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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Vahram’s Chronicle of the Armenian Kingdom in Cilicia, by Charles Fried. Neumann.
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<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 60171 ***</div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[i]</a></span></p>
<p class="titlepage larger">VAHRAM’S<br />
<span class="larger">CHRONICLE</span><br />
<span class="smaller">OF THE</span><br />
ARMENIAN KINGDOM IN CILICIA.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[ii]</a></span></p>
<hr class="chap" />
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[iii]</a></span></p>
<p class="titlepage">VAHRAM’S<br />
<span class="larger">CHRONICLE</span><br />
<span class="smaller">OF</span><br />
THE ARMENIAN KINGDOM IN CILICIA,<br />
<span class="smaller">DURING THE</span><br />
TIME OF THE CRUSADES.</p>
<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL ARMENIAN,<br />
WITH</span><br />
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS,<br />
<span class="smaller">BY</span><br />
CHARLES FRIED. NEUMANN.</p>
<p class="titlepage">LONDON:<br />
PRINTED FOR THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND,<br />
<span class="smaller">And Sold by<br />
J. MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET;<br />
PARBURY, ALLEN, & CO., LEADENHALL STREET;<br />
THACKER & CO., CALCUTTA; TREUTTEL & WÜRTZ, PARIS;<br />
AND E. FLEISCHER, LEIPSIG.</span><br />
1831.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[iv]</a></span></p>
<p class="titlepage smaller">LONDON:<br />
Printed by J. L. Cox, Great Queen Street<br />
Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.</p>
<hr class="chap" />
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>
<p class="dedication">TO<br />
<span class="larger">PROFESSOR WILKEN,</span><br />
<span class="smaller">AUTHOR OF</span><br />
“THE HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES,”<br />
<span class="smaller">AND</span><br />
LIBRARIAN TO HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF PRUSSIA,<br />
THIS VOLUME<br />
<span class="smaller">IS DEDICATED,</span><br />
WITH PROFOUND RESPECT AND ESTEEM,<br />
<span class="over smaller">BY</span><br />
<span class="over">THE TRANSLATOR.</span></p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span></p>
<hr class="chap" />
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span></p>
<h2>PREFACE.</h2>
<p>The greatest defect of the following
Chronicle is its brevity. <span class="smcap">Vahram</span>, of
whose life little more is known than
that he was a native of Edessa, a priest,
and the secretary of king Leon III., exhibits
almost all the faults of the common
Chroniclers of the Middle Ages. He
relates many barren facts, without stating
the circumstances with which they were
connected, and he mistakes every where
the passions of men for the finger of
God. The compilers of chronicles were
in those ages ignorant of the true end,
and unacquainted with the proper objects<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span>
of history. But with all its defects, the
chronicle of the Armenian kings of Cilicia,
written by a contemporary writer, is valuable.
The friend of history may now
be enabled to form an estimate of the origin
and the increase of an empire, which
for want of materials has been overlooked
by the most learned and acute historians.
Gibbon, of whom it is doubtful whether
we should most admire his genius or his
erudition, in his celebrated work simply
mentions the <i>name</i> of Cilicia, a kingdom,
which carried on successful wars against
the emperors of Constantinople; and
which, from the beginning of the Crusades
remained the friend and ally of the Franks,
and to whom belonged a part of the sea-coast,
that continued from the time of
Ezekiel the theatre of the commerce of
the world. The Venetians and Genoese
were so impressed with the importance
of Cilicia, that they made several commercial
treaties with the Armenian kings;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span>
the Armenian original of one of these
agreements, together with a translation
and notes, has been printed by the learned
orientalist, Saint-Martin.</p>
<p>The Crusaders were astonished to find
within the frontiers of the Byzantine empire
a powerful prince and ally of whom
they had never before heard mention.
Nicetas betrays a want of historical knowledge
and research, in saying that the
Armenians and Germans were united
together, because they both disliked holy
images.<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The Germans and a great part of
the Armenians, on the contrary, felt no
aversion to the worship of images, but
the latter, ever since the first division of
the Arsacidian kingdom of Armenia between
the Sassanides and the Greeks, in
the year three hundred and eighty-seven,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span>
had been in perpetual warfare with the
Byzantine empire; and this warfare caused
a degree of animosity between the two
people (Greeks and Armenians), of which
traces may be seen even at the present
time.</p>
<p>By the unjust and cruel division of the
kingdom of Armenia, the largest and
most fertile part of the country fell (as
the contemporary historian Lazar of Barb
observes) to the empire of Persia. The
Byzantine emperors and the Sassanian
princes for a while permitted native kings
to hold a precarious sceptre; but they
were speedily dismissed; and the Byzantine
part of Armenia was governed by a Greek
magistrate, and the Persian by a Marsban
or Margrave. This state of the country,
somewhat similar to that of the Maronites
in our times, was on a sudden changed by
the conquests of the Arabs; but the Armenians
would not accept the Koran,
and their condition became worse under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span>
the zealous and fanatical followers of the
prophet of Mecca than under the descendants
of Sapor the Great, while weak and
dismayed by civil wars.</p>
<p>Ashod the Bagratide, an Armenian
nobleman of a Jewish family, who had
fled to Armenia after the destruction of
Jerusalem by Nebuchadanozor, at last
gained the confidence of his Arabian
masters; and in the year eight hundred
and fifty-nine was appointed Emir al
Omra, Ishkhan Ishkhanaz (prince of
princes),—as the native historians translate
the Arabian title—over all Armenia: and
was soon after it (888) favoured with a
tributary crown. The Bagratides and the
rival kings of the family of the Arzerounians,
were the faithful friends (or slaves)
of the Arabs, and often suffered from the
inroads and devastations of the Greeks.
We learn from Vahram the means through
which the Bagratian kingdom in Armenia
Proper was extinguished; and that a new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[xii]</a></span>
Armenian kingdom arose on the craggy
rocks of Mount Taurus, and which gradually
extended its boundaries to the sea-coast,
including the whole province of Cilicia.
Vahram carries his monotonous historical
rhymes no farther down than the
time of the death of his sovereign, Leon III.
(1289); but the Cilicio-Armenian kingdom,
which during the whole time of its existence
perhaps never was entirely independent,
lasted nearly a hundred years longer.
Leon, the sixth of that name and the last
Armenian king of Cilicia, was in 1375 taken
a prisoner by the Mamalukes of Egypt, and
after a long captivity (1382) released by
the generous interference of King John I.
of Castille. He was not however permitted
to return to his own country; but wandered
through Europe from one country to
another till his death, which happened at
Paris, the 19th of November 1393. He
was buried in the monastery of the Celestines.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</a></span></p>
<p>The Mamalukes did not long remain
masters both of Cilicia and of a part of
Armenia Proper; but yielded to the fortune
and the strength of the descendants
of Osman or Othman: when the Armenians
again felt, as in former times, all the disasters
to which the frontier provinces
between two rival empires are usually
exposed. The cruel policy of the Sophies
transplanted thousands of Christian families
to the distant provinces of Persia, and
transformed fertile provinces into artificial
deserts. The Armenians therefore,
like the Jews, were obliged to disperse
themselves over the world, and resort to
commerce for the necessaries of life. Armenian
merchants are now to be found in
India, on the islands of the Eastern Archipelago,
in Singapore, in Afghanistan, Persia,
Egypt, in every part of Asia Minor and
Syria, Russia, Poland, Austria, Italy; and
even the present patriarch of Abyssinia is
an Armenian. The valiant descendants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</a></span>
of Haig are now, like the offspring of
Abraham, considered every where clever
and shrewd merchants: they were of
great service to the East-India Company
in carrying on their trade with the inland
provinces of Hindostan; and it was once
thought that they were fitter for this part
of the mercantile business, than any agents
of the Company itself.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
<p>It is not more than half a century since
the modern Armenian provinces began
to look on Russia for succour and relief,
when the Empress Catherine behaved in
many instances most generously to the
ruined house of Thorgoma. The fortunate
wars of Russia against the Shah and the
Sultan have within the last ten years
brought the greater part of the old Parthian
kingdom of Armenia under the sway
of the mighty Czars. It seems probable,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[xv]</a></span>
that we may see yet in our times a new
kingdom of Armenia, created out of barbarian
elements by the generosity and
magnanimity of the Emperor Nicholas.</p>
<p>The following Chronicle is translated
from an edition printed at Madras in the
year 1259 of the Armenian era, that is the
year 1810 <i>Anno Domini</i>. The volume is
printed by the command of that great promoter
of literature, Ephrem, archbishop
and primate of the Armenians in Russia,
and contains, besides the chronicle of
Vahram, the Elegy of Edessa by Nerses
Shnorhaly; and the elegy on his death,
written by the most eminent of his disciples,
Nerses of Lampron. It is said in the
preface of the before-mentioned volume,
that the work of Vahram, the secretary
of Leon III., had been previously printed,
though in a very negligent and careless
manner. I have never however seen any
other than the Madras edition, where the
proper names of places and foreign nations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[xvi]</a></span>
are often incorrectly spelt. I am sorry to
add, that I made the following translation
in a place where it was impossible for me
to refer to the well known works on the
geography of Armenia, of Cilicia, and of
Asia Minor generally; neither could I
compare the narrative of Vahram with the
statements of the contemporary Byzantine
and Latin writers: but I trust the learned
reader will easily supply these defects.</p>
<p>Vahram is nearly the latest author who
is considered by the Armenian literati to
write classically. The classical Armenian
language had been preserved from
the beginning of Armenian literature in
the fifth century, amidst various political
and religious disturbances, for a period of
eight hundred years. During the course of
the thirteenth century the language became
corrupted; and in the fourteenth authors
began to use in their writings the corrupted
vernacular idiom. The ancient native
writers were neglected, their classical translations<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">[xvii]</a></span>
and imitations of the celebrated
Greek patterns became superseded by
the barbarous literature of the Latins,
and John of Erzinga, otherwise Bluz
(1326), the last who wrote the language of
Moses and Elisæus, translated a work on
the sacraments by St. Thomas Aquinas.</p>
<p>We thus find some orders of monks in
Armenia, educated in the Latin schools
and in latin manners, who corrupted the
native Haican language by the introduction
of many foreign scholastic expressions;
and a new race of sanguinary barbarians,
the Dominicans, became the
authors of works worthy of their titulary
saint. The Armenian literature remained
in this abject condition, to which these
holy fathers had reduced it, for nearly four
hundred years; but about the middle of
the eighteenth century the nation roused
itself from this lethargy, and Madras, Calcutta,
Djulfa, New Nakshivan, Etshmiadsin,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">[xviii]</a></span>
Tabris, St. Petersburg, Moscow, Amsterdam,
Smyrna, and principally Venice,
bear witness to the literary energy of the
far dispersed descendants of Haig. With
the dawn of Armenian literature, history
has been enriched by the Chronicle of
Eusebius; yet more and weightier literary
treasures may be expected from its meridian
splendour. There are hints in the
writers of the fifth century, of translations
of Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, and the
Chronicle of Julius Africanus. Besides
these versions of the classical writers of
Greece, there exist very valuable original
histories, which have never been printed
or translated, and many a chasm might
be filled up in the history of the middle
ages by these authors. We should, perhaps,
be introduced to nations now totally
lost, or so mingled with others, that it is
impossible to distinguish them. There is a
rumour of a manuscript history of the Albanians,—a
nation well known to Strabo<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix">[xix]</a></span>
and to Moses of Chorene,<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> said to exist
at a monastery in Armenia Proper,—of
those Albanians, who lived between Iberia
or Georgia and the confines of the Caspian
Sea; but of which people no traces
are to be found in our times.</p>
<p>A literary journey to Armenia, undertaken
by an active laborious scholar, who
unites the knowledge of the Armenian
language with classical studies, would
prove of the greatest importance to the
knowledge of ancient history and to the
advancement of general literature.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx">[xx]</a></span></p>
<hr class="chap" />
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span></p>
<h1><span class="smaller">THE</span>
CHRONICLE OF VAHRAM.</h1>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span></p>
<hr class="chap" />
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span></p>
<h2>THE CHRONICLE.</h2>
<p>The Patriarch Nerses, called the Gracious,<a href="#note1" id="marker1">(1)</a>
has written a history of Armenia in verse, informing
us of the manners and customs of our
forefathers, from the highest antiquity down to
his own time; and by so doing he admonished
the people to walk in the path of righteousness.
Seeing and reading this history, Leon, the
anointed king of Armenia,<a href="#note2" id="marker2">(2)</a> has been pleased to
command me, the poor in spirit, to subjoin to
the work of our holy father both what has been
reported by faithful witnesses, and what we
have seen with our own eyes. And he commanded
me to write this supplement (also in
verse), that it may be read with more pleasure.<a href="#note3" id="marker3">(3)</a></p>
<p>Now I, Raboun Vahram, am convinced of
my want of talents, but am well versed in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
law of God, and have never deviated from the
path of righteousness. Receiving the commands
of the king, I have been ever since uneasy in
my mind, out of fear that in not obeying, I
may bring on me the two-fold punishment
spoken of by St. Paul.<a href="#note4" id="marker4">(4)</a> For, if to subjoin my
mean composition to those of the ancients be
audacious, to think that it could be compared
with their finished productions, would be folly.
This alarmed me, and I abstained from writing.
Considering this very seriously, I thought at
last that my humble and mean writing would
increase the beauty of others, to which it was
subjoined: the same as painters intentionally
surround a gold ground by a black colour, not
to adorn this black border, but to raise the
beauty of the gold.<a href="#note5" id="marker5">(5)</a> These considerations
made me regain confidence, and I felt resolution
enough to undertake this work. I confide in
Him, whose grace is unbounded, who knows
what nobody has seen, who under three appearances
is only of one nature, <i>Father</i>, <i>Son</i>,
and <i>Holy Ghost</i>; whose reign is for ever, who
alone should be worshipped, and who alone
creates and preserves all beings. With his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
name I begin, and with his name I will finish.
Both the Son and the Holy Ghost proceeded
from the Father.<a href="#note6" id="marker6">(6)</a> Going back a little to former
times, I will give (till I come to our age), in a
cursory manner, what has been written down
by our forefathers.</p>
<p>The Christian nations have been favoured with
the inheritance of God; they have been enlightened
by the faith, and had excellent laws;
but they strayed from those laws, and were
polluted by their bad works. The measure of
their sins being filled, it excited the wrath of
the Lord, and a burning fire arose in the desert
of Arabia called Mahomed, the son of darkness.<a href="#note7" id="marker7">(7)</a>
This Father of heresy drew many
after him; he arose and preached by the sabre
and the sword, and subdued many countries.
The wickedness remained after the death of the
wicked, the son followed the father, and the
usurpation was confirmed.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">Togrul Beg. 1037</span> In the course of the following centuries, the
nations, whom we call Turks, came (divided
into twenty-four tribes)<a href="#note8" id="marker8">(8)</a> from the north, conquered
the realm of Persia and adhered to the
heresy of Mohamed; they humbled the kings<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
and vanquished the emperor;<a href="#note9" id="marker9">(9)</a> they filled the
world with their victories and destroyed its inhabitants,
endangering both body and soul of
their captives.<a href="#note10" id="marker10">(10)</a> They came at last to Babylon,<a href="#note11" id="marker11">(11)</a>
and there erecting the seat of their
empire, they marched to the westward, <span class="sidenote">1042</span> came
to Armenia, dealt hardly with its inhabitants,
and laid a heavy yoke on them.<a href="#note12" id="marker12">(12)</a></p>
<p>Tired of this oppression, and unable to sustain
all the hardships which the barbarians
laid on them, the inhabitants preferred being
strangers in foreign countries to remaining slaves
in their own home; they left the land of their
forefathers, and fled to the western and northern
regions. Cakig II, the anointed king of Armenia,
considering these disastrous circumstances,
and the dire necessity of the case, <span class="sidenote">1045</span> gave
up his country to the Roman Emperor, in
exchange for the great and celebrated town
of Cæsarea, and other places in Cappadocia;
and in consequence of this, the Armenians lived
as emigrants under the Greeks.<a href="#note13" id="marker13">(13)</a></p>
<p>But the jealousy which had existed for so
many centuries between the two nations, was
rooted too deep in the heart of every individual,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>
and caused many disorders. The metropolitan
of Cæsarea, named Marcus, had a dog, whom
he called Armen.<a href="#note14" id="marker14">(14)</a> Cakig hearing of this, <span class="sidenote">1079</span> invited
Marcus to dinner, and asked of him the
name of the dog: the frightened metropolitan
called the dog by another name, the animal
did not hear; but as soon as he called him
by the proper name, <i>Armen</i>, the dog ran to
him. The king then gave orders that both the
metropolitan and his dog should be put into one
sack together, and tortured until they could
bear it no longer. As soon as the Greeks heard
this news, they rose against the Armenians;
and the sons of one Mandal killed the King
Cakig.<a href="#note15" id="marker15">(15)</a> This discouraged the chieftains and
the leaders of the army, they ran away and
were scattered over various parts of the world.
A famous chief of the blood royal, <i>Rouben</i> by
name, baron of the fort Kosidar,<a href="#note16" id="marker16">(16)</a> hearing the
news of the king’s death, fled with his whole
family to Mount Taurus,<a href="#note17a" id="marker17a">(17a)</a> descended then the
mountains on the other side of Phrygia, and
<span class="sidenote">1080</span> took possession of a place called <i>Korhmoloss</i>,
and remained there. Many other Armenians
also took refuge in these mountains; the great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
Rouben united them together, and so increased
his strength, that he could <span class="sidenote">1095</span> take possession of
the whole mountain district, expel the Greeks,
and secure the country for himself. He lived a
holy life, and was at last raised to Christ.</p>
<p><i>Constantine</i> (or Costantin, as the Armenians
write the name), the son of Rouben, succeeded
him in the principality,<a href="#note17b" id="marker17b">(17b)</a> and was a valiant
and magnanimous prince; his principal place
was Vahga, where he had his residence, and
from whence he governed his dominions. He
fought many battles, and conquered many forts;
he destroyed the armies of the Greeks, and took
many captives. The dominions of Constantine
extended to the sea;<a href="#note18" id="marker18">(18)</a> he was highly honoured
by the Franks, and was their ally against the
Turks; they raised his possessions to the dignity
of a comitatus, or county, and appointed
him the Count and Margrave.<a href="#note19" id="marker19">(19)</a> Valiant, kind
and benevolent, and a true believer, his fame
reached to the other side of the sea; he cultivated
the country and rebuilt the towns, and all
was blooming and cheerful during his lifetime.
There occurred a sign from heaven, announcing
the death of this extraordinary man; the meat<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
brought to him on a silver plate started suddenly
away, and fled to the corner of the house and
hid itself among the poultry. Wise men looked
on this as a sign that the king would soon
be gathered to his forefathers, and so it happened.
He reposeth in Christ with his father
Rouben, and was buried in the church called
Castalon.<a href="#note20" id="marker20">(20)</a></p>
<p>Constantine had two sons, the elder, who
<span class="sidenote">1100</span> succeeded his father, was called Thoros, and the
younger Leon. Thoros superabounded in wisdom,
and his military valour is highly spoken
of. He sought to revenge the blood of Cakig
the Great, and made war against the sons of
Mandal; he reduced their fort Centerhasg,<a href="#note21" id="marker21">(21)</a>
killed the inhabitants, and carried away great
booty. He found in this place a likeness of the
Holy Virgin, and treated it with great esteem:
by this he became more and more powerful,
and vanquished the Greeks many times. He
took Anazarbus, built therein a large church,
and adorned it with the names of his generals
and with the likeness of the Holy Virgin. He
governed valiantly, and so much was he esteemed
that Cilicia lost its proper name, and has been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
called <i>The Country of Thoros</i>. Thoros loved
God with all his heart, favoured his servants,
built churches, and held the convents in high
esteem, in particular those which are called
<i>Trassarg</i> and <i>Mashgevar</i>; he bestowed on these
and on others many gifts. Living such a holy
life, he went at last in to the Lord, <span class="sidenote">1123</span> and was
buried in the holy church called Trassarg.<a href="#note22" id="marker22">(22)</a></p>
<p>After the death of Thoros, his only son and
heir was cast into prison by some wicked people,
who administered to him a poisonous drug,<a href="#note23" id="marker23">(23)</a>
thus the principality came to Leon, the brother
of Thoros, and his equal in reputation. <i>Leon</i>
conquered Mamestia and Tarsus;<a href="#note24" id="marker24">(24)</a> he invited
many famous warriors to join him, and allured
them by great rewards. Forward in battle, he
prepared himself, and often fought against the
foreigners or infidels,<a href="#note25" id="marker25">(25)</a> took their forts and put
all the inhabitants to the sword. He was the
admiration of warriors, and the fear of foreigners
or infidels, so that they called him the new
<i>Ashtahag</i>.<a href="#note26" id="marker26">(26)</a> After his return with honours and
fame to his own country, four sons were born to
him, so incomparable among men; the first was
called <i>Thoros</i> the Great, who was adorned by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
Stephanus (or the crown). Next to Stephanus
came <i>Meleh</i>, and then <i>Rouben</i>.</p>
<p>The Roman Emperor (Calo-Johanes), who
had the surname of Porphyrogenitus,<a href="#note27" id="marker27">(27)</a> hearing
all that Leon had done, became very angry.
He assembled a great army and brought them
down into Cilicia. Leon, finding that he was
surrounded by a large army, lost all confidence
in his forts and fled to the mountains; but he
was speedily taken and brought in fetters before
the emperor. There are some who even affirm
that the emperor broke his oath, and took Leon
by fraud. His two sons were also arrested, and
with their father carried into captivity; <span class="sidenote">1137</span> they
were detained together in prison in Constantinople.
Meleh and Stephanus were fortunately
not in Cilicia at the time their father was taken
prisoner; they were on a visit in Urha or
Edessa, with their uncle, the count of that
place.<a href="#note28" id="marker28">(28)</a></p>
<p>The Armenian army was destroyed, and the
emperor took possession of Cilicia; he left a
part of his soldiers in that country and then
returned to Constantinople. The eye which
looks down from heaven on the earth below had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
pity upon Leon and his two unfortunate sons,
and the emperor’s heart turned to clemency.
He honoured Leon exceedingly, and gave permission
to his children to stay with their father;
he invited him to dinner, and permitted him the
recreation of hunting; he gave him handsome
clothes and many other fineries.<a href="#note29" id="marker29">(29)</a> On one
occasion the emperor, being in his bathing-room,
called Leon and his sons before him, treated
them most kindly, and was so pleased with the
prowess of Rouben, that he made him one of
his household, and promised to raise him yet
higher.</p>
<p>Rouben once took the bathing tub of the
emperor, which was full of water, and swung it
quickly round, which excited much surprise.
The news reached the emperor, and all who
saw the act called him a new Sampson; but
this excited envy in the soldiers and filled them
with hatred. They gained the ear of the emperor,
accused Rouben, and ultimately killed
him by their wicked devices.<a href="#note30" id="marker30">(30)</a></p>
<p>Thoros was now left alone with his father in
prison, where he had a dream, which he instantly
imparted to his father. “I saw in a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
dream,” said he, “a man of very superior
appearance offering me a loaf of bread, on which
was a fish; I being very astonished, took from
the man what he offered to me; when thou, Oh
father! earnest, and I enquired the meaning of
that; but what further happened I know not.”
Leon, hearing these words from his son, was
enlightened by heaven, and turning to him
joyfully, embraced him ardently and said:
“Be joyful, O my honourable son! for thou
wilt be honoured as thy forefathers. After evil
cometh a twofold good fortune,—our country,
which was taken from us on account of our sins,
and other lands, will again be governed by thee.
The fish which thou hast seen, means,—that
thou wilt be master of the sea, but I shall not
enjoy these good tidings.”</p>
<p>Leon died and was elevated to Christ; the
emperor then felt compassion for Thoros, <span class="sidenote">1141</span> took
him out of prison, and received him into the
imperial guards. Being now in the imperial
palace, and a soldier among the soldiers, he very
soon distinguished himself, and even the emperor
looked upon him with benevolence. Before
the end of the year (1141) the emperor left<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>
Constantinople with a large army, and went to
assist the Prince of Antioch, who was hard
pressed by the Turks.<a href="#note31" id="marker31">(31)</a> Being on a hunting
party in the valley of Anazarbus, one of his own
poisoned arrows wounded him, and he fell dead on
the spot; he thus met with his deserved fate.<a href="#note32" id="marker32">(32)</a>
The army buried him on the place where he
lost his life, and erected a monument which is
even now to be seen, called <i>Kachzertik</i>, that is,
<i>The corpse of the Calos, or Beautiful</i>.<a href="#note33" id="marker33">(33)</a></p>
<p>The Greek army returned, but Thoros remained
in the country; though the traditions
concerning this fact are different. Some say,
Thoros withdrew himself quite alone, went
by sea from Antioch to Cilicia, and took possession
of his dominions, finding means to
gain at first the town of Amouda, and afterwards
all the other places. But the emperor’s
party say that Thoros, during the time the
Greeks stayed in the country, lived with a lady
who gave him a great sum of money; with
these treasures he fled to the mountains, and
discovered himself to a priest as the Son of
Leon, the true king of the country. The priest
was exceedingly happy at these tidings, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
Thoros hid himself under a shepherd’s disguise. <span class="sidenote">1143</span>
There were many Armenians in this part of
the country who, being barbarously treated
by the Greeks, sighed for their former masters;
to these men, as it is said, the priest imparted
the joyful tidings; they instantly assembled
and appointed <i>Thoros</i> their <i>Baron</i>;<a href="#note34" id="marker34">(34)</a> he gained
possession of Vahga, and afterwards of many
other places. Let this be as it may, it was
certainly ordained by God that this man, who
was carried away as a prisoner, should become
the chief of the country of his forefathers,
that he should take the government out of
the hands of the Greeks, and destroy their
armies.</p>
<p>After the death of the Porphyrogenitus, his
<i>son</i> Manuel succeeded him, who is commonly
called <i>Pareser, the Virtuous</i>.<a href="#note35" id="marker35">(35)</a> Immediately
after he had taken possession of the empire,
Manuel assembled an army to assist the Franks,
who came by sea to these countries, and were
hardly pressed by the Turks. Coming to Cilicia,
and hearing what Thoros had done; how
he wronged the Greeks, and behaved himself as
the master of the country, the emperor became<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>
very angry, and ordered that Thoros should be
brought to him a prisoner, which he thought
an easy matter. But Thoros shut himself up
in a steep and high fort, occupied all the narrow
passes by his soldiers, and easily repulsed
from thence the Greeks, many of whom were
taken and brought in fetters before the victor. <span class="sidenote">1146</span>
Manuel being informed of what had happened,
became still more enraged.<a href="#note36" id="marker36">(36)</a></p>
<p>It happened that the emperor sent at that
time, under the guard of many great men, a large
sum of money, and that Thoros took the guard
and the treasure, and divided the latter among
his soldiers. These Greek nobles seeing this,
said to Thoros: “Having taken such great
riches, why dost thou squander them away to
the common people?” Thoros answered nothing
to this question, and only remarked:
“These same men will bring you back to fetters,
although you are now allowed to return to your
friends.”<a href="#note37" id="marker37">(37)</a> The emperor heard with astonishment
what these men, on their return, reported
to him, and wished to keep on good terms with
Thoros. The Prince of Antioch became the
umpire between them. The emperor came to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
Antioch, where also Thoros was invited, and
gained the admiration of every body by his
prowess and valour. The emperor wanted Anazarbus
and many other places, which were in the
possession of Thoros; he accordingly delivered
them up for a large sum of money.</p>
<p>Thoros returned to Cilicia, and the emperor
put a stop to the campaign in order to return to
his own country. As soon as the imperial army
started from Anazarbus, Thoros proceeded suddenly
in the night time to Vahga. Now, whether
the king presumed upon<a href="#note38" id="marker38">(38)</a> any thing, or
whether some communication had been made to
him, he did not wish to hold to the treaty.
Thoros, as soon as the Emperor Manuel went
back, again began his inroads. He again took
Anazarbus and conquered Mamestia and the
surrounding towns. The Duke of Tarsus, who
was appointed governor of the country by the
emperor, hearing of these proceedings of Thoros,
assembled the great Greek army left him by the
emperor, and those Armenian barons who belonged
to the emperor’s party, and enjoyed
many honours by his kindness, such as Oscin
the baron of Lampron, and the family of Nathaniel,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
who were the chiefs of Asgourhas.<a href="#note39" id="marker39">(39)</a>
They now united together to besiege Mamestia;
when Thoros behaved himself very valiantly.
With only a few men he made a sally out of the
town, gained a complete victory over a large
army, and took many prisoners; some of the
Greeks he put to death, while others gained their
liberty for a ransom. His Armenian captives
he set instantly at liberty, and contrived to gain
their friendship. Oscin having been won by a
large sum of money, gave up his connexion with
the emperor, and made a treaty with Thoros;
and Thoros gave his daughter in marriage to the
son of Oscin.<a href="#note40" id="marker40">(40)</a> The Baron having thus settled
his affairs collected a fresh army, took the
famous Tarsus, and all the country from the
precipices of Isauria<a href="#note41" id="marker41">(41)</a> to the sea; he conquered
Cilicia, beginning from Isauria, from
one end to the other. The Emperor Manuel
hearing these occurrences grew enraged on
feeling himself unable to chastise Thoros. He
sent a message to the Sultan of Iconium,<a href="#note42" id="marker42">(42)</a>
Chlish-Aslan, and promised him a great sum of
money if he would make war against Thoros.
The first time, the sultan objected to the treaty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
which existed between him and Baron Thoros,
and so withstood the temptation; but his reluctance
was overcome by a second message. <span class="sidenote">1154</span>
He collected a large army, carried them into
Cilicia, descended into the plain, and besieged
Anazarbus. But God was against them and
punished them with plagues, like those of the
Egyptians; he sent flies and wasps against the
infidels, and harassed them with many other
heavy calamities. Thoros made inroads into
the Sultan’s own country, won Iconium itself,
returned with a large booty, and sent Chlish-Aslan
a present out of the booty. By this, and
by the hardships they suffered, the Sultan and
his followers were disgusted, and returned to
their own country. <span class="sidenote">1156</span> They came back a second
time, and returned again in confusion. The
Sultan then kept his oath, and remained the
friend of our hero.</p>
<p>Thoros was of a tall figure and of a strong
mind: his compassion was universal; like the
light of the sun he shone by his good works,
and flourished by his faith; he was the shield
of truth and the crown of righteousness; he
was well versed in the Holy Scriptures and in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
the profane sciences. It is said that he was of
such profound understanding, as to be able to
explain the difficult expressions of the prophets—his
explanations even still exist.<a href="#note43" id="marker43">(43)</a> In a word,
he was so accomplished in every thing, that
God was pleased to call him to heaven. <span class="sidenote">1167</span> He
was buried in Trassarg.</p>
<p>His brother Stephanus, of whom we have
spoken before, remained near the <i>Black Mountain</i>,
making himself illustrious by his prowess,
and gaining Carmania and the surrounding
places;<a href="#note44" id="marker44">(44)</a> but the Greeks came again against
him, and he was consumed by the “seething
pot.”<a href="#note45" id="marker45">(45)</a> He died in the field and was buried in
the church of Arkagal (or the Archangel). He
left two sons, Rouben and Leon, who became
afterwards king of Cilicia.</p>
<p>Thoros left a child under age, whom he
committed, together with the country, to the care
of a certain Baron and Baillie Thomas, his
father-in-law, with an injunction to deliver to
him the country as soon as the child should have
attained his majority.<a href="#note46" id="marker46">(46)</a> <span class="sidenote">1168</span> <i>Meleh</i>, of whom we
have spoken above, was with the Sultan of
Aleppo, and hearing of the death of his brother,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
he came with an army into the country, and
dealt very cruelly with its inhabitants. Not
being able to conquer the possessions of his
brother he returned to Aleppo, and came back
with still greater forces. Receiving a message
from the Armenian Barons that they would
freely acknowledge him as their sovereign, he
sent back the Turks, and governed in peace for
some time. But he soon drove into exile the
Baillie Thomas, who went afterwards to Antioch.
The child of Thoros was killed by the command
of Meleh by some wicked people. <span class="sidenote">1169</span> This cruel
man was at last killed by his own soldiers, and
buried in the church called <i>the great Car</i>.<a href="#note47" id="marker47">(47)</a></p>
<p>The sons of Stephanus, Rouben and Leon,
were very much honoured by a certain
Baron <i>Pakouran</i>, by the whole Armenian
nobility, and the army; they therefore appointed
<i>Rouben</i> as their Baron. <span class="sidenote">1174</span> He was an
excellent prince, compassionate and kind; he
ruled the country very well, and was praised
by every body. He was a friend of the Greeks,
and married a lady of that nation, by whom he
had two daughters blooming in chastity. He
besieged Lampron and pressed its inhabitants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
very hard; they not being able to withstand
him, called the Prince to their assistance; he <span class="sidenote">1182</span>
invited Rouben to Antioch, and fraudulently
held him a prisoner, thinking to conquer Cilicia
with ease during his captivity. But his
brother Leon and the army behaved themselves
very valiantly; they pressed Lampron so closely
in the absence of the Baron, and defended
their own country so well, that they released
Rouben and acknowledged his supremacy.
The inhabitants of Lampron gave themselves
and their treasure up to the Baron of Cilicia.
On his return to his own country Rouben was
kind and humane to every one, and at his
death left the crown to Leon; he gave him
many rules concerning the government of the
country, and committed to him his daughters,
with an injunction not to give them foreign
husbands, that the Armenians might not be
governed by foreigners and harassed by a
tyrant. <span class="sidenote">1185</span> Rouben was buried in Trassarg.</p>
<p><i>Leon</i> was a valiant and learned prince; he
enlarged his principality and became the master
of many provinces. A few days only after
his taking possession of the country, the descendants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
of Ismael, under the command of one
Roustam, advanced and came against Cilicia.<a href="#note48" id="marker48">(48)</a> <span class="sidenote">1186</span>
Leon was not frightened, but confiding in God,
who destroyed Sanacherib, he vanquished with
a few men the great army of the infidels. Roustam
himself being killed by St. George,<a href="#note49a" id="marker49a">(49a)</a> the
whole Hagarenian army then fled and dispersed;
the Armenians pursued them and enriched
themselves by the booty. The power of
Leon thus increased, and being confident in his
strength, he chased the Tadjiks<a href="#note49b" id="marker49b">(49b)</a> and pursued
the Turks; he conquered Isauria and came as
far as Iconium; he captured Heraclea,<a href="#note50" id="marker50">(50)</a> and
again gave it up for a large ransom; he blockaded
Cæsarea,<a href="#note51" id="marker51">(51)</a> and had nearly taken it; he
made a treaty with the Sultan of Iconium, and
received a large sum of money from him; he
surrounded Cilicia on every side with forts and
castles; he built a new church called Agner,
and was exceedingly generous to all monasteries
erected by his ancestors; his bounty extended
itself even to the leprous; they being shunned
by every body and expelled from every place,
he assigned to them a particular house, and
provided them with necessaries.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span></p>
<p>By such proceedings Leon attained a great
name and became known to the Emperor of the
Franks and the Greeks, and both, by Heavens’
grace, favoured him with the diadem; and,
indeed, the mission by which Leon the Great
was crowned King,<a href="#note52" id="marker52">(52)</a> was very famous. <span class="sidenote">Jan. 6, 1198</span> The
Armenians assembled together in the city of
Tarsus, and in the cathedral of that town the
Catholicos<a href="#note53" id="marker53">(53)</a> anointed Leon, as it is the custom,
king of the house of Thorgoma,<a href="#note54" id="marker54">(54)</a> to sit on
the throne and flourish in kindness; to glorify
the church, and to govern well the country;
to collect together the dispersed people, and to
renovate its power; lastly, to fill the country
with peace and to make it as happy as paradise.</p>
<p>This great king brought the Prince of Antioch
over to him, by marrying to him his niece,
the daughter of his brother. He then made
an inroad into the province of Arasu and conquered
the place called Balresay; by his excellent
wisdom he also gained Lampron.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">1201</span> The great Sultan of Iconium Caicaiuss<a href="#note55" id="marker55">(55)</a>
marched from Camir against the king, and besieged
the fort Capan. The unruly Armenian
troops attacked the enemy without waiting for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
an order of the king, and being partly killed
and partly taken prisoners, the Turks pressed
very hard the fort Capan. Leon did not let
his spirits droop by this defeat; he collected
what troops remained with him, and went plundering
the territories of the Sultan as far as
Camir. He laid waste the Sultan’s country,
and returned with a large booty. Hearing this
the Sultan started from Cilicia to his own
principality, and made peace with Leon, on the
condition that the booty should be restored.</p>
<p>Leon, having governed the country twelve
years as Baron and twenty-two as King, felt his
end approaching, and appointed in an assembly
of the whole nobility of the kingdom, a certain
baron named Atan to be Regent<a href="#note56" id="marker56">(56)</a> of the
country and guardian of his daughter. Leon
died soon after and was buried in the church of
Agner; a part of his body was brought into the
town of Sis, and a church was built thereupon.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">May 1, 1219</span> After the assassination of Atan, Constantine
was appointed regent, when he gave the daughter
of the king and the heiress of the empire (the
good and chaste lady Isabella), in marriage to
one of the family of the king, the barons acknowledged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
him as their lawful sovereign, <span class="sidenote">1220</span> and swore
the oath of allegiance.<a href="#note57" id="marker57">(57)</a> But there arose a disturbance
in the country; one Rouben<a href="#note58" id="marker58">(58)</a> came
from the Prince of Antioch, gained over many
of the nobility and aspired to the crown. He
soon took possession of Tarsus and was about to
march against Sis; but Constantine met him
near Tarsus with a great army, and vanquished
this enemy. Rouben and the chief men of his
party died in prison.</p>
<p>By this victory Constantine became more
powerful, and governed the country with a firm
hand; he built churches and honoured the
clergy. At this time the patriarch was called
John, the sixth since Nerses, from whom, as we
have said, we began our chronicle, and think
it therefore proper to mention these blessed
persons.</p>
<p>After the death of Nerses, that is to say, after
his migration from one life to another, Gregorius,
called <i>Degha</i>, or the <i>child</i>, was anointed. He
was a fine and strong man. After him Gregorius,
called <i>Carawesh</i>, or <i>killed by the stone</i>;—then
Gregorius Abirad;—and at last John, whom we
have before mentioned.<a href="#note59" id="marker59">(59)</a> Leon entered into a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
dispute with John, and appointed David in his
place. This man governed the church for two
years in an excellent manner: but after this, the
king being reconciled to John, elevated him again
on his seat. After this reconciliation king Leon
fell sick and died, very much lamented by the
Armenians. <span class="sidenote">1223</span> The Lord Constantine succeeded
him, who excelling in kindness, betrothed the
heiress of the empire, Isabella, before an assembly
of the whole nobility, to his son Hethum.<a href="#note60" id="marker60">(60)</a></p>
<p>Hethum was then anointed king of Armenia;
he was crowned with a golden crown, and held
a golden consecrated sceptre in his hand, with a
globe mounted in gold; he was placed on a
high golden throne, and having these signs of
royalty in his right hand, he promised to deal
justice to the people at large and protect the
poor from injustice. Hethum was an excellent
and gracious king; fine and handsome in body
and soul; religious, kind, compassionate, upright,
bountiful, and generous. The lawful
heiress of the empire, Isabella, governed the
country together with her husband, and led a
pious, religious life. She was blessed for her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
good deeds and exemplary life by many children,
the numerous offsprings of a famous race.<a href="#note61" id="marker61">(61)</a>
The first was the pious Leon, who is now the
anointed king, and after him Thoros, the blessed,
who died the death of a hero.<a href="#note62" id="marker62">(62)</a> Isabella
brought also into the world five daughters and
another son, Rouben, who died young. <span class="sidenote">1252</span> The
queen being near the end of her life, and staying
in a place called <i>Ked</i>, she heard a voice from
heaven, crying aloud, “come my dove, come
my love, thy end is near.” She felt joyful on
this happy vision, imparted it to the bystanders,
and died in the Lord; her body was brought to
the grave by a large assembly of the priesthood
and laid in consecrated earth.</p>
<p>After the death of the Queen, the King was
much occupied in the government of his country;
for there arose an insolent people from the north,
called <i>Tatars</i>, and also called, after their country,
Mugal or Mogul,<a href="#note63" id="marker63">(63)</a> who laid waste all the countries
which fell into their hands. The words
of the prophet Jeremiah, that “the seething pot
will run over from the north,” have been found
true a second time, this being the case we
must expect the same consequences. There<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
were four kings, each of whom was accompanied<a href="#note64" id="marker64">(64)</a>
by ten chiefs, which is even now
the case. These four kings met together
with their ten followers; one arose and spoke
with a loud voice in this high assembly, and he
being foremost in power, was declared “<i>The
son of God in heaven</i>.”<a href="#note65" id="marker65">(65)</a> <span class="sidenote">1254</span> To him went king
Hethum,<a href="#note66" id="marker66">(66)</a> and there remained four years.
Hethum had considerable trouble, but he obtained
friendly words, and a written treaty after
the custom of the Tatars.<a href="#note67" id="marker67">(67)</a> He then came back
with great honours and conquered many provinces;
he routed the armies of the Persians or
Turks,<a href="#note68" id="marker68">(68)</a> and took their country; he won by
force Carmania; and Sebehesny was taken out
of the hands of the Turks, whose splendour
faded away.<a href="#note69" id="marker69">(69)</a> God’s will was changed, and
he looked again on us with a benevolent eye;
the doors of heaven were opened to let through
his kindness on earth. The country was fruitful
and happy like paradise, and every man sat in
peace, as it is said in the scriptures, under his
own vine. But the Armenians in Cilicia caused
themselves, like in former times, Sodom and
Ghomora, by their intemperance and wickedness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
to be very soon devoured by the wrathful fire<a href="#note70" id="marker70">(70)</a>
of heaven.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">1265</span> The proud slaves who governed Egypt took
by force Damascus, very hard pressed the Sultan
of Berea or Aleppo, and conquered all the
country called by the name of Shem.<a href="#note71" id="marker71">(71)</a> These
slaves united themselves with all the other
Hagarenians, and it was as if the sand of the
sea arose to grasp swords and daggers, and to
fight the battles of men; they went against the
Christians, like avengers sent from God. The
sea-coast (from Gaza to Cilicia) suffered in particular;
all the forts were destroyed. Antioch,
the great Antioch, fell into their hands—they
burned the houses, and the inhabitants were
carried away into foreign countries.<a href="#note72" id="marker72">(72)</a> Having
taken possession of the before-mentioned territories,
they went against Cilicia, sent to Hethum
and demanded tribute of him.<a href="#note73" id="marker73">(73)</a> The king
collected his soldiery under the command of
his sons, and hurried himself away to the
Moguls for aid.<a href="#note74" id="marker74">(74)</a> He had not yet returned,
when the Hagarenians came into the country;
the army fled, but the princes remained. Thoros
was killed in battle, and Leon was carried away<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
prisoner from his country. <span class="sidenote">1266</span> This unfortunate
country was destroyed by fire, and the inhabitants
were put to the sword; but the forts,
having received private encouragement from
Leon, could not be taken by the enemy, who
retreated from them with shame. The famous
church in Sis and the town itself was given up
to the flames, but the inhabitants had time to fly.</p>
<p>Having done whatever they chose, the enemy
returned to his own country in great triumph,
and with a large booty. After their departure
Hethum returned at the head of a Mogulian
army into his own kingdom, and saw all the
misfortunes which had befallen him during his
absence; he wept bitterly, but he did not despair,
and placed reliance on the mercy of God.
His son, who had been carried away a prisoner,
being endowed with a courageous nature, did
not let his spirits droop or show any fear; on
the contrary, he cheered the captives and consoled
every man; for some he provided food,
for others he paid their ransom and set them at
liberty. The army presented Leon to the Sultan,
who continued in his own country, and who,
looking on Leon and hearing his wise speech,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
received him graciously, and spoke very kindly
to him. With the permission of the Sultan,
Leon went to Jerusalem to adore the holy cross,
and to pray for the remission of his sins. He
then went back to Egypt, into that prison where
Joseph was in former times. The priests admonished
him to think only of God; moreover,
he constantly read the Scriptures and was always
ways absorbed in prayer. Therefore God looked
upon him with compassion, and turned the
heart of the Sultan to pity.</p>
<p>Leon, when taken prisoner, was thirty years
of age; remaining one year and ten months in
Egypt, he made a treaty with the Sultan, which
was ratified by King Hethum his father. This
being done, Leon was set at liberty with great
demonstrations of honour. The whole country
rejoiced when Leon returned to his father:
crowds of people ran to meet and see him; he
embraced them all, and received them with
heavenly kindness. The king went, on foot, to
thank God that he had lived so long as to see
his son Leon again, and <span class="sidenote">1268</span> in the presence of the
highly-gifted patriarch Jacobus,<a href="#note75" id="marker75">(75)</a> the follower
of Constantine, he earnestly entreated Leon to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
take on him the government of the country, and
to be anointed King of Cilicia; but Leon could
not, by all his entreaties, be moved to accept this
offer; and Hethum was compelled, therefore,
to see his son only Baron of the Armenians,
until he could enjoy the kingdom. The king
happened to fall sick at this time and never
recovered. There was consequently a great
consternation in the country, and the people
united together to give him the surname of
<i>Makar</i>.<a href="#note76" id="marker76">(76)</a> <span class="sidenote">1269</span> Having finished this mortal, and
gained an immortal life, he was buried in
Trassarg, and was celebrated in a poem. The
Baron Leon was so afflicted by the death of
his father, that he fell into a mortal sickness,
and although all men supplicated him to be
speedily crowned King of Cilicia, he would
not do it instantly, but mourned three months.
The neighbouring sovereigns, the Sultan of
Egypt, the Khan, and other princes, sent missions
of peace to him, entreating that he might be
crowned King of Cilicia. Moved and encouraged
by these messages, he called a great assembly
of Armenians to Tarsus with the patriarch to
anoint him, and to fulfil the duties of the church.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
Leon received the sceptre with the golden globe
in his right hand,—and the Holy Ghost descended
on him,—to be king on the house of Thorgoma;
to govern and to defend the flock after
the law of God.</p>
<p>Leon, sitting on the throne of his forefathers,
was gracious to every body; he pardoned those
who had offended him, and was in general exceedingly
humane; he augmented the officers of
the royal household, and held the clergy in high
esteem. He provided for the poor ecclesiastics,
and generally for all poor people; in what place
soever he stayed, the indigent were provided for
from the court. This being known, many people
came from foreign parts, soldiers and others,
and remained months although not invited;
their expenses were payed by the court. Leon
benefited the clergy even more than his forefathers,
and gave to the Vartabeds their proper
rank,<a href="#note77" id="marker77">(77)</a> for he was a friend of learning;<a href="#note78" id="marker78">(78)</a> every
person who was elevated to the dignity of a Vartabed
received a present from the king, and it
was registered as an eternal remembrance. The
army received higher pay than before, and the
king was so kind to every body, so generous,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>
so compassionate,<a href="#note79" id="marker79">(79)</a> that all were delighted;
and the whole nation of Armenians became,
as it were, renovated. Satan, the author of all
mischief, saw this, and he contrived to fight
against the king; he tempted him by misfortunes
like Job; he tried him by many wounds,
but the king was found of more patience than
even Job himself, for Job spoke of his temptations
with his friends, and uttered curses as the
misfortunes came one after the other.</p>
<p><span class="sidenote">1273</span> Leon soon gained information of the plots of
the chieftains of his own family, but confiding in
God, he took away only their castles, and granted
them their lives; he left it to the Lord to
reward them after their designs. <span class="sidenote">1274</span> Now the
Sultan of Egypt, breaking the treaty he made
with King Hethum, came against this country;
he did not so much as give any notice of his
design. United with the Arabs and the Turcomans,
the Sultan, without any one being
aware of it, made an inroad into Cilicia. These
Turcomans were a long time since in this country
as shepherds; they here kept their winter
quarters, and knew therefore all the passes and
defiles.<a href="#note80" id="marker80">(80)</a> <span class="sidenote">1276</span> United with these people the Egyptians<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
harassed the country more than had ever
been the case before; they penetrated into the
mountains, discovered the recesses of men and
beasts, and destroyed numbers; many were
also killed who had been found in the flat
country. Only those who were in forts and
castles escaped, all the rest were taken. The
country was surrounded on all sides and given
to the flames; the enemy took Tarsus, burnt
the beautiful and celebrated church of St.
Joseph, and plundered the town; having done
all this mischief, they retired.</p>
<p>King Leon, full of courage, wished to try the
chance of a battle, but the barons left him and
he had only a few soldiers; seeing the desolation
of the country, he was very sorrowful, but
consoled every body and encouraged the people
by presents. Whilst he was sustaining these
trials without scarcely uttering a sigh, one of his
sons, of tender age, died, and he himself fell
into a sickness from which he could scarcely be
saved. Whilst yet depressed by his sufferings he
lost a daughter, but through all this he became
not impatient, and uttered not an angry word;
he placed his confidence in God, and suffered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
his trials with calmness. But there remained
yet another trial for the country at large; the
country was visited by a heavy plague, of which
many poor people died, so that the land could
not be cultivated, and there was in consequence
a want of the necessaries of life. The king did
not let his spirits droop, he animated everybody,
and said in the words of Job, “The Lord gave,
and the Lord hath taken away, blessed be the
name of the Lord! Naked came we into the
world, and naked do we leave it again.” <span class="sidenote">1276</span> In these
days the Lord began to look on us again with
kindness from above, and the words of the
prophet Hosea were fulfilled, “The shadow of
death fled from us miserable men;” the Lord
became reconciled to the harassed and desolated
nation of Armenia. For the beginning of better
days we were indebted to the people, who
made war against the king. Having plundered
our country, the Sultan withdrew his army,
but Leon then came forward, vanquished all
his opponents, took a great booty and returned
joyful into his own kingdom.<a href="#note81" id="marker81">(81)</a> The Sultan of
Egypt hearing this, sent a message to Leon for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>
peace and friendship. The news of these
victories spread very far, so that the Khan<a href="#note82" id="marker82">(82)</a>
heard of it, sent armour and weapons, and admonished
Leon to carry on the war.</p>
<p>The Turks, who reign in Camir (Iconium),
wished at this time to make a treaty with the
Moguls to hurt us; they spoke in consequence
very badly of us, and induced the Khan by a
sum of money to make a treaty with them.<a href="#note83" id="marker83">(83)</a>
The Turks spoke then more freely, and accused
us publicly, but they were soon undeceived;
for as soon as the union was dissolved,
the Moguls came and destroyed them by the
sword, sent presents to our king, and behaved
in general very kindly to him. By this behavior
the king gained courage, made an incursion
into Turkestan,<a href="#note84" id="marker84">(84)</a> took a large booty and
returned into his own country with great joy.
The neighbouring kings hearing this were much
astonished, and longed to be at peace with us.
Leon forgot all the mischief they had done,
and accepted with a kind heart their offerings
of friendship; for he was benevolent by nature,
and rejoiced in kind dealings; misfortune could
not depress him, and good fortune could not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
elevate him; he looked only on God and to govern
his country well.</p>
<p>Leon had three sons: Hethum, the first born,
learned in the Scripture and clever in every
branch of science; the second is called Thoros,
and the third Sempad. The spouse of the
king, the Queen Ceran, is famous for her fidelity
and benevolence. So is our king, who by
God’s decree is placed over the country; may
the Lord yet grant him a long and a peaceful
reign.<a href="#note85" id="marker85">(85)</a></p>
<p>Now to the end of my work I will subjoin
some observations. It has been said before,
that when the Tadjiks came into our country,
they burned the house of God;—that they took
the crosses, the Scriptures, and all other holy
materials, into their abominable hands and cast
them into the fire with infamous jokes; and
that they put the priests to the sword, and tortured
all Christians. When all these misfortunes
befell the country, some of the inhabitants bore
them patiently, though reluctantly; and others
became furious and uttered impious words, for
they were blind in spirit and weak in faith.
“Can this be,” said they, “can this be a true<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
judgment, by which we are condemned? Are
we the only sinners of all the inhabitants of
the world, that we alone should be ruined? or
are the Tadjiks the men of righteousness, by
whose hands we are killed: those unbelievers,
soiled by every wicked deed?” But from this
reasoning it would follow, that those who fell
under the hall by which Sampson buried himself,
were not killed by reason of their own
sins; that the Galileans, who were put to
death by Pilate, fell not by reason of their own
wickedness, but by the judgment of the Lord!
All who are not penitent will suffer the same
punishment, God chastens him whom he loves.<a href="#note86" id="marker86">(86)</a>
To rest his hopes on God, and to be patient in
misfortune, is the best way to live in this world
and in the next. May Leon, King of the Armenians,
the writer and the reader of this, be
judged worthy to enter into this eternal and
immortal world. To the praise and honour of
the three persons and one God, now and for
ever, world without end.</p>
<hr class="chap" />
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span></p>
<h2>NOTES.</h2>
<h3 id="note1">Note (1), <a href="#marker1">page 23</a>.</h3>
<p>This is the famous patriarch Nerses Clajensis in the
twelfth century, one of the best writers of the Armenian
nation. Galanus (I. 239) is full of praise of him.
“Nerses Clajensis,” says he, “orthodoxus patriarcha,
quem Armenia universa, ut sanctum illius ecclesiæ
patrem et doctorem agnoscit, ejusque commemorationem
in Liturgia et Menelogiis celebrat. Fuit poeta sacer,
et hac quidem facultate adeo insignis, ut celebrioribus,
meo judicio, vel Græcis vel Latinis poetis in suo cœquandus
sit idiomate.” But both the praises and the
censures of Galanus are to be received with great caution;
he is blinded by his orthodoxy, and praises and
blames the authors not according to their merit, but
according to their faith. Nerses has written much and
on very different subjects; his elegy on the capture of
Edessa (1144) by the Turks, and his correspondence with
the emperor Alexius and Manuel, are the most interesting
works for us and for history. The elegy of Edessa<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
has been printed several times and in many places: most
recently (1826) in Paris, but without a French translation.
The Archbishop Somal is not well-informed,
when he says, (Quadro della storia letteraria di Armenia.
Venezia 1829, p. 84), “fu accompagnata da una versione
francese.” The correspondence of Nerses has
only, as far as I know, been once printed, viz. at St.
Petersburgh, 1788, 1 vol. 4to. His short and uninteresting
chronicle of the History of Armenia has been
often printed, and for the last time in 1824 in Constantinople.
The Archbishop Somal says, that this
work was corrupted by the interpolations of the schismatical
editor (“audacemente dall’editore falsificata e con
riprovevole temerita sparsa di alcune aggiunte erronee
contro il Concilio ecumenico di Calcedonia.”) It is
strange that the Armenians, who entertain the tenets of
their national church, and are styled schismatical by the
proselytes of the Roman Catholic Church, accuse the
orthodox editors at Venice of the same falsifications;
the Armenians in India wish therefore to print all their
works, particularly the religious ones, at the press of
the Bishop’s College in Calcutta. (See Bishop Heber’s
Journals, iii. 435. 3d edition.)</p>
<h3 id="note2">Note (2), <a href="#marker2">page 23</a>.</h3>
<p>This is king Leon III, who reigned from 1269 to
1289, and of whom the chronicler speaks at the end of
his work.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span></p>
<h3 id="note3">Note (3), <a href="#marker3">page 23</a>.</h3>
<p>I imagine Vahram never read Lucretius: that author
gives the same reason for writing <i>De Rerum Natura</i>
in verse.</p>
<h3 id="note4">Note (4), <a href="#marker4">page 24</a>.</h3>
<p>Epist. ad Rom., chap. xiii. in the beginning.</p>
<h3 id="note5">Note (5), <a href="#marker5">page 24</a>.</h3>
<p>The reader may recollect the old Byzantine pictures,
painted on a gold ground; there is a large collection
of these pictures at Schleisheim, near Munich.</p>
<h3 id="note6">Note (6), <a href="#marker6">page 25</a>.</h3>
<p>I feel regret for poor Vahram, who here shows
himself a heretic; for notwithstanding that it was
forbidden to add any article to the creed of Nice, or
rather Constantinople, the Latins added the celebrated
<i>filioque</i>, that is to say, that the Holy Ghost proceeded
from the Father <i>and the Son</i>, and condemned all others
as heretics who upheld the old church, and would not
acknowledge these innovations. Vahram, the Raboun,
or doctor, shows himself to be such a heretic. He even
wrote some dissertations on the trinity and the incarnation,
at the command of his master king Leon III,
but they were never printed. The Roman Catholic
author of the “Quadro della letteratura di Armenia” (p.
115), says, that even in these works Vahram “si prova<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
scrittore di poco sana dottrina intorno al dogma della
processione dello Spirito-Santo.”</p>
<h3 id="note7">Note (7), <a href="#marker7">page 25</a>.</h3>
<p>This is the language of all divines, and of those
philosophers who think <i>whatever is, is right</i>. If the
sins of mankind have produced Mahomed, why has
Spain alone out of the nations of Europe been depressed?
Were these Visigoths greater sinners than their
brethren in the south of France or the Franks themselves?
It is not a speculative opinion, but the truth
of history, that man is the architect of his own fortune,
and that the world belongs to the mighty.</p>
<h3 id="note8">Note (8), <a href="#marker8">page 25</a>.</h3>
<p>The Turks were known in Europe as early as the
beginning of the sixth century of our era, but the
western writers tell us nothing satisfactory, either as to
the name or the origin of this large division of the
human race. The Chinese, who were earlier acquainted
with their <i>Thoo kiouei</i>, are also contradictory in their
statements. They say, the Thoo kiouei are a particular
tribe or class of the Hioung noo, called by different
names, and that they are called Thoo kiouei because
their town near the Altai, or gold mountain, had the
form of a <i>helmet</i>, and a helmet is called Thoo kiouei,
<i>yn y wei haou</i>. Matuanlin, in his great work, B. 343,
initio, says this is the cause why this people is so called.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
It is fortunate for historical literature, that this accomplished
Chinese scholar had no system in view in compiling
his work: he quotes on the same page other
accounts on the origin of the name <i>Thoo kiouei</i> and
different traditions of the original history of this nation.
It has been remarked by Klaproth (Asia Polyglotta,
212) that Thoo kiouei (or a very similar word)
means, indeed, in the Turkish language a <i>helmet</i>. If the
Hiong noo are Turks they cannot certainly be either
the Huns of Attila or Fins. Concerning the tribes of
the Turks nothing is known with any certainty; tribes
rise and decay in Tartary like the sand-hills in the desert:
who can count them? The reader may find a lively
and true picture of this rising and falling of the different
Turkoman tribes in a novel, by Frazer, called <i>Memoirs
of a Kusilbash</i>, printed 1828, in three volumes. The
different denomination of the same people, Turks and
Turkomans, is already used by William of Tyre, the
celebrated historian of the Crusades; it may be said
that they differ one from another, like, in former times,
the Highlanders and Lowlanders in Scotland. While
describing the difference between Turks and Turkomans,
we may use the words of Dr. Robertson, mentioning
the attempt of King James II. to civilize the Highlands
and Isles. That great historian has the following
words:—“The inhabitants of the low country began
gradually to forget the use of arms, and to become<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
attentive to the arts of peace. But the Highlanders, or
the Turkomans, retaining their natural fierceness, averse
from labour and inured to rapine, infested their more
industrious neighbours by their continual incursions.”
(<i>History of Scotland</i>, ad a. 1602.) Some modern authors
think it worth their while to take notice of a fault of a
copyist (τοῦρκοι for ἰυρκαὶ), and find therefore the Turks
as early as in Herodotus, Pomponius Mela, and Plinius;
but this is not so unfair as to make Laura, the
beautiful and chaste Laura, responsible for eleven
children, upon the faith of a misinterpreted abbreviation,
and the decision of a librarian. (Lord Byron’s
Notes on Childe Harold, Canto iv. stanza 30, lines 8
and 9.)</p>
<h3 id="note9">Note (9), <a href="#marker9">page 26</a>.</h3>
<p><i>The kings</i> are the different Arabian chiefs who ruled
independently of the Caliph of Bagdad; the <i>emperor</i> is
the Emperor of Constantinople, or the Roman emperor,
as Vahram says, with the other authors of these times.
(See Gibbon, ch. 57.)</p>
<h3 id="note10">Note (10), <a href="#marker10">page 26</a>.</h3>
<p>“The captives of these Turks were compelled to promise
a spiritual as well as temporal obedience; and
instead of their collars and bracelets, an iron horseshoe,
a badge of ignominy, was imposed on the infidels,
who still adhered to the worship of their fathers.”
(Gibbon, l. c.)</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span></p>
<h3 id="note11">Note (11), <a href="#marker11">page 26</a>.</h3>
<p>This is not quite true; the Caliph of Bagdad,—which
new town our author calls in his poetical style by the
ancient name of Babylon,—could not move from his
capital without the consent of the descendents of Seljuk,
but they never chose Babylon as the seat of their empire;
they had no metropolis, but they preferred Nishapur.
Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery II. 337) places Bagdad
33, and Babylon 32° 15´ latitude; their longitude is the
same; 80° 55´ from the Canary Islands.</p>
<h3 id="note12">Note (12), <a href="#marker12">page 26</a>.</h3>
<p>The myriads of Turkish horse overspread a frontier
of six hundred miles from Tauris to Arzearum, and
the blood of one hundred and thirty thousand Christians
was a grateful sacrifice to the Arabian prophet.
(Gibbon l. c.)</p>
<h3 id="note13">Note (13), <a href="#marker13">page 26</a>.</h3>
<p>This is certainly the truth; the Armenians fled in
their despair from the new Mahometan to the old Christian
enemy. It can be only national vanity or folly, to
assert or suppose that the Emperor Michael would give
the province of Cappadocia for a country trampled on by
the Seljuks, under whose irresistible power he felt himself.
The Cappadocians remembering how they were
dealt with in former time by the Armenians, and in
particular by Tigranes, could not receive their new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
guests with much pleasure; and this is the principal
reason of the great disaster which soon followed.</p>
<p>Διέθηκε δὲ φαύλως αὐτοὺς Τιγράνης ὁ Ἀρμένιος, ἡνίκα τὴν
καππαδοκίαν κατέδραμεν ἅπαντας γὰρ ἀναςάτους ἐποίησεν εἰς τὴν
Μεσοποταμίαν, &c. (Strabo xii. 2, vol. iii. 2d ed. Tauchn.)
It is stated by the American missionaries, who have visited
Cappadocia, that about 35,000 Armenians are still
living in this province. “Cappadocia has 30,000
Greeks and 35,000 Armenians.” (Mr. Gridley, in the
Missionary Herald, vol. xxiv, printed at Boston, p. 111.)
Cæsarea has, according to the same authority, from 60
to 80,000 inhabitants, and of these 2,000 are Greeks,
and 8,000 Armenians. (Herald, 260.)</p>
<h3 id="note14">Note (14), <a href="#marker14">page 27</a>.</h3>
<p>The origin of this name of the people is not known.
The Armenians call themselves after their fabulous progenitor
Haig, and derive the name <i>Armen</i> from the son
of Haig, Armenag; but I have not much confidence in
these ancient traditions of Moses of Chorene. The
Armenians are a strong instance that religion and civilization
only give a particular character and value to a
people, and preserve it from being lost in the course of
time. Where are now the thirty different nations,
which Herodotus found (Melpom. 88), between the bay
of Margandius and the Triopian promontory? The
Armenians are certainly a tribe of the ancient Assyrians;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>
their language and history speak alike in favour
of it. Nearly all the words of Assyrian origin which
occur in the Scriptures and in Herodotus can be explained
by the present Armenian language. Their traditions
say, also, that Haig came from Babylon; and
Strabo’s authority would at once settle the question, if
he did not affirm too much. The Arabian and the Syriac
language, and consequently the people, are radically
different from the Armenian.</p>
<p>These are the passages of the geographer alluded to:
Τὸ γὰρ τῶν Ἀρμενίων ἔθνος καὶ τὸ τῶν Σύρων καὶ τῶν Ἀράβων,
πολλὴν ὁμοφυλίαν ἐμφαίνη κατὰ τε τὴν διάλεκτον ... καὶ οἱ
Ἀσσύριοι, καὶ οἱ Ἀριανοὶ, καὶ οἱ Ἀρμένιοι παραπλησίως τως
ἔχουσι, καὶ πρὸς τούτους καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ... τοὺς ὑφ’ ἡμῶν
Σύρους καλουμένους, ὑπ’ αὐτῶν τῶν Σύρον Ἀρμενίους καὶ Ἀραμμαίους
καλεῖσθαι. (Strabo i. 2, vol. i. 65, ed. Tauchn.) But
the Aramæns or Syrians are quite a different people from
the Armenians, and Strabo is quite wrong when he
thinks that both names are commonly used to designate
one and the same nation. There is a fabulous story of
a certain Er, the son of a certain <i>Armenios</i>, a Pamphylian
by birth (Plato de Rep. x), but such stories
are of no value in sober history.</p>
<h3 id="note15">Note (15), <a href="#marker15">page 27</a>.</h3>
<p>This story is told with more details by some contemporary
chroniclers. Cakig reigned or rather had the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
<i>name</i> of a king from 1042-1079, and he is the last of
the Bakratounian kings, a family which began its reign
under the supremacy of the Arabs in the year 859 of
our era. As regards the geography, the reader may compare
the Mémoires sur l’Arménie, by Saint-Martin.</p>
<h3 id="note16">Note (16), <a href="#marker16">page 27</a>.</h3>
<p>Armenia remained from the time of the Parthians a
feudal monarchy, and for this reason I use the expressions
of the feudal governments in the middle ages.</p>
<h3 id="note17a">Note (17a), <a href="#marker17a">page 27</a>.</h3>
<p>Dionysius, in his description of the earth, says (v. 642)
that the mountain is called Taurus: οὕνεκα ταυροφανές
τε καὶ ὀξυκάρηνον ὁδεύει οὔρεσιν ἐκταδιόισι πολυσχεδὲς ἔνθα καὶ
ἔνθα; perhaps more poetical than true. “The road
lies over the highest ridges of the Taurus mountains,
where, amidst the forests of pines, are several beautiful
valleys and small plains; there appears, however, no
trace of cultivation, though there is ample proof that
these mountains were anciently well inhabited, as we
meet with scarcely a rock remarkable for its form or
position that is not pierced with ancient catacombs.”
(Col. Leake’s Asia Minor in Walpole’s Travels, i. 235.)</p>
<h3 id="note17b">Note (17b), <a href="#marker17b">page 28</a>.</h3>
<p>This is the proper name for the possessions of Rouben;
the Armenians begin generally the line of the
kings of Cilicia with the flight of Rouben in 1080.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span></p>
<h3 id="note18">Note (18), <a href="#marker18">page 28</a>.</h3>
<p>That is to say, as far as the gulph of Issus or Scanderum.
Cilicia and the sea-shore was also in former
times once in the possession of the kings of Armenia,—“the
country on the other side of the Taurus,” as the
ancients used to say. Strabo says, from the Armenians
(xiv. 5, vol. iii. 321. ed. Tauchn.) that they, τὴν ἐκτὸς τοῦ
Ταύρου προσέλαβον μεχρὶ καὶ Φοινίκης. Plutarch says, that
Tigranes “had colonized Mesopotamia with Greeks,
whom he drew in great numbers out of Cilicia and
Cappadocia.”—(Plutarch in Lucullo.)</p>
<h3 id="note19">Note (19), <a href="#marker19">page 28</a>.</h3>
<p>Constantine sent many provisions to the Franks, when
they were besieging Antioch. The Armenians were
happy to get such powerful allies against their enemies,
the Greeks. Alexius could not be very well pleased
with the creation of an Armenian Margrave by the
Latins, of whom he extorted “an oath of homage
and fidelity, and a solemn promise that they would
either restore, or hold the Asiatic conquests, as the
humble and loyal vassals of the Roman empire”—(Gibbon,
iv., 131. London, 1826, published by Jones.)
The Armenians translate <i>Margrave</i> by <i>Asbed</i>, that is,
Chief of the cavalry.</p>
<h3 id="note20">Note (20), <a href="#marker20">page 29</a>.</h3>
<p>It is not easy to see what connexion there is between
the resurrection of a hen, or a duck, with the death of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
a king. What were the principles of divination of these
wise men, of whom Vahram speaks?</p>
<h3 id="note21">Note (21), <a href="#marker21">page 29</a>.</h3>
<p>The name of this fort is written differently by different
authors; I could not consult the great geographical
works of Indjidjean.</p>
<h3 id="note22">Note (22), <a href="#marker22">page 30</a>.</h3>
<p>I think that <i>Trassarg</i> and <i>Trassag</i> is the same word;
the names of places seem to be very corrupted in the
Madras edition of Vahram’s Chronicle. Chamchean
says the king was buried in the monastery <i>Trassarg</i>,
which is very probable; but how could he say Thoros
left no son? In these monasteries the Armenian literature
and sciences in general were very much studied in
the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries; some
of the greatest Armenian authors flourished in the time
of the Crusades. In their libraries were collections of
the old classics, with many translations of the Greek
authors; “e da quest’ opere,” says the Archbishop Somal,
“attinsero gli scrittori del corrente secolo (the
12th), quello precisione d’idee, quella nobilita di concetti,
quella purezza di stile, per cui si rendettero veramente
gloriosi.” Quadro 80. Foreigners are at a loss
to find all these good qualities in the Armenian authors
of the twelfth century.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span></p>
<h3 id="note23">Note (23), <a href="#marker23">page 30</a>.</h3>
<p>With what caution the secretary of Leon III. relates
the treachery of Leon I. We see by this passage that
Chamchean is in the wrong in saying that Thoros left no
son. (Epitome of the great history of Armenia, printed
in Armenian, at Venice in the year 1811, p. 300.)</p>
<h3 id="note24">Note (24), <a href="#marker24">page 30</a>.</h3>
<p>Is not Mamestia the ancient Hamaxia? “Εἶθ Ἁμαξία
ἐπὶ βουνοῦ κατοικία τις,” says Strabo, ὕφορμον ἔχουσα, ὅπου
κατάγεται ἡ ναυπηγήσιμος ὕλη, (vol. iii. 221 ed. Tauchn.) It
is certainly the Malmestra of the Latins and Byzantines.
This town is called Mesuestra, Masifa, and by
other names. (Wesseling Itner, p. 580. See a note
of Gibbon at the end of the 52d chapter.) Tarsus
is very well known as the principal town of Cilicia,
as the native place of many celebrated men, as the stoic
Chrysippus, and of the Apostle Paul. The following
passage of Xenophon’s Expedition of Cyrus illustrates
very well the province and the whole history of the
Armenian kingdom of Cilicia. “Thence they prepared
to penetrate into Cilicia; the entrance was just
broad enough for a chariot to pass, very steep, and inaccessible
to an army, if there had been any opposition....
From thence they descended into a large
and beautiful plain, well watered and full of all sorts
of trees and vines; abounding in sesame, panic, millet,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
wheat and barley; and is surrounded with a strong and
high ridge of hills from sea to sea. After he had left
the mountains he advanced through the plain, and
having made twenty-five parasangas in four days’ march,
arrived at Tarsus,” etc. (See Spelman’s notes to his
translation of the Expedition of Cyrus.) Tarsus has now
only, as it is said, 3,000 inhabitants.</p>
<h3 id="note25">Note (25), <a href="#marker25">page 30</a>.</h3>
<p>The Armenian phrase has this double signification,
and Leon indeed carried on a war against the Seldjuks
and the Count of Antioch, who sought to deprive him
by treachery of all his possessions. Baldwin was not
ashamed of doing any thing to enlarge his dominions.
I know not why Vahram speaks not a word about these
matters. (See Chamchean, l. c. p. 301.)</p>
<h3 id="note26">Note (26), <a href="#marker26">page 30</a>.</h3>
<p>The old fabulous hero of Armenia, spoken of by
Moses of Khorene.</p>
<h3 id="note27">Note (27), <a href="#marker27">page 31</a>.</h3>
<p>Gibbon, iii. 341.</p>
<h3 id="note28">Note (28), <a href="#marker28">page 31</a>.</h3>
<p>Joscelin I., Count of Edessa. (See the Digression on
the Family of Courtnay.—Gibbon, iv. 224.) Why does<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>
not Vahram, where he speaks of the four sons of Leon,
name this Stephanus, who lived in Edessa with his uncle?
It seems that there is a corruption in the text. Should
the name of <i>Stephanus</i> be hidden under <i>Stephane, the
crown</i> of Thoros, or which is more probable, is a line
fallen out of our text? It would be necessary to compare
some manuscripts to restore the original text. Thoros
never received the kingly crown; he was only Baron of
Cilicia: <i>Stephane</i> seems, therefore, nothing else than
<i>Stephanus</i>.</p>
<h3 id="note29">Note (29), <a href="#marker29">page 32</a>.</h3>
<p>This agrees with all that we know about the character
of Calo-Johanes. “Severe to himself, indulgent
to others, chaste, frugal, abstemious, the philosophic
Marcus would not have disdained the artless virtues of
his successor, derived from his heart, and not borrowed
from the schools.”—(Gibbon.)</p>
<h3 id="note30">Note (30), <a href="#marker30">page 32</a>.</h3>
<p>I am not able to look into the Byzantine version of
this fact. Calo-Johanes was not the man to be easily
deceived, and to persecute innocent persons; we know,
on the contrary, that he pardoned many people implicated
in high treason. Calo-Johanes, as Camchean says
(l. c. 304), suspected also Leon and his other son Thoros,
and they were again sent to prison.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span></p>
<h3 id="note31">Note (31), <a href="#marker31">page 34</a>.</h3>
<p>Our author has here the word <i>Tadjik</i>, a name by
which he and the other Armenian historians of the
middle ages promiscuously call the native Persians, the
Gasnevides and the other Turks. The origin and the
proper meaning of this word will perhaps never be ascertained;
it has something of the vagueness of the ancient
denomination of <i>Scythia</i> and <i>Scythians</i>. It is certain that,
in the works which go under the name of Zoroaster, and
in the Desatir, the Arabs are called <i>Tazi</i>, and it is likewise
certain that the language of this people, which is
now called <i>Tadjik</i>, is pure Persian; the Bochars are,
in their own country, called Tadjiks. How and why
the ancient Persian name of the Arabs should be given
to the Persians themselves it is impossible to conceive.
Elphinstone (Account of the Kingdom of Câbul, London
1819, vol. i. 492) thinks that the Arabs and Persians
were, in the course of time, blended together into one
nation, and became the ancestors of the Tadjiks; but
why should Armenians, Arabs, Turks and Afghauns,
call those mestizes with a name of the Pehlvi language,
which means originally an Arab? It seems rather that
<i>Tazi</i> and <i>Tadjik</i> are two different words; <i>Tazi</i> is the
Persian name for <i>Arab</i>, and <i>Tadjik</i> the name of a particular
race of people, of whom the Persians are only a
tribe. I do not know on what authority Meninski (see
Klaproth’s Asia, Polygl. 243) relies, but it is certain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
that the Chinese distinguish between the <i>Ta she</i> (Arabs)
and the <i>Ta yue</i> (the Tadjiks), of whom, as they say, the
Po she (Persians) are only a tribe. The Chinese had
no communication with the Arabs before Mahomed, but
they heard of them by their intercourse with the Sassanides,
and call them, therefore by the Persian name
Ta she (9685, 9247), but the <i>Po se</i> (8605, 9669) are only,
as they say, a tribe like some other tribes, who formed
particular kingdoms of the Ta yue (9685, 12490), or
Tadjiks. They have received the name <i>Po sse</i> from
their first king, <i>Po sse na</i>; but the Chinese had no
direct communication with Persia before Kobad or
Cabades, Kiu ho to (6063, 3984, 10260), as they spell the
name, in their imperfect idiom, who became known to them
by his flight and misfortunes. (See Matuanlin, l. c. Book
338, p. i, and following; Book 339, p. 6 a., p. 8 a., and
the history of the <i>Ta she</i> or Arabs, p. 18, b. l. c.) But
I am in doubt of Matuanlin, who makes the Masdeizans,
followers of Buddha; he calls the Ateshgahs <i>Fo sse</i>
(2539, 9659), Temples of Buddha, (l. c. p. 6, b. l. 5.) The
popular pronunciation of <i>Ta yue</i> is, in many Chinese
dialects, <i>Tai yuet</i>. I myself have often heard these characters
so pronounced in Canton, and it was then as
nearly as possible the ancient name of the Germans,
<i>Teut</i>, the brethren of the Persians; the Chinese know
also that the Ye ta (12001, 9700), <i>Getae</i>, <i>Gothi</i>,
belong to the race of the Tayuet (Matuanlin, Book 338,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
p. 11), &c. But what sober historian would draw conclusions
from a similarity of names? Perhaps a close
inquiry may carry us to some leading facts, by which
we may be able to connect the information of the east
and the west. It would certainly be strange to begin
the history of the Germans with the extracts taken out
of the Han and Tang shoo. When I say the history of
the Germans, I mean the history of those remains of the
Teuts who remained in Asia, for Germany was certainly
peopled long before the Chinese got any information
of the Ta yue. These races became only known in
China under the great dynasty of Han. A keen etymologist
may, perhaps, find the modern Tadjiks in the
ancient Daai or Daae; he may suppose that the Persians,
like the Parthians, were only a branch of the Scythians
or Tatars, and with confidence adduce a passage of
Strabo, where it is said that the greater part of the
Scythians are known by the name of Daai, Οἱ μὲν δὴ
πλείους τῶν Σκυθῶν Δάαι προσαγορεύονται. (Strabo, Geogr.
xi. 8, vol. ii. 430, ed. Tauchn.) I will only add, that
the same Strabo thinks, that the Daci (Δάκοι) may in
former times have been called Daï (Δάοι), but he distinguishes
them from the Daae (Δάαι). (Vol. ii. 36.)</p>
<h3 id="note32">Note (32), <a href="#marker32">page 34</a>.</h3>
<p>Only the wounded pride of an Armenian could
say this.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span></p>
<h3 id="note33">Note (33), <a href="#marker33">page 34</a>.</h3>
<p>Have any of our modern travellers seen this monument?
Claudian, the famous Latin poet, had composed
in Greek the Antiquity of Tarsus, Anazarbus, Berytus,
Nice, &c. Abul Fazel (Ayeen Akbery, ii. 348) places
Tarsus long. 68° 40´, lat. 36° 50´. (<a href="#note24">See Note 24.</a>)</p>
<h3 id="note34">Note (34), <a href="#marker34">page 35</a>.</h3>
<p>The Armenians did so in imitation of the neighbouring
Franks; they took many customs from the Crusaders,
and corrupted their language by the introduction of many
foreign words.</p>
<h3 id="note35">Note (35), <a href="#marker35">page 35</a>.</h3>
<p>Is this surname of Manuel found in the Byzantine
writers?</p>
<h3 id="note36">Note (36), <a href="#marker36">page 36</a>.</h3>
<p>Vahram is in the wrong; Andronicus, not Manuel
himself was at the head of the army. (Chamchean, 306;
Gibbon, iii. 344.) Thoros was on such rocks, as Xenophon
in the Anabasis, speaking of the rocks of Cilicia,
calls πέτρας ἠλιβάτους, “rocks inaccessible to every thing
but to the rays of the sun.” Homer makes often use of
this expression.</p>
<h3 id="note37">Note (37), <a href="#marker37">page 36</a>.</h3>
<p>This is a very obscure passage in the original. Vahram
is no friend of details, and he is every moment in need
of a rhyme for <i>eal</i>; who can wonder, therefore, that he is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
sometimes obscure? This passage is only clear, upon the
supposition that Thoros divided the ransom among his
soldiers. This is also stated by Chamchean.</p>
<p><a href="#note28">See Note 28.</a></p>
<h3 id="note38">Note (38), <a href="#marker38">page 37</a>.</h3>
<p>I do not know why Vahram calls Thoros all on a
sudden <i>Arkay</i>, “king;” how the royal secretary exerts
himself to draw a veil over the treachery of Thoros!</p>
<h3 id="note39">Note (39), <a href="#marker39">page 38</a>.</h3>
<p>Oscin is the father of a celebrated author and priest,
Nerses Lampronensis, so called from the town or fort
Lampron; he was born 1153, and died 1198. In the
concilium of Romcla 1179, Nerses spoke for the union
with the Latin church, and the speech he made on this
occasion is very much praised by the Armenians belonging
to the Roman Catholic Church. This speech
has been printed at Venice with an Italian translation,
1812. (Quadro 94.) Galanus, as the reader may easily
imagine, speaks in very high terms of Nerses (i. 325):
“Cujus egregia virtus,” says he, “digna plane est, ut
acterna laude illustretur, nomenque ad ultimas terrarum
partes immortali fama pervehatur.” For us his most
interesting work is an elegy on the death of his parent,
master, and friend, Nerses Shnorhaly; he gives a biography
of this celebrated Catholicus, with many particulars
of the history of the time. Nerses Shnorhaly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
was not only an author and a saint, but also a great
statesman.</p>
<h3 id="note40">Note (40), <a href="#marker40">page 38</a>.</h3>
<p>In the whole course of history the Armenian nobles
shew a great party feeling and much selfishness. They
were never united for the independence of their country;
if one part was on the side of the Persians or Turks,
we shall certainly find another on the side of the
Greeks or Franks; and the native Armenian kings had
more to fear from their internal, than from their external
enemies.</p>
<h3 id="note41">Note (41), <a href="#marker41">page 38</a>.</h3>
<p>The history of the foundation of the Armenian kingdom
in Cilicia is very like the history of the rebellious
Isaurians, “who disdained to be the subjects of Galienus.”
Thoros possessed a part of this savage country;
and we may say of him, what Gibbon said of the
Isaurians: “The most successful princes respected the
strength of the mountains and the despair of the natives.”
(Gibbon, iii. 51.)</p>
<h3 id="note42">Note (42), <a href="#marker42">page 38</a>.</h3>
<p>Iconium is mentioned as a station by Xenophon
and Strabo; Cyrus staid three days in “this last city of
Phrygia.” St. Paul found there many Jews and Gentiles;
and it is said that even now, in its decayed state,
Conia or Iconium has 30,000 inhabitants. This town
is above 300 miles from Constantinople. (Gibbon, iv.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
152.) The chronology of the Seljuks of Iconium may
be seen in the <i>Histoire des Huns, par Deguignes</i>.
Kuniyah قونيا is laid down by Abul Fazel (Ayeen
Akbery, ii. 359), long. 66. 30., and lat. 41. 40. A
description of the modern Konia may be seen in Col.
Leake’s Asia Minor, l. c. 223.</p>
<h3 id="note43">Note (43), <a href="#marker43">page 40</a>.</h3>
<p>I find him not mentioned as an author in the “Quadro
della storia letteraria di Armenia.” It seems that his
explanations of the prophets are now lost. If the reader
will compare the elogy of Thoros with the facts in
Vahram’s own chronicle, he will easily find that adulation,
and not truth, dictated it.</p>
<h3 id="note44">Note (44), <a href="#marker44">page 40</a>.</h3>
<p><i>Seav</i> or <i>Sev-learn</i>, <i>Black-mountain</i> (Karadagh).
Here was a famous monastery. <i>Carmania</i> is the place
which formerly was called Laranda, and this name is still,
as Col. Leake remarks, in common use among the Christians,
and is even retained in the firmans of the Porte.
Caraman derives its name from the first and greatest
of its princes, who made himself master of Iconium,
Cilicia, etc. (Col. Leake’s Asia Minor, l. c. p. 232.)</p>
<h3 id="note45">Note (45), <a href="#marker45">page 40</a>.</h3>
<p>An allusion to Ierem, i. 13.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span></p>
<h3 id="note46">Note (46), <a href="#marker46">page 40</a>.</h3>
<p>It is known that the feudal laws and institutions have
been introduced into the possessions of the Franks in
Asia. <i>Baillis</i>, or <i>Baillie</i>, written <i>Bail</i> in the Armenian
language, means a judge, and the word is commonly
found in this signification in the chronicles and
histories of the middle ages. The <i>Baillis</i> possessed
powers somewhat similar to those of the ancient <i>Comites</i>.
We see here and in other instances, that the
Baillis are older than the end of the twelfth and the
beginning of the thirteenth century. At this time
they began in France. (Robertson, note 23, to his
View of the State of Europe before the History of the
reign of the Emperor Charles V.)</p>
<h3 id="note47">Note (47), <a href="#marker47">page 41</a>.</h3>
<p>It is very probable that the murderer Andronicus and
Meleh were acquainted with each other; their history
and their crimes are something similar.</p>
<h3 id="note48">Note (48), <a href="#marker48">page 43</a>.</h3>
<p>Roustam was a Sultan of Iconium. (See the Chronology
of these Sultans in Deguigne’s Histoire des
Huns.)</p>
<h3 id="note49a">Note (49a), <a href="#marker49a">page 43</a>.</h3>
<p>In the times of the Crusades, wonders and witchcraft
or enchantment were daily occurrences; the Christians
imputed all their defeats to diabolical opposition, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
their success to the assistance of the military saints,
Tasso’s celebrated poem gives a true picture of the
spirit of the times.</p>
<h3 id="note49b">Note (49b), <a href="#marker49b">page 43</a>.</h3>
<p>Here the author uses again <i>Tadjik</i> as the name of a
particular people: but accuracy, I fear, is not the
virtue of Vahram; he calls the Turks of Iconium, the
sons of Ismael or Hagar, <i>i.e.</i> Arabs.</p>
<h3 id="note50">Note (50), <a href="#marker50">page 43</a>.</h3>
<p>Our author says not in what province these towns lay.
Chamchean, being able to consult other native historians,
informs us that Leon nearly took Cæsarea in Palestine.—Heraclea
was perhaps also the town of this name in
Palestine; it was a small town near Laodicæa in the
time of Strabo. Τῇ Λαοδικεία πλησιάζει πολίχνια, τὸ, τε
Ποσείδιον καὶ Ἡράκλειον.—Strabo iii. 361, ed. Tauchn.</p>
<h3 id="note51">Note (51), <a href="#marker51">page 43</a>.</h3>
<p>The old Samaria, called Cæsarea by Herodes, ἤν
Ἡρώδης Σεβαςὴν ἐπωνόμασεν, Strabo iii. 372. See the description
of this famous place in Carl Ritler’s Erdkunde
ii. 393. Chamchean, 315. Abul Eazel (Ayeen Akbery,
ii. 337.) places it long. 66. 30. lat. 32. 50.</p>
<h3 id="note52">Note (52), <a href="#marker52">page 44</a>.</h3>
<p>This memorable transaction is fully described in the
great History of Armenia by Chamchean, and in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
work of Galanus, vol. i. p. 346 and following. Many
letters of Leon and the Catholicos exist now only in the
Latin translations (Quadro l. c. 99.), or better have not
been heard of by the Mechitarists at Venice. Frederic
I., to whom Leon was very useful in the time of the
second crusade, promised the Baron of Cilicia to restore
in his person the ancient kingdom of Armenia. After
the unfortunate death of the emperor, Leon sent ambassadors
to the Pope Celestinus III. and Henricus VI.,
to gratify his wishes; the ambassadors came back to
Cilicia in the society of the archbishop Conrad of Mentz,
bringing the crown from the emperor and the benediction
of the pope. The Emperor of Constantinople, Alexius,
sent also a crown to Leon “the Great.” The king of
Cilicia is, as far as I know, the only king who received
the crown by both the emperors of the west and the
east, and by the consent of the pope. The pope hoped
to bring the Armenians under his sway, and the Latins
and the Greeks thought Leon a very useful ally against
the overpowering Saladin.—See the Letters in the Appendix.</p>
<h3 id="note53">Note (53), <a href="#marker53">page 44</a>.</h3>
<p><i>Catholicos of Armenia</i> is the title of the Armenian
patriarch. Gregorius VI., called Abirad, was
Catholicos at this time; he was elected in the year 1195,
and died 1203. The Latins had a very high opinion of
the power of an Armenian patriarch. Wilhelm of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
Tyrus, speaking (De Bello Sacro, xvi. 18.) of the synod
of Jerusalem in the year 1141, has the following words:
“Cui synodo interfuit maximus Armeniorum pontifex,
immo omnium episcoporum Cappadociæ, Mediæ et Persidis
et utriusque Armeniæ princips et doctor eximius
qui <i>Catholicus</i> dicitur.” Wilhelm might add, “et
Indiæ,” for I think that the Armenians, like the Syrians,
formed as early as the sixth century of our era, settlements
in this part of the world. It is certain that Armenians
were in India as early as the year 800. (<i>De
Faria</i>, in the <i>Collection of Voyages and Travels</i>, by
Kerr, Edinburgh 1812, vol. vi. p. 419.)</p>
<h3 id="note54">Note (54), <a href="#marker54">page 44</a>.</h3>
<p>The Armenians consider themselves the descendants
of <i>Thorgoma</i> (a name differently spelt in the different
manuscripts and translations of Genesis x. 3.) the son of
Japet.</p>
<h3 id="note55">Note (55), <a href="#marker55">page 44</a>.</h3>
<p>Vahram is too concise; he never gives the reasons of
occurrences. I see, in Chamchean, that Leon married,
after the death of his first wife, a daughter of Guido,
king of Cyprus, by whom he had a daughter, called
Sabel or Elizabeth, his only child and heiress of the
kingdom. The Sultan of Ionium did not like these
intimate connexions of the Armenians with the Latins;
he feared some coalition against himself, and he thought
it proper to be beforehand with the enemy.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span></p>
<h3 id="note56">Note (56), <a href="#marker56">page 45</a>.</h3>
<p>We have in the text again <i>Bail</i> or <i>Bailly</i>. I could
not translate the word otherwise than <i>Regent</i>: this is
certainly the sense in which Vahram uses this expression.</p>
<h3 id="note57">Note (57), <a href="#marker57">page 46</a>.</h3>
<p>The name of this first husband of Isabella was Philippus,
the son of the Prince of Antioch and the niece of
Leon. Philippus died very soon, and Isabella, as our
author says himself, married, 1223, the son of the
regent Constantine, Hethum or Haithon.</p>
<h3 id="note58">Note (58), <a href="#marker58">page 46</a>.</h3>
<p>This Rouben was of the royal family.—Chamchean,
326.</p>
<h3 id="note59">Note (59), <a href="#marker59">page 46</a>.</h3>
<p>It would carry us too far if we were to attempt to
elucidate the ecclesiastical history of these times, for
there were many synods and many negotiations between
the Armenian clergy and the Greek and Latin church,
concerning the union. Pope Innocent III. showed also
at this opportunity his well-known activity. There exist
many letters from the Catholici and the Armenian kings
to different popes and emperors, with their answers,—ample
matter for a diligent historian. The first
Gregorius after Nerses is Gregorius IV. from 1173-1193.
Gregorius V. from 1193-1195. Gregorius VI.
from 1195-1202. John VII. from 1202-1203.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
David III. from 1203-1205, and then again John VII.
1205-1220. Constantine I. from 1220-1268. There
were yet two anti-Catholici, elected by a dissentient
party, who are not mentioned by Vahram.</p>
<h3 id="note60">Note (60), <a href="#marker60">page 47</a>.</h3>
<p>The good Vahram seems to have forgotten what he
said a short time before. I do not know by what genealogy
Chamchean could be induced to say that Hethum
is an offspring of Haig and the Parthian kings.</p>
<h3 id="note61">Note (61), <a href="#marker61">page 48</a>.</h3>
<p>The flattery of Vahram increases as he comes nearer
to his own time. I have sometimes taken the liberty to
contract a little these eulogies; the reader will certainly
be thankful for it.</p>
<h3 id="note62">Note (62), <a href="#marker62">page 48</a>.</h3>
<p>In the battle against the Mameluks of Egypt in the
year 1266.</p>
<h3 id="note63">Note (63), <a href="#marker63">page 48</a>.</h3>
<p>The Moguls are a branch, a tribe, or a clan of the
Tatars; so say all well-informed contemporary historians
and chroniclers; so say in particular the Chinese, who
are the only sources for the early history of the Turks,
the Moguls, and Tunguses; nations which, in general,
from ignorance or levity, have been called <i>Tatars</i>—the
Moguls only are Tatars. The Armenians write the
name <i>Muchal</i>; in our text of Vahram, <i>Muchan</i> has been
printed by mistake. That this people was called so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
from their country is quite new; and if this were the
case, it would be still a question why the territory was
called <i>Mogul</i>. There are sometimes such whimsical
reasons for the names of places and nations, as to defy
the strictest research and the greatest curiosity. The
name of <i>Mogul</i> seems not to be older than Tshinggis,
and Mr. Schmidt in St Petersburgh, derives the word
from a Mongolian word, which means <i>keen</i>, <i>daring</i>,
<i>valiant</i>. The ancient name of the Moguls, as it is
given by the native historian Sätzan, is, I am afraid,
only a mistake of this ignorant chieftain. His whole
history of the Moguls is only a very inaccurate compilation
from Chinese authors, and the unlettered Mogul
may have taken the appellative expression pih teih
8539, 10162, or pih too 10313, 8539, “northern barbarians”
or “northern country,” for the proper name
of his forefathers. Long before the Moguls, the Chinese
became acquainted with some barbarous tribes called by
different names, and also <i>Mo ho</i>; but the Chinese
authors, who are so accurate in giving the different
names of one and the same people, never say that the
<i>Mung koo</i>, who are also written with quite different
characters, are called <i>Mo ho</i>, or <i>vice versâ</i>. These Mo
ho are described as quite a distinct people, with a
particular language, divided into different clans or kingdoms.
There is an interesting description of this people
under the name of Wŭh keih 14803, 5918, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
Encyclopædia of Matuanlin, Book 326, p. 146. The
same author says, in the sequel of his great work, that
the Kitans have nearly the same customs (sŭh 9545)
as the Mo ho, but he does not say that they are of
the same race of people.—Matuanlin, Book 345, in the
beginning. The different names of the Mo ho are also
collected in Kanghi’s Dictionary under hŏ, a character
not to be found in Morrison’s Tonical Dictionary; it is
composed out of the rad. 177, and the sound giving
group hŏ, 4019, and there also exists no passage saying
Mo ho and Mung koo are one and the same people.</p>
<h3 id="note64">Note (64), <a href="#marker64">page 49</a>.</h3>
<p>Vahram speaks of the four sons of Tshinggis. The
army of the Moguls and of Timur (see his Institutes,
p. 229 foll.) was divided into divisions of 10, 100, 1000,
&c. The ten followers were the ten first officers or
“Comites,” as Tacitus calls the compeers of the German
princes. Similar customs are always found in a
similar state of society.</p>
<h3 id="note65">Note (65), <a href="#marker65">page 49</a>.</h3>
<p>Vahram confounds probably the first election of the
Emperor Cublai, with the election of his follower Mangou,
to whose residence at Caracorum the King of
Cilicia, Hethum, went as a petitioner. Vahram knows
that the title of the head of the Mongolian confederacy is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
Teen tze, 10095, 11233, “the son of Heaven.” The
Mongolian emperors have only been called so, after the
conquest of China by Cublai. <i>Teen tse</i> is the common
title of the Emperor of the “Flowery empire.” According
to other accounts, Tshinggis called himself already
“Son of Heaven.”</p>
<h3 id="note66">Note (66), <a href="#marker66">page 49</a>.</h3>
<p>To Mangou khan; we know this by other contemporary
historians. There exist some Armenian historians
in the 13th century, who contain a good deal of
information regarding the Moguls. One is printed in
the Mémoires sur l’Arménie, by Saint-Martin. See
Quadro della Storia, &c. p. 112, and following.</p>
<h3 id="note67">Note (67), <a href="#marker67">page 49</a>.</h3>
<p>Is this treaty to be any where found? It would certainly
be very interesting. Vahram has the word <i>kir</i>,
by which it is certain that Hethum I. returned with a
written treaty, which very probably was written in the
Mogulian language, and with the Mogulian characters.</p>
<h3 id="note68">Note (68), <a href="#marker68">page 49</a>.</h3>
<p>Vahram has again the unsettled and vague name of
Tadjik.</p>
<h3 id="note69">Note (69), <a href="#marker69">page 49</a>.</h3>
<p>Vahram died before the beginning of the glory of
Othman, and of the increasing power of his descendants;
he speaks of the fading state of the Seljuks of Iconium.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span></p>
<h3 id="note70">Note (70), <a href="#marker70">page 50</a>.</h3>
<p>I have taken the liberty to shorten a little the pious
meditations of our author; he would have done better
to give us some details regarding the interesting transactions
with the Moguls.</p>
<h3 id="note71">Note (71), <a href="#marker71">page 50</a>.</h3>
<p>Sem, the son of Noe,—our author means Palestine
and Syria. The Mamalukes of Egypt remained in possession
of Sham, or Syria, till the conquest of Timur,
1400 of our era. He mentions in his Institutes, p. 148,
the Defeat of the Badishah of Miser and Sham شام.
After the retreat of Timur, the Mamalukes again took
possession of the country, and held it till the conquest of
the Othomans. “Egypt was lost,” says Gibbon, “had
she been defended only by her feeble offspring; but the
Mamalukes had breathed in their infancy the keenness
of the Scythian air; equal in valour, superior in discipline,
they met the Moguls in many a well-fought field,
and drove back the stream of hostility to the eastward of
the Euphrates.”—Gibbon iv. 270. See also p. 175, 261.
It is known that “this government of the slaves” lasted
by treaty under the descendents of Selim, and was only
destroyed in our times by a signal act of treachery of
Mehmed, Pasha of Egypt.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span></p>
<h3 id="note72">Note (72), <a href="#marker72">page 50</a>.</h3>
<p>“Antioch was finally occupied and ruined by Bondocdar,
or Bibars, Sultan of Egypt and Syria.”—Gibbon
iv. 175. Antioch never rose again after this destruction;
it is now in a very decayed state, and has only
about 10,000 inhabitants. The Turks pronounce the
name <i>Antakie</i>.</p>
<h3 id="note73">Note (73), <a href="#marker73">page 50</a>.</h3>
<p>Confiding in his Mogulian allies, or masters, Hethum
took many places, which formerly paid tribute to the
Mamaluke sovereigns; they asked of him, therefore,
either to restore them their former possessions, or to pay
tribute.—Chamchean, 339.</p>
<h3 id="note74">Note (74), <a href="#marker74">page 50</a>.</h3>
<p>This is certainly very remarkable. It had never
happened before in the history of the world, and will
perhaps, never happen in future times, that the kings of
Georgia and Armenia, the Sultans of Iconium, the Emirs
of Persia, the ambassadors of France, of Russia, of
Thibet, Pegu, and Tonquin, met together in a place
about nine thousand miles to the north-west of Pekin,
and that life and death of the most part of these nations
depended on the frown or smile of a great khan. M.
Rémusat has written a very learned and ingenious dissertation
on the situation of Caracorum.—Abul Fazel
(Ayeen Akbery ii. 336, London edition, 1800), lays<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
down قراقوروم, Caracurem, long. 111. 0. lat. 44. 45. All
the residences of the khan were distinguished by the
general name of <i>Kharibaligh</i> (town or residence of the
khan), and this has led astray many historians and
geographers.</p>
<h3 id="note75">Note (75), <a href="#marker75">page 52</a>.</h3>
<p>Jacobus I. died 1268, and is considered a very great
man by the Armenians; they call him the <i>Sage</i> and the
Doctor. Jacobus has written some ecclesiastical tracts,
and a very fine song on the nativity of the Virgin Mary,
which is printed in the Psalm-book of the Armenian
church.</p>
<h3 id="note76">Note (76), <a href="#marker76">page 53</a>.</h3>
<p>This seems to be the Greek word μακαρίος, “beatus,”
“blessed,” &c.</p>
<h3 id="note77">Note (77), <a href="#marker77">page 54</a>.</h3>
<p>Nobody receives the degree of a Vartabed without
having previously undergone a strict examination: it is
something like the doctor of philosophy of the German
universities; but a Vartabed, that is to say <i>a teacher</i>, is
rather more esteemed in Armenia than a doctor of philosophy
in Germany. The Vartabed receives at his inauguration
a staff, denoting the power to teach, reprove,
and exhort in every place with all authority. (See the
Biography of Gregory <i>Wartabed</i>, as the word is spelt
there, in the Missionary Herald, vol. xxiv. 140.) It is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
very probable that this institution came in the fifth century
of our era from the philosophic schools in Athens
to Armenia; nearly all the classical writers of this age
went to Athens for their improvement.</p>
<h3 id="note78">Note (78), <a href="#marker78">page 54</a>.</h3>
<p>Leon III. gave orders to make new copies of all the
works of the former classical writers of the nation; in
our eyes, his greatest praise.</p>
<h3 id="note79">Note (79), <a href="#marker79">page 55</a>.</h3>
<p>The King’s secretary cannot find words enough to
praise his master; in his zeal, he accumulates words
upon words which signify the same: I have passed
over some of these repetitions. Vahram, without being
aware of it, describes his master more as a pious monk
than as a prudent king. Why does the Secretary of
State not give any reason for the rebellious designs of
the Armenian chieftains?</p>
<h3 id="note80">Note (80), <a href="#marker80">page 55</a>.</h3>
<p>From the time of Herodotus and Zoroaster to this
day, the Turcomans carried on their nomadical life, and
as it seems, without much change in their manners and
customs. The text of Herodotus and Polybius may be
explained by the embassies of Muravie and Meyendorn
to Khiva and Buchara. Many of these Turcoman
shepherds were driven to Asia Minor by the destruction<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
of the Charizmian empire by the Moguls; the inroads
and devastations of the Charizmian shepherds have been
described by many contemporary authors, and the Crusaders
experienced a great defeat from these savages.</p>
<h3 id="note81">Note (81), <a href="#marker81">page 57</a>.</h3>
<p>The Egyptians having retired, Leon went against
their allies one by one.</p>
<h3 id="note82">Note (82), <a href="#marker82">page 58</a>.</h3>
<p>The successor of Hulagou, khan of Persia.</p>
<h3 id="note83">Note (83), <a href="#marker83">page 58</a>.</h3>
<p>Here Vahram calls even the Moguls Tadjiks,—is it
because they governed Persia?</p>
<h3 id="note84">Note (84), <a href="#marker84">page 58</a>.</h3>
<p>Vahram calls here the territory of the Seljuks of
Iconium <i>Turkestan</i>. As regards the etymology of the
word, he is quite in the right; but what we are accustomed
to call <i>Turkestan</i>, is a country rather more to the
north-east.</p>
<h3 id="note85">Note (85), <a href="#marker85">page 59</a>.</h3>
<p>Here ends the Chronicle; but Vahram adds some reflections
which I thought proper to subjoin, and only to
pass over his so often repeated pious sentiments.</p>
<h3 id="note86">Note (86), <a href="#marker86">page 60</a>.</h3>
<p>The monk Vahram is not tired of repeating the same
thought in twenty different ways, but I was tired of
translating these repeated variations of the same theme,
and the reader would probably have been tired in reading
them. Why should we waste our time in translating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
and reading sermons, from which nothing else could be
learned, than that the author said what had been said
long before him, in a better style. Why should we think
it worth our while to study the groundless reasoning of
a mind clouded by superstition?</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span></p>
<hr class="chap" />
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span></p>
<h2>APPENDIX.<br />
<span class="smaller"><i>Letters between Pope Innocent III. and Leon the First
Armenian King of Cilicia.</i></span></h2>
<p>During the middle ages, the clergy governed the
world, and the Pope, as the head of the clergy, was also
the head of what then was called the Christian Republic.
All transactions of any note are therefore contained, or
at least spoken of, in the vast collections of letters or
Regesta of the followers of St. Peter. To be united with
the Roman Catholic Church was, in fact, (particularly
during the Crusades,) the same as acknowledging the
Pope as the supreme umpire, not only in the spiritual
but also in the civil government of the country; this is
clearly to be seen in the following letters. If the Popes
could not speak to every king as they did to the impotent
sovereign of Cilicia, it was certainly not their fault.
The following letters exist only, as far as I know, in the
Latin tongue, and are taken from the <i>Regesta Innoc.
III.</i>, lib. ii., pp. 208, 209, 247, 44. I give the text of
these letters according to Galanus, who accompanied<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
them with a translation into the Armenian language.
(Conciliat. Eccles. Arm. cum Romana. Romæ, 1650;
vol. i., p. 357).</p>
<hr class="tb" />
<p class="hanging">Leo Armeniæ Rex, Reverendissimo in Christo Patri
et Domino, Innocentio, Dei gratia Summo Pont. et
universali Papæ, tanto, ac tali honore Dignissimo.</p>
<p class="hanging"><i>De suo erga veram Religionem, et Sedem Apostolicam
amore; et quod petat auxilium contra Sarracenos.</i></p>
<p>Leo per eandem, et Romani Imperii gratiam Rex
omnium Armeniorum, cum salutatione seipsum, et quicquid
potest. Gloria, laus, et honor omnipotent Deo,
qui Vos tantum, et talem pastorem Ecclesiæ suæ præesse
voluit, vestris bonis meritis exigentibus: et tam
fructuosam, et firmam fabricam super fundamentum
Apostolorum componere, et tantum lumen, super candelabrum
positum, toti Orbi terrarum ad salutem totius
Christianitatis effundere dignatus est. In vestri vero
luminis gratia, salutaribus monitis Reverendiss. Patris
nostri Archiepiscopi Moguntini,<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> instruct et informati
<i>omne Regnum nobis à Deo commissum, amplissimum,
et spatiosum, et omnes Armenios, huc illuc in remotis
partibus diffusos, ad unitatem Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ</i>,
divina inspirante dementia, <i>revocare cupimus,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
et exoptamus</i>. Ad hæc calamitates, miserias, paupertates,
et imbecillitatem. Regni Syriæ,<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> et nostrum,
per ipsum prædictum Moguntinum (quia difficilior labor
erat scripto retexere) Pietati vestræ patefacimus. Ipse
vero per singula rei veritatem vobis explicabit: in cujus
notitiam ista non præteriere. Hanc utique contritionem,
et collisionem in valle destituti lacrymarum jamdiu
sustinuimus; quod de cætero sine spe subsidii, et auxilii
vestri sustinere nequimus. Verum quia zelus domus
Dei tepescere non debet in cordibus tam vestro, quam
nostro, non ut personam instruentis geramus, ejusdem
domus decorem diligere, et pro eadem domo murum nos
oportet opponere; ut impetus, quem super eam faciunt
inimici Crucis, co-operante Dei gratia, collectis in unum
animi viribus, resistendo excludamus. Hinc est, quod
vestram flexis genibus imploramus pietatem, quatenus
lacrymabilibus Domini Moguntini precibus, et nostris
divino intuitu aures misericordiæ porrigatis: et miseriis
Christianitatis compatientes, subsidium Christianissimum
nobis accurrendo mittatis, antequam irremeabile, quod
absit, incurramus diluvium; immo cum Dei, et vestro
auxilio, evaginato ense, de Hur Chaldæorum, et persecutione
Pharaonis liberari possimus. Datum Tarsi,
anno ab incarnatione Domini, MCXCIX. mense Majo.
die xxiij.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span></p>
<hr class="tb" />
<p class="hanging"><i>Innocentii III. ad præcedentem Leonis epist. responsio;
qua laudat illius studium erga Sedem
Apost. cujus primatum demonstrat; hortatur, ut
in obedientia ejusdem S. Sedis fideliter perseveret;
et subsidium contra Sarracenos cito se missurum
pollicetur.</i></p>
<p>Is Ecclesiam suam, congregatam ex gentibus, non
habentem maculam, neque rugam super gentes et Regna
constituit; is extendit palmites ejus usque ad mare, et
usque ad terminos terræ ipsius propagines dilatavit;
cujus est terra, et plenitudo ejus, Orbis terrarum, et
universi qui habitant in eo, ipse etiam Romanam Ecclesiam
non solum universis fidelibus prætulit, sed supra cæteras
Ecclesias exaltavit: ut cæteræ ab ea non tam vivendi
normam, et morum sumerent disciplinam, sed et fidei
etiam catholicæ documenta reciperent, et ejus servarent
humiliter instituta. In Petro enim Apostolorum Principe,
cui excellentius aliis Dominus ligandi et solvendi contulit
potestatem, dicens ad eum: quodcunque ligaveris
super terram, erit ligatum et in cœlis: et quodcunque
solveris super terram, erit solutum et in cœlis: Ecclesia
Romana, sedes ejus, et Sessores ipsius Romani Pontifices,
successores Petri, et vicarii Jesu Christi, sibi invicem
per successivas varietates temporum singulariter succedentes,
super Ecclesiis omnibus, et cunctis Ecclesiarum
Prelatis, immo etiam fidelibus universis a Domino primatum
et magisterium acceperunt: vocatis sic cæteris<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
in partem solicitudinis, ut apud eos plenitudo resideat
potestatis. Non enim in Petro, et cum Petro singulare
illud privilegium expiravit, quod successoribus ejus
futuris usque in finem Mundi Dominus in ipso concessit;
sed præter vitæ sanctitatem, et miraculorum virtutes,
par est in omnibus jurisdictio successorum; quos etsi
diversis temporibus, eidem tamen Sedi, et eadem auctoritate
Dominus voluit præsidere. Gaudemus autem,
quod tu, sicut Princeps catholicus, Apostolicæ Sedis
privilegium recognoscens, venerabilem fratrem nostrum
Moguntinum Archiepiscopum, Episcopum Sabinensem,
unum ex septem Episcopis, qui nobis in Ecclesia Romana
collaterales existunt, benigne, ac hilariter recepisti; et
non solum per eum institutis salutaribus es instructus,
quibus juxta continentiam litterarum tuarum totum
Regnum tuum licet amplissimum desideras informari, et
universos Armenos ad Ecclesiæ Romanæ gremium revocare;
sed <i>ad honorem, et gloriam Apostolicæ Sedis,
quam constitutam esse novisti super gentes, et regna,
diadema regni recepisti de manibus ejus</i>; et eum curasti
devote, ac humiliter honorare: et nos per ipsum, et
litteras tuas ad orientalis terræ subsidium invitasti. Ei
ergo, a quo est omne datum optimum, et omne donum,
perfectum, qui habet corda Principum in manu sua,
quas possumus, gratias referentes, quod tibi tantæ humilitatis
animum inspiravit; rogamus Serenitatem Regiam,
et exhortamur in Domino, ac <i>per Apostolica tibi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
scripta mandamus</i>, quatenus in timore Domini, et Apostolicæ
Sedis devotione persistens, ad expugnandam barbariem
Paganorum, et vindicandam injuriam Crucifixi,
tanto potentius, et efficacius studeas imminere; quanto
fraudes et versutias hostium vicinius positus melius
cognovisti: non in exercitus multitudine, aut virtute,
sed de ipsius potius miseratione confidens, qui docet
manus ad prælium, et digitos movet ad bellum; qu
arcus fortium superat, et robore accingit infirmos. Jam
enim per Dei gratiam ad commonitionem nostram multi
Crucis signaculum receperunt, et plures Domino dante
recipient, in defensionem orientalis Provinciæ opportuno
tempore transituri. Jam etiam duo ex fratribus nostris
de manibus nostris vivificæ Crucis assumpsere vexillum,
exercitum Domini præcessuri. Confide igitur, et esto
robustus, quia citius forsitan, quam credatur, orientalis
Provincia subsidium sentiet expectatum. Dat. Later. viii.
kal. Decembris.</p>
<hr class="tb" />
<p class="hanging"><i>Idem Innocentius Papa ad illustriss. Regem Armeniæ.
Quod ipsi transmittat vexillum beati Petri,
quo contra Crucis inimicos utatur.</i></p>
<p><i>After some previous passages</i>:—Et tibi congaudemus,
et Nobis, immo etiam universo Populo Christiano; quod
eum tibi Dominus inspiravit affectum, ut Apostolicæ
Sedis instituta devote reciperes, et præcepta fideliter
observares, et contra inimicos Crucis propositum illud<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
assumeres, ut in eos vindicare cupias injuriam Crucifixi,
et hæreditatem ejus de ipsorum manibus liberare. Nos
igitur de tuæ devotionis sinceritate confisi, ad petitionem
dilecti filii Roberti de Margat militis, nuncii tui, in
nostræ dilectionis indicium, vexillum beati Petri tuæ
Serenitati dirigimus; quo in hostes Crucis duntaxat
utaris, et eorum studeas contumaciam cum Dei auxilio,
suffragantibus Apostolorum Principis meritis, refrænare.
Datum Later. xvi. kal. Januarii.</p>
<hr class="tb" />
<p class="hanging"><i>Leonis Armeniæ Regis ad Innocentium III. epistola;
qua ad præcedentem respondet, et privilegium ab
eo petit.</i></p>
<p><i>After some other passages</i>:—Paternitatis vestræ
litteras, quas per dilectum fidelem Nuncium nostrum
nobis direxistis, ea qua decuit reverentia, et devotione
suscepimus; et per earum significata pleno collegimus
intellectu, Vos charitatis visceribus Regiam Majestatem
nostram amplexari. Continebant etiam quod in devotione,
et amore Apostolicæ Sedis persisteremus; et in
hoc semper perseverare cupimus; et optamus, et testis
est rerum effectus, dum <i>de omnibus negotiis nostris ad
Sedem Apostolicum appellamus</i>. Misistis autem nobis
per eundem Nuncium vexillum sancti Petri in memoriale
dilectionis Sedis Apostolicæ, quod semper ante nos portari
contra inimicos Crucis ad honorem Sanctæ Romanæ<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>
Ecclesiæ faciemus ... Præterea nos obedientiæ vinculis
de cætero Apostolicæ Sedi esse alligatos, non dubitetis;
ea propter, si placet Sanctitati vestræ, cuilibet alteri
Ecclesiæ Latinæ nec volumus, nec debemus alligari.
Hinc est, quod Sanctitatem vestram humiliter flagitamus,
quatenus nobis litteras apertas mittere dignemini, ut non
teneamur videlicet cum Latinis de terra nostra de qualibet
conditione, excepta sancta Romana Ecclesia, cuilibet
Ecclesiæ Latinæ: et quod non habeat potestatem, nos,
seu Latinos de terra nostra excommunicandi, vel sententiam
in Regno nostro proferendi super Latinos quælibet
Ecclesia, excepta, ut dictum est, Sede Apostolica.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Præsentium
quoque latorem, dilectum, et fidelem nostrum
militem, nomine Garnere Teuto ad pedes Sanctitatis
vestræ dirigimus; cui super his, quæ ex parte nostra
vobis indixerit, tanquam Nobis ipsis credere, ne dubitetis,
&c.</p>
<hr class="tb" />
<p class="hanging"><i>Ex indulto Regis Armeniæ, a Domino Papa Innocentio
III. sibi facto.</i></p>
<p>Volentes igitur, quantum cum Deo possumus, tuæ
Serenitati deferre, et <i>cum honestate nostra petitineso
Regias exaudire</i>; tuis precibus inclinati, auctoritate
præsentium inhibemus, ne quis in te, vel Regnum tuum,
aut homines Regni tui, cujuscunque conditionis existant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
qui mediantibus tamen ejusdem Regni Prælatis, Sedi
Apostolicæ sunt subjecti, præter Romanum Pontificem,
et ejus Legarum, vel de ipsius speciali mandato, districtionem
Ecclesiasticam audeat exercere,<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> &c.</p>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span></p>
<hr class="chap" />
<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span></p>
<h2>CHRONOLOGY<br />
<span class="smaller"><span class="smaller">OF THE</span><br />
ARMENIAN BARONS AND KINGS OF CILICIA<br />
<span class="smaller">(ACCORDING TO CHAMCHEAN.)</span></span></h2>
<table summary="Rulers and the dates of their reigns">
<tr>
<td>Rouben I.</td>
<td class="tdr">1080</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Constantine I.</td>
<td class="tdr">1095</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Thoros I.</td>
<td class="tdr">1100</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Leon I.</td>
<td class="tdr">1123</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><i>Interregnum</i></td>
<td class="tdr">1138</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Thoros II.</td>
<td class="tdr">1144</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Thomas Bail, regent</td>
<td class="tdr">1168</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Meleh</td>
<td class="tdr">1169</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Rouben II.</td>
<td class="tdr">1174</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Leon II.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></td>
<td class="tdr">1185</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Sabel or Isabella, queen</td>
<td class="tdr">1219</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Philippus</td>
<td class="tdr">1220</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><i>Interregnum</i></td>
<td class="tdr">1222</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Hethum or Haithon I.</td>
<td class="tdr">1224</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>Leon III.</td>
<td class="tdr">1269</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Hethum II., also called Johannes</td>
<td class="tdr">1289</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Thoros III.</td>
<td class="tdr">1293</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Hethum II. (second time)</td>
<td class="tdr">1295</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Sembad</td>
<td class="tdr">1296</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Constantine II.</td>
<td class="tdr">1298</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Hethum III.</td>
<td class="tdr">1300</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Leon IV.</td>
<td class="tdr">1305</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Odshin</td>
<td class="tdr">1308</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Leon V.</td>
<td class="tdr">1320</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Constantine III.</td>
<td class="tdr">1342</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Guido</td>
<td class="tdr">1343</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Constantine IV.</td>
<td class="tdr">1345</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td><i>Interregnum</i></td>
<td class="tdr">1363</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>Leon VI.</td>
<td class="tdr">1368</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td>End of the Armenian kingdom in Cilicia</td>
<td class="tdr">1375</td>
</tr>
</table>
<hr class="chap" />
<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2>
<div class="footnotes">
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Nicetas II. p. 148. I wonder that Montesquieu, in making
use of this passage of Nicetas (Grandeur et Decadence des Romains,
ch. xxii.), has not been struck with its incorrectness;
it did not escape the critical discernment of Gibbon: the Decline
and Fall, etc. ch. 49. n. 17.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Bruce’s Annals of the East-India Company, iii. 88. The
mercantile companies trading to different parts of Asia found
every where the Armenians in their way; the Armenians became
jealous on the new intruders of their commerce, and tried to remove
them by intrigues. See Hanway, i. 303.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Pompey the Great had vanquished the Albanians, who
brought into the field twelve thousand horse and sixty thousand
foot. Plutarch in Pompeio., t. ii. p. 1165. Gibbon, chap. xlvi.
n. 6.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <a href="#note53">See the Notes 53 and 54</a> to the text of Vahram’s Chronicle.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> This part of Palestine and Syria, which belonged to the
Latins.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Leon was on bad terms with the clergy of Antioch, and the
latin princes were eager to unite Cilicia with their dominions.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> There are some other matters, regarding the history of the
Armenian kingdom in Cilicia, spoken of in the <i>Regesta Innocentii
III.</i>; but it is not our object to write the history of that
kingdom. We only collect materials for a future historian, who
might certainly draw some other valuable accounts from <i>Belouacensis
Spec. Hist.</i>, from <i>Sanutus</i> and from <i>Hayto</i> or <i>Hethum’s
Hist. Orient</i>. We may here observe, that Vahram, who is eager to
tell all that is to the honour and glory of the Church, says nothing
about the baptism of the great Chan of the Moguls.</p>
</div>
<div class="footnote">
<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Leon was the first king, the former princes are only called
barons of Cilicia.</p>
</div>
</div>
<hr class="chap" />
<p>The Translator finds it necessary to remark for the information of
the reader of “<i>The History of Vartan</i>,” that, not being in this country
when the work went to press, there occurred some slight errors, particularly
in the orthography of proper names. We shall at present only
notice the following:—</p>
<table summary="Errata">
<tr>
<td>Preface,</td>
<td>p.</td>
<td class="right">vii,</td>
<td>line</td>
<td class="right">6,</td>
<td>for <i>Esrick</i> read <i>Esnik</i>.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td></td>
<td>p.</td>
<td class="right">xxii,</td>
<td>line</td>
<td class="right">13,</td>
<td>for <i>of</i> Moh. read <i>before</i> Moh.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td></td>
<td>p.</td>
<td class="right">5,</td>
<td>line</td>
<td class="right">21,</td>
<td>for <i>Dadjgabdan</i> read <i>Dadjgasdan</i>.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td></td>
<td>p.</td>
<td class="right">75,</td>
<td>line</td>
<td class="right">21,</td>
<td>for <i>Bardesares</i> read <i>Bardesanes</i>.</td>
</tr>
</table>
<div class="transnote">
<h2>Transcriber’s Note</h2>
<p>The errors above refer to a different book. The following probable mistakes
in <i>this</i> one were noticed and changed.</p>
<div class="blockquote">
<p><a href="#Page_69">Page 69</a>, “geoprapher” changed to “geographer” (the geographer alluded to)</p>
<p><a href="#Page_73">Page 73</a>, “Amenian” changed to “Armenian” (printed in Armenian, at Venice)</p>
<p><a href="#Page_73">Page 73</a>, “seasame” changed to “sesame” (abounding in sesame, panic, millet, wheat and barley)</p>
<p><a href="#Page_76">Page 76</a>, “certrin” changed to “certain” (it is likewise certain that the language)</p>
<p><a href="#Page_90">Page 90</a>, “Mogolian” changed to “Mongolian” (the head of the Mongolian confederacy)</p>
<p><a href="#Page_91">Page 91</a>, “Quardo” changed to “Quadro” (Quadro della Storia)</p>
<p><a href="#Page_92">Page 92</a>, “Palastine” changed to “Palestine” (our author means Palestine and Syria)</p>
<p><a href="#Page_101">Page 101</a>, “calamitatess” changed to “calamitates” (Ad hæc calamitates, miserias, paupertates)</p>
<p><a href="#Page_101">Page 101</a>, “omus” changed to “domus” (ejusdem domus decorem diligere)</p>
<p><a href="#Page_101">Page 101</a>, “not ... faciuns” changed to “nos ... faciunt” (nos oportet opponere; ut impetus, quem super eam faciunt)</p>
</div>
</div>
<p class="titlepage">LONDON:<br />
Printed by J. L. Cox, Great Queen Street,<br />
Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.</p>
<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 60171 ***</div>
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