -faith in the Bolsheviki as revolutionists. The offer came too late. But -Moscow perhaps thought it unwise to let me see behind the scenes at the -front; Petrovsky failed to inform me of the Moscow decision. I felt -relieved.</p> - -<p>At last we received the glad tidings that the greatest difficulty had -been overcome: a car for the Museum Expedition had been secured. It -consisted of six compartments and was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> newly painted and cleaned. Now -began the work of equipment. Ordinarily it would have taken another -two months, but we had the coöperation of the man at the head of the -Museum, Chairman Yatmanov, a Communist. He was also in charge of all -the properties of the Winter Palace where the Museum is housed. The -largest part of the linen, silver, and glassware from the Tsar's -storerooms had been removed, but there was still much left. Supplied -with an order of the chairman I was shown over what was once guarded -as sacred precincts by Romanov flunkeys. I found rooms stacked to -the ceiling with rare and beautiful china and compartments filled -with the finest linen. The basement, running the whole length of the -Winter Palace, was stocked with kitchen utensils of every size and -variety. Tin plates and pots would have been more appropriate for the -Expedition, but owing to the ruling that no institution may draw upon -another for anything it has in its own possession, there was nothing to -do but to choose the simplest obtainable at the Winter Palace. I went -home reflecting upon the strangeness of life: revolutionists eating out -of the crested service of the Romanovs. But I felt no elation over it.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XIV</span> <span class="smaller">PETROPAVLOVSK AND SCHLÜSSELBURG</span></h2> - -<p>As some time was to pass before we could depart, I took advantage of -the opportunity which presented itself to visit the historic prisons, -the Peter-and-Paul Fortress and Schlüsselburg. I recollected the dread -and awe the very names of these places filled me with when I first -came to Petrograd as a child of thirteen. In fact, my dread of the -Petropavlovsk Fortress dated back to a much earlier time. I think -I must have been six years old when a great shock had come to our -family: we learned that my mother's oldest brother, Yegor, a student -at the University of Petersburg, had been arrested and was held in -the Fortress. My mother at once set out for the capital. We children -remained at home in fear and trepidation lest Mother should not find -our uncle among the living. We spent anxious weeks and months till -finally Mother returned. Great was our rejoicing to hear that she had -rescued her brother<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> from the living dead. But the memory of the shock -remained with me for a long time.</p> - -<p>Seven years later, my family then living in Petersburg, I happened to -be sent on an errand which took me past the Peter-and-Paul Fortress. -The shock I had received many years before revived within me with -paralyzing force. There stood the heavy mass of stone, dark and -sinister. I was terrified. The great prison was still to me a haunted -house, causing my heart to palpitate with fear whenever I had to pass -it. Years later, when I had begun to draw sustenance from the lives -and heroism of the great Russian revolutionists, the Peter-and-Paul -Fortress became still more hateful. And now I was about to enter its -mysterious walls and see with my own eyes the place which had been the -living grave of so many of the best sons and daughters of Russia.</p> - -<p>The guide assigned to take us through the different ravelins had been -in the prison for ten years. He knew every stone in the place. But -the silence told me more than all the information of the guide. The -martyrs who had beaten their wings against the cold stone, striving -upward toward the light and air, came to life for me. The Dekabristi, -Tchernishevsky, <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span>Dostoyevsky, Bakunin, Kropotkin, and scores of others -spoke in a thousand-throated voice of their social idealism and their -personal suffering—of their high hopes and fervent faith in the -ultimate liberation of Russia. Now the fluttering spirits of the heroic -dead may rest in peace: their dream has come true. But what is this -strange writing on the wall? "To-night I am to be shot because I had -once acquired an education." I had almost lost consciousness of the -reality. The inscription roused me to it. "What is this?" I asked the -guard. "Those are the last words of an <i>intelligent</i>," he replied. -"After the October Revolution the <i>intelligentsia</i> filled this prison. -From here they were taken out and shot, or were loaded on barges never -to return. Those were dreadful days and still more dreadful nights." -So the dream of those who had given their lives for the liberation of -Russia had not come true, after all. Is there any change in the world? -Or is it all an eternal recurrence of man's inhumanity to man?</p> - -<p>We reached the strip of enclosure where the prisoners used to be -permitted a half-hour's recreation. One by one they had to walk up and -down the narrow lane in dead silence, with the sentries on the wall -ready to shoot for the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span>slightest infraction of the rules. And while -the caged and fettered ones treaded the treeless walk, the all-powerful -Romanovs looked out of the Winter Palace toward the golden spire -topping the Fortress to reassure themselves that their hated enemies -would never again threaten their safety. But not even Petropavlovsk -could save the Tsars from the slaying hand of Time and Revolution. -Indeed, there <i>is</i> change; slow and painful, but come it does.</p> - -<p>In the enclosure we met Angelica Balabanova and the Italians. We -walked about the huge prison, each absorbed in his own thoughts set in -motion by what he saw. Would Angelica notice the writing on the wall, -I wondered. "To-night I am to be shot because I had once acquired an -education."</p> - -<p>Some time later several of our group made a trip to Schlüsselburg, the -even more dreadful tomb of the political enemies of Tsarism. It is a -journey of several hours by boat up the beautiful River Neva. The day -was chilly and gray, as was our mood; just the right state of mind to -visit Schlüsselburg. The fortress was strongly guarded, but our Museum -permit secured for us immediate admission. Schlüsselburg is a compact -mass of stone perched upon a high rock in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> the open sea. For many -decades only the victims of court intrigues and royal disfavour were -immured within its impenetrable walls, but later it became the Golgotha -of the political enemies of the Tsarist régime.</p> - -<p>I had heard of Schlüsselburg when my parents first came to Petersburg; -but unlike my feeling toward the Peter-and-Paul Fortress, I had no -personal reaction to the place. It was Russian revolutionary literature -which brought the meaning of Schlüsselburg home to me. Especially the -story of Volkenstein, one of the two women who had spent long years -in the dreaded place, left an indelible impression on my mind. Yet -nothing I had read made the place quite so real and terrifying as when -I climbed up the stone steps and stood before the forbidding gates. As -far as any effect upon the physical condition of the Peter-and-Paul -Fortress was concerned, the Revolution might never have taken place. -The prison remained intact, ready for immediate use by the new régime. -Not so Schlüsselburg. The wrath of the proletariat struck that house of -the dead almost to the ground.</p> - -<p>How cruel and perverse the human mind which could create a -Schlüsselburg! Verily, no savage could be guilty of the fiendish -spirit that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> conceived this appalling tomb. Cells built like a bag, -without doors or windows and with only a small opening through which -the victims were lowered into their living grave. Other cells were -stone cages to drive the mind to madness and lacerate the heart of the -unfortunates. Yet men and women endured twenty years in this terrible -place. What fortitude, what power of endurance, what sublime faith one -must have had to hold out, to emerge from it alive! Here Netchaev, -Lopatin, Morosov, Volkenstein, Figner, and others of the splendid -band spent their tortured lives. Here is the common grave of Ulianov, -Mishkin, Kalayev, Balmashev, and many more. The black tablet inscribed -with their names speaks louder than the voices silenced for ever. Not -even the roaring waves dashing against the rock of Schlüsselburg can -drown that accusing voice.</p> - -<p>Petropavlovsk and Schlüsselburg stand as the living proof of how futile -is the hope of the mighty to escape the Frankensteins of their own making.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XV</span> <span class="smaller">THE TRADE UNIONS</span></h2> - -<p>It was the month of June and the time of our departure was approaching. -Petrograd seemed more beautiful than ever; the white nights had -come—almost broad daylight without its glare, the mysterious soothing -white nights of Petrograd. There were rumours of counter-revolutionary -danger and the city was guarded against attack. Martial law prevailing, -it was forbidden to be out on the streets after 1 <span class="smaller">A. M.</span>, -even though it was almost daylight. Occasionally special permits -were obtained by friends and then we would walk through the deserted -streets or along the banks of the dark Neva, discussing in whispers -the perplexing situation. I sought for some outstanding feature in -the blurred picture—the Russian Revolution, a huge flame shooting -across the world illuminating the black horizon of the disinherited and -oppressed—the Revolution, the new hope, the great spiritual awakening. -And here I was in the midst of it, yet nowhere could I see the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> promise -and fulfilment of the great event. Had I misunderstood the meaning and -nature of revolution? Perhaps the wrong and the evil I have seen during -those five months were inseparable from a revolution. Or was it the -political machine which the Bolsheviki have created—is that the force -which is crushing the Revolution? If I had witnessed the birth of the -latter I should now be better able to judge. But apparently I arrived -at the end—the agonizing end of a people. It is all so complex, so -impenetrable, a <i>tupik</i>, a blind alley, as the Russians call it. Only -time and earnest study, aided by sympathetic understanding, will show -me the way out. Meanwhile, I must keep up my courage and—away from -Petrograd, out among the people.</p> - -<p>Presently the long-awaited moment arrived. On June 30, 1920, our car -was coupled to a slow train called "Maxim Gorki," and we pulled out of -the Nikolayevski station, bound for Moscow.</p> - -<p>In Moscow there were many formalities to go through with. We thought -a few days would suffice, but we remained two weeks. However, our -stay was interesting. The city was alive with delegates to the Second -Congress of the Third International; from all parts of the world the -workers had sent their comrades to the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span>promised land, revolutionary -Russia, the first republic of the workers. Among the delegates there -were also Anarchists and syndicalists who believed as firmly as I -did six months previously that the Bolsheviki were the symbol of the -Revolution. They had responded to the Moscow call with enthusiasm. -Some of them I had met in Petrograd and now they were eager to hear -of my experiences and learn my opinions. But what was I to tell -them, and would they believe me if I did? Would I have believed any -adverse criticism before I came to Russia? Besides, I felt that my -views regarding the Bolsheviki were still too unformed, too vague, a -conglomeration of mere impressions. My old values had been shattered -and so far I have been unable to replace them. I could therefore not -speak on the fundamental questions, but I did inform my friends that -the Moscow and Petrograd prisons were crowded with Anarchists and other -revolutionists, and I advised them not to content themselves with the -official explanations but to investigate for themselves. I warned them -that they would be surrounded by guides and interpreters, most of them -men of the Tcheka, and that they would not be able to learn the facts -unless they made a determined, independent effort.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span></p> - -<p>There was considerable excitement in Moscow at the time. The Printers' -Union had been suppressed and its entire managing board sent to prison. -The Union had called a public meeting to which members of the British -Labour Mission were invited. There the famous Socialist Revolutionist -Tchernov had unexpectedly made his appearance. He severely criticised -the Bolshevik régime, received an ovation from the huge audience -of workers, and then vanished as mysteriously as he had come. The -Menshevik Dan was less successful. He also addressed the meeting, but -he failed to make his escape: he landed in the Tcheka. The next morning -the Moscow <i>Pravda</i> and the <i>Izvestia</i> denounced the action of the -Printers' Union as counter-revolutionary, and raged about Tchernov -having been permitted to speak. The papers called for exemplary -punishment of the printers who dared defy the Soviet Government.</p> - -<p>The Bakers' Union, a very militant organization, had also been -suppressed, and its management replaced by Communists. Several months -before, in March, I had attended a convention of the bakers. The -delegates impressed me as a courageous group who did not fear to -criticise the Bolshevik régime and present the demands<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> of the workers. -I wondered then that they were permitted to continue the conference, -for they were outspoken in their opposition to the Communists. "The -bakers are 'Shkurniki' [skinners]," I was told; "they always instigate -strikes, and only counter-revolutionists can wish to strike in the -workers' Republic." But it seemed to me that the workers could not -follow such reasoning. They did strike. They even committed a more -heinous crime: they refused to vote for the Communist candidate, -electing instead a man of their own choice. This action of the bakers -was followed by the arrest of several of their more active members. -Naturally the workers resented the arbitrary methods of the Government.</p> - -<p>Later I met some of the bakers and found them much embittered against -the Communist Party and the Government. I inquired about the condition -of their union, telling them that I had been informed that the Russian -unions were very powerful and had practical control of the industrial -life of the country. The bakers laughed. "The trade unions are the -lackeys of the Government," they said; "they have no independent -function, and the workers have no say in them. The trade unions are -doing mere<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> police duty for the Government." That sounded quite -different from the story told by Melnichansky, the chairman of the -Moscow Trade Union Soviet, whom I had met on my first visit to Moscow.</p> - -<p>On that occasion he had shown me about the trade union headquarters -known as the <i>Dom Soyusov</i>, and explained how the organization worked. -Seven million workers were in the trade unions, he said; all trades -and professions belonged to it. The workers themselves managed the -industries and owned them. "The building you are in now is also owned -by the unions," he remarked with pride; "formerly it was the House of -the Nobility." The room we were in had been used for festive assemblies -and the great nobles sat in crested chairs around the table in the -centre. Melnichansky showed me the secret underground passage hidden -by a little turntable, through which the nobles could escape in case -of danger. They never dreamed that the workers would some day gather -around the same table and sit in the beautiful hall of marble columns. -The educational and cultural work done by the trade unions, the -chairman further explained, was of the greatest scope. "We have our -workers' colleges and other <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span>cultural institutions giving courses and -lectures on various subjects. They are all managed by the workers. The -unions own their own means of recreation, and we have access to all the -theatres." It was apparent from his explanation that the trade unions -of Russia had reached a point far beyond anything known by labour -organizations in Europe and America.</p> - -<p>A similar account I had heard from Tsiperovitch, the chairman of the -Petrograd trade unions, with whom I had made my first trip to Moscow. -He had also shown me about the Petrograd Labour Temple, a beautiful and -spacious building where the Petrograd unions had their offices. His -recital also made it clear that the workers of Russia had at last come -into their own.</p> - -<p>But gradually I began to see the other side of the medal. I found that -like most things in Russia the trade union picture had a double facet: -one paraded before foreign visitors and "investigators," the other -known by the masses. The bakers and the printers had recently been -shown the other side. It was a lesson of the benefits that accrued to -the trade unions in the Socialist Republic.</p> - -<p>In March I had attended an election meeting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> arranged by the workers -of one of the large Moscow factories. It was the most exciting -gathering I had witnessed in Russia—the dimly lit hall in the factory -club rooms, the faces of the men and women worn with privation and -suffering, the intense feeling over the wrong done them, all impressed -me very strongly. Their chosen representative, an Anarchist, had been -refused his mandate by the Soviet authorities. It was the third time -the workers gathered to re-elect their delegate to the Moscow Soviet, -and every time they elected the same man. The Communist candidate -opposing him was Semashko, the Commissar of the Department of Health. -I had expected to find an educated and cultured man. But the behaviour -and language of the Commissar at that election meeting would have put -a hod-carrier to shame. He raved against the workers for choosing a -non-Communist, called anathema upon their heads, and threatened them -with the Tcheka and the curtailment of their rations. But he had no -effect upon the audience except to emphasize their opposition to him, -and to arouse antagonism against the party he represented. The final -victory, however, was with Semashko. The workers' choice was repudiated -by the authorities and later even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> arrested and imprisoned. That was -in March. In May, during the visit of the British Labour Mission, the -factory candidate together with other political prisoners declared a -hunger strike, which resulted in their liberation.</p> - -<p>The story told me by the bakers of their election experiences had the -quality of our own Wild West during its pioneer days. Tchekists with -loaded guns were in the habit of attending gatherings of the unions -and they made it clear what would happen if the workers should fail to -elect a Communist. But the bakers, a strong and militant organization, -would not be intimidated. They declared that no bread would be baked -in Moscow unless they were permitted to elect their own candidate. -That had the desired effect. After the meeting the Tchekists tried to -arrest the candidate-elect, but the bakers surrounded him and saw him -safely home. The next day they sent their ultimatum to the authorities, -demanding recognition of their choice and threatening to strike in -case of refusal. Thus the bakers triumphed and gained an advantage -over their less courageous brothers in the other labour organizations -of minor importance. In starving Russia the work of the bakers was as -vital as life itself.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XVI</span> <span class="smaller">MARIA SPIRIDONOVA</span></h2> - -<p>The Commissariat of Education also included the Department of Museums. -The Petrograd Museum of the Revolution had two chairmen; Lunacharsky -being one of them, it was necessary to secure his signature to our -credentials which had already been signed by Zinoviev, the second -chairman of the Museum. I was commissioned to see Lunacharsky.</p> - -<p>I felt rather guilty before him. I left Moscow in March promising -to return within a week to join him in his work. Now, four months -later, I came to ask his coöperation in an entirely different field. -I went to the Kremlin determined to tell Lunacharsky how I felt about -the situation in Russia. But I was relieved of the necessity by the -presence of a number of people in his office; there was no time to -take the matter up. I could merely inform Lunacharsky of the purpose -of the expedition and request his aid in the work. It met with his -approval. He signed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> our credentials and also supplied me with letters -of introduction and recommendation to facilitate our efforts in behalf -of the Museum.</p> - -<p>While our Commission was making the necessary preparations for the trip -to the Ukraine, I found time to visit various institutions in Moscow -and to meet some interesting people. Among them were certain well-known -Left Social Revolutionists whom I had met on my previous visit. I -had told them then that I was eager to visit Maria Spiridonova, of -whose condition I had heard many conflicting stories. But at that -time no meeting could be arranged: it might have exposed Spiridonova -to danger, for she was living illegally, as a peasant woman. History -indeed repeats itself. Under the Tsar Spiridonova, also disguised as -a country girl, had shadowed Lukhanovsky, the Governor of Tamboy, of -peasant-flogging fame. Having shot him, she was arrested, tortured, -and later sentenced to death. The western world became aroused, and it -was due to its protests that the sentence of Spiridonova was changed -to Siberian exile for life. She spent eleven years there; the February -Revolution brought her freedom and back to Russia. Maria Spiridonova -immediately threw herself into revolutionary activity. Now, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> the -Socialist Republic, Maria was again living in disguise after having -escaped from the prison in the Kremlin.</p> - -<p>Arrangements were finally made to enable me to visit Spiridonova, and -I was cautioned to make sure that I was not followed by Tcheka men. -We agreed with Maria's friends upon a meeting place and from there we -zigzagged a number of streets till we at last reached the top floor of -a house in the back of a yard. I was led into a small room containing -a bed, small desk, bookcase, and several chairs. Before the desk, -piled high with letters and papers, sat a frail little woman, Maria -Spiridonova. This, then, was one of Russia's great martyrs, this woman -who had so unflinchingly suffered the tortures inflicted upon her -by the Tsar's henchmen. I had been told by Zorin and Jack Reed that -Spiridonova had suffered a breakdown, and was kept in a sanatorium. -Her malady, they said, was acute neurasthenia and hysteria. When I -came face to face with Maria, I immediately realized that both men -had deceived me. I was no longer surprised at Zorin: much of what he -had told me I gradually discovered to be utterly false. As to Reed, -unfamiliar with the language and completely under the sway of the new -faith,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> he took too much for granted. Thus, on his return from Moscow -he came to inform me that the story of the shooting of prisoners <i>en -masse</i> on the eve of the abolition of capital punishment was really -true; but, he assured me, it was all the fault of a certain official of -the Tcheka who had already paid with his life for it. I had opportunity -to investigate the matter. I found that Jack had again been misled. It -was not that a certain man was responsible for the wholesale killing -on that occasion. The act was conditioned in the whole system and -character of the Tcheka.</p> - -<p>I spent two days with Maria Spiridonova, listening to her recital of -events since October, 1917. She spoke at length about the enthusiasm -and zeal of the masses and the hopes held out by the Bolsheviki; of -their ascendancy to power and gradual turn to the right. She explained -the Brest-Litovsk peace which she considered as the first link in -the chain that has since fettered the Revolution. She dwelt on the -<i>razverstka</i>, the system of forcible requisition, which was devastating -Russia and discrediting everything the Revolution had been fought for; -she referred to the terrorism practised by the Bolsheviki against -every revolutionary <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span>criticism, to the new Communist bureaucracy and -inefficiency, and the hopelessness of the whole situation. It was a -crushing indictment against the Bolsheviki, their theories and methods.</p> - -<p>If Spiridonova had really suffered a breakdown, as I had been -assured, and was hysterical and mentally unbalanced, she must have -had extraordinary control of herself. She was calm, self-contained, -and clear on every point. She had the fullest command of her material -and information. On several occasions during her narrative, when she -detected doubt in my face, she remarked: "I fear you don't quite -believe me. Well, here is what some of the peasants write me," and -she would reach over to a pile of letters on her desk and read to me -passages heart-rending with misery and bitter against the Bolsheviki. -In stilted handwriting, sometimes almost illegible, the peasants of the -Ukraine and Siberia wrote of the horrors of the <i>razverstka</i> and what -it had done to them and their land. "They have taken away everything, -even the last seeds for the next sowing." "The Commissars have robbed -us of everything." Thus ran the letters. Frequently peasants wanted to -know whether Spiridonova had gone over to the Bolsheviki. "If you also -forsake us, <i>matushka</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> we have no one to turn to," one peasant wrote.</p> - -<p>The enormity of her accusations challenged credence. After all, the -Bolsheviki were revolutionists. How could they be guilty of the -terrible things charged against them? Perhaps they were not responsible -for the situation as it had developed; they had the whole world -against them. There was the Brest peace, for instance. When the news -of it first reached America I happened to be in prison. I reflected -long and carefully whether Soviet Russia was justified in negotiating -with German imperialism. But I could see no way out of the situation. -I was in favour of the Brest peace. Since I came to Russia I heard -conflicting versions of it. Nearly everyone, excepting the Communists, -considered the Brest agreement as much a betrayal of the Revolution as -the rôle of the German Socialists in the war—a betrayal of the spirit -of internationalism. The Communists, on the other hand, were unanimous -in defending the peace and denouncing as counter-revolutionist -everybody who questioned the wisdom and the revolutionary justification -of that agreement. "We could do nothing else," argued the Communists. -"Germany had a mighty army, while we had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> none. Had we refused to sign -the Brest treaty we should have sealed the fate of the Revolution. We -realized that Brest meant a compromise, but we knew that the workers -of Russia and the rest of the world would understand that we had been -forced to it. Our compromise was similar to that of workers when -they are forced to accept the conditions of their masters after an -unsuccessful strike."</p> - -<p>But Spiridonova was not convinced. "There is not one word of truth in -the argument advanced by the Bolsheviki," she said. It is true that -Russia had no disciplined army to meet the German advance, but it had -something infinitely more effective: it had a conscious revolutionary -people who would have fought back the invaders to the last drop of -blood. As a matter of fact, it was the people who had checked all -the counter-revolutionary military attempts against Russia. Who else -but the people, the peasants and the workers, made it impossible for -the German and Austrian army to remain in the Ukraine? Who defeated -Denikin and the other counter-revolutionary generals? Who triumphed -over Koltchak and Yudenitch? Lenin and Trotsky claim that it was the -Red Army. But the historic truth was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> that the voluntary military -units of the workers and peasants—the <i>povstantsi</i>—in Siberia as -well as in the south of Russia—had borne the brunt of the fighting -on every front, the Red Army usually only completing the victories of -the former. Trotsky would have it now that the Brest treaty had to be -accepted, but he himself had at one time refused to sign the treaty and -Radek, Joffe, and other leading Communists had also been opposed to it. -It is claimed now that they submitted to the shameful terms because -they realized the hopelessness of their expectation that the German -workers would prevent the Junkers from marching against revolutionary -Russia. But that was not the true reason. It was the whip of the party -discipline which lashed Trotsky and others into submission.</p> - -<p>"The trouble with the Bolsheviki," continued Spiridonova, "is that -they have no faith in the masses. They proclaimed themselves a -proletarian party, but they refused to trust the workers." It was -this lack of faith, Maria emphasized, which made the Communists bow -to German imperialism. And as concerns the Revolution itself, it was -precisely the Brest peace which struck it a fatal blow. Aside from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> -the betrayal of Finland, White Russia, Latvia, and the Ukraine—which -were turned over to the mercy of the German Junkers by the Brest -peace—the peasants saw thousands of their brothers slain, and had -to submit to being robbed and plundered. The simple peasant mind -could not understand the complete reversal of the former Bolshevik -slogans of "no indemnity and no annexations." But even the simplest -peasant could understand that his toil and his blood were to pay the -indemnities imposed by the Brest conditions. The peasants grew bitter -and antagonistic to the Soviet régime. Disheartened and discouraged -they turned from the Revolution. As to the effect of the Brest peace -upon the German workers, how could they continue in their faith in the -Russian Revolution in view of the fact that the Bolsheviki negotiated -and accepted the peace terms with the German masters over the heads of -the German proletariat? The historic fact remains that the Brest peace -was the beginning of the end of the Russian Revolution. No doubt other -factors contributed to the debacle, but Brest was the most fatal of -them.</p> - -<p>Spiridonova asserted that the Left Socialist Revolutionary elements had -warned the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span>Bolsheviki against that peace and fought it desperately. -They refused to accept it even after it had been signed. The presence -of Mirbach in Revolutionary Russia they considered an outrage against -the Revolution, a crying injustice to the heroic Russian people who had -sacrificed and suffered so much in their struggle against imperialism -and capitalism. Spiridonova's party decided that Mirbach could not -be tolerated in Russia: Mirbach had to go. Wholesale arrests and -persecutions followed upon the execution of Mirbach, the Bolsheviki -rendering service to the German Kaiser. They filled the prisons with -the Russian revolutionists.</p> - -<p>In the course of our conversation I suggested that the method of -<i>razverstka</i> was probably forced upon the Bolsheviki by the refusal of -the peasants to feed the city. In the beginning of the revolutionary -period, Spiridonova explained, so long as the peasant Soviets existed, -the peasants gave willingly and generously. But when the Bolshevik -Government began to dissolve these Soviets and arrested 500 peasant -delegates, the peasantry became antagonistic. Moreover, they daily -witnessed the inefficiency of the Communist régime: they saw their -products lying at side stations and rotting away,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> or in possession of -speculators on the market. Naturally under such conditions they would -not continue to give. The fact that the peasants had never refused to -contribute supplies to the Red Army proved that other methods than -those used by the Bolsheviki could have been employed. The <i>razverstka</i> -served only to widen the breach between the village and the city. The -Bolsheviki resorted to punitive expeditions which became the terror of -the country. They left death and ruin wherever they came. The peasants, -at last driven to desperation, began to rebel against the Communist -régime. In various parts of Russia, in the south, on the Ural, and in -Siberia, peasants' insurrections have taken place, and everywhere they -were being put down by force of arms and with an iron hand.</p> - -<p>Spiridonova did not speak of her own sufferings since she had parted -ways with the Bolsheviki. But I learned from others that she had been -arrested twice and imprisoned for a considerable length of time. Even -when free she was kept under surveillance, as she had been in the time -of the Tsar. On several occasions she was tortured by being taken -out at night and informed that she was to be shot—a favoured Tcheka -method. I mentioned the subject to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> Spiridonova. She did not deny the -facts, though she was loath to speak of herself. She was entirely -absorbed in the fate of the Revolution and of her beloved peasantry. -She gave no thought to herself, but she was eager to have the world and -the international proletariat learn the true condition of affairs in -Bolshevik Russia.</p> - -<p>Of all the opponents of the Bolsheviki I had met Maria Spiridonova -impressed me as one of the most sincere, well-poised, and convincing. -Her heroic past and her refusal to compromise her revolutionary ideas -under Tsarism as well as under Bolshevism were sufficient guarantee of -her revolutionary integrity.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XVII</span> <span class="smaller">ANOTHER VISIT TO PETER KROPOTKIN</span></h2> - -<p>A few days before our Expedition started for the Ukraine the -opportunity presented itself to pay another visit to Peter Kropotkin. -I was delighted at the chance to see the dear old man under more -favourable conditions than I had seen him in March. I expected at least -that we would not be handicapped by the presence of newspaper men as we -were on the previous occasion.</p> - -<p>On my first visit, in snow-clad March, I arrived at the Kropotkin -cottage late in the evening. The place looked deserted and desolate. -But now it was summer time. The country was fresh and fragrant; the -garden at the back of the house, clad in green, smiled cheerfully, -the golden rays of the sun spreading warmth and light. Peter, who was -having his afternoon nap, could not be seen, but Sofya Grigorievna, -his wife, was there to greet us. We had brought some provisions given -to Sasha<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> Kropotkin for her father, and several baskets of things sent -by an Anarchist group. While we were unpacking those treasures Peter -Alekseyevitch surprised us. He seemed a changed man: the summer had -wrought a miracle in him. He appeared healthier, stronger, more alive -than when I had last seen him. He immediately took us to the vegetable -garden which was almost entirely Sofya's own work and served as the -main support of the family. Peter was very proud of it. "What do you -say to this!" he exclaimed; "all Sofya's labour. And see this new -species of lettuce"—pointing at a huge head. He looked young; he was -almost gay, his conversation sparkling. His power of observation, his -keen sense of humour and generous humanity were so refreshing, he made -one forget the misery of Russia, one's own conflicts and doubts, and -the cruel reality of life.</p> - -<p>After dinner we gathered in Peter's study—a small room containing an -ordinary table for a desk, a narrow cot, a wash-stand, and shelves of -books. I could not help making a mental comparison between this simple, -cramped study of Kropotkin and the gorgeous quarters of Radek and -Zinoviev. Peter was interested to know my impressions since he saw me -last. I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> related to him how confused and harassed I was, how everything -seemed to crumble beneath my feet. I told him that I had come to doubt -almost everything, even the Revolution itself. I could not reconcile -the ghastly reality with what the Revolution had meant to me when I -came to Russia. Were the conditions I found inevitable—the callous -indifference to human life, the terrorism, the waste and agony of it -all? Of course, I knew revolutions could not be made with kid gloves. -It is a stern necessity involving violence and destruction, a difficult -and terrible process. But what I had found in Russia was utterly unlike -revolutionary conditions, so fundamentally unlike as to be a caricature.</p> - -<p>Peter listened attentively; then he said: "There is no reason whatever -to lose faith. I consider the Russian Revolution even greater than the -French, for it has struck deeper into the soul of Russia, into the -hearts and minds of the Russian people. Time alone can demonstrate -its full scope and depth. What you see to-day is only the surface, -conditions artificially created by a governing class. You see a -small political party which by its false theories, blunders, and -inefficiency has demonstrated how revolutions<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> must <i>not</i> be made." It -was unfortunate—Kropotkin continued—that so many of the Anarchists -in Russia and the masses outside of Russia had been carried away by -the ultra-revolutionary pretenses of the Bolsheviki. In the great -upheaval it was forgotten that the Communists are a political party -firmly adhering to the idea of a centralized State, and that as -such they were bound to misdirect the course of the Revolution. The -Bolsheviki were the Jesuits of the Socialist Church: they believed in -the Jesuitic motto that the end justifies the means. Their end being -political power, they hesitate at nothing. The means, however, have -paralysed the energies of the masses and have terrorized the people. -Yet without the people, without the direct participation of the masses -in the reconstruction of the country, nothing essential could be -accomplished. The Bolsheviki had been carried to the top by the high -tide of the Revolution. Once in power they began to stem the tide. -They have been trying to eliminate and suppress the cultural forces of -the country not entirely in agreement with their ideas and methods. -They destroyed the coöperatives which were of utmost importance to the -life of Russia, the great link between the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> country and the city. They -created a bureaucracy and officialdom which surpasses even that of the -old régime. In the village where he lived, in little Dmitrov, there -were more Bolshevik officials than ever existed there during the reign -of the Romanovs. All those people were living off the masses. They were -parasites on the social body, and Dmitrov was only a small example -of what was going on throughout Russia. It was not the fault of any -particular individuals: rather was it the State they had created, which -discredits every revolutionary ideal, stifles all initiative, and sets -a premium on incompetence and waste. It should also not be forgotten, -Kropotkin emphasized, that the blockade and the continuous attacks on -the Revolution by the interventionists had helped to strengthen the -power of the Communist régime. Intervention and blockade were bleeding -Russia to death, and were preventing the people from understanding the -real nature of the Bolshevik régime.</p> - -<p>Discussing the activities and rôle of the Anarchists in the Revolution, -Kropotkin said: "We Anarchists have talked much of revolutions, but -few of us have been prepared for the actual work to be done during the -process. I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> have indicated some things in this relation in my 'Conquest -of Bread.' Pouget and Pataud have also sketched a line of action in -their work on 'How to Accomplish the Social Revolution.'" Kropotkin -thought that the Anarchists had not given sufficient consideration -to the fundamental elements of the social revolution. The real facts -in a revolutionary process do not consist so much in the actual -fighting—that is, merely the destructive phase necessary to clear -the way for constructive effort. The basic factor in a revolution is -the organization of the economic life of the country. The Russian -Revolution had proved conclusively that we must prepare thoroughly for -that. Everything else is of minor importance. He had come to think that -syndicalism was likely to furnish what Russia most lacked: the channel -through which the industrial and economic reconstruction of the country -may flow. He referred to Anarcho-syndicalism. That and the coöperatives -would save other countries some of the blunders and suffering Russia -was going through.</p> - -<p>I left Dmitrov much comforted by the warmth and light which the -beautiful personality of Peter Kropotkin radiated; and I was much<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> -encouraged by what I had heard from him. I returned to Moscow to help -with the completion of the preparations for our journey. At last, on -July 15, 1920, our car was coupled to a train bound for the Ukraine.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XVIII</span> <span class="smaller">EN ROUTE</span></h2> - -<p>Our train was about to leave Moscow when we were surprised by an -interesting visitor—Krasnoschekov, the president of the Far Eastern -Republic, who had recently arrived in the capital from Siberia. He had -heard of our presence in the city, but for some reason he could not -locate us. Finally he met Alexander Berkman who invited him to the -Museum car.</p> - -<p>In appearance Krasnoschekov had changed tremendously since his Chicago -days, when, known as Tobinson, he was superintendent of the Workers' -Institute in that city. Then he was one of the many Russian emigrants -on the West Side, active as organizer and lecturer in the Socialist -movement. Now he looked a different man; his expression stern, the -stamp of authority on him, he seemed even to have grown taller. But at -heart he remained the same—simple and kind, the Tobinson we had known -in Chicago.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span></p> - -<p>We had only a short time at our disposal and our visitor employed -it to give us an insight into the conditions in the Far East and -the local form of government. It consisted of representatives of -various political factions and "even Anarchists are with us," said -Krasnoschekov; "thus, for instance, Shatov is Minister of Railways. We -are independent in the East and there is free speech. Come over and try -us, you will find a field for your work." He invited Alexander Berkman -and myself to visit him in Chita and we assured him that we hoped to -avail ourselves of the invitation at some future time. He seemed to -have brought a different atmosphere and we were sorry to part so soon.</p> - -<p>On the way from Petrograd to Moscow the Expedition had been busy -putting its house in order. As already mentioned, the car consisted -of six compartments, two of which were converted into a dining room -and kitchen. They were of diminutive size, but we managed to make a -presentable dining room of one, and the kitchen might have made many -a housekeeper envy us. A large Russian samovar and all necessary -copper and zinc pots and kettles were there, making a very effective -appearance. We were especially proud of the decorative curtains on our -car<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> windows. The other compartments were used for office and sleeping -quarters. I shared mine with our secretary, Miss A. T. Shakol.</p> - -<p>Besides Alexander Berkman, appointed by the Museum as chairman and -general manager, Shakol as secretary, and myself as treasurer and -housekeeper, the Expedition consisted of three other members, including -a young Communist, a student of the Petrograd University. En route -we mapped out our plan of work, each member of the Expedition being -assigned some particular branch of it. I was to gather data in the -Departments of Education and Health, the Bureaus of Social Welfare and -Labour Distribution, as well as in the organization known as Workers' -and Peasants' Inspection. After the day's work all the members were to -meet in the car to consider and classify the material collected during -the day.</p> - -<p>Our first stop was Kursk. Nothing of importance was collected there -except a pair of <i>kandai</i> [iron handcuffs] which had been worn by -a revolutionist in Schlüsselburg. It was donated to us by a chance -passer-by who, noticing the inscription on our car, "Extraordinary -Commission of the Museum of the Revolution," became interested -and called to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> pay us a visit. He proved to be an intellectual, -a Tolstoian, the manager of a children's colony. He succeeded in -maintaining the latter by giving the Soviet Government a certain amount -of labour required of him: three days a week he taught in the Soviet -schools of Kursk. The rest of his time he devoted to his little colony, -or the "Children's Commune," as he affectionately called it. With -the help of the children and some adults they raised the vegetables -necessary for the support of the colony and made all the repairs of -the place. He stated that he had not been directly interfered with -by the Government, but that his work was considerably handicapped by -discrimination against him as a pacifist and Tolstoian. He feared that -because of it his place could not be continued much longer. There was -no trading of any sort in Kursk at the time, and one had to depend for -supplies on the local authorities. But discrimination and antagonism -manifested themselves against independent initiative and effort. -The Tolstoian, however, was determined to make a fight, spiritually -speaking, for the life of his colony. He was planning to go to the -centre, to Moscow, where he hoped to get support in favour of his -commune.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span></p> - -<p>The personality of the man, his eagerness to make himself useful, did -not correspond with the information I had received from Communists -about the <i>intelligentsia</i>, their indifference and unwillingness to -help revolutionary Russia. I broached the subject to our visitor. He -could only speak of the professional men and women of Kursk, his native -city, but he assured us that he found most of them, and especially the -teachers, eager to coöperate and even self-sacrificing. But they were -the most neglected class, living in semi-starvation all the time. Like -himself, they were exposed to general antagonism, even on the part of -the children whose minds had been poisoned by agitation against the -<i>intelligentsia</i>.</p> - -<p>Kursk is a large industrial centre and I was interested in the fate -of the workers there. We learned from our visitor that there had been -repeated skirmishes between the workers and the Soviet authorities. -A short time before our arrival a strike had broken out and soldiers -were sent to quell it. The usual arrests followed and many workers were -still in the Tcheka. This state of affairs, the Tolstoian thought, -was due to general Communist incompetence rather than to any other -cause. People were placed in responsible positions not because of their -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span>fitness but owing to their party membership. Political usefulness was -the first consideration and it naturally resulted in general abuse of -power and confusion. The Communist dogma that the end justifies all -means was also doing much harm. It had thrown the door wide open to the -worst human passions, and discredited the ideals of the Revolution. The -Tolstoian spoke sadly, as one speaks of a hope cherished and loved, and -lost.</p> - -<p>The next morning our visitor donated to our collection the <i>kandali</i> he -had worn for many years in prison. He hoped that we might return by way -of Kursk so that we could pay a visit to some Tolstoian communes in the -environs of the city. Not far from Yasnaya Polyana there lived an old -peasant friend of Tolstoi, he told us. He had much valuable material -that he might contribute to the Museum. Our visitor remained to the -moment of our departure; he was starved for intellectual companionship -and was loath to see us go.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XIX</span> <span class="smaller">IN KHARKOV</span></h2> - -<p>Arriving in Kharkov, I visited the Anarchist book store, the address -of which I had secured in Moscow. There I met many friends whom I had -known in America. Among them were Joseph and Leah Goodman, formerly -from Detroit; Fanny Baron, from Chicago, and Sam Fleshin who had worked -in the Mother Earth office in New York, in 1917, before he left for -Russia. With thousands of other exiles they had all hastened to their -native country at the first news of the Revolution, and they had been -in the thick of it ever since. They would have much to tell me, I -thought; they might help me to solve some of the problems that were -perplexing me.</p> - -<p>Kharkov lay several miles away from the railroad station, and it would -have therefore been impractical to continue living in the car during -our stay in the city. The Museum credentials would secure quarters for -us, but several <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span>members of the Expedition preferred to stay with their -American friends. Through the help of one of our comrades, who was -commandant of an apartment house, I secured a room.</p> - -<p>It had been quite warm in Moscow, but Kharkov proved a veritable -furnace, reminding me of New York in July. Sanitary and plumbing -arrangements had been neglected or destroyed, and water had to be -carried from a place several blocks distant up three flights of stairs. -Still it was a comfort to have a private room.</p> - -<p>The city was alive. The streets were full of people and they looked -better fed and dressed than the population of Petrograd and Moscow. -The women were handsomer than in northern Russia; the men of a finer -type. It was rather odd to see beautiful women, wearing evening gowns -in the daytime, walk about barefoot or clad in wooden sandals without -stockings. The coloured kerchiefs most of them had on lent life -and colour to the streets, giving them a cheerful appearance which -contrasted favourably with the gray tones of Petrograd.</p> - -<p>My first official visit was paid to the Department of Education. -I found a long line of people waiting admission, but the Museum -credentials immediately opened the doors, the chairman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> receiving -me most cordially. He listened attentively to my explanation of the -purposes of the Expedition and promised to give me an opportunity to -collect all the available material in his department, including the -newly prepared charts of its work. On the chairman's desk I noticed a -copy of such a chart, looking like a futurist picture, all lined and -dotted with red, blue, and purple. Noticing my puzzled expression the -chairman explained that the red indicated the various phases of the -educational system, the other colours representing literature, drama, -music, and the plastic arts. Each department was subdivided into -bureaus embracing every branch of the educational and cultural work of -the Socialist Republic.</p> - -<p>Concerning the system of education the chairman stated that from -three to eight years of age the child attended the kindergarten or -children's home. War orphans from the south, children of Red Army -soldiers and of proletarians in general received preference. If -vacancies remained, children of the bourgeoisie were also accepted. -From eight to thirteen the children attended the intermediary schools -where they received elementary education which inculcates the general -idea of the political and economic structure of R.S.F.S.R.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> Modern -methods of instruction by means of technical apparatus, so far as the -latter could be secured, had been introduced. The children were taught -processes of production as well as natural sciences. The period from -twelve to seventeen embraced vocational training. There were also -higher institutions of learning for young people who showed special -ability and inclination. Besides this, summer schools and colonies -had been established where instruction was given in the open. All -children belonging to the Soviet Republic were fed, clothed, and -housed at the expense of the Government. The scheme of education also -embraced workers' colleges and evening courses for adults of both -sexes. Here also everything was supplied to the pupils free, even -special rations. For further particulars the chairman referred me to -the literature of his department and advised me to study the plan in -operation. The educational work was much handicapped by the blockade -and counter-revolutionary attempts; else Russia would demonstrate to -the world what the Socialist Republic could do in the way of popular -enlightenment. They lacked even the most elemental necessaries, such as -paper, pencils, and books. In the winter most of the schools had to be -closed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> for lack of fuel. The cruelty and infamy of the blockade was -nowhere more apparent and crying than in its effect upon the sick and -the children. "It is the blackest crime of the century," the chairman -concluded. It was agreed that I return within a week to receive the -material for our collection. In the Social Welfare Department I also -found a very competent man in charge. He became much interested in the -work of the Expedition and promised to collect the necessary material -for us, though he could not offer very much because his department had -but recently been organized. Its work was to look after the disabled -and sick proletarians and those of old age exempt from labour. They -were given certain rations in food and clothing; in case they were -employed they received also a certain amount of money, about half of -their earnings. Besides that the Department was supporting living -quarters and dining rooms for its charges.</p> - -<p>In the corridor leading to the various offices of the Department -there were lines of emaciated and crippled figures, men and women, -waiting for their turn to receive aid. They looked like war veterans -awaiting their pittance in the form of rations; they reminded me of the -decrepit unemployed standing in line in the Salvation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> Army quarters -in America. One woman in particular attracted my attention. She was -angry and excited and she complained loudly. Her husband had been dead -two days and she was trying to obtain a permit for a coffin. She had -been in line ever since but could procure no order. "What am I to do?" -she wailed; "I cannot carry him on my own back or bury him without a -coffin, and I cannot keep him in my room much longer in this heat." The -woman's lament remained unanswered for everyone was absorbed in his own -troubles. Sick and disabled workers are thrown everywhere on the scrap -pile—I thought—but in Russia an effort is being made to prevent such -cruelty. Yet judging from what I saw in Kharkov I felt that not much -was being accomplished. It was a most depressing picture, that long -waiting line. I felt as if it was adding insult to injury.</p> - -<p>I visited a house where the social derelicts lived. It was fairly well -kept, but breathing the spirit of cold institutionalism. It was, of -course, better than sleeping in the streets or lying all night in the -doorways, as the sick and poor are often compelled to do in capitalist -countries, in America, for instance. Still it seemed incongruous that -something more cheerful and inviting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> could not be devised in Soviet -Russia for those who had sacrificed their health and had given their -labour to the common good. But apparently it was the best that the -Social Welfare Department could do in the present condition of Russia.</p> - -<p>In the evening our American friends visited us. Each of them had a -rich experience of struggle, suffering, and persecution and I was -surprised to learn that most of them had also been imprisoned by the -Bolsheviki. They had endured much for the sake of their ideas and -had been hounded by every government of Ukraina, there having been -fourteen political changes in some parts of the south during the last -two years. The Communists were no different: they also persecuted -the Anarchists as well as other revolutionists of the Left. Still -the Anarchists continued their work. Their faith in the Revolution, -in spite of all they endured, and even in the face of the worst -reaction, was truly sublime. They agreed that the possibilities of -the masses during the first months after the October Revolution were -very great, but expressed the opinion that revolutionary development -had been checked, and gradually entirely paralysed, by the deadening -effect of the Communist State.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> In the Ukraina, they explained, the -situation differed from that of Russia, because the peasants lived -in comparatively better material conditions. They had also retained -greater independence and more of a rebellious spirit. For these reasons -the Bolsheviki had failed to subdue the south.</p> - -<p>Our visitors spoke of Makhno as a heroic popular figure, and related -his daring exploits and the legends the peasants had woven about his -personality. There was considerable difference of opinion, however, -among the Anarchists concerning the significance of the Makhno -movement. Some regarded it as expressive of Anarchism and believed -that the Anarchists should devote all their energies to it. Others -held that the <i>povstantsi</i> represented the native rebellious spirit -of the southern peasants, but that their movement was not Anarchism, -though anarchistically tinged. They were not in favour of limiting -themselves to that movement; they believed their work should be of a -more embracing and universal character. Several of our friends took -an entirely different position, denying to the Makhno movement any -anarchistic meaning whatever.</p> - -<p>Most enthusiastic about Makhno and <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span>emphatic about the Anarchist value -of that movement was Joseph, known as the "Emigrant"—the very last -man one would have expected to wax warm over a military organization. -Joseph was as mild and gentle as a girl. In America he had participated -in the Anarchist and Labour movements in a quiet and unassuming manner, -and very few knew the true worth of the man. Since his return to Russia -he had been in the thick of the struggle. He had spent much time with -Makhno and had learned to love and admire him for his revolutionary -devotion and courage. Joseph related an interesting experience of his -first visit to the peasant leader. When he arrived the <i>povstantsi</i> for -some reason conceived the notion that he had come to harm their chief. -One of Makhno's closest friends claimed that Joseph, being a Jew, must -also be an emissary of the Bolsheviki sent to kill Makhno. When he saw -how attached Makhno became to Joseph, he decided to kill "the Jew." -Fortunately he first warned his leader, whereupon Makhno called his -men together and addressed them somewhat in this manner: "Joseph is a -Jew and an idealist; he is an Anarchist. I consider him my comrade and -friend and I shall hold everyone responsible for his safety." Idolized<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> -by his army, Makhno's word was enough: Joseph became the trusted -friend of the <i>povstantsi</i>. They believed in him because their <i>batka</i> -[father] had faith in him, and Joseph in return became deeply devoted -to them. Now he insisted that he must return to the rebel camp: they -were heroic people, simple, brave, and devoted to the cause of liberty. -He was planning to join Makhno again. Yet I could not free myself of -the feeling that if Joseph went back I should never see him alive any -more. He seemed to me like one of those characters in Zola's "Germinal" -who loves every living thing and yet is able to resort to dynamite for -the sake of the striking miners.</p> - -<p>I expressed the view to my friends that, important as the Makhno -movement might be, it was of a purely military nature and could not, -therefore, be expressive of the Anarchist spirit. I was sorry to see -Joseph return to the Makhno camp, for his work for the Anarchist -movement in Russia could be of much greater value. But he was -determined, and I felt that it was Joseph's despair at the reactionary -tendencies of the Bolsheviki which drove him, as it did so many others -of his comrades, away from the Communists and into the ranks of Makhno.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span></p> - -<p>During our stay in Kharkov I also visited the Department of Labour -Distribution, which had come into existence since the militarization of -labour. According to the Bolsheviki it became necessary then to return -the workers from the villages to which they had streamed from the -starving cities. They had to be registered and classified according to -trades and distributed to points where their services were most needed. -In the carrying out of this plan many people were daily rounded up on -the streets and in the market place. Together with the large numbers -arrested as speculators or for possession of Tsarist money, they were -put on the list of the Labour Distribution Department. Some were sent -to the Donetz Basin, while the weaker ones went on to concentration -camps. The Communists justified this system and method as necessary -during a revolutionary period in order to build up the industries. -Everybody must work in Russia, they said, or be forced to work. They -claimed that the industrial output had increased since the introduction -of the compulsory labour law.</p> - -<p>I had occasion to discuss these matters with many Communists and I -doubted the efficacy of the new policy.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span></p> - -<p>One evening a woman called at my room and introduced herself as -the former owner of the apartment. Since all the houses had been -nationalized she was allowed to keep three rooms, the rest of her -apartment having been put in charge of the House Bureau. Her family -consisted of eight members, including her parents and a married -daughter with her family. It was almost impossible to crowd all into -three rooms, especially considering the terrific heat of the Kharkov -summer; yet somehow they had managed. But two weeks prior to our -arrival in Kharkov Zinoviev visited the city. At a public meeting he -declared that the bourgeoisie of the city looked too well fed and -dressed. "It proves," he said, "that the comrades and especially the -Tcheka are neglecting their duty." No sooner had Zinoviev departed than -wholesale arrests and night raids began. Confiscation became the order -of the day. Her apartment, the woman related, had also been visited and -most of her effects taken away. But worst of all was that the Tcheka -ordered her to vacate one of the rooms, and now the whole family was -crowded into two small rooms. She was much worried lest a member of the -Tcheka or a Red Army man be assigned to the vacant room.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> "We felt much -relieved," she said, "when we were informed that someone from America -was to occupy this room. We wish you would remain here for a long time."</p> - -<p>Till then I had not come in personal contact with the members of the -expropriated bourgeoisie who had actually been made to suffer by the -Revolution. The few middle-class families I had met lived well, which -was a source of surprise to me. Thus in Petrograd a certain chemist I -had become acquainted with in Shatov's house lived in a very expensive -way. The Soviet authorities permitted him to operate his factory, and -he supplied the Government with chemicals at a cost much less than the -Government could manufacture them at. He paid his workers comparatively -high wages and provided them with rations. On a certain occasion I was -invited to dinner by the chemist's family. I found them living in a -luxurious apartment containing many valuable objects and art treasures. -My hostess, the chemist's wife, was expensively gowned and wore a -costly necklace. Dinner consisted of several courses and was served -in an extravagant manner with exquisite damask linen in abundance. It -must have cost several hundred thousand rubles,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> which in 1920 was a -small fortune in Russia. The astonishing thing to me was that almost -everybody in Petrograd knew the chemist and was familiar with his mode -of life. But I was informed that he was needed by the Soviet Government -and that he was therefore permitted to live as he pleased. Once I -expressed my surprise to him that the Bolsheviki had not confiscated -his wealth. He assured me that he was not the only one of the -bourgeoisie who had retained his former condition. "The bourgeoisie is -by no means dead," he said; "it has only been chloroformed for a while, -so to speak, for the painful operation. But it is already recovering -from the effect of the anesthetic and soon it will have recuperated -entirely. It only needs a little more time." The woman who visited me -in the Kharkov room had not managed so well as the Petrograd chemist. -She was a part of the wreckage left by the revolutionary storm that had -swept over Russia.</p> - -<p>During my stay in the Ukrainian capital I met some interesting people -of the professional classes, among them an engineer who had just -returned from the Donetz Basin and a woman employed in a Soviet Bureau. -Both were cultured persons and keenly alive to the fate of Russia. We -discussed the Zinoviev visit. They<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> corroborated the story told me -before. Zinoviev had upbraided his comrades for their laxity toward the -bourgeoisie and criticized them for not suppressing trade. Immediately -upon Zinoviev's departure the Tcheka began indiscriminate raids, the -members of the bourgeoisie losing on that occasion almost the last -things they possessed. The most tragic part of it, according to the -engineer, was that the workers did not benefit by such raids. No one -knew what became of the things confiscated—they just disappeared. -Both the engineer and the woman Soviet employee spoke with much -concern about the general disintegration of ideas. The Russians once -believed, the woman said, that hovels and palaces were equally wrong -and should be abolished. It never occurred to them that the purpose of -a revolution is merely to cause a transfer of possessions—to put the -rich into the hovels and the poor into the palaces. It was not true -that the workers have gotten into the palaces. They were only made to -believe that that is the function of a revolution. In reality, the -masses remained where they had been before. But now they were not alone -there: they were in the company of the classes they meant to destroy.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span></p> - -<p>The civil engineer had been sent by the Soviet Government to the Donetz -Basin to build homes for the workers, and I was glad of the opportunity -to learn from him about the conditions there. The Communist press was -publishing glowing accounts about the intensive coal production of the -Basin, and official calculations claimed that the country would be -provided with sufficient coal for the approaching winter. In reality, -the Donetz mines were in a most deplorable state, the engineer informed -me. The miners were herded like cattle. They received abominable -rations, were almost barefoot, and were forced to work standing -in water up to their ankles. As a result of such conditions very -little coal was being produced. "I was one of a committee ordered to -investigate the situation and report our findings," said the engineer. -"Our report is far from favourable. We know that it is dangerous to -relate the facts as we found them: it may land us in the Tcheka. But -we decided that Moscow must face the facts. The system of political -Commissars, general Bolshevik inefficiency, and the paralysing effect -of the State machinery have made our constructive work in the Basin -almost impossible. It was a dismal failure."</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span></p> - -<p>Could such a condition of affairs be avoided in a revolutionary -period and in a country so little developed industrially as Russia? I -questioned. The Revolution was being attacked by the bourgeoisie within -and without; there was compelling need of defence and no energies -remained for constructive work. The engineer scorned my viewpoint. The -Russian bourgeoisie was weak and could offer practically no resistance, -he claimed. It was numerically insignificant and it suffered from a -sick conscience. There was neither need nor justification for Bolshevik -terrorism and it was mainly the latter that paralysed the constructive -efforts. Middle-class intellectuals had been active for many years in -the liberal and revolutionary movements of Russia, and thus the members -of the bourgeoisie had become closer to the masses. When the great day -arrived the bourgeoisie, caught unawares, preferred to give up rather -than to put up a fight. It was stunned by the Revolution more than any -other class in Russia. It was quite unprepared and has not gotten its -bearings even to this day. It was not true, as the Bolsheviki claimed, -that the Russian bourgeoisie was an active menace to the Revolution.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span></p> - -<p>I had been advised to see the Chief of the Department of Workers' and -Peasants' Inspection, the position being held by a woman, formerly -an officer of the Tcheka, reputed to be very severe, even cruel, but -efficient. She could supply me with much valuable material, I was -told, and give me entrance to the prisons and concentration camps. On -my visiting the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection offices I found the -lady in charge not at all cordial at first. She ignored my credentials, -apparently not impressed by Zinoviev's signature. Presently a man -stepped out from an inner office. He proved to be Dibenko, a high Red -Army officer, and he informed me that he had heard of me from Alexandra -Kollontay, whom he referred to as his wife. He promised that I should -get all available material and asked me to return later in the day. -When I called again I found the lady much more amiable and willing to -give me information about the activities of her department. It appeared -that the latter had been organized to fight growing sabotage and graft. -It was part of the duties of the Tcheka, but it was found necessary to -create the new department for the inspection and correction of abuses. -"It is the tribunal to which cases may be appealed," said the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> woman; -"just now, for instance, we are investigating complaints of prisoners -who had been wrongly convicted or received excessive sentences." She -promised to secure for us permission to inspect the penal institutions -and several days later several members of the Expedition were given the -opportunity.</p> - -<p>First we visited the main concentration camp of Kharkov. We found -a number of prisoners working in the yard, digging a new sewer. It -was certainly needed, for the whole place was filled with nauseating -smells. The prison building was divided into a number of rooms, all of -them overcrowded. One of the compartments was called the "speculators' -apartment," though almost all its inmates protested against being -thus classed. They looked poor and starved, everyone of them anxious -to tell us his tale of woe, apparently under the impression that we -were official investigators. In one of the corridors we found several -Communists charged with sabotage. Evidently the Soviet Government did -not discriminate in favour of its own people.</p> - -<p>There were in the camp White officers taken prisoners at the Polish -front, and scores of peasant men and women held on various charges. -They presented a pitiful sight, sitting there on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> the floor for lack of -benches, a pathetic lot, bewildered and unable to grasp the combination -of events which had caught them in the net.</p> - -<p>More than one thousand able-bodied men were locked up in the -concentration camp, of no service to the community and requiring -numerous officials to guard and attend them. And yet Russia was badly -in need of labour energy. It seemed to me an impractical waste.</p> - -<p>Later we visited the prison. At the gates an angry mob was -gesticulating and shouting. I learned that the weekly parcels brought -by relatives of the inmates had that morning been refused acceptance -by the prison authorities. Some of the people had come for miles and -had spent their last ruble for food for their arrested husbands and -brothers. They were frantic. Our escort, the woman in charge of the -Bureau, promised to investigate the matter. We made the rounds of the -big prison—a depressing sight of human misery and despair. In the -solitary were those condemned to death. For days their look haunted -me—their eyes full of terror at the torturing uncertainty, fearing to -be called at any moment to face death.</p> - -<p>We had been asked by our Kharkov friends to find a certain young -woman in the prison. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span>Trying to avoid arousing attention we sought -her with our eyes in various parts of the institution, till we saw -someone answering her description. She was an Anarchist, held as -a political. The prison conditions were bad, she told us. It had -required a protracted hunger strike to compel the authorities to -treat the politicals more decently and to keep the doors of those -condemned to death open during the day, so that they could receive a -little cheer and comfort from the other prisoners. She told of many -unjustly arrested and pointed out an old stupid-looking peasant woman -locked up in solitary as a Makhno spy, a charge obviously due to a -misunderstanding.</p> - -<p>The prison régime was very rigid. Among other things, it was forbidden -the prisoners to climb up on the windows or to look out into the -yard. The story was related to us of a prisoner being shot for once -disobeying that rule. He had heard some noise in the street below and, -curious to know what was going on, he climbed up on the window sill of -his cell. The sentry in the yard gave no warning. He fired, severely -wounding the man. Many similar stories of severity and abuse we heard -from the prisoners. On our way to town I expressed surprise at the -conditions that were being tolerated in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> prisons. I remarked to our -guide that it would cause a serious scandal if the western world were -to learn under what conditions prisoners live and how they are treated -in Socialist Russia. Nothing could justify such brutality, I thought. -But the chairman of the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection remained -unmoved. "We are living in a revolutionary period," she replied; -"these matters cannot be helped." But she promised to investigate some -cases of extreme injustice which we had pointed out to her. I was not -convinced that the Revolution was responsible for the existing evils. -If the Revolution really had to support so much brutality and crime, -what was the purpose of the Revolution, after all?</p> - -<p>At the end of our first week in Kharkov I returned to the Department of -Education where I had been promised material. To my surprise I found -that nothing had been prepared. I was informed that the chairman was -absent, and again assured that the promised data would be collected and -ready before our departure. I was then referred to the man in charge -of a certain school experimental department. The chairman had told me -that some interesting educational methods were being developed, but I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> -found the manager unintelligent and dull. He could tell me nothing of -the new methods, but he was willing to send for one of the instructors -to explain things to me. A messenger was dispatched, but he soon -returned with the information that the teacher was busy demonstrating -to his class and could not come. The manager flew into a rage. "He -must come," he shouted; "the bourgeoisie are sabotaging like the other -damnable <i>intelligentsia</i>. They ought all to be shot. We can do very -well without them." He was one of the type of narrow-minded fanatical -and persecuting Communists who did more harm to the Revolution than any -counter-revolutionary.</p> - -<p>During our stay in Kharkov we also had time to visit some factories. -In a plough manufacturing plant we found a large loft stacked with the -finished product. I was surprised that the ploughs were kept in the -factory instead of being put to practical use on the farms. "We are -awaiting orders from Moscow," the manager explained; "it was a rush -order and we were threatened with arrest for sabotage in case it should -not be ready for shipment within six weeks. That was six months ago, -and as you see the ploughs are still here. The peasants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> need them -badly, and we need their bread. But we cannot exchange. We must await -orders from Moscow."</p> - -<p>I recalled a remark of Zinoviev when on our first meeting he stated -that Petrograd lacked fuel, notwithstanding the fact that less than a -hundred versts from the city there was enough to supply almost half the -country. I suggested on that occasion that the workers of Petrograd -be called upon to get the fuel to the city. Zinoviev thought it very -naďve. "Should we grant such a thing in Petrograd," he said, "the -same demand would be made in other cities. It would create communal -competition which is a bourgeois institution. It would interfere -with our plan of nationalized and centralized control." That was the -dominating principle, and as a result of it the Kharkov workers lacked -bread until Moscow should give orders to have the ploughs sent to the -peasants. The supremacy of the State was the cornerstone of Marxism.</p> - -<p>Several days before leaving Kharkov I once more visited the Board of -Education and again I failed to find its chairman. To my consternation -I was informed that I would receive no material because it had been -decided that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> Ukraina was to have its own museum and the chairman -had gone to Kiev to organize it. I felt indignant at the miserable -deception practised upon us by a man in high Communist position. Surely -Ukraina had the right to have its own museum, but why this petty fraud -which caused the Expedition to lose so much valuable time.</p> - -<p>The sequel to this incident came a few days later when we were -surprised by the hasty arrival of our secretary who informed us that -we must leave Kharkov immediately and as quietly as possible, because -the local executive committee of the party had decided to prevent our -carrying out statistical material from Ukraina. Accordingly, we made -haste to leave in order to save what we had already collected. We knew -the material would be lost if it remained in Kharkov and that the plan -of an independent Ukrainian museum would for many years remain only on -paper.</p> - -<p>Before departing we made arrangements for a last conference with our -local friends. We felt that we might never see them again. On that -occasion the work of the "Nabat" Federation was discussed in detail. -That general Anarchist organization of the south had been founded as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> a -result of the experiences of the Russian Anarchists and the conviction -that a unified body was necessary to make their work more effective. -They wanted not merely to die but to live for the Revolution. It -appeared that the Anarchists of Russia had been divided into several -factions, most of them numerically small and of little practical -influence upon the progress of events in Russia. They had been unable -to establish a permanent hold in the ranks of the workers. It was -therefore decided to gather all the Anarchist elements of the Ukraina -into one federation and thus be in condition to present a solid front -in the struggle not only against invasion and counter-revolution, but -also against Communist persecution.</p> - -<p>By means of unified effort the "Nabat" was able to cover most of the -south and get in close touch with the life of the workers and the -peasantry. The frequent changes of government in the Ukraina finally -drove the Anarchists to cover, the relentless persecution of the -Bolsheviki having depleted their ranks of the most active workers. -Still the Federation had taken root among the people. The little -band was in constant danger, but it was energetically continuing its -educational and propaganda work.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Kharkov Anarchists had evidently expected much from our presence -in Russia. They hoped that Alexander Berkman and myself would join -them in their work. We were already seven months in Russia but had -as yet taken no direct part in the Anarchist movement. I could sense -the disappointment and impatience of our comrades. They were eager we -should at least inform the European and American Anarchists of what -was going on in Russia, particularly about the ruthless persecution of -the Left revolutionary elements. Well could I understand the attitude -of my Ukrainian friends. They had suffered much during the last years: -they had seen the high hopes of the Revolution crushed and Russia -breaking down beneath the heel of the Bolshevik State. Yet I could -not comply with their wishes. I still had faith in the Bolsheviki, in -their revolutionary sincerity and integrity. Moreover, I felt that as -long as Russia was being attacked from the outside I could not speak -in criticism. I would not add fuel to the fires of counter-revolution. -I therefore had to keep silent, and stand by the Bolsheviki as the -organized defenders of the Revolution. But my Russian friends scorned -this view. I was confounding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> the Communist Party with the Revolution, -they said; they were not the same; on the contrary, they were opposed, -even antagonistic. The Communist State, according to the "Nabat" -Anarchists, had proven fatal to the Revolution.</p> - -<p>Within a few hours before our departure we received the confidential -information that Makhno had sent a call for Alexander Berkman and -myself to visit him. He wished to place his situation before us, and, -through us, before the Anarchist movement of the world. He desired to -have it widely understood that he was not the bandit, Jew-baiter, and -counter-revolutionist the Bolsheviki had proclaimed him. He was devoted -to the Revolution and was serving the interests of the people as he -conceived them.</p> - -<p>It was a great temptation to meet the modern Stenka Rasin, but we were -pledged to the Museum and could not break faith with the other members -of the Expedition.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XX</span> <span class="smaller">POLTAVA</span></h2> - -<p>In the general dislocation of life in Russia and the breaking down -of her economic machinery the railroad system had suffered most. The -subject was discussed in almost every meeting and every Soviet paper -often wrote about it. Between Petrograd and Moscow, however, the real -state of affairs was not so noticeable, though the main stations -were always overcrowded and the people waited for days trying to -secure places. Still, trains between Petrograd and Moscow ran fairly -regularly. If one was fortunate enough to procure the necessary -permission to travel, and a ticket, one could manage to make the -journey without particular danger to life or limb. But the farther -south one went the more apparent became the disorganization. Broken -cars dotted the landscape, disabled engines lay along the route, and -frequently the tracks were torn up. Everywhere in the Ukraina the -stations were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> filled to suffocation, the people making a wild rush -whenever a train was sighted. Most of them remained for weeks on the -platforms before succeeding in getting into a train. The steps and even -the roofs of the cars were crowded by men and women loaded with bundles -and bags. At every station there was a savage scramble for a bit of -space. Soldiers drove the passengers off the steps and the roofs, and -often they had to resort to arms. Yet so desperate were the people and -so determined to get to some place where there was hope of securing -a little food, that they seemed indifferent to arrest and risked -their lives continuously in this mode of travel. As a result of this -situation there were numberless accidents, scores of travellers being -often swept to their death by low bridges. These sights had become -so common that practically no attention was paid to them. Travelling -southward and on our return we frequently witnessed these scenes. -Constantly the <i>meshotchniki</i> [people with bags] mobbed the cars in -search of food, or when returning laden with their precious burden of -flour and potatoes.</p> - -<p>Day and night the terrible scenes kept repeating themselves at every -station. It was becoming a torture to travel in our well-equipped<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> car. -It contained only six persons, leaving considerable room for more; yet -we were forbidden to share it with others. It was not only because of -the danger of infection or of insects but because the Museum effects -and the material collected would have surely vanished had we allowed -strangers on board. We sought to salve our conscience by permitting -women and children or cripples to travel on the rear platform of our -car, though even that was contrary to orders.</p> - -<p>Another feature which caused us considerable annoyance was the -inscription on our car, which read: Extraordinary Commission of the -Museum of the Revolution. Our friends at the Museum had assured us -that the "title" would help us to secure attention at the stations and -would also be effective in getting our car attached to such trains as -we needed. But already the first few days proved that the inscription -roused popular feeling against us. The name "Extraordinary Commission" -signified to the people the Tcheka. They paid no attention to the other -words, being terrorized by the first. Early in the journey we noticed -the sinister looks that met us at the stations and the unwillingness -of the people to enter into friendly conversation. Presently it -dawned on us what was wrong; but it required<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> considerable effort -to explain the misunderstanding. Once put at his ease, the simple -Russian opened up his heart to us. A kind word, a solicitous inquiry, -a cigarette, changed his attitude. Especially when assured that we -were not Communists and that we had come from America, the people -along the route would soften and become more talkative, sometimes even -confidential. They were unsophisticated and primitive, often crude. -But illiterate and undeveloped as they were, these plain folk were -clear about their needs. They were unspoiled and possessed of a deep -faith in elementary justice and equality. I was often moved almost to -tears by these Russian peasant men and women clinging to the steps of -the moving train, every moment in danger of their lives, yet remaining -good-humoured and indifferent to their miserable condition. They -would exchange stories of their lives or sometimes break out in the -melodious, sad songs of the south. At the stations, while the train -waited for an engine, the peasants would gather into groups, form a -large circle, and then someone would begin to play the accordion, -the bystanders accompanying with song. It was strange to see these -hungry and ragged peasants, huge loads on their backs,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> standing about -entirely forgetful of their environment, pouring their hearts out in -folk songs. A peculiar people, these Russians, saint and devil in one, -manifesting the highest as well as the most brutal impulses, capable of -almost anything except sustained effort. I have often wondered whether -this lack did not to some extent explain the disorganization of the -country and the tragic condition of the Revolution.</p> - -<p>We reached Poltava in the morning. The city looked cheerful in the -bright sunlight, the streets lined with trees, with little garden -patches between them. Vegetables in great variety were growing on them, -and it was refreshing to note that no fences were about and still the -vegetables were safe, which would surely not have been the case in -Petrograd or Moscow. Apparently there was not so much hunger in this -city as in the north.</p> - -<p>Together with the Expedition Secretary I visited the government -headquarters. Instead of the usual <i>Ispolkom</i> [Executive Committee of -the Soviet] Poltava was ruled by a revolutionary committee known as the -<i>Revkom</i>. This indicated that the Bolsheviki had not yet had time to -organize a Soviet in the city. We succeeded in getting the chairman of -the <i>Revkom</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> interested in the purpose of our journey and he promised -to coöperate and to issue an order to the various departments that -material be collected and prepared for us. Our gracious reception -augured good returns.</p> - -<p>In the Bureau for the Care of Mothers and Infants I met two very -interesting women—one the daughter of the great Russian writer, -Korolenko, the other the former chairman of the Save-the-Children -Society. Learning of the purpose of my presence in Poltava the women -offered their aid and invited me to visit their school and the near-by -home of Korolenko.</p> - -<p>The school was located in a small house set deep in a beautiful garden, -the place hardly visible from the street. The reception room contained -a rich collection of dolls of every variety. There were handsome -Ukrainian lassies, competing in colourful dress and headgear with their -beautiful sisters from the Caucasus; dashing Cossacks from the Don -looked proudly at their less graceful brothers from the Volga. There -were dolls of every description, representing local costumes of almost -every part of Russia. The collection also contained various toys, the -handwork of the villages, and beautiful designs of the <i>kustarny</i> -manufacture, <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span>representing groups of children in Russian and Siberian -peasant attire.</p> - -<p>The ladies of the house related the story of the Save-the-Children -Society. The organization in existence, for a number of years, was of -very limited scope until the February Revolution. Then new elements, -mainly of revolutionary type, joined the society. They strove to extend -its work and to provide not only for the physical well-being of the -children but also to educate them, teach them to love work and develop -their appreciation of beauty. Toys and dolls, made chiefly of waste -material, were exhibited and the proceeds applied to the needs of the -children. After the October Revolution, when the Bolsheviki possessed -themselves of Poltava, the society was repeatedly raided and some -of the instructors arrested on suspicion that the institution was a -counter-revolutionary nest. The small band which remained went on, -however, with their efforts on behalf of the children. They succeeded -in sending a delegation to Lunacharsky to appeal for permission to -carry on their work. Lunacharsky proved sympathetic, issued the -requested document, and even provided them with a letter to the local -authorities, pointing out the importance of their labours.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span></p> - -<p>But the society continued to be subjected to annoyance and -discrimination. To avoid being charged with sabotage the women offered -their services to the Poltava Department of Education. There they -worked from nine in the morning till three in the afternoon, devoting -their leisure time to their school. But the antagonism of the Communist -authorities was not appeased: the society remained in disfavour.</p> - -<p>The women pointed out that the Soviet Government pretended to stand -for self-determination and yet every independent effort was being -discredited and all initiative discouraged, if not entirely suppressed. -Not even the Ukrainian Communists were permitted self-determination. -The majority of the chiefs of the departments were Moscow appointees, -and Ukraina was practically deprived of opportunity for independent -action. A bitter struggle was going on between the Communist Party of -Ukraina and the Central authorities in Moscow. The policy of the latter -was to control everything.</p> - -<p>The women were devoted to the cause of the children and willing to -suffer misunderstanding and even persecution for the sake of their -interest in the welfare of their charges. Both had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> understanding -for and sympathy with the Revolution, though they could not approve -of the terroristic methods of the Bolsheviki. They were intelligent -and cultured people and I felt their home an oasis in the desert of -Communist thought and feeling. Before I left the ladies supplied me -with a collection of the children's work and some exquisite colour -drawings by Miss Korolenko, begging me to send the things to America as -specimens of their labours. They were very eager to have the American -people learn about their society and its efforts.</p> - -<p>Subsequently I had the opportunity of meeting Korolenko who was still -very feeble from his recent illness. He looked the patriarch, venerable -and benign; he quickly warmed one's heart by his melodious voice and -the fine face that lit up when he spoke of the people. He referred -affectionately to America and his friends there. But the light faded -out of his eyes and his voice quivered with grief as he spoke of the -great tragedy of Russia and the suffering of the people.</p> - -<p>"You want to know my views on the present situation and my attitude -toward the Bolsheviki?" he asked. "It would take too long to tell you -about it. I am writing to Lunacharsky<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> a series of letters for which -he had asked and which he promised to publish. The letters deal with -this subject. Frankly speaking, I do not believe they will ever appear -in print, but I shall send you a copy of the letters for the Museum as -soon as they are complete. There will be six of them. I can give you -two right now. Briefly, my opinion is summarized in a certain passage -in one of these letters. I said there that if the gendarmes of the -Tsar would have had the power not only to arrest but also to shoot -us, the situation would have been like the present one. That is what -is happening before my eyes every day. The Bolsheviki claim that such -methods are inseparable from the Revolution. But I cannot agree with -them that persecution and constant shooting will serve the interests -of the people or of the Revolution. It was always my conception that -revolution meant the highest expression of humanity and of justice. In -Russia to-day both are absent. At a time when the fullest expression -and coöperation of all intellectual and spiritual forces are necessary -to reconstruct the country, a gag has been placed upon the whole -people. To dare question the wisdom and efficacy of the so-called -dictatorship of the proletariat or of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> Communist Party leaders is -considered a crime. We lack the simplest requisites of the real essence -of a social revolution, and yet we pretend to have placed ourselves at -the head of a world revolution. Poor Russia will have to pay dearly -for this experiment. It may even delay for a long time fundamental -changes in other countries. The bourgeoisie will be able to defend its -reactionary methods by pointing to what has happened in Russia."</p> - -<p>With heavy heart I took leave of the famous writer, one of the last of -the great literary men who had been the conscience and the spiritual -voice of intellectual Russia. Again I felt him uttering the cry of that -part of the Russian <i>intelligentsia</i> whose sympathies were entirely -with the people and whose life and work were inspired only by the love -of their country and the interest for its welfare.</p> - -<p>In the evening I visited a relative of Korolenko, a very sympathetic -old lady who was the chairman of the Poltava Political Red Cross. She -told me much about things that Korolenko himself was too modest to -mention. Old and feeble as he was, he was spending most of his time -in the Tcheka, trying to save the lives of those innocently condemned -to death. He <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span>frequently wrote letters of appeal to Lenin, Gorki, and -Lunacharsky, begging them to intervene to prevent senseless executions. -The present chairman of the Poltava Tcheka was a man relentless and -cruel. His sole solution of difficult problems was shooting. The lady -smiled sadly when I told her that the man had been very gracious to -the members of our Expedition. "That was for show," she said, "we know -him better. We have daily occasion to see his graciousness from this -balcony. Here pass the victims taken to slaughter."</p> - -<p>Poltava is famous as a manufacturing centre of peasant handicrafts. -Beautiful linen, embroidery, laces, and basket work were among the -products of the province's industry. I visited the Department of Social -Economy, the <i>sovnarkhoz</i>, where I learned that those industries -were practically suspended. Only a small collection remained in the -Department. "We used to supply the whole world, even America, with our -<i>kustarny</i> work," said the woman in charge, who had formerly been the -head of the <i>Zemstvo</i>, which took special pride in fostering those -peasant efforts. "Our needlework was known all over the country as -among the finest specimens of art, but now it has all been destroyed. -The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> peasants have lost their art impulse, they have become brutalized -and corrupted." She was bemoaning the loss of peasant art as a mother -does that of her child.</p> - -<p>During our stay in Poltava we got in touch with representatives of -various other social elements. The reaction of the Zionists toward the -Bolshevik régime was particularly interesting. At first they refused -to speak with us, evidently made very cautious by previous experience. -It was also the presence of our secretary, a Gentile, that aroused -their distrust. I arranged to meet some of the Zionists alone, and -gradually they became more confidential. I had learned in Moscow, in -connection with the arrest of the Zionists there, that the Bolsheviki -were inclined to consider them counter-revolutionary. But I found the -Poltava Zionists very simple orthodox Jews who certainly could not -impress any one as conspirators or active enemies. They were passive, -though bitter against the Bolshevik régime. It was claimed that the -Bolsheviki made no pogroms and that they do not persecute the Jews, -they said; but that was true only in a certain sense. There were two -kinds of pogroms: the loud, violent ones, and the silent ones. Of the -two the Zionists considered the former preferable.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> The violent pogrom -might last a day or a week; the Jews are attacked and robbed, sometimes -even murdered; and then it is over. But the silent pogroms continued -all the time. They consisted of constant discrimination, persecution, -and hounding. The Bolsheviki had closed the Jewish hospitals and now -sick Jews were forced to eat <i>treife</i> in the Gentile hospitals. The -same applied to the Jewish children in the Bolshevik feeding houses. -If a Jew and a Gentile happened to be arrested on the same charge, it -was certain that the Gentile would go free while the Jew would be sent -to prison and sometimes even shot. They were all the time exposed to -insult and indignities, not to mention the fact that they were doomed -to slow starvation, since all trade had been suppressed. The Jews in -the Ukraina were suffering a continuous silent pogrom.</p> - -<p>I felt that the Zionist criticism of the Bolshevik régime was inspired -by a narrow religious and nationalistic attitude. They were Orthodox -Jews, mostly tradesmen whom the Revolution had deprived of their sphere -of activity. Nevertheless, their problem was real—the problem of the -Jew suffocating in the atmosphere of active anti-Semitism. In Poltava -the leading <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span>Communist and Bolshevik officials were Gentiles. Their -dislike of the Jews was frank and open. Anti-Semitism throughout the -Ukraine was more virulent than even in pre-revolutionary days.</p> - -<p>After leaving Poltava we continued on our journey south, but we -did not get farther than Fastov owing to the lack of engines. That -town, once prosperous, was now impoverished and reduced to less than -one third of its former population. Almost all activity was at a -standstill. We found the market place, in the centre of the town, a -most insignificant affair, consisting of a few stalls having small -supplies of white flour, sugar, and butter. There were more women -about than men, and I was especially struck by the strange expression -in their eyes. They did not look you full in the face; they stared -past you with a dumb, hunted animal expression. We told the women that -we had heard many terrible pogroms had taken place in Fastov and we -wished to get data on the subject to be sent to America to enlighten -the people there on the condition of the Ukrainian Jews. As the news -of our presence spread many women and children surrounded us, all much -excited and each trying to tell her story of the horrors of Fastov. -Fearful pogroms, they <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span>related, had taken place in that city, the -most terrible of them by Denikin, in September, 1919. It lasted eight -days, during which 4,000 persons were killed, while several thousand -died as the result of wounds and shock. Seven thousand perished from -hunger and exposure on the road to Kiev, while trying to escape the -Denikin savages. The greater part of the city had been destroyed or -burned; many of the older Jews were trapped in the synagogue and there -murdered, while others had been driven to the public square where -they were slaughtered. Not a woman, young or old, that had not been -outraged, most of them in the very sight of their fathers, husbands, -and brothers. The young girls, some of them mere children, had suffered -repeated violation at the hands of the Denikin soldiers. I understood -the dreadful look in the eyes of the women of Fastov.</p> - -<p>Men and women besieged us with appeals to inform their relatives in -America about their miserable condition. Almost everyone, it seemed, -had some kin in that country. They crowded into our car in the -evenings, bringing scores of letters to be forwarded to the States. -Some of the messages bore no addresses, the simple folk thinking the -name sufficient. Others<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> had not heard from their American kindred -during the years of war and revolution but still hoped that they were -to be found somewhere across the ocean. It was touching to see the -people's deep faith that their relatives in America would save them.</p> - -<p>Every evening our car was filled with the unfortunates of Fastov. Among -them was a particularly interesting visitor, a former attorney, who had -repeatedly braved the pogrom makers and saved many Jewish lives. He -had kept a diary of the pogroms and we spent a whole evening listening -to the reading of his manuscript. It was a simple recital of facts and -dates, terrible in its unadorned objectivity. It was the soul cry of -a people continuously violated and tortured and living in daily fear -of new indignities and outrages. Only one bright spot there was in the -horrible picture: no pogroms had taken place under the Bolsheviki. The -gratitude of the Fastov Jews was pathetic. They clung to the Communists -as to a saving straw. It was encouraging to think that the Bolshevik -régime was at least free from that worst of all Russian curses, pogroms -against Jews.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span></p> - -<h2><span>CHAPTER XXI</span> <span class="smaller">KIEV</span></h2> - -<p>Owing to the many difficulties and delays the journey from Fastov -to Kiev lasted six days and was a continuous nightmare. The railway -situation was appalling. At every station scores of freight cars -clogged the lines. Nor were they loaded with provisions to feed the -starving cities; they were densely packed with human cargo among whom -the sick were a large percentage. All along the route the waiting rooms -and platforms were filled with crowds, bedraggled and dirty. Even -more ghastly were the scenes at night. Everywhere masses of desperate -people, shouting and struggling to gain a foothold on the train. They -resembled the damned of Dante's Inferno, their faces ashen gray in -the dim light, all frantically fighting for a place. Now and then an -agonized cry would ring through the night and the already moving train -would come to a halt: somebody had been thrown to his death under the -wheels.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span></p> - -<p>It was a relief to reach Kiev. We had expected to find the city almost -in ruins, but we were pleasantly disappointed. When we left Petrograd -the Soviet Press contained numerous stories of vandalism committed by -Poles before evacuating Kiev. They had almost demolished the famous -ancient cathedral in the city, the papers wrote, destroyed the water -works and electric stations, and set fire to several parts of the -city. Tchicherin and Lunacharsky issued passionate appeals to the -cultured people of the world in protest against such barbarism. The -crime of the Poles against Art was compared with that committed by -the Germans in Rheims, whose celebrated cathedral had been injured by -Prussian artillery. We were, therefore, much surprised to find Kiev in -even better condition than Petrograd. In fact, the city had suffered -very little, considering the numerous changes of government and the -accompanying military operations. It is true that some bridges and -railroad tracks had been blown up on the outskirts of the city, but -Kiev itself was almost unharmed. People looked at us in amazement when -we made inquiries about the condition of the cathedral: they had not -heard the Moscow report.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span></p> - -<p>Unlike our welcome in Kharkov and Poltava, Kiev proved a -disappointment. The secretary of the <i>Ispolkom</i> was not very amiable -and appeared not at all impressed by Zinoviev's signature on our -credentials. Our secretary succeeded in seeing the chairman of the -Executive Committee, but returned very discouraged: that high official -was too impatient to listen to her representations. He was busy, he -said, and could not be troubled. It was decided that I try my luck as -an American, with the result that the chairman finally agreed to give -us access to the available material. It was a sad reflection on the -irony of life. America was in league with world imperialism to starve -and crush Russia. Yet it was sufficient to mention that one came from -America to find the key to everything Russian. It was pathetic, and -rather distasteful to make use of that key.</p> - -<p>In Kiev antagonism to Communism was intense, even the local Bolsheviki -being bitter against Moscow. It was out of the question for anyone -coming from "the centre" to secure their coöperation unless armed with -State powers. The Government employees in Soviet institutions took no -interest in anything save their rations. Bureaucratic indifference -and <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span>incompetence in Ukraina were even worse than in Moscow and were -augmented by nationalistic resentment against the "Russians." It was -true also of Kharkov and Poltava, though in a lesser degree. Here the -very atmosphere was charged with distrust and hatred of everything -Muscovite. The deception practised on us by the chairman of the -Educational Department of Kharkov was characteristic of the resentment -almost every Ukrainian official felt toward Moscow. The chairman was a -Ukrainian to the core, but he could not openly ignore our credentials -signed by Zinoviev and Lunacharsky. He promised to aid our efforts but -he disliked the idea of Petrograd "absorbing" the historic material -of the Ukraina. In Kiev there was no attempt to mask the opposition -to Moscow. One was made to feel it everywhere. But the moment the -magic word "America" was spoken and the people made to understand that -one was not a Communist, they became interested and courteous, even -confidential. The Ukrainian Communists were also no exception.</p> - -<p>The information and documents collected in Kiev were of the same -character as the data gathered in former cities. The system of -education, care of the sick, distribution of labour and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> so forth were -similar to the general Bolshevik scheme. "We follow the Moscow plan," -said a Ukrainian teacher, "with the only difference that in our schools -the Ukrainian language is taught together with Russian." The people, -and especially the children, looked better fed and clad than those of -Russia proper: food was comparatively more plentiful and cheaper. There -were show schools as in Petrograd and Moscow, and no one apparently -realized the corrupting effect of such discrimination upon the teachers -as well as the children. The latter looked with envy upon the pupils -of the favoured schools and believed that they were only for Communist -children, which in reality was not the case. The teachers, on the -other hand, knowing how little attention was paid to ordinary schools, -were negligent in their work. All tried to get a position in the show -schools which were enjoying special and varied rations.</p> - -<p>The chairman of the Board of Health was an alert and competent man, -one of the few officials in Kiev who showed interest in the Expedition -and its work. He devoted much time to explaining to us the methods of -his organization and pointing out interesting places to visit and the -material which could be collected for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> Museum. He especially called -our attention to the Jewish hospital for crippled children.</p> - -<p>I found the latter in charge of a cultivated and charming man, Dr. -N——. For twenty years he had been head of the hospital and he took -interest as well as pride in showing us about his institution and -relating its history.</p> - -<p>The hospital had formerly been one of the most famous in Russia, the -pride of the local Jews who had built and maintained it. But within -recent years its usefulness had become curtailed owing to the frequent -changes of government. It had been exposed to persecution and repeated -pogroms. Jewish patients critically ill were often forced out of their -beds to make room for the favourites of this or that régime. The -officers of the Denikin army were most brutal. They drove the Jewish -patients out into the street, subjected them to indignities and abuse, -and would have killed them had it not been for the intercession of the -hospital staff who at the risk of their own lives protected the sick. -It was only the fact that the majority of the staff were Gentiles that -saved the hospital and its inmates. But the shock resulted in numerous -deaths and many patients were left with shattered nerves.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span></p> - -<p>The doctor also related to me the story of some of the patients, -most of them victims of the Fastov pogroms. Among them were children -between the ages of six and eight, gaunt and sickly looking, terror -stamped on their faces. They had lost all their kin, in some cases -the whole family having been killed before their eyes. These children -often waked at night, the physician said, in fright at their horrible -dreams. Everything possible was being done for them, but so far the -unfortunate children had not been freed from the memory of their -terrible experiences at Fastov. The doctor pointed out a group of young -girls between the ages of fourteen and eighteen, the worst victims of -the Denikin pogrom. All of them had been repeatedly outraged and were -in a mutilated state when they came to the hospital; it would take -years to restore them to health. The doctor emphasized the fact that -no pogroms had taken place during the Bolshevik régime. It was a great -relief to him and his staff to know that his patients were no longer -in such danger. But the hospital had other difficulties. There was the -constant interference by political Commissars and the daily struggle -for supplies. "I spend most of my time in the various bureaus," he -said, "instead of devoting myself to my<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> patients. Ignorant officials -are given power over the medical profession, continuously harassing -the doctors in their work." The doctor himself had been repeatedly -arrested for sabotage because of his inability to comply with the -numerous decrees and orders, frequently mutually contradictory. It -was the result of a system in which political usefulness rather than -professional merit played the main rôle. It often happened that a -first-class physician of well-known repute and long experience would be -suddenly ordered to some distant part to place a Communist doctor in -his position. Under such conditions the best efforts were paralysed. -Moreover, there was the general suspicion of the <i>intelligentsia</i>, -which was a demoralizing factor. It was true that many of that -class had sabotaged, but there were also those who did heroic and -self-sacrificing work. The Bolsheviki, by their indiscriminate -antagonism toward the <i>intelligentsia</i> as a class, roused prejudices -and passions which poisoned the mainsprings of the cultural life of -the country. The Russian <i>intelligentsia</i> had with its very blood -fertilized the soil of the Revolution, yet it was not given it to reap -the fruits of its long struggle. "A tragic fate," the doctor remarked; -"unless one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> forget it in his work, existence would be impossible."</p> - -<p>The institution for crippled children proved a very model and modern -hospital, located in the heart of a large park. It was devoted to the -marred creatures with twisted limbs and deformed bodies, victims of the -great war, disease, and famine. The children looked aged and withered; -like Father Time, they had been born old. They lay in rows on clean -white beds, baking in the warm sun of the Ukrainian summer. The head -physician, who guided us through the institution, seemed much beloved -by his little charges. They were eager and pleased to see him as he -approached each helpless child and bent over affectionately to make -some inquiries about its health. The hospital had been in existence -for many years and was considered the first of its kind in Russia. Its -equipment for the care of deformed and crippled children was among the -most modern. "Since the war and the Revolution we feel rather behind -the times," the doctor said; "we have been cut off from the civilized -world for so many years. But in spite of the various government changes -we have striven to keep up our standards and to help the unfortunate -victims of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> strife and disease." The supplies for the institution were -provided by the Government and the hospital force was exposed to no -interference, though I understood from the doctor that because of his -political neutrality he was looked upon by the Bolsheviki as inclined -to counter-revolution.</p> - -<p>The hospital contained a large number of children; some of those who -could walk about studied music and art, and we had the opportunity -of attending an informal concert arranged by the children and their -teachers in our honour. Some of them played the <i>balalaika</i> in a most -artistic manner, and it was consoling to see those marred children -finding forgetfulness in the rhythm of the folk melodies of the Ukraina.</p> - -<p>Early during our stay in Kiev we learned that the most valuable -material for the Museum was not to be found in the Soviet institutions, -but that it was in the possession of other political groups and private -persons. The best statistical information on pogroms, for instance, was -in the hands of a former Minister of the Rada régime in the Ukraina. -I succeeded in locating the man and great was my surprise when, upon -learning my identity, he presented me with several copies of the -<i>Mother Earth</i> magazine I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span> had published in America. The ex-Minister -arranged a small gathering to which were invited some writers and poets -and men active in the Jewish <i>Kulturliga</i> to meet several members -of our Expedition. The gathering consisted of the best elements of -the local Jewish <i>intelligentsia</i>. We discussed the Revolution, the -Bolshevik methods, and the Jewish problem. Most of those present, -though opposed to the Communist theories, were in favour of the Soviet -Government. They felt that the Bolsheviki, in spite of their many -blunders, were striving to further the interests of Russia and the -Revolution. At any rate, under the Communist régime the Jews were not -exposed to the pogroms practised upon them by all the other régimes -of Ukraina. Those Jewish intellectuals argued that the Bolsheviki at -least permitted the Jews to live, and that they were therefore to be -preferred to any other governments and should be supported by the -Jews. They were fearful of the growth of anti-Semitism in Russia and -were horrified at the possibility of the Bolsheviki being overthrown. -Wholesale slaughter of the Jews would undoubtedly follow, they believed.</p> - -<p>Some of the younger set held a different view.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> The Bolshevik régime -had resulted in increased hatred toward the Jews, they said, for the -masses were under the impression that most of the Communists were Jews. -Communism stood for forcible tax-collection, punitive expeditions, and -the Tcheka. Popular opposition to the Communists therefore expressed -itself in the hatred of the whole Jewish race. Thus Bolshevik tyranny -had added fuel to the latent anti-Semitism of the Ukraina. Moreover, -to prove that they were not discriminating in favour of the Jews, the -Bolsheviki had gone to the other extreme and frequently arrested and -punished Jews for things that the Gentiles could do with impunity. The -Bolsheviki also fostered and endowed cultural work in the south in -the Ukrainian language, while at the same time they discouraged such -efforts in the Jewish language. It was true that the <i>Kulturliga</i> was -still permitted to exist, but its work was hampered at every step. -In short, the Bolsheviki permitted the Jews to live, but only in a -physical sense. Culturally, they were condemned to death. The <i>Yevkom</i> -(Jewish Communist Section) was receiving, of course, every advantage -and support from the Government, but then its mission was to carry the -gospel of the proletarian <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span>dictatorship to the Jews of the Ukraina. -It was significant that the <i>Yevkom</i> was more anti-Semitic than the -Ukrainians themselves. If it had the power it would pogrom every -non-Communist Jewish organization and destroy all Jewish educational -efforts. This young element emphasized that they did not favour the -overthrow of the Bolshevik Government; but they could not support it, -either.</p> - -<p>I felt that both Jewish factions took a purely nationalistic view of -the Russian situation. I could well understand their personal attitude, -the result of their own suffering and the persecution of the Jewish -race. Still, my chief concern was the Revolution and its effects upon -Russia <i>as a whole</i>. Whether the Bolsheviki should be supported or not -could not depend merely on their attitude to the Jews and the Jewish -question. The latter was surely a very vital and pressing issue, -especially in the Ukraina; yet the general problem involved was much -greater. It embraced the complete economic and social emancipation of -the whole people of Russia, the Jews included. If the Bolshevik methods -and practices were not imposed upon them by the force of circumstances, -if they were conditioned in their own theories and principles, and if -their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> sole object was to secure their own power, I could not support -them. They might be innocent of pogroms against the Jews, but if they -were pogroming the whole of Russia then they had failed in their -mission as a revolutionary party. I was not prepared to say that I -had reached a clear understanding of all the problems involved, but -my experience so far led me to think that it was the basic Bolshevik -conception of the Revolution which was false, its practical application -necessarily resulting in the great Russian catastrophe of which the -Jewish tragedy was but a minor part.</p> - -<p>My host and his friends could not agree with my viewpoint: we -represented opposite camps. But the gathering was nevertheless -intensely interesting and it was arranged that we meet again before our -departure from the city.</p> - -<p>Returning to our car one day I saw a detachment of Red Army soldiers -at the railway station. On inquiry I found that foreign delegates were -expected from Moscow and that the soldiers had been ordered out to -participate in a demonstration in their honour. Groups of the uniformed -men stood about discussing the arrival of the mission. There were many -expressions of dissatisfaction because the soldiers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span> had been kept -waiting so long. "These people come to Russia just to look us over," -one of the Red Army men said; "do they know anything about us or are -they interested in how we live? Not they. It's a holiday for them. They -are dressed up and fed by the Government, but they never talk to us -and all they see is how we march past. Here we have been lying around -in the burning sun for hours while the delegates are probably being -feasted at some other station. That's comradeship and equality for you!"</p> - -<p>I had heard such sentiments voiced before, but it was surprising to -hear them from soldiers. I thought of Angelica Balabanova, who was -accompanying the Italian Mission, and I wondered what she would think -if she knew how the men felt. It had probably never occurred to her -that those "ignorant Russian peasants" in military uniform had looked -through the sham of official demonstrations.</p> - -<p>The following day we received an invitation from Balabanova to attend -a banquet given in honour of the Italian delegates. Anxious to meet -the foreign guests, several members of our Expedition accepted the -invitation.</p> - -<p>The affair took place in the former Chamber of Commerce building, -profusely decorated for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> the occasion. In the main banquet hall long -tables were heavily laden with fresh-cut flowers, several varieties -of southern fruit, and wine. The sight reminded one of the feasts -of the old bourgeoisie, and I could see that Angelica felt rather -uncomfortable at the lavish display of silverware and wealth. The -banquet opened with the usual toasts, the guests drinking to Lenin, -Trotsky, the Red Army, and the Third International, the whole company -rising as the revolutionary anthem was intoned after each toast, with -the soldiers and officers standing at attention in good old military -style.</p> - -<p>Among the delegates were two young French Anarcho-syndicalists. They -had heard of our presence in Kiev and had been looking for us all -day without being able to locate us. After the banquet they were -immediately to leave for Petrograd, so that we had only a short time at -our disposal. On our way to the station the delegates related that they -had collected much material on the Revolution which they intended to -publish in France. They had become convinced that all was not well with -the Bolshevik régime: they had come to realize that the dictatorship -of the proletariat was in the exclusive hands of the Communist Party, -while the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span>common worker was enslaved as much as ever. It was their -intention, they said, to speak frankly about these matters to their -comrades at home and to substantiate their attitude by the material in -their possession. "Do you expect to get the documents out?" I asked La -Petit, one of the delegates. "You don't mean that I might be prevented -from taking out my own notes," he replied. "The Bolsheviki would not -dare to go so far—not with foreign delegates, at any rate." He seemed -so confident that I did not care to pursue the subject further. That -night the delegates left Kiev and a short time afterward they departed -from Russia. They were never seen alive again. Without making any -comment upon their disappearance I merely want to mention that when -I returned to Moscow several months later it was generally related -that the two Anarcho-syndicalists, with several other men who had -accompanied them, were overtaken by a storm somewhere off the coast of -Finland, and were all drowned. There were rumours of foul play, though -I am not inclined to credit the story, especially in view of the fact -that together with the Anarcho-syndicalists also perished a Communist -in good standing in Moscow. But their disappearance with all the -documents<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> they had collected has never been satisfactorily explained.</p> - -<p>The rooms assigned to the members of our Expedition were located in a -house within a <i>passage</i> leading off the Kreschatik, the main street of -Kiev. It had formerly been the wealthy residential section of the city -and its fine houses, though lately neglected, still looked imposing. -The <i>passage</i> also contained a number of shops, ruins of former glory, -which catered to the well-to-do of the neighbourhood. Those stores -still had good supplies of vegetables, fruit, milk, and butter. They -were owned mostly by old Jews whose energies could not be applied to -any other usefulness—Orthodox Jews to whom the Revolution and the -Bolsheviki were a <i>bęte noire</i>, because that had "ruined all business." -The little shops barely enabled their owners to exist; moreover, -they were in constant danger of Tcheka raids, on which occasions the -provisions would be expropriated. The appearance of those stores did -not justify the belief that the Government would find it worth while -raiding them. "Would not the Tcheka prefer to confiscate the goods -of the big delicatessen and fruit stores on the Kreschatik?" I asked -an old Jew storekeeper. "Not at all," he replied; "those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> stores are -immune because they pay heavy taxes."</p> - -<p>The morning following the banquet I went down to the little grocery -store I used to do my shopping in. The place was closed, and I was -surprised to find that not one of the small shops near by was open. Two -days later I learned that the places had all been raided on the eve of -the banquet in order to feast the foreign delegates. I promised myself -never to attend another Bolshevik banquet.</p> - -<p>Among the members of the <i>Kulturliga</i> I met a man who had lived in -America, but for several years now was with his family in Kiev. His -home proved one of the most hospitable during my stay in the south, -and as he had many callers belonging to various social classes I was -able to gather much information about the recent history of Ukraina. -My host was not a Communist: though critical of the Bolshevik régime, -he was by no means antagonistic. He used to say that the main fault of -the Bolsheviki was their lack of psychological perception. He asserted -that no government had ever such a great opportunity in the Ukraina -as the Communists. The people had suffered so much from the various -occupations and were so <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span>oppressed by every new régime that they -rejoiced when the Bolsheviki entered Kiev. Everybody hoped that they -would bring relief. But the Communists quickly destroyed all illusions. -Within a few months they proved themselves entirely incapable of -administering the affairs of the city; their methods antagonized the -people, and the terrorism of the Tcheka turned even the friends of the -Communists to bitter enmity. Nobody objected to the nationalization -of industry and it was of course expected that the Bolsheviki would -expropriate. But when the bourgeoisie had been relieved of its -possessions it was found that only the raiders benefited. Neither -the people at large nor even the proletarian class gained anything. -Precious jewellery, silverware, furs, practically the whole wealth of -Kiev seemed to disappear and was no more heard of. Later members of the -Tcheka strutted about the streets with their women gowned in the finery -of the bourgeoisie. When private business places were closed, the doors -were locked and sealed and guards placed there. But within a few weeks -the stores were found empty. This kind of "management" and the numerous -new laws and edicts, often mutually conflicting, served the Tcheka as a -pretext to terrorize and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> mulct the citizens and aroused general hatred -against the Bolsheviki. The people had turned against Petlura, Denikin, -and the Poles. They welcomed the Bolsheviki with open arms. But the -last disappointed them as the first.</p> - -<p>"Now we have gotten used to the situation," my host said, "we just -drift and manage as best we can." But he thought it a pity that -the Bolsheviki lost such a great chance. They were unable to hold -the confidence of the people and to direct that confidence into -constructive channels. Not only had the Bolsheviki failed to operate -the big industries: they also destroyed the small <i>kustarnaya</i> work. -There had been thousands of artisans in the province of Kiev, for -instance; most of them had worked by themselves, without exploiting -any one. They were independent producers who supplied a certain -need of the community. The Bolsheviki in their reckless scheme of -nationalization suspended those efforts without being able to replace -them by aught else. They had nothing to give either to the workers -or to the peasants. The city proletariat faced the alternative of -starving in the city or going back to the country. They preferred the -latter, of course. Those who could not get to the country engaged -in trade,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> buying and selling jewellery, for instance. Practically -everybody in Russia had become a tradesman, the Bolshevik Government -no less than private speculators. "You have no idea of the amount of -illicit business carried on by officials in Soviet institutions," my -host informed me; "nor is the army free from it. My nephew, a Red Army -officer, a Communist, has just returned from the Polish front. He can -tell you about these practices in the army."</p> - -<p>I was particularly eager to talk to the young officer. In my travels I -had met many soldiers, and I found that most of them had retained the -old slave psychology and bowed absolutely to military discipline. Some, -however, were very wide awake and could see clearly what was happening -about them. A certain small element in the Red Army was entirely -transformed by the Revolution. It was proof of the gestation of new -life and new forms which set Russia apart from the rest of the world, -notwithstanding Bolshevik tyranny and oppression. For that element the -Revolution had a deep significance. They saw in it something vital -which even the daily decrees could not compress within the narrow -Communist mould. It was their attitude and general sentiment that the -Bolsheviki had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> not kept faith with the people. They saw the Communist -State growing at the cost of the Revolution, and some of them even -went so far as to voice the opinion that the Bolsheviki had become the -enemies of the Revolution. But they all felt that for the time being -they could do nothing. They were determined to dispose of the foreign -enemies first. "Then," they would say, "we will face the enemy at home."</p> - -<p>The Red Army officer proved a fine-looking young fellow very deeply in -earnest. At first he was disinclined to talk, but in the course of the -evening he grew less embarrassed and expressed his feelings freely. He -had found much corruption at the front, he said. But it was even worse -at the base of supplies where he had done duty for some time. The men -at the front were practically without clothes or shoes. The food was -insufficient and the Army was ravaged by typhoid and cholera. Yet the -spirit of the men was wonderful. They fought bravely, enthusiastically, -because they believed in their ideal of a free Russia. But while they -were fighting and dying for the great cause, the higher officers, -the so-called <i>tovaristchi</i>, sat in safe retreat and there drank and -gambled and got rich by speculation. The supplies so desperately<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> -needed at the front were being sold at fabulous prices to speculators.</p> - -<p>The young officer had become so disheartened by the situation, he had -thought of committing suicide. But now he was determined to return to -the front. "I shall go back and tell my comrades what I have seen," he -said; "our real work will begin when we have defeated foreign invasion. -Then we shall go after those who are trading away the Revolution."</p> - -<p>I felt there was no cause to despair so long as Russia possessed such -spirits.</p> - -<p>I returned to my room to find our secretary waiting to report the -valuable find she had made. It consisted of rich Denikin material -stacked in the city library and apparently forgotten by everybody. -The librarian, a zealous Ukrainian nationalist, refused to permit the -"Russian" Museum to take the material, though it was of no use to Kiev, -literally buried in an obscure corner and exposed to danger and ruin. -We decided to appeal to the Department of Education and to apply the -"American amulet." It grew to be a standing joke among the members of -the Expedition to resort to the "amulet" in difficult situations. Such -matters were always referred to Alexander Berkman and myself as the -"Americans."</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span></p> - -<p>It required considerable persuasion to interest the chairman in the -matter. He persisted in refusing till I finally asked him: "Are you -willing that it become known in America that you prefer to have -valuable historical material rot away in Kiev rather than give it to -the Petrograd Museum, which is sure to become a world centre for the -study of the Russian Revolution and where Ukraina is to have such an -important part?" At last the chairman issued the required order and our -Expedition took possession of the material, to the great elation of our -secretary, to whom the Museum represented the most important interest -in life.</p> - -<p>In the afternoon of the same day I was visited by a woman Anarchist -who was accompanied by a young peasant girl, confidentially introduced -as the wife of Makhno. My heart stood still for a moment: the presence -of that girl in Kiev meant certain death were she discovered by the -Bolsheviki. It also involved grave danger to my landlord and his -family, for in Communist Russia harbouring—even if unwittingly—a -member of the Makhno <i>povstantsi</i> often incurred the worst -consequences. I expressed surprise at the young woman's recklessness in -thus walking into the very jaws of the enemy.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> But she explained that -Makhno was determined to reach us; he would trust no one else with the -message, and therefore she had volunteered to come. It was evident that -danger had lost all terror for her. "We have been living in constant -peril for years," she said simply.</p> - -<p>Divested of her disguise, she revealed much beauty. She was a woman -of twenty-five, with a wealth of jet-black hair of striking lustre. -"Nestor had hoped that you and Alexander Berkman would manage to come, -but he waited in vain," she began. "Now he sent me to tell you about -the struggle he is waging and he hopes that you will make his purpose -known to the world outside." Late into the night she related the story -of Makhno which tallied in all important features with that told us -by the two Ukrainian visitors in Petrograd. She dwelt on the methods -employed by the Bolsheviki to eliminate Makhno and the agreements they -had repeatedly made with him, every one of which had been broken by -the Communists the moment immediate danger from invaders was over. -She spoke of the savage persecution of the members of the Makhno -army and of the numerous attempts of the Bolsheviki to trap and kill -Nestor. That failing, the Bolsheviki had murdered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> his brother and -had exterminated her own family, including her father and brother. -She praised the revolutionary devotion, the heroism and endurance -of the <i>povstantsi</i> in the face of the greatest difficulties, and -she entertained us with the legends the peasants had woven about the -personality of Makhno. Thus, for instance, there grew up among the -country folk the belief that Makhno was invulnerable because he had -never been wounded during all the years of warfare, in spite of his -practice of always personally leading every charge.</p> - -<p>She was a good conversationalist, and her tragic story was relieved by -bright touches of humour. She told many anecdotes about the exploits -of Makhno. Once he had caused a wedding to be celebrated in a village -occupied by the enemy. It was a gala affair, everybody attending. While -the people were making merry on the market place and the soldiers -were succumbing to the temptation of drink, Makhno's men surrounded -the village and easily routed the superior forces stationed there. -Having taken a town it was always Makhno's practice to compel the rich -peasants, the <i>kulaki</i>, to give up their surplus wealth, which was then -divided among the poor, Makhno keeping a share for his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> army. Then he -would call a meeting of the villagers, address them on the purposes of -the <i>povstantsi</i> movement, and distribute his literature.</p> - -<p>Late into the night the young woman related the story of Makhno and -<i>makhnovstchina</i>. Her voice, held low because of the danger of the -situation, was rich and mellow, her eyes shone with the intensity -of emotion. "Nestor wants you to tell the comrades of America and -Europe," she concluded, "that he is one of them—an Anarchist whose -aim is to defend the Revolution against all enemies. He is trying to -direct the innate rebellious spirit of the Ukrainian peasant into -organized Anarchist channels. He feels that he cannot accomplish it -himself without the aid of the Anarchists of Russia. He himself is -entirely occupied with military matters, and he has therefore invited -his comrades throughout the country to take charge of the educational -work. His ultimate plan is to take possession of a small territory in -Ukraina and there establish a free commune. Meanwhile, he is determined -to fight every reactionary force."</p> - -<p>Makhno was very anxious to confer personally with Alexander Berkman -and myself, and he proposed the following plan. He would arrange<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> to -take any small town or village between Kiev and Kharkov where our -car might happen to be. It would be carried out without any use of -violence, the place being captured by surprise. The stratagem would -have the appearance of our having been taken prisoners, and protection -would be guaranteed to the other members of the Expedition. After our -conference we would be given safe conduct to our car. It would at the -same time insure us against the Bolsheviki, for the whole scheme would -be carried out in military manner, similar to a regular Makhno raid. -The plan promised a very interesting adventure and we were anxious -for an opportunity to meet Makhno personally. Yet we could not expose -the other members of the Expedition to the risk involved in such an -undertaking. We decided not to avail ourselves of the offer, hoping -that another occasion might present itself to meet the <i>povstantsi</i> -leader.</p> - -<p>Makhno's wife had been a country school teacher; she possessed -considerable information and was intensely interested in all cultural -problems. She plied me with questions about American women, whether -they had really become emancipated and enjoyed equal rights. The young -woman had been with Makhno and his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> army for several years, but she -could not reconcile herself to the primitive attitude of her people -in regard to woman. The Ukrainian woman, she said, was considered an -object of sex and motherhood only. Nestor himself was no exception -in this matter. Was it different in America? Did the American woman -believe in free motherhood and was she familiar with the subject of -birth control?</p> - -<p>It was astonishing to hear such questions from a peasant girl. I -thought it most remarkable that a woman born and reared so far from -the scene of woman's struggle for emancipation should yet be so alive -to its problems. I spoke to the girl of the activities of the advanced -women of America, of their achievements and of the work yet to be -done for woman's emancipation. I mentioned some of the literature -dealing with these subjects. She listened eagerly. "I must get hold of -something to help our peasant women. They are just beasts of burden," -she said.</p> - -<p>Early the next morning we saw her safely out of the house. The same -day, while visiting the Anarchist club, I witnessed a peculiar sight. -The club had recently been reopened after having been raided by -the Tcheka. The local<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> Anarchists met in the club rooms for study -and lectures; Anarchist literature was also to be had there. While -conversing with some friends I noticed a group of prisoners passing -on the street below. Just as they neared the Anarchist headquarters -several of them looked up, having evidently noticed the large sign over -the club rooms. Suddenly they straightened up, took off their caps, -bowed, and then passed on. I turned to my friends. "Those peasants are -probably <i>makhnovstsi</i>" they said; "the Anarchist headquarters are -sacred precincts to them." How exceptional the Russian soul, I thought, -wondering whether a group of American workers or farmers could be so -imbued with an ideal as to express it in the simple and significant -way the <i>makhnovstsi</i> did. To the Russian his belief is indeed an -inspiration.</p> - -<p>Our stay in Kiev was rich in varied experiences and impressions. It -was a strenuous time during which we met people of different social -strata and gathered much valuable information and material. We closed -our visit with a short trip on the river Dniepr to view some of the -old monasteries and cathedrals, among them the celebrated Sophievski -and Vladimir. Imposing edifices, which remained intact during all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span> -revolutionary changes, even their inner life continuing as before. In -one of the monasteries we enjoyed the hospitality of the sisters who -treated us to real Russian tea, black bread, and honey. They lived as -if nothing had happened in Russia since 1914; it was as if they had -passed the last years outside of the world. The monks still continued -to show to the curious the sacred caves of the Vladimir Cathedral and -the places where the saints had been walled in, their ossified bodies -now on exhibition. Visitors were daily taken through the vaults, the -accompanying priests pointing out the cells of the celebrated martyrs -and reciting the biographies of the most important of the holy family. -Some of the stories related were wonderful beyond all human credence, -breathing holy superstition with every pore. The Red Army soldiers in -our group looked rather dubious at the fantastic tales of the priests. -Evidently the Revolution had influenced their religious spirit and -developed a sceptical attitude toward miracle workers.</p> - - -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA***</p> -<p>******* This file should be named 60315-h.htm or 60315-h.zip *******</p> -<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> -<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/6/0/3/1/60315">http://www.gutenberg.org/6/0/3/1/60315</a></p> -<p> -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed.</p> - -<p>Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. -</p> - -<h2>START: FULL LICENSE<br /> -<br /> -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE<br /> -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK</h2> - -<p>To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license.</p> - -<h3>Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works</h3> - -<p>1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8.</p> - -<p>1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.</p> - -<p>1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others.</p> - -<p>1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States.</p> - -<p>1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:</p> - -<p>1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed:</p> - -<blockquote><p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United - States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost - no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use - it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with - this eBook or online - at <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you - are not located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws - of the country where you are located before using this - ebook.</p></blockquote> - -<p>1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.</p> - -<p>1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work.</p> - -<p>1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.</p> - -<p>1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License.</p> - -<p>1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.</p> - -<p>1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.</p> - -<p>1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that</p> - -<ul> -<li>You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation."</li> - -<li>You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works.</li> - -<li>You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work.</li> - -<li>You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.</li> -</ul> - -<p>1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.</p> - -<p>1.F.</p> - -<p>1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment.</p> - -<p>1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE.</p> - -<p>1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem.</p> - -<p>1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.</p> - -<p>1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions.</p> - -<p>1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. </p> - -<h3>Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm</h3> - -<p>Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life.</p> - -<p>Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org.</p> - -<h3>Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation</h3> - -<p>The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.</p> - -<p>The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact</p> - -<p>For additional contact information:</p> - -<p> Dr. Gregory B. Newby<br /> - Chief Executive and Director<br /> - gbnewby@pglaf.org</p> - -<h3>Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation</h3> - -<p>Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS.</p> - -<p>The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/donate">www.gutenberg.org/donate</a>.</p> - -<p>While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate.</p> - -<p>International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.</p> - -<p>Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate</p> - -<h3>Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works.</h3> - -<p>Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support.</p> - -<p>Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition.</p> - -<p>Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org</p> - -<p>This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.</p> - -</body> -</html> - diff --git a/old/60315-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/60315-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 4e9cd84..0000000 --- a/old/60315-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/60315-h/images/dec.jpg b/old/60315-h/images/dec.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index afe2311..0000000 --- a/old/60315-h/images/dec.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/60315.txt b/old/60315.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 8e00610..0000000 --- a/old/60315.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5491 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, My Disillusionment in Russia, by Emma Goldman - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: My Disillusionment in Russia - - -Author: Emma Goldman - - - -Release Date: September 17, 2019 [eBook #60315] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA*** - - -E-text prepared by Tim Lindell, Martin Pettit, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made -available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/mydisillusionmen00golduoft - - - - - -MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA - -by - -EMMA GOLDMAN - - -[Illustration: Decoration] - - - - - - -Garden City New York -Doubleday, Page & Company -1923 - -Copyright, 1923, by -Doubleday, Page & Company -All Rights Reserved, Including That of Translation -into Foreign Languages, Including the Scandinavian - -Printed in the United States -at -The Country Life Press, Garden City, N. Y. - -First Edition - - - - -PREFACE - - -The decision to record my experiences, observations, and reactions -during my stay in Russia I had made long before I thought of leaving -that country. In fact, that was my main reason for departing from that -tragically heroic land. - -The strongest of us are loath to give up a long-cherished dream. I had -come to Russia possessed by the hope that I should find a new-born -country, with its people wholly consecrated to the great, though very -difficult, task of revolutionary reconstruction. And I had fervently -hoped that I might become an active part of the inspiring work. - -I found reality in Russia grotesque, totally unlike the great ideal -that had borne me upon the crest of high hope to the land of promise. -It required fifteen long months before I could get my bearings. Each -day, each week, each month added new links to the fatal chain that -pulled down my cherished edifice. I fought desperately against the -disillusionment. For a long time I strove against the still voice -within me which urged me to face the overpowering facts. I would not -and could not give up. - -Then came Kronstadt. It was the final wrench. It completed the terrible -realization that the Russian Revolution was no more. - -I saw before me the Bolshevik State, formidable, crushing every -constructive revolutionary effort, suppressing, debasing, and -disintegrating everything. Unable and unwilling to become a cog in -that sinister machine, and aware that I could be of no practical use -to Russia and her people, I decided to leave the country. Once out of -it, I would relate honestly, frankly, and as objectively as humanly -possible to me the story of my two years' stay in Russia. - -I left in December, 1921. I could have written then, fresh under the -influence of the ghastly experience. But I waited four months before -I could bring myself to write a series of articles. I delayed another -four months before beginning the present volume. - -I do not pretend to write a history. Removed by fifty or a hundred -years from the events he is describing, the historian may seem to -be objective. But real history is not a compilation of mere data. -It is valueless without the human element which the historian -necessarily gets from the writings of the contemporaries of the -events in question. It is the personal reactions of the participants -and observers which lend vitality to all history and make it vivid -and alive. Thus, numerous histories have been written of the French -Revolution; yet there are only a very few that stand out true and -convincing, illuminative in the degree in which the historian has -_felt_ his subject through the medium of human documents left by the -contemporaries of the period. - -I myself--and I believe, most students of history--have felt and -visualized the Great French Revolution much more vitally from the -letters and diaries of contemporaries, such as Mme. Roland, Mirabeau, -and other eye witnesses, than from the so-called objective historians. -By a strange coincidence a volume of letters written during the French -Revolution, and compiled by the able German anarchist publicist, -Gustav Landauer, came into my hands during the most critical period -of my Russian experience. I was actually reading them while hearing -the Bolshevik artillery begin the bombardment of the Kronstadt rebels. -Those letters gave me a most vivid insight into the events of the -French Revolution. As never before they brought home to me the -realization that the Bolshevik regime in Russia was, on the whole, a -significant replica of what had happened in France more than a century -before. - -Great interpreters of the French Revolution, like Thomas Carlyle and -Peter Kropotkin, drew their understanding and inspiration from the -human records of the period. Similarly will the future historians of -the Great Russian Revolution--if they are to write real history and not -a mere compilation of facts--draw from the impressions and reactions of -those who have lived through the Russian Revolution, who have shared -the misery and travail of the people, and who actually participated in -or witnessed the tragic panorama in its daily unfoldment. - -While in Russia I had no clear idea how much had already been written -on the subject of the Russian Revolution. But the few books which -reached me occasionally impressed me as most inadequate. They were -written by people with no first-hand knowledge of the situation and -were sadly superficial. Some of the writers had spent from two weeks -to two months in Russia, did not know the language of the country, and -in most instances were chaperoned by official guides and interpreters. -I do not refer here to the writers who, in and out of Russia, play -the role of Bolshevik court functionaries. They are a class apart. -With them I deal in the chapter on the "Travelling Salesmen of the -Revolution." Here I have in mind the sincere friends of the Russian -Revolution. The work of most of them has resulted in incalculable -confusion and mischief. They have helped to perpetuate the myth that -the Bolsheviki and the Revolution are synonymous. Yet nothing is -further from the truth. - -The _actual_ Russian Revolution took place in the summer months of -1917. During that period the peasants possessed themselves of the -land, the workers of the factories, thus demonstrating that they knew -well the meaning of social revolution. The October change was the -finishing touch to the work begun six months previously. In the great -uprising the Bolsheviki assumed the voice of the people. They clothed -themselves with the agrarian programme of the Social Revolutionists and -the industrial tactics of the Anarchists. But after the high tide of -revolutionary enthusiasm had carried them into power, the Bolsheviki -discarded their false plumes. It was then that began the spiritual -separation between the Bolsheviki and the Russian Revolution. -With each succeeding day the gap grew wider, their interests more -conflicting. To-day it is no exaggeration to state that the Bolsheviki -stand as the arch enemies of the Russian Revolution. - -Superstitions die hard. In the case of this modern superstition the -process is doubly hard because various factors have combined to -administer artificial respiration. International intervention, the -blockade, and the very efficient world propaganda of the Communist -Party have kept the Bolshevik myth alive. Even the terrible famine is -being exploited to that end. - -How powerful a hold that superstition wields I realize from my own -experience. I had always known that the Bolsheviki are Marxists. For -thirty years I fought the Marxian theory as a cold, mechanistic, -enslaving formula. In pamphlets, lectures, and debates I argued against -it. I was therefore not unaware of what might be expected from the -Bolsheviki. But the Allied attack upon them made them the symbol of the -Russian Revolution, and brought me to their defence. - -From November, 1917, until February, 1918, while out on bail for -my attitude against the war, I toured America in defence of the -Bolsheviki. I published a pamphlet in elucidation of the Russian -Revolution and in justification of the Bolsheviki. I defended them -as embodying _in practice_ the spirit of the revolution, in spite -of their theoretic Marxism. My attitude toward them at that time is -characterized in the following passages from my pamphlet, "The Truth -About the Bolsheviki:"[1] - - - The Russian Revolution is a miracle in more than one respect. - Among other extraordinary paradoxes it presents the phenomenon - of the Marxian Social Democrats, Lenin and Trotsky, adopting - Anarchist revolutionary tactics, while the Anarchists Kropotkin, - Tcherkessov, Tschaikovsky are denying these tactics and falling - into Marxian reasoning, which they had all their lives repudiated - as "German metaphysics." - - The Bolsheviki of 1903, though revolutionists, adhered to the - Marxian doctrine concerning the industrialization of Russia - and the historic mission of the bourgeoisie as a necessary - evolutionary process before the Russian masses could come into - their own. The Bolsheviki of 1917 no longer believe in the - predestined function of the bourgeoisie. They have been swept - forward on the waves of the Revolution to the point of view held - by the Anarchists since Bakunin; namely, that once the masses - become conscious of their economic power, they make their own - history and need not be bound by traditions and processes of a - dead past which, like secret treaties, are made at a round table - and are not dictated by life itself. - - -In 1918, Madame Breshkovsky visited the United States and began -her campaign against the Bolsheviki. I was then in the Missouri -Penitentiary. Grieved and shocked by the work of the "Little -Grandmother of the Russian Revolution," I wrote imploring her to -bethink herself and not betray the cause she had given her life to. On -that occasion I emphasized the fact that while neither of us agreed -with the Bolsheviki in theory, we should yet be one with them in -defending the Revolution. - -When the Courts of the State of New York upheld the fraudulent methods -by which I was disfranchised and my American citizenship of thirty-two -years denied me, I waived my right of appeal in order that I might -return to Russia and help in the great work. I believed fervently that -the Bolsheviki were furthering the Revolution and exerting themselves -in behalf of the people. I clung to my faith and belief for more than a -year after my coming to Russia. - -Observation and study, extensive travel through various parts of the -country, meeting with every shade of political opinion and every -variety of friend and enemy of the Bolsheviki--all convinced me of the -ghastly delusion which had been foisted upon the world. - -I refer to these circumstances to indicate that my change of mind -and heart was a painful and difficult process, and that my final -decision to speak out is for the sole reason that the people everywhere -may learn to differentiate between the Bolsheviki and the Russian -Revolution. - -The conventional conception of gratitude is that one must not be -critical of those who have shown him kindness. Thanks to this notion -parents enslave their children more effectively than by brutal -treatment; and by it friends tyrannize over one another. In fact, all -human relationships are to-day vitiated by this noxious idea. - -Some people have upbraided me for my critical attitude toward the -Bolsheviki. "How ungrateful to attack the Communist Government after -the hospitality and kindness she enjoyed in Russia," they indignantly -exclaim. I do not mean to gainsay that I have received advantages while -I was in Russia. I could have received many more had I been willing to -serve the powers that be. It is that very circumstance which has made -it bitter hard for me to speak out against the evils as I saw them -day by day. But finally I realized that silence is indeed a sign of -consent. Not to cry out against the betrayal of the Russian Revolution -would have made me a party to that betrayal. The Revolution and the -welfare of the masses in and out of Russia are by far too important to -me to allow any personal consideration for the Communists I have met -and learned to respect to obscure my sense of justice and to cause me -to refrain from giving to the world my two years' experience in Russia. - -In certain quarters objections will no doubt be raised because I have -given no names of the persons I am quoting. Some may even exploit the -fact to discredit my veracity. But I prefer to face that rather than -to turn any one over to the tender mercies of the Tcheka, which would -inevitably result were I to divulge the names of the Communists or -non-Communists who felt free to speak to me. Those familiar with the -real situation in Russia and who are not under the mesmeric influence -of the Bolshevik superstition or in the employ of the Communists will -bear me out that I have given a true picture. The rest of the world -will learn in due time. - -Friends whose opinion I value have been good enough to suggest that -my quarrel with the Bolsheviki is due to my social philosophy rather -than to the failure of the Bolshevik regime. As an Anarchist, they -claim, I would naturally insist on the importance of the individual -and of personal liberty, but in the revolutionary period both must -be subordinated to the good of the whole. Other friends point out -that destruction, violence, and terrorism are inevitable factors in a -revolution. As a revolutionist, they say, I cannot consistently object -to the violence practised by the Bolsheviki. - -Both these criticisms would be justified had I come to Russia expecting -to find Anarchism realized, or if I were to maintain that revolutions -can be made peacefully. Anarchism to me never was a mechanistic -arrangement of social relationships to be imposed upon man by political -scene-shifting or by a transfer of power from one social class to -another. Anarchism to me was and is the child, not of destruction, but -of construction--the result of growth and development of the conscious -creative social efforts of a regenerated people. I do not therefore -expect Anarchism to follow in the immediate footsteps of centuries of -despotism and submission. And I certainly did not expect to see it -ushered in by the Marxian theory. - -I did, however, hope to find in Russia at least the beginnings of the -social changes for which the Revolution had been fought. Not the fate -of the individual was my main concern as a revolutionist. I should have -been content if the Russian workers and peasants as a whole had derived -essential social betterment as a result of the Bolshevik regime. - -Two years of earnest study, investigation, and research convinced me -that the great benefits brought to the Russian people by Bolshevism -exist only on paper, painted in glowing colours to the masses of Europe -and America by efficient Bolshevik propaganda. As advertising wizards -the Bolsheviki excel anything the world had ever known before. But -in reality the Russian people have gained nothing from the Bolshevik -experiment. To be sure, the peasants have the land; not by the grace -of the Bolsheviki, but through their own direct efforts, set in motion -long before the October change. That the peasants were able to retain -the land is due mostly to the static Slav tenacity; owing to the -circumstance that they form by far the largest part of the population -and are deeply rooted in the soil, they could not as easily be torn -away from it as the workers from their means of production. - -The Russian workers, like the peasants, also employed direct action. -They possessed themselves of the factories, organized their own shop -committees, and were virtually in control of the economic life of -Russia. But soon they were stripped of their power and placed under the -industrial yoke of the Bolshevik State. Chattel slavery became the lot -of the Russian proletariat. It was suppressed and exploited in the name -of something which was later to bring it comfort, light, and warmth. -Try as I might I could find nowhere any evidence of benefits received -either by the workers or the peasants from the Bolshevik regime. - -On the other hand, I did find the revolutionary faith of the people -broken, the spirit of solidarity crushed, the meaning of comradeship -and mutual helpfulness distorted. One must have lived in Russia, -close to the everyday affairs of the people; one must have seen -and felt their utter disillusionment and despair to appreciate -fully the disintegrating effect of the Bolshevik principle and -methods--disintegrating all that was once the pride and the glory of -revolutionary Russia. - -The argument that destruction and terror are part of revolution I do -not dispute. I know that in the past every great political and social -change necessitated violence. America might still be under the British -yoke but for the heroic colonists who dared to oppose British tyranny -by force of arms. Black slavery might still be a legalized institution -in the United States but for the militant spirit of the John Browns. -I have never denied that violence is inevitable, nor do I gainsay it -now. Yet it is one thing to employ violence in combat, as a means of -defence. It is quite another thing to make a principle of terrorism, to -institutionalize it, to assign it the most vital place in the social -struggle. Such terrorism begets counter-revolution and in turn itself -becomes counter-revolutionary. - -Rarely has a revolution been fought with as little violence as the -Russian Revolution. Nor would have Red Terror followed had the people -and the cultural forces remained in control of the Revolution. This was -demonstrated by the spirit of fellowship and solidarity which prevailed -throughout Russia during the first months after the October revolution. -But an insignificant minority bent on creating an absolute State is -necessarily driven to oppression and terrorism. - -There is another objection to my criticism on the part of the -Communists. Russia is on strike, they say, and it is unethical for -a revolutionist to side against the workers when they are striking -against their masters. That is pure demagoguery practised by the -Bolsheviki to silence criticism. - -It is not true that the Russian people are on strike. On the contrary, -the truth of the matter is that the Russian people have been _locked -out_ and that the Bolshevik State--even as the bourgeois industrial -master--uses the sword and the gun to keep the people out. In the case -of the Bolsheviki this tyranny is masked by a world-stirring slogan: -thus they have succeeded in blinding the masses. Just because I am a -revolutionist I refuse to side with the master class, which in Russia -is called the Communist Party. - -Till the end of my days my place shall be with the disinherited and -oppressed. It is immaterial to me whether Tyranny rules in the Kremlin -or in any other seat of the mighty. I could do nothing for suffering -Russia while in that country. Perhaps I can do something now by -pointing out the lessons of the Russian experience. Not my concern for -the Russian people only has prompted the writing of this volume: it is -my interest in the masses everywhere. - -The masses, like the individual, may not readily learn from the -experience of others. Yet those who have gained the experience must -speak out, if for no other reason than that they cannot in justice to -themselves and their ideal support the great delusion revealed to them. - -EMMA GOLDMAN. - -Berlin, July, 1922. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[1] Mother Earth Publishing Association, New York, February, 1917. - - - - -CONTENTS - - PAGE -PREFACE v - -CHAPTER - I. DEPORTATION TO RUSSIA 1 - - II. PETROGRAD 11 - - III. DISTURBING THOUGHTS 22 - - IV. MOSCOW: FIRST IMPRESSIONS 32 - - V. MEETING PEOPLE 46 - - VI. PREPARING FOR AMERICAN DEPORTEES 57 - - VII. REST HOMES FOR WORKERS 67 - - VIII. THE FIRST OF MAY IN PETROGRAD 74 - - IX. INDUSTRIAL MILITARIZATION 79 - - X. THE BRITISH LABOUR MISSION 90 - - XI. A VISIT FROM THE UKRAINA 94 - - XII. BENEATH THE SURFACE 107 - - XIII. JOINING THE MUSEUM OF THE REVOLUTION 118 - - XIV. PETROPAVLOVSK AND SCHLUESSELBURG 126 - - XV. THE TRADE UNIONS 132 - - XVI. MARIA SPIRIDONOVA 141 - - XVII. ANOTHER VISIT TO PETER KROPOTKIN 153 - -XVIII. EN ROUTE 160 - - XIX. IN KHARKOV 166 - - XX. POLTAVA 194 - - XXI. KIEV 211 - - - - -MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA - - - - -CHAPTER I - -DEPORTATION TO RUSSIA - - -On the night of December 21, 1919, together with two hundred and -forty-eight other political prisoners, I was deported from America. -Although it was generally known we were to be deported, few really -believed that the United States would so completely deny her past as -an asylum for political refugees, some of whom had lived and worked in -America for more than thirty years. - -In my own case, the decision to eliminate me first became known when, -in 1909, the Federal authorities went out of their way to disfranchise -the man whose name gave me citizenship. That Washington waited till -1917 was due to the circumstance that the psychologic moment for the -finale was lacking. Perhaps I should have contested my case at that -time. With the then-prevalent public opinion, the Courts would probably -not have sustained the fraudulent proceedings which robbed me of -citizenship. But it did not seem credible then that America would stoop -to the Tsaristic method of deportation. - -Our anti-war agitation added fuel to the war hysteria of 1917, and -thus furnished the Federal authorities with the desired opportunity to -complete the conspiracy begun against me in Rochester, N. Y., 1909. - -It was on December 5, 1919, while in Chicago lecturing, that I was -telegraphically apprised of the fact that the order for my deportation -was final. The question of my citizenship was then raised in court, but -was of course decided adversely. I had intended to take the case to a -higher tribunal, but finally I decided to carry the matter no further: -Soviet Russia was luring me. - -Ludicrously secretive were the authorities about our deportation. To -the very last moment we were kept in ignorance as to the time. Then, -unexpectedly, in the wee small hours of December 21st we were spirited -away. The scene set for this performance was most thrilling. It was six -o'clock Sunday morning, December 21, 1919, when under heavy military -convoy we stepped aboard the _Buford_. - -For twenty-eight days we were prisoners. Sentries at our cabin doors -day and night, sentries on deck during the hour we were daily permitted -to breathe the fresh air. Our men comrades were cooped up in dark, -damp quarters, wretchedly fed, all of us in complete ignorance of the -direction we were to take. Yet our spirits were high--Russia, free, new -Russia was before us. - -All my life Russia's heroic struggle for freedom was as a beacon to me. -The revolutionary zeal of her martyred men and women, which neither -fortress nor _katorga_ could suppress, was my inspiration in the -darkest hours. When the news of the February Revolution flashed across -the world, I longed to hasten to the land which had performed the -miracle and had freed her people from the age-old yoke of Tsarism. But -America held me. The thought of thirty years of struggle for my ideals, -of my friends and associates, made it impossible to tear myself away. I -would go to Russia later, I thought. - -Then came America's entry into the war and the need of remaining true -to the American people who were swept into the hurricane against their -will. After all, I owed a great debt, I owed my growth and development -to what was finest and best in America, to her fighters for liberty, to -the sons and daughters of the revolution to come. I would be true to -them. But the frenzied militarists soon terminated my work. - -At last I was bound for Russia and all else was almost blotted out. -I would behold with mine own eyes _matushka Rossiya_, the land freed -from political and economic masters; the Russian _dubinushka_, as the -peasant was called, raised from the dust; the Russian worker, the -modern Samson, who with a sweep of his mighty arm had pulled down the -pillars of decaying society. The twenty-eight days on our floating -prison passed in a sort of trance. I was hardly conscious of my -surroundings. - -Finally we reached Finland, across which we were forced to journey in -sealed cars. On the Russian border we were met by a committee of the -Soviet Government, headed by Zorin. They had come to greet the first -political refugees driven from America for opinion's sake. - -It was a cold day, with the earth a sheet of white, but spring was in -our hearts. Soon we were to behold revolutionary Russia. I preferred to -be alone when I touched the sacred soil: my exaltation was too great, -and I feared I might not be able to control my emotion. When I reached -Belooestrov the first enthusiastic reception tendered the refugees was -over, but the place was still surcharged with intensity of feeling. I -could sense the awe and humility of our group who, treated like felons -in the United States, were here received as dear brothers and comrades -and welcomed by the Red soldiers, the liberators of Russia. - -From Belooestrov we were driven to the village where another reception -had been prepared: A dark hall filled to suffocation, the platform lit -up by tallow candles, a huge red flag, on the stage a group of women in -black nuns' attire. I stood as in a dream in the breathless silence. -Suddenly a voice rang out. It beat like metal on my ears and seemed -uninspired, but it spoke of the great suffering of the Russian people -and of the enemies of the Revolution. Others addressed the audience, -but I was held by the women in black, their faces ghastly in the yellow -light. Were these really nuns? Had the Revolution penetrated even the -walls of superstition? Had the Red Dawn broken into the narrow lives of -these ascetics? It all seemed strange, fascinating. - -Somehow I found myself on the platform. I could only blurt out that -like my comrades I had not come to Russia to teach: I had come to -learn, to draw sustenance and hope from her, to lay down my life on the -altar of the Revolution. - -After the meeting we were escorted to the waiting Petrograd train, -the women in the black hood intoning the "Internationale," the whole -audience joining in. I was in the car with our host, Zorin, who had -lived in America and spoke English fluently. He talked enthusiastically -about the Soviet Government and its marvellous achievements. His -conversation was illuminative, but one phrase struck me as discordant. -Speaking of the political organization of his Party, he remarked: -"Tammany Hall has nothing on us, and as to Boss Murphy, we could teach -him a thing or two." I thought the man was jesting. What relation could -there be between Tammany Hall, Boss Murphy, and the Soviet Government? - -I inquired about our comrades who had hastened from America at the -first news of the Revolution. Many of them had died at the front, -Zorin informed me, others were working with the Soviet Government. And -Shatov? William Shatov, a brilliant speaker and able organizer, was -a well-known figure in America, frequently associated with us in our -work. We had sent him a telegram from Finland and were much surprised -at his failure to reply. Why did not Shatov come to meet us? "Shatov -had to leave for Siberia, where he is to take the post of Minister of -Railways," said Zorin. - -In Petrograd our group again received an ovation. Then the deportees -were taken to the famous Tauride Palace, where they were to be fed -and housed for the night. Zorin asked Alexander Berkman and myself to -accept his hospitality. We entered the waiting automobile. The city was -dark and deserted; not a living soul to be seen anywhere. We had not -gone very far when the car was suddenly halted, and an electric light -flashed into our eyes. It was the militia, demanding the password. -Petrograd had recently fought back the Yudenitch attack and was still -under martial law. The process was repeated frequently along the route. -Shortly before we reached our destination we passed a well-lighted -building. "It is our station house," Zorin explained, "but we have -few prisoners there now. Capital punishment is abolished and we have -recently proclaimed a general political amnesty." - -Presently the automobile came to a halt. "The First House of the -Soviets," said Zorin, "the living place of the most active members -of our Party." Zorin and his wife occupied two rooms, simply but -comfortably furnished. Tea and refreshments were served, and our hosts -entertained us with the absorbing story of the marvellous defence -the Petrograd workers had organized against the Yudenitch forces. -How heroically the men and women, even the children, had rushed to -the defence of the Red City! What wonderful self-discipline and -cooperation the proletariat demonstrated. The evening passed in these -reminiscences, and I was about to retire to the room secured for me -when a young woman arrived who introduced herself as the sister-in-law -of "Bill" Shatov. She greeted us warmly and asked us to come up to -see her sister who lived on the floor above. When we reached their -apartment I found myself embraced by big jovial Bill himself. How -strange of Zorin to tell me that Shatov had left for Siberia! What did -it mean? Shatov explained that he had been ordered not to meet us at -the border, to prevent his giving us our first impressions of Soviet -Russia. He had fallen into disfavour with the Government and was being -sent to Siberia into virtual exile. His trip had been delayed and -therefore we still happened to find him. - -We spent much time with Shatov before he left Petrograd. For whole days -I listened to his story of the Revolution, with its light and shadows, -and the developing tendency of the Bolsheviki toward the right. Shatov, -however, insisted that it was necessary for all the revolutionary -elements to work with the Bolsheviki Government. Of course, the -Communists had made many mistakes, but what they did was inevitable, -imposed upon them by Allied interference and the blockade. - -A few days after our arrival Zorin asked Alexander Berkman and myself -to accompany him to Smolny. Smolny, the erstwhile boarding school for -the daughters of the aristocracy, had been the centre of revolutionary -events. Almost every stone had played its part. Now it was the seat of -the Petrograd Government. I found the place heavily guarded and giving -the impression of a beehive of officials and government employees. The -Department of the Third International was particularly interesting. It -was the domain of Zinoviev. I was much impressed by the magnitude of it -all. - -After showing us about, Zorin invited us to the Smolny dining room. The -meal consisted of good soup, meat and potatoes, bread and tea--rather a -good meal in starving Russia, I thought. - -Our group of deportees was quartered in Smolny. I was anxious about my -travelling companions, the two girls who had shared my cabin on the -_Buford_. I wished to take them back with me to the First House of the -Soviet. Zorin sent for them. They arrived greatly excited and told -us that the whole group of deportees had been placed under military -guard. The news was startling. The people who had been driven out of -America for their political opinions, now in Revolutionary Russia again -prisoners--three days after their arrival. What had happened? - -We turned to Zorin. He seemed embarrassed. "Some mistake," he said, and -immediately began to make inquiries. It developed that four ordinary -criminals had been found among the politicals deported by the United -States Government, and therefore a guard was placed over the whole -group. The proceeding seemed to me unjust and uncalled for. It was my -first lesson in Bolshevik methods. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -PETROGRAD - - -My parents had moved to St. Petersburg when I was thirteen. Under the -discipline of a German school in Koenigsberg and the Prussian attitude -toward everything Russian, I had grown up in the atmosphere of hatred -to that country. I dreaded especially the terrible Nihilists who had -killed Tsar Alexander II, so good and kind, as I had been taught. St. -Petersburg was to me an evil thing. But the gayety of the city, its -vivacity and brilliancy, soon dispelled my childish fancies and made -the city appear like a fairy dream. Then my curiosity was aroused by -the revolutionary mystery which seemed to hang over everyone, and of -which no one dared to speak. When four years later I left with my -sister for America I was no longer the German Gretchen to whom Russia -spelt evil. My whole soul had been transformed and the seed planted for -what was to be my life's work. Especially did St. Petersburg remain in -my memory a vivid picture, full of life and mystery. - -I found Petrograd of 1920 quite a different place. It was almost in -ruins, as if a hurricane had swept over it. The houses looked like -broken old tombs upon neglected and forgotten cemeteries. The streets -were dirty and deserted; all life had gone from them. The population -of Petrograd before the war was almost two million; in 1920 it had -dwindled to five hundred thousand. The people walked about like living -corpses; the shortage of food and fuel was slowly sapping the city; -grim death was clutching at its heart. Emaciated and frost-bitten men, -women, and children were being whipped by the common lash, the search -for a piece of bread or a stick of wood. It was a heart-rending sight -by day, an oppressive weight at night. Especially were the nights of -the first month in Petrograd dreadful. The utter stillness of the -large city was paralysing. It fairly haunted me, this awful oppressive -silence broken only by occasional shots. I would lay awake trying to -pierce the mystery. Did not Zorin say that capital punishment had been -abolished? Why this shooting? Doubts disturbed my mind, but I tried to -wave them aside. I had come to learn. - -Much of my first knowledge and impressions of the October Revolution -and the events that followed I received from the Zorins. As already -mentioned, both had lived in America, spoke English, and were eager -to enlighten me upon the history of the Revolution. They were devoted -to the cause and worked very hard; he, especially, who was secretary -of the Petrograd committee of his party, besides editing the daily, -_Krasnaya Gazetta_, and participating in other activities. - -It was from Zorin that I first learned about that legendary figure, -Makhno. The latter was an Anarchist, I was informed, who under the Tsar -had been sentenced to _katorga_. Liberated by the February revolution, -he became the leader of a peasant army in the Ukraina, proving himself -extremely able and daring and doing splendid work in the defence of the -Revolution. For some time Makhno worked in harmony with the Bolsheviki, -fighting the counter-revolutionary forces. Then he became antagonistic, -and now his army, recruited from bandit elements, was fighting the -Bolsheviki. Zorin related that he had been one of a committee sent to -Makhno to bring about an understanding. But Makhno would not listen -to reason. He continued his warfare against the Soviets and was -considered a dangerous counter-revolutionist. - -I had no means of verifying the story, and I was far from disbelieving -the Zorins. Both appeared most sincere and dedicated to their work, -types of religious zealots ready to burn the heretic, but equally ready -to sacrifice their own lives for their cause. I was much impressed by -the simplicity of their lives. Holding a responsible position, Zorin -could have received special rations, but they lived very poorly, their -supper often consisting only of herring, black bread, and tea. I -thought it especially admirable because Lisa Zorin was with child at -the time. - -Two weeks after my arrival in Russia I was invited to attend the -Alexander Herzen commemoration in the Winter Palace. The white marble -hall where the gathering took place seemed to intensify the bitter -frost, but the people present were unmindful of the penetrating cold. I -also was conscious only of the unique situation: Alexander Herzen, one -of the most hated revolutionists of his time, honoured in the Winter -Palace! Frequently before the spirit of Herzen had found its way into -the house of the Romanovs. It was when the "Kolokol," published abroad -and sparkling with the brilliancy of Herzen and Turgenev, would in -some mysterious manner be discovered on the desk of the Tsar. Now the -Tsars were no more, but the spirit of Herzen had risen again and was -witnessing the realization of the dream of one of Russia's great men. - -One evening I was informed that Zinoviev had returned from Moscow and -would see me. He arrived about midnight. He looked very tired and was -constantly disturbed by urgent messages. Our talk was of a general -nature, of the grave situation in Russia, the shortage of food and fuel -then particularly poignant, and about the labour situation in America. -He was anxious to know "how soon the revolution could be expected in -the United States." He left upon me no definite impression, but I was -conscious of something lacking in the man, though I could not determine -at the time just what it was. - -Another Communist I saw much of the first weeks was John Reed. I had -known him in America. He was living in the Astoria, working hard and -preparing for his return to the United States. He was to journey -through Latvia and he seemed apprehensive of the outcome. He had been -in Russia during the October days and this was his second visit. Like -Shatov he also insisted that the dark sides of the Bolshevik regime -were inevitable. He believed fervently that the Soviet Government -would emerge from its narrow party lines and that it would presently -establish the Communistic Commonwealth. We spent much time together, -discussing the various phases of the situation. - -So far I had met none of the Anarchists and their failure to call -rather surprised me. One day a friend I had known in the States -came to inquire whether I would see several members of an Anarchist -organization. I readily assented. From them I learned a version of the -Russian Revolution and the Bolshevik regime utterly different from what -I had heard before. It was so startling, so terrible that I could not -believe it. They invited me to attend a small gathering they had called -to present to me their views. - -The following Sunday I went to their conference. Passing Nevsky -Prospekt, near Liteiny Street, I came upon a group of women huddled -together to protect themselves from the cold. They were surrounded -by soldiers, talking and gesticulating. Those women, I learned, were -prostitutes who were selling themselves for a pound of bread, a piece -of soap or chocolate. The soldiers were the only ones who could -afford to buy them because of their extra rations. Prostitution in -revolutionary Russia. I wondered. What is the Communist Government -doing for these unfortunates? What are the Workers' and Peasants' -Soviets doing? My escort smiled sadly. The Soviet Government had closed -the houses of prostitution and was now trying to drive the women off -the streets, but hunger and cold drove them back again; besides, -the soldiers had to be humoured. It was too ghastly, too incredible -to be real, yet there they were--those shivering creatures for sale -and their buyers, the red defenders of the Revolution. "The cursed -interventionists, the blockade--they are responsible," said my escort. -Why, yes, the counter-revolutionists and the blockade are responsible, -I reassured myself. I tried to dismiss the thought of that huddled -group, but it clung to me. I felt something snap within me. - -At last we reached the Anarchist quarters, in a dilapidated house -in a filthy backyard. I was ushered into a small room crowded with -men and women. The sight recalled pictures of thirty years ago when, -persecuted and hunted from place to place, the Anarchists in America -were compelled to meet in a dingy hall on Orchard Street, New York, or -in the dark rear room of a saloon. That was in capitalistic America. -But this is revolutionary Russia, which the Anarchists had helped to -free. Why should they have to gather in secret and in such a place? - -That evening and the following day I listened to a recital of the -betrayal of the Revolution by the Bolsheviki. Workers from the Baltic -factories spoke of their enslavement, Kronstadt sailors voiced their -bitterness and indignation against the people they had helped to -power and who had become their masters. One of the speakers had been -condemned to death by the Bolsheviki for his Anarchist ideas, but had -escaped and was now living illegally. He related how the sailors had -been robbed of the freedom of their Soviets, how every breath of life -was being censored. Others spoke of the Red Terror and repression in -Moscow, which resulted in the throwing of a bomb into the gathering of -the Moscow section of the Communist Party in September, 1919. They told -me of the over-filled prisons, of the violence practised on the workers -and peasants. I listened rather impatiently, for everything in me cried -out against this indictment. It sounded impossible; it could not be. -Someone was surely at fault, but probably it was they, my comrades, I -thought. They were unreasonable, impatient for immediate results. Was -not violence inevitable in a revolution, and was it not imposed upon -the Bolsheviki by the Interventionists? My comrades were indignant. -"Disguise yourself so the Bolsheviki do not recognize you; take a -pamphlet of Kropotkin and try to distribute it in a Soviet meeting. You -will soon see whether we told you the truth. Above all, get out of the -First House of the Soviet. Live among the people and you will have all -the proofs you need." - -How childish and trifling it all seemed in the face of the world event -that was taking place in Russia! No, I could not credit their stories. -I would wait and study conditions. But my mind was in a turmoil, and -the nights became more oppressive than ever. - -The day arrived when I was given a chance to attend the meeting of -the Petro-Soviet. It was to be a double celebration in honour of the -return of Karl Radek to Russia and Joffe's report on the peace treaty -with Esthonia. As usual I went with the Zorins. The gathering was in -the Tauride Palace, the former meeting place of the Russian Duma. Every -entrance to the hall was guarded by soldiers, the platform surrounded -by them holding their guns at attention. The hall was crowded to the -very doors. I was on the platform overlooking the sea of faces below. -Starved and wretched they looked, these sons and daughters of the -people, the heroes of Red Petrograd. How they had suffered and endured -for the Revolution! I felt very humble before them. - -Zinoviev presided. After the "Internationale" had been sung by the -audience standing, Zinoviev opened the meeting. He spoke at length. -His voice is high pitched, without depth. The moment I heard him I -realized what I had missed in him at our first meeting--depth, strength -of character. Next came Radek. He was clever, witty, sarcastic, and -he paid his respects to the counter-revolutionists and to the White -Guards. Altogether an interesting man and an interesting address. - -Joffe looked the diplomat. Well fed and groomed, he seemed rather -out of place in that assembly. He spoke of the peace conditions -with Esthonia, which were received with enthusiasm by the audience. -Certainly these people wanted peace. Would it ever come to Russia? - -Last spoke Zorin, by far the ablest and most convincing that evening. -Then the meeting was thrown open to discussion. A Menshevik asked for -the floor. Immediately pandemonium broke loose. Yells of "Traitor!" -"Kolchak!" "Counter-Revolutionist!" came from all parts of the audience -and even from the platform. It looked to me like an unworthy proceeding -for a revolutionary assembly. - -On the way home I spoke to Zorin about it. He laughed. "Free speech -is a bourgeois superstition," he said; "during a revolutionary period -there can be no free speech." I was rather dubious about the sweeping -statement, but I felt that I had no right to judge. I was a newcomer, -while the people at the Tauride Palace had sacrificed and suffered so -much for the Revolution. I had no right to judge. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -DISTURBING THOUGHTS - - -Life went on. Each day brought new conflicting thoughts and emotions. -The feature which affected me most was the inequality I witnessed in my -immediate environment. I learned that the rations issued to the tenants -of the First House of the Soviet (Astoria) were much superior to those -received by the workers in the factories. To be sure, they were not -sufficient to sustain life--but no one in the Astoria lived from these -rations alone. The members of the Communist Party, quartered in the -Astoria, worked in Smolny, and the rations in Smolny were the best in -Petrograd. Moreover, trade was not entirely suppressed at that time. -The markets were doing a lucrative business, though no one seemed able -or willing to explain to me where the purchasing capacity came from. -The workers could not afford to buy butter which was then 2,000 rubles -a pound, sugar at 3,000, or meat at 1,000. The inequality was most -apparent in the Astoria kitchen. I went there frequently, though it was -torture to prepare a meal: the savage scramble for an inch of space on -the stove, the greedy watching of the women lest any one have something -extra in the saucepan, the quarrels and screams when someone fished -out a piece of meat from the pot of a neighbour! But there was one -redeeming feature in the picture--it was the resentment of the servants -who worked in the Astoria. They were servants, though called comrades, -and they felt keenly the inequality: the Revolution to them was not a -mere theory to be realized in years to come. It was a living thing. I -was made aware of it one day. - -The rations were distributed at the Commissary, but one had to fetch -them himself. One day, while waiting my turn in the long line, a -peasant girl came in and asked for vinegar. "Vinegar! who is it calls -for such a luxury?" cried several women. It appeared that the girl was -Zinoviev's servant. She spoke of him as her master, who worked very -hard and was surely entitled to something extra. At once a storm of -indignation broke loose. "Master! is that what we made the Revolution -for, or was it to do away with masters? Zinoviev is no more than we, -and he is not entitled to more." - -These workingwomen were crude, even brutal, but their sense of justice -was instinctive. The Revolution to them was something fundamentally -vital. They saw the inequality at every step and bitterly resented -it. I was disturbed. I sought to reassure myself that Zinoviev and -the other leaders of the Communists would not use their power for -selfish benefit. It was the shortage of food and the lack of efficient -organization which made it impossible to feed all alike, and of course -the blockade and not the Bolsheviki was responsible for it. The Allied -Interventionists, who were trying to get at Russia's throat, were the -cause. - -Every Communist I met reiterated this thought; even some of the -Anarchists insisted on it. The little group antagonistic to the Soviet -Government was not convincing. But how to reconcile the explanation -given to me with some of the stories I learned every day--stories of -systematic terrorism, of relentless persecution, and suppression of -other revolutionary elements? - -Another circumstance which perplexed me was that the markets were -stacked with meat, fish, soap, potatoes, even shoes, every time that -the rations were given out. How did these things get to the markets? -Everyone spoke about it, but no one seemed to know. One day I was in -a watchmaker's shop when a soldier entered. He conversed with the -proprietor in Yiddish, relating that he had just returned from Siberia -with a shipment of tea. Would the watchmaker take fifty pounds? Tea -was sold at a premium at the time--no one but the privileged few could -permit themselves such a luxury. Of course the watchmaker would take -the tea. When the soldier left I asked the shopkeeper if he did not -think it rather risky to transact such illegal business so openly. -I happen to understand Yiddish, I told him. Did he not fear I would -report him? "That's nothing," the man replied nonchalantly, "the Tcheka -knows all about it--it draws its percentage from the soldier and -myself." - -I began to suspect that the reason for much of the evil was also within -Russia, not only outside of it. But then, I argued, police officials -and detectives graft everywhere. That is the common disease of the -breed. In Russia, where scarcity of food and three years of starvation -must needs turn most people into grafters, theft is inevitable. The -Bolsheviki are trying to suppress it with an iron hand. How can they -be blamed? But try as I might I could not silence my doubts. I groped -for some moral support, for a dependable word, for someone to shed -light on the disturbing questions. - -It occurred to me to write to Maxim Gorki. He might help. I called -his attention to his own dismay and disappointment while visiting -America. He had come believing in her democracy and liberalism, and -found bigotry and lack of hospitality instead. I felt sure Gorki would -understand the struggle going on within me, though the cause was not -the same. Would he see me? Two days later I received a short note -asking me to call. - -I had admired Gorki for many years. He was the living affirmation of my -belief that the creative artist cannot be suppressed. Gorki, the child -of the people, the pariah, had by his genius become one of the world's -greatest, one who by his pen and deep human sympathy made the social -outcast our kin. For years I toured America interpreting Gorki's genius -to the American people, elucidating the greatness, beauty, and humanity -of the man and his works. Now I was to see him and through him get a -glimpse into the complex soul of Russia. - -I found the main entrance of his house nailed up, and there seemed -to be no way of getting in. I almost gave up in despair when a woman -pointed to a dingy staircase. I climbed to the very top and knocked -on the first door I saw. It was thrown open, momentarily blinding me -with a flood of light and steam from an overheated kitchen. Then I -was ushered into a large dining room. It was dimly lit, chilly and -cheerless in spite of a fire and a large collection of Dutch china on -the walls. One of the three women I had noticed in the kitchen sat -down at the table with me, pretending to read a book but all the while -watching me out of the corner of her eye. It was an awkward half hour -of waiting. - -Presently Gorki arrived. Tall, gaunt, and coughing, he looked ill and -weary. He took me to his study, semi-dark and of depressing effect. -No sooner had we seated ourselves than the door flew open and another -young woman, whom I had not observed before, brought him a glass of -dark fluid, medicine evidently. Then the telephone began to ring; -a few minutes later Gorki was called out of the room. I realized -that I would not be able to talk with him. Returning, he must have -noticed my disappointment. We agreed to postpone our talk till some -less disturbed opportunity presented itself. He escorted me to the -door, remarking, "You ought to visit the Baltflot [Baltic Fleet]. The -Kronstadt sailors are nearly all instinctive Anarchists. You would -find a field there." I smiled. "Instinctive Anarchists?" I said, "that -means they are unspoiled by preconceived notions, unsophisticated, and -receptive. Is that what you mean?" - -"Yes, that is what I mean," he replied. - -The interview with Gorki left me depressed. Nor was our second meeting -more satisfactory on the occasion of my first trip to Moscow. By -the same train travelled Radek, Demyan Bedny, the popular Bolshevik -versifier, and Zipperovitch, then the president of the Petrograd -unions. We found ourselves in the same car, the one reserved for -Bolshevik officials and State dignitaries, comfortable and roomy. On -the other hand, the "common" man, the non-Communist without influence, -had literally to fight his way into the always overcrowded railway -carriages, provided he had a _propusk_ to travel--a most difficult -thing to procure. - -I spent the time of the journey discussing Russian conditions with -Zipperovitch, a kindly man of deep convictions, and with Demyan -Bedny, a big coarse-looking man. Radek held forth at length on his -experiences in Germany and German prisons. - -I learned that Gorki was also on the train, and I was glad of another -opportunity for a chat with him when he called to see me. The one thing -uppermost in my mind at the moment was an article which had appeared in -the Petrograd _Pravda_ a few days before my departure. It treated of -morally defective children, the writer urging prison for them. Nothing -I had heard or seen during my six weeks in Russia so outraged me as -this brutal and antiquated attitude toward the child. I was eager to -know what Gorki thought of the matter. Of course, he was opposed to -prisons for the morally defective, he would advocate reformatories -instead. "What do you mean by morally defective?" I asked. "Our young -are the result of alcoholism rampant during the Russian-Japanese War, -and of syphilis. What except moral defection could result from such a -heritage?" he replied. I argued that morality changes with conditions -and climate, and that unless one believed in the theory of free will -one cannot consider morality a fixed matter. As to children, their -sense of responsibility is primitive, and they lack the spirit of -social adherence. But Gorki insisted that there was a fearful spread -of moral defection among children and that such cases should be -isolated. - -I then broached the problem that was troubling me most. What about -persecution and terror--were all the horrors inevitable, or was there -some fault in Bolshevism itself? The Bolsheviki were making mistakes, -but they were doing the best they knew how, Gorki said drily. Nothing -more could be expected, he thought. - -I recalled a certain article by Gorki, published in his paper, _New -Life_, which I had read in the Missouri Penitentiary. It was a scathing -arraignment of the Bolsheviki. There must have been powerful reasons to -change Gorki's point of view so completely. Perhaps he is right. I must -wait. I must study the situation; I must get at the facts. Above all, I -must see for myself Bolshevism at work. - -We spoke of the drama. On my first visit, by way of introduction, I had -shown Gorki an announcement card of the dramatic course I had given -in America. John Galsworthy was among the playwrights I had discussed -then. Gorki expressed surprise that I considered Galsworthy an artist. -In his opinion Galsworthy could not be compared with Bernard Shaw. I -had to differ. I did not underestimate Shaw, but considered Galsworthy -the greater artist. I detected irritation in Gorki, and as his hacking -cough continued, I broke off the discussion. He soon left. I remained -dejected from the interview. It gave me nothing. - -When we pulled into the Moscow station my chaperon, Demyan Bedny, had -vanished and I was left on the platform with all my traps. Radek came -to my rescue. He called a porter, took me and my baggage to his waiting -automobile and insisted that I come to his apartments in the Kremlin. -There I was graciously received by his wife and invited to dinner -served by their maid. After that Radek began the difficult task of -getting me quartered in the Hotel National, known as the First House of -the Moscow Soviet. With all his influence it required hours to secure a -room for me. - -Radek's luxurious apartment, the maidservant, the splendid dinner -seemed strange in Russia. But the comradely concern of Radek and the -hospitality of his wife were grateful to me. Except at the Zorins -and the Shatovs I had not met with anything like it. I felt that -kindliness, sympathy, and solidarity were still alive in Russia. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -MOSCOW: FIRST IMPRESSIONS - - -Coming from Petrograd to Moscow is like being suddenly transferred -from a desert to active life, so great is the contrast. On reaching -the large open square in front of the main Moscow station I was amazed -at the sight of busy crowds, cabbies, and porters. The same picture -presented itself all the way from the station to the Kremlin. The -streets were alive with men, women, and children. Almost everybody -carried a bundle, or dragged a loaded sleigh. There was life, motion, -and movement, quite different from the stillness that oppressed me in -Petrograd. - -I noticed considerable display of the military in the city, and scores -of men dressed in leather suits with guns in their belts. "Tcheka -men, our Extraordinary Commission," explained Radek. I had heard of -the Tcheka before: Petrograd talked of it with dread and hatred. -However, the soldiers and Tchekists were never much in evidence in -the city on the Neva. Here in Moscow they seemed everywhere. Their -presence reminded me of a remark Jack Reed had made: "Moscow is a -military encampment," he had said; "spies everywhere, the bureaucracy -most autocratic. I always feel relieved when I get out of Moscow. -But, then, Petrograd is a proletarian city and is permeated with the -spirit of the Revolution. Moscow always was hierarchical. It is much -more so now." I found that Jack Reed was right. Moscow was indeed -hierarchical. Still the life was intense, varied, and interesting. -What struck me most forcibly, besides the display of militarism, was -the preoccupation of the people. There seemed to be no common interest -between them. Everyone rushed about as a detached unit in quest of -his own, pushing and knocking against everyone else. Repeatedly I saw -women or children fall from exhaustion without any one stopping to lend -assistance. People stared at me when I would bend over the heap on the -slippery pavement or gather up the bundles that had fallen into the -street. I spoke to friends about what looked to me like a strange lack -of fellow-feeling. They explained it as a result partly of the general -distrust and suspicion created by the Tcheka, and partly due to the -absorbing task of getting the day's food. One had neither vitality nor -feeling left to think of others. Yet there did not seem to be such a -scarcity of food as in Petrograd, and the people were warmer and better -dressed. - -I spent much time on the streets and in the market places. Most of -the latter, as also the famous Soukharevka, were in full operation. -Occasionally soldiers would raid the markets; but as a rule they were -suffered to continue. They presented the most vital and interesting -part of the city's life. Here gathered proletarian and aristocrat, -Communist and bourgeois, peasant and intellectual. Here they were bound -by the common desire to sell and buy, to trade and bargain. Here one -could find for sale a rusty iron pot alongside of an exquisite ikon; -an old pair of shoes and intricately worked lace; a few yards of cheap -calico and a beautiful old Persian shawl. The rich of yesterday, hungry -and emaciated, denuding themselves of their last glories; the rich of -to-day buying--it was indeed an amazing picture in revolutionary Russia. - -Who was buying the finery of the past, and where did the purchasing -power come from? The buyers were numerous. In Moscow one was not so -limited as to sources of information as in Petrograd; the very streets -furnished that source. - -The Russian people even after four years of war and three years of -revolution remained unsophisticated. They were suspicious of strangers -and reticent at first. But when they learned that one had come from -America and did not belong to the governing political party, they -gradually lost their reserve. Much information I gathered from them and -some explanation of the things that perplexed me since my arrival. I -talked frequently with the workers and peasants and the women on the -markets. - -The forces which had led up to the Russian Revolution had remained -_terra incognita_ to these simple folk, but the Revolution itself had -struck deep into their souls. They knew nothing of theories, but they -believed that there was to be no more of the hated _barin_ (master) -and now the _barin_ was again upon them. "The _barin_ has everything," -they would say, "white bread, clothing, even chocolate, while we have -nothing." "Communism, equality, freedom," they jeered, "lies and -deception." - -I would return to the National bruised and battered, my illusions -gradually shattered, my foundations crumbling. But I would not let -go. After all, I thought, the common people could not understand -the tremendous difficulties confronting the Soviet Government: the -imperialist forces arraigned against Russia, the many attacks which -drained her of her men who otherwise would be employed in productive -labour, the blockade which was relentlessly slaying Russia's young and -weak. Of course, the people could not understand these things, and I -must not be misled by their bitterness born of suffering. I must be -patient. I must get to the source of the evils confronting me. - -The National, like the Petrograd Astoria, was a former hotel but not -nearly in as good condition. No rations were given out there except -three quarters of a pound of bread every two days. Instead there was -a common dining room where dinners and suppers were served. The meals -consisted of soup and a little meat, sometimes fish or pancakes, and -tea. In the evening we usually had _kasha_ and tea. The food was not -too plentiful, but one could exist on it were it not so abominably -prepared. - -I saw no reason for this spoiling of provisions. Visiting the kitchen I -discovered an array of servants controlled by a number of officials, -commandants, and inspectors. The kitchen staff were poorly paid; -moreover, they were not given the same food served to us. They resented -this discrimination and their interest was not in their work. This -situation resulted in much graft and waste, criminal in the face of -the general scarcity of food. Few of the tenants of the National, I -learned, took their meals in the common dining room. They prepared or -had their meals prepared by servants in a separate kitchen set aside -for that purpose. There, as in the Astoria, I found the same scramble -for a place on the stove, the same bickering and quarrelling, the same -greedy, envious watching of each other. Was that Communism in action, I -wondered. I heard the usual explanation: Yudenitch, Denikin, Kolchak, -the blockade--but the stereotyped phrases no longer satisfied me. - -Before I left Petrograd Jack Reed said to me: "When you reach Moscow, -look up Angelica Balabanova. She will receive you gladly and will put -you up should you be unable to find a room." I had heard of Balabanova -before, knew of her work, and was naturally anxious to meet her. - -A few days after reaching Moscow I called her up. Would she see me? -Yes, at once, though she was not feeling well. I found Balabanova in -a small, cheerless room, lying huddled up on the sofa. She was not -prepossessing but for her eyes, large and luminous, radiating sympathy -and kindness. She received me most graciously, like an old friend, and -immediately ordered the inevitable samovar. Over our tea we talked -of America, the labour movement there, our deportation, and finally -about Russia. I put to her the questions I had asked many Communists -regarding the contrasts and discrepancies which confronted me at every -step. She surprised me by not giving the usual excuses; she was the -first who did not repeat the old refrain. She did refer to the scarcity -of food, fuel, and clothing which was responsible for much of the graft -and corruption; but on the whole she thought life itself mean and -limited. "A rock on which the highest hopes are shattered. Life thwarts -the best intentions and breaks the finest spirits," she said. Rather an -unusual view for a Marxian, a Communist, and one in the thick of the -battle. I knew she was then secretary of the Third International. Here -was a personality, one who was not a mere echo, one who felt deeply the -complexity of the Russian situation. I went away profoundly impressed, -and attracted by her sad, luminous eyes. - -I soon discovered that Balabanova--or Balabanoff, as she preferred -to be called--was at the beck and call of everybody. Though poor in -health and engaged in many functions, she yet found time to minister -to the needs of her legion callers. Often she went without necessaries -herself, giving away her own rations, always busy trying to secure -medicine or some little delicacy for the sick and suffering. Her -special concern were the stranded Italians of whom there were quite -a number in Petrograd and Moscow. Balabanova had lived and worked in -Italy for many years until she almost became Italian herself. She felt -deeply with them, who were as far away from their native soil as from -events in Russia. She was their friend, their advisor, their main -support in a world of strife and struggle. Not only the Italians but -almost everyone else was the concern of this remarkable little woman: -no one needed a Communist membership card to Angelica's heart. No -wonder some of her comrades considered her a "sentimentalist who wasted -her precious time in philanthropy." Many verbal battles I had on this -score with the type of Communist who had become callous and hard, -altogether barren of the qualities which characterized the Russian -idealist of the past. - -Similar criticism as of Balabanova I heard expressed of another leading -Communist, Lunacharsky. Already in Petrograd I was told sneeringly, -"Lunacharsky is a scatterbrain who wastes millions on foolish -ventures." But I was eager to meet the man who was the Commissar of one -of the important departments in Russia, that of education. Presently an -opportunity presented itself. - -The Kremlin, the old citadel of Tsardom, I found heavily guarded and -inaccessible to the "common" man. But I had come by appointment and -in the company of a man who had an admission card, and therefore -passed the guard without trouble. We soon reached the Lunacharsky -apartments, situated in an old quaint building within the walls. Though -the reception room was crowded with people waiting to be admitted, -Lunacharsky called me in as soon as I was announced. - -His greeting was very cordial. Did I "intend to remain a free bird" -was one of his first questions, or would I be willing to join him -in his work? I was rather surprised. Why should one have to give -up his freedom, especially in educational work? Were not initiative -and freedom essential? However, I had come to learn from Lunacharsky -about the revolutionary system of education in Russia, of which we -had heard so much in America. I was especially interested in the care -the children were receiving. The Moscow _Pravda_, like the Petrograd -newspapers, had been agitated by a controversy about the treatment -of the morally defective. I expressed surprise at such an attitude -in Soviet Russia. "Of course, it is all barbarous and antiquated," -Lunacharsky said, "and I am fighting it tooth and nail. The sponsors -of prisons for children are old criminal jurists, still imbued -with Tsarist methods. I have organized a commission of physicians, -pedagogues, and psychologists to deal with this question. Of course, -those children must not be punished." I felt tremendously relieved. -Here at last was a man who had gotten away from the cruel old methods -of punishment. I told him of the splendid work done in capitalist -America by Judge Lindsay and of some of the experimental schools for -backward children. Lunacharsky was much interested. "Yes, that is just -what we want here, the American system of education," he exclaimed. -"You surely do not mean the American public school system?" I asked. -"You know of the insurgent movement in America against our public -school method of education, the work done by Professor Dewey and -others?" Lunacharsky had heard little about it. Russia had been so long -cut off from the western world and there was great lack of books on -modern education. He was eager to learn of the new ideas and methods. I -sensed in Lunacharsky a personality full of faith and devotion to the -Revolution, one who was carrying on the great work of education in a -physically and spiritually difficult environment. - -He suggested the calling of a conference of teachers if I would talk -to them about the new tendencies in education in America, to which I -readily consented. Schools and other institutions in his charge were to -be visited later. I left Lunacharsky filled with new hope. I would join -him in his work, I thought. What greater service could one render the -Russian people? - -During my visit to Moscow I saw Lunacharsky several times. He was -always the same kindly gracious man, but I soon began to notice that he -was being handicapped in his work by forces within his own party: most -of his good intentions and decisions never saw the light. Evidently -Lunacharsky was caught in the same machine that apparently held -everything in its iron grip. What was that machine? Who directed its -movements? - -Although the control of visitors at the National was very strict, no -one being able to go in or out without a special _propusk_ [permit], -men and women of different political factions managed to call on me: -Anarchists, Left Social Revolutionists, Cooperators, and people I -had known in America and who had returned to Russia to play their -part in the Revolution. They had come with deep faith and high hope, -but I found almost all of them discouraged, some even embittered. -Though widely differing in their political views, nearly all of my -callers related an identical story, the story of the high tide of the -Revolution, of the wonderful spirit that led the people forward, of -the possibilities of the masses, the role of the Bolsheviki as the -spokesmen of the most extreme revolutionary slogans and their betrayal -of the Revolution after they had secured power. All spoke of the -Brest Litovsk peace as the beginning of the downward march. The Left -Social Revolutionists especially, men of culture and earnestness, -who had suffered much under the Tsar and now saw their hopes and -aspirations thwarted, were most emphatic in their condemnation. They -supported their statements by evidence of the havoc wrought by the -methods of forcible requisition and the punitive expeditions to the -villages, of the abyss created between town and country, the hatred -engendered between peasant and worker. They told of the persecution of -their comrades, the shooting of innocent men and women, the criminal -inefficiency, waste, and destruction. - -How, then, could the Bolsheviki maintain themselves in power? After -all, they were only a small minority, about five hundred thousand -members as an exaggerated estimate. The Russian masses, I was told, -were exhausted by hunger and cowed by terrorism. Moreover, they had -lost faith in all parties and ideas. Nevertheless, there were frequent -peasant uprisings in various parts of Russia, but these were ruthlessly -quelled. There were also constant strikes in Moscow, Petrograd, and -other industrial centres, but the censorship was so rigid little ever -became known to the masses at large. - -I sounded my visitors on intervention. "We want none of outside -interference," was the uniform sentiment. They held that it merely -strengthened the hands of the Bolsheviki. They felt that they could -not publicly even speak out against them so long as Russia was being -attacked, much less fight their regime. "Have not their tactics and -methods been imposed on the Bolsheviki by intervention and blockade?" I -argued. "Only partly so," was the reply. "Most of their methods spring -from their lack of understanding of the character and the needs of the -Russian people and the mad obsession of dictatorship, which is not even -the dictatorship of the proletariat but the dictatorship of a small -group _over_ the proletariat." - -When I broached the subject of the People's Soviets and the elections -my visitors smiled. "Elections! There are no such things in Russia, -unless you call threats and terrorism elections. It is by these alone -that the Bolsheviki secure a majority. A few Mensheviki, Social -Revolutionists, or Anarchists are permitted to slip into the Soviets, -but they have not the shadow of a chance to be heard." - -The picture painted looked black and dismal. Still I clung to my faith. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -MEETING PEOPLE - - -At A conference of the Moscow Anarchists in March I first learned of -the part some Anarchists had played in the Russian Revolution. In the -July uprising of 1917 the Kronstadt sailors were led by the Anarchist -Yarchuck; the Constituent Assembly was dispersed by Zhelezniakov; -the Anarchists had participated on every front and helped to drive -back the Allied attacks. It was the consensus of opinion that the -Anarchists were always among the first to face fire, as they were -also the most active in the reconstructive work. One of the biggest -factories near Moscow, which did not stop work during the entire period -of the Revolution, was managed by an Anarchist. Anarchists were doing -important work in the Foreign Office and in all other departments. I -learned that the Anarchists had virtually helped the Bolsheviki into -power. Five months later, in April, 1918, machine guns were used to -destroy the Moscow Anarchist Club and to suppress their press. That -was before Mirbach arrived in Moscow. The field had to be "cleared of -disturbing elements," and the Anarchists were the first to suffer. -Since then the persecution of the Anarchists has never ceased. - -The Moscow Anarchist Conference was critical not only toward the -existing regime, but toward its own comrades as well. It spoke frankly -of the negative sides of the movement, and of its lack of unity and -cooperation during the revolutionary period. Later I was to learn more -of the internal dissensions in the Anarchist movement. Before closing, -the Conference decided to call on the Soviet Government to release the -imprisoned Anarchists and to legalize Anarchist educational work. The -Conference asked Alexander Berkman and myself to sign the resolution -to that effect. It was a shock to me that Anarchists should ask any -government to legalize their efforts, but I still believed the Soviet -Government to be at least to some extent expressive of the Revolution. -I signed the resolution, and as I was to see Lenin in a few days I -promised to take the matter up with him. - -The interview with Lenin was arranged by Balabanova. "You must see -Ilitch, talk to him about the things that are disturbing you and the -work you would like to do," she had said. But some time passed before -the opportunity came. At last one day Balabanova called up to ask -whether I could go at once. Lenin had sent his car and we were quickly -driven over to the Kremlin, passed without question by the guards, and -at last ushered into the workroom of the all-powerful president of the -People's Commissars. - -When we entered Lenin held a copy of the brochure _Trial and -Speeches_[2] in his hands. I had given my only copy to Balabanova, who -had evidently sent the booklet on ahead of us to Lenin. One of his -first questions was, "When could the Social Revolution be expected in -America?" I had been asked the question repeatedly before, but I was -astounded to hear it from Lenin. It seemed incredible that a man of his -information should know so little about conditions in America. - -My Russian at this time was halting, but Lenin declared that though he -had lived in Europe for many years he had not learned to speak foreign -languages: the conversation would therefore have to be carried on in -Russian. At once he launched into a eulogy of our speeches in court. -"What a splendid opportunity for propaganda," he said; "it is worth -going to prison, if the courts can so successfully be turned into a -forum." I felt his steady cold gaze upon me, penetrating my very being, -as if he were reflecting upon the use I might be put to. Presently he -asked what I would want to do. I told him I would like to repay America -what it had done for Russia. I spoke of the Society of the Friends of -Russian Freedom, organized thirty years ago by George Kennan and later -reorganized by Alice Stone Blackwell and other liberal Americans. I -briefly sketched the splendid work they had done to arouse interest in -the struggle for Russian freedom, and the great moral and financial aid -the Society had given through all those years. To organize a Russian -society for American freedom was my plan. Lenin appeared enthusiastic. -"That is a great idea, and you shall have all the help you want. But, -of course, it will be under the auspices of the Third International. -Prepare your plan in writing and send it to me." - -I broached the subject of the Anarchists in Russia. I showed him a -letter I had received from Martens, the Soviet representative in -America, shortly before my deportation. Martens asserted that the -Anarchists in Russia enjoyed full freedom of speech and press. Since -my arrival I found scores of Anarchists in prison and their press -suppressed. I explained that I could not think of working with the -Soviet Government so long as my comrades were in prison for opinion's -sake. I also told him of the resolutions of the Moscow Anarchist -Conference. He listened patiently and promised to bring the matter to -the attention of his party. "But as to free speech," he remarked, "that -is, of course, a bourgeois notion. There can be no free speech in a -revolutionary period. We have the peasantry against us because we can -give them nothing in return for their bread. We will have them on our -side when we have something to exchange. Then you can have all the free -speech you want--but not now. Recently we needed peasants to cart some -wood into the city. They demanded salt. We thought we had no salt, but -then we discovered seventy poods in Moscow in one of our warehouses. -At once the peasants were willing to cart the wood. Your comrades -must wait until we can meet the needs of the peasants. Meanwhile, -they should work with us. Look at William Shatov, for instance, who -has helped save Petrograd from Yudenitch. He works with us and we -appreciate his services. Shatov was among the first to receive the -order of the Red Banner." - -Free speech, free press, the spiritual achievements of centuries, what -were they to this man? A Puritan, he was sure his scheme alone could -redeem Russia. Those who served his plans were right, the others could -not be tolerated. - -A shrewd Asiatic, this Lenin. He knows how to play on the weak sides of -men by flattery, rewards, medals. I left convinced that his approach to -people was purely utilitarian, for the use he could get out of them for -his scheme. And his scheme--was it the Revolution? - -I prepared the plan for the Society of the Russian Friends of American -Freedom and elaborated the details of the work I had in mind, but -refused to place myself under the protecting wing of the Third -International. I explained to Lenin that the American people had little -faith in politics, and would certainly consider it an imposition to be -directed and guided by a political machine from Moscow. I could not -consistently align myself with the Third International. - -Some time later I saw Tchicherin. I believe it was 4 A. M. -when our interview took place. He also asked about the possibilities -of a revolution in America, and seemed to doubt my judgment when I -informed him that there was no hope of it in the near future. We spoke -of the I. W. W., which had evidently been misrepresented to him. -I assured Tchicherin that while I am not an I. W. W. I must state -that they represented the only conscious and effective revolutionary -proletarian organization in the United States, and were sure to play an -important role in the future labour history of the country. - -Next to Balabanova, Tchicherin impressed me as the most simple and -unassuming of the leading Communists in Moscow. But all were equally -naive in their estimate of the world outside of Russia. Was their -judgment so faulty because they had been cut off from Europe and -America so long? Or was their great need of European help father to -their wish? At any rate, they all clung to the idea of approaching -revolutions in the western countries, forgetful that revolutions are -not made to order, and apparently unconscious that their own revolution -had been twisted out of shape and semblance and was gradually being -done to death. - -The editor of the London _Daily Herald_, accompanied by one of his -reporters, had preceded me to Moscow. They wanted to visit Kropotkin, -and they had been given a special car. Together with Alexander Berkman -and A. Shapiro, I was able to join Mr. Lansbury. - -The Kropotkin cottage stood back in the garden away from the street. -Only a faint ray from a kerosene lamp lit up the path to the house. -Kropotkin received us with his characteristic graciousness, evidently -glad at our visit. But I was shocked at his altered appearance. The -last time I had seen him was in 1907, in Paris, which I visited after -the Anarchist Congress in Amsterdam. Kropotkin, barred from France -for many years, had just been given the right to return. He was then -sixty-five years of age, but still so full of life and energy that he -seemed much younger. Now he looked old and worn. - -I was eager to get some light from Kropotkin on the problems that were -troubling me, particularly on the relation of the Bolsheviki to the -Revolution. What was his opinion? Why had he been silent so long? - -I took no notes and therefore I can give only the gist of what -Kropotkin said. He stated that the Revolution had carried the people -to great spiritual heights and had paved the way for profound social -changes. If the people had been permitted to apply their released -energies, Russia would not be in her present condition of ruin. The -Bolsheviki, who had been carried to the top by the revolutionary wave, -first caught the popular ear by extreme revolutionary slogans, thereby -gaining the confidence of the masses and the support of militant -revolutionists. - -He continued to narrate that early in the October period the -Bolsheviki began to subordinate the interests of the Revolution to the -establishment of their dictatorship, which coerced and paralysed every -social activity. He stated that the cooperatives were the main medium -that could have bridged the interests of the peasants and the workers. -The cooperatives were among the first to be crushed. He spoke with much -feeling of the oppression, the persecution, the hounding of every shade -of opinion, and cited numerous instances of the misery and distress of -the people. He emphasized that the Bolsheviki had discredited Socialism -and Communism in the eyes of the Russian people. - -"Why haven't you raised your voice against these evils, against this -machine that is sapping the life blood of the Revolution?" I asked. -He gave two reasons. As long as Russia was being attacked by the -combined Imperialists, and Russian women and children were dying from -the effects of the blockade, he could not join the shrieking chorus of -the ex-revolutionists in the cry of "Crucify!" He preferred silence. -Secondly, there was no medium of expression in Russia itself. To -protest to the Government was useless. Its concern was to maintain -itself in power. It could not stop at such "trifles" as human rights or -human lives. Then he added: "We have always pointed out the effects of -Marxism in action. Why be surprised now?" - -I asked Kropotkin whether he was noting down his impressions and -observations. Surely he must see the importance of such a record to -his comrades and to the workers; in fact, to the whole world. "No," -he said; "it is impossible to write when one is in the midst of great -human suffering, when every hour brings new tragedies. Then there may -be a raid at any moment. The Tcheka comes swooping down in the night, -ransacks every corner, turns everything inside out, and marches off -with every scrap of paper. Under such constant stress it is impossible -to keep records. But besides these considerations there is my book on -Ethics. I can only work a few hours a day, and I must concentrate on -that to the exclusion of everything else." - -After a tender embrace which Peter never failed to give those he loved, -we returned to our car. My heart was heavy, my spirit confused and -troubled by what I had heard. I was also distressed by the poor state -of health of our comrade: I feared he could not survive till spring. -The thought that Peter Kropotkin might go to his grave and that the -world might never know what he thought of the Russian Revolution was -appalling. - -FOOTNOTE: - -[2] _Trial and Speeches of Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman before -the Federal Court of New York, June-July, 1917._ Mother Earth -Publishing Co., New York. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -PREPARING FOR AMERICAN DEPORTEES - - -Events in Moscow, quickly following each other, were full of interest. -I wanted to remain in that vital city, but as I had left all my effects -in Petrograd I decided to return there and then come back to Moscow to -join Lunacharsky in his work. A few days before my departure a young -woman, an Anarchist, came to visit me. She was from the Petrograd -Museum of the Revolution and she called to inquire whether I would take -charge of the Museum branch work in Moscow. She explained that the -original idea of the Museum was due to the famous old revolutionist -Vera Nikolaievna Figner, and that it had recently been organized by -non-partisan elements. The majority of the men and women who worked in -the Museum were not Communists, she said; but they were devoted to the -Revolution and anxious to create something which could in the future -serve as a source of information and inspiration to earnest students -of the great Russian Revolution. When my caller was informed that I was -about to return to Petrograd, she invited me to visit the Museum and to -become acquainted with its work. - -Upon my arrival in Petrograd I found unexpected work awaiting me. -Zorin informed me that he had been notified by Tchicherin that a -thousand Russians had been deported from America and were on their way -to Russia. They were to be met at the border and quarters were to be -immediately prepared for them in Petrograd. Zorin asked me to join the -Commission about to be organized for that purpose. - -The plan of such a commission for American deportees had been broached -to Zorin soon after our arrival in Russia. At that time Zorin directed -us to talk the matter over with Tchicherin, which we did. But three -months passed without anything having been done about it. Meanwhile, -our comrades of the _Buford_ were still walking from department to -department, trying to be placed where they might do some good. They -were a sorry lot, those men who had come to Russia with such high -hopes, eager to render service to the revolutionary people. Most of -them were skilled workers, mechanics--men Russia needed badly; but -the cumbersome Bolshevik machine and general inefficiency made it a -very complex matter to put them to work. Some had tried independently -to secure jobs, but they could accomplish very little. Moreover, those -who found employment were soon made to feel that the Russian workers -resented the eagerness and intensity of their brothers from America. -"Wait till you have starved as long as we," they would say, "wait till -you have tasted the blessings of Commissarship, and we will see if you -are still so eager." In every way the deportees were discouraged and -their enthusiasm dampened. - -To avoid this unnecessary waste of energy and suffering the Commission -was at last organized in Petrograd. It consisted of Ravitch, the then -Minister of Internal Affairs for the Northern District; her secretary, -Kaplun; two members of the Bureau of War Prisoners; Alexander Berkman, -and myself. The new deportees were due in two weeks, and much work -was to be done to prepare for their reception. It was unfortunate -that no active participation could be expected from Ravitch because -her time was too much occupied. Besides holding the post of Minister -of the Interior she was Chief of the Petrograd Militia, and she also -represented the Moscow Foreign Office in Petrograd. Her regular working -hours were from 8 A. M. to 2 A. M. Kaplun, a very able administrator, -had charge of the entire internal work of the Department and could -therefore give us very little of his time. There remained only four -persons to accomplish within a short time the big task of preparing -living quarters for a thousand deportees in starved and ruined Russia. -Moreover, Alexander Berkman, heading the Reception Committee, had to -leave for the Latvian border to meet the exiles. - -It was an almost impossible task for one person, but I was very anxious -to save the second group of deportees the bitter experiences and the -disappointments of my fellow companions of the _Buford_. I could -undertake the work only by making the condition that I be given the -right of entry to the various government departments, for I had learned -by that time how paralysing was the effect of the bureaucratic red -tape which delayed and often frustrated the most earnest and energetic -efforts. Kaplun consented. "Call on me at any time for anything you may -require," he said; "I will give orders that you be admitted everywhere -and supplied with everything you need. If that should not help, call -on the Tcheka," he added. I had never called upon the police before, I -informed him; why should I do so in revolutionary Russia? "In bourgeois -countries that is a different matter," explained Kaplun; "with us the -Tcheka defends the Revolution and fights sabotage." I started on my -work determined to do without the Tcheka. Surely there must be other -methods, I thought. - -Then began a chase over Petrograd. Materials were very scarce and -it was most difficult to procure them owing to the unbelievably -centralized Bolshevik methods. Thus to get a pound of nails one had to -file applications in about ten or fifteen bureaus; to secure some bed -linen or ordinary dishes one wasted days. Everywhere in the offices -crowds of Government employees stood about smoking cigarettes, awaiting -the hour when the tedious task of the day would be over. My co-workers -of the War Prisoners' Bureau fumed at the irritating and unnecessary -delays, but to no purpose. They threatened with the Tcheka, with the -concentration camp, even with _raztrel_ (shooting). The latter was the -most favourite argument. Whenever any difficulty arose one immediately -heard _raztreliat_--to be shot. But the expression, so terrible in its -significance, was gradually losing its effect upon the people: man gets -used to everything. - -I decided to try other methods. I would talk to the employees in -the departments about the vital interest the conscious American -workers felt in the great Russian Revolution, and of their faith and -hope in the Russian proletariat. The people would become interested -immediately, but the questions they would ask were as strange as they -were pitiful: "Have the people enough to eat in America? How soon will -the Revolution be there? Why did you come to starving Russia?" They -were eager for information and news, these mentally and physically -starved people, cut off by the barbarous blockade from all touch with -the western world. Things American were something wonderful to them. A -piece of chocolate or a cracker were unheard-of dainties--they proved -the key to everybody's heart. - -Within two weeks I succeeded in procuring most of the things needed -for the expected deportees, including furniture, linen, and dishes. A -miracle, everybody said. - -However, the renovation of the houses that were to serve as living -quarters for the exiles was not accomplished so easily. I inspected -what, as I was told, had once been first-class hotels. I found them -located in the former prostitute district; cheap dives they were, until -the Bolsheviki closed all brothels. They were germ-eaten, ill-smelling, -and filthy. It was no small problem to turn those dark holes into a -fit habitation within two weeks. A coat of paint was a luxury not to -be thought of. There was nothing else to do but to strip the rooms -of furniture and draperies, and have them thoroughly cleaned and -disinfected. - -One morning a group of forlorn-looking creatures, in charge of two -militiamen, were brought to my temporary office. They came to work, I -was informed. The group consisted of a one-armed old man, a consumptive -woman, and eight boys and girls, mere children, pale, starved, and in -rags. "Where do these unfortunates come from?" I inquired. "They are -speculators," one of the militiamen replied; "we rounded them up on -the market." The prisoners began to weep. They were no speculators, -they protested; they were starving, they had received no bread in two -days. They were compelled to go out to the market to sell matches or -thread to secure a little bread. In the midst of this scene the old -man fainted from exhaustion, demonstrating better than words that he -had speculated only in hunger. I had seen such "speculators" before, -driven in groups through the streets of Moscow and Petrograd by convoys -with loaded guns pointed at the backs of the prisoners. - -I could not think of having the work done by these starved creatures. -But the militiamen insisted that they would not let them go; they had -orders to make them work. I called up Kaplun and informed him that -I considered it out of the question to have quarters for American -deportees prepared by Russian convicts whose only crime was hunger. -Thereupon Kaplun ordered the group set free and consented that I give -them of the bread sent for the workers' rations. But a valuable day was -lost. - -The next morning a group of boys and girls came singing along the -Nevski Prospekt. They were _kursanti_ from the Tauride Palace who were -sent to my office to work. On my first visit to the palace I had been -shown the quarters of the _kursanti_, the students of the Bolshevik -academy. They were mostly village boys and girls housed, fed, clothed, -and educated by the Government, later to be placed in responsible -positions in the Soviet regime. At the time I was impressed by the -institutions, but by April I had looked somewhat beneath the surface. -I recalled what a young woman, a Communist, had told me in Moscow -about these students. "They are the special caste now being reared in -Russia," she had said. "Like the church which maintains and educates -its religious priesthood, our Government trains a military and civic -priesthood. They are a favoured lot." I had more than one occasion to -convince myself of the truth of it. The _kursanti_ were being given -every advantage and many special privileges. They knew their importance -and they behaved accordingly. - -Their first demand when they came to me was for the extra rations of -bread they had been promised. This demand satisfied, they stood about -and seemed to have no idea of work. It was evident that whatever else -the _kursanti_ might be taught, it was not to labour. But, then, few -people in Russia know how to work. The situation looked hopeless. Only -ten days remained till the arrival of the deportees, and the "hotels" -assigned for their use were still in as uninhabitable a condition as -before. It was no use to threaten with the Tcheka, as my co-workers -did. I appealed to the boys and girls in the spirit of the American -deportees who were about to arrive in Russia full of enthusiasm for -the Revolution and eager to join in the great work of reconstruction. -The _kursanti_ were the pampered charges of the Government, but they -were not long from the villages, and they had had no time to become -corrupt. My appeal was effective. They took up the work with a will, -and at the end of ten days the three famous hotels were ready as far as -willingness to work and hot water without soap could make them. We were -very proud of our achievement and we eagerly awaited the arrival of the -deportees. - -At last they came, but to our great surprise they proved to be no -deportees at all. They were Russian war prisoners from Germany. -The misunderstanding was due to the blunder of some official in -Tchicherin's office who misread the radio information about the party -due at the border. The prepared hotels were locked and sealed; they -were not to be used for the returned war prisoners because "they were -prepared for American deportees who still might come." All the efforts -and labour had been in vain. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -REST HOMES FOR WORKERS - - -Since my return from Moscow I noticed a change in Zorin's attitude: -he was reserved, distant, and not as friendly as when we first met. -I ascribed it to the fact that he was overworked and fatigued, and -not wishing to waste his valuable time I ceased visiting the Zorins -as frequently as before. One day, however, he called up to ask if -Alexander Berkman and myself would join him in certain work he was -planning, and which was to be done in hurry-up American style, as he -put it. On calling to see him we found him rather excited--an unusual -thing for Zorin who was generally quiet and reserved. He was full of -a new scheme to build "rest homes" for workers. He explained that on -Kameniy Ostrov were the magnificent mansions of the Stolypins, the -Polovtsovs, and others of the aristocracy and bourgeoisie, and that he -was planning to turn them into recreation centres for workers. Would -we join in the work? Of course, we consented eagerly, and the next -morning we went over to inspect the island. It was indeed an ideal -spot, dotted with magnificent mansions, some of them veritable museums, -containing rare gems of painting, tapestry, and furniture. The man in -charge of the buildings called our attention to the art treasures, -protesting that they would be injured or entirely destroyed if put to -the planned use. But Zorin was set on his scheme. "Recreation homes for -workers are more important than art," he said. - -We returned to the Astoria determined to devote ourselves to the work -and to go at it intensively, as the houses were to be ready for the -First of May. We prepared detailed plans for dining rooms, sleeping -chambers, reading rooms, theatre and lecture halls, and recreation -places for the workers. As the first and most necessary step we -proposed the organization of a dining room to feed the workers who were -to be employed in preparing the place for their comrades. I had learned -from my previous experience with the hotels that much valuable time -was lost because of the failure to provide for those actually employed -on such work. Zorin consented and promised that we were to take charge -within a few days. But a week passed and nothing further was heard -about what was to be a rush job. Some time later Zorin called up to -ask us to accompany him to the island. On our arrival there we found -half-a-dozen Commissars already in charge, with scores of people idling -about. Zorin reassured us that matters would arrange themselves and -that we should have an opportunity to organize the work as planned. -However, we soon realized that the newly fledged officialdom was as -hard to cope with as the old bureaucracy. - -Every Commissar had his favourites whom he managed to list as employed -on the job, thereby entitling them to bread rations and a meal. -Thus almost before any actual workers appeared on the scene, eighty -alleged "technicians" were already in possession of dinner tickets and -bread cards. The men actually mobilized for the work received hardly -anything. The result was general sabotage. Most of the men sent over -to prepare the rest homes for the workers came from concentration -camps: they were convicts and military deserters. I had often watched -them at work, and in justice to them it must be said that they did not -overexert themselves. "Why should we," they would say; "we are fed on -Sovietski soup; dirty dishwater it is, and we receive only what is -left over from the idlers who order us about. And who will rest in -these homes? Not we or our brothers in the factories. Only those who -belong to the party or who have a pull will enjoy this place. Besides, -the spring is near; we are needed at home on the farm. Why are we kept -here?" Indeed, they did not exert themselves, those stalwart sons of -Russia's soil. There was no incentive: they had no point of contact -with the life about them, and there was no one who could translate to -them the meaning of work in revolutionary Russia. They were dazed by -war, revolution, and hunger--nothing could rouse them out of their -stupor. - -Many of the buildings on Kameniy Ostrov had been taken up for boarding -schools and homes for defectives; some were occupied by old professors, -teachers, and other intellectuals. Since the Revolution these people -lived there unmolested, but now orders came to vacate, to make room -for the rest homes. As almost no provision had been made to supply -the dispossessed ones with other quarters, they were practically -forced into the streets. Those friendly with Zinoviev, Gorki, or other -influential Communists took their troubles to them, but persons lacking -"pull" found no redress. The scenes of misery which I was compelled to -witness daily exhausted my energies. It was all unnecessarily cruel, -impractical, without any bearing on the Revolution. Added to this was -the chaos and confusion which prevailed. The bureaucratic officials -seemed to take particular delight in countermanding each other's -orders. Houses already in the process of renovation, and on which much -work and material were spent, would suddenly be left unfinished and -some other work begun. Mansions filled with art treasures were turned -into night lodgings, and dirty iron cots put among antique furniture -and oil paintings--an incongruous, stupid waste of time and energy. -Zorin would frequently hold consultations by the hour with the staff -of artists and engineers making plans for theatres, lecture halls, and -amusement places, while the Commissars sabotaged the work. I stood the -painful and ridiculous situation for two weeks, then gave up the matter -in despair. - -Early in May the workers' rest homes on Kameniy Ostrov were opened with -much pomp, music, and speeches. Glowing accounts were sent broadcast -of the marvellous things done for the workers in Russia. In reality, -it was Coney Island transferred to the environs of Petrograd, a gaudy -showplace for credulous visitors. From that time on Zorin's demeanour -to me changed. He became cold, even antagonistic. No doubt he began to -sense the struggle which was going on within me, and the break which -was bound to come. I did, however, see much of Lisa Zorin, who had just -become a mother. I nursed her and her baby, glad of the opportunity -thus to express my gratitude for the warm friendship the Zorins had -shown me during my first months in Russia. I appreciated their sterling -honesty and devotion. Both were so favourably placed politically that -they could be supplied with everything they wanted, yet Lisa Zorin -lacked the simplest garments for her baby. "Thousands of Russian -working women have no more, and why should I?" Lisa would say. When -she was so weak that she could not nurse her baby, Zorin could not be -induced to ask for special rations. I had to conspire against them by -buying eggs and butter on the market to save the lives of mother and -child. But their fine quality of character made my inner struggle the -more difficult. Reason urged me to look the social facts in the face. -My personal attachment to the Communists I had learned to know and -esteem refused to accept the facts. Never mind the evils--I would say -to myself--as long as there are such as the Zorins and the Balabanovas, -there must be something vital in the ideas they represent. I held on -tenaciously to the phantom I had myself created. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE FIRST OF MAY IN PETROGRAD - - -In 1890 the First of May was for the first time celebrated in America -as Labour's international holiday. May Day became to me a great, -inspiring event. To witness the celebration of the First of May in a -free country--it was something to dream of, to long for, but perhaps -never to be realized. And now, in 1920, the dream of many years was -about to become real in revolutionary Russia. I could hardly await the -morning of May First. It was a glorious day, with the warm sun melting -away the last crust of the hard winter. Early in the morning strains of -music greeted me: groups of workers and soldiers were marching through -the streets, singing revolutionary songs. The city was gaily decorated: -the Uritski Square, facing the Winter Palace, was a mass of red, the -streets near by a veritable riot of colour. Great crowds were about, -all wending their way to the Field of Mars where the heroes of the -Revolution were buried. - -Though I had an admission card to the reviewing stand I preferred to -remain among the people, to feel myself a part of the great hosts that -had brought about the world event. This was their day--the day of their -making. Yet--they seemed peculiarly quiet, oppressively silent. There -was no joy in their singing, no mirth in their laughter. Mechanically -they marched, automatically they responded to the claqueurs on the -reviewing stand shouting "Hurrah" as the columns passed. - -In the evening a pageant was to take place. Long before the appointed -hour the Uritski Square down to the palace and to the banks of the Neva -was crowded with people gathered to witness the open-air performance -symbolizing the triumph of the people. The play consisted of three -parts, the first portraying the conditions which led up to the war and -the role of the German Socialists in it; the second reproduced the -February Revolution, with Kerensky in power; the last--the October -Revolution. It was a play beautifully set and powerfully acted, a play -vivid, real, fascinating. It was given on the steps of the former -Stock Exchange, facing the Square. On the highest step sat kings and -queens with their courtiers, attended by soldiery in gay uniforms. -The scene represents a gala court affair: the announcement is made -that a monument is to be built in honour of world capitalism. There is -much rejoicing, and a wild orgy of music and dance ensues. Then from -the depths there emerge the enslaved and toiling masses, their chains -ringing mournfully to the music above. They are responding to the -command to build the monument for their masters: some are seen carrying -hammers and anvils; others stagger under the weight of huge blocks -of stone and loads of brick. The workers are toiling in their world -of misery and darkness, lashed to greater effort by the whip of the -slave drivers, while above there is light and joy, and the masters are -feasting. The completion of the monument is signalled by large yellow -disks hoisted on high amidst the rejoicing of the world on top. - -At this moment a little red flag is seen waving below, and a small -figure is haranguing the people. Angry fists are raised and then flag -and figure disappear, only to reappear again in different parts of the -underworld. Again the red flag waves, now here, now there. The people -slowly gain confidence and presently become threatening. Indignation -and anger grow--the kings and queens become alarmed. They fly to the -safety of the citadels, and the army prepares to defend the stronghold -of capitalism. - -It is August, 1914. The rulers are again feasting, and the workers are -slaving. The members of the Second International attend the confab -of the mighty. They remain deaf to the plea of the workers to save -them from the horrors of war. Then the strains of "God Save the King" -announce the arrival of the English army. It is followed by Russian -soldiers with machine guns and artillery, and a procession of nurses -and cripples, the tribute to the Moloch of war. - -The next act pictures the February Revolution. Red flags appear -everywhere, armed motor cars dash about. The people storm the Winter -Palace and haul down the emblem of Tsardom. The Kerensky Government -assumes control, and the people are driven back to war. Then comes the -marvellous scene of the October Revolution, with soldiers and sailors -galloping along the open space before the white marble building. -They dash up the steps into the palace, there is a brief struggle, -and the victors are hailed by the masses in wild jubilation. The -"Internationale" floats upon the air; it mounts higher and higher into -exultant peals of joy. Russia is free--the workers, sailors, and -soldiers usher in the new era, the beginning of the world commune! - -Tremendously stirring was the picture. But the vast mass remained -silent. Only a faint applause was heard from the great throng. I was -dumbfounded. How explain this astonishing lack of response? When I -spoke to Lisa Zorin about it she said that the people had actually -lived through the October Revolution, and that the performance -necessarily fell flat by comparison with the reality of 1917. But my -little Communist neighbour gave a different version. "The people had -suffered so many disappointments since October, 1917," she said, "that -the Revolution has lost all meaning to them. The play had the effect of -making their disappointment more poignant." - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -INDUSTRIAL MILITARIZATION - - -The Ninth Congress of the All-Russian Communist Party, held in March, -1920, was characterized by a number of measures which meant a complete -turn to the right. Foremost among them was the militarization of labour -and the establishment of one-man management of industry, as against -the collegiate shop system. Obligatory labour had long been a law upon -the statutes of the Socialist Republic, but it was carried out, as -Trotsky said, "only in a small private way." Now the law was to be made -effective in earnest. Russia was to have a militarized industrial army -to fight economic disorganization, even as the Red Army had conquered -on the various fronts. Such an army could be whipped into line only by -rigid discipline, it was claimed. The factory collegiate system had to -make place for military industrial management. - -The measure was bitterly fought at the Congress by the Communist -minority, but party discipline prevailed. However, the excitement did -not abate: discussion of the subject continued long after the congress -adjourned. Many of the younger Communists agreed that the measure -indicated a step to the right, but they defended the decision of their -party. "The collegiate system has proven a failure," they said. "The -workers will not work voluntarily, and our industry must be revived if -we are to survive another year." - -Jack Reed also held this view. He had just returned after a futile -attempt to reach America through Latvia, and for days we argued about -the new policy. Jack insisted it was unavoidable so long as Russia was -being attacked and blockaded. "We have been compelled to mobilize an -army to fight our external enemies why not an army to fight our worst -internal enemy, hunger? We can do it only by putting our industry -on its feet." I pointed out the danger of the military method and -questioned whether the workers could be expected to become efficient or -to work intensively under compulsion. Still, Jack thought mobilization -of labour unavoidable. "It must be tried, anyhow," he said. - -Petrograd at the time was filled with rumours of strikes. The story -made the rounds that Zinoviev and his staff, while visiting the -factories to explain the new policies, were driven by the workers from -the premises. To learn about the situation at first hand I decided to -visit the factories. Already during my first months in Russia I had -asked Zorin for permission to see them. Lisa Zorin had requested me to -address some labour meetings, but I declined because I felt that it -would be presumptuous on my part to undertake to teach those who had -made the revolution. Besides, I was not quite at home with the Russian -language then. But when I asked Zorin to let me visit some factories, -he was evasive. After I had become acquainted with Ravitch I approached -her on the subject, and she willingly consented. - -The first works to be visited were the Putilov, the largest and most -important engine and car manufacturing establishment. Forty thousand -workers had been employed there before the war. Now I was informed that -only 7,000 were at work. I had heard much of the Putilovtsi: they had -played a heroic part in the revolutionary days and in the defence of -Petrograd against Yudenitch. - -At the Putilov office we were cordially received, shown about the -various departments, and then turned over to a guide. There were four -of us in the party, of whom only two could speak Russian. I lagged -behind to question a group working at a bench. At first I was met -with the usual suspicion, which I overcame by telling the men that -I was bringing the greetings of their brothers in America. "And the -revolution there?" I was immediately asked. It seemed to have become -a national obsession, this idea of a near revolution in Europe and -America. Everybody in Russia clung to that hope. It was hard to rob -those misinformed people of their naive faith. "The American revolution -is not yet," I told them, "but the Russian Revolution has found an echo -among the proletariat in America." I inquired about their work, their -lives, and their attitude toward the new decrees. "As if we had not -been driven enough before," complained one of the men. "Now we are to -work under the military _nagaika_ [whip]. Of course, we will have to -be in the shop or they will punish us as industrial deserters. But how -can they get more work out of us? We are suffering hunger and cold. -We have no strength to give more." I suggested that the Government -was probably compelled to introduce such methods, and that if Russian -industry were not revived the condition of the workers would grow even -worse. Besides, the Putilov men were receiving the preferred _payok_. -"We understand the great misfortune that has befallen Russia," one of -the workers replied, "but we cannot squeeze more out of ourselves. -Even the two pounds of bread we are getting is not enough. Look at the -bread," he said, holding up a black crust; "can we live on that? And -our children? If not for our people in the country or some trading on -the market we would die altogether. Now comes the new measure which is -tearing us away from our people, sending us to the other end of Russia -while our brothers from there are going to be dragged here, away from -their soil. It's a crazy measure and it won't work." - -"But what can the Government do in the face of the food shortage?" -I asked. "Food shortage!" the man exclaimed; "look at the markets. -Did you see any shortage of food there? Speculation and the new -bourgeoisie, that's what's the matter. The one-man management is our -new slave driver. First the bourgeoisie sabotaged us, and now they are -again in control. But just let them try to boss us! They'll find out. -Just let them try!" - -The men were bitter and resentful. Presently the guide returned -to see what had become of me. He took great pains to explain that -industrial conditions in the mill had improved considerably since the -militarization of labour went into effect. The men were more content -and many more cars had been renovated and engines repaired than within -an equal period under the previous management. There were 7,000 -productively employed in the works, he assured me. I learned, however, -that the real figure was less than 5,000 and that of these only about -2,000 were actual workers. The others were Government officials and -clerks. - -After the Putilov works we visited the Treugolnik, the great rubber -factory of Russia. The place was clean and the machinery in good -order--a well-equipped modern plant. When we reached the main workroom -we were met by the superintendent, who had been in charge for -twenty-five years. He would show us around himself, he said. He seemed -to take great pride in the factory, as if it were his own. It rather -surprised me that they had managed to keep everything in such fine -shape. The guide explained that it was because nearly the whole of -the old staff had been left in charge. They felt that whatever might -happen they must not let the place go to ruin. It was certainly very -commendable, I thought, but soon I had occasion to change my mind. At -one of the tables, cutting rubber, was an old worker with kindly eyes -looking out of a sad, spiritual face. He reminded me of the pilgrim -Lucca in Gorki's "Night Lodgings." Our guide kept a sharp vigil, but -I managed to slip away while the superintendent was explaining some -machinery to the other members of our group. - -"Well, _batyushka_, how is it with you?" I greeted the old worker. -"Bad, _matushka_," he replied; "times are very hard for us old people." -I told him how impressed I was to find everything in such good -condition in the shop. "That is so," commented the old worker, "but it -is because the superintendent and his staff are hoping from day to day -that there may be a change again, and that the Treugolnik will go back -to its former owners. I know them. I have worked here long before the -German master of this plant put in the new machinery." - -Passing through the various rooms of the factory I saw the women and -girls look up in evident dread. It seemed strange in a country where -the proletarians were the masters. Apparently the machines were not the -only things that had been carefully watched over--the old discipline, -too, had been preserved: the employees thought us Bolshevik inspectors. - -The great flour mill of Petrograd, visited next, looked as if it were -in a state of siege, with armed soldiers everywhere, even inside the -workrooms. The explanation given was that large quantities of precious -flour had been vanishing. The soldiers watched the millmen as if they -were galley slaves, and the workers naturally resented such humiliating -treatment. They hardly dared to speak. One young chap, a fine-looking -fellow, complained to me of the conditions. "We are here virtual -prisoners," he said; "we cannot make a step without permission. We are -kept hard at work eight hours with only ten minutes for our _kipyatok_ -[boiled water] and we are searched on leaving the mill." "Is not the -theft of flour the cause of the strict surveillance?" I asked. "Not at -all," replied the boy; "the Commissars of the mill and the soldiers -know quite well where the flour goes to." I suggested that the workers -might protest against such a state of affairs. "Protest, to whom?" the -boy exclaimed; "we'd be called speculators and counter-revolutionists -and we'd be arrested." "Has the Revolution given you nothing?" I asked. -"Ah, the Revolution! But that is no more. Finished," he said bitterly. - -The following morning we visited the Laferm tobacco factory. The place -was in full operation. We were conducted through the plant and the -whole process was explained to us, beginning with the sorting of the -raw material and ending with the finished cigarettes packed for sale or -shipment. The air in the workrooms was stifling, nauseating. "The women -are used to this atmosphere," said the guide; "they don't mind." There -were some pregnant women at work and girls no older than fourteen. They -looked haggard, their chests sunken, black rings under their eyes. Some -of them coughed and the hectic flush of consumption showed on their -faces. "Is there a recreation room, a place where they can eat or drink -their tea and inhale a bit of fresh air?" There was no such thing, I -was informed. The women remained at work eight consecutive hours; they -had their tea and black bread at their benches. The system was that of -piece work, the employees receiving twenty-five cigarettes daily above -their pay with permission to sell or exchange them. - -I spoke to some of the women. They did not complain except about being -compelled to live far away from the factory. In most cases it required -more than two hours to go to and from work. They had asked to be -quartered near the Laferm and they received a promise to that effect, -but nothing more was heard of it. - -Life certainly has a way of playing peculiar pranks. In America I -should have scorned the idea of social welfare work: I should have -considered it a cheap palliative. But in Socialist Russia the sight -of pregnant women working in suffocating tobacco air and saturating -themselves and their unborn with the poison impressed me as a -fundamental evil. I spoke to Lisa Zorin to see whether something -could not be done to ameliorate the evil. Lisa claimed that "piece -work" was the only way to induce the girls to work. As to rest -rooms, the women themselves had already made a fight for them, but -so far nothing could be done because no space could be spared in the -factory. "But if even such small improvements had not resulted from -the Revolution," I argued, "what purpose has it served?" "The workers -have achieved control," Lisa replied; "they are now in power, and -they have more important things to attend to than rest rooms--they -have the Revolution to defend." Lisa Zorin had remained very much the -proletarian, but she reasoned like a nun dedicated to the service of -the Church. - -The thought oppressed me that what she called the "defence of the -Revolution" was really only the defence of her party in power. At any -rate, nothing came of my attempt at social welfare work. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE BRITISH LABOUR MISSION - - -I was glad to learn that Angelica Balabanova arrived in Petrograd to -prepare quarters for the British Labour Mission. During my stay in -Moscow I had come to know and appreciate the fine spirit of Angelica. -She was very devoted to me and when I fell ill she gave much time to -my care, procured medicine which could be obtained only in the Kremlin -drug store, and got special sick rations for me. Her friendship was -generous and touching, and she endeared herself very much to me. - -The Narishkin Palace was to be prepared for the Mission, and Angelica -invited me to accompany her there. I noticed that she looked more worn -and distressed than when I had seen her in Moscow. Our conversation -made it clear to me that she suffered keenly from the reality which was -so unlike her ideal. But she insisted that what seemed failure to me -was conditioned in life itself, itself the greatest failure. - -Narishkin Palace is situated on the southern bank of the Neva, almost -opposite the Peter-and-Paul Fortress. The place was prepared for -the expected guests and a number of servants and cooks installed to -minister to their needs. Soon the Mission arrived--most of them typical -workingmen delegates--and with them a staff of newspaper men and Mrs. -Snowden. The most outstanding figure among them was Bertrand Russell, -who quickly demonstrated his independence and determination to be free -to investigate and learn at first hand. - -In honour of the Mission the Bolsheviki organized a great demonstration -on the Uritski Square. Thousands of people, among them women and -children, came to show their gratitude to the English labour -representatives for venturing into revolutionary Russia. The ceremony -consisted of the singing of the "Internationale," followed by music and -speeches, the latter translated by Balabanova in masterly fashion. Then -came the military exercises. I heard Mrs. Snowden say disapprovingly, -"What a display of military!" I could not resist the temptation of -remarking: "Madame, remember that the big Russian army is largely the -making of your own country. Had England not helped to finance the -invasions into Russia, the latter could put its soldiers to useful -labour." - -The British Mission was entertained royally with theatres, operas, -ballets, and excursions. Luxury was heaped upon them while the people -slaved and went hungry. The Soviet Government left nothing undone to -create a good impression and everything of a disturbing nature was kept -from the visitors. Angelica hated the display and sham, and suffered -keenly under the rigid watch placed upon every movement of the Mission. -"Why should they not see the true state of Russia? Why should they not -learn how the Russian people live?" she would lament. "Yet I am so -impractical," she would correct herself; "perhaps it is all necessary." -At the end of two weeks a farewell banquet was given to the visitors. -Angelica insisted that I must attend. Again there were speeches and -toasts, as is the custom at such functions. The speeches which seemed -to ring most sincere were those of Balabanova and Madame Ravitch. The -latter asked me to interpret her address, which I did. She spoke in -behalf of the Russian women proletarians and praised their fortitude -and devotion to the Revolution. "May the English proletarians learn the -quality of their heroic Russian sisters," concluded Madame Ravitch. -Mrs. Snowden, the erstwhile suffragette, had not a word in reply. She -preserved a "dignified" aloofness. However, the lady became enlivened -when the speeches were over and she got busy collecting autographs. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -A VISIT FROM THE UKRAINA - - -Early in May two young men from the Ukraina arrived in Petrograd. Both -had lived in America for a number of years and had been active in the -Yiddish Labour and Anarchist movements. One of them had also been -editor of an English weekly Anarchist paper, _The Alarm_, published -in Chicago. In 1917, at the outbreak of the Revolution, they left for -Russia together with other emigrants. Arriving in their native country, -they joined the Anarchist activities there which had gained tremendous -impetus through the Revolution. Their main field was the Ukraina. -In 1918 they aided in the organization of the Anarchist Federation -_Nabat_ [Alarm], and began the publication of a paper by that name. -Theoretically, they were at variance with the Bolsheviki; practically -the Federation Anarchists, even as the Anarchists throughout Russia, -worked with the Bolsheviki and also fought on every front against the -counter-revolutionary forces. - -When the two Ukrainian comrades learned of our arrival in Russia they -repeatedly tried to reach us, but owing to the political conditions and -the practical impossibility of travelling, they could not come north. -Subsequently they had been arrested and imprisoned by the Bolsheviki. -Immediately upon their release they started for Petrograd, travelling -illegally. They knew the dangers confronting them--arrest and possible -shooting for the possession and use of false documents--but they -were willing to risk anything because they were determined that we -should learn the facts about the _povstantsi_ [revolutionary peasants] -movements led by that extraordinary figure, Nestor Makhno. They wanted -to acquaint us with the history of the Anarchist activities in Russia -and relate how the iron hand of the Bolsheviki had crushed them. - -During two weeks, in the stillness of the Petrograd nights, the two -Ukrainian Anarchists unrolled before us the panorama of the struggle -in the Ukraina. Dispassionately, quietly, and with almost uncanny -detachment the young men told their story. - -Thirteen different governments had "ruled" Ukraina. Each of them had -robbed and murdered the peasantry, made ghastly pogroms, and left -death and ruin in its way. The Ukrainian peasants, a more independent -and spirited race than their northern brothers, had come to hate all -governments and every measure which threatened their land and freedom. -They banded together and fought back their oppressors all through the -long years of the revolutionary period. The peasants had no theories; -they could not be classed in any political party. Theirs was an -instinctive hatred of tyranny, and practically the whole of Ukraina -soon became a rebel camp. Into this seething cauldron there came, in -1917, Nestor Makhno. - -Makhno was a Ukrainian born. A natural rebel, he became interested in -Anarchism at an early age. At seventeen he attempted the life of a -Tsarist spy and was sentenced to death, but owing to his extreme youth -the sentence was commuted to _katorga_ for life [severe imprisonment, -one third of the term in chains]. The February Revolution opened the -prison doors for all political prisoners, Makhno among them. He had -then spent ten years in the Butirky prison, in Moscow. He had but a -limited schooling when first arrested, but in prison he had used his -leisure to good advantage. By the time of his release he had acquired -considerable knowledge of history, political economy, and literature. -Shortly after his liberation Makhno returned to his native village, -Gulyai-Poleh, where he organized a trade union and the local soviet. -Then he threw himself in the revolutionary movement and during all of -1917 he was the spiritual teacher and leader of the rebel peasants, who -had risen against the landed proprietors. - -In 1918, when the Brest Peace opened Ukraina to German and Austrian -occupation, Makhno organized the rebel peasant bands in defence against -the foreign armies. He fought against Skoropadski, the Ukrainian -Hetman, who was supported by German bayonets. He waged successful -guerilla warfare against Petlura, Kaledin, Grigoriev, and Denikin. A -conscious Anarchist, he laboured to give the instinctive rebellion of -the peasantry definite aim and purpose. It was the Makhno idea that the -social revolution was to be defended against all enemies, against every -counter-revolutionary or reactionary attempt from right and left. At -the same time educational and cultural work was carried on among the -peasants to develop them along anarchist-communist lines with the aim -of establishing free peasant communes. - -In February, 1919, Makhno entered into an agreement with the Red -Army. He was to continue to hold the southern front against Denikin -and to receive from the Bolsheviki the necessary arms and ammunition. -Makhno was to remain in charge of the _povstantsi_, now grown into -an army, the latter to have autonomy in its local organizations, the -revolutionary soviets of the district, which covered several provinces. -It was agreed that the _povstantsi_ should have the right to hold -conferences, freely discuss their affairs, and take action upon them. -Three such conferences were held in February, March, and April. But -the Bolsheviki failed to live up to the agreement. The supplies which -had been promised Makhno, and which he needed desperately, would -arrive after long delays or failed to come altogether. It was charged -that this situation was due to the orders of Trotsky who did not look -favourably upon the independent rebel army. However it be, Makhno was -hampered at every step, while Denikin was gaining ground constantly. -Presently the Bolsheviki began to object to the free peasant Soviets, -and in May, 1919, the Commander-in-Chief of the southern armies, -Kamenev, accompanied by members of the Kharkov Government, arrived at -the Makhno headquarters to settle the disputed matters. In the end -the Bolshevik military representatives demanded that the _povstantsi_ -dissolve. The latter refused, charging the Bolsheviki with a breach of -their revolutionary agreement. - -Meanwhile, the Denikin advance was becoming more threatening, and -Makhno still received no support from the Bolsheviki. The peasant army -then decided to call a special session of the Soviet for June 15th. -Definite plans and methods were to be decided upon to check the growing -menace of Denikin. But on June 4th Trotsky issued an order prohibiting -the holding of the Conference and declaring Makhno an outlaw. In a -public meeting in Kharkov Trotsky announced that it were better to -permit the Whites to remain in the Ukraina than to suffer Makhno. -The presence of the Whites, he said, would influence the Ukrainian -peasantry in favour of the Soviet Government, whereas Makhno and his -_povstantsi_ would never make peace with the Bolsheviki; they would -attempt to possess themselves of some territory and to practice their -ideas, which would be a constant menace to the Communist Government. -It was practically a declaration of war against Makhno and his army. -Soon the latter found itself attacked on two sides at once--by the -Bolsheviki and Denikin. The _povstantsi_ were poorly equipped and -lacked the most necessary supplies for warfare, yet the peasant army -for a considerable time succeeded in holding its own by the sheer -military genius of its leader and the reckless courage of his devoted -rebels. - -At the same time the Bolsheviki began a campaign of denunciation -against Makhno and his _povstantsi_. The Communist press accused him of -having treacherously opened the southern front to Denikin, and branded -Makhno's army a bandit gang and its leader a counter-revolutionist -who must be destroyed at all cost. But this "counter-revolutionist" -fully realized the Denikin menace to the Revolution. He gathered new -forces and support among the peasants and in the months of September -and October, 1919, his campaign against Denikin gave the latter its -death blow on the Ukraina. Makhno captured Denikin's artillery base -at Mariopol, annihilated the rear of the enemy's army, and succeeded -in separating the main body from its base of supply. This brilliant -manoeuvre of Makhno and the heroic fighting of the rebel army again -brought about friendly contact with the Bolsheviki. The ban was lifted -from the _povstantsi_ and the Communist press now began to eulogize -Makhno as a great military genius and brave defender of the Revolution -in the Ukraina. But the differences between Makhno and the Bolsheviki -were deep-rooted: he strove to establish free peasant communes in the -Ukraina, while the Communists were bent on imposing the Moscow rule. -Ultimately a clash was inevitable, and it came early in January, 1920. - -At that period a new enemy was threatening the Revolution. Grigoriev, -formerly of the Tsarist army, later friend of the Bolsheviki, now -turned against them. Having gained considerable support in the south -because of his slogans of freedom and free Soviets, Grigoriev proposed -to Makhno that they join forces against the Communist regime. Makhno -called a meeting of the two armies and there publicly accused Grigoriev -of counter-revolution and produced evidence of numerous pogroms -organized by him against the Jews. Declaring Grigoriev an enemy of the -people and of the Revolution, Makhno and his staff condemned him and -his aides to death, executing them on the spot. Part of Grigoriev's -army joined Makhno. - -Meanwhile, Denikin kept pressing Makhno, finally forcing him to -withdraw from his position. Not of course without bitter fighting all -along the line of nine hundred versts, the retreat lasting four months, -Makhno marching toward Galicia. Denikin advanced upon Kharkov, then -farther north, capturing Orel and Kursk, and finally reached the gates -of Tula, in the immediate neighbourhood of Moscow. - -The Red Army seemed powerless to check the advance of Denikin, but -meanwhile Makhno had gathered new forces and attacked Denikin in -the rear. The unexpectedness of this new turn and the extraordinary -military exploits of Makhno's men in this campaign disorganized the -plans of Denikin, demoralized his army, and gave the Red Army the -opportunity of taking the offensive against the counter-revolutionary -enemy in the neighbourhood of Tula. - -When the Red Army reached Alexandrovsk, after having finally beaten -the Denikin forces, Trotsky again demanded of Makhno that he disarm -his men and place himself under the discipline of the Red Army. The -_povstantsi_ refused, whereupon an organized military campaign against -the rebels was inaugurated, the Bolsheviki taking many prisoners and -killing scores of others. Makhno, who managed to escape the Bolshevik -net, was again declared an outlaw and bandit. Since then Makhno had -been uninterruptedly waging guerilla warfare against the Bolshevik -regime. - -The story of the Ukrainian friends, which I have related here in -very condensed form, sounded as romantic as the exploits of Stenka -Rasin, the famous Cossack rebel immortalized by Gogol. Romantic and -picturesque, but what bearing did the activities of Makhno and his -men have upon Anarchism, I questioned the two comrades. Makhno, my -informants explained, was himself an Anarchist seeking to free Ukraina -from all oppression and striving to develop and organize the peasants' -latent anarchistic tendencies. To this end Makhno had repeatedly called -upon the Anarchists of the Ukraina and of Russia to aid him. He offered -them the widest opportunity for propagandistic and educational work, -supplied them with printing outfits and meeting places, and gave them -the fullest liberty of action. Whenever Makhno captured a city, freedom -of speech and press for Anarchists and Left Social Revolutionists was -established. Makhno often said: "I am a military man and I have no time -for educational work. But you who are writers and speakers, you can do -that work. Join me and together we shall be able to prepare the field -for a real Anarchist experiment." But the chief value of the Makhno -movement lay in the peasants themselves, my comrades thought. It was -a spontaneous, elemental movement, the peasants' opposition to all -governments being the result not of theories but of bitter experience -and of instinctive love of liberty. They were fertile ground for -Anarchist ideas. For this reason a number of Anarchists joined Makhno. -They were with him in most of his military campaigns and energetically -carried on Anarchist propaganda during that time. - -I have been told by Zorin and other Communists that Makhno was a -Jew-baiter and that his _povstantsi_ were responsible for numerous -brutal pogroms. My visitors emphatically denied the charges. Makhno -bitterly fought pogroms, they stated; he had often issued proclamations -against such outrages, and he had even with his own hand punished -some of those guilty of assault on Jews. Hatred of the Hebrew was of -course common in the Ukraina; it was not eradicated even among the Red -soldiers. They, too, have assaulted, robbed, and outraged Jews; yet -no one holds the Bolsheviki responsible for such isolated instances. -The Ukraina is infested with armed bands who are often mistaken for -Makhnovtsi and who have made pogroms. The Bolsheviki, aware of this, -have exploited the confusion to discredit Makhno and his followers. -However, the Anarchist of the Ukraina--I was informed--did not idealize -the Makhno movement. They knew that the _povstantsi_ were not conscious -Anarchists. Their paper _Nabat_ had repeatedly emphasized this fact. -On the other hand, the Anarchists could not overlook the importance of -popular movement which was instinctively rebellious, anarchistically -inclined, and successful in driving back the enemies of the Revolution, -which the better organized and equipped Bolshevik army could not -accomplish. For this reason many Anarchists considered it their duty -to work with Makhno. But the bulk remained away; they had their larger -cultural, educational, and organizing work to do. - -The invading counter-revolutionary forces, though differing in -character and purpose, all agreed in their relentless persecution of -the Anarchists. The latter were made to suffer, whatever the new -regime. The Bolsheviki were no better in this regard than Denikin or -any other White element. Anarchists filled Bolshevik prisons; many -had been shot and all legal Anarchist activities were suppressed. The -Tcheka especially was doing ghastly work, having resurrected the old -Tsarist methods, including even torture. - -My young visitors spoke from experience: they had repeatedly been in -Bolshevik prisons themselves. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -BENEATH THE SURFACE - - -The terrible story I had been listening to for two weeks broke over -me like a storm. Was this the Revolution I had believed in all my -life, yearned for, and strove to interest others in, or was it a -caricature--a hideous monster that had come to jeer and mock me? -The Communists I had met daily during six months--self-sacrificing, -hard-working men and women imbued with a high ideal--were such people -capable of the treachery and horrors charged against them? Zinoviev, -Radek, Zorin, Ravitch, and many others I had learned to know--could -they in the name of an ideal lie, defame, torture, kill? But, then--had -not Zorin told me that capital punishment had been abolished in Russia? -Yet I learned shortly after my arrival that hundreds of people had been -shot on the very eve of the day when the new decree went into effect, -and that as a matter of fact shooting by the Tcheka had never ceased. - -That my friends were not exaggerating when they spoke of tortures by -the Tcheka, I also learned from other sources. Complaints about the -fearful conditions in Petrograd prisons had become so numerous that -Moscow was apprised of the situation. A Tcheka inspector came to -investigate. The prisoners being afraid to speak, immunity was promised -them. But no sooner had the inspector left than one of the inmates, a -young boy, who had been very outspoken about the brutalities practised -by the Tcheka, was dragged out of his cell and cruelly beaten. - -Why did Zorin resort to lies? Surely he must have known that I would -not remain in the dark very long. And then, was not Lenin also guilty -of the same methods? "Anarchists of ideas [_ideyni_] are not in -our prisons," he had assured me. Yet at that very moment numerous -Anarchists filled the jails of Moscow and Petrograd and of many other -cities in Russia. In May, 1920, scores of them had been arrested in -Petrograd, among them two girls of seventeen and nineteen years of -age. None of the prisoners were charged with counter-revolutionary -activities: they were "Anarchists of ideas," to use Lenin's expression. -Several of them had issued a manifesto for the First of May, calling -attention to the appalling conditions in the factories of the -Socialist Republic. The two young girls who had circulated a handbill -against the "labour book," which had then just gone into effect, were -also arrested. - -The labour book was heralded by the Bolsheviki as one of the great -Communist achievements. It would establish equality and abolish -parasitism, it was claimed. As a matter of fact, the labour book was -somewhat of the character of the yellow ticket issued to prostitutes -under the Tsarist regime. It was a record of every step one made, and -without it no step could be made. It bound its holder to his job, to -the city he lived in, and to the room he occupied. It recorded one's -political faith and party adherence, and the number of times he was -arrested. In short, a yellow ticket. Even some Communists resented the -degrading innovation. The Anarchists who protested against it were -arrested by the Tcheka. When certain leading Communists were approached -in the matter they repeated what Lenin had said: "No Anarchists of -ideas are in our prisons." - -The aureole was falling from the Communists. All of them seemed to -believe that the end justified the means. I recalled the statements -of Radek at the first anniversary of the Third International, when -he related to his audience the "marvellous spread of Communism" in -America. "Fifty thousand Communists are in American prisons," he -exclaimed. "Molly Stimer, a girl of eighteen, and her male companions, -all Communists, had been deported from America for their Communist -activities." I thought at the time that Radek was misinformed. Yet it -seemed strange that he did not make sure of his facts before making -such assertions. They were dishonest and an insult to Molly Stimer and -her Anarchist comrades, added to the injustice they had suffered at the -hands of the American plutocracy. - -During the past several months I had seen and heard enough to become -somewhat conversant with the Communist psychology, as well as with -the theories and methods of the Bolsheviki. I was no longer surprised -at the story of their double-dealing with Makhno, the brutalities -practised by the Tcheka, the lies of Zorin. I had come to realize -that the Communists believed implicitly in the Jesuitic formula that -the end justifies _all_ means. In fact, they gloried in that formula. -Any suggestion of the value of human life, quality of character, the -importance of revolutionary integrity as the basis of a new social -order, was repudiated as "bourgeois sentimentality," which had no place -in the revolutionary scheme of things. For the Bolsheviki the end to -be achieved was the Communist State, or the so-called Dictatorship of -the Proletariat. Everything which advanced that end was justifiable -and revolutionary. The Lenins, Radeks, and Zorins were therefore quite -consistent. Obsessed by the infallibility of their creed, giving of -themselves to the fullest, they could be both heroic and despicable at -the same time. They could work twenty hours a day, live on herring and -tea, and order the slaughter of innocent men and women. Occasionally -they sought to mask their killings by pretending a "misunderstanding," -for doesn't the end justify all means? They could employ torture and -deny the inquisition, they could lie and defame, and call themselves -idealists. In short, they could make themselves and others believe that -everything was legitimate and right from the revolutionary viewpoint; -any other policy was weak, sentimental, or a betrayal of the Revolution. - -On a certain occasion, when I passed criticism on the brutal way -delicate women were driven into the streets to shovel snow, insisting -that even if they had belonged to the bourgeoisie they were human, -and that physical fitness should be taken into consideration, a -Communist said to me: "You should be ashamed of yourself; you, an old -revolutionist, and yet so sentimental." It was the same attitude that -some Communists assumed toward Angelica Balabanova, because she was -always solicitous and eager to help wherever possible. In short, I had -come to see that the Bolsheviki were social puritans who sincerely -believed that they alone were ordained to save mankind. My relations -with the Bolsheviki became more strained, my attitude toward the -Revolution as I found it more critical. - -One thing grew quite clear to me: I could not affiliate myself with -the Soviet Government; I could not accept any work which would place -me under the control of the Communist machine. The Commissariat of -Education was so thoroughly dominated by that machine that it was -hopeless to expect anything but routine work. In fact, unless one was -a Communist one could accomplish almost nothing. I had been eager -to join Lunacharsky, whom I considered one of the most cultivated -and least dogmatic of the Communists in high position. But I became -convinced that Lunacharsky himself was a helpless cog in the machine, -his best efforts constantly curtailed and checked. I had also learned -a great deal about the system of favouritism and graft that prevailed -in the management of the schools and the treatment of children. Some -schools were in splendid condition, the children well fed and well -clad, enjoying concerts, theatricals, dances, and other amusements. -But the majority of the schools and children's homes were squalid, -dirty, and neglected. Those in charge of the "preferred" schools had -little difficulty in procuring everything needed for their charges, -often having an over-supply. But the caretakers of the "common" schools -would waste their time and energies by the week going about from one -department to another, discouraged and faint with endless waiting -before they could obtain the merest necessities. - -At first I ascribed this condition of affairs to the scarcity of food -and materials. I heard it said often enough that the blockade and -intervention were responsible. To a large extent that was true. Had -Russia not been so starved, mismanagement and graft would not have -had such fatal results. But added to the prevalent scarcity of things -was the dominant notion of Communist propaganda. Even the children -had to serve that end. The well-kept schools were for show, for the -foreign missions and delegates who were visiting Russia. Everything was -lavished on these show schools at the cost of the others. - -I remembered how everybody was startled in Petrograd by an article in -the Petrograd _Pravda_ of May, disclosing appalling conditions in the -schools. A committee of the Young Communist organizations investigated -some of the institutions. They found the children dirty, full of -vermin, sleeping on filthy mattresses, fed on miserable food, punished -by being locked in dark rooms for the night, forced to go without their -suppers, and even beaten. The number of officials and employees in the -schools was nothing less than criminal. In one school, for instance, -there were 138 of them to 125 children. In another, 40 to 25 children. -All these parasites were taking the bread from the very mouths of the -unfortunate children. - -The Zorins had spoken to me repeatedly of Lillina, the woman in -charge of the Petrograd Educational Department. She was a wonderful -worker, they said, devoted and able. I had heard her speak on several -occasions, but was not impressed: she looked prim and self-satisfied, -a typical Puritan schoolma'am. But I would not form an opinion until -I had talked with her. At the publication of the school disclosures I -decided to see Lillina. We conversed over an hour about the schools -in her charge, about education in general, the problem of defective -children and their treatment. She made light of the abuses in her -schools, claiming that "the young comrades had exaggerated the -defects." At any rate, she added, the guilty had already been removed -from the schools. - -Similarly to many other responsible Communists Lillina was consecrated -to her work and gave all her time and energies to it. Naturally, she -could not personally oversee everything; the show schools being the -most important in her estimation, she devoted most of her time to them. -The other schools were left in the care of her numerous assistants, -whose fitness for the work was judged largely according to their -political usefulness. Our talk strengthened my conviction that I could -have no part in the work of the Bolshevik Board of Education. - -The Board of Health offered as little opportunity for real -service--service that should not discriminate in favour of show -hospitals or the political views of the patients. This principle of -discrimination prevailed, unfortunately, even in the sick rooms. -Like all Communist institutions, the Board of Health was headed by a -political Commissar, Doctor Pervukhin. He was anxious to secure my -assistance, proposing to put me in charge of factory, dispensary, -or district nursing--a very flattering and tempting offer, and one -that appealed to me strongly. I had several conferences with Doctor -Pervukhin, but they led to no practical result. - -Whenever I visited his department I found groups of men and women -waiting, endlessly waiting. They were doctors and nurses, members of -the _intelligentsia_--none of them Communists--who were employed in -various medical branches, but their time and energies were being wasted -in the waiting rooms of Doctor Pervukhin, the political Commissar. They -were a sorry lot, dispirited and dejected, those men and women, once -the flower of Russia. Was I to join this tragic procession, submit to -the political yoke? Not until I should become convinced that the yoke -was indispensable to the revolutionary process would I consent to it. I -felt that I must first secure work of a non-partisan character, work -that would enable me to study conditions in Russia and get into direct -touch with the people, the workers and peasants. Only then should I be -able to find my way out of the chaos of doubt and mental anguish that I -had fallen prey to. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -JOINING THE MUSEUM OF THE REVOLUTION - - -The Museum of the Revolution is housed in the Winter Palace, in the -suite once used as the nursery of the Tsar's children. The entrance to -that part of the palace is known as _detsky podyezd_. From the windows -of the palace the Tsar must have often looked across the Neva at the -Peter-and-Paul Fortress, the living tomb of his political enemies. How -different things were now! The thought of it kindled my imagination. I -was full of the wonder and the magic of the great change when I paid my -first visit to the Museum. - -I found groups of men and women at work in the various rooms, huddled -up in their wraps and shivering with cold. Their faces were bloated and -bluish, their hands frost-bitten, their whole appearance shadow-like. -What must be the devotion of these people, I thought, when they can -continue to work under such conditions. The secretary of the Museum, -M. B. Kaplan, received me very cordially and expressed "the hope -that I would join in the work of the Museum." He and another member -of the staff spent considerable time with me on several occasions, -explaining the plans and purposes of the Museum. They asked me to join -the expedition which the Museum was then organizing, and which was to -go south to the Ukraina and the Caucasus. Valuable material of the -revolutionary period was to be gathered there, they explained. The -idea attracted me. Aside from my general interest in the Museum and -its efforts, it meant non-partisan work, free from Commissars, and an -exceptional opportunity to see and study Russia. - -In the course of our acquaintance I learned that neither Mr. Kaplan -nor his friend was a Communist. But while Mr. Kaplan was strongly -pro-Bolshevik and tried to defend and explain away everything, the -other man was critical though by no means antagonistic. During my stay -in Petrograd I saw much of both men, and I learned from them a great -deal about the Revolution and the methods of the Bolsheviki. Kaplan's -friend, whose name for obvious reasons I cannot mention, often spoke of -the utter impossibility of doing creative work within the Communist -machine. "The Bolsheviki," he would say, "always complain about lack -of able help, yet no one--unless a Communist--has much of a chance." -The Museum was among the least interfered with institutions, and work -there had been progressing well. Then a group of twenty youths were -sent over, young and inexperienced boys unfamiliar with the work. Being -Communists they were placed in positions of authority, and friction -and confusion resulted. Everyone felt himself watched and spied upon. -"The Bolsheviki care not about merit," he said; "their chief concern -is a membership card." He was not enthusiastic about the future of the -Museum, yet believed that the cooperation of the "Americans" would aid -its proper development. - -Finally I decided on the Museum as offering the most suitable work for -me, mainly because that institution was non-partisan. I had hoped for -a more vital share in Russia's life than the collecting of historical -material; still I considered it valuable and necessary work. When I had -definitely consented to become a member of the expedition, I visited -the Museum daily to help with the preparations for the long journey. -There was much work. It was no easy matter to obtain a car, equip it -for the arduous trip, and secure the documents which would give us -access to the material we set out to collect. - -While I was busy aiding in these preparations Angelica Balabanova -arrived in Petrograd to meet the Italian Mission. She seemed -transformed. She had longed for her Italian comrades: they would bring -her a breath of her beloved Italy, of her former life and work there. -Though Russian by birth, training, and revolutionary traditions, -Angelica had become rooted in the soil of Italy. Well I understood her -and her sense of strangeness in the country, the hard soil of which -was to bear a new and radiant life. Angelica would not admit even to -herself that the much hoped-for life was stillborn. But knowing her as -I did, it was not difficult for me to understand how bitter was her -grief over the hapless and formless thing that had come to Russia. But -now her beloved Italians were coming! They would bring with them the -warmth and colour of Italy. - -The Italians came and with them new festivities, demonstrations, -meetings, and speeches. How different it all appeared to me from my -memorable first days on Belo-Ostrov. No doubt the Italians now felt as -awed as I did then, as inspired by the seeming wonder of Russia. Six -months and the close proximity with the reality of things quite changed -the picture for me. The spontaneity, the enthusiasm, the vitality had -all gone out of it. Only a pale shadow remained, a grinning phantom -that clutched at my heart. - -On the Uritski Square the masses were growing weary with long waiting. -They had been kept there for hours before the Italian Mission arrived -from the Tauride Palace. The ceremonies were just beginning when a -woman leaning against the platform, wan and pale, began to weep. I -stood close by. "It is easy for them to talk," she moaned, "but we've -had no food all day. We received orders to march directly from our work -on pain of losing our bread rations. Since five this morning I am on my -feet. We were not permitted to go home after work to our bit of dinner. -We had to come here. Seventeen hours on a piece of bread and some -_kipyatok_ [boiled water]. Do the visitors know anything about us?" The -speeches went on, the "Internationale" was being repeated for the tenth -time, the sailors performed their fancy exercises and the claqueurs on -the reviewing stand were shouting hurrahs. I rushed away. I, too, was -weeping, though my eyes remained dry. - -The Italian, like the English, Mission was quartered in the Narishkin -Palace. One day, on visiting Angelica there, I found her in a perturbed -state of mind. Through one of the servants she had learned that the -ex-princess Narishkin, former owner of the palace, had come to beg for -the silver ikon which had been in the family for generations. "Just -that ikon," she had implored. But the ikon was now state property, and -Balabanova could do nothing about it. "Just think," Angelica said, -"Narishkin, old and desolate, now stands on the street corner begging, -and I live in this palace. How dreadful is life! I am no good for it; I -must get away." - -But Angelica was bound by party discipline; she stayed on in the palace -until she returned to Moscow. I know she did not feel much happier than -the ragged and starving ex-princess begging on the street corner. - -Balabanova, anxious that I should find suitable work, informed me one -day that Petrovsky, known in America as Doctor Goldfarb, had arrived in -Petrograd. He was Chief of the Central Military Education Department, -which included Nurses' Training Schools. I had never met the man in the -States, but I had heard of him as the labour editor of the New York -_Forward_, the Jewish Socialist daily. He offered me the position -of head instructress in the military Nurses' Training School, with a -view to introducing American methods of nursing, or to send me with -a medical train to the Polish front. I had proffered my services at -the first news of the Polish attack on Russia: I felt the Revolution -in danger, and I hastened to Zorin to ask to be assigned as a nurse. -He promised to bring the matter before the proper authorities, but I -heard nothing further about it. I was, therefore, somewhat surprised -at the proposition of Petrovsky. However, it came too late. What I -had since learned about the situation in the Ukraina, the Bolshevik -methods toward Makhno and the _povstantsi_ movement, the persecution -of Anarchists, and the Tcheka activities, had completely shaken my -faith in the Bolsheviki as revolutionists. The offer came too late. But -Moscow perhaps thought it unwise to let me see behind the scenes at the -front; Petrovsky failed to inform me of the Moscow decision. I felt -relieved. - -At last we received the glad tidings that the greatest difficulty had -been overcome: a car for the Museum Expedition had been secured. It -consisted of six compartments and was newly painted and cleaned. Now -began the work of equipment. Ordinarily it would have taken another -two months, but we had the cooperation of the man at the head of the -Museum, Chairman Yatmanov, a Communist. He was also in charge of all -the properties of the Winter Palace where the Museum is housed. The -largest part of the linen, silver, and glassware from the Tsar's -storerooms had been removed, but there was still much left. Supplied -with an order of the chairman I was shown over what was once guarded -as sacred precincts by Romanov flunkeys. I found rooms stacked to -the ceiling with rare and beautiful china and compartments filled -with the finest linen. The basement, running the whole length of the -Winter Palace, was stocked with kitchen utensils of every size and -variety. Tin plates and pots would have been more appropriate for the -Expedition, but owing to the ruling that no institution may draw upon -another for anything it has in its own possession, there was nothing to -do but to choose the simplest obtainable at the Winter Palace. I went -home reflecting upon the strangeness of life: revolutionists eating out -of the crested service of the Romanovs. But I felt no elation over it. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -PETROPAVLOVSK AND SCHLUESSELBURG - - -As some time was to pass before we could depart, I took advantage of -the opportunity which presented itself to visit the historic prisons, -the Peter-and-Paul Fortress and Schluesselburg. I recollected the dread -and awe the very names of these places filled me with when I first -came to Petrograd as a child of thirteen. In fact, my dread of the -Petropavlovsk Fortress dated back to a much earlier time. I think -I must have been six years old when a great shock had come to our -family: we learned that my mother's oldest brother, Yegor, a student -at the University of Petersburg, had been arrested and was held in -the Fortress. My mother at once set out for the capital. We children -remained at home in fear and trepidation lest Mother should not find -our uncle among the living. We spent anxious weeks and months till -finally Mother returned. Great was our rejoicing to hear that she had -rescued her brother from the living dead. But the memory of the shock -remained with me for a long time. - -Seven years later, my family then living in Petersburg, I happened to -be sent on an errand which took me past the Peter-and-Paul Fortress. -The shock I had received many years before revived within me with -paralyzing force. There stood the heavy mass of stone, dark and -sinister. I was terrified. The great prison was still to me a haunted -house, causing my heart to palpitate with fear whenever I had to pass -it. Years later, when I had begun to draw sustenance from the lives -and heroism of the great Russian revolutionists, the Peter-and-Paul -Fortress became still more hateful. And now I was about to enter its -mysterious walls and see with my own eyes the place which had been the -living grave of so many of the best sons and daughters of Russia. - -The guide assigned to take us through the different ravelins had been -in the prison for ten years. He knew every stone in the place. But -the silence told me more than all the information of the guide. The -martyrs who had beaten their wings against the cold stone, striving -upward toward the light and air, came to life for me. The Dekabristi, -Tchernishevsky, Dostoyevsky, Bakunin, Kropotkin, and scores of others -spoke in a thousand-throated voice of their social idealism and their -personal suffering--of their high hopes and fervent faith in the -ultimate liberation of Russia. Now the fluttering spirits of the heroic -dead may rest in peace: their dream has come true. But what is this -strange writing on the wall? "To-night I am to be shot because I had -once acquired an education." I had almost lost consciousness of the -reality. The inscription roused me to it. "What is this?" I asked the -guard. "Those are the last words of an _intelligent_," he replied. -"After the October Revolution the _intelligentsia_ filled this prison. -From here they were taken out and shot, or were loaded on barges never -to return. Those were dreadful days and still more dreadful nights." -So the dream of those who had given their lives for the liberation of -Russia had not come true, after all. Is there any change in the world? -Or is it all an eternal recurrence of man's inhumanity to man? - -We reached the strip of enclosure where the prisoners used to be -permitted a half-hour's recreation. One by one they had to walk up and -down the narrow lane in dead silence, with the sentries on the wall -ready to shoot for the slightest infraction of the rules. And while -the caged and fettered ones treaded the treeless walk, the all-powerful -Romanovs looked out of the Winter Palace toward the golden spire -topping the Fortress to reassure themselves that their hated enemies -would never again threaten their safety. But not even Petropavlovsk -could save the Tsars from the slaying hand of Time and Revolution. -Indeed, there _is_ change; slow and painful, but come it does. - -In the enclosure we met Angelica Balabanova and the Italians. We -walked about the huge prison, each absorbed in his own thoughts set in -motion by what he saw. Would Angelica notice the writing on the wall, -I wondered. "To-night I am to be shot because I had once acquired an -education." - -Some time later several of our group made a trip to Schluesselburg, the -even more dreadful tomb of the political enemies of Tsarism. It is a -journey of several hours by boat up the beautiful River Neva. The day -was chilly and gray, as was our mood; just the right state of mind to -visit Schluesselburg. The fortress was strongly guarded, but our Museum -permit secured for us immediate admission. Schluesselburg is a compact -mass of stone perched upon a high rock in the open sea. For many -decades only the victims of court intrigues and royal disfavour were -immured within its impenetrable walls, but later it became the Golgotha -of the political enemies of the Tsarist regime. - -I had heard of Schluesselburg when my parents first came to Petersburg; -but unlike my feeling toward the Peter-and-Paul Fortress, I had no -personal reaction to the place. It was Russian revolutionary literature -which brought the meaning of Schluesselburg home to me. Especially the -story of Volkenstein, one of the two women who had spent long years -in the dreaded place, left an indelible impression on my mind. Yet -nothing I had read made the place quite so real and terrifying as when -I climbed up the stone steps and stood before the forbidding gates. As -far as any effect upon the physical condition of the Peter-and-Paul -Fortress was concerned, the Revolution might never have taken place. -The prison remained intact, ready for immediate use by the new regime. -Not so Schluesselburg. The wrath of the proletariat struck that house of -the dead almost to the ground. - -How cruel and perverse the human mind which could create a -Schluesselburg! Verily, no savage could be guilty of the fiendish -spirit that conceived this appalling tomb. Cells built like a bag, -without doors or windows and with only a small opening through which -the victims were lowered into their living grave. Other cells were -stone cages to drive the mind to madness and lacerate the heart of the -unfortunates. Yet men and women endured twenty years in this terrible -place. What fortitude, what power of endurance, what sublime faith one -must have had to hold out, to emerge from it alive! Here Netchaev, -Lopatin, Morosov, Volkenstein, Figner, and others of the splendid -band spent their tortured lives. Here is the common grave of Ulianov, -Mishkin, Kalayev, Balmashev, and many more. The black tablet inscribed -with their names speaks louder than the voices silenced for ever. Not -even the roaring waves dashing against the rock of Schluesselburg can -drown that accusing voice. - -Petropavlovsk and Schluesselburg stand as the living proof of how futile -is the hope of the mighty to escape the Frankensteins of their own -making. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -THE TRADE UNIONS - - -It was the month of June and the time of our departure was approaching. -Petrograd seemed more beautiful than ever; the white nights had -come--almost broad daylight without its glare, the mysterious soothing -white nights of Petrograd. There were rumours of counter-revolutionary -danger and the city was guarded against attack. Martial law prevailing, -it was forbidden to be out on the streets after 1 A. M., -even though it was almost daylight. Occasionally special permits -were obtained by friends and then we would walk through the deserted -streets or along the banks of the dark Neva, discussing in whispers -the perplexing situation. I sought for some outstanding feature in -the blurred picture--the Russian Revolution, a huge flame shooting -across the world illuminating the black horizon of the disinherited and -oppressed--the Revolution, the new hope, the great spiritual awakening. -And here I was in the midst of it, yet nowhere could I see the promise -and fulfilment of the great event. Had I misunderstood the meaning and -nature of revolution? Perhaps the wrong and the evil I have seen during -those five months were inseparable from a revolution. Or was it the -political machine which the Bolsheviki have created--is that the force -which is crushing the Revolution? If I had witnessed the birth of the -latter I should now be better able to judge. But apparently I arrived -at the end--the agonizing end of a people. It is all so complex, so -impenetrable, a _tupik_, a blind alley, as the Russians call it. Only -time and earnest study, aided by sympathetic understanding, will show -me the way out. Meanwhile, I must keep up my courage and--away from -Petrograd, out among the people. - -Presently the long-awaited moment arrived. On June 30, 1920, our car -was coupled to a slow train called "Maxim Gorki," and we pulled out of -the Nikolayevski station, bound for Moscow. - -In Moscow there were many formalities to go through with. We thought -a few days would suffice, but we remained two weeks. However, our -stay was interesting. The city was alive with delegates to the Second -Congress of the Third International; from all parts of the world the -workers had sent their comrades to the promised land, revolutionary -Russia, the first republic of the workers. Among the delegates there -were also Anarchists and syndicalists who believed as firmly as I -did six months previously that the Bolsheviki were the symbol of the -Revolution. They had responded to the Moscow call with enthusiasm. -Some of them I had met in Petrograd and now they were eager to hear -of my experiences and learn my opinions. But what was I to tell -them, and would they believe me if I did? Would I have believed any -adverse criticism before I came to Russia? Besides, I felt that my -views regarding the Bolsheviki were still too unformed, too vague, a -conglomeration of mere impressions. My old values had been shattered -and so far I have been unable to replace them. I could therefore not -speak on the fundamental questions, but I did inform my friends that -the Moscow and Petrograd prisons were crowded with Anarchists and other -revolutionists, and I advised them not to content themselves with the -official explanations but to investigate for themselves. I warned them -that they would be surrounded by guides and interpreters, most of them -men of the Tcheka, and that they would not be able to learn the facts -unless they made a determined, independent effort. - -There was considerable excitement in Moscow at the time. The Printers' -Union had been suppressed and its entire managing board sent to prison. -The Union had called a public meeting to which members of the British -Labour Mission were invited. There the famous Socialist Revolutionist -Tchernov had unexpectedly made his appearance. He severely criticised -the Bolshevik regime, received an ovation from the huge audience -of workers, and then vanished as mysteriously as he had come. The -Menshevik Dan was less successful. He also addressed the meeting, but -he failed to make his escape: he landed in the Tcheka. The next morning -the Moscow _Pravda_ and the _Izvestia_ denounced the action of the -Printers' Union as counter-revolutionary, and raged about Tchernov -having been permitted to speak. The papers called for exemplary -punishment of the printers who dared defy the Soviet Government. - -The Bakers' Union, a very militant organization, had also been -suppressed, and its management replaced by Communists. Several months -before, in March, I had attended a convention of the bakers. The -delegates impressed me as a courageous group who did not fear to -criticise the Bolshevik regime and present the demands of the workers. -I wondered then that they were permitted to continue the conference, -for they were outspoken in their opposition to the Communists. "The -bakers are 'Shkurniki' [skinners]," I was told; "they always instigate -strikes, and only counter-revolutionists can wish to strike in the -workers' Republic." But it seemed to me that the workers could not -follow such reasoning. They did strike. They even committed a more -heinous crime: they refused to vote for the Communist candidate, -electing instead a man of their own choice. This action of the bakers -was followed by the arrest of several of their more active members. -Naturally the workers resented the arbitrary methods of the Government. - -Later I met some of the bakers and found them much embittered against -the Communist Party and the Government. I inquired about the condition -of their union, telling them that I had been informed that the Russian -unions were very powerful and had practical control of the industrial -life of the country. The bakers laughed. "The trade unions are the -lackeys of the Government," they said; "they have no independent -function, and the workers have no say in them. The trade unions are -doing mere police duty for the Government." That sounded quite -different from the story told by Melnichansky, the chairman of the -Moscow Trade Union Soviet, whom I had met on my first visit to Moscow. - -On that occasion he had shown me about the trade union headquarters -known as the _Dom Soyusov_, and explained how the organization worked. -Seven million workers were in the trade unions, he said; all trades -and professions belonged to it. The workers themselves managed the -industries and owned them. "The building you are in now is also owned -by the unions," he remarked with pride; "formerly it was the House of -the Nobility." The room we were in had been used for festive assemblies -and the great nobles sat in crested chairs around the table in the -centre. Melnichansky showed me the secret underground passage hidden -by a little turntable, through which the nobles could escape in case -of danger. They never dreamed that the workers would some day gather -around the same table and sit in the beautiful hall of marble columns. -The educational and cultural work done by the trade unions, the -chairman further explained, was of the greatest scope. "We have our -workers' colleges and other cultural institutions giving courses and -lectures on various subjects. They are all managed by the workers. The -unions own their own means of recreation, and we have access to all the -theatres." It was apparent from his explanation that the trade unions -of Russia had reached a point far beyond anything known by labour -organizations in Europe and America. - -A similar account I had heard from Tsiperovitch, the chairman of the -Petrograd trade unions, with whom I had made my first trip to Moscow. -He had also shown me about the Petrograd Labour Temple, a beautiful and -spacious building where the Petrograd unions had their offices. His -recital also made it clear that the workers of Russia had at last come -into their own. - -But gradually I began to see the other side of the medal. I found that -like most things in Russia the trade union picture had a double facet: -one paraded before foreign visitors and "investigators," the other -known by the masses. The bakers and the printers had recently been -shown the other side. It was a lesson of the benefits that accrued to -the trade unions in the Socialist Republic. - -In March I had attended an election meeting arranged by the workers -of one of the large Moscow factories. It was the most exciting -gathering I had witnessed in Russia--the dimly lit hall in the factory -club rooms, the faces of the men and women worn with privation and -suffering, the intense feeling over the wrong done them, all impressed -me very strongly. Their chosen representative, an Anarchist, had been -refused his mandate by the Soviet authorities. It was the third time -the workers gathered to re-elect their delegate to the Moscow Soviet, -and every time they elected the same man. The Communist candidate -opposing him was Semashko, the Commissar of the Department of Health. -I had expected to find an educated and cultured man. But the behaviour -and language of the Commissar at that election meeting would have put -a hod-carrier to shame. He raved against the workers for choosing a -non-Communist, called anathema upon their heads, and threatened them -with the Tcheka and the curtailment of their rations. But he had no -effect upon the audience except to emphasize their opposition to him, -and to arouse antagonism against the party he represented. The final -victory, however, was with Semashko. The workers' choice was repudiated -by the authorities and later even arrested and imprisoned. That was -in March. In May, during the visit of the British Labour Mission, the -factory candidate together with other political prisoners declared a -hunger strike, which resulted in their liberation. - -The story told me by the bakers of their election experiences had the -quality of our own Wild West during its pioneer days. Tchekists with -loaded guns were in the habit of attending gatherings of the unions -and they made it clear what would happen if the workers should fail to -elect a Communist. But the bakers, a strong and militant organization, -would not be intimidated. They declared that no bread would be baked -in Moscow unless they were permitted to elect their own candidate. -That had the desired effect. After the meeting the Tchekists tried to -arrest the candidate-elect, but the bakers surrounded him and saw him -safely home. The next day they sent their ultimatum to the authorities, -demanding recognition of their choice and threatening to strike in -case of refusal. Thus the bakers triumphed and gained an advantage -over their less courageous brothers in the other labour organizations -of minor importance. In starving Russia the work of the bakers was as -vital as life itself. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -MARIA SPIRIDONOVA - - -The Commissariat of Education also included the Department of Museums. -The Petrograd Museum of the Revolution had two chairmen; Lunacharsky -being one of them, it was necessary to secure his signature to our -credentials which had already been signed by Zinoviev, the second -chairman of the Museum. I was commissioned to see Lunacharsky. - -I felt rather guilty before him. I left Moscow in March promising -to return within a week to join him in his work. Now, four months -later, I came to ask his cooperation in an entirely different field. -I went to the Kremlin determined to tell Lunacharsky how I felt about -the situation in Russia. But I was relieved of the necessity by the -presence of a number of people in his office; there was no time to -take the matter up. I could merely inform Lunacharsky of the purpose -of the expedition and request his aid in the work. It met with his -approval. He signed our credentials and also supplied me with letters -of introduction and recommendation to facilitate our efforts in behalf -of the Museum. - -While our Commission was making the necessary preparations for the trip -to the Ukraine, I found time to visit various institutions in Moscow -and to meet some interesting people. Among them were certain well-known -Left Social Revolutionists whom I had met on my previous visit. I -had told them then that I was eager to visit Maria Spiridonova, of -whose condition I had heard many conflicting stories. But at that -time no meeting could be arranged: it might have exposed Spiridonova -to danger, for she was living illegally, as a peasant woman. History -indeed repeats itself. Under the Tsar Spiridonova, also disguised as -a country girl, had shadowed Lukhanovsky, the Governor of Tamboy, of -peasant-flogging fame. Having shot him, she was arrested, tortured, -and later sentenced to death. The western world became aroused, and it -was due to its protests that the sentence of Spiridonova was changed -to Siberian exile for life. She spent eleven years there; the February -Revolution brought her freedom and back to Russia. Maria Spiridonova -immediately threw herself into revolutionary activity. Now, in the -Socialist Republic, Maria was again living in disguise after having -escaped from the prison in the Kremlin. - -Arrangements were finally made to enable me to visit Spiridonova, and -I was cautioned to make sure that I was not followed by Tcheka men. -We agreed with Maria's friends upon a meeting place and from there we -zigzagged a number of streets till we at last reached the top floor of -a house in the back of a yard. I was led into a small room containing -a bed, small desk, bookcase, and several chairs. Before the desk, -piled high with letters and papers, sat a frail little woman, Maria -Spiridonova. This, then, was one of Russia's great martyrs, this woman -who had so unflinchingly suffered the tortures inflicted upon her -by the Tsar's henchmen. I had been told by Zorin and Jack Reed that -Spiridonova had suffered a breakdown, and was kept in a sanatorium. -Her malady, they said, was acute neurasthenia and hysteria. When I -came face to face with Maria, I immediately realized that both men -had deceived me. I was no longer surprised at Zorin: much of what he -had told me I gradually discovered to be utterly false. As to Reed, -unfamiliar with the language and completely under the sway of the new -faith, he took too much for granted. Thus, on his return from Moscow -he came to inform me that the story of the shooting of prisoners _en -masse_ on the eve of the abolition of capital punishment was really -true; but, he assured me, it was all the fault of a certain official of -the Tcheka who had already paid with his life for it. I had opportunity -to investigate the matter. I found that Jack had again been misled. It -was not that a certain man was responsible for the wholesale killing -on that occasion. The act was conditioned in the whole system and -character of the Tcheka. - -I spent two days with Maria Spiridonova, listening to her recital of -events since October, 1917. She spoke at length about the enthusiasm -and zeal of the masses and the hopes held out by the Bolsheviki; of -their ascendancy to power and gradual turn to the right. She explained -the Brest-Litovsk peace which she considered as the first link in -the chain that has since fettered the Revolution. She dwelt on the -_razverstka_, the system of forcible requisition, which was devastating -Russia and discrediting everything the Revolution had been fought for; -she referred to the terrorism practised by the Bolsheviki against -every revolutionary criticism, to the new Communist bureaucracy and -inefficiency, and the hopelessness of the whole situation. It was a -crushing indictment against the Bolsheviki, their theories and methods. - -If Spiridonova had really suffered a breakdown, as I had been -assured, and was hysterical and mentally unbalanced, she must have -had extraordinary control of herself. She was calm, self-contained, -and clear on every point. She had the fullest command of her material -and information. On several occasions during her narrative, when she -detected doubt in my face, she remarked: "I fear you don't quite -believe me. Well, here is what some of the peasants write me," and -she would reach over to a pile of letters on her desk and read to me -passages heart-rending with misery and bitter against the Bolsheviki. -In stilted handwriting, sometimes almost illegible, the peasants of the -Ukraine and Siberia wrote of the horrors of the _razverstka_ and what -it had done to them and their land. "They have taken away everything, -even the last seeds for the next sowing." "The Commissars have robbed -us of everything." Thus ran the letters. Frequently peasants wanted to -know whether Spiridonova had gone over to the Bolsheviki. "If you also -forsake us, _matushka_, we have no one to turn to," one peasant wrote. - -The enormity of her accusations challenged credence. After all, the -Bolsheviki were revolutionists. How could they be guilty of the -terrible things charged against them? Perhaps they were not responsible -for the situation as it had developed; they had the whole world -against them. There was the Brest peace, for instance. When the news -of it first reached America I happened to be in prison. I reflected -long and carefully whether Soviet Russia was justified in negotiating -with German imperialism. But I could see no way out of the situation. -I was in favour of the Brest peace. Since I came to Russia I heard -conflicting versions of it. Nearly everyone, excepting the Communists, -considered the Brest agreement as much a betrayal of the Revolution as -the role of the German Socialists in the war--a betrayal of the spirit -of internationalism. The Communists, on the other hand, were unanimous -in defending the peace and denouncing as counter-revolutionist -everybody who questioned the wisdom and the revolutionary justification -of that agreement. "We could do nothing else," argued the Communists. -"Germany had a mighty army, while we had none. Had we refused to sign -the Brest treaty we should have sealed the fate of the Revolution. We -realized that Brest meant a compromise, but we knew that the workers -of Russia and the rest of the world would understand that we had been -forced to it. Our compromise was similar to that of workers when -they are forced to accept the conditions of their masters after an -unsuccessful strike." - -But Spiridonova was not convinced. "There is not one word of truth in -the argument advanced by the Bolsheviki," she said. It is true that -Russia had no disciplined army to meet the German advance, but it had -something infinitely more effective: it had a conscious revolutionary -people who would have fought back the invaders to the last drop of -blood. As a matter of fact, it was the people who had checked all -the counter-revolutionary military attempts against Russia. Who else -but the people, the peasants and the workers, made it impossible for -the German and Austrian army to remain in the Ukraine? Who defeated -Denikin and the other counter-revolutionary generals? Who triumphed -over Koltchak and Yudenitch? Lenin and Trotsky claim that it was the -Red Army. But the historic truth was that the voluntary military -units of the workers and peasants--the _povstantsi_--in Siberia as -well as in the south of Russia--had borne the brunt of the fighting -on every front, the Red Army usually only completing the victories of -the former. Trotsky would have it now that the Brest treaty had to be -accepted, but he himself had at one time refused to sign the treaty and -Radek, Joffe, and other leading Communists had also been opposed to it. -It is claimed now that they submitted to the shameful terms because -they realized the hopelessness of their expectation that the German -workers would prevent the Junkers from marching against revolutionary -Russia. But that was not the true reason. It was the whip of the party -discipline which lashed Trotsky and others into submission. - -"The trouble with the Bolsheviki," continued Spiridonova, "is that -they have no faith in the masses. They proclaimed themselves a -proletarian party, but they refused to trust the workers." It was -this lack of faith, Maria emphasized, which made the Communists bow -to German imperialism. And as concerns the Revolution itself, it was -precisely the Brest peace which struck it a fatal blow. Aside from -the betrayal of Finland, White Russia, Latvia, and the Ukraine--which -were turned over to the mercy of the German Junkers by the Brest -peace--the peasants saw thousands of their brothers slain, and had -to submit to being robbed and plundered. The simple peasant mind -could not understand the complete reversal of the former Bolshevik -slogans of "no indemnity and no annexations." But even the simplest -peasant could understand that his toil and his blood were to pay the -indemnities imposed by the Brest conditions. The peasants grew bitter -and antagonistic to the Soviet regime. Disheartened and discouraged -they turned from the Revolution. As to the effect of the Brest peace -upon the German workers, how could they continue in their faith in the -Russian Revolution in view of the fact that the Bolsheviki negotiated -and accepted the peace terms with the German masters over the heads of -the German proletariat? The historic fact remains that the Brest peace -was the beginning of the end of the Russian Revolution. No doubt other -factors contributed to the debacle, but Brest was the most fatal of -them. - -Spiridonova asserted that the Left Socialist Revolutionary elements had -warned the Bolsheviki against that peace and fought it desperately. -They refused to accept it even after it had been signed. The presence -of Mirbach in Revolutionary Russia they considered an outrage against -the Revolution, a crying injustice to the heroic Russian people who had -sacrificed and suffered so much in their struggle against imperialism -and capitalism. Spiridonova's party decided that Mirbach could not -be tolerated in Russia: Mirbach had to go. Wholesale arrests and -persecutions followed upon the execution of Mirbach, the Bolsheviki -rendering service to the German Kaiser. They filled the prisons with -the Russian revolutionists. - -In the course of our conversation I suggested that the method of -_razverstka_ was probably forced upon the Bolsheviki by the refusal of -the peasants to feed the city. In the beginning of the revolutionary -period, Spiridonova explained, so long as the peasant Soviets existed, -the peasants gave willingly and generously. But when the Bolshevik -Government began to dissolve these Soviets and arrested 500 peasant -delegates, the peasantry became antagonistic. Moreover, they daily -witnessed the inefficiency of the Communist regime: they saw their -products lying at side stations and rotting away, or in possession of -speculators on the market. Naturally under such conditions they would -not continue to give. The fact that the peasants had never refused to -contribute supplies to the Red Army proved that other methods than -those used by the Bolsheviki could have been employed. The _razverstka_ -served only to widen the breach between the village and the city. The -Bolsheviki resorted to punitive expeditions which became the terror of -the country. They left death and ruin wherever they came. The peasants, -at last driven to desperation, began to rebel against the Communist -regime. In various parts of Russia, in the south, on the Ural, and in -Siberia, peasants' insurrections have taken place, and everywhere they -were being put down by force of arms and with an iron hand. - -Spiridonova did not speak of her own sufferings since she had parted -ways with the Bolsheviki. But I learned from others that she had been -arrested twice and imprisoned for a considerable length of time. Even -when free she was kept under surveillance, as she had been in the time -of the Tsar. On several occasions she was tortured by being taken -out at night and informed that she was to be shot--a favoured Tcheka -method. I mentioned the subject to Spiridonova. She did not deny the -facts, though she was loath to speak of herself. She was entirely -absorbed in the fate of the Revolution and of her beloved peasantry. -She gave no thought to herself, but she was eager to have the world and -the international proletariat learn the true condition of affairs in -Bolshevik Russia. - -Of all the opponents of the Bolsheviki I had met Maria Spiridonova -impressed me as one of the most sincere, well-poised, and convincing. -Her heroic past and her refusal to compromise her revolutionary ideas -under Tsarism as well as under Bolshevism were sufficient guarantee of -her revolutionary integrity. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -ANOTHER VISIT TO PETER KROPOTKIN - - -A few days before our Expedition started for the Ukraine the -opportunity presented itself to pay another visit to Peter Kropotkin. -I was delighted at the chance to see the dear old man under more -favourable conditions than I had seen him in March. I expected at least -that we would not be handicapped by the presence of newspaper men as we -were on the previous occasion. - -On my first visit, in snow-clad March, I arrived at the Kropotkin -cottage late in the evening. The place looked deserted and desolate. -But now it was summer time. The country was fresh and fragrant; the -garden at the back of the house, clad in green, smiled cheerfully, -the golden rays of the sun spreading warmth and light. Peter, who was -having his afternoon nap, could not be seen, but Sofya Grigorievna, -his wife, was there to greet us. We had brought some provisions given -to Sasha Kropotkin for her father, and several baskets of things sent -by an Anarchist group. While we were unpacking those treasures Peter -Alekseyevitch surprised us. He seemed a changed man: the summer had -wrought a miracle in him. He appeared healthier, stronger, more alive -than when I had last seen him. He immediately took us to the vegetable -garden which was almost entirely Sofya's own work and served as the -main support of the family. Peter was very proud of it. "What do you -say to this!" he exclaimed; "all Sofya's labour. And see this new -species of lettuce"--pointing at a huge head. He looked young; he was -almost gay, his conversation sparkling. His power of observation, his -keen sense of humour and generous humanity were so refreshing, he made -one forget the misery of Russia, one's own conflicts and doubts, and -the cruel reality of life. - -After dinner we gathered in Peter's study--a small room containing an -ordinary table for a desk, a narrow cot, a wash-stand, and shelves of -books. I could not help making a mental comparison between this simple, -cramped study of Kropotkin and the gorgeous quarters of Radek and -Zinoviev. Peter was interested to know my impressions since he saw me -last. I related to him how confused and harassed I was, how everything -seemed to crumble beneath my feet. I told him that I had come to doubt -almost everything, even the Revolution itself. I could not reconcile -the ghastly reality with what the Revolution had meant to me when I -came to Russia. Were the conditions I found inevitable--the callous -indifference to human life, the terrorism, the waste and agony of it -all? Of course, I knew revolutions could not be made with kid gloves. -It is a stern necessity involving violence and destruction, a difficult -and terrible process. But what I had found in Russia was utterly unlike -revolutionary conditions, so fundamentally unlike as to be a caricature. - -Peter listened attentively; then he said: "There is no reason whatever -to lose faith. I consider the Russian Revolution even greater than the -French, for it has struck deeper into the soul of Russia, into the -hearts and minds of the Russian people. Time alone can demonstrate -its full scope and depth. What you see to-day is only the surface, -conditions artificially created by a governing class. You see a -small political party which by its false theories, blunders, and -inefficiency has demonstrated how revolutions must _not_ be made." It -was unfortunate--Kropotkin continued--that so many of the Anarchists -in Russia and the masses outside of Russia had been carried away by -the ultra-revolutionary pretenses of the Bolsheviki. In the great -upheaval it was forgotten that the Communists are a political party -firmly adhering to the idea of a centralized State, and that as -such they were bound to misdirect the course of the Revolution. The -Bolsheviki were the Jesuits of the Socialist Church: they believed in -the Jesuitic motto that the end justifies the means. Their end being -political power, they hesitate at nothing. The means, however, have -paralysed the energies of the masses and have terrorized the people. -Yet without the people, without the direct participation of the masses -in the reconstruction of the country, nothing essential could be -accomplished. The Bolsheviki had been carried to the top by the high -tide of the Revolution. Once in power they began to stem the tide. -They have been trying to eliminate and suppress the cultural forces of -the country not entirely in agreement with their ideas and methods. -They destroyed the cooperatives which were of utmost importance to the -life of Russia, the great link between the country and the city. They -created a bureaucracy and officialdom which surpasses even that of the -old regime. In the village where he lived, in little Dmitrov, there -were more Bolshevik officials than ever existed there during the reign -of the Romanovs. All those people were living off the masses. They were -parasites on the social body, and Dmitrov was only a small example -of what was going on throughout Russia. It was not the fault of any -particular individuals: rather was it the State they had created, which -discredits every revolutionary ideal, stifles all initiative, and sets -a premium on incompetence and waste. It should also not be forgotten, -Kropotkin emphasized, that the blockade and the continuous attacks on -the Revolution by the interventionists had helped to strengthen the -power of the Communist regime. Intervention and blockade were bleeding -Russia to death, and were preventing the people from understanding the -real nature of the Bolshevik regime. - -Discussing the activities and role of the Anarchists in the Revolution, -Kropotkin said: "We Anarchists have talked much of revolutions, but -few of us have been prepared for the actual work to be done during the -process. I have indicated some things in this relation in my 'Conquest -of Bread.' Pouget and Pataud have also sketched a line of action in -their work on 'How to Accomplish the Social Revolution.'" Kropotkin -thought that the Anarchists had not given sufficient consideration -to the fundamental elements of the social revolution. The real facts -in a revolutionary process do not consist so much in the actual -fighting--that is, merely the destructive phase necessary to clear -the way for constructive effort. The basic factor in a revolution is -the organization of the economic life of the country. The Russian -Revolution had proved conclusively that we must prepare thoroughly for -that. Everything else is of minor importance. He had come to think that -syndicalism was likely to furnish what Russia most lacked: the channel -through which the industrial and economic reconstruction of the country -may flow. He referred to Anarcho-syndicalism. That and the cooperatives -would save other countries some of the blunders and suffering Russia -was going through. - -I left Dmitrov much comforted by the warmth and light which the -beautiful personality of Peter Kropotkin radiated; and I was much -encouraged by what I had heard from him. I returned to Moscow to help -with the completion of the preparations for our journey. At last, on -July 15, 1920, our car was coupled to a train bound for the Ukraine. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -EN ROUTE - - -Our train was about to leave Moscow when we were surprised by an -interesting visitor--Krasnoschekov, the president of the Far Eastern -Republic, who had recently arrived in the capital from Siberia. He had -heard of our presence in the city, but for some reason he could not -locate us. Finally he met Alexander Berkman who invited him to the -Museum car. - -In appearance Krasnoschekov had changed tremendously since his Chicago -days, when, known as Tobinson, he was superintendent of the Workers' -Institute in that city. Then he was one of the many Russian emigrants -on the West Side, active as organizer and lecturer in the Socialist -movement. Now he looked a different man; his expression stern, the -stamp of authority on him, he seemed even to have grown taller. But at -heart he remained the same--simple and kind, the Tobinson we had known -in Chicago. - -We had only a short time at our disposal and our visitor employed -it to give us an insight into the conditions in the Far East and -the local form of government. It consisted of representatives of -various political factions and "even Anarchists are with us," said -Krasnoschekov; "thus, for instance, Shatov is Minister of Railways. We -are independent in the East and there is free speech. Come over and try -us, you will find a field for your work." He invited Alexander Berkman -and myself to visit him in Chita and we assured him that we hoped to -avail ourselves of the invitation at some future time. He seemed to -have brought a different atmosphere and we were sorry to part so soon. - -On the way from Petrograd to Moscow the Expedition had been busy -putting its house in order. As already mentioned, the car consisted -of six compartments, two of which were converted into a dining room -and kitchen. They were of diminutive size, but we managed to make a -presentable dining room of one, and the kitchen might have made many -a housekeeper envy us. A large Russian samovar and all necessary -copper and zinc pots and kettles were there, making a very effective -appearance. We were especially proud of the decorative curtains on our -car windows. The other compartments were used for office and sleeping -quarters. I shared mine with our secretary, Miss A. T. Shakol. - -Besides Alexander Berkman, appointed by the Museum as chairman and -general manager, Shakol as secretary, and myself as treasurer and -housekeeper, the Expedition consisted of three other members, including -a young Communist, a student of the Petrograd University. En route -we mapped out our plan of work, each member of the Expedition being -assigned some particular branch of it. I was to gather data in the -Departments of Education and Health, the Bureaus of Social Welfare and -Labour Distribution, as well as in the organization known as Workers' -and Peasants' Inspection. After the day's work all the members were to -meet in the car to consider and classify the material collected during -the day. - -Our first stop was Kursk. Nothing of importance was collected there -except a pair of _kandai_ [iron handcuffs] which had been worn by -a revolutionist in Schluesselburg. It was donated to us by a chance -passer-by who, noticing the inscription on our car, "Extraordinary -Commission of the Museum of the Revolution," became interested -and called to pay us a visit. He proved to be an intellectual, -a Tolstoian, the manager of a children's colony. He succeeded in -maintaining the latter by giving the Soviet Government a certain amount -of labour required of him: three days a week he taught in the Soviet -schools of Kursk. The rest of his time he devoted to his little colony, -or the "Children's Commune," as he affectionately called it. With -the help of the children and some adults they raised the vegetables -necessary for the support of the colony and made all the repairs of -the place. He stated that he had not been directly interfered with -by the Government, but that his work was considerably handicapped by -discrimination against him as a pacifist and Tolstoian. He feared that -because of it his place could not be continued much longer. There was -no trading of any sort in Kursk at the time, and one had to depend for -supplies on the local authorities. But discrimination and antagonism -manifested themselves against independent initiative and effort. -The Tolstoian, however, was determined to make a fight, spiritually -speaking, for the life of his colony. He was planning to go to the -centre, to Moscow, where he hoped to get support in favour of his -commune. - -The personality of the man, his eagerness to make himself useful, did -not correspond with the information I had received from Communists -about the _intelligentsia_, their indifference and unwillingness to -help revolutionary Russia. I broached the subject to our visitor. He -could only speak of the professional men and women of Kursk, his native -city, but he assured us that he found most of them, and especially the -teachers, eager to cooperate and even self-sacrificing. But they were -the most neglected class, living in semi-starvation all the time. Like -himself, they were exposed to general antagonism, even on the part of -the children whose minds had been poisoned by agitation against the -_intelligentsia_. - -Kursk is a large industrial centre and I was interested in the fate -of the workers there. We learned from our visitor that there had been -repeated skirmishes between the workers and the Soviet authorities. -A short time before our arrival a strike had broken out and soldiers -were sent to quell it. The usual arrests followed and many workers were -still in the Tcheka. This state of affairs, the Tolstoian thought, -was due to general Communist incompetence rather than to any other -cause. People were placed in responsible positions not because of their -fitness but owing to their party membership. Political usefulness was -the first consideration and it naturally resulted in general abuse of -power and confusion. The Communist dogma that the end justifies all -means was also doing much harm. It had thrown the door wide open to the -worst human passions, and discredited the ideals of the Revolution. The -Tolstoian spoke sadly, as one speaks of a hope cherished and loved, and -lost. - -The next morning our visitor donated to our collection the _kandali_ he -had worn for many years in prison. He hoped that we might return by way -of Kursk so that we could pay a visit to some Tolstoian communes in the -environs of the city. Not far from Yasnaya Polyana there lived an old -peasant friend of Tolstoi, he told us. He had much valuable material -that he might contribute to the Museum. Our visitor remained to the -moment of our departure; he was starved for intellectual companionship -and was loath to see us go. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -IN KHARKOV - - -Arriving in Kharkov, I visited the Anarchist book store, the address -of which I had secured in Moscow. There I met many friends whom I had -known in America. Among them were Joseph and Leah Goodman, formerly -from Detroit; Fanny Baron, from Chicago, and Sam Fleshin who had worked -in the Mother Earth office in New York, in 1917, before he left for -Russia. With thousands of other exiles they had all hastened to their -native country at the first news of the Revolution, and they had been -in the thick of it ever since. They would have much to tell me, I -thought; they might help me to solve some of the problems that were -perplexing me. - -Kharkov lay several miles away from the railroad station, and it would -have therefore been impractical to continue living in the car during -our stay in the city. The Museum credentials would secure quarters for -us, but several members of the Expedition preferred to stay with their -American friends. Through the help of one of our comrades, who was -commandant of an apartment house, I secured a room. - -It had been quite warm in Moscow, but Kharkov proved a veritable -furnace, reminding me of New York in July. Sanitary and plumbing -arrangements had been neglected or destroyed, and water had to be -carried from a place several blocks distant up three flights of stairs. -Still it was a comfort to have a private room. - -The city was alive. The streets were full of people and they looked -better fed and dressed than the population of Petrograd and Moscow. -The women were handsomer than in northern Russia; the men of a finer -type. It was rather odd to see beautiful women, wearing evening gowns -in the daytime, walk about barefoot or clad in wooden sandals without -stockings. The coloured kerchiefs most of them had on lent life -and colour to the streets, giving them a cheerful appearance which -contrasted favourably with the gray tones of Petrograd. - -My first official visit was paid to the Department of Education. -I found a long line of people waiting admission, but the Museum -credentials immediately opened the doors, the chairman receiving -me most cordially. He listened attentively to my explanation of the -purposes of the Expedition and promised to give me an opportunity to -collect all the available material in his department, including the -newly prepared charts of its work. On the chairman's desk I noticed a -copy of such a chart, looking like a futurist picture, all lined and -dotted with red, blue, and purple. Noticing my puzzled expression the -chairman explained that the red indicated the various phases of the -educational system, the other colours representing literature, drama, -music, and the plastic arts. Each department was subdivided into -bureaus embracing every branch of the educational and cultural work of -the Socialist Republic. - -Concerning the system of education the chairman stated that from -three to eight years of age the child attended the kindergarten or -children's home. War orphans from the south, children of Red Army -soldiers and of proletarians in general received preference. If -vacancies remained, children of the bourgeoisie were also accepted. -From eight to thirteen the children attended the intermediary schools -where they received elementary education which inculcates the general -idea of the political and economic structure of R.S.F.S.R. Modern -methods of instruction by means of technical apparatus, so far as the -latter could be secured, had been introduced. The children were taught -processes of production as well as natural sciences. The period from -twelve to seventeen embraced vocational training. There were also -higher institutions of learning for young people who showed special -ability and inclination. Besides this, summer schools and colonies -had been established where instruction was given in the open. All -children belonging to the Soviet Republic were fed, clothed, and -housed at the expense of the Government. The scheme of education also -embraced workers' colleges and evening courses for adults of both -sexes. Here also everything was supplied to the pupils free, even -special rations. For further particulars the chairman referred me to -the literature of his department and advised me to study the plan in -operation. The educational work was much handicapped by the blockade -and counter-revolutionary attempts; else Russia would demonstrate to -the world what the Socialist Republic could do in the way of popular -enlightenment. They lacked even the most elemental necessaries, such as -paper, pencils, and books. In the winter most of the schools had to be -closed for lack of fuel. The cruelty and infamy of the blockade was -nowhere more apparent and crying than in its effect upon the sick and -the children. "It is the blackest crime of the century," the chairman -concluded. It was agreed that I return within a week to receive the -material for our collection. In the Social Welfare Department I also -found a very competent man in charge. He became much interested in the -work of the Expedition and promised to collect the necessary material -for us, though he could not offer very much because his department had -but recently been organized. Its work was to look after the disabled -and sick proletarians and those of old age exempt from labour. They -were given certain rations in food and clothing; in case they were -employed they received also a certain amount of money, about half of -their earnings. Besides that the Department was supporting living -quarters and dining rooms for its charges. - -In the corridor leading to the various offices of the Department -there were lines of emaciated and crippled figures, men and women, -waiting for their turn to receive aid. They looked like war veterans -awaiting their pittance in the form of rations; they reminded me of the -decrepit unemployed standing in line in the Salvation Army quarters -in America. One woman in particular attracted my attention. She was -angry and excited and she complained loudly. Her husband had been dead -two days and she was trying to obtain a permit for a coffin. She had -been in line ever since but could procure no order. "What am I to do?" -she wailed; "I cannot carry him on my own back or bury him without a -coffin, and I cannot keep him in my room much longer in this heat." The -woman's lament remained unanswered for everyone was absorbed in his own -troubles. Sick and disabled workers are thrown everywhere on the scrap -pile--I thought--but in Russia an effort is being made to prevent such -cruelty. Yet judging from what I saw in Kharkov I felt that not much -was being accomplished. It was a most depressing picture, that long -waiting line. I felt as if it was adding insult to injury. - -I visited a house where the social derelicts lived. It was fairly well -kept, but breathing the spirit of cold institutionalism. It was, of -course, better than sleeping in the streets or lying all night in the -doorways, as the sick and poor are often compelled to do in capitalist -countries, in America, for instance. Still it seemed incongruous that -something more cheerful and inviting could not be devised in Soviet -Russia for those who had sacrificed their health and had given their -labour to the common good. But apparently it was the best that the -Social Welfare Department could do in the present condition of Russia. - -In the evening our American friends visited us. Each of them had a -rich experience of struggle, suffering, and persecution and I was -surprised to learn that most of them had also been imprisoned by the -Bolsheviki. They had endured much for the sake of their ideas and -had been hounded by every government of Ukraina, there having been -fourteen political changes in some parts of the south during the last -two years. The Communists were no different: they also persecuted -the Anarchists as well as other revolutionists of the Left. Still -the Anarchists continued their work. Their faith in the Revolution, -in spite of all they endured, and even in the face of the worst -reaction, was truly sublime. They agreed that the possibilities of -the masses during the first months after the October Revolution were -very great, but expressed the opinion that revolutionary development -had been checked, and gradually entirely paralysed, by the deadening -effect of the Communist State. In the Ukraina, they explained, the -situation differed from that of Russia, because the peasants lived -in comparatively better material conditions. They had also retained -greater independence and more of a rebellious spirit. For these reasons -the Bolsheviki had failed to subdue the south. - -Our visitors spoke of Makhno as a heroic popular figure, and related -his daring exploits and the legends the peasants had woven about his -personality. There was considerable difference of opinion, however, -among the Anarchists concerning the significance of the Makhno -movement. Some regarded it as expressive of Anarchism and believed -that the Anarchists should devote all their energies to it. Others -held that the _povstantsi_ represented the native rebellious spirit -of the southern peasants, but that their movement was not Anarchism, -though anarchistically tinged. They were not in favour of limiting -themselves to that movement; they believed their work should be of a -more embracing and universal character. Several of our friends took -an entirely different position, denying to the Makhno movement any -anarchistic meaning whatever. - -Most enthusiastic about Makhno and emphatic about the Anarchist value -of that movement was Joseph, known as the "Emigrant"--the very last -man one would have expected to wax warm over a military organization. -Joseph was as mild and gentle as a girl. In America he had participated -in the Anarchist and Labour movements in a quiet and unassuming manner, -and very few knew the true worth of the man. Since his return to Russia -he had been in the thick of the struggle. He had spent much time with -Makhno and had learned to love and admire him for his revolutionary -devotion and courage. Joseph related an interesting experience of his -first visit to the peasant leader. When he arrived the _povstantsi_ for -some reason conceived the notion that he had come to harm their chief. -One of Makhno's closest friends claimed that Joseph, being a Jew, must -also be an emissary of the Bolsheviki sent to kill Makhno. When he saw -how attached Makhno became to Joseph, he decided to kill "the Jew." -Fortunately he first warned his leader, whereupon Makhno called his -men together and addressed them somewhat in this manner: "Joseph is a -Jew and an idealist; he is an Anarchist. I consider him my comrade and -friend and I shall hold everyone responsible for his safety." Idolized -by his army, Makhno's word was enough: Joseph became the trusted -friend of the _povstantsi_. They believed in him because their _batka_ -[father] had faith in him, and Joseph in return became deeply devoted -to them. Now he insisted that he must return to the rebel camp: they -were heroic people, simple, brave, and devoted to the cause of liberty. -He was planning to join Makhno again. Yet I could not free myself of -the feeling that if Joseph went back I should never see him alive any -more. He seemed to me like one of those characters in Zola's "Germinal" -who loves every living thing and yet is able to resort to dynamite for -the sake of the striking miners. - -I expressed the view to my friends that, important as the Makhno -movement might be, it was of a purely military nature and could not, -therefore, be expressive of the Anarchist spirit. I was sorry to see -Joseph return to the Makhno camp, for his work for the Anarchist -movement in Russia could be of much greater value. But he was -determined, and I felt that it was Joseph's despair at the reactionary -tendencies of the Bolsheviki which drove him, as it did so many others -of his comrades, away from the Communists and into the ranks of Makhno. - -During our stay in Kharkov I also visited the Department of Labour -Distribution, which had come into existence since the militarization of -labour. According to the Bolsheviki it became necessary then to return -the workers from the villages to which they had streamed from the -starving cities. They had to be registered and classified according to -trades and distributed to points where their services were most needed. -In the carrying out of this plan many people were daily rounded up on -the streets and in the market place. Together with the large numbers -arrested as speculators or for possession of Tsarist money, they were -put on the list of the Labour Distribution Department. Some were sent -to the Donetz Basin, while the weaker ones went on to concentration -camps. The Communists justified this system and method as necessary -during a revolutionary period in order to build up the industries. -Everybody must work in Russia, they said, or be forced to work. They -claimed that the industrial output had increased since the introduction -of the compulsory labour law. - -I had occasion to discuss these matters with many Communists and I -doubted the efficacy of the new policy. - -One evening a woman called at my room and introduced herself as -the former owner of the apartment. Since all the houses had been -nationalized she was allowed to keep three rooms, the rest of her -apartment having been put in charge of the House Bureau. Her family -consisted of eight members, including her parents and a married -daughter with her family. It was almost impossible to crowd all into -three rooms, especially considering the terrific heat of the Kharkov -summer; yet somehow they had managed. But two weeks prior to our -arrival in Kharkov Zinoviev visited the city. At a public meeting he -declared that the bourgeoisie of the city looked too well fed and -dressed. "It proves," he said, "that the comrades and especially the -Tcheka are neglecting their duty." No sooner had Zinoviev departed than -wholesale arrests and night raids began. Confiscation became the order -of the day. Her apartment, the woman related, had also been visited and -most of her effects taken away. But worst of all was that the Tcheka -ordered her to vacate one of the rooms, and now the whole family was -crowded into two small rooms. She was much worried lest a member of the -Tcheka or a Red Army man be assigned to the vacant room. "We felt much -relieved," she said, "when we were informed that someone from America -was to occupy this room. We wish you would remain here for a long time." - -Till then I had not come in personal contact with the members of the -expropriated bourgeoisie who had actually been made to suffer by the -Revolution. The few middle-class families I had met lived well, which -was a source of surprise to me. Thus in Petrograd a certain chemist I -had become acquainted with in Shatov's house lived in a very expensive -way. The Soviet authorities permitted him to operate his factory, and -he supplied the Government with chemicals at a cost much less than the -Government could manufacture them at. He paid his workers comparatively -high wages and provided them with rations. On a certain occasion I was -invited to dinner by the chemist's family. I found them living in a -luxurious apartment containing many valuable objects and art treasures. -My hostess, the chemist's wife, was expensively gowned and wore a -costly necklace. Dinner consisted of several courses and was served -in an extravagant manner with exquisite damask linen in abundance. It -must have cost several hundred thousand rubles, which in 1920 was a -small fortune in Russia. The astonishing thing to me was that almost -everybody in Petrograd knew the chemist and was familiar with his mode -of life. But I was informed that he was needed by the Soviet Government -and that he was therefore permitted to live as he pleased. Once I -expressed my surprise to him that the Bolsheviki had not confiscated -his wealth. He assured me that he was not the only one of the -bourgeoisie who had retained his former condition. "The bourgeoisie is -by no means dead," he said; "it has only been chloroformed for a while, -so to speak, for the painful operation. But it is already recovering -from the effect of the anesthetic and soon it will have recuperated -entirely. It only needs a little more time." The woman who visited me -in the Kharkov room had not managed so well as the Petrograd chemist. -She was a part of the wreckage left by the revolutionary storm that had -swept over Russia. - -During my stay in the Ukrainian capital I met some interesting people -of the professional classes, among them an engineer who had just -returned from the Donetz Basin and a woman employed in a Soviet Bureau. -Both were cultured persons and keenly alive to the fate of Russia. We -discussed the Zinoviev visit. They corroborated the story told me -before. Zinoviev had upbraided his comrades for their laxity toward the -bourgeoisie and criticized them for not suppressing trade. Immediately -upon Zinoviev's departure the Tcheka began indiscriminate raids, the -members of the bourgeoisie losing on that occasion almost the last -things they possessed. The most tragic part of it, according to the -engineer, was that the workers did not benefit by such raids. No one -knew what became of the things confiscated--they just disappeared. -Both the engineer and the woman Soviet employee spoke with much -concern about the general disintegration of ideas. The Russians once -believed, the woman said, that hovels and palaces were equally wrong -and should be abolished. It never occurred to them that the purpose of -a revolution is merely to cause a transfer of possessions--to put the -rich into the hovels and the poor into the palaces. It was not true -that the workers have gotten into the palaces. They were only made to -believe that that is the function of a revolution. In reality, the -masses remained where they had been before. But now they were not alone -there: they were in the company of the classes they meant to destroy. - -The civil engineer had been sent by the Soviet Government to the Donetz -Basin to build homes for the workers, and I was glad of the opportunity -to learn from him about the conditions there. The Communist press was -publishing glowing accounts about the intensive coal production of the -Basin, and official calculations claimed that the country would be -provided with sufficient coal for the approaching winter. In reality, -the Donetz mines were in a most deplorable state, the engineer informed -me. The miners were herded like cattle. They received abominable -rations, were almost barefoot, and were forced to work standing -in water up to their ankles. As a result of such conditions very -little coal was being produced. "I was one of a committee ordered to -investigate the situation and report our findings," said the engineer. -"Our report is far from favourable. We know that it is dangerous to -relate the facts as we found them: it may land us in the Tcheka. But -we decided that Moscow must face the facts. The system of political -Commissars, general Bolshevik inefficiency, and the paralysing effect -of the State machinery have made our constructive work in the Basin -almost impossible. It was a dismal failure." - -Could such a condition of affairs be avoided in a revolutionary -period and in a country so little developed industrially as Russia? I -questioned. The Revolution was being attacked by the bourgeoisie within -and without; there was compelling need of defence and no energies -remained for constructive work. The engineer scorned my viewpoint. The -Russian bourgeoisie was weak and could offer practically no resistance, -he claimed. It was numerically insignificant and it suffered from a -sick conscience. There was neither need nor justification for Bolshevik -terrorism and it was mainly the latter that paralysed the constructive -efforts. Middle-class intellectuals had been active for many years in -the liberal and revolutionary movements of Russia, and thus the members -of the bourgeoisie had become closer to the masses. When the great day -arrived the bourgeoisie, caught unawares, preferred to give up rather -than to put up a fight. It was stunned by the Revolution more than any -other class in Russia. It was quite unprepared and has not gotten its -bearings even to this day. It was not true, as the Bolsheviki claimed, -that the Russian bourgeoisie was an active menace to the Revolution. - -I had been advised to see the Chief of the Department of Workers' and -Peasants' Inspection, the position being held by a woman, formerly -an officer of the Tcheka, reputed to be very severe, even cruel, but -efficient. She could supply me with much valuable material, I was -told, and give me entrance to the prisons and concentration camps. On -my visiting the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection offices I found the -lady in charge not at all cordial at first. She ignored my credentials, -apparently not impressed by Zinoviev's signature. Presently a man -stepped out from an inner office. He proved to be Dibenko, a high Red -Army officer, and he informed me that he had heard of me from Alexandra -Kollontay, whom he referred to as his wife. He promised that I should -get all available material and asked me to return later in the day. -When I called again I found the lady much more amiable and willing to -give me information about the activities of her department. It appeared -that the latter had been organized to fight growing sabotage and graft. -It was part of the duties of the Tcheka, but it was found necessary to -create the new department for the inspection and correction of abuses. -"It is the tribunal to which cases may be appealed," said the woman; -"just now, for instance, we are investigating complaints of prisoners -who had been wrongly convicted or received excessive sentences." She -promised to secure for us permission to inspect the penal institutions -and several days later several members of the Expedition were given the -opportunity. - -First we visited the main concentration camp of Kharkov. We found -a number of prisoners working in the yard, digging a new sewer. It -was certainly needed, for the whole place was filled with nauseating -smells. The prison building was divided into a number of rooms, all of -them overcrowded. One of the compartments was called the "speculators' -apartment," though almost all its inmates protested against being -thus classed. They looked poor and starved, everyone of them anxious -to tell us his tale of woe, apparently under the impression that we -were official investigators. In one of the corridors we found several -Communists charged with sabotage. Evidently the Soviet Government did -not discriminate in favour of its own people. - -There were in the camp White officers taken prisoners at the Polish -front, and scores of peasant men and women held on various charges. -They presented a pitiful sight, sitting there on the floor for lack of -benches, a pathetic lot, bewildered and unable to grasp the combination -of events which had caught them in the net. - -More than one thousand able-bodied men were locked up in the -concentration camp, of no service to the community and requiring -numerous officials to guard and attend them. And yet Russia was badly -in need of labour energy. It seemed to me an impractical waste. - -Later we visited the prison. At the gates an angry mob was -gesticulating and shouting. I learned that the weekly parcels brought -by relatives of the inmates had that morning been refused acceptance -by the prison authorities. Some of the people had come for miles and -had spent their last ruble for food for their arrested husbands and -brothers. They were frantic. Our escort, the woman in charge of the -Bureau, promised to investigate the matter. We made the rounds of the -big prison--a depressing sight of human misery and despair. In the -solitary were those condemned to death. For days their look haunted -me--their eyes full of terror at the torturing uncertainty, fearing to -be called at any moment to face death. - -We had been asked by our Kharkov friends to find a certain young -woman in the prison. Trying to avoid arousing attention we sought -her with our eyes in various parts of the institution, till we saw -someone answering her description. She was an Anarchist, held as -a political. The prison conditions were bad, she told us. It had -required a protracted hunger strike to compel the authorities to -treat the politicals more decently and to keep the doors of those -condemned to death open during the day, so that they could receive a -little cheer and comfort from the other prisoners. She told of many -unjustly arrested and pointed out an old stupid-looking peasant woman -locked up in solitary as a Makhno spy, a charge obviously due to a -misunderstanding. - -The prison regime was very rigid. Among other things, it was forbidden -the prisoners to climb up on the windows or to look out into the -yard. The story was related to us of a prisoner being shot for once -disobeying that rule. He had heard some noise in the street below and, -curious to know what was going on, he climbed up on the window sill of -his cell. The sentry in the yard gave no warning. He fired, severely -wounding the man. Many similar stories of severity and abuse we heard -from the prisoners. On our way to town I expressed surprise at the -conditions that were being tolerated in the prisons. I remarked to our -guide that it would cause a serious scandal if the western world were -to learn under what conditions prisoners live and how they are treated -in Socialist Russia. Nothing could justify such brutality, I thought. -But the chairman of the Workers' and Peasants' Inspection remained -unmoved. "We are living in a revolutionary period," she replied; -"these matters cannot be helped." But she promised to investigate some -cases of extreme injustice which we had pointed out to her. I was not -convinced that the Revolution was responsible for the existing evils. -If the Revolution really had to support so much brutality and crime, -what was the purpose of the Revolution, after all? - -At the end of our first week in Kharkov I returned to the Department of -Education where I had been promised material. To my surprise I found -that nothing had been prepared. I was informed that the chairman was -absent, and again assured that the promised data would be collected and -ready before our departure. I was then referred to the man in charge -of a certain school experimental department. The chairman had told me -that some interesting educational methods were being developed, but I -found the manager unintelligent and dull. He could tell me nothing of -the new methods, but he was willing to send for one of the instructors -to explain things to me. A messenger was dispatched, but he soon -returned with the information that the teacher was busy demonstrating -to his class and could not come. The manager flew into a rage. "He -must come," he shouted; "the bourgeoisie are sabotaging like the other -damnable _intelligentsia_. They ought all to be shot. We can do very -well without them." He was one of the type of narrow-minded fanatical -and persecuting Communists who did more harm to the Revolution than any -counter-revolutionary. - -During our stay in Kharkov we also had time to visit some factories. -In a plough manufacturing plant we found a large loft stacked with the -finished product. I was surprised that the ploughs were kept in the -factory instead of being put to practical use on the farms. "We are -awaiting orders from Moscow," the manager explained; "it was a rush -order and we were threatened with arrest for sabotage in case it should -not be ready for shipment within six weeks. That was six months ago, -and as you see the ploughs are still here. The peasants need them -badly, and we need their bread. But we cannot exchange. We must await -orders from Moscow." - -I recalled a remark of Zinoviev when on our first meeting he stated -that Petrograd lacked fuel, notwithstanding the fact that less than a -hundred versts from the city there was enough to supply almost half the -country. I suggested on that occasion that the workers of Petrograd -be called upon to get the fuel to the city. Zinoviev thought it very -naive. "Should we grant such a thing in Petrograd," he said, "the -same demand would be made in other cities. It would create communal -competition which is a bourgeois institution. It would interfere -with our plan of nationalized and centralized control." That was the -dominating principle, and as a result of it the Kharkov workers lacked -bread until Moscow should give orders to have the ploughs sent to the -peasants. The supremacy of the State was the cornerstone of Marxism. - -Several days before leaving Kharkov I once more visited the Board of -Education and again I failed to find its chairman. To my consternation -I was informed that I would receive no material because it had been -decided that Ukraina was to have its own museum and the chairman -had gone to Kiev to organize it. I felt indignant at the miserable -deception practised upon us by a man in high Communist position. Surely -Ukraina had the right to have its own museum, but why this petty fraud -which caused the Expedition to lose so much valuable time. - -The sequel to this incident came a few days later when we were -surprised by the hasty arrival of our secretary who informed us that -we must leave Kharkov immediately and as quietly as possible, because -the local executive committee of the party had decided to prevent our -carrying out statistical material from Ukraina. Accordingly, we made -haste to leave in order to save what we had already collected. We knew -the material would be lost if it remained in Kharkov and that the plan -of an independent Ukrainian museum would for many years remain only on -paper. - -Before departing we made arrangements for a last conference with our -local friends. We felt that we might never see them again. On that -occasion the work of the "Nabat" Federation was discussed in detail. -That general Anarchist organization of the south had been founded as a -result of the experiences of the Russian Anarchists and the conviction -that a unified body was necessary to make their work more effective. -They wanted not merely to die but to live for the Revolution. It -appeared that the Anarchists of Russia had been divided into several -factions, most of them numerically small and of little practical -influence upon the progress of events in Russia. They had been unable -to establish a permanent hold in the ranks of the workers. It was -therefore decided to gather all the Anarchist elements of the Ukraina -into one federation and thus be in condition to present a solid front -in the struggle not only against invasion and counter-revolution, but -also against Communist persecution. - -By means of unified effort the "Nabat" was able to cover most of the -south and get in close touch with the life of the workers and the -peasantry. The frequent changes of government in the Ukraina finally -drove the Anarchists to cover, the relentless persecution of the -Bolsheviki having depleted their ranks of the most active workers. -Still the Federation had taken root among the people. The little -band was in constant danger, but it was energetically continuing its -educational and propaganda work. - -The Kharkov Anarchists had evidently expected much from our presence -in Russia. They hoped that Alexander Berkman and myself would join -them in their work. We were already seven months in Russia but had -as yet taken no direct part in the Anarchist movement. I could sense -the disappointment and impatience of our comrades. They were eager we -should at least inform the European and American Anarchists of what -was going on in Russia, particularly about the ruthless persecution of -the Left revolutionary elements. Well could I understand the attitude -of my Ukrainian friends. They had suffered much during the last years: -they had seen the high hopes of the Revolution crushed and Russia -breaking down beneath the heel of the Bolshevik State. Yet I could -not comply with their wishes. I still had faith in the Bolsheviki, in -their revolutionary sincerity and integrity. Moreover, I felt that as -long as Russia was being attacked from the outside I could not speak -in criticism. I would not add fuel to the fires of counter-revolution. -I therefore had to keep silent, and stand by the Bolsheviki as the -organized defenders of the Revolution. But my Russian friends scorned -this view. I was confounding the Communist Party with the Revolution, -they said; they were not the same; on the contrary, they were opposed, -even antagonistic. The Communist State, according to the "Nabat" -Anarchists, had proven fatal to the Revolution. - -Within a few hours before our departure we received the confidential -information that Makhno had sent a call for Alexander Berkman and -myself to visit him. He wished to place his situation before us, and, -through us, before the Anarchist movement of the world. He desired to -have it widely understood that he was not the bandit, Jew-baiter, and -counter-revolutionist the Bolsheviki had proclaimed him. He was devoted -to the Revolution and was serving the interests of the people as he -conceived them. - -It was a great temptation to meet the modern Stenka Rasin, but we were -pledged to the Museum and could not break faith with the other members -of the Expedition. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -POLTAVA - - -In the general dislocation of life in Russia and the breaking down -of her economic machinery the railroad system had suffered most. The -subject was discussed in almost every meeting and every Soviet paper -often wrote about it. Between Petrograd and Moscow, however, the real -state of affairs was not so noticeable, though the main stations -were always overcrowded and the people waited for days trying to -secure places. Still, trains between Petrograd and Moscow ran fairly -regularly. If one was fortunate enough to procure the necessary -permission to travel, and a ticket, one could manage to make the -journey without particular danger to life or limb. But the farther -south one went the more apparent became the disorganization. Broken -cars dotted the landscape, disabled engines lay along the route, and -frequently the tracks were torn up. Everywhere in the Ukraina the -stations were filled to suffocation, the people making a wild rush -whenever a train was sighted. Most of them remained for weeks on the -platforms before succeeding in getting into a train. The steps and even -the roofs of the cars were crowded by men and women loaded with bundles -and bags. At every station there was a savage scramble for a bit of -space. Soldiers drove the passengers off the steps and the roofs, and -often they had to resort to arms. Yet so desperate were the people and -so determined to get to some place where there was hope of securing -a little food, that they seemed indifferent to arrest and risked -their lives continuously in this mode of travel. As a result of this -situation there were numberless accidents, scores of travellers being -often swept to their death by low bridges. These sights had become -so common that practically no attention was paid to them. Travelling -southward and on our return we frequently witnessed these scenes. -Constantly the _meshotchniki_ [people with bags] mobbed the cars in -search of food, or when returning laden with their precious burden of -flour and potatoes. - -Day and night the terrible scenes kept repeating themselves at every -station. It was becoming a torture to travel in our well-equipped car. -It contained only six persons, leaving considerable room for more; yet -we were forbidden to share it with others. It was not only because of -the danger of infection or of insects but because the Museum effects -and the material collected would have surely vanished had we allowed -strangers on board. We sought to salve our conscience by permitting -women and children or cripples to travel on the rear platform of our -car, though even that was contrary to orders. - -Another feature which caused us considerable annoyance was the -inscription on our car, which read: Extraordinary Commission of the -Museum of the Revolution. Our friends at the Museum had assured us -that the "title" would help us to secure attention at the stations and -would also be effective in getting our car attached to such trains as -we needed. But already the first few days proved that the inscription -roused popular feeling against us. The name "Extraordinary Commission" -signified to the people the Tcheka. They paid no attention to the other -words, being terrorized by the first. Early in the journey we noticed -the sinister looks that met us at the stations and the unwillingness -of the people to enter into friendly conversation. Presently it -dawned on us what was wrong; but it required considerable effort -to explain the misunderstanding. Once put at his ease, the simple -Russian opened up his heart to us. A kind word, a solicitous inquiry, -a cigarette, changed his attitude. Especially when assured that we -were not Communists and that we had come from America, the people -along the route would soften and become more talkative, sometimes even -confidential. They were unsophisticated and primitive, often crude. -But illiterate and undeveloped as they were, these plain folk were -clear about their needs. They were unspoiled and possessed of a deep -faith in elementary justice and equality. I was often moved almost to -tears by these Russian peasant men and women clinging to the steps of -the moving train, every moment in danger of their lives, yet remaining -good-humoured and indifferent to their miserable condition. They -would exchange stories of their lives or sometimes break out in the -melodious, sad songs of the south. At the stations, while the train -waited for an engine, the peasants would gather into groups, form a -large circle, and then someone would begin to play the accordion, -the bystanders accompanying with song. It was strange to see these -hungry and ragged peasants, huge loads on their backs, standing about -entirely forgetful of their environment, pouring their hearts out in -folk songs. A peculiar people, these Russians, saint and devil in one, -manifesting the highest as well as the most brutal impulses, capable of -almost anything except sustained effort. I have often wondered whether -this lack did not to some extent explain the disorganization of the -country and the tragic condition of the Revolution. - -We reached Poltava in the morning. The city looked cheerful in the -bright sunlight, the streets lined with trees, with little garden -patches between them. Vegetables in great variety were growing on them, -and it was refreshing to note that no fences were about and still the -vegetables were safe, which would surely not have been the case in -Petrograd or Moscow. Apparently there was not so much hunger in this -city as in the north. - -Together with the Expedition Secretary I visited the government -headquarters. Instead of the usual _Ispolkom_ [Executive Committee of -the Soviet] Poltava was ruled by a revolutionary committee known as the -_Revkom_. This indicated that the Bolsheviki had not yet had time to -organize a Soviet in the city. We succeeded in getting the chairman of -the _Revkom_ interested in the purpose of our journey and he promised -to cooperate and to issue an order to the various departments that -material be collected and prepared for us. Our gracious reception -augured good returns. - -In the Bureau for the Care of Mothers and Infants I met two very -interesting women--one the daughter of the great Russian writer, -Korolenko, the other the former chairman of the Save-the-Children -Society. Learning of the purpose of my presence in Poltava the women -offered their aid and invited me to visit their school and the near-by -home of Korolenko. - -The school was located in a small house set deep in a beautiful garden, -the place hardly visible from the street. The reception room contained -a rich collection of dolls of every variety. There were handsome -Ukrainian lassies, competing in colourful dress and headgear with their -beautiful sisters from the Caucasus; dashing Cossacks from the Don -looked proudly at their less graceful brothers from the Volga. There -were dolls of every description, representing local costumes of almost -every part of Russia. The collection also contained various toys, the -handwork of the villages, and beautiful designs of the _kustarny_ -manufacture, representing groups of children in Russian and Siberian -peasant attire. - -The ladies of the house related the story of the Save-the-Children -Society. The organization in existence, for a number of years, was of -very limited scope until the February Revolution. Then new elements, -mainly of revolutionary type, joined the society. They strove to extend -its work and to provide not only for the physical well-being of the -children but also to educate them, teach them to love work and develop -their appreciation of beauty. Toys and dolls, made chiefly of waste -material, were exhibited and the proceeds applied to the needs of the -children. After the October Revolution, when the Bolsheviki possessed -themselves of Poltava, the society was repeatedly raided and some -of the instructors arrested on suspicion that the institution was a -counter-revolutionary nest. The small band which remained went on, -however, with their efforts on behalf of the children. They succeeded -in sending a delegation to Lunacharsky to appeal for permission to -carry on their work. Lunacharsky proved sympathetic, issued the -requested document, and even provided them with a letter to the local -authorities, pointing out the importance of their labours. - -But the society continued to be subjected to annoyance and -discrimination. To avoid being charged with sabotage the women offered -their services to the Poltava Department of Education. There they -worked from nine in the morning till three in the afternoon, devoting -their leisure time to their school. But the antagonism of the Communist -authorities was not appeased: the society remained in disfavour. - -The women pointed out that the Soviet Government pretended to stand -for self-determination and yet every independent effort was being -discredited and all initiative discouraged, if not entirely suppressed. -Not even the Ukrainian Communists were permitted self-determination. -The majority of the chiefs of the departments were Moscow appointees, -and Ukraina was practically deprived of opportunity for independent -action. A bitter struggle was going on between the Communist Party of -Ukraina and the Central authorities in Moscow. The policy of the latter -was to control everything. - -The women were devoted to the cause of the children and willing to -suffer misunderstanding and even persecution for the sake of their -interest in the welfare of their charges. Both had understanding -for and sympathy with the Revolution, though they could not approve -of the terroristic methods of the Bolsheviki. They were intelligent -and cultured people and I felt their home an oasis in the desert of -Communist thought and feeling. Before I left the ladies supplied me -with a collection of the children's work and some exquisite colour -drawings by Miss Korolenko, begging me to send the things to America as -specimens of their labours. They were very eager to have the American -people learn about their society and its efforts. - -Subsequently I had the opportunity of meeting Korolenko who was still -very feeble from his recent illness. He looked the patriarch, venerable -and benign; he quickly warmed one's heart by his melodious voice and -the fine face that lit up when he spoke of the people. He referred -affectionately to America and his friends there. But the light faded -out of his eyes and his voice quivered with grief as he spoke of the -great tragedy of Russia and the suffering of the people. - -"You want to know my views on the present situation and my attitude -toward the Bolsheviki?" he asked. "It would take too long to tell you -about it. I am writing to Lunacharsky a series of letters for which -he had asked and which he promised to publish. The letters deal with -this subject. Frankly speaking, I do not believe they will ever appear -in print, but I shall send you a copy of the letters for the Museum as -soon as they are complete. There will be six of them. I can give you -two right now. Briefly, my opinion is summarized in a certain passage -in one of these letters. I said there that if the gendarmes of the -Tsar would have had the power not only to arrest but also to shoot -us, the situation would have been like the present one. That is what -is happening before my eyes every day. The Bolsheviki claim that such -methods are inseparable from the Revolution. But I cannot agree with -them that persecution and constant shooting will serve the interests -of the people or of the Revolution. It was always my conception that -revolution meant the highest expression of humanity and of justice. In -Russia to-day both are absent. At a time when the fullest expression -and cooperation of all intellectual and spiritual forces are necessary -to reconstruct the country, a gag has been placed upon the whole -people. To dare question the wisdom and efficacy of the so-called -dictatorship of the proletariat or of the Communist Party leaders is -considered a crime. We lack the simplest requisites of the real essence -of a social revolution, and yet we pretend to have placed ourselves at -the head of a world revolution. Poor Russia will have to pay dearly -for this experiment. It may even delay for a long time fundamental -changes in other countries. The bourgeoisie will be able to defend its -reactionary methods by pointing to what has happened in Russia." - -With heavy heart I took leave of the famous writer, one of the last of -the great literary men who had been the conscience and the spiritual -voice of intellectual Russia. Again I felt him uttering the cry of that -part of the Russian _intelligentsia_ whose sympathies were entirely -with the people and whose life and work were inspired only by the love -of their country and the interest for its welfare. - -In the evening I visited a relative of Korolenko, a very sympathetic -old lady who was the chairman of the Poltava Political Red Cross. She -told me much about things that Korolenko himself was too modest to -mention. Old and feeble as he was, he was spending most of his time -in the Tcheka, trying to save the lives of those innocently condemned -to death. He frequently wrote letters of appeal to Lenin, Gorki, and -Lunacharsky, begging them to intervene to prevent senseless executions. -The present chairman of the Poltava Tcheka was a man relentless and -cruel. His sole solution of difficult problems was shooting. The lady -smiled sadly when I told her that the man had been very gracious to -the members of our Expedition. "That was for show," she said, "we know -him better. We have daily occasion to see his graciousness from this -balcony. Here pass the victims taken to slaughter." - -Poltava is famous as a manufacturing centre of peasant handicrafts. -Beautiful linen, embroidery, laces, and basket work were among the -products of the province's industry. I visited the Department of Social -Economy, the _sovnarkhoz_, where I learned that those industries -were practically suspended. Only a small collection remained in the -Department. "We used to supply the whole world, even America, with our -_kustarny_ work," said the woman in charge, who had formerly been the -head of the _Zemstvo_, which took special pride in fostering those -peasant efforts. "Our needlework was known all over the country as -among the finest specimens of art, but now it has all been destroyed. -The peasants have lost their art impulse, they have become brutalized -and corrupted." She was bemoaning the loss of peasant art as a mother -does that of her child. - -During our stay in Poltava we got in touch with representatives of -various other social elements. The reaction of the Zionists toward the -Bolshevik regime was particularly interesting. At first they refused -to speak with us, evidently made very cautious by previous experience. -It was also the presence of our secretary, a Gentile, that aroused -their distrust. I arranged to meet some of the Zionists alone, and -gradually they became more confidential. I had learned in Moscow, in -connection with the arrest of the Zionists there, that the Bolsheviki -were inclined to consider them counter-revolutionary. But I found the -Poltava Zionists very simple orthodox Jews who certainly could not -impress any one as conspirators or active enemies. They were passive, -though bitter against the Bolshevik regime. It was claimed that the -Bolsheviki made no pogroms and that they do not persecute the Jews, -they said; but that was true only in a certain sense. There were two -kinds of pogroms: the loud, violent ones, and the silent ones. Of the -two the Zionists considered the former preferable. The violent pogrom -might last a day or a week; the Jews are attacked and robbed, sometimes -even murdered; and then it is over. But the silent pogroms continued -all the time. They consisted of constant discrimination, persecution, -and hounding. The Bolsheviki had closed the Jewish hospitals and now -sick Jews were forced to eat _treife_ in the Gentile hospitals. The -same applied to the Jewish children in the Bolshevik feeding houses. -If a Jew and a Gentile happened to be arrested on the same charge, it -was certain that the Gentile would go free while the Jew would be sent -to prison and sometimes even shot. They were all the time exposed to -insult and indignities, not to mention the fact that they were doomed -to slow starvation, since all trade had been suppressed. The Jews in -the Ukraina were suffering a continuous silent pogrom. - -I felt that the Zionist criticism of the Bolshevik regime was inspired -by a narrow religious and nationalistic attitude. They were Orthodox -Jews, mostly tradesmen whom the Revolution had deprived of their sphere -of activity. Nevertheless, their problem was real--the problem of the -Jew suffocating in the atmosphere of active anti-Semitism. In Poltava -the leading Communist and Bolshevik officials were Gentiles. Their -dislike of the Jews was frank and open. Anti-Semitism throughout the -Ukraine was more virulent than even in pre-revolutionary days. - -After leaving Poltava we continued on our journey south, but we -did not get farther than Fastov owing to the lack of engines. That -town, once prosperous, was now impoverished and reduced to less than -one third of its former population. Almost all activity was at a -standstill. We found the market place, in the centre of the town, a -most insignificant affair, consisting of a few stalls having small -supplies of white flour, sugar, and butter. There were more women -about than men, and I was especially struck by the strange expression -in their eyes. They did not look you full in the face; they stared -past you with a dumb, hunted animal expression. We told the women that -we had heard many terrible pogroms had taken place in Fastov and we -wished to get data on the subject to be sent to America to enlighten -the people there on the condition of the Ukrainian Jews. As the news -of our presence spread many women and children surrounded us, all much -excited and each trying to tell her story of the horrors of Fastov. -Fearful pogroms, they related, had taken place in that city, the -most terrible of them by Denikin, in September, 1919. It lasted eight -days, during which 4,000 persons were killed, while several thousand -died as the result of wounds and shock. Seven thousand perished from -hunger and exposure on the road to Kiev, while trying to escape the -Denikin savages. The greater part of the city had been destroyed or -burned; many of the older Jews were trapped in the synagogue and there -murdered, while others had been driven to the public square where -they were slaughtered. Not a woman, young or old, that had not been -outraged, most of them in the very sight of their fathers, husbands, -and brothers. The young girls, some of them mere children, had suffered -repeated violation at the hands of the Denikin soldiers. I understood -the dreadful look in the eyes of the women of Fastov. - -Men and women besieged us with appeals to inform their relatives in -America about their miserable condition. Almost everyone, it seemed, -had some kin in that country. They crowded into our car in the -evenings, bringing scores of letters to be forwarded to the States. -Some of the messages bore no addresses, the simple folk thinking the -name sufficient. Others had not heard from their American kindred -during the years of war and revolution but still hoped that they were -to be found somewhere across the ocean. It was touching to see the -people's deep faith that their relatives in America would save them. - -Every evening our car was filled with the unfortunates of Fastov. Among -them was a particularly interesting visitor, a former attorney, who had -repeatedly braved the pogrom makers and saved many Jewish lives. He -had kept a diary of the pogroms and we spent a whole evening listening -to the reading of his manuscript. It was a simple recital of facts and -dates, terrible in its unadorned objectivity. It was the soul cry of -a people continuously violated and tortured and living in daily fear -of new indignities and outrages. Only one bright spot there was in the -horrible picture: no pogroms had taken place under the Bolsheviki. The -gratitude of the Fastov Jews was pathetic. They clung to the Communists -as to a saving straw. It was encouraging to think that the Bolshevik -regime was at least free from that worst of all Russian curses, pogroms -against Jews. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -KIEV - - -Owing to the many difficulties and delays the journey from Fastov -to Kiev lasted six days and was a continuous nightmare. The railway -situation was appalling. At every station scores of freight cars -clogged the lines. Nor were they loaded with provisions to feed the -starving cities; they were densely packed with human cargo among whom -the sick were a large percentage. All along the route the waiting rooms -and platforms were filled with crowds, bedraggled and dirty. Even -more ghastly were the scenes at night. Everywhere masses of desperate -people, shouting and struggling to gain a foothold on the train. They -resembled the damned of Dante's Inferno, their faces ashen gray in -the dim light, all frantically fighting for a place. Now and then an -agonized cry would ring through the night and the already moving train -would come to a halt: somebody had been thrown to his death under the -wheels. - -It was a relief to reach Kiev. We had expected to find the city almost -in ruins, but we were pleasantly disappointed. When we left Petrograd -the Soviet Press contained numerous stories of vandalism committed by -Poles before evacuating Kiev. They had almost demolished the famous -ancient cathedral in the city, the papers wrote, destroyed the water -works and electric stations, and set fire to several parts of the -city. Tchicherin and Lunacharsky issued passionate appeals to the -cultured people of the world in protest against such barbarism. The -crime of the Poles against Art was compared with that committed by -the Germans in Rheims, whose celebrated cathedral had been injured by -Prussian artillery. We were, therefore, much surprised to find Kiev in -even better condition than Petrograd. In fact, the city had suffered -very little, considering the numerous changes of government and the -accompanying military operations. It is true that some bridges and -railroad tracks had been blown up on the outskirts of the city, but -Kiev itself was almost unharmed. People looked at us in amazement when -we made inquiries about the condition of the cathedral: they had not -heard the Moscow report. - -Unlike our welcome in Kharkov and Poltava, Kiev proved a -disappointment. The secretary of the _Ispolkom_ was not very amiable -and appeared not at all impressed by Zinoviev's signature on our -credentials. Our secretary succeeded in seeing the chairman of the -Executive Committee, but returned very discouraged: that high official -was too impatient to listen to her representations. He was busy, he -said, and could not be troubled. It was decided that I try my luck as -an American, with the result that the chairman finally agreed to give -us access to the available material. It was a sad reflection on the -irony of life. America was in league with world imperialism to starve -and crush Russia. Yet it was sufficient to mention that one came from -America to find the key to everything Russian. It was pathetic, and -rather distasteful to make use of that key. - -In Kiev antagonism to Communism was intense, even the local Bolsheviki -being bitter against Moscow. It was out of the question for anyone -coming from "the centre" to secure their cooperation unless armed with -State powers. The Government employees in Soviet institutions took no -interest in anything save their rations. Bureaucratic indifference -and incompetence in Ukraina were even worse than in Moscow and were -augmented by nationalistic resentment against the "Russians." It was -true also of Kharkov and Poltava, though in a lesser degree. Here the -very atmosphere was charged with distrust and hatred of everything -Muscovite. The deception practised on us by the chairman of the -Educational Department of Kharkov was characteristic of the resentment -almost every Ukrainian official felt toward Moscow. The chairman was a -Ukrainian to the core, but he could not openly ignore our credentials -signed by Zinoviev and Lunacharsky. He promised to aid our efforts but -he disliked the idea of Petrograd "absorbing" the historic material -of the Ukraina. In Kiev there was no attempt to mask the opposition -to Moscow. One was made to feel it everywhere. But the moment the -magic word "America" was spoken and the people made to understand that -one was not a Communist, they became interested and courteous, even -confidential. The Ukrainian Communists were also no exception. - -The information and documents collected in Kiev were of the same -character as the data gathered in former cities. The system of -education, care of the sick, distribution of labour and so forth were -similar to the general Bolshevik scheme. "We follow the Moscow plan," -said a Ukrainian teacher, "with the only difference that in our schools -the Ukrainian language is taught together with Russian." The people, -and especially the children, looked better fed and clad than those of -Russia proper: food was comparatively more plentiful and cheaper. There -were show schools as in Petrograd and Moscow, and no one apparently -realized the corrupting effect of such discrimination upon the teachers -as well as the children. The latter looked with envy upon the pupils -of the favoured schools and believed that they were only for Communist -children, which in reality was not the case. The teachers, on the -other hand, knowing how little attention was paid to ordinary schools, -were negligent in their work. All tried to get a position in the show -schools which were enjoying special and varied rations. - -The chairman of the Board of Health was an alert and competent man, -one of the few officials in Kiev who showed interest in the Expedition -and its work. He devoted much time to explaining to us the methods of -his organization and pointing out interesting places to visit and the -material which could be collected for the Museum. He especially called -our attention to the Jewish hospital for crippled children. - -I found the latter in charge of a cultivated and charming man, Dr. -N----. For twenty years he had been head of the hospital and he took -interest as well as pride in showing us about his institution and -relating its history. - -The hospital had formerly been one of the most famous in Russia, the -pride of the local Jews who had built and maintained it. But within -recent years its usefulness had become curtailed owing to the frequent -changes of government. It had been exposed to persecution and repeated -pogroms. Jewish patients critically ill were often forced out of their -beds to make room for the favourites of this or that regime. The -officers of the Denikin army were most brutal. They drove the Jewish -patients out into the street, subjected them to indignities and abuse, -and would have killed them had it not been for the intercession of the -hospital staff who at the risk of their own lives protected the sick. -It was only the fact that the majority of the staff were Gentiles that -saved the hospital and its inmates. But the shock resulted in numerous -deaths and many patients were left with shattered nerves. - -The doctor also related to me the story of some of the patients, -most of them victims of the Fastov pogroms. Among them were children -between the ages of six and eight, gaunt and sickly looking, terror -stamped on their faces. They had lost all their kin, in some cases -the whole family having been killed before their eyes. These children -often waked at night, the physician said, in fright at their horrible -dreams. Everything possible was being done for them, but so far the -unfortunate children had not been freed from the memory of their -terrible experiences at Fastov. The doctor pointed out a group of young -girls between the ages of fourteen and eighteen, the worst victims of -the Denikin pogrom. All of them had been repeatedly outraged and were -in a mutilated state when they came to the hospital; it would take -years to restore them to health. The doctor emphasized the fact that -no pogroms had taken place during the Bolshevik regime. It was a great -relief to him and his staff to know that his patients were no longer -in such danger. But the hospital had other difficulties. There was the -constant interference by political Commissars and the daily struggle -for supplies. "I spend most of my time in the various bureaus," he -said, "instead of devoting myself to my patients. Ignorant officials -are given power over the medical profession, continuously harassing -the doctors in their work." The doctor himself had been repeatedly -arrested for sabotage because of his inability to comply with the -numerous decrees and orders, frequently mutually contradictory. It -was the result of a system in which political usefulness rather than -professional merit played the main role. It often happened that a -first-class physician of well-known repute and long experience would be -suddenly ordered to some distant part to place a Communist doctor in -his position. Under such conditions the best efforts were paralysed. -Moreover, there was the general suspicion of the _intelligentsia_, -which was a demoralizing factor. It was true that many of that -class had sabotaged, but there were also those who did heroic and -self-sacrificing work. The Bolsheviki, by their indiscriminate -antagonism toward the _intelligentsia_ as a class, roused prejudices -and passions which poisoned the mainsprings of the cultural life of -the country. The Russian _intelligentsia_ had with its very blood -fertilized the soil of the Revolution, yet it was not given it to reap -the fruits of its long struggle. "A tragic fate," the doctor remarked; -"unless one forget it in his work, existence would be impossible." - -The institution for crippled children proved a very model and modern -hospital, located in the heart of a large park. It was devoted to the -marred creatures with twisted limbs and deformed bodies, victims of the -great war, disease, and famine. The children looked aged and withered; -like Father Time, they had been born old. They lay in rows on clean -white beds, baking in the warm sun of the Ukrainian summer. The head -physician, who guided us through the institution, seemed much beloved -by his little charges. They were eager and pleased to see him as he -approached each helpless child and bent over affectionately to make -some inquiries about its health. The hospital had been in existence -for many years and was considered the first of its kind in Russia. Its -equipment for the care of deformed and crippled children was among the -most modern. "Since the war and the Revolution we feel rather behind -the times," the doctor said; "we have been cut off from the civilized -world for so many years. But in spite of the various government changes -we have striven to keep up our standards and to help the unfortunate -victims of strife and disease." The supplies for the institution were -provided by the Government and the hospital force was exposed to no -interference, though I understood from the doctor that because of his -political neutrality he was looked upon by the Bolsheviki as inclined -to counter-revolution. - -The hospital contained a large number of children; some of those who -could walk about studied music and art, and we had the opportunity -of attending an informal concert arranged by the children and their -teachers in our honour. Some of them played the _balalaika_ in a most -artistic manner, and it was consoling to see those marred children -finding forgetfulness in the rhythm of the folk melodies of the Ukraina. - -Early during our stay in Kiev we learned that the most valuable -material for the Museum was not to be found in the Soviet institutions, -but that it was in the possession of other political groups and private -persons. The best statistical information on pogroms, for instance, was -in the hands of a former Minister of the Rada regime in the Ukraina. -I succeeded in locating the man and great was my surprise when, upon -learning my identity, he presented me with several copies of the -_Mother Earth_ magazine I had published in America. The ex-Minister -arranged a small gathering to which were invited some writers and poets -and men active in the Jewish _Kulturliga_ to meet several members -of our Expedition. The gathering consisted of the best elements of -the local Jewish _intelligentsia_. We discussed the Revolution, the -Bolshevik methods, and the Jewish problem. Most of those present, -though opposed to the Communist theories, were in favour of the Soviet -Government. They felt that the Bolsheviki, in spite of their many -blunders, were striving to further the interests of Russia and the -Revolution. At any rate, under the Communist regime the Jews were not -exposed to the pogroms practised upon them by all the other regimes -of Ukraina. Those Jewish intellectuals argued that the Bolsheviki at -least permitted the Jews to live, and that they were therefore to be -preferred to any other governments and should be supported by the -Jews. They were fearful of the growth of anti-Semitism in Russia and -were horrified at the possibility of the Bolsheviki being overthrown. -Wholesale slaughter of the Jews would undoubtedly follow, they believed. - -Some of the younger set held a different view. The Bolshevik regime -had resulted in increased hatred toward the Jews, they said, for the -masses were under the impression that most of the Communists were Jews. -Communism stood for forcible tax-collection, punitive expeditions, and -the Tcheka. Popular opposition to the Communists therefore expressed -itself in the hatred of the whole Jewish race. Thus Bolshevik tyranny -had added fuel to the latent anti-Semitism of the Ukraina. Moreover, -to prove that they were not discriminating in favour of the Jews, the -Bolsheviki had gone to the other extreme and frequently arrested and -punished Jews for things that the Gentiles could do with impunity. The -Bolsheviki also fostered and endowed cultural work in the south in -the Ukrainian language, while at the same time they discouraged such -efforts in the Jewish language. It was true that the _Kulturliga_ was -still permitted to exist, but its work was hampered at every step. -In short, the Bolsheviki permitted the Jews to live, but only in a -physical sense. Culturally, they were condemned to death. The _Yevkom_ -(Jewish Communist Section) was receiving, of course, every advantage -and support from the Government, but then its mission was to carry the -gospel of the proletarian dictatorship to the Jews of the Ukraina. -It was significant that the _Yevkom_ was more anti-Semitic than the -Ukrainians themselves. If it had the power it would pogrom every -non-Communist Jewish organization and destroy all Jewish educational -efforts. This young element emphasized that they did not favour the -overthrow of the Bolshevik Government; but they could not support it, -either. - -I felt that both Jewish factions took a purely nationalistic view of -the Russian situation. I could well understand their personal attitude, -the result of their own suffering and the persecution of the Jewish -race. Still, my chief concern was the Revolution and its effects upon -Russia _as a whole_. Whether the Bolsheviki should be supported or not -could not depend merely on their attitude to the Jews and the Jewish -question. The latter was surely a very vital and pressing issue, -especially in the Ukraina; yet the general problem involved was much -greater. It embraced the complete economic and social emancipation of -the whole people of Russia, the Jews included. If the Bolshevik methods -and practices were not imposed upon them by the force of circumstances, -if they were conditioned in their own theories and principles, and if -their sole object was to secure their own power, I could not support -them. They might be innocent of pogroms against the Jews, but if they -were pogroming the whole of Russia then they had failed in their -mission as a revolutionary party. I was not prepared to say that I -had reached a clear understanding of all the problems involved, but -my experience so far led me to think that it was the basic Bolshevik -conception of the Revolution which was false, its practical application -necessarily resulting in the great Russian catastrophe of which the -Jewish tragedy was but a minor part. - -My host and his friends could not agree with my viewpoint: we -represented opposite camps. But the gathering was nevertheless -intensely interesting and it was arranged that we meet again before our -departure from the city. - -Returning to our car one day I saw a detachment of Red Army soldiers -at the railway station. On inquiry I found that foreign delegates were -expected from Moscow and that the soldiers had been ordered out to -participate in a demonstration in their honour. Groups of the uniformed -men stood about discussing the arrival of the mission. There were many -expressions of dissatisfaction because the soldiers had been kept -waiting so long. "These people come to Russia just to look us over," -one of the Red Army men said; "do they know anything about us or are -they interested in how we live? Not they. It's a holiday for them. They -are dressed up and fed by the Government, but they never talk to us -and all they see is how we march past. Here we have been lying around -in the burning sun for hours while the delegates are probably being -feasted at some other station. That's comradeship and equality for you!" - -I had heard such sentiments voiced before, but it was surprising to -hear them from soldiers. I thought of Angelica Balabanova, who was -accompanying the Italian Mission, and I wondered what she would think -if she knew how the men felt. It had probably never occurred to her -that those "ignorant Russian peasants" in military uniform had looked -through the sham of official demonstrations. - -The following day we received an invitation from Balabanova to attend -a banquet given in honour of the Italian delegates. Anxious to meet -the foreign guests, several members of our Expedition accepted the -invitation. - -The affair took place in the former Chamber of Commerce building, -profusely decorated for the occasion. In the main banquet hall long -tables were heavily laden with fresh-cut flowers, several varieties -of southern fruit, and wine. The sight reminded one of the feasts -of the old bourgeoisie, and I could see that Angelica felt rather -uncomfortable at the lavish display of silverware and wealth. The -banquet opened with the usual toasts, the guests drinking to Lenin, -Trotsky, the Red Army, and the Third International, the whole company -rising as the revolutionary anthem was intoned after each toast, with -the soldiers and officers standing at attention in good old military -style. - -Among the delegates were two young French Anarcho-syndicalists. They -had heard of our presence in Kiev and had been looking for us all -day without being able to locate us. After the banquet they were -immediately to leave for Petrograd, so that we had only a short time at -our disposal. On our way to the station the delegates related that they -had collected much material on the Revolution which they intended to -publish in France. They had become convinced that all was not well with -the Bolshevik regime: they had come to realize that the dictatorship -of the proletariat was in the exclusive hands of the Communist Party, -while the common worker was enslaved as much as ever. It was their -intention, they said, to speak frankly about these matters to their -comrades at home and to substantiate their attitude by the material in -their possession. "Do you expect to get the documents out?" I asked La -Petit, one of the delegates. "You don't mean that I might be prevented -from taking out my own notes," he replied. "The Bolsheviki would not -dare to go so far--not with foreign delegates, at any rate." He seemed -so confident that I did not care to pursue the subject further. That -night the delegates left Kiev and a short time afterward they departed -from Russia. They were never seen alive again. Without making any -comment upon their disappearance I merely want to mention that when -I returned to Moscow several months later it was generally related -that the two Anarcho-syndicalists, with several other men who had -accompanied them, were overtaken by a storm somewhere off the coast of -Finland, and were all drowned. There were rumours of foul play, though -I am not inclined to credit the story, especially in view of the fact -that together with the Anarcho-syndicalists also perished a Communist -in good standing in Moscow. But their disappearance with all the -documents they had collected has never been satisfactorily explained. - -The rooms assigned to the members of our Expedition were located in a -house within a _passage_ leading off the Kreschatik, the main street of -Kiev. It had formerly been the wealthy residential section of the city -and its fine houses, though lately neglected, still looked imposing. -The _passage_ also contained a number of shops, ruins of former glory, -which catered to the well-to-do of the neighbourhood. Those stores -still had good supplies of vegetables, fruit, milk, and butter. They -were owned mostly by old Jews whose energies could not be applied to -any other usefulness--Orthodox Jews to whom the Revolution and the -Bolsheviki were a _bete noire_, because that had "ruined all business." -The little shops barely enabled their owners to exist; moreover, -they were in constant danger of Tcheka raids, on which occasions the -provisions would be expropriated. The appearance of those stores did -not justify the belief that the Government would find it worth while -raiding them. "Would not the Tcheka prefer to confiscate the goods -of the big delicatessen and fruit stores on the Kreschatik?" I asked -an old Jew storekeeper. "Not at all," he replied; "those stores are -immune because they pay heavy taxes." - -The morning following the banquet I went down to the little grocery -store I used to do my shopping in. The place was closed, and I was -surprised to find that not one of the small shops near by was open. Two -days later I learned that the places had all been raided on the eve of -the banquet in order to feast the foreign delegates. I promised myself -never to attend another Bolshevik banquet. - -Among the members of the _Kulturliga_ I met a man who had lived in -America, but for several years now was with his family in Kiev. His -home proved one of the most hospitable during my stay in the south, -and as he had many callers belonging to various social classes I was -able to gather much information about the recent history of Ukraina. -My host was not a Communist: though critical of the Bolshevik regime, -he was by no means antagonistic. He used to say that the main fault of -the Bolsheviki was their lack of psychological perception. He asserted -that no government had ever such a great opportunity in the Ukraina -as the Communists. The people had suffered so much from the various -occupations and were so oppressed by every new regime that they -rejoiced when the Bolsheviki entered Kiev. Everybody hoped that they -would bring relief. But the Communists quickly destroyed all illusions. -Within a few months they proved themselves entirely incapable of -administering the affairs of the city; their methods antagonized the -people, and the terrorism of the Tcheka turned even the friends of the -Communists to bitter enmity. Nobody objected to the nationalization -of industry and it was of course expected that the Bolsheviki would -expropriate. But when the bourgeoisie had been relieved of its -possessions it was found that only the raiders benefited. Neither -the people at large nor even the proletarian class gained anything. -Precious jewellery, silverware, furs, practically the whole wealth of -Kiev seemed to disappear and was no more heard of. Later members of the -Tcheka strutted about the streets with their women gowned in the finery -of the bourgeoisie. When private business places were closed, the doors -were locked and sealed and guards placed there. But within a few weeks -the stores were found empty. This kind of "management" and the numerous -new laws and edicts, often mutually conflicting, served the Tcheka as a -pretext to terrorize and mulct the citizens and aroused general hatred -against the Bolsheviki. The people had turned against Petlura, Denikin, -and the Poles. They welcomed the Bolsheviki with open arms. But the -last disappointed them as the first. - -"Now we have gotten used to the situation," my host said, "we just -drift and manage as best we can." But he thought it a pity that -the Bolsheviki lost such a great chance. They were unable to hold -the confidence of the people and to direct that confidence into -constructive channels. Not only had the Bolsheviki failed to operate -the big industries: they also destroyed the small _kustarnaya_ work. -There had been thousands of artisans in the province of Kiev, for -instance; most of them had worked by themselves, without exploiting -any one. They were independent producers who supplied a certain -need of the community. The Bolsheviki in their reckless scheme of -nationalization suspended those efforts without being able to replace -them by aught else. They had nothing to give either to the workers -or to the peasants. The city proletariat faced the alternative of -starving in the city or going back to the country. They preferred the -latter, of course. Those who could not get to the country engaged -in trade, buying and selling jewellery, for instance. Practically -everybody in Russia had become a tradesman, the Bolshevik Government -no less than private speculators. "You have no idea of the amount of -illicit business carried on by officials in Soviet institutions," my -host informed me; "nor is the army free from it. My nephew, a Red Army -officer, a Communist, has just returned from the Polish front. He can -tell you about these practices in the army." - -I was particularly eager to talk to the young officer. In my travels I -had met many soldiers, and I found that most of them had retained the -old slave psychology and bowed absolutely to military discipline. Some, -however, were very wide awake and could see clearly what was happening -about them. A certain small element in the Red Army was entirely -transformed by the Revolution. It was proof of the gestation of new -life and new forms which set Russia apart from the rest of the world, -notwithstanding Bolshevik tyranny and oppression. For that element the -Revolution had a deep significance. They saw in it something vital -which even the daily decrees could not compress within the narrow -Communist mould. It was their attitude and general sentiment that the -Bolsheviki had not kept faith with the people. They saw the Communist -State growing at the cost of the Revolution, and some of them even -went so far as to voice the opinion that the Bolsheviki had become the -enemies of the Revolution. But they all felt that for the time being -they could do nothing. They were determined to dispose of the foreign -enemies first. "Then," they would say, "we will face the enemy at home." - -The Red Army officer proved a fine-looking young fellow very deeply in -earnest. At first he was disinclined to talk, but in the course of the -evening he grew less embarrassed and expressed his feelings freely. He -had found much corruption at the front, he said. But it was even worse -at the base of supplies where he had done duty for some time. The men -at the front were practically without clothes or shoes. The food was -insufficient and the Army was ravaged by typhoid and cholera. Yet the -spirit of the men was wonderful. They fought bravely, enthusiastically, -because they believed in their ideal of a free Russia. But while they -were fighting and dying for the great cause, the higher officers, -the so-called _tovaristchi_, sat in safe retreat and there drank and -gambled and got rich by speculation. The supplies so desperately -needed at the front were being sold at fabulous prices to speculators. - -The young officer had become so disheartened by the situation, he had -thought of committing suicide. But now he was determined to return to -the front. "I shall go back and tell my comrades what I have seen," he -said; "our real work will begin when we have defeated foreign invasion. -Then we shall go after those who are trading away the Revolution." - -I felt there was no cause to despair so long as Russia possessed such -spirits. - -I returned to my room to find our secretary waiting to report the -valuable find she had made. It consisted of rich Denikin material -stacked in the city library and apparently forgotten by everybody. -The librarian, a zealous Ukrainian nationalist, refused to permit the -"Russian" Museum to take the material, though it was of no use to Kiev, -literally buried in an obscure corner and exposed to danger and ruin. -We decided to appeal to the Department of Education and to apply the -"American amulet." It grew to be a standing joke among the members of -the Expedition to resort to the "amulet" in difficult situations. Such -matters were always referred to Alexander Berkman and myself as the -"Americans." - -It required considerable persuasion to interest the chairman in the -matter. He persisted in refusing till I finally asked him: "Are you -willing that it become known in America that you prefer to have -valuable historical material rot away in Kiev rather than give it to -the Petrograd Museum, which is sure to become a world centre for the -study of the Russian Revolution and where Ukraina is to have such an -important part?" At last the chairman issued the required order and our -Expedition took possession of the material, to the great elation of our -secretary, to whom the Museum represented the most important interest -in life. - -In the afternoon of the same day I was visited by a woman Anarchist -who was accompanied by a young peasant girl, confidentially introduced -as the wife of Makhno. My heart stood still for a moment: the presence -of that girl in Kiev meant certain death were she discovered by the -Bolsheviki. It also involved grave danger to my landlord and his -family, for in Communist Russia harbouring--even if unwittingly--a -member of the Makhno _povstantsi_ often incurred the worst -consequences. I expressed surprise at the young woman's recklessness in -thus walking into the very jaws of the enemy. But she explained that -Makhno was determined to reach us; he would trust no one else with the -message, and therefore she had volunteered to come. It was evident that -danger had lost all terror for her. "We have been living in constant -peril for years," she said simply. - -Divested of her disguise, she revealed much beauty. She was a woman -of twenty-five, with a wealth of jet-black hair of striking lustre. -"Nestor had hoped that you and Alexander Berkman would manage to come, -but he waited in vain," she began. "Now he sent me to tell you about -the struggle he is waging and he hopes that you will make his purpose -known to the world outside." Late into the night she related the story -of Makhno which tallied in all important features with that told us -by the two Ukrainian visitors in Petrograd. She dwelt on the methods -employed by the Bolsheviki to eliminate Makhno and the agreements they -had repeatedly made with him, every one of which had been broken by -the Communists the moment immediate danger from invaders was over. -She spoke of the savage persecution of the members of the Makhno -army and of the numerous attempts of the Bolsheviki to trap and kill -Nestor. That failing, the Bolsheviki had murdered his brother and -had exterminated her own family, including her father and brother. -She praised the revolutionary devotion, the heroism and endurance -of the _povstantsi_ in the face of the greatest difficulties, and -she entertained us with the legends the peasants had woven about the -personality of Makhno. Thus, for instance, there grew up among the -country folk the belief that Makhno was invulnerable because he had -never been wounded during all the years of warfare, in spite of his -practice of always personally leading every charge. - -She was a good conversationalist, and her tragic story was relieved by -bright touches of humour. She told many anecdotes about the exploits -of Makhno. Once he had caused a wedding to be celebrated in a village -occupied by the enemy. It was a gala affair, everybody attending. While -the people were making merry on the market place and the soldiers -were succumbing to the temptation of drink, Makhno's men surrounded -the village and easily routed the superior forces stationed there. -Having taken a town it was always Makhno's practice to compel the rich -peasants, the _kulaki_, to give up their surplus wealth, which was then -divided among the poor, Makhno keeping a share for his army. Then he -would call a meeting of the villagers, address them on the purposes of -the _povstantsi_ movement, and distribute his literature. - -Late into the night the young woman related the story of Makhno and -_makhnovstchina_. Her voice, held low because of the danger of the -situation, was rich and mellow, her eyes shone with the intensity -of emotion. "Nestor wants you to tell the comrades of America and -Europe," she concluded, "that he is one of them--an Anarchist whose -aim is to defend the Revolution against all enemies. He is trying to -direct the innate rebellious spirit of the Ukrainian peasant into -organized Anarchist channels. He feels that he cannot accomplish it -himself without the aid of the Anarchists of Russia. He himself is -entirely occupied with military matters, and he has therefore invited -his comrades throughout the country to take charge of the educational -work. His ultimate plan is to take possession of a small territory in -Ukraina and there establish a free commune. Meanwhile, he is determined -to fight every reactionary force." - -Makhno was very anxious to confer personally with Alexander Berkman -and myself, and he proposed the following plan. He would arrange to -take any small town or village between Kiev and Kharkov where our -car might happen to be. It would be carried out without any use of -violence, the place being captured by surprise. The stratagem would -have the appearance of our having been taken prisoners, and protection -would be guaranteed to the other members of the Expedition. After our -conference we would be given safe conduct to our car. It would at the -same time insure us against the Bolsheviki, for the whole scheme would -be carried out in military manner, similar to a regular Makhno raid. -The plan promised a very interesting adventure and we were anxious -for an opportunity to meet Makhno personally. Yet we could not expose -the other members of the Expedition to the risk involved in such an -undertaking. We decided not to avail ourselves of the offer, hoping -that another occasion might present itself to meet the _povstantsi_ -leader. - -Makhno's wife had been a country school teacher; she possessed -considerable information and was intensely interested in all cultural -problems. She plied me with questions about American women, whether -they had really become emancipated and enjoyed equal rights. The young -woman had been with Makhno and his army for several years, but she -could not reconcile herself to the primitive attitude of her people -in regard to woman. The Ukrainian woman, she said, was considered an -object of sex and motherhood only. Nestor himself was no exception -in this matter. Was it different in America? Did the American woman -believe in free motherhood and was she familiar with the subject of -birth control? - -It was astonishing to hear such questions from a peasant girl. I -thought it most remarkable that a woman born and reared so far from -the scene of woman's struggle for emancipation should yet be so alive -to its problems. I spoke to the girl of the activities of the advanced -women of America, of their achievements and of the work yet to be -done for woman's emancipation. I mentioned some of the literature -dealing with these subjects. She listened eagerly. "I must get hold of -something to help our peasant women. They are just beasts of burden," -she said. - -Early the next morning we saw her safely out of the house. The same -day, while visiting the Anarchist club, I witnessed a peculiar sight. -The club had recently been reopened after having been raided by -the Tcheka. The local Anarchists met in the club rooms for study -and lectures; Anarchist literature was also to be had there. While -conversing with some friends I noticed a group of prisoners passing -on the street below. Just as they neared the Anarchist headquarters -several of them looked up, having evidently noticed the large sign over -the club rooms. Suddenly they straightened up, took off their caps, -bowed, and then passed on. I turned to my friends. "Those peasants are -probably _makhnovstsi_" they said; "the Anarchist headquarters are -sacred precincts to them." How exceptional the Russian soul, I thought, -wondering whether a group of American workers or farmers could be so -imbued with an ideal as to express it in the simple and significant -way the _makhnovstsi_ did. To the Russian his belief is indeed an -inspiration. - -Our stay in Kiev was rich in varied experiences and impressions. It -was a strenuous time during which we met people of different social -strata and gathered much valuable information and material. We closed -our visit with a short trip on the river Dniepr to view some of the -old monasteries and cathedrals, among them the celebrated Sophievski -and Vladimir. Imposing edifices, which remained intact during all the -revolutionary changes, even their inner life continuing as before. In -one of the monasteries we enjoyed the hospitality of the sisters who -treated us to real Russian tea, black bread, and honey. They lived as -if nothing had happened in Russia since 1914; it was as if they had -passed the last years outside of the world. The monks still continued -to show to the curious the sacred caves of the Vladimir Cathedral and -the places where the saints had been walled in, their ossified bodies -now on exhibition. Visitors were daily taken through the vaults, the -accompanying priests pointing out the cells of the celebrated martyrs -and reciting the biographies of the most important of the holy family. -Some of the stories related were wonderful beyond all human credence, -breathing holy superstition with every pore. The Red Army soldiers in -our group looked rather dubious at the fantastic tales of the priests. -Evidently the Revolution had influenced their religious spirit and -developed a sceptical attitude toward miracle workers. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY DISILLUSIONMENT IN RUSSIA*** - - -******* This file should be named 60315.txt or 60315.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/6/0/3/1/60315 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - diff --git a/old/60315.zip b/old/60315.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 5ec5a45..0000000 --- a/old/60315.zip +++ /dev/null |
