diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-01-27 09:11:03 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-01-27 09:11:03 -0800 |
| commit | bb1da657843518237e5439dc30b1c826ee44241f (patch) | |
| tree | fe99270c6fff5443a3cd1bfdc52b6cea0a0e6337 /old/60152-0.txt | |
| parent | 29291cdf4417b23e85af88b813684aff2f4b9cc4 (diff) | |
Diffstat (limited to 'old/60152-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/60152-0.txt | 19285 |
1 files changed, 0 insertions, 19285 deletions
diff --git a/old/60152-0.txt b/old/60152-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2d74075..0000000 --- a/old/60152-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,19285 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of History of the Reformation in Europe in the -time of Calvin. Vol. 2 (of 8), by Merle d'Aubigné - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: History of the Reformation in Europe in the time of Calvin. Vol. 2 (of 8) - -Author: Merle d'Aubigné - -Release Date: August 23, 2019 [EBook #60152] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF REFORMATION IN EUROPE, VOL 2 *** - - - - -Produced by Brian Wilson, David Edwards, Colin Bell, Chris -Pinfield and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive). - - - - - -Transcriber's note: - -Obvious printer errors corrected silently. - -Hyphenation has been rationalised. Inconsistent spelling (including -accents) has been retained. - -Small capitals have been replaced by full capitals. Italics are -indicated by _underscores_. - -Running headers, at the top of each right-hand page, have been converted -into Sidenotes and moved in front of the paragraphs to which they refer. - - - - - THE - REFORMATION IN EUROPE - IN THE TIME OF CALVIN. - - VOL. II. - - LONDON - PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. - NEW-STREET SQUARE - - HISTORY - OF - THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE - IN THE TIME OF CALVIN. - - BY J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNÉ, D.D. - - AUTHOR OF THE - 'HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY' ETC. - - - 'Les choses de petite durée ont coutume de devenir fanées, quand elles - out passé leur temps. - - 'Au règne de Christ, il n'y a que le nouvel homme qui soit florissant, - qui ait de la vigueur, et dont il faille faire cas.' - - CALVIN. - - - VOL. II. - GENEVA AND FRANCE. - - LONDON: - LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, ROBERTS, & GREEN. - 1863. - - - CONTENTS - OF - THE SECOND VOLUME. - - - BOOK II. - FRANCE. FAVOURABLE TIMES. - - CHAPTER XIII. - JOHN CALVIN, A STUDENT AT THE UNIVERSITY OF ORLEANS. - (1527-1528.) - -Calvin's Friend—The Students at Orleans—Pierre de l'Etoile—Opinions -concerning Heretics—Calvin received in the Picard Nation—Calvin -nominated Proctor—Procession for the Maille de Florence—Distinguished by -the Professors—His Friends at Orleans—Daniel and his Family—Melchior -Wolmar—Calvin studies Greek with him—Benefit to the Church of God - PAGE 1 - - CHAPTER XIV. - CALVIN, TAUGHT AT ORLEANS OF GOD AND MAN, BEGINS TO - DEFEND AND PROPAGATE THE FAITH. - (1528.) - -Wolmar teaches him about Germany—Orleans in 1022 and 1528—Calvin's -Anguish and Humility—What made the Reformers triumph—Phases of Calvin's -Conversion—He does not invent a new Doctrine—I sacrifice my Heart to -Thee—His Zeal in Study—He supplies Pierre de l'Etoile's place—Calvin -sought as a Teacher—He seeks a Hiding-place for Study—Explains the -Gospel in Private Families—His first Ministry - 14 - - CHAPTER XV. - CALVIN CALLED AT BOURGES TO THE EVANGELICAL WORK. - (1528-1529.) - -Calvin at his Father's Bed-side—His first Letter—Beza arrives at -Orleans—Calvin goes to Bourges—Brilliant Lessons of Alciati—Wolmar and -Calvin at Bourges—Wolmar calls him to the Evangelical Ministry—The -Priest and the Minister—Calvin's Hesitation—He evangelises—Preaches at -Lignières—Recalled by his Father's Death—Preachings at Bourges—Tumult - 27 - - CHAPTER XVI. - BERQUIN, THE MOST LEARNED OF THE NOBILITY, A MARTYR - FOR THE GOSPEL. - (1529.) - -Margaret's Regret—Complaints of Erasmus—Plot of the Sorbonne against -Berquin—His Indictment prepared—The Queen intercedes for him—Berquin at -the Conciergerie—Discovery of the Letter—He is imprisoned in a strong -Tower—Sentence—Recourse to God—Efforts of Budæus to save him—His Earnest -Appeals to Berquin—Fall and Uprising of Berquin—Margaret writes to the -King—Haste of the Judges—Procession to the Stake—Berquin joyous in the -presence of Death—His Last Moments—Effect on the Spectators—Murmurs, -Tricks, and Indignation—Effect of his Death in France—The Martyrs' -Hymn—The Reformer rises again from his Ashes - 41 - - CHAPTER XVII. - FIRST LABOURS OF CALVIN AT PARIS. - (1529.) - -Calvin turns towards a Christian Career—His old Patrons—Calvin's Sermon -and Hearers—Determines to go to Paris—Focus of Light—Coiffart's -Invitation—Professor Cop goes to see him—Visit to a Nunnery—An Excursion -on horseback—Devotes himself to Theology—Speaks in the Secret -Assemblies—Movement in the _Quartier Latin_—Writings put into -circulation—Calvin endeavours to bring back Briçonnet—Fills the Vessels -with costly Wine—Efforts to convert a young Rake—Beda attacks the King's -Professors—Calvin's Scriptural Principles—Small Beginnings of a great -Work - 63 - - CHAPTER XVIII. - MARGARET'S SORROWS AND THE FESTIVITIES OF THE COURT. - (1530-1531.) - -Margaret promotes Unity—Progress of the Reformation—Death of the Queen's -Child—Orders a _Te Deum_ to be sung—Marriage of Francis I. and -Eleanor—Crowd of learned Men—Margaret in the Desert—The Fountain Pure -and Free—Fatal Illness of Louisa of Savoy—Margaret's Care and -Zeal—Magnificent but chimerical Project - 82 - - CHAPTER XIX. - DIPLOMATISTS, BACKSLIDERS, MARTYRS. - (1531.) - -Charles V. accuses the Protestants—The German Protestants to Francis -I.—The King sends an Envoy to them—The Envoy's Imprudence and -Diplomacy—Queen Margaret's Prayer-book—Lecoq's Sermon before the -King—_Sursum Corda_—Lecoq's Interview with the King—Lecoq's -Fall—Fanaticism at Toulouse—Jean de Caturce finds Christ—Twelfth-night -Supper—Caturce arrested—His Degradation—He disputes with a Monk—Two -Modes of Reformation - 93 - - CHAPTER XX. - CALVIN'S SEPARATION FROM THE HIERARCHY: HIS FIRST - WORK, HIS FRIENDS. - (1532.) - -Daniel tries to bind Calvin to the Church—Calvin resists the -Temptation—His Commentary on Seneca's _Clemency_—His Motives—His -Difficulties and Troubles—Zeal in making his Book known—Calvin's Search -for Bibles in Paris—An unfortunate _Frondeur_—Calvin receives him -kindly—Various Attacks-The Shop of La Forge—Du Tillet and his -Uncertainty—Testimony rendered to Calvin—Relations between Queen -Margaret and Calvin—He refuses to enter the Queen's Service—The Arms of -the Lord - 110 - - CHAPTER XXI. - SMALKALDE AND CALAIS. - (MARCH TO OCTOBER 1532.) - -William du Bellay and his Projects—Luther opposed to War—Alliance of -Smalkalde-Assemblies at Frankfort and Schweinfurt—Luther's Opposition to -Diplomacy—No Shedding of Blood—Du Bellay's Speech—Du Bellay and the -Landgrave—The Wurtemberg Question—Peace of Nuremberg—Great Epochs of -Revival—Francis I. unites with Henry VIII.—Confidential Intercourse at -Bologna—Plan to emancipate his Kingdom from the Pope—Message sent by -Francis to the Pope—Christendom will separate from Rome - 126 - - CHAPTER XXII. - A CAPTIVE PRINCE ESCAPES FROM THE HANDS OF THE EMPEROR. - (AUTUMN 1532.) - -Alarm occasioned by this Conference—Christopher of Wurtemberg—His -Adversity—The Emperor and his Court cross the Alps—Christopher's -Flight—He is sought for in vain—Claims the Restoration of Wurtemberg - 142 - - CHAPTER XXIII. - THE GOSPEL PREACHED AT THE LOUVRE AND IN THE - METROPOLITAN CHURCHES. - (LENT 1533.) - -Roussel invited to preach in the Churches—His Fears—Refusal of the -Sorbonne—Preachings at the Louvre—Crowded Congregations—Effects of these -Preachings—Margaret again desires to open the Churches—Courault and -Berthaud preach in them—Essence of Evangelical Preaching—Its -Effects—Agitation of the Sorbonne—They will not listen—Picard, the -Firebrand—Sedition of Beda and the Monks—The People agitated—God holds -the Tempests in his Hand - 150 - - CHAPTER XXIV. - DEFEAT OF THE ROMISH PARTY IN PARIS, AND MOMENTARY - TRIUMPH OF THE GOSPEL. - (1533.) - -The Chiefs of the two Parties imprisoned—Beda traverses Paris on his -Mule—Indignation of the King—He insults the Deputies of the -Sorbonne—Duprat imprisons Picard—Priests and Doctors summoned—Francis -resolves to prosecute the Papists—Condemnation of the three Chiefs—Is -the Cause of Rome lost?—Grief and Joy—Illusions of the Friends of the -Reform—A Student from Strasburg—The four Doctors taken away by the -Police—Belief that the Reform has come—The Students' Satire—Their Jokes -upon Cornu—Appeal of the Sorbonne—Fresh Placards—Progress of the -Reform—If God be for us, who can be against us?—Agitation—Siderander at -the Gate of the Sorbonne—Desires to speak to Budæus—Fresh Attacks -prepared - 165 - - - CHAPTER XXV. - CONFERENCE OF BOLOGNA. THE COUNCIL AND CATHERINE DE MEDICI. - (WINTER 1532-1533.) - -The Parties face to face—The Emperor demands a Council—Reasons of the -Pope against it—Moral Inertia of the Papacy—The Pope's -Stratagems—Italian League—Tournon and Gramont arrive—They try to win -over the Pope—A great but sad Affair—Catherine de Medici—Offer and -Demand of Francis I.—The Pope's Joy—Thoughts of Henry VIII. on the -proposed Marriage—Advantages to be derived from it - 188 - - - CHAPTER XXVI. - INTRIGUES OF CHARLES V., FRANCIS I., AND CLEMENT VII. AROUND - CATHERINE. - (WINTER 1532-1533.) - -Doubts insinuated by Charles V.—Let the Full Powers be demanded—The -King's Hesitation—The Full Powers arrive—The Emperor's new Manœuvres—His -Vexation—Charles V. demands a General Council—Francis I. proposes a Lay -Council—Importance of that Document—True Evangelical Councils—Charles -condemns and Francis justifies—Secularisation of the Popedom—The Pope -signs the Italian League—Cardinals' Hats demanded—Vexation of Charles V.— -Projected Interview between the King and the Pope—The Marriage will take -place - 202 - - CHAPTER XXVII. - STORM AGAINST THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE AND HER - MIRROR OF THE SOUL. - (SUMMER 1533.) - -Uneasiness and Terror of the Ultramontanes—Plot against the Queen of -Navarre—_The Mirror of the Sinful Soul_—Beda discovers Heresy in -it—Denounces it to the Sorbonne—Assurance of Salvation—The Queen -attacked from the Pulpits—Errors of Monasticism—The _Tales_ of the -Queen of Navarre—Search after and Seizure of the _Mirror_—Rage of -the Monks against the Queen—Margaret's Gentleness—Comedy acted at the -College of Navarre—The Fury Megæra—Transformation of the Queen— -Montmorency tries to ruin her—Christians made a Show - 219 - - CHAPTER XXVIII. - TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. - (AUTUMN 1533.) - -Montmorency—The Prior of Issoudun—The Police at the College—Arrest of -the Principal and the Actors—Judgment of the Sorbonne denounced to the -Rector—Speech of Rector Cop—The Sorbonne disavows the Act—Le Clerq's -Speech—The University apologises—Reform Movement in France—Men of -Mark—New Attacks - 236 - - CHAPTER XXIX. - CATHERINE DE MEDICI GIVEN TO FRANCE. - (OCTOBER 1533.) - -The Marriage announced to the Cardinals—Stratagems of the Imperialists -to prevent it—The Swiss—The Moors—The Pope determines to go—Catherine in -the Ships of France—The Pope sails for France—Various Feelings—The -Pope's Arrival at Marseilles—Nocturnal Visit of the King to the -Pope—Embarrassment of the First President—Conferences between the King -and the Pope—The Bull against the Heretics—The Wedding—Catherine's -Joy—What Catherine brings—The Pope's Health declines—The Modern Janus - 247 - - CHAPTER XXX. - ADDRESS OF THE RECTOR TO THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS. - (NOVEMBER 1533.) - -Calvin and Cop share the Work—Inaugural Sitting of the University in -1533—Calvin's Address—The Will of God is manifested—Effect of the -Address—Indignation of the Sorbonne—One only Universal Church—The -University divided—Interest felt by the Queen—Calvin summoned by the -Queen—No one shall stop the Renewal of the Church—The Rector going in -State to the Parliament—Stopped by a Messenger—Cop's Flight—Order to -arrest Calvin—He is entreated to flee—Calvin's Flight—Disguise— -Probability of the Story—Goes into Hiding—Many Evangelicals leave -Paris—Margaret's Farewell - 264 - - CHAPTER XXXI. - CONFERENCE AND ALLIANCE BETWEEN FRANCIS I. AND PHILIP - OF HESSE AT BAR-LE-DUC. - (WINTER 1533-1534.) - -Christopher applies to Francis—Will the King unite with the -Protestants?—Du Bellay urges him—Du Bellay passes through -Switzerland—His Speech to Austria—Christopher's Friends—Du Bellay pleads -for him—His Threats—The French Envoy triumphs—The Landgrave's -Projects—Luther opposes them—Conversation between Luther and -Melanchthon—Their Efforts with the Landgrave—Conference between the -Landgrave and the King—Philip and Francis come to an Understanding— -Francis asks for Melanchthon—The Treaty signed—Contradictions in -Francis I - 285 - - CHAPTER XXXII. - TRIUMPH AND MARTYRDOM. - (WINTER 1533-1534.) - -The Churches of Paris closed against the Gospel—Private -Assemblies—Dispersed by Morin—New Attack against the Faculty of -Letters—Lutherans threatened with the Stake—Three hundred Evangelicals -sent to Prison—Disputation between Beda and Roussel—Beda's Book -exasperates the King—Margaret intercedes for the Evangelicals—They are -set at liberty—Alexander at Geneva and in Bresse—He preaches at -Lyons—His Activity and Prudence—He is believed to possess Satanic -Powers—Margaret at Paris—The Populace hinder Roussel from -preaching—Alexander preaches at Lyons at Easter—Seized and condemned to -Death—Journey from Lyons to Paris—Appears before the Parliament—Put to -the Torture—Sacerdotal Degradation—Martyrdom—Testimony rendered to -Alexander - 303 - - CHAPTER XXXIII. - WURTEMBERG GIVEN TO PROTESTANTISM BY THE KING OF FRANCE. - (SPRING 1534.) - -Interview between Du Bellay and Bucer—The great Fusion is -preparing—Francis I. aids it—His Hopes—Fears and Predictions in -Germany—Austria invokes the Help of the Pope—Sanchez's Interview with -Clement VII.—Consequences of the Temporal Power—The Landgrave advances -with his Army—Melanchthon's Trouble—The Landgrave's Victory—Terror at -Rome—Joy at the Louvre—Wurtemberg restored to its Princes—Religious -Liberty established by the Treaty—Accessions to the Reform - 326 - - CHAPTER XXXIV. - SITTING AT THE LOUVRE FOR THE UNION OF TRUTH AND CATHOLICISM. - (SUMMER 1534.) - -A Student of Nismes arrives at Wittemberg—Melanchthon's Letter to -Margaret—Conversation between Margaret and Baduel—Francis I. sends -Chelius into Germany—Melanchthon's Anguish—Chelius received with -Joy—Melanchthon's Zeal—Diverse Opinions on the Union—Bucer's Approval -and Sincerity—Memoirs of the three Doctors—Sitting at the Louvre—Bucer -and Melanchthon denounce the Blemishes of Popery—Moderation—The Church -must have a Government—One single Pontiff—Justification and the Mass—The -Sacraments—Protest against Abuses—Melanchthon's Prayer - 342 - - CHAPTER XXXV. - THE GHOST AT ORLEANS. - (SUMMER 1534.) - -Death of the Provostess of Orleans—The Provost and the Friars—Vengeance -invented by the Cordeliers—First Appearance of the Ghost—Second -Appearance—The Provostess tormented for her Lutheranism—The Official's -Investigation—The Students in the Chapel—The Provost appeals to the -King—Arrest of the Monks—They are taken to Paris—The Novice confesses -the Trick—Condemnation—End of the Matter - 361 - - CHAPTER XXXVI. - FRANCIS I. PROPOSES A REFORMATION TO THE SORBONNE. - (AUTUMN 1534.) - -Francis acknowledges his Mistakes in Religion—Promises Help to the -German Protestants—French Edition of the Articles communicated to Rome -and the Sorbonne—Alarm of the Sorbonne—The French Spirit—Discussion -between the King's Ministers and the Sorbonne—The Bishops and the Roman -Pontiff—Indifferent Matters—Prayers to the Saints and Saints' Days—The -Mass-mongers—Restoration of the Lord's Supper—Communion with Christ by -Faith—Transubstantiation and the Monasteries—An Assembly of Laymen and -Divines—Peril of Catholicism—England and France—Fresh Efforts of the -Sorbonne—Is Protestantism to be feared by Kings?—Uneasiness of Calvin's -Friends—Dangers of these Conciliations—An Event about to change the -State of Things - 375 - - - BOOK III. - FALL OF A BISHOP-PRINCE, AND FIRST EVANGELICAL - BEGINNINGS IN GENEVA. - - CHAPTER I. - THE RENAISSANCE, THE REFORMATION, THE MIDDLE AGES. - (1526.) - -The Crisis—The Means of Salvation—The Nations behindhand—New Position of -Geneva—The Castles and the neighbouring Seigneurs—Pontverre against the -Swiss Alliance—The Gentlemen on the Highway—Violence and Contempt— -Sarcasms and Threats—The Genevans under arms—Moderation of the -Genevans towards the Disloyal—Favre's Mission to Berne—Cartelier's -Condemnation—Pardoned by the Bishop—The Bishop's Hesitation and Fear - 397 - - CHAPTER II. - THE GOSPEL AT GENEVA AND THE SACK OF ROME. - (JANUARY TO JUNE 1527.) - -Laymen and Ecclesiastics—Councillor Ab Hofen, the Friend of Zwingle, at -Geneva—His Christian Conversations—The Priests—The Politicians—Zwingle's -Encouragement—He cheers up Ab Hofen—Opposition and Dejection—Ab Hofen's -Departure, Death, and Influence—The Sack of Rome—Effects of this -Catastrophe—The Genevans compare the Pope and their Bishop—Union of -Faith and Morality - 412 - - CHAPTER III. - THE BISHOP CLINGS TO GENEVA, BUT THE CANONS DEPART. - (SUMMER 1527.) - -The Bishop desires to ally with the Swiss—The Swiss refuse—Plot of the -Duke against the Bishop—The Duke's Scheme—Preparations and Warning—The -Bishop escapes—Failure of the Plot—Terror of the Bishop—The Huguenots -wish to get rid of the Canons—The Bishop puts the Canons in prison—The -Bishop desires to become a Citizen—The Syndics call for Lay -Tribunals—The Bishop grants them—Joy of the Citizens—Prerogatives of the -Bishop questioned—The Duke's Irritation—A Ducal Envoy releases the -Canons—They quit Geneva—Various Opinions about their Departure - 425 - - CHAPTER IV. - THE BISHOP-PRINCE FLEES FROM GENEVA. - (JULY AND AUGUST 1527.) - -Bishopers and Commoners—Complaints against the Priests—A Young Woman -kidnapped by the Bishop—The People compel him to restore her—Right of -Resistance—Quarrels of the two Parties—The Duke's Threats—The Bishop's -Fears—He determines to quit Geneva—His Night Escape—He arrives at St. -Claude—Hugues returns in safety—The Hireling abandons his Flock - 443 - - CHAPTER V. - EXCOMMUNICATION OF GENEVA AND FUNERAL PROCESSION OF POPERY. - (AUGUST 1527 TO FEBRUARY 1528.) - -The Duke tries to gain the Bishop—The State of Geneva constituted—The -Ducal Arms fall at Geneva—Geneva excommunicated—Geneva interdicts the -Papal Bulls—Funeral Procession of Popery—Complaints of the -Priests—Attempt to deprive Bonivard of St. Victor's—Bonivard on -Excommunication—The Duke claims Authority in Matters of Faith—Resolute -Answer of the Genevans—Canons sharply reprimanded by the Duke—Intentions -of Charles - 456 - - CHAPTER VI. - THE KNIGHTS OF THE SPOON LEAGUE AGAINST GENEVA AT THE CASTLE OF - BURSINEL. - (MARCH 1528.) - -Complaints of Bonivard about Geneva—Certain Huguenots go to St. -Victor's—Bonivard's Address to them—Faults to be found in it—Huguenots -eat Meat in Lent—The Meeting at Bursinel—Pontverre and the Spoon—The -Fraternity of the Spoon—Alarm in Geneva—Rights of Princes and -Subjects—Bonivard defends Cartigny—The Savoyards take the -Castle—Bonivard fails to retake it—Progress of the Gospel in Geneva—Duke -and Bishop reconciled—The City looks upon the Bishop as an Enemy - 469 - - CHAPTER VII. - INTRIGUES OF THE DUKE AND THE BISHOP. - (SPRING AND SUMMER 1528.) - -The Bishop desires to withdraw the Criminal Administration from the -Syndics—Noble Answer of the Genevans—The Bishop's Irritation—His furious -Reception of a Genevan Envoy—Calm of the Genevans—The Duke convokes a -Synod—Speech of Bishop Gazzini—Coldness of the Swiss—Ducal Intrigues in -the Convents—The Order of the Keys—The Syndics at the Dominican Convent - 484 - - CHAPTER VIII. - DEATH OF PONTVERRE. - (OCTOBER 1528 TO JANUARY 1529.) - -Pontverre plunders Bonivard—Convokes the Fraternity at Nyon—Insolence of -Pontverre when passing through Geneva—Conference at the Castle of -Nyon—Resolutions adopted there—Pontverre desires to take Geneva by -Treachery—Again attempts to pass through Geneva—His Insolence, Jests of -the Genevans—Struggle on the Rhone Bridge—Pontverre flees—Last Struggle -and Death—Act of Divine Justice—Honours paid him—Violence of the Nobles -increases—Courageous Enterprise of Lullin and Vandel—A Genevan -crucified—The Night of Holy Thursday—The Day of the Ladders - 495 - - CHAPTER IX. - THE REFORMATION BEGINS TO FERMENT IN GENEVA, AND THE OPPOSITION - WITHOUT. - (APRIL 1529 TO JANUARY 1530.) - -Disorders and Superstitions in Geneva—Speech on the Saints' -Bodies at St. Gervais—The Souls from Purgatory in the Cemetery—Protest -at St. Gervais—Negative Reform—Representations -of the Bishop—Genevans trust in God—The Cantons cool -towards Geneva—The Swiss propose to revoke the Alliance—Energetic -Refusal of the Genevans—They incline towards the -Reform—Gazzini asks an Audience of the Pope—His Speech -about Geneva and Savoy—The Pope's Answer—Letter of -Charles V. to the Genevans—Emperor and Pope unite against -Geneva - 513 - - CHAPTER X. - VARIOUS MOVEMENTS IN GENEVA AND SECOND IMPRISONMENT OF - BONIVARD. - (MARCH TO MAY 1530.) - -The Procurator-Fiscal's Complaints to the Council—Penalty denounced -against the Lutherans, and against Impure Priests—Building the Wall of -St. Gervais—Discourse of the Evangelical Swiss—Vandel wishes for a -Preacher at St. Victor's—Bonivard claims his Revenues—His difficult -Position—The Duke covets St. Victor's—Bonivard visits his sick -Mother—Bonivard's Enemies at Geneva—He goes to Friburg—Determines to -give up his Priory—Bellegarde welcomes Bonivard—Bonivard and his Guide -in the Jorat—He is treacherously arrested—Bonivard at Chillon—His Future - 529 - - CHAPTER XI. - THE ATTACK OF 1530. - (AUGUST, SEPTEMBER, OCTOBER.) - -Arrest of the Fiscal Mandolla—The Bishop takes his part—Hastens his -Plans against Geneva—Bishop's Appeal to the Knights—He gives them their -Instructions for the War—Crusade to maintain the Holy Faith—Prisoners in -the Castles—Projects at Augsburg and Gex—De la Sarraz at the head of the -Knights—Troops march against Geneva—Plans of the Enemy—A Friburg Herald -maltreated—The Savoyard Army occupies the Suburbs—Preparations for the -Assault—The Emperor receives Intelligence of the War—The Army -retires—What is the Cause?—The Mercy of God—15,000 Swiss -arrive—Soldierly Controversy—Burning of the Convent of Belle Rive—Good -Catholics quartered at St. Claire—Mass at St. Claire; Preachings at St. -Pierre—Castles taken and burnt—Devotedness of the Nuns of St. -Claire—Truce of St. Julian - 547 - - CHAPTER XII. - GENEVA RECLAIMED BY THE BISHOP, AND AWAKENED BY THE - GOSPEL. - (NOVEMBER 1530 TO OCTOBER 1531.) - -Emperor's Letter to the Genevans—Their Answer—Fresh Armaments of the -Duke—Decision of the Diet of Payerne—Pardon and Pilgrimage to St. -Claire—Pilgrims sent back—Fresh Pardon; Religious Liberty—Repasts of the -Pilgrims and Sarcasms of the Genevans—Angels protect St. Claire—The -Pardon followed by an Awakening—_De Christo meditari_—Farel watches -Geneva—Comprehends its Wants—Desires to send Toussaint to Geneva—He -shrinks from the Struggle—Zwingle's Prayer; Fears of the -Genevans—Examination of the Suspected—Friburg and Berne—Allies of the -two Parties at Cappel - 573 - - CHAPTER XIII. - DANGERS TO WHICH THE DEFEAT AT CAPPEL EXPOSES GENEVA. - (OCTOBER 1531 TO JANUARY 1532.) - -Geneva attacked because elected of God—Defeat of Cappel—Triumph of the -Romanists—Berne turns her back on Geneva—The Duke and his Army -approach—Reply of Geneva to Berne—Seven Black Knights without Heads—God -prepares Geneva by Trials—Effects produced within by Evils from -without—The Swiss Patricians desire to rescind the Treaty—Geneva appeals -to the People of Berne—The Great Councils are for Geneva—Retirement and -Death of Hugues - 591 - - CHAPTER XIV. - AN EMPEROR AND A SCHOOLMASTER. - (SPRING 1532.) - -The Emperor desires to give Geneva to the Duke's Son—Zeal of the Duke, -Firmness of the Genevans—The two Spheres of Christianity—Insufficiency -of Negative Protestantism—Olivétan at Chautemps' House—His Piety, Zeal, -and Courage—Conversations and Sermons—Olivétan's Discourse—The -Judge—Carnal Men—Intellectual Men—Redemption by Blood—The Spirit of -Jesus Christ—The Pioneer—Olivétan's Work - 603 - - CHAPTER XV. - THE PARDON OF ROME AND THE PARDON OF HEAVEN. - (JUNE AND JULY 1532.) - -Roman Jubilees—Fermentation at Geneva—A Power which devours everything -that is given to it—Gospel Pardon of all Sins—Tumult around the -Placards—Fight in the City—Catholic Intervention of Friburg—The Council -strives to give Satisfaction—Reaction of the Evangelicals—Order to -preach without Fables—The Nuncio and the Archbishop at Chambéry—Joy of -the Evangelicals out of the City—The little Flock of Payerne—Letter of -the Lovers of the Holy Gospel—The Standard-bearers of the Gospel of -Christ—The Standard raised in Geneva—Geneva attacked by both -Parties—Which will prevail?—The Struggle grows fiercer every day—The -Strong Things of this World destroyed by the Weak - 615 - - - - - HISTORY - OF THE - REFORMATION IN EUROPE - IN THE TIME OF CALVIN. - - - - - BOOK II. - FRANCE. FAVOURABLE TIMES. - - - - - CHAPTER XIII. - JOHN CALVIN A STUDENT AT THE UNIVERSITY OF ORLEANS. - (1527-1528.) - - -Calvin, whom his father's wishes and his own convictions urged to -abandon the priestly career, for which he was preparing, had left Paris -in the autumn of 1527, in order to go to Orleans and study jurisprudence -under Pierre de l'Etoile, who was teaching there with great credit. -'Reuchlin, Aleander, and even Erasmus, have professed in this city,' -said his pupils; 'but the Star (Etoile) eclipses all these suns.' He was -regarded as the prince of French jurists.[1] - -When Calvin arrived in that ancient city to which the Emperor Aurelian -had given his name, he kept himself apart, being naturally timid, and -repelled by the noisy vivacity of the students. Yet his loving -disposition sighed after a friend; and such he found in a young scholar, -Nicholas Duchemin, who was preparing himself for a professorship in the -faculty of letters.[2] Calvin fixed on him an observing eye, and found -him modest, temperate, not at all susceptible, adopting no opinion -without examination,[3] of equitable judgment, extreme prudence, and -great mildness, but also a little slow in his movements. Duchemin's -character formed a striking contrast with the vivacity, ardour, -severity, activity, and, we will add, the susceptibility of Calvin. Yet -he felt himself attracted towards the gentle nature of the young -professor, and the very difference of their temperaments shed an -inexpressible charm over all their intercourse. As Duchemin had but -moderate means, he received students in his house, as many of the -citizens did. Calvin begged to be admitted also, and thus became one of -the members of his household. He soon loved Duchemin with all the energy -of a heart of twenty, and rejoiced at finding in him a Mommor, an -Olivétan, and even more. He wanted to share everything with Nicholas, to -converse with him perpetually; and they had hardly parted, when he began -to long to be with him again. 'Dear Duchemin!' he said to him, 'my -friend, you are dearer to me than life.'[4] Ardent as was this -friendship, it was not blind. Calvin, true to his character, discovered -the weak point of his friend, who was deficient, he thought, in energy; -and he reproved him for it. 'Take care,' he said, 'lest your great -modesty should degenerate into indolence.'[5] - -[Sidenote: THE STUDENTS AT ORLEANS] - -The scholar of Noyon, consoled by this noble friendship, began to -examine more closely the university population around him. He was -surprised to see crowds of students filling the streets, caring nothing -for learning, so far as he could tell. At one time he would meet a young -lord, in tight hose, with a richly embroidered doublet, small Spanish -cloak, velvet cap, and showy dagger. This young gentleman, followed by -his servant, would take the wall, toss his head haughtily, cast -impertinent looks on each side of him, and want every one to give way to -him. Farther on came a noisy band composed of the sons of wealthy -tradesmen, who appeared to have no more taste for study than the sons of -the nobility, and who went singing and 'larking' to one of the numerous -tennis-courts, of which there were not less than forty in the city. Ten -_nations_, afterwards reduced to four, composed the university. The -German nation combined with 'the living and charming beauty of the body' -that of a mind polished by continual study. Its library was called 'the -abode of the Muses.'[6] - -Calvin made a singular figure in the midst of the world around him. His -small person and sallow face formed a strong contrast with the ruddy -features and imposing stature of Luther's fellow-countrymen. One thing, -however, delighted him: 'The university,' he said, 'is quite a -republican oasis in the midst of enslaved France.' The democratic spirit -was felt even by the young aristocrats who were at the head of each -nation, and the only undisputed authority in Orleans was that of Pierre -de l'Etoile. - -[Sidenote: ÉTOILE ON HERETICS.] - -This 'morning-star'[7] (as the registers of the Picard nation call him) -had risen above the fogs and was shining like the sun in the schools. -The great doctor combined an eminently judicial mind with an -affectionate heart; he was inflexible as a judge, and tender as a -mother. His manner of teaching possessed an inexpressible charm. As -member of the council of 1528, he had advocated the repression of -heresy; but he had no sooner met Calvin at Orleans than, attracted by -the beauty of his genius and the charms of his character, he loved him -tenderly. Although opposed to the young man's religious opinions, he was -proud of having him as his pupil, and was his friend to the last: thus -giving a touching example in the sixteenth century of that noble -christian equity which loves men while disapproving of their opinions.[8] - -Calvin, sitting on one of the benches in the school, listened -attentively to the great doctor, and imbibed certain principles whose -justice no one at that time in all christendom thought of disputing. -'The prosperity of nations,' said Pierre de l'Etoile, 'depends upon -obedience to the laws. If they punish outrages against the rights of -man, much more ought they to punish outrages against the rights of God. -What! shall the law protect a man in his body and goods, and not in his -soul and his most precious and eternal inheritance?... A thief shall not -be able to rob us of our purses, but a heretic may deprive us of -heaven!' Jurists and students, nobles and people, were all convinced -that the law ought equally to guarantee temporal and spiritual goods. -'Those insensate and furious men,' said the code which Pierre de -l'Etoile was expounding to his pupils, 'who proclaim heretical and -infamous opinions, and reject the apostolic and evangelical doctrine of -the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, in one only Godhead and one holy -Trinity, ought first to be delivered up to divine vengeance, and -afterwards visited with corporal punishment.[9] Is not that a _public -offence_?' added the code; 'and although committed against the -religion of God, is it not to the prejudice of all mankind?'[10] - -Pierre de l'Etoile's youthful hearers received from these words those -deep impressions which, being made while the character is forming, are -calculated to last through life. The mind of man required time to throw -off these legal prejudices, which had been the universal law of the -understanding for more than a thousand years.[11] Could it be expected -that a young disciple, rising up against the most venerable teachers, -should draw a distinction between the temporal and the spiritual sphere, -between the old and the new economy, and insist that, inasmuch as grace -had been proclaimed by virtue of the great sacrifice offered to eternal -justice, it was repugnant to the Gospel of Christ for man to avenge the -law of God by severe punishments? No: during the sixteenth, and even the -seventeenth century, almost all enlightened minds remained, in this -respect, sunk in lamentable error. - -Calvin, bashful and timid at first, gradually came round; his society -was courted, and he conversed readily with all. He was received into the -Picard nation. 'I swear,' he said, 'to guard the honour of the -university and of my nation.'[12] Yet he did not suffer himself to be -bound by the university spirit: he had a larger mind than his -fellow-students, and we find him in relation with men of all nations, -towards whom he was drawn by a community of affection and study. Etoile -gave his lessons in the monastery of Bonne Nouvelle. Calvin listened -silently to the master's words, but between the lessons he talked with -his companions, went in and out, or paced up and down the hall like the -rest. One day, going up to one of the pillars, he took out his knife and -carved a C, then an A, and at last there stood the word CALVIN, as the -historian of the university informs us. It was _Cauvin_ perhaps, -his father's name, or else _Calvinus_, for the students were fond -of latinising their names. It was not until some time after, when the -Latin word had been retranslated into French, that the Reformer bore the -more familiar name. This _Calvin_ long remained on the pillar where -the hand of the young Picard had cut it—a name of quarrels and -discussions, insulted by the devout, but respected by many. 'This -precious autograph has disappeared,' says the historian, 'with the last -vestiges of the building.'[13] - -[Sidenote: CALVIN HEAD OF THE PICARD NATION.] - -The Picards, proud of such a colleague, raised him to the highest post -in the nation—that of proctor. Calvin was thus in the front rank in the -public processions and assemblies of the university. He had to convene -meetings, examine, order, decide, execute, and sign diplomas. Instead of -assembling his _nationals_ at a jovial banquet, Calvin, who had been -struck by the disorders which had crept into these convivial meetings, -paid over to the treasurer the sum which he would have expended, and -made a present of books to the university library.[14] Erelong his -office compelled him to display that firmness of character which -distinguished him all his life. This hitherto unknown incident is worthy -of being recorded. - -Every year, on the anniversary of the Finding of the Body of St. Firmin, -the inhabitants of the little town of Beaugency, near Orleans, appeared -in the church of St. Pierre, and, after the epistle had been chanted, -handed to the proctor of the Picard nation a piece of gold called -_maille de Florence_, of two crowns' weight.[15] 'The origin of -this ancient custom,' they told Calvin, 'was this. On the 13th of -January, 687, the body of St. Firmin the martyr having been solemnly -exhumed, a marvellous change took place in nature. The trees put forth -fresh leaves and blossoms, and at the same time a supernatural odour -filled the air. Simon, lord of Beaugency, who suffered from leprosy, -having gone to the window of his castle to witness the ceremony, was -restored to health by the sweet savour. In token of his gratitude he -settled an annual offering of a gold _maille_, payable at first to -the chapter of Amiens, and afterwards to the Picard students embodied in -their nation at Orleans.'[16] - -Calvin, who blames 'the old follies and nonsense which men substitute -for the glory of Jesus Christ,' did not place great faith in this -miracle. However, as the tribute was not paid in 1527, he resolved to go -with his 'nation' and demand it. He assembled his fellow-students, and -placing a band of music and the beadles in front, he led the procession; -all his 'nationals' followed after him in a line, and in due course the -joyous troop arrived at Beaugency, where the _maille_ was placed in -his hand. It bore in front an image of John the Baptist, and on the -reverse a fleur-de-lys with the word _Florentia_. The Picard -students were satisfied, and, with their illustrious chief at their -head, resumed the road to Orleans, bringing back the golden -_maille_ in triumph, as Jason and the Argonauts had in days of yore -returned from Colchis with the golden fleece. The procession reentered -the city amid the shouts of the university. Calvin was one day to rob -the _dragon_ of a more magnificent treasure, and nations more -numerous were to show their joy by louder shouts of gladness.[17] - -[Sidenote: CALVIN'S STUDIES AND FRIENDS.] - -Although Calvin would not separate from his fellow-students, he often -suffered in the midst of this noisy and dissolute multitude, and turned -with disgust from the duels, intrigues, and excesses which filled so -large a space in the student life. He preferred study, and had applied -to the law with his whole heart.[18] The vivacity of his wit, the -strength of his memory, the remarkable style in which he clothed the -lessons of his masters, the facility with which he caught up certain -expressions, certain sentences, which fell from their lips, 'the starts -and flashes of a bright mind, which he displayed at intervals,'—all -this, says a Roman-catholic historian, soon made him distinguished by -the professors.[19] - -But he was destined to find something better on the banks of the Loire: -the work begun at Paris was to be strengthened and developed at Orleans. -Calvin, always beloved by those who knew him, made numerous friends, -especially among certain men attacked by the priests, and whose faith -was full of christian meekness. Every day he had a serious conversation -with Duchemin.[20] In order to lessen his expenses, he had shared his -room with a pious German, formerly a grey friar, who having learnt, as -Luther said, that it is not the cowl of St. Francis which saves, but the -blood of Jesus Christ, had thrown off his filthy frock[21] and come to -France. The Picard student talked with him of Germany and of the -Reformation; and some persons have thought that this was what first -'perverted Calvin from the true faith.'[22] - -[Sidenote: DUCHEMIN, DANIEL, WOLMAR.] - -Next to the house of Duchemin where the wind of the new doctrine was -blowing; next to the library, whose curator, Philip Laurent, became his -friend: Calvin loved particularly to visit the family of an advocate -where three amiable, educated, and pious ladies afforded him the charms -of agreeable conversation. It was that of Francis Daniel, 'a person,' -says Beza, 'who, like Duchemin, had a knowledge of the truth.' He was a -grave and influential man, possessing inward christianity, and (perhaps -his profession of lawyer had something to do with it) of a very -conservative mind, holding both to the forms and ordinances of the -Church. Calvin, on leaving the schools, the library, and his study, used -to seek relaxation in this house. The company of educated and pious -women may have exercised a happy influence over his mind, which he would -have sought in vain in the society of the learned. And accordingly, -whenever he was away, he did not fail to remember his friend's mother, -wife, and sister Frances.[23] - -In the company of these ladies he sometimes met a young man for whom he -felt but little sympathy: he was a student from Paris, Coiffard by name, -lively, active, intelligent, but selfish.[24] How much he preferred -Daniel, in whom he found a mind so firm, a soul so elevated, and with -whom he held such profitable conversations! The two friends were agreed -on one point—the necessity of a Reformation of the Church; but they soon -came to another point which at a later day occasioned a wide divergence -between them. 'The reformation,' said the advocate, 'must be -accomplished in the Church; we must not separate from the Church.' The -intercourse between Calvin and Duchemin gradually became less frequent; -the latter, being naturally rather negligent, did not reply to his -friend's letters.[25] But Calvin's attachment for Daniel grew stronger -so long as the reformer remained in France, and to him almost all the -letters are addressed which he wrote between 1529 and 1536. - -But all these friendships did not satisfy Calvin; at Daniel's, at -Duchemin's, at the library, and wherever he went, he heard talk of a man -whom he soon burned to know, and who exercised over him more influence -than all the rest. A poor young German of Rotweil, named Melchior -Wolmar, had come to Paris, and, being forced to work for a living, had -served for some time as corrector for the press.[26] Greedy of -knowledge, the youthful reader quitted his proofs from time to time, and -slipped among the students who crowded round the illustrious John -Lascaris, Budæus, and Lefèvre. In the school of the latter he became a -sincere christian; in the school of the former, a great hellenist. When -he took his degree of M.A. along with a hundred others, he occupied the -first place. Having one day (when in Germany) to make a speech in his -mother-tongue, Wolmar asked permission to speak in Greek, because, he -said, that language was more familiar to him. He had been invited to -Orleans to teach Greek; and being poor, notwithstanding his learning, he -took into his house a small number of young children of good family. 'He -was my faithful instructor,' says one of them, Theodore Beza; 'with what -marvellous skill he gave his lessons, not only in the liberal arts, but -also in piety!'[27] His pupils did not call him _Melchior_, but -_Melior_ (better). - -[Sidenote: STUDY OF GREEK.] - -Calvin, whose exalted soul was attracted by all that is beautiful, -became attached to this distinguished professor. His father had sent him -to study civil law; but Wolmar 'solicited him to devote himself to a -knowledge of the Greek classics.' At first Calvin hesitated, but yielded -at last. 'I will study Greek,' he said, 'but as it is you that urge me, -you also must assist me.' Melchior answered that he was ready to devote -to him abundantly, not only his instruction, but his person, his life, -himself.[28] From that time Calvin made the most rapid progress in Greek -literature. The professor loved him above all his pupils.[29] In this -way he was placed in a condition to become the most illustrious -commentator of Scripture. 'His knowledge of Greek,' adds Beza, 'was of -great service to all the Church of God.' What Cordier had been to him -for Latin, Wolmar was for Greek. - -[Footnote 1: 'Jurisconsultorum Gallorum princeps.'—Bezæ _Vita -Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 2: 'Jam dedisti nomen inter rei litterariæ professores.'— -Calvinus Chemino, Berne MSS. This letter will be found in the _Letters -of John Calvin_, published in English at Philadelphia, by the learned -Dr. Jules Bonnet, to whom I am indebted for the communication of the -Latin manuscripts.] - -[Footnote 3: 'In ea natus es dexteritate, quæ nihil imprudenter -præjudicare soleat.'—Calvinus Chemino.] - -[Footnote 4: 'Mi Chemine! amice mi! mea vita charior!'—Calvinus Chemino.] - -[Footnote 5: 'Vide ne desidem te faciat tuus pudor!'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 6: Le Maire, _Antiquités d'Orléans_, i. p. 388.—_Theod. -Beza_ von Baum, i. p. 27.] - -[Footnote 7: 'Ille quasi stella matutina in medio nebulæ et quasi sol -refulgens emicuit.'—Bimbenet, _Histoire de l'Université des Lois -d'Orléans_, p. 357.] - -[Footnote 8: Ibid. pp. 354-357.] - -[Footnote 9: 'Hæretici divina primum vindicta, post etiam ... ultione -plectendi.'—_Justiniani Codicis_ lib. i. tit. i.: _De summa Trinitate, -et ut nemo de ea publice contradicere audeat_.] - -[Footnote 10: 'Publicum crimen, quia quod in religionem divinam -committitur in omnium fertur injuriam.'—Ibid. tit. v.: _De Hæreticis_.] - -[Footnote 11: The Justinian code dates from 529 A.D., just a thousand -years before the time of Calvin's studies; but the greater part of the -laws contained in it were of older date.] - -[Footnote 12: Bimbenet, _Hist. de l'Univ. des Lois d'Orléans_, p. 30.] - -[Footnote 13: Bimbenet, _Hist. de l'Univ. d'Orléans_, p. 358. The -prefecture now occupies the site of Bonne Nouvelle.] - -[Footnote 14: Ibid. pp. 40, 41, 51, 52, 358.] - -[Footnote 15: This _maille_ was probably the gold florin of Florence. -The _giglio fiorentino_ is the badge of this city, and John the Baptist -its patron. - - 'La lega suggellata del Batista,' - -says Dante in the _Inferno_, xxx. 74.] - -[Footnote 16: M. Bimbenet, chief greffier to the Imperial Court of -Orleans, gives this tradition in his _Hist. de l'Univ. d'Orléans_, -pp. 161, 162, 179-358.] - -[Footnote 17: _Hist. de l'Univ. d'Orléans_, pp. 173, 176, 179.] - -[Footnote 18: 'Ut patris voluntati obsequerer, fidelem operam impendere -conatus sum.'—Calv. _in Psalm_.] - -[Footnote 19: 'Singularem ingenii alacritatem,' &c.—Flor. Rémond, _Hist. -de l'Hérésie_, liv. vii. ch. ix.] - -[Footnote 20: 'Longa consuetudine diuturnoque usu.'—Bezæ _Vita Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 21: 'Läusige Kappe.'] - -[Footnote 22: _Remarques sur la Vie de Calvin, Hérésiarque_, by J. -Desmay, vicar-general, p. 43.] - -[Footnote 23: 'Saluta matrem, uxorem, sororem Franciscam.'—Calvinus -Danieli, Berne MSS.] - -[Footnote 24: 'De Coiffartio quid aliud dicam, nisi hominem esse sibi -natum?'—Calvinus Danieli, Geneva MSS.] - -[Footnote 25: _Calvin's Letters_, Philadelphia, i. p. 32.] - -[Footnote 26: Wolmar, _Commentaire sur l'Iliade_.] - -[Footnote 27: Beza, _Vie de Calvin et Histoire des Eglises Réformées_, -i. p. 67.] - -[Footnote 28: 'Quam liberaliter paratus fueris te mihi officiaque tua -impendere.'—Calv. _in 2ᵃᵐ Ep. ad Cor._] - -[Footnote 29: 'Præ cæteris discipulis diligere ac magnifacere eum -cœpit.'—Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, liv. vii. ch. ix.] - - - - - CHAPTER XIV. - CALVIN TAUGHT AT ORLEANS OF GOD AND MAN; BEGINS TO - DEFEND AND PROPAGATE THE FAITH. - (1528.) - - -Calvin was to receive something more from Wolmar; he was about to begin, -under his guidance, the work of all his life—to learn and to teach -Christ. The knowledge which he acquired at the university of Orleans, -philosophy, law, and even Greek, could not suffice him. The moral -faculty is the first in man, and ought to be the first in the university -also. The object of the Reformation was to found, not an intellectual, -but a moral empire; it was to restore holiness to the Church. This -empire had begun in Calvin; his conscience had been stirred; he had -sought salvation and found it; but he had need of knowledge, of increase -in grace, of practice in life, and these he was about to strive after. - -[Sidenote: WOLMAR AND CALVIN STUDY THE EPISTLES.] - -Melchior, like Melanchthon, had set himself to study the Holy Scriptures -in the original languages, and in them had found light and peace. -Calvin, on his side, 'having acquired some taste for true piety,' as he -informs us, 'was burning with a great desire to advance.'[30] The most -intimate confidence and the freest communication were established -between the professor and the scholar. Melchior spoke to Calvin of -Germany and the Reformation; he read the Greek Testament with him, set -before him the riches of Christ announced therein, and, when studying -the Epistles of St. Paul, explained to him the doctrine of imputed -righteousness which forms the essence of their teaching. Calvin, seated -in his master's study, listened in silence, and respectfully embraced -that mystery so strange and yet so profoundly in harmony with the -righteousness of God!... 'By faith,' said Wolmar, 'man is united to -Christ and Christ to him, so that it is no longer man whom God sees in -the sinner, but his dearly beloved Son himself; and the act by virtue of -which God makes the sinner an inheritor of heaven, is not an arbitrary -one. The doctrine of justification,' added Wolmar, 'is in Luther's -opinion the capital doctrine, _articulus stantis vel cadentis -Ecclesiæ._'[31] - -But Calvin's chief teacher was God. At Orleans he had more of those -struggles, which are often prolonged in strong natures. Some take him -simply for a metaphysical thinker, a learned and subtle theologian; on -the contrary, no other doctor has had more experience of those tempests -that stir up the heart to its lowest deeps. 'I feel myself pricked and -stung to the quick by the judgment of God. I am in a continual battle; I -am assaulted and shaken, as when an armed man is forced by a violent -blow to stagger a few steps backwards.' The light which had rejoiced him -so much when he was in college at Paris, seemed almost to have faded -away. 'I am like a wretched man shut up in a deep dungeon, who receives -the light of day obliquely and in part, only through a high and narrow -loop-hole.' He persevered, however; he fixed his eyes on Jesus, and was -soon able to say: 'If I have not the full and free sight of the sun, I -distinguish however his light afar, and enjoy its brightness.'[32] - -People at Orleans soon found out that there was something new and -strange in this young man. It was in this city, in the year 1022, that -the revival of modern times, if we may so speak, had begun among the -heads of a school of theology at that time very celebrated. Priests and -canons had told the people who listened to them, both in Orleans and in -the neighbouring towns, 'that they ought to be filled with the gift of -the Holy Spirit; that this Spirit would reveal to them all the depths -and all the dignity of the Scriptures;[33] that they would be fed with -heavenly food and refreshed by an inward fulness.'[34] These -_heretics_ had been put to death at Orleans. Would they be seen -rising again, after more than five centuries, in the city and even in -the university? Many doctors and students opposed Calvin: 'You are a -schismatic,' they said; 'you are separating from the Church!' Calvin, -alarmed at these accusations, was a prey to fresh anguish. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN'S ANGUISH AND HUMILITY.] - -Then, as he informs us, he began to meditate on the Psalms, and in the -struggles of David he found an image of his own: 'Ah!' he exclaimed, -'the Holy Spirit has here painted to the life all the pains, sorrows, -fears, doubts, hopes, anxieties, perplexities, and even the confused -emotions with which my mind is wont to be agitated.... This book is an -anatomy of all the parts of the soul.... There is no affection in man -which is not here represented as in a glass.'[35] This man, whom the -Romish and other legends describe as vain, proud, and insensible, -desired to see himself as he was, without screening any of his faults. -'Of the many infirmities to which we are subject,' he said, 'and of the -many vices of which we are full, not one ought to be hidden. Ah! truly -it is an excellent and singular gain, when all the hiding-places are -laid open, and the heart is brought into the light and thoroughly -cleansed of all hypocrisy and foul infection.'[36] - -Such are the principles by which the Reformation has triumphed. Its -great organs desired that men's hearts should be 'cleansed of all foul -infection.' It is a singular delusion of those writers who, seeing -things otherwise than they are, ascribe this divine work to vile -interests and base passions. According to them, its causes were jealousy -of the Augustine monks, the ambition of princes, the greed of nobles, -and the carnal passions of priests, which, however, as we have seen, had -but too free scope during the middle ages. A searching glance into the -souls of the Reformers lays bare to us the cause of the revival. If the -writers of whom I have spoken were right, the Reformation ought not to -have waited until Luther for its accomplishment; for there had existed -for ages in christendom ambitious princes, greedy nobles, jealous monks, -and impure priests. But what was really a new thing was to find men who, -like the reformers, opened their hearts to the light of the Holy Spirit, -believed in the Word of God, found Jesus Christ, esteemed everything in -comparison with him as loss, lived the life of God, and desired that -'all hiding-places should be laid open,' and men's hearts cleansed of -all hypocrisy. Such were the true sources of the Reformation. - -The adversaries of the Gospel understood the danger incurred by the -Church of Rome from the principles professed by Calvin; and hence they -called him wicked and profane, and, as he says, 'heaped upon his head a -world of abuse.' They said that he ought to be expelled from the Church. -Then the student, 'cast down but not destroyed,' retiring to his -chamber, would exclaim: 'If I am at war with such masters, I am not, -however, at war with thy Church, O God! Why should I hesitate to -separate from these false teachers whom the apostles call thy -enemies?[37]... When cursed by the unrighteous priests of their day, did -not thy prophets remain in the true unity of thy children? Encouraged by -their example, I will resist those who oppress us, and neither their -threats nor their denunciations shall shake me.'[38] - -[Sidenote: PHASES OF CALVIN'S CONVERSION.] - -The conversion of Calvin, begun at Paris, was completed at Orleans. -There are, as we have said, several phases in this work. The first is -that of the conscience, where the soul is aroused; the second is that of -the understanding, where the mind is enlightened; then comes the last, -where the new man is built up, where he strikes deeper root in Christ, -and bears fruit to God. At Paris, Calvin had heard in his heart the -divine voice calling him to eternal life; at Orleans, he constantly -studied the Holy Scriptures,[39] and became 'learned in the knowledge of -salvation,' as Theodore Beza tells us. The Church herself has gone -through similar phases: the first epoch of her history, that of the -apostolic fathers,[40] was that of simple piety without the scientific -element; the second, the age of the apologists, was that of a christian -understanding seeking to justify its faith in the eyes of reason. Calvin -had followed this road; but he did not give way to an intellectualism -which would have brought back death into his heart. On the contrary, the -third phase began immediately, and from day to day the christian life -became in him more spiritual and more active. - -The conversion of Calvin and of the other reformers—we must insist upon -this point—was not simply a change wrought by study in their thoughts -and in their system. Calvin did not set himself the task of inventing a -new theology, as his adversaries have asserted. We do not find him -coldly meditating on the Church, curiously examining the Scriptures, and -seeking in them a means of separating a portion of christendom from -Rome. The Reformation was not the fruit of abstract reasoning; it -proceeded from an inward labour, a spiritual combat, a victory which the -reformers won by the sweat of their brow, or rather ... of their heart. -Instead of composing his doctrine chapter after chapter, Calvin, -thirsting for righteousness and peace, found it in Christ. 'Placed as in -the furnace of God (they are his own words), the scum and filth of his -faith were thus purified.' Calvin was put into the crucible, and the new -truth came forth, burning and shining like gold, from the travail of his -melted soul. In order to comprehend the productions of nature or of art, -we must study closely the secrets of their formation. We have on a -former occasion sought to discover the generative principle of the -Reformation in the heart of Luther; we are now striving to discern it in -Calvin also. Convictions, affections, intelligence, activity—all these -were now in process of formation in that admirable genius under the -life-giving rays of truth. - -[Sidenote: 'I SACRIFICE MY HEART TO THEE.'] - -There came a moment when Calvin, desirous of possessing God alone, -renounced the world, which, from that time, has never ceased to hate -him: 'I have not sued thee by my love, O Christ,' he said; 'thou hast -loved me of thy free will. Thou hast shone into my soul, and then -everything that dazzled my eyes by a false splendour immediately -disappeared, or at least I take no count of it. As those who travel by -sea, when they find their ship in danger, throw everything overboard, in -order that, having lightened the vessel, they may arrive safely in port; -in like manner I prefer being stripped of all that I have, rather than -be deprived of thee. I would rather live poor and miserable than be -drowned with my riches. Having cast my goods into the waves, I begin to -have hope of escape since the vessel is lightened.... I come to thee -naked and empty.... And what I find in thee is not a trifling vulgar -gain: I find everything there.'[41] Thus lifting up his hands to God, -Calvin offered the sacrifice of a heart burning with love. He made this -grand thought the charter of his nobility, his blazon, and engraving -this design on his seal, a hand presenting a heart in sacrifice, he -wrote round it: _Cor meum velut mactatum Domino in sacrificium -offero_—'O Lord, I offer unto thee as a sacrifice my heart immolated to -thee.' Such was his device—such was his life. - -The eyes of many began already to be turned upon him with admiration. -The surprising clearness of his mind, the powerful convictions of his -heart, the energy of his regenerated will, the strength of his -reasoning, the luminous flashes of his genius, and the severe beauties -of his eloquence—all betokened in him one of the great men of the age. -'A wonderful mind!' says Florimond de Rémond, one of his chief -adversaries, 'a mind keen and subtle to the highest degree, prompt and -sudden in its imaginations! What a praiseworthy man he would have been, -if, sifting away the vices (heresy), the virtues alone could have been -retained!'[42] There was doubtless something wanting in Calvin: he may -not have had that smiling imagination which, at the age he had now -reached, generally gilds life with the most brilliant colours; the world -appeared to him one wide shipwreck. But, possessing the glance of the -eagle, he discovered a deliverance in the future, and his powerful hand, -strengthened by God, was about to prepare the great transformations of -the Church and of the world. - -He was indefatigable in labour. When the day was ended, and his -companions indulged in dissipation or in sleep, Calvin, restricting -himself to a slight repast for fear of oppressing his head, withdrew to -his room and sat down to study the Scriptures. At midnight he -extinguished his lamp,[43] and early in the morning, when he awoke and -before he left his bed, he 'ruminated,' says Beza, on what he had read -and learnt the night before.[44] 'We were his friends, we shared his -room with him,' said Theodore Beza's informants. 'We only tell you what -we have seen.'—'Alas!' adds the reformer, 'these long vigils, which so -wonderfully developed his faculties and enriched his memory, weakened -his health, and laid the foundation of those sufferings and frequent -illnesses which shortened his days.'[45] - -[Sidenote: CALVIN SOUGHT AS A TEACHER.] - -His taste for Holy Scripture did not divert Calvin from the study of -law. He was unwilling that the labours of his profession should suffer -in any degree from the labours of piety. He made such remarkable -progress in jurisprudence that he was soon looked upon, by both students -and professors, as a master and not as a scholar.[46] One day, Pierre de -l'Etoile begged him to give a lesson in his place; and the young man of -nineteen or twenty discharged his duty with so much skill and clearness, -that he was considered as destined to become the greatest jurist in -France. The professors often employed him as their substitute.[47] - -To knowledge he joined communion. While still continuing to follow the -lessons of Etoile, Calvin 'sought the company of the faithful servants -of God,' as he tells us. All the children of God (he thought) should be -united together by a bond of brotherly union. He mixed also with -everybody, even with the gainsayers, and if they attacked the great -doctrines of Gospel truth, he defended them. But he did not put himself -forward. He could discern when, how far, and to whom it was expedient to -speak, and never exposed the doctrine of Christ to the jeers of the -unbeliever by imprudence or by the fears of the flesh. When he opened -his mouth, every one of his words struck home. 'Nobody can withstand -him,' they said, 'when he has the Bible in his hand.' - -Students who felt a difficulty in believing, townspeople who could not -understand, went and begged him to teach them.[48] He was abashed. 'I am -but a poor recruit,' he said, 'and you address me as if I were a -general.'[49] As these requests were constantly renewed, Calvin tried to -find some hiding-place where he could read, meditate, and pray, secure -from interruption.[50] At one time it was the room of a friend, a nook -in the university library, or some shady retreat on the banks of the -river. But he was hardly absorbed in meditation or in the study of -Scripture, before he found himself surrounded by persons eager to hear -him, and who refused to withdraw. 'Alas!' he exclaimed, 'all my -hiding-places are turned into public schools.'[51] - -Accordingly he sought still more private retreats; for he wished to -understand before he taught. The French love to see clearly into things; -but their defect in this respect is that they often do not go deep -enough, or fail to observe that by going deep they arrive at truths in -whose presence the most eminent minds ought to confess their -insufficiency and believe in the revelation from God. In the middle ages -there had been men who wished to bring the mysteries of the catholic -faith to the test of reason;[52] Abelard was at the head of that -phalanx. Calvin was not a new Abelard. He did not presume to fathom -impenetrable mysteries, but sought in Scripture the light and the life -of his soul. - -[Sidenote: HE TEACHES IN PRIVATE FAMILIES.] - -His admirers returned to him. Several citizens of Orleans opened their -houses to him, saying: 'Come and teach openly the salvation of man.' -Calvin shrank back. 'Let no one disturb my repose,' he said; 'leave me -in peace.' His repose, that is to say his studies, were his only -thought. But these souls, thirsting for truth, did not yield so easily. -'A repose of darkness!' replied the most ardent; 'an ignoble peace![53] -Come and preach!' Calvin remembered the saying of St. Chrysostom: -'Though a thousand persons should call you, think of your own weakness, -and obey only under constraint.'[54] 'Well, then, we constrain you,' -answered his friends. 'O God! what desirest thou of me?' Calvin would -exclaim at such moments. 'Why dost thou pursue me? Why dost thou turn -and disturb me, and never leave me at rest? Why, despite my disposition, -dost thou lead me to the light and bring me into play?'[55] Calvin gave -way, however, and understood that it was his duty to publish the Gospel. -He went to the houses of his friends. A few men, women, and young people -gathered round him, and he began to explain the Scriptures. It was quite -a new order of teaching: there were none of those distinctions and -deductions of scholastic science, at that time so familiar to the -preachers. The language of the young man possessed an admirable -simplicity, a piercing vitality, and a holy majesty which captivated the -heart. 'He teaches the truth,' said his hearers as they withdrew, 'not -in affected language, but with such depth, solidity, and weight, that -every one who hears him is struck with admiration.' These are the words -of a contemporary of Calvin, who lived on the spot, and in the very -circle in which the Reformer then moved. 'While at Orleans,' adds this -friend, Theodore Beza, 'Calvin, chosen from that time to be an -instrument of election in the Lord's work, wonderfully advanced the -kingdom of God in many families.'[56] - -It was at Orleans, therefore, that Calvin began his evangelist work and -manifested himself to the world as a christian. Calvin's activity in -this city is a proof that he was then converted to the Gospel, and that -he had been so for some time; for his was not one of those expansive -natures which immediately display externally what is within them. This -first ministry of the reformer negatives the hypotheses which place -Calvin's conversion at Orleans, or at Bourges somewhat later, or, even -later still, during his second residence at Paris. - -Thus the young doctor, growing in knowledge and acting in love, refuted -the objections of the gainsayers, and led to Christ the humble souls who -thirsted for salvation. A domestic event suddenly withdrew him from this -pious activity. - -[Footnote 30: Calvin, _Préface aux Psaumes_.] - -[Footnote 31: ('The touch-stone of a standing or of a falling Church.') -'Wolmarus lutheranum virus Calvino instillabat.'—Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de -l'Hérésie_, liv. vii. ch. ix.] - -[Footnote 32: Calvin, _Institution_, liv. iii. ch. ii. 17-19.] - -[Footnote 33: 'Sancti Spiritus dono repleberis, qui scripturarum omnium -profunditatem ac veram dignitatem te docebit.'—Mansi, _Gesta Synodi -Aurelianensis_, xix. p. 376.] - -[Footnote 34: 'Deinde cœlesti cibo pastus, interna satietate -recreatus.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 35: Calvin, _Préface des Commentaires sur les Psaumes_.] - -[Footnote 36: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 37: 'Quos pronuntiabant apostoli esse habendos pro hostibus, -ab iis cur dubitassem me sejungere?'—_Opusc. Lat._ p. 124; _Franç._ -p. 169.] - -[Footnote 38: _Opuscules._] - -[Footnote 39: 'Interea tamen ille sacrarum litterarum studium simul -diligenter excolere in quo tantum etiam promoverat.'—Bezæ _Vita -Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 40: From 70 to 130 A.D.] - -[Footnote 41: Calvin, _in Ep. Johan._; _Pauli ad Philip._ &c.] - -[Footnote 42: Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, liv. vii. ch. x.] - -[Footnote 43: 'Ad mediam usque noctem lucubrare.'—Bezæ _Vita -Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 44: 'Mane vero, quæ legisset, in lecto veluti concoquere.'— -Ibid.] - -[Footnote 45: 'Et tandem etiam intempestivam mortem attulit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 46: 'Doctor potiusquam auditor haberetur.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 47: 'Quum sæpissime obiret ipsorum doctorum vices.'—Bezæ -_Vita Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 48: 'Omnes purioris doctrinæ cupidi ad me, discendi causa, -ventitabant.'—_Præf. in Psalm._] - -[Footnote 49: 'Novitium adhuc et tyronem.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 50: 'Tunc latebras captare.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 51: 'Ut mihi secessus omnes instar publicæ scholæ essent.'— -_Præf. in Psalm._] - -[Footnote 52: 'Catholicæ fidei mysteria ratione investiganda.'—Abelard, -_Introd. ad Theol._ p. 1059.] - -[Footnote 53: 'Ignobile otium colere.'—_Præf. in Psalm._] - -[Footnote 54: Chrysostomus, _De Sacerdotio_, lib. iv.] - -[Footnote 55: Calv. _Præf. in Psalm._ p. 3.] - -[Footnote 56: Théod. de Bèze, _Histoire des Eglises Réformées_, p. 6.] - - - - - CHAPTER XV. - CALVIN CALLED AT BOURGES TO THE EVANGELICAL WORK. - (1528-1529.) - - -[Sidenote: CALVIN LEAVES ORLEANS.] - -One day, probably at the beginning of April 1528, about the Easter -holidays, Calvin received a letter from Noyon. He opened it: it -contained sad news! his father was seriously ill. He went at once to -Duchemin in great agitation: 'I must depart,' he said. This friend, and -many others, would have wished to keep him in a place where he had -become so useful; but he did not hesitate. He must go to his father; he -would, however, only stay as long as was necessary; as soon as the sick -man was better, he would come back. 'I promise you to return shortly,' -he said to Duchemin.[57] Calvin, therefore, bade farewell to his -cherished studies, to his beloved friends, and those pious families in -which he was advancing the kingdom of God, and returned to Picardy. - -We have but few particulars of his sojourn at Noyon. Assuredly his -filial piety indulged at his father's bedside in what has been termed -with reason the sweetest form of gratitude. Yet the weak condition of -the episcopal secretary was prolonged, without any appearance of -imminent danger. A question began to rise up in the young man's heart: -shall he go, or shall he stay?[58] Sometimes, when seated by the sick -man's pillow during the watches of the night, his thoughts would -transport him to Orleans, into the midst of his studies and the society -of his friends; he felt himself impelled, as by a vigorous hand, towards -the places that were so dear to him, and he made in his mind all the -arrangements necessary for his return.[59]... Suddenly his father's -disease grew worse, and the son did not quit the sufferer's bedside. The -old secretary, 'a man of sound understanding and good counsel,' says -Beza, was much respected by those around him, and love for the author of -his days was profoundly engraven in the young man's soul. 'The title of -father belongs to God,' he said; 'when God gives it to a man, he -communicates to him some sparks of his own brightness.'[60] - -[Sidenote: CALVIN'S FIRST LETTER.] - -Erelong a crisis appeared to take place; the doctors held out hopes: the -patient might recover his health, they said.[61] Calvin's thoughts and -desires were turned once more towards Orleans; he would have wished to -go there instantly,[62] but duty was still the strongest, and he -resolved to wait until his father's convalescence was complete. Thus one -day after another glided away.[63] Alas! the doctors were deceived. -'There is no longer any hope of a cure,' they soon told him; 'your -father's death cannot be far off.'[64] Calvin, therefore, determined -(14th of May, 1528) to write to Duchemin, which he had not yet done -since his departure. It is the first of the reformer's letters that has -been handed down to us. 'You know,' he says, 'that I am very exact in my -correspondence, and that I carry it even to importunity.[65] You will be -astonished, perhaps, that I have been wanting in my extreme punctuality; -but when you know the cause, you will restore to me your friendship, -should I perchance have forfeited it.' He then tells Duchemin of his -father's condition, and adds: 'Happen what may, I will see you -again.'[66] What did happen is not very clear. Calvin was at Noyon, as -we have seen, on the 14th of May, 1528; perhaps he remained all the -summer with the sick man. It has been concluded from this letter to -Duchemin that Gerard Calvin died shortly after the 14th of May; at that -time _the approach of death_ was certain, according to the doctors; -but doctors may be mistaken. According to Theodore Beza, he died during -his son's residence at Bourges, nine or ten months later, and a passage -from Calvin, which we shall quote further on, confirms Beza's testimony, -of itself so decisive. - -One circumstance, which has some interest, seems to show that Calvin was -not at Orleans during the latter part of this year. On the 5th of -December, 1528,[67] eight months after his sudden departure, a boy eight -or nine years old arrived at Melchior Wolmar's house in that city. He -had a sickly look, but was a well-made child, playful and well-bred, -with a keen glance and lively wit. This boy, who was one day to be -Calvin's best friend, belonged to a Burgundian family. His father, -Pierre de Beza, was bailli of Vezelay, a very old town, where the child -was born on the 24th of June, 1519,[68] and received the name of -Theodore. One of his uncles, named Nicholas, seignior of Cette and of -Chalonne, and councillor of parliament, having paid the bailli a visit a -few months after the child's birth, adopted him, being an unmarried man, -and took him to Paris, although he had not been weaned.[69] Nine years -later (1528), at the recommendation of an Orleanese, who was connected -with the Bezas and a member of the royal council, the uncle sent his -nephew to Wolmar, who was described to him as very learned in Greek and -of great experience in education. Nothing in Calvin's biography written -by Beza indicates that the latter met Calvin at that time at Orleans. -When Margaret of Valois, who was Duchess of Berry, endeavoured about -this time to gather together a number of pious and learned men in her -university of Bourges, she invited Wolmar there;[70] and it was here -that young Beza saw Calvin for the first time. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN GOES TO BOURGES.] - -The scholar, set at liberty by the apparent restoration of his father's -health, had once more turned his thoughts towards his studies. He -desired to take advantage of the instruction of a doctor whose -reputation surpassed even that of Pierre de l'Etoile. All the learned -world was at that time talking of Alciati of Milan, whom the king had -invited to Bourges, and to attend whose brilliant lessons the academic -youth flocked from every quarter. Calvin had other motives besides this -for going to that city. Under Margaret's influence, Berry had become a -centre of evangelisation. Returning, therefore, to Orleans, he made -known his intention of going to Bourges, and the professors of the -university where he had studied, and even taught with credit, -unanimously offered him the degree of doctor. It would appear that his -modesty did not permit him to accept it.[71] - -There were fewer resources at Bourges than at Orleans. 'As we cannot -live as we wish,' said the students, 'we live as we can.' Everything was -dear: board alone cost one hundred francs a year.[72] 'France is truly a -golden country,' bitterly remarked a poor scholar, 'for without gold you -can get nothing.' But the Noyon student cared little for the comforts of -life; intellectual and spiritual wealth satisfied him. He was anxious to -hear Alciati, and was surprised to find him a tall corpulent man, with -no very thoughtful look. 'He is a great eater,' said one of his -neighbours, 'and very covetous.'[73] Intelligence and imagination, -rather than sentiment, were his characteristics: he was a great jurist -and also a great poet. Mingling literature with his explanation of the -laws, and substituting an elegant style for barbarism of language, he -gave quite a new _éclat_ to the study of the law. Calvin listened -with admiration. Five years later Alciati returned to Italy, allured by -greater emoluments and greater honours. - -Erelong Calvin gave himself up entirely to other thoughts. Bourges had -become, under Margaret's government, the centre of the new doctrine in -France; and he was accordingly struck by the movement of the minds -around him. There was discussing, and speaking, and assembling, wherever -the sound of the Gospel could be heard. On Sunday students and citizens -crowded the two churches where Chaponneau and Michel preached. Calvin -went with the rest, and found the christian truth pretty fairly set -forth 'considering the time.'[74] During the week, evangelical truth was -taught in the university by Gamaire, a learned priest, and by -Bournonville, prior of St. Ambrose. - -[Sidenote: WOLMAR'S APPEAL TO CALVIN.] - -But nothing attracted Calvin like Wolmar's house. It would appear that -this scholar had arrived at Bourges before him.[75] It was there that -Calvin met young Beza, and then began in Theodore's heart that filial -piety which continued all his life, and that admiration which he -professed afterwards in one of his Latin poems, where he calls Calvin - - Romæ ruentis terror ille maximus.[76] - -And truly Calvin was training for this. If Wolmar at Orleans had -confirmed the christian faith in him, Wolmar at Bourges was the first -who invited him distinctly to enter upon the career of a reformer. The -German doctor communicated to the young man the books which he received -from beyond the Rhine—the writings of Luther, Melanchthon, and other -evangelical men.[77] Wolmar, modest, gentle, and a foreigner, did not -think himself called to do in France what these illustrious servants of -God were doing in Germany: but he asked himself whether there was not -some Frenchman called by God to reform France; whether Lefèvre's young -fellow-countryman, who united a great understanding with a soul so full -of energy, might not be the man for whom this work was reserved. - -Wolmar seems to have been to Calvin what Staupitz was to Luther; both -these doctors felt the need of minds of a strong temper for the great -things that were about to take place in the world. One day, therefore, -the professor invited the student to take a walk with him, and the two -friends, leaving behind them that old city, burnt down by Cæsar and -Chilperic, rebuilt by Charlemagne, and enlarged by Philip Augustus, drew -near the banks of the Auron, at its confluence with the Yèvre, and -strolled here and there among the fertile plains of Berry.[78] At last -Wolmar said to Calvin, 'What do you propose doing, my friend? Shall the -Institutes, the Novels, the Pandects absorb your life? Is not theology -the queen of all sciences, and does not God call you to explain his Holy -Scriptures?'[79] What new ideas then started up before Calvin! At Paris -he had renounced the priesthood, and at Bourges Wolmar urged him to the -ministry.... What should he do? - -This was quite another calling. In the theocratic and legal Church, the -priest is the means by which man is restored to communion with God. The -special priesthood, with which he is invested, is the condition on which -depends the virtue of the sacraments and of all the means of grace. -Possessed of a magical power, he works the greatest of miracles at the -altar, and whoever does not partake in the ministrations of this -priesthood can have no share in redemption. The Reformation of the -sixteenth century, by setting aside the formal and theocratic Church of -Rome, which was shaped in the image of the Jewish theocracy, and by -substituting for it the Evangelical Church, conformably to the -principles of Christ and his apostles, transformed the ministry also. -The service of the Word became its centre—the means by which, with the -aid of the Holy Ghost, all its functions were discharged. This -evangelical ministry was to work its miracles also; but whilst those of -the legal ministry proceed from a mysterious virtue in the priesthood, -and are accomplished upon earthly elements, those of the evangelical -ministry are wrought freely by the divine Word, and by a heartfelt faith -in the great love of God, which that ministry proclaims,—strange -spiritual miracles, effected within the soul, transforming the man and -not the bread, and making him a new creature, destined to dwell -eternally with God. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN HESITATES.] - -Did Calvin at this time see clearly the difference between the Roman -priesthood and the Gospel ministry? We doubt it. It was not until later -that his ideas became clear upon this important point. The notion, -however, of abandoning not only the priesthood, but also the study of -the law for the Gospel, was not new to him. More than once in his -retirement, he had already asked himself: 'Shall I not preach Christ to -the world?' But he had always shrunk away humble and timid from this -ministry. 'All men are not suited for it,' he said; 'a special vocation -is necessary, and no one ought to take it upon himself rashly.'[80] -Calvin, like St. Augustin, the ancient doctor whom he most resembled -(the irregularities excepted which mark the youth of the bishop of -Hippona), feared to undertake a charge beyond his strength. He thought -also that his father would never consent to his abandoning the law and -joining the heretics. And yet he felt himself daily more inclined to -entertain the great questions of conscience and christian liberty, of -divine sovereignty and self-renunciation. 'So great a desire of -advancing in the knowledge of Christ consumed me at that time,' he said, -'that I pursued my other studies very coldly.'[81] A domestic event was -soon to give him liberty to enter upon the new career to which God and -Wolmar were calling him.[82] - -Nor was this the only call he received at Bourges. Wolmar had spoken of -him, and several families invited him to their houses to edify them. -This took the young man by surprise, as it had done at Orleans; he -remained silent, lost in the multitude of his thoughts. 'I am quite -amazed,' he said, 'at seeing those who have a desire for pure doctrine -gather round me to learn, although I have only just begun to learn -myself!' He resolved, however, to continue at Bourges the evangelical -work which he had timidly commenced on the banks of the Loire; and he -brought more time and more decision to the task. - -[Sidenote: THE PREACHERS IN BERRY.] - -Calvin accordingly entered into relations with students and townspeople, -nobles and lawyers, priests and professors. The family of the Colladons -held at that time a considerable station in Berry. Two brothers, Leo and -Germain, and two sisters, Mary and Anne, were the first to embrace the -Gospel in Berry. Leo and Germain were advocates, and one of their -cousins, styled Germain II. in the genealogies, now eighteen years old, -afterwards became Calvin's intimate friend at Geneva. These ties of -friendship had probably begun at Bourges.[83] - -The evangelist soon extended his christian activity beyond the walls of -the city. Many natives of Berry, who had heard him at Bourges, had been -charmed with his addresses. 'Come and preach these beautiful words to -us,' they said. Calvin gradually laid aside his natural timidity, and -being cheerful and fond of walking, he visited the castles and -villages.[84] He introduced himself affectionately into all the houses -at which he stopped. 'A graceful salutation,' he said in after years, -'serves as an introduction to converse with people.'[85] He delivered -several sermons in these hamlets and country-seats. - -On the banks of the Arnon, ten leagues from Bourges, there stands a -little town named Lignières, at that time the seat of a considerable -lordship.[86] Every year certain monks came to preach in the parish -church, and were bountifully received at the château, where they -complained of their wretchedness in the most pitiable tone. This -offended the lord of Lignières, who was not of a superstitious -character. 'If I am not mistaken,' he said, 'it is with a view to their -own gain that these monks pretend to be such drudges.'[87] Disgusted -with their hypocrisy, M. de Lignières begged Calvin to come and preach -in their stead. The law-student spoke to an immense crowd with such -clearness, freedom, depth, and vitality, that every one was moved.[88] -'Upon my word,' said the lord to his wife, 'Master John Calvin seems to -me to preach better than the monks, and he goes heartily to work -too.'[89] - -[Sidenote: RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT AT BOURGES.] - -When the priests saw the young evangelist so well received, they cried -out and intrigued against him, and did all in their power to get him put -into prison.[90] It was at Bourges that Calvin began to see that -'everything among men is full of vexation.' He said: 'By the assaults -made against them, Christ sounds the trumpet to his followers, in order -that they may prepare themselves more cheerfully for battle.'[91] - -In this way Calvin laboured in the town, in the villages, and in the -châteaux, conversing tenderly with children, preaching to adults, and -training heroes and martyrs. But the same circumstance which had taken -him away from Orleans, suddenly occurred at Bourges. One day he received -a letter from Noyon, written probably by his brother Anthony. Alas! his -father was dead! and he was far from him, unable to lavish upon him the -attentions of his filial piety. 'While he was at Bourges his father -died,' says Theodore Beza, 'and he was obliged to return to Noyon.'[92] -The death was very sudden.[93] Calvin did not hesitate; he bade farewell -to Berry, to those pious families which he had edified, to his studies, -and to his friends. 'You held out your hand to me,' he said to Wolmar, -'and were ready to support me from one end to the other of my course; -but my father's death takes me away from our conversations and our -lessons.'[94] - -Bourges did not fall back into darkness after Calvin's departure. A -venerable doctor, named Michel Simon, perhaps that _Michel_ whom we -have already mentioned, displayed a holy boldness notwithstanding his -age. One day a Pelagian cordelier (as all the doctors of that order are) -had effrontery enough to maintain that man can be saved by his natural -strength alone. Simon confronted him, and succeeded in getting it laid -down that in the public disputations every proposition must be -established by the text of Scripture. This gave a new impulse to -theological studies. - -The priests came to an understanding with one another, and made their -preparations without saying a word. On the following Sunday, Michel -Simon, having entered the pulpit, was about to begin his sermon, when -the curé, with his vicars and choristers, entered the choir, and began -to chant the office for the dead. It was impossible either to preach or -to hear. The exasperated students rushed into the choir, threw the books -about, upset the lecterns, and drove out the priests, who ran off 'in -great disorder.' Simon, who remained master of the field, delivered his -sermon, and, to the surprise of his hearers, ended by repeating the -Lord's prayer _in French_, without adding the _Ave Maria_! Whereupon a -man, sitting in one of the upper stalls (he was the king's proctor), -stood up, and with a sonorous voice began: _Ave Maria, gratia_.... He -could not complete the sentence. A universal shout interrupted him; the -women, who are easily excited, caught up their little stools, crowded -round the proctor, and shook them over his head. These people were -catholics, disgusted with the priests, not with the disciples of the -Saviour. - -While the student of Noyon was devoting himself to the preaching of the -Gospel, extreme danger threatened him who had been his forerunner in -this work. - -[Footnote 57: 'Quod tibi promiseram discedens me brevi adfuturum.'— -Calvinus Chemino, May 14, 1528, Berne MS.] - -[Footnote 58: 'Ea me expectatio diutius suspensum habuit.'—Calvinus -Chemino.] - -[Footnote 59: 'Nam dum reditum ad vos meditor.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 60: Calvini _Opera_.] - -[Footnote 61: 'Sed cum medici spem facerent posse redire in prosperam -valetudinem.'—Calvinus Chemino.] - -[Footnote 62: 'Nihil aliud visum est quam tui desiderium.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 63: 'Interim dies de die trahitur.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 64: 'Certum mortis periculum.'—Calvinus Chemino.] - -[Footnote 65: 'In litteris missitandis plus satis officiosum, ne dicam -importunum.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 66: 'Utcunque res ceciderit, ad vos revisam.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 67: 'Factum est ut ad te pervenirem anno Domini 1528, nonis -Decembris.'—Letter of Theodore Beza to Wolmar, Preface to the -_Confessio Fidei Christianæ_.] - -[Footnote 68: 'Anno Domini 1519 die 24 junii, placuit Deo O. M. ut mundi -lucem aspicerem.'—Letter of Theodore Beza to Wolmar, Preface to the -_Confessio Fidei Christianæ_.] - -[Footnote 69: 'Ut me quamvis adhuc a nutricis uberibus pendentem.'— -Ibid.] - -[Footnote 70: 'Aureliæ primum, deinde Biturigibus, quum in eam urbem -regina Navarræ te evocasset.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 71: 'Eique discedenti doctoratus insignia absque ullo pretio -offeruntur.'—Bezæ _Vita Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 72: _Conrad Gessner_ von Hanhait, p. 22. _Theodor. Beza_ von -Baum, p. 12.] - -[Footnote 73: 'Vir fuit corpulentus, proceræ staturæ. Auri avidus -habitus est et cibi avidior.'—Panzivole, _De claris Legum Interpret._ -lib. ii.] - -[Footnote 74: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. des Eglises Réformées_, p. 6.] - -[Footnote 75: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 76: 'Of Rome in its decline the greatest dread.'—Bezæ -_Icones_.] - -[Footnote 77: 'Libros quos e Germania acceperat, mittebat.'—Flor. -Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, ii. liv. vii.] - -[Footnote 78: 'Die quodam cum discipulo magister, animi gratia, -deambulans.'—Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_.] - -[Footnote 79: 'Ut posito Justiniani codice ad Theologiæ omnium -scientiarum reginæ studium, animum applicaret.'—Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de -l'Hérésie_, liv. vii. ch. ix. Florimond Rémond was so hostile to the -Reformation which he had abjured, that he cannot be trusted when his -prejudices are concerned; but he ought to be believed when his -predilections do not mislead him. I cannot see what object he could have -had in inventing this conversation. 'The Calvinists, in order to be -avenged of this writer,' says Moreri, 'have endeavoured to traduce his -memory.' The most sensible course is to hold a just mean between the -Romish apologists and the protestant detractors.] - -[Footnote 80: 'Non omnes esse Verbi ministerio idoneos ... requiritur -specialis vocatio.'—Calv. _Opera_.] - -[Footnote 81: 'Tanto proficiendi studio exarsi, ut reliqua studia -quamvis non abjicerem, frigidius tamen sectarer.'—Calv. _Præf._ in -Psalm.] - -[Footnote 82: 'Acriter exhortans ut de reformanda atque illustranda Dei -ecclesia cogitationem ac curam serio inciperet.'—Flor. Rémond, _Histoire -de l'Hérésie_.] - -[Footnote 83: Leo Colladon died at Geneva on the 31st of August, 1552. -His son Nicholas took refuge there in 1553, and in 1556 succeeded Calvin -in the chair of divinity. Germain II., made free of the city in 1555, -was the compiler of the Genevese code. Galiffe, _Généalogie des Familles -Genevoises_. Haag, _France Protestante_, article _Colladon_.] - -[Footnote 84: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. des Eglises Réformées_, p. 7.] - -[Footnote 85: Calvin, _Commentaire sur Mathieu_, ch. x.] - -[Footnote 86: In the reign of Louis XIV. this lordship belonged to -Colbert.] - -[Footnote 87: 'Contrefont les marmitons.'] - -[Footnote 88: 'Nonnullas interdum conciones in agro Biturigum, in -oppidulo quod _Linerias_ vocant.'—Bezæ _Vita Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 89: Bèze, _Hist. des Eglises Réformées_, p. 7.] - -[Footnote 90: 'Nisi me ab ipsis prope carceribus mors patris -revocasset.'—Calvinus Volmario, _in 2ᵃᵐ Ep. ad Corinth_.] - -[Footnote 91: _Commentaire sur Mathieu_, ch. x.] - -[Footnote 92: Théod. de Bèze, _Vie de Calvin_ (French text), p. 11. -'In agro Biturigum ... mors patris nuntiata in patriam vocavit.'—Ibid. -in Latin text.] - -[Footnote 93: 'Repentina mors patris,' says Beza. This _sudden_ death -proves that Calvin's father did not die, as some assert, of the long -illness described in the letter to Duchemin.] - -[Footnote 94: _Dédicace de la 2ᵉ aux Corinthiens._] - - - - - CHAPTER XVI. - BERQUIN, THE MOST LEARNED OF THE NOBILITY, A MARTYR FOR THE GOSPEL. - (1529.) - - -When Calvin passed through the capital on his way from Bourges to Noyon, -on the occasion of his father's death, he might have remarked a certain -agitation among his acquaintances. In fact, the Sorbonne was increasing -its exertions to destroy Berquin, who, forsaken by almost everybody, had -no one to support him but God and the Queen of Navarre. - -[Sidenote: MARGARET'S SORROWS.] - -Margaret, who was at St. Germain-en-Laye, enjoyed but little repose. The -brilliant court of Francis I. filled the noble palace with their -pastimes. Early in the morning every one was afoot; the horns sounded, -and the king set off, accompanied by the King of Navarre, a crowd of -nobles, the Duchess of Etampes, and many other ladies, and joined one of -those great hunting parties of which he was so fond. Margaret, remaining -alone, recalled her sorrows, and sought the _one thing needful_. Her -husband sometimes indulged in gaming, and the queen entreated -Montmorency to give him good advice. Henry, who thought his wife rather -too pious, complained of this with all the impetuosity of his character. -It was not Margaret's only vexation. At first her mother had appeared to -take part with the Reformation. One day, in December 1522, Louisa of -Savoy had said to her daughter, who was delighted to hear it: 'By the -grace of the Holy Ghost, my son and I are beginning to know these -hypocrites, white, black, grey, and all colours.... May God, by his -mercy and infinite goodness, defend us from them; for, if Jesus Christ -is not a liar, there is no such dangerous brood in all human -nature.'[95] But this princess, whose morality was more than doubtful, -had now become reconciled, and even leagued with these 'hypocrites -black, white, and grey,' and the king was beginning to give them his -support. Thus Margaret saw the three objects of her tenderest affection -alienating themselves from God; and remaining at the palace while -Francis with his lords and ladies and his hounds was chasing the wild -animals, she walked sadly in the park, saying to herself: - - Father and mother I have none; - Brother and sister—all are gone, - Save God, in whom I trust alone, - Who rules the earth from his high throne. - - All these loved ones I would forget; - Parents and friends, the world, its joys, - Honour and wealth however great, - I hold my deepest enemies! - Hence, ye delights! - Whose vanity - Jesus the Christ has shown to me! - - But God, God only is my hope; - I know that he is all in all, - Dearer than husband to the wife— - My father, mother, friend, my all! - He is my hope, - My resting-place, - My strength, my being, and my trust, - For he hath saved me by his grace. - - Father and mother I have none; - Brother and sister—all are gone, - Save God, in whom I trust alone, - Who rules the earth from his high throne.[96] - -[Sidenote: SORBONNE PLOTS AGAINST BERQUIN.] - -Whilst Margaret was seeking consolation in God, there came a support -which she had not expected. Erasmus was growing uneasy; the letters -which he received were full of alarming news; he saw that Francis I., on -whom he had so much relied, was stumbling and ready to fall. This would -give the victory to the Sorbonne. Having a presentiment that the -ultramontanists were daring revolutionists, prepared to sacrifice not -only literature and the Gospel, but royalty itself, he laid aside his -usual prudence, and resolved to tear the veil from the king's eyes, -which concealed the perverted designs of the Roman party, and to show -him conspirators in those who called themselves the supporters of the -throne. 'These men,' he wrote, 'under the cloak of the interests of the -faith, creep into all sorts of dark ways. Their only thought is of -bringing the august heads of monarchs under their yoke and of suspending -their power. Wait a little. If a prince resists them, they call him a -favourer of heresy, and say that it is the duty of the Church (that is -to say, of a few apocryphal monks and false doctors) to dethrone him. -What! shall they be permitted to scatter their poisons everywhere, and -we be forbidden to apply the antidote?'[97] - -This epistle from the prince of letters, who with so much discernment -placed his finger on the sore, soon became known; and when it reached -the Sorbonne, the doctors, dismayed that a man so moderate and respected -should reveal their secrets so boldly, saw no other means of saving -their cause than by striking their enemies with terror. They dared do -nothing against the sage of Rotterdam, who was besides out of their -reach; but they swore that his friend Berquin should pay for his master. -The theologians of the Sorbonne demanded that this gentleman should be -brought to trial; Duprat, Louisa of Savoy, and Montmorency supported -their petition. There was no means of evading it, and twelve judges were -nominated by the pope and by the king.[98] These men were greatly -embarrassed, for Berquin's irreproachable life, amiable character, -inexhaustible charity, and regular attendance at public worship, had won -universal esteem. However, as the first president De Selva, the fourth -president Pailot, and some others, were either weak or fanatical -persons, the Sorbonne did not lose all hope. One alone of the twelve -caused any fear: this was William Budæus, called by Erasmus 'the prodigy -of France;' an enlightened man, who, while professing a great respect -for the Catholic Church, had more than once betrayed certain evangelical -tendencies to his wife and children. The twelve judges proceeded with -their investigation, without requiring the accused man to be shut up in -prison. Berquin went and came as he pleased; he spoke to the judges and -parliament, and convinced them of his innocence. But terror began to -paralyse the weak minds among them; they were afraid of the righteous -man; they would have nothing to do with 'that sort of people,' and -turned their backs upon him. - -[Sidenote: MARGARET INTERCEDES FOR BERQUIN] - -Berquin now resolved to address the king and to get Margaret to support -him. 'It was generally reported,' says one of the enemies of the Reform, -'that the Queen of Navarre took wondrous pains to save those who were in -danger, and that she alone prevented the Reformation from being stifled -in the cradle.'[99] Berquin went to the palace, and made his danger -known to the queen. He found in Margaret the compassion which failed him -elsewhere. She knew that we ought not 'to stand aside from those who -suffer persecution for the name of Christ, and would not be ashamed of -those in whom there was nothing shameful.'[100] Margaret immediately -took up her pen, and sitting down at that table where she had so often -pleaded both in prose and verse the cause of Christ and of christians, -she wrote the king the following letter:— - -'Monseigneur,—The unhappy Berquin, who maintains that God, through your -goodness, has twice saved his life, presents himself before you, to make -manifest his innocence to you, having no one else to whom he can apply. -Knowing, Monseigneur, the esteem in which you hold him, and the desire -which he has now and always has had to serve you, I fear not to entreat -that you will be pleased to have pity upon him. He will convince you -that these heretic-finders are more slanderous and disobedient towards -you than zealous for the faith. He knows, Monseigneur, that you desire -to maintain the rights of every one, and that the just man needs no -advocate in the eyes of your compassion. For this cause I shall say no -more. Entreating Him who has given you such graces and virtues to grant -you a long and happy life, in order that he may long be glorified by you -in this world and everlastingly in the world to come, - -'Your most obedient and most humble subject and sister, - -'MARGARET.'[101] - -Having finished, the queen rose and gave the letter to Berquin, who -immediately sought an audience of the king. We know not how he was -received, or what effect Margaret's intercession had upon Francis. It -would seem, however, that the king addressed a few kind words to him. We -know at least that Beda and the Sorbonne were uneasy, and that, fearing -to see their victim once more escape them, they increased their -exertions, and brought one charge after another against him. At last the -authorities gave way; the police received orders to avoid every -demonstration calculated to alarm him, lest he should escape to Erasmus -at Basle. All their measures were arranged, and at the moment when he -least expected it, about three weeks before Easter (in March 1529), -Berquin was arrested and taken to the Conciergerie. - -[Sidenote: BERQUIN'S LETTER DISCOVERED.] - -Thus then was 'the most learned of the nobles,' as he was termed, thrown -into prison in despite of the queen. He paced sadly up and down his -cell, and one thought haunted him. Having been seized very unexpectedly, -he had left in his room at Paris certain books which were condemned at -Rome, and which consequently might ruin him. 'Alas!' he exclaimed, 'they -will cost me serious trouble!'[102] Berquin resolved to apply to a -christian friend whom he could trust, to prevent the evil which he -foresaw; and the next day after his incarceration, when the domestic, -who had free access to him, and passed in and out on business, came for -orders, the prisoner gave him, with an anxious and mysterious air, a -letter which he said was of the greatest importance. The servant -immediately hid it under his dress. 'My life is at stake,' repeated -Berquin. In that letter, addressed to a familiar friend, the prisoner -begged him without delay to remove the books pointed out to him and to -burn them. - -The servant, who did not possess the courage of a hero, departed -trembling. His emotion increased as he proceeded, his strength failed -him, and as he was crossing the Pont au Change, and found himself in -front of the image of Our Lady, known as _la belle ymage_, the poor -fellow, who was rather superstitious, although in Berquin's service, -lost his presence of mind and fainted. 'A sinking of the heart came over -him, and he fell to the ground as if in a swoon,' says the catholic -chronicler.[103] The neighbours and the passers-by gathered round him, -and lifted him up. One of these kind citizens, eager to assist him, -unbuttoned his coat to give him room to breathe, and found the letter -which had been so carefully hidden. The man opened and read it; he was -frightened, and told the surrounding crowd what were its contents. The -people declared it to be a miracle: 'He is a heretic,' they said. 'If he -has fallen like a dead man, it is the penalty of his crime; it was Our -Lady who did it.'—'Give me the letter,' said one of the spectators; 'the -famous Jacobin doctor who is preaching the Lent sermons at St. -Bartholomew's dines with me to-day. I will show it to him.' When the -dinner-hour came, the company invited by this citizen arrived, and among -them was the celebrated preacher of the Rue St. Jacques in his white -robe and scapulary and pointed hood. This Jacobin monk was no holiday -inquisitor. He understood the great importance of the letter, and, -quitting the table, hastened with it to Beda, who, quite overjoyed at -the discovery, eagerly laid it before the court. The christian gentleman -was ruined. The judges found the letter very compromising. 'Let the said -Berquin,' they ordered, 'be closely confined in a strong tower.' This -was done. Beda, on his side, displayed fresh activity; for time pressed, -and it was necessary to strike a decisive blow. With some the impetuous -syndic spoke gently, with others he spoke loudly; he employed threats -and promises, and nothing seemed to tire him. - -From that hour Berquin's case appeared desperate. Most of his friends -abandoned him; they were afraid lest Margaret's intervention, always so -powerful, should now prove unavailing. The captive alone did not give -way to despair. Although shut up in a strong tower, he possessed liberty -and joy, and uplifting his soul to God, he hoped even against hope. - -[Sidenote: BERQUIN'S SENTENCE.] - -On Friday, the 16th of April, 1529, the inquiry was finished, and at -noon Berquin was brought into court. The countenance of Budæus was -sorrowful and kind; but the other judges bore the stamp of severity on -their features. The prisoner's heart was free from rancour, his hands -pure from revenge, and the calm of innocence was on his face. 'Louis -Berquin,' said the president, 'you are convicted of belonging to the -sect of Luther, and of having written wicked books against the majesty -of God and of his glorious mother. Wherefore we condemn you to do public -penance, bareheaded and with a lighted taper in your hand, in the great -court of our palace, asking pardon of God, of the king, and of justice, -for the offence you have committed. You shall then be taken, bareheaded -and on foot, to the Grève, where you shall see your books burnt. Next -you shall be led to the front of the church of Notre Dame, where you -shall do penance to God and the glorious Virgin, his mother. Afterwards -you shall have your tongue pierced—that instrument of unrighteousness by -which you have so grievously sinned.[104] Lastly, you shall be taken to -the prison of Monsieur de Paris (the bishop), and be shut up there all -your life between four walls of stone; and we forbid you to be supplied -either with books to read, or pen and ink to write.' - -Berquin, startled at hearing such a sentence, which Erasmus terms -'atrocious,' and which the pious nobleman was far from expecting,[105] -at first remained silent, but soon regaining his usual courage, and -looking firmly at his judges,[106] he said: 'I appeal to the -king.'—'Take care,' answered his judges; 'if you do not acquiesce in our -sentence, we will find means to prevent you from ever appealing again.' -This was clear. Berquin was sent back to prison. - -Margaret began to fear that her brother would withdraw his support from -the evangelicals. If the Reformation had been a courtly religion, -Francis would have protected it; but the independent air that it seemed -to take, and, above all, its inflexible holiness, made it distasteful to -him. The Queen of Navarre saw that the unhappy prisoner had none but the -Lord on his side. She prayed: - - Thou, God, alone canst say: - Touch not my son, take not his life away. - Thou only canst thy sovereign hand outstretch - To ward the blow.[107] - -Everything indicated that the blow would be struck. On the afternoon of -the very day when the sentence had been delivered, Maillard, the -lieutenant-criminal, with the archers, bowmen, and arquebusiers of the -city, surrounded the Conciergerie. It was thought that Berquin's last -hour had come, and an immense crowd hurried to the spot. 'More than -twenty thousand people came to see the execution,' says a -manuscript.[108] 'They are going to take one of the king's officers to -the Grève,' said the spectators. Maillard, leaving his troops under -arms, entered the prison, ordered the martyr's cell to be opened, and -told him that he had come to execute the sentence. 'I have appealed to -the king,' replied the prisoner. The lieutenant-criminal withdrew. -Everybody expected to see him followed by Berquin, and all eyes were -fixed upon the gate; but no one appeared. The commander of the troops -ordered them to retire; the archers marched back, and 'the great throng -of people that was round the court-house and in the city separated.' The -first president immediately called the court together, to take the -necessary measures. 'We must lose no time,' said some, 'for the king has -twice already rescued him from our hands.' Was there no hope left? - -[Sidenote: BUDÆUS TRIES TO SAVE BERQUIN.] - -There were in France at that time two men of the noblest character, both -friends of learning, whose whole lives had been consecrated to doing -what was right: they were Budæus on the bench, and Berquin in his cell. -The first was united to the second by the purest friendship, and his -only thought was how to save him. But what could he do singly against -the parliament and the Sorbonne? Budæus shuddered when he heard of his -friend's appeal; he knew the danger to which this step exposed him, and -hastened to the prison. 'Pray do not appeal!' said he; 'a second -sentence is all ready, and it orders you to be put to death. If you -accept the first, we shall be able to save you eventually. Pray do not -ruin yourself!' Berquin, a more decided man than Budæus, would rather -die than make any concession to error. His friend, however, did not -slacken his exertions; he desired at whatever risk to save one of the -most distinguished men of France. Three whole days were spent by him in -the most energetic efforts.[109] He had hardly quitted his friend before -he returned and sat down by his side or walked with him sorrowfully up -and down the prison. He entreated him for his own safety, for the good -of the Church, and for the welfare of France. Berquin made no reply; -only, after a long appeal from Budæus, he gave a nod of dissent. -Berquin, says the historian of the University of Paris, 'sustained the -encounter with indomitable obstinacy.'[110] - -[Sidenote: BERQUIN'S FALL AND RECOVERY] - -Would he continue firm? Many evangelicals were anxiously watching the -struggle. Remembering the fall of the apostle Peter at the voice of a -serving-maid, they said one to another that a trifling opposition was -sufficient to make the strongest stumble. 'Ah!' said Calvin, 'if we -cease but for an instant to lean upon the hand of God, a puff of wind, -or the rustling of a falling leaf, is enough ... and straightway we -fall!' It was not a puff of wind, but a tempest rather, by which Berquin -was assailed. While the threatening voices of his enemies were roaring -around him, the gentle voice of Budæus, full of the tenderest affection, -penetrated the prisoner's heart and shook his firmest resolutions. 'O my -dear friend,' said Budæus, 'there are better times coming, for which you -ought to preserve yourself.' Then he stopped, and added in a more -serious tone: 'You are guilty towards God and man if by your own act you -give yourself up to death.'[111] - -Berquin was touched at last by the perseverance of this great man; he -began to waver; his sight became troubled. Turning his face away from -God, he bent it to the ground. The power of the Holy Spirit was -extinguished in him for a moment (to use the language of a reformer), -and he thought he might be more useful to the kingdom of God by -preserving himself for the future, than by yielding himself up to -present death. 'All that we ask of you is to beg for pardon. Do we not -all need pardon?' Berquin consented to ask pardon of God and the king in -the great court of the palace of justice. - -Budæus ran off with delight and emotion to inform his colleagues of the -prisoner's concession. But at the very moment when he thought he had -saved his friend, he felt a sudden sadness come over him. He knew at -what a price Berquin would have to purchase his life; besides, had he -not seen that it was only after a struggle of nearly sixty hours that -the prisoner had given way? Budæus was uneasy. 'I know the man's mind,' -he said. 'His ingenuousness, and the confidence he has in the goodness -of his cause, will be his ruin.'[112] - -During this interval there was a fierce struggle in Berquin's soul. All -peace had forsaken him; his conscience spoke tumultuously. 'No!' he said -to himself, 'no sophistry! Truth before all things! We must fear neither -man nor torture, but render all obedience to God. I will persevere to -the end; I will not pray the leader of this good war for my discharge. -Christ will not have his soldiers take their ease until they have -conquered over death.' - -Budæus returned to the prison shortly afterwards. 'I will retract -nothing,' said his friend; 'I would rather die than by my silence -countenance the condemnation of truth.'[113] He was lost! Budæus -withdrew, pale and frightened, and communicated the terrible news to his -colleagues. Beda and his friends were filled with joy, being convinced -that to remove Berquin from the number of the living was to remove the -Reformation from France. The judges, by an unprecedented exercise of -power, revised their sentence, and condemned the nobleman to be -strangled and then burnt on the Grève. - -Margaret, who was at St. Germain, was heartbroken when she heard of this -unexpected severity. Alas! the king was at Blois with Madame ——.... -Would there be time to reach him? She would try. She wrote to him again, -apologising for the very humble recommendations she was continually -laying before him, and adding: 'Be pleased, Sire, to have pity on poor -Berquin, who is suffering only because he loves the Word of God and -obeys you. This is the reason why those who did the contrary during your -captivity hate him so; and their malicious hypocrisy has enabled them to -find advocates about you to make you forget his sincere faith in God and -his love for you.'[114] After having uttered this cry of anguish, the -Queen of Navarre waited. - -[Sidenote: THE EXECUTION HURRIED ON.] - -But Francis gave no signs of life. In his excuse it has been urged that -if he had at that time been victorious abroad and honoured at home, he -would have saved Berquin once more; but the troubles in Italy and the -intrigues mixed up with the treaty of Cambray, signed three months -later, occupied all his thoughts. These are strange reasons. The fact -is, that if the king (as is probable) had desired to save Berquin, he -had not the opportunity; the enemies of this faithful christian had -provided against that. They had scarcely got the sentence in their -hands, when they called for its immediate execution. They fancied they -could already hear the gallop of the horse arriving from Blois, and see -the messenger bringing the pardon. Beda fanned the flame. Not a week's -delay, not even a day or an hour! 'But,' said some, 'this prevents the -king from exercising the right of pardon, and is an encroachment upon -his royal authority.'—'It matters not! put him to death!'—The judges -determined to have the sentence carried out the very day it was -delivered, '_in order that he might not be helped by the king_.'[115] - -In the morning of the 22nd of April, 1529,[116] the officers of -parliament entered the gloomy cell where Berquin was confined. The pious -disciple, on the point of offering up his life voluntarily for the name -of Jesus Christ, was absorbed in prayer; he had long sought for God and -had found him; the Lord was near him, and peace filled his soul. Having -God for his father, he knew that nothing would be wanting to him in that -last hour when everything else was to fail him: he saw a triumph in -reproach, a deliverance in death. At the sight of the officers of the -court, some of whom appeared embarrassed, Berquin understood what they -wanted. He was ready; he rose calm and firm, and followed them. The -officers handed him over to the lieutenant-criminal and his sergeants, -who were to carry out the sentence. - -Meanwhile several companies of archers and bowmen were drawn up in front -of the Conciergerie. These armed men were not alone around the prison. -The news had spread far and wide that a gentleman of the court, a friend -of Erasmus and of the Queen of Navarre, was about to be put to death; -and accordingly there was a great commotion in the capital. A crowd of -common people, citizens, priests and monks, with a few gentlemen and -friends of the condemned noble, waited, some with anger, others with -curiosity, and others with anguish, for the moment when he would appear. -Budæus was not there; he had not the courage to be present at the -punishment. Margaret, who was at St. Germain, could almost see the -flames of the burning pile from the terrace of the château. - -When the clock struck twelve, the escort began to move. At its head was -the grand penitentiary Merlin; then followed the archers and bowmen, and -after them the officers of justice and more armed men. In the middle of -the escort was the prisoner. A wretched tumbrel was bearing him slowly -to punishment. He wore a cloak of velvet, a doublet of satin and damask, -and golden hose, says the Bourgeois of Paris, who probably saw him -pass.[117] The King of heaven having invited him to the wedding, Berquin -had joyfully put on his finest clothes. 'Alas!' said many as they saw -him, 'he is of noble lineage, a very great scholar, expert and quick in -learning ... and yet he has gone out of his mind!' There was nothing in -the looks or gestures of the reformer which indicated the least -confusion or pride. He neither braved nor feared death: he approached it -with tranquillity, meekness, and hope, as if entering the gates of -heaven. Men saw peace unchangeable written on his face. Montius, a -friend of Erasmus, who had desired to accompany this pious man even to -the stake, said in the highest admiration: 'There was in him none of -that boldness, of that hardened air which men led to death often assume; -the calmness of a good conscience was visible in every feature.'—'He -looks,' said other spectators, 'as if he were in God's house meditating -upon heavenly things.'[118] - -[Sidenote: BERQUIN'S MARTYRDOM.] - -At last the tumbrel had reached the place of punishment, and the escort -halted. The chief executioner approached and desired Berquin to alight. -He did so, and the crowd pressed more closely round the ill-omened spot. -The principal officer of the court, having beckoned for silence with his -hand, unrolled a parchment, and read the sentence 'with a husky voice,' -says the chronicler. But Berquin was about to die for the Son of God who -had died for him; his heart did not flinch one jot; he felt no -confusion, and wishing to make the Saviour who supported him in that -hour of trial known to the poor people around him, he uttered a few -christian words. But the doctors of the Sorbonne were watching all his -movements, and had even posted about a certain number of their creatures -in order to make a noise if they thought it was necessary. Alarmed at -hearing the soft voice of the evangelist, and fearing lest the people -should be touched by his words, these 'sycophants' hastily gave the -signal. Their agents immediately began to shout, the soldiers clashed -their arms, 'and so great was the uproar that the voice of the holy -martyr was not heard in the extremity of death.' When Berquin found that -these clamours drowned his voice, he held his peace. A Franciscan friar, -who had accompanied him from the prison, eager to extort from him one -word of recantation, redoubled his importunities at this last moment; -but the martyr remained firm. At length the monk was silent, and the -executioner drew near. Berquin meekly stretched out his head; the -hangman passed the cord round his neck and strangled him. - -[Sidenote: EFFECT ON THE SPECTATORS.] - -There was a pause of solemn silence ... but not for long. It was broken -by the doctors of the Sorbonne and the monks, who hastily went up and -contemplated the lifeless body of their victim. No one cried 'Jesus! -Jesus!'—a cry of mercy heard even at the execution of a parricide. The -most virtuous man in France was treated worse than a murderer. One -person, however, standing near the stake, showed some emotion, and, -strange to say, it was the grand penitentiary Merlin. 'Truly,' he said, -'so good a christian has not died these hundred years and more.' The -dead body was thrown into the flames, which mounted up and devoured -those limbs once so vigorous and now so pale and lifeless. A few men, -led away by passion, looked on with joy at the progress of the fire, -which soon consumed the precious remains of him who should have been the -reformer of France. They imagined they saw heresy burnt out, and when -the body was entirely destroyed, they thought that the Reformation was -destroyed with it, and that not a fragment of it remained. But all the -spectators were not so cruel. They gazed upon the burning pile with -sorrow and with love. The christians who had looked upon Berquin as the -future reformer of France, were overwhelmed with anguish when they saw -the hero in whom they had hoped reduced to a handful of dust. The temper -of the people seemed changed, and tears were seen to flow down many a -face. In order to calm this emotion, certain rumours were set afloat. A -man stepped out of the crowd, and going up to the Franciscan confessor, -asked him: 'Did Berquin acknowledge his error?'—'Yes, certainly,' -answered the monk, 'and I doubt not that his soul departed in peace.' -This man was Montius; he wrote and told the anecdote to Erasmus. 'I do -not believe a word of it,' answered the latter. 'It is the usual story -which those people invent after the death of their victims, in order to -appease the anger of the people.' - -Some such stratagems were necessary, for the general agitation was -increasing. Berquin's innocence, stamped on his features and on all his -words, struck those who saw him die, and they were beginning to murmur. -The monks noticed this, and had prepared themselves beforehand in case -the indignation of the people should break out. They penetrated into the -thickest of the crowd, making presents to the children and to the common -people; and having worked them up, they sent them off in every -direction. The impressionable crowd spread over the Grève and through -the neighbouring streets, shouting out that Berquin was a heretic. Yet -here and there men gathered in little groups, talking of the excellent -man who had been sacrificed to the passion of the theological faculty. -'Alas!' said some with tears in their eyes, 'there never was a more -virtuous man.'[119] Many were astonished that a nobleman who held a high -place in the king's affections should be strangled like a criminal. -'Alas!' rejoined others indignantly, 'what caused his ruin was the -liberty which animated him, which is always the faithful companion of a -good conscience.'[120] Others of more spirit exclaimed: 'Condemn, -quarter, crucify, burn, behead ... that is what pirates and tyrants can -do; but God is the only just judge, and blessed is the man whom he -pardoneth.' The more pious looked for consolation to the future. 'It is -only through the cross,' they said, 'that Christ will triumph in this -kingdom.'[121] The crowd dispersed. - -[Sidenote: THE MARTYRS' HYMN.] - -The news of this tragedy soon spread through France, everywhere causing -the deepest sorrow. Berquin was not the only person struck down; other -christians also suffered the last punishment. Philip Huaut was burnt -alive, after having his tongue cut out; and Francis Desus had both hand -and head cut off. The story of these deaths, especially that of Berquin, -was told in the shops of the workmen and in the cottages of the -peasants. Many were terrified at it; but more than one evangelical -christian, when he heard the tale at his own fireside, raised his head -and cast a look towards heaven, expressive of his joy at having a -Redeemer and a _Father's house_ beyond the sky. 'We too are ready,' -said these men and women of the Reformation to one another, 'we are -ready to meet death cheerfully, setting our eyes on the life that is to -come.' One of these christian souls, who had known Berquin best, and who -shed most tears over him, was the Queen of Navarre. Distressed and -alarmed by his death and by the deaths of the christians sacrificed in -other places for the Gospel, she prayed fervently to God to come to the -help of his people. She called to mind these words of the Gospel: -_Shall not God avenge his own elect, which cry day and night unto -him?_[122] A stranger to all hatred, free from every evil desire of -revenge, she called to the Lord's remembrance how dear the safety of his -children is to him, and implored his protection for them: - - O Lord our God, arise, - Chastise thy enemies - Thy saints who slay. - Death, which to heathen men - Is full of grief and pain, - To all who in heaven shall reign - With thee is dear. - - They through the gloomy vale - Walk firm, and do not quail, - To rest with thee. - Such death is happiness, - Leading to that glad place - Where in eternal bliss - Thy sons abide. - - Stretch out thy hand, O Lord, - Help those who trust thy Word, - And give for sole reward - This death of joy. - O Lord our God, arise, - Chastise thy enemies - Thy saints who slay.[123] - -This little poem by the Queen of Navarre, which contains several other -verses, was the martyrs' hymn in the sixteenth century. Nothing shows -more clearly that she was heart and soul with the evangelicals. - -Terror reigned among the reformed christians for some time after -Berquin's martyrdom. They endured reproach, without putting themselves -forward; they did not wish to irritate their enemies, and many of them -retired to _the desert_, that is, to some unknown hiding-place. It -was during this period of sorrow and alarm, when the adversaries -imagined that by getting rid of Berquin they had got rid of the -Reformation as well, and when the remains of the noble martyr were -hardly scattered to the winds of heaven, that Calvin once more took up -his abode in Paris, not far from the spot where his friend had been -burnt. Rome thought she had put the reformer to death; but he was about -to rise again from his ashes, more spiritual, more clear, and more -powerful, to labour at the renovation of society and the salvation of -mankind. - -[Footnote 95: _Journal de Louise de Savoie._] - -[Footnote 96: _Marguerites de la Marguerite_, i. p. 502.] - -[Footnote 97: 'Illis licere venena sua spargere, nobis non licere -admovere antidota.'—Erasmi _Epp._ p. 1109.] - -[Footnote 98: _Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris sous François I._ -p. 380.] - -[Footnote 99: Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, p. 348.] - -[Footnote 100: Calvin.] - -[Footnote 101: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, ii. p. 96.] - -[Footnote 102: _Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris_, p. 381.] - -[Footnote 103: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 104: 'Lingua illi ferro perfoderetur.'—Erasmi _Epp._ p. 1277. -_Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris_, p. 382.] - -[Footnote 105: 'Audita præter expectationem atroci sententia.'—Erasmi -_Epp._] - -[Footnote 106: 'Constanti vultu.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 107: _Marguerites de la Marguerite_, i. p. 444.] - -[Footnote 108: _Chronique du Roi François I._ p. 76, note.] - -[Footnote 109: 'Budæum triduo privatim egisse cum Berquino.'—Erasmi -_Epp._] - -[Footnote 110: Crévier, v. p. 206.] - -[Footnote 111: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, p. 103, verso.] - -[Footnote 112: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, p. 103, verso.] - -[Footnote 113: 'At ego mortem subire, quam veritatis damnationem, vel -tacitus approbare velim.'—Bezæ _Icones_.] - -[Footnote 114: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, ii. p. 99.] - -[Footnote 115: _Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris_, p. 383.] - -[Footnote 116: Crespin and Theodore Beza speak of the month of November; -the Bourgeois de Paris mentions the 17th of April, but most of the -authorities give the 22nd.] - -[Footnote 117: 'Des chausses d'or.'—_Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris_, -p. 384.] - -[Footnote 118: 'Dixisses illum in templo de rebus cœlestibus cogitare.'— -Erasmi _Epp._ p. 1277.] - -[Footnote 119: 'Prædicant eo nihil fuisse integrius.'—Erasmi _Epp._ -p. 1313.] - -[Footnote 120: 'Libertas, bonæ conscientiæ comes, perdidit virum.'—Ibid. -p. 113.] - -[Footnote 121: 'Christo, nonnisi sub cruce, in Gallis triumphaturo.'— -Bezæ _Icones_.] - -[Footnote 122: Luke xviii. 7.] - -[Footnote 123: - - 'Reveille-toi, Seigneur Dieu, - Fais ton effort, - Et viens venger en tout lieu - Des tiens la mort.' - - _Les Marguerites de la Marguerite_, i. p. 508.] - - - - - CHAPTER XVII. - FIRST LABOURS OF CALVIN AT PARIS. - (1529.) - - -[Sidenote: CALVIN REVISITS NOYON.] - -Calvin, having bid farewell to the towns and châteaux of Berry, had -arrived in the midst of those hills and plains, those green pastures and -noble forests, which stretch along both sides of the Oise. He approached -that little city of Noyon, which had been one time the capital of the -empire of Charlemagne, and where Hugues Capet, the head of the third -race, had been elected king. But his thoughts were not on these things: -he was thinking of his father. As soon as he caught a glimpse of that -beautiful Gothic cathedral, beneath whose shadow he had been brought up, -he said to himself that its pavement would never more be trodden by his -father's feet. He had never before returned to Noyon in such deep -emotion. The death of Berquin, the death of his father, the future of -the Church and of himself—all oppressed him. He found consolation in the -affection of his family, and especially in the devoted attachment of his -brother Anthony and of his sister Mary, who were one day to share his -exile. Bowed down by so many afflictions, he would have sunk under the -burden, 'like a man half dead, if God had not revived his courage while -comforting him by his Word.'[124] - -His father—that old man with mind so positive, with hand so firm, and -whose authority he had venerated—was not there to guide him: he was -free. Gerard had decided that his son should devote himself to the law, -by which he might rise to a high position in the world. Calvin aspired, -indeed, to another future, but from obedience he had renounced his most -ardent desires; and now, finding himself at liberty, he turned towards -that christian career in which he was to be, along with Luther, the -greatest champion of modern times. 'Earthly fathers,' he said on one -occasion, 'must not prevent the supreme and only Father of all from -enjoying his rights.'[125] - -As yet, however, Calvin did not meditate becoming a reformer in the same -sense as Luther. At that time he would have liked to see all the Church -transformed, rather than set himself apart and build up a new one. The -faith which he desired to preach was that old christian truth which Paul -had preached at Rome. The scribes had substituted for it the false -traditions of man, but this was only one reason the more for proclaiming -in the Church the doctrine which had founded the Church. After the first -phase of christian life, in which man thinks only of Christ, there -usually comes a second, where the christian does not voluntarily worship -with assemblies opposed to his convictions. Calvin was now in the first -of these phases. He thought only of preaching the Gospel. Did he not -possess a pulpit in this very neighbourhood, and was it not his duty to -glorify God from it? Had it been in his power, he would have done so in -St. Peter's at Rome; why, then, should he refrain in his own church? - -[Sidenote: CALVIN'S PROMOTION AND PREACHING.] - -Calvin had friends in Picardy, even among the dignitaries of the clergy. -Early attached to their young fellow-townsman, these men had received -him with joy; they had found him more advanced in piety and learning, -and had observed nothing in him opposed to their opinions. They thought -that he might become one of the pillars of the Church. The circumstance -that he had studied the law did not check them; it rendered him, in -their eyes, fitter still to maintain the interests of the faith ... and -of the clergy. Far from repelling him, his former patrons endeavoured to -bind him still closer to them. That noble friend of his boyhood, Claude -de Hangest of Momor, now abbot of St. Eloy, offered to give him the -living of Pont L'Evêque in exchange for that of St. Martin of -Marteville. Calvin, seeing in this offer the opportunity of preaching in -the very place where his ancestors had lived, accepted; and then -resigned, in favour of his brother Anthony, the chapel of La Gésine, of -which he had been titulary for eight years. The act is dated the 30th of -April, 1529.[126] - -The same persons who presided over these several changes encouraged -Calvin to preach. When a young man who has gone through his studies for -the ministry of the Word returns to his native place, every one is -anxious to hear him. Curiosity was still more keenly aroused in Calvin's -case, for his reputation had preceded him, and some little charge of -heresy, put forward from time to time, served but to increase the -general eagerness. Everybody wanted to hear the son of the episcopal -secretary, the cooper's grandson. The men and women who knew him -hastened to the church; people even came from Noyon. The holy place was -soon filled. At last a young man, of middle height, with thin pale face, -whose eyes indicated firm conviction and lively zeal, went up into the -pulpit and explained the Holy Scriptures to his fellow-townsmen.[127] -The effects of Calvin's preaching were various. Many persons rejoiced to -hear, at last, a living word beneath that roof which had reechoed with -so much vain and useless babbling. Of this number were, no doubt, -certain notable men who were seen pressing round the preacher: Laurent -of Normandy, who enjoyed great consideration in that district; -Christopher Lefèvre, Lancelot of Montigny, Jacques Bernardy, Corneille -de Villette, Nicholas Néret, Labbé surnamed Balafré, Claude Dupré, and -Nicholas Picot, Anthony Calvin's brother-in-law. All were afterwards -accused of having embraced the new doctrine, and were condemned by the -parliament of Paris to be drawn on hurdles and burnt in the great square -of Noyon; but they had already quitted the kingdom.[128] - -The words of the young speaker did not merely communicate fresh -knowledge—they worked a transformation of the heart and life. But there -were men present quite ready to receive certain evangelical ideas, who -yet did not mean to change either their life or their heart. The same -word thus produced faith in some and opposition in others: it _divided -the light from the darkness_.[129] Certain bigots and priests, in -particular, inveighed against the preaching of that serious-looking, -earnest young man, and exclaimed: 'They are setting wolves to guard the -sheep!'[130] - -[Sidenote: DECIDES ON GOING TO PARIS.] - -Calvin stayed only two or three months at Noyon. Perhaps a growing -opposition forced him to depart. He desired also to continue his Greek -studies; but instead of returning to Orleans or Bourges, he resolved to -go to Paris. The moment was favourable. Classical studies were at that -time making great progress in the capital. Francis I., at the request of -Budæus and Du Bellay, had just founded (1529) several professorships for -teaching Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. It was a complete revolution, and -Paris was full of animation when Calvin arrived. The fantastical -framework which the scholastics, theologians, jurists, and philosophers -had erected during the middle ages, fell to the ground in the midst of -jeering and laughter, and the modern learning arose amid the unanimous -applause of the rising generation. Pierre Danès, a pupil of Budæus and -Lascaris, and afterwards a bishop, taught Greek;[131] Francis Vatable -introduced young scholars to the knowledge of the Hebrew Scriptures, -although he failed himself to find the counsel of God therein;[132] -other illustrious professors completed this precious course of -instruction. Paris was a centre whence light emanated; and this was the -reason which induced Calvin to forsake Noyon, Bourges, and even Orleans, -and hasten his steps thither. - -The journey was a painful one; Calvin (whether on horseback or on foot -is unknown) arrived in Paris about the end of June, quite worn out with -fatigue. 'It is impossible,' he said next morning, 'for me to go out of -doors;'[133] indeed, he did not leave his room for four days. But the -news of his arrival soon spread; his friends and admirers hastened to -his inn, and during these four days his room was never empty.[134] All -the agitation of the schools seemed to be transported thither. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN'S VISITORS.] - -They talked of Budæus, Vatable, and Danès, of Greek and Hebrew, and of -the sun of learning then shining over the old Lutetia.... Calvin -listened and learnt the state of men's minds. One of the first who -hurried to him was Coiffard, his fellow-collegian at Orleans, who -brought his father with him. People contended for the student of Noyon, -who had already become celebrated. 'Come and stay with us,' said the -young Parisian; and when Calvin declined, 'I entreat you,' said Coiffard -in the most affectionate manner, 'to grant me this favour.'[135] The -father also insisted, for the worthy citizen knew what a steady friend -his rather frivolous son would find in the Picardin student. 'There is -nothing in the world I desire so much,' he said, 'as to see you -associate with my son.'[136]—'Come, do come,' urged the son, 'and be my -companion.' Calvin was touched by this affection; but he feared the -interruptions of the family, its distance from college, and he had but -one object—study. 'I would accept your offer with both hands,' he said, -'but that I intend to follow Danès' Greek course, and his school is too -far from your house.'[137] The father and son went away greatly -disappointed. - -Not long after this, a more important personage entered the room. It was -Nicholas Cop, professor at St. Barbe, whose father, a native of Basle, -had just been appointed physician to the king. Both father and son were -strongly suspected of belonging to the 'new opinions;' but at that time -Francis cared little about them. The elder Cop had translated Galen and -Hippocrates, and the king had confided to him the care of his health. A -strict friendship erelong united Calvin and the son. The latter, -although a professor in the university, listened to the student of Noyon -as a disciple listens to his master; it is one of those marks of -Calvin's superiority, which every one recognised instantly. He showed -his friend 'how Christ discharges the office of physician, since he is -sent by the Father to quicken the dead.' - -The conversations which these two young men then held together resulted -in after years in an event which exercised a certain influence over the -destiny of the reformer and of the Reform itself. - -[Sidenote: VISIT TO A CONVENT.] - -An object of less importance occupied them now: it was Calvin's first -business in Paris, and the account he gives of it throws a new light on -the future legislator. The custom of shutting up in convents the young -persons who had any tendency towards the Gospel had already begun. 'Our -friend Daniel, the advocate,' said Calvin to Cop, 'has a sister in a -nunnery at Paris; she is about to take the veil, and Daniel wishes to -know if it is with her full consent.'—'I will accompany you,' said the -professor, and on the following Sunday, Calvin having recovered from his -fatigue, the two friends set out for the convent. The future reformer, -who was already opposed to monastic vows, especially when taken under -constraint, cleverly devised a plan for learning whether any restriction -was placed upon the young lady's liberty. 'Converse with the abbess,' he -said to Cop, as they were going to the nunnery, 'and contrive that I may -be able to talk privately with our friend's sister.' The abbess, -followed by the girl, entered the parlour. 'We have granted her,' said -the former, 'the privilege of taking the solemn vows.'[138] According to -his instructions Cop began to talk with the superior on different -subjects which had no connection with the matter in hand. During this -time, Calvin, who believed he saw a victim before him, took advantage of -the opportunity, and said to Daniel's sister: 'Are you taking this yoke -upon you willingly, or is it placed on your neck by force?[139] Do not -fear to trust me with the thoughts that disturb you.' The girl looked at -Calvin with a thoughtless air, and answered him with much volubility: -'The veil is what I most desire, and the day when I shall make my vow -can never come too soon.' The future reformer was astonished: he had -before him a giddy young person, who had been led to believe that she -would find great amusement in the cloister. 'Every time she spoke of her -vows,' said Calvin, 'you might have fancied she was playing with her -doll.'[140] He desired, however, to address one serious word to her: -'Mademoiselle,' he said to her, 'I beg of you not to trust too much to -your own strength: I conjure you to promise nothing as if you could -accomplish it yourself. Lean rather on the strength of God, in whom we -live and have our being.'[141] Perhaps Calvin thought that by speaking -so seriously to the young girl, she would renounce her rash undertaking; -but he was mistaken. - -He returned to his inn, and two days after (the 25th of June) he wrote -to Daniel an account of his visit to the convent. Having finished, he -was beginning another letter to a canon of Orleans,[142] when one of his -friends arrived, who had come to take him for a ride. We might suppress -this incident as being of no importance; but it is perhaps also an -unexpected feature in Calvin's habits. He is generally represented as -absorbed in his books or reprimanding the disorderly. And yet he was no -stranger to the decent relaxations of life: he could ride on horseback -and took pleasure in the exercise. He accepted his friend Viermey's -offer. 'I shall finish the letter on my return,' he said,[143] and the -two students set off on their excursion in the neighbourhood of Paris. A -few days later Calvin hired a room in the college of Fortret, where he -was near the professors, and resumed his study of languages, law, and -philosophy.[144] He desired to learn. Having received the knowledge of -divine things, he wished to acquire a true understanding of the world. - -But erelong the summons from on high sounded louder than ever in his -heart. When he was in his room, surrounded by his law books, the voice -of his conscience cried to him that he ought to study the Bible. When he -went out, all his friends who felt a love for pure religion begged of -him to devote himself to the Gospel.[145] Calvin was one of those -fortresses that are not to be taken at the first assault. As he looked -upon the books scattered about his study, he could not make up his mind -to forsake them. But whenever in the course of his life God spoke -clearly to him, he repressed his fondest desires. Thus urged from within -and from without, he yielded at last. 'I renounce all other sciences,' -he said, 'and give myself up entirely to theology and to God.'[146] This -news spread among the secret assemblies of the faithful, and all were -filled with great satisfaction. - -A mighty movement had taken place in Calvin's soul; but it must be -understood that there was no plan laid down in his mind. He had no -ambition, no art, no _rôle_; but he did with a strong will whatever -God set before him. The time he now spent in Paris was his -apprenticeship. Having given himself to God, he set to work with the -decision of an energetic character and the firmness of a persevering -mind. He studied theology with enthusiasm. 'The science of God is the -mistress-science,' he said; 'the others are only her servants.' He gave -consistency to that little chosen band who, in the midst of the crowd of -scholars, turned lovingly towards the Holy Scriptures. He excited young -and noble minds; he studied with them and endeavoured to explain their -difficulties. - -[Sidenote: SPEAKS AT SECRET MEETINGS.] - -He did more. Berquin's death had struck all his friends with terror. 'If -they have burnt this green wood,' said some, 'they will not spare the -dry.' Calvin, not permitting himself to be checked by these alarms, -began to explore that city which had become so dangerous. He joined the -secret assemblies which met under the shadow of night in remote -quarters,[147] where he explained the Scriptures with a clearness and -energy of which none had ever heard the like. These meetings were held -more particularly on the left bank of the Seine, in that part of the -city which the catholics afterwards termed _Little Geneva_, and -which, on the other hand, is now the seat of Parisian catholicism. One -day the evangelicals would repair mysteriously to a house on the -property of the abbey of St. Germain des Prés; another day they would -meet in the precincts of the university, the _quartier latin_ of -our times. In the room would be a few wooden benches, on which the poor -people, a few students, and sometimes one or two men of learning, took -their seats. They loved that simple-hearted young man, who so -effectually introduced into their minds and hearts the truths he found -in the Scriptures. 'The Word of Christ is always a fire,' they said; -'but when he explains it, this fire shines out with unusual brilliancy.' - -Young men formed themselves on his model; but there were many who rushed -into controversy, instead of seeking edification as Calvin did. In the -university quarter the pupils of Daniel and Vatable might be seen, with -the Hebrew or Greek Testaments in their hands, disputing with everybody. -'It is thus in the Hebrew text,' they said; 'and the Greek text reads so -and so.' Calvin did not, however, disdain polemics; following the -natural bent of his mind, he attacked error and reprimanded the guilty. -Some who were astonished at his language asked: 'Is not this the curé of -Pont l'Evêque, the friend of Monseigneur de St. Eloy?' But, not allowing -himself to be checked by these words, he confounded alike the -superstitious papists and the incredulous innovators. 'He was wholly -given up to divinity and to God, to the great delight of all -believers.'[148] - -[Sidenote: HE CIRCULATES INFORMATION.] - -It was already possible to distinguish in him, in some features at -least, the character of chief of the Reform. As he possessed great -facility of correspondence, he kept himself informed, and others also, -of all that was passing in the christian world. He made about this time -a collection of papers and documents relating to the most recent facts -of the Reformation, and sent them to Duchemin, but not for him to -keep.[149] 'I send them to you on this condition,' wrote Calvin, 'that, -in accordance with your good faith and duty, they may pass through your -hands to our friends.'[150] To this packet he added an epitome,[151] -some commentaries, and a collection of notes made probably by Roussel -during his residence at Strasburg. He purposed adding an appendix:[152] -'But I had no time,' he said.[153] Calvin desired that all the friends -of the Gospel should profit by the light which he himself possessed. He -brought the new ideas and new writings into circulation. A close -student, an indefatigable evangelist, this young man of twenty was, by -his far-seeing glance, almost a reformer. - -He did not confine his labours to Paris, Orleans, Bourges, or Noyon: the -city of Meaux occupied his attention. Meaux, which had welcomed Lefèvre -and Farel, which had heard Leclerc, the first martyr, still possessed -Briçonnet. This former protector of the evangelicals would indeed no -longer see them, and appeared absorbed in the honours and seductions of -the prelacy. But some men thought that at the bottom of his heart he -still loved the Gospel. What a triumph if the grace of God should once -more blossom in his soul! Daniel had friends at Meaux; Calvin begged of -him to open the door (or, to use his own expression, _the window_) of -this city for him. In the number of these friends was a certain -_Mæcenas_. The young doctor, writing from Meaux, gives a portrait of -this individual which exactly fits the bishop. He does not name -Briçonnet; but as he often suppresses names, or employs either initials -or pseudonyms, we might almost say that the name was not necessary here. -Daniel accordingly wrote to Mæcenas, who returned a very cold -answer.[154] 'I cannot walk with those people,' he said; 'I cannot -conform my manners to theirs.'[155] Daniel insisted; but it was all of -no use: the timid Mæcenas would on no account have anything to do with -Calvin. Briçonnet, we learn, was surrounded by friends who were -continually repeating to him: 'A bishop ought to have no commerce with -persons suspected of innovation.'[156] Calvin, animated by the noblest -ambition, that of bringing back to God a soul that was going astray, -finding himself denied every time he knocked at the gate of this great -personage, at last gave up his generous enterprise, and, shaking the -dust from his feet, he said with severity: 'Since he will not be with -us, let him take pleasure in himself, and with a heart full, or rather -inflated by his own importance, let him pamper his ambition.'[157] - -[Sidenote: CALVIN'S MISSIONARY ZEAL.] - -Calvin did not, however, fail completely at Meaux: 'You have given me -prompt and effectual aid,' he wrote to Daniel; 'you have opened me a -window, and have thus given me the privilege of being in future an -indiscreet petitioner.'[158] He took advantage of this opening to -propagate the Gospel. 'I will do it,' he said, 'without imprudence or -precipitation.' And, calling to mind that 'the doctrine of Christ is -like old wine, which has ceased working, but which nevertheless gives -nourishment to the body,'[159] he busied himself in filling vessels with -this precious drink: 'I will take care,' he wrote to Daniel, 'that the -inside shall be well filled with wine.'[160] He ended his letter by -saying: 'I want the _Odyssey_ of Homer which I lent Sucquet: pray -tell him so.'[161] Luther took Plautus and Terence into the convent with -him; Calvin asked for Homer. - -He soon returned to Paris, which opened a wider field of labour to him. -On the 15th of January, 1530, he wrote Daniel a letter which he dated -from the _Acropolis_, as if Paris were to him the citadel of catholicism -or the Parthenon of France.[162] He was always trying to save some lost -sheep, and such a desire filled his mind on the 15th of January. On that -day he expected two friends to dinner. One of them, Robert Daniel, -brother to the advocate of Orleans, an enthusiastic young man, was -burning with desire to see the world. Calvin, who had already done all -in his power to win him over, flattered himself that he would succeed -that day; but the giddy young fellow, suspecting perhaps what awaited -him, did not come. Calvin sent a messenger to Robert's lodging. 'He has -decamped,' said the landlord; 'he has left for Italy.' At Meaux Calvin -had desired to win over a great personage; at Paris he had hoped to win -over a young adventurer: in both cases he failed. 'Alas!' he said, 'I am -but a dry and useless log!' And once more he sought fresh strength in -Christ. - -[Sidenote: BEDA ATTACKS THE PROFESSORS.] - -Meanwhile the Sorbonne, proud of the victory it had gained in bringing -Berquin to the stake, decided to pursue its triumphs. The war was about -to begin again. It was Beda who renewed the combat—that Beda of whom -Erasmus said: 'There are three thousand priests in that man alone!' He -did not attack Calvin, disdaining, or rather ignoring him. He aimed at -higher game, and having triumphed over one of the king's gentlemen, he -attacked the doctors whom Francis had invited to Paris for the -propagation of learning. Danès, Vatable, and others having been cited -before the parliament, the fiery syndic rose and said: 'The king's -doctors neglect Aristotle, and study the Holy Scriptures only.... If -people continue to occupy themselves with Greek and Hebrew, it is all -over with faith. These folks desire to explain the Bible, and they are -not even theologians!... The Greek and Hebrew books of the Holy -Scriptures come mostly from Germany, where they may have been altered. -Many of the persons who print Hebrew books are Jews.... It is not, -therefore, a sufficient argument to say: It is so and so in the -Hebrew.[163] These doctors ought to be forbidden to interfere with Holy -Scripture in their courses; or at least they should be ordered first to -undergo an examination at the university.' The king's professors did not -hold back in the cause of knowledge. They boldly assumed the offensive. -'If the university of Paris is now in small esteem among foreign -nations,' they said to the parliament, 'it is because instead of -applying themselves to the study of the Holy Gospels and of the ancient -fathers—Cyprian, Chrysostom, Jerome, and Augustin—its theologians -substitute for this true knowledge a science teaching nothing but craft -and sophistry. It is not thus that God wills to enlighten his people. We -must study sacred literature, and drink freely of all the treasures of -the human mind.'[164] Beda had gone too far. At court, and even in -parliament, numerous voices were raised in behalf of learning and -learned men. Parliament dismissed the charges of the syndic of the -Sorbonne. - -The exasperated Beda now employed all his eloquence to get the -professors condemned by the Sorbonne. 'The new doctors,' he exclaimed, -'horrible to say! pretend that Holy Scripture cannot be understood -without Greek, Hebrew, and other such languages.' On the 30th of April, -1530, the Sorbonne did actually condemn as rash and scandalous the -proposition of the professors which Beda had denounced.[165] - -[Sidenote: SMALL BEGINNINGS OF A GREAT WORK.] - -Calvin anxiously observed in all its phases this struggle between his -teachers and the doctors of the Sorbonne. All the students were on the -watch, as was Calvin also in his college; and when the decision of the -parliament became known there, it was received with loud acclamations. -While the Sorbonne placed itself on the side of tradition, Calvin placed -himself still more decidedly on the side of Scripture. He thought that -as the oral teaching of the apostles had ceased, their written teaching -had become its indispensable substitute. The writings of Matthew and -John, of Peter and Paul, were, in his opinion, the living word of these -great doctors, their teaching for those ages which could neither see nor -hear them. It appeared to Calvin as impossible to reform the Church -without the writings of the apostles, as it would have been to form it -in the first century without their preaching. He saw clearly that if the -Church was to be renewed, it must be done by faith and by Scripture—a -twofold principle which at bottom is but one. - -But the hour had not yet come when Calvin was to proclaim these great -truths with the authority of a reformer. A modest and devout man, he was -now performing a more humble work in the remotest streets and loneliest -houses of the capital. One would have taken him for the most -insignificant of men, and yet he was already a conqueror. The light of -Scripture, with which his mind was saturated, was one day to shine like -the lightning from east to west; and no man since St. Paul was to hold -the Gospel torch so high and with so firm a hand. When that student, so -thin, pale, and obscure, in appearance so mean, in manner so timid, -passed down the street of St. Jacques or of the Sorbonne; when he crept -silently past the houses, and slipped unobserved into one of them, -bearing with him the Word of life, there was not even an old woman that -noticed him. And yet the time was to come when Francis I., with his -policy, conquests, priests, court, and festivities, would only call up -frivolous or disgusting recollections; while the work which this poor -scholar was by God's grace then beginning, would increase day by day for -the salvation of souls and prosperity of nations, and would advance -calmly but surely to the conquest of the world. - -[Footnote 124: Calvini _Opusc._] - -[Footnote 125: 'Unico omnium patri suum jus integrum maneat.'—Calvin -_in Matthæum_.] - -[Footnote 126: Desmay, _Vie de Calvin_, pp. 40-42. Drelincourt, _Défense -de Calvin_, pp. 167, 168.] - -[Footnote 127: 'Quo loco constat Calvinum ... ad populum conciones -habuisse.'—Bezæ _Vita Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 128: Archives Générales, x. 8946. _France Protestante_, -article _Normandie_.] - -[Footnote 129: Genesis i. 5.] - -[Footnote 130: Desmay, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 41. Drelincourt, -_Défense de Calvin_, p. 168.] - -[Footnote 131: Crévier, _Hist. de l'Université de Paris_, v. p. 245.] - -[Footnote 132: 'Quo alios introduxisti, nusquam ipse ingressus.'—Bezæ -_Icones_.] - -[Footnote 133: 'Lassus de itinere pedem extrahere domo non potui.'— -Calvinus Danieli, Berne MSS.] - -[Footnote 134: 'Proximos quatuor dies, cum me ægre adhuc sustinerem.'— -Ibid.] - -[Footnote 135: 'Multis precibus, iisque non frigidis, sæpe institit.'— -Ibid.] - -[Footnote 136: 'Nihil magis appetere quam me adjungi filio.'—Calvinus -Danieli, Berne MSS.] - -[Footnote 137: 'Nihil unquam magis ambabus ulnis complexus sum, quam -hanc amici voluntatem.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 138: 'Eam obtinuisse ex solenni more voti nuncupandi -potestatem.'—Calvinus Danieli, Berne MSS.] - -[Footnote 139: 'Num jugum illud molliter exciperet? num fracta potius -quam inflexa cervix?'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 140: 'Diceres eam ludere cum puppis, quoties audivit voti -nomen.'—Calvinus Danieli, Berne MSS.] - -[Footnote 141: 'Omnia reponeret in Dei virtute in quo sumus et -vivimus.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 142: 'Habeo litteras inchoatas ad canonicum.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 143: 'Viermæus cum quo equum ascendo.'—Calvinus Danieli, Berne -MSS.] - -[Footnote 144: 'In collegio Forterestano domicilium habuit.'—Flor. -Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, ii. p. 246.] - -[Footnote 145: Theodore Beza, _Vie de Calvin_, in French text, p. 12. -'Omnibus purioris religionis studiosis.'—Ibid. Latin text.] - -[Footnote 146: 'Ab eo tempore sese Calvinus, abjectis reliquis studiis, -Deo totum consecravit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 147: 'Qui tunc Lutetiæ occultos cœtus habebant.'—Bezæ _Vita -Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 148: Beza, _Vie de Calvin_, French text, p. 12. 'Summa piorum -omnium voluptate.'—Ibid. Latin text.] - -[Footnote 149: 'Mitto ad te rerum novarum collectanea.'—Calvinus -Chemino, Berne MSS.] - -[Footnote 150: 'Hac tamen lege, ut pro tua fide officioque per manus -tuas ad amicos transeant.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 151: 'Mitto Epitomem alteram G. nostri.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 152: 'Cui velut appendicem assuere decreveram.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 153: 'Nisi me tempus defecisset.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 154: 'Supinum illum Mæcenatem.'—Calvinus Danieli Aureliano, -Idibus Septembris 1529. Geneva MSS. Calvin borrows this expression from -Juvenal, i. 65: - - 'Multum referens de Mæcenate supino.'] - -[Footnote 155: 'Non potest mores suos nobis accommodare.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 156: Maimbourg, _Histoire du Calvinisme_, liv. ii.] - -[Footnote 157: 'Sit assentator suus, et pleno, seu verius turgido -pectore, foveat ambitionem.'—Calvinus Danieli, Geneva MSS.] - -[Footnote 158: 'Apertam esse fenestram, ne post hæc simus verecundi -petitores.'—Calvinus Danieli, Geneva MSS. An expression imitated from -Suetonius, lib. xxviii.] - -[Footnote 159: Calvin, _in Lucam_, ch. v. 39.] - -[Footnote 160: 'Interim tamen penum vino instruendum curabo.'—Calvinus -Danieli, Geneva MSS. This passage presents some difficulty. 'Penus' in -Persius means a _safe_ where meat is kept; in Festus and Lampridius, the -_sanctuary_ of the temple.] - -[Footnote 161: 'Odysseam Homeri quam Sucqueto commodaveram, finges a me -desiderari.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 162: _Calvin's Letters_, i. p. 30. Philadelphia, edit. J. -Bonnet.] - -[Footnote 163: 'Ita habent Hebræa.'—_Actes du Parlement._] - -[Footnote 164: Crévier, _Hist. de l'Université de Paris_, v. p. 249.] - -[Footnote 165: 'Hæc propositio temeraria est et scandalosa.'—D'Argentré, -_Collectio Judiciorum de novis Erroribus_, ii. p. 78.] - - - - - CHAPTER XVIII. - MARGARET'S SORROWS AND THE FESTIVITIES OF THE COURT - (1530-1531.) - - -When was France to turn herself towards the Word of God? At the time of -her brother's return from his Spanish captivity, Margaret had solicited -him to grant liberty of preaching the Gospel, and the king, as will be -remembered, had deferred the matter until his sons were restored to -freedom. That moment seemed to have arrived. In order to recover his -children, Francis had sacrificed at Cambray (June 1529), in _the Ladies' -Peace_, the towns he had conquered, the allies who had been faithful to -him, and two millions of crowns besides. - -It was not, however, until ten months later that the children of France -returned. All the royal family hurried to the Spanish frontier to -receive them; all, except Margaret. 'As it would be difficult to take -you further without danger,' said her mother, 'the king and I have -determined to leave you behind for your confinement.'[166] Margaret, -uneasy and perhaps a little jealous, wrote to Montmorency: 'When the -King of Navarre is with you, I pray you to advise him; but I much fear -that you will not be able to prevent his falling in love with the -Spanish ladies.'[167] At the beginning of July the king's children were -restored to their father; Margaret was transported with joy, and showed -it by her enthusiastic letters to Francis I.[168] She loved these -princes like a mother. More serious thoughts soon filled her mind: the -epoch fixed by her brother had arrived, but would he keep his promise? - -[Sidenote: MARGARET PROMOTES UNITY.] - -Margaret lost no time. Being left alone at Blois, she endeavoured to -strengthen the good cause, and carried on an active correspondence with -the leaders of the Reform. 'Alas!' said the priests, 'while King Francis -is labouring to protect his kingdom from the inundations of the Rhine -(that is, the Reformation), his sister the Queen of Navarre is trying to -break the dykes and throw down the embankments.'[169] There was one work -above all which Margaret had at heart; she wished to put an end to the -divisions among the evangelicals. She entreated the Frenchmen who were -at Strasburg, 'waiting for the consolation of Israel,' to do all in -their power to terminate the disunion; she even commanded Bucer to do -so.[170] Bucer's fine talents, benevolent character, and cultivated -understanding, the eloquence of his language, the dignity of his -carriage, the captivating sound of his voice, his discerning of spirits, -his ardent zeal—all seemed to fit him for a peace-maker. He set to work -without delay, and informed Luther of the princess's injunctions. 'If -our opinions are compared with yours,' he said, 'it will be easily seen -that they are radically the same, although expressed in different terms. -Let us not furnish our enemies with a weapon with which to attack -truth.'[171] - -If Margaret had confidence in Bucer, he too had confidence in her. He -admired the sincerity of her faith, the liveliness of her piety, the -purity of her manners, the beauty of her understanding, the charms of -her conversation, and the abundance of her good works. 'Never was this -christian heroine found wanting in her duty,' he wrote to Luther.[172] -The Strasburgers thought that if Luther and the Germans on one side, and -Margaret and the French on the other, were united, the cause of the -Reformation would be triumphant in Europe. Whenever any good news -arrived from France, Bucer thrilled with joy; he ran to communicate it -to Capito, to Hedion, to Zell, and to Hohenlohe; and then he wrote to -Luther: 'The brethren write to us from France, dear doctor, that the -Gospel is spreading among them in a wonderful manner. A great number of -the nobility have already received the truth.[173] There is a certain -district in Normandy where the Gospel is spread so widely that the enemy -call it _Little Germany_.[174] The king is no stranger to the good -doctrine;[175] and as his children are now at liberty, he will no longer -pay such regard to what the pope and the emperor demand. Christ will -soon be publicly confessed over the whole kingdom.'[176] - -[Sidenote: DEATH OF MARGARET'S CHILD.] - -The Queen of Navarre was obliged to discontinue her correspondence with -the reformers of Germany; great joys and great anguish gave another -direction to her thoughts. About a fortnight after the return of the -children of France, Margaret became the mother of a fine boy at the -castle of Blois. When the king passed through that place on his return -from the Pyrenees, he took his sister with him, after her churching, to -Fontainebleau. But erelong bad tidings of her child summoned Margaret to -Alençon, where he was staying with his nurse; he died on Christmas day, -1530, at the age of five months and a half. The mother who had watched -near him, who had felt his sweet breath upon her cheek, saw him now -lying dead in his little cradle, and could not turn away her eyes from -him. At one time she thought he would revive, but alas! he was really -dead. The queen felt as if her life had been torn from her; her strength -was exhausted; her heart bled, but God consoled her. 'I place him,' she -said, 'in the arms of his Father;' and as she felt the necessity of -giving glory to God publicly, she sent for one of her principal -officers, and, with a voice stifled by tears and sighs, ordered that the -child's death should be posted up in the principal quarters of the city, -and that these words should be at the foot of the notice: - - THE LORD GAVE, AND THE LORD HATH TAKEN AWAY. - -A sentiment of joy mingled, however, with her inexpressible sorrow; and, -confident that the little child was in the presence of God, the pious -mother ordered a _Te Deum_ to be sung.[177] 'I entreat you both,' she -wrote to her brother and to her mother, 'to _rejoice at his glory_, and -not give way to any sadness.'[178] Francis, who had not long before lost -two daughters, was moved at this solemn circumstance, and replied to his -sister: 'You have borne the grief of mine, as if they were your own lost -children; now I must bear yours, as if it were my own loss. It is the -third of yours and the last of mine, whom God has called away to his -blessed communion, acquired by them with little labour, and desired by -us with such great travail.'[179] There are afflictions from God which -awaken deep feelings, even in the most frivolous hearts, and lips which -are ordinarily dumb sometimes utter harmonious sounds in the presence of -death. Other consolations were not wanting to the queen. Du Bellay, at -that time Bishop of Bayonne, and afterwards of Paris, hastened to -Alençon: 'Ah!' said Margaret, 'but for our Lord's help, the burden would -have been more than I could bear.'[180] The bishop urged her, on the -part of the king, to go to St. Germain, where preparations were making -for the coronation of Queen Eleanor, the emperor's sister. Margaret, who -always obeyed her brother's orders, quitted Alençon, though with sorrow, -in order to be present at his marriage. - -[Sidenote: MARRIAGE OF FRANCIS AND ELEANOR.] - -The court had never been more brilliant. The less happiness there was in -this marriage, the more pomp the king desired to display; joy of the -heart was replaced by the sound of the fife and drum and of the hautboy. -The dresses were glittering, the festivities magnificent. - - There were mysteries and games, and the streets were gaily drest, - And the roads with flowers were strewn of the sweetest and the best; - On every side were galleries, and, if 't would pleasure yield, - We'd have conjured up again for thee a new Elysian field.[181] - -Princes, archbishops, bishops, barons, knights, gentlemen of parliament, -and the magistrates of the city, were assembled for this illustrious -marriage; scholars and poets were not wanting. Francis I. would often -repeat the proverb addressed by Fouquet, Count of Anjou, to Louis IV.: - - Un roi non lettré - Est un âne couronné.[182] - -Philologers, painters, and architects had flocked to France from foreign -countries. They had met in Paris men worthy to receive them. William -Budæus, the three brothers Du Bellay, William Petit, the king's -confessor; William Cop, the friend of Lascaris and Erasmus; Pierre du -Châtel, who so gracefully described his travels in the East; Pellicier, -the learned commentator on Pliny, whose papers have not, however, been -printed;[183] Peter Danès, whose talents and knowledge Calvin esteemed -so highly: all these scholars, who entertained sympathies, more or less -secret, for the Reform, were then at court. These men of letters passed -among the Roman party as belonging to Luther's flock.[184] Somewhat -later, indeed, when one of them, Danès, was at the Council of Trent, a -French orator inveighed strongly against the lax morals of Rome. The -Bishop of Orvieto said with contempt: '_Gallus cantat!_'—'_Utinam_,' -sharply retorted Danès, then ambassador for France, '_utinam ad galli -cantum Petrus resipisceret!_'[185] But the cock has often crowed, and -Peter has shed no tears. - -In the midst of all these men of letters was - - Margaret, the fairest flower - That ever grew on earth, - -as Ronsard called her. But although her fine understanding enjoyed this -select society, more serious thoughts occupied her mind. She could not -forget, even in the midst of the court, the little angel that had flown -away from her; she was uneasy about the friends of the Gospel; the -worldly festivities around her left her heart depressed and unsatisfied. -She endeavoured to pierce the thick clouds that hung over her, and -soaring in spirit to the 'heavenly kingdom,' she grasped the hand that -Christ stretched out to her from on high. She returned to the well of -Jacob, where she had drunk when she was so tired with her journey. She -had been as a parched and weary land, having neither dew nor moisture, -and the Lord had refreshed her with the clear springs of his Holy -Spirit. 'A continual sprinkling (to use her own words) kept up in her a -heavenly eternity;' and she would have desired all who gathered round -her to come to that well where she had so effectually quenched her own -thirst. Accordingly, in the midst of the worldly agitation of the court, -and of all the honours lavished on her rank and her wit, the poor -mother, whose heart was bruised but consoled, looked out in silence for -some lamb which she could recall from its wandering, and said: - -[Sidenote: THE FOUNTAIN PURE AND FREE.] - - 'Come to my fountain pure and free, - Drink of its stream abundantly.' - Hasten, sinners, to the call - Of your God, who speaks to all: - - 'Come and drink—it gives relief - To every form of mortal grief; - Come and drink the draught divine, - Out of this new fount of mine. - Wash away each mortal stain - In the blood of Jesu slain. - No return I seek from thee - But works of love and charity.' - - Hasten, sinners, to the brink - Of this stream so pure, and drink! - Fill your hearts, so that ye may - Serve God better every day. - Then, well washed of every stain - That of earth might yet remain, - By Jesu's love at last set free, - Live in heaven eternally. - - 'Come to my fountain pure and free, - Drink of its stream abundantly!' - Listen, sinners, to the call - Of your God, who speaks to all.[186] - -These appeals were not unavailing. The Reformation was advancing in -France by two different roads: one was on the mountains, the other in -the plain. The Gospel gained hearts among the sons of labour and of -trial; but it gained others also among the learned and high-born, whose -faculty of inquiry had been aroused, and who desired to substitute truth -in the place of monastic superstitions. Margaret was the evangelist of -the court and of the king. Her mother, with Duprat and Montmorency, -ruled in the council-chamber, the Duchess of Etampes in the court -festivities, but the gentle voice of the Queen of Navarre supported -Francis in his frequent periods of uneasiness and dejection. Yet not to -the king alone did Margaret devote at this time the attentions of her -ardent charity. All the affections of her heart were just now -concentrated on a single object. - -[Sidenote: LOUISA OF SAVOY DYING.] - -She had not recovered from the death of her child, when another blow -fell upon the Queen of Navarre. The brilliant and gay festivities of the -court were succeeded by the sullen silence of the grave; and the icy -coldness, which had presided over the marriage of Francis with his -enemy's sister, was followed by the keen anguish and the bitter sorrows -of the tenderest of daughters. About the end of the year 1531 the Isle -of France was visited by an epidemic. Louisa of Savoy was taken -seriously ill at Fontainebleau, where the children of the king were -staying. Margaret hurried thither immediately. Louisa, that great enemy -of the Reformation, weakened by her dissolute life, was suffering from a -severe fever, and yet, imagining that she would not die, she continued -to attend to business of importance, and, between the paroxysms of the -disease that was killing her, dictated her despatches to the king. Never -had mother so depraved and daughter so virtuous felt such love for each -other. As soon as she saw the Duchess of Angoulême, the Queen of Navarre -anticipated 'the greatest of misfortunes,' and never left her side. The -king's children afforded their grandmother some diversion. Charles, Duke -of Angoulême, then nine years old, thought only of his father. 'If I -only meet him,' said the boy one day, 'I will never let go his -hand.'—'And if the king should go to hunt the boar?' said his -aunt.—'Well! I shall not be afraid; papa will be able to take care of -me.'—'When Madame heard these words,' wrote Margaret to her brother, -'she burst into tears, which has done her much good.' - -In the midst of all these mournful occupations, Margaret kept watch over -the friends of the Gospel. 'Dear nephew,' she wrote to the grand-master -Montmorency, 'that good man Lefèvre writes to me that he is -uncomfortable at Blois, because the folks there are trying to annoy him. -For change of air, he would willingly go and see a friend of his, if -such were the king's good pleasure.' Margaret, finding that the enemies -of the Reform were tormenting the old man, gave him an asylum at Nerac -in her own states. We shall meet with him there hereafter. - -On the 20th of September, Louisa, feeling a little better, left -Fontainebleau for Romorantin; but she had hardly reached Grez, near -Nemours, when her failing voice, her labouring breath, and her words so -sad 'that no one could listen to them, gave her daughter a sorrow and -vexation impossible to describe.'[187] 'It is probable that she will -die,' wrote Margaret to the king. Louisa, notwithstanding her weakness, -still busied herself with affairs of state; she wished to die governing. -Deep sorrow filled her daughter's heart. It was too much for her, this -sight of a mother whom she loved with intense affection, trifling on the -brink of the grave, strengthening herself against death by means of her -power and her greatness, 'as if they would serve her as a rampart and -strong tower,' forgetting that there was another besides herself, who -disposed of that life of which she fancied herself to be the mistress. -Margaret did not rest content with only praying for her mother; she sat -by her and spoke to her of the Saviour. 'Madame,' she said, 'I entreat -you to fix your hopes elsewhere. Strive to make God propitious to -you.'[188] This woman, so ambitious, clever, false, and dissolute, whose -only virtue was maternal love, does not appear to have opened her heart -to her daughter's voice. She breathed her last on the 29th of September, -1531, in the arms of the Queen of Navarre. - -Thoughts of a different order were soon to engross Margaret's attention. -Hers was a sincere and living piety, but she had an excessive fear of -contests and divisions, and, like many eminent persons of that epoch, -she desired at any cost, and even by employing diplomatic means, to -achieve a reform which should leave catholicity intact. To set before -herself a universal transformation of the Church was certainly a noble -and a christian aim; but Calvin, Luther, Farel, and others saw that it -could only be attained at the expense of truth. The Queen of Navarre's -fault was her readiness to sacrifice everything to the realisation of -this beautiful dream; and we shall see what was done in France (Francis -lending himself to it from mere political motives) to attain the -accomplishment of this magnificent but chimerical project. - -[Footnote 166: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 247.] - -[Footnote 167: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 246.] - -[Footnote 168: Ibid. ii. p. 105.] - -[Footnote 169: Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, p. 487.] - -[Footnote 170: 'Jussu reginæ Navarræ, ut hoc tandem dissidium -tollatur.'—Buceri _Opera Anglicana_, fᵒ 693. Gerdesius, ii. p. 33.] - -[Footnote 171: 'Præbetur telum hostibus.'—Gerdesius, iv. p. 33.] - -[Footnote 172: 'Nunquam suo officio deest christianissima illa heroīna, -regis soror.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 173: 'Procerum magnus numerus jam veritati accessit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 174: 'Ut cœperint eam vocare _parvam Allemaniam_.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 175: 'Rex a veritate alienus non est.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 176: 'Bona spes est, brevi fore, ut Christus publicum apud -ipsos obtineat.'—Gerdesius, iv. p. 33.] - -[Footnote 177: Charles de Sainte-Marthe, _Oraison funèbre de -Marguerite_.] - -[Footnote 178: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 269.] - -[Footnote 179: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 180: Ibid. i. pp. 272, 273.] - -[Footnote 181: Marot, _Chronique de François I._ p. 90.] - -[Footnote 182: 'An unlettered king is a crowned ass.' A.D. 936.] - -[Footnote 183: Teissier, _Eloge des Hommes savants_, i. p. 200.] - -[Footnote 184: Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, p. 884.] - -[Footnote 185: The Latin word _gallus_ signifies both _Frenchman_ and -_cock_. 'The Frenchman crows,' said the bishop. 'Would to God,' retorted -Danès, 'that Peter (the pope) would repent at the crowing of the cock!' -Sismondi, _Hist. des Français_, xvi. p. 359.] - -[Footnote 186: _Les Marguerites de la Marguerite_, i. pp. 505-508.] - -[Footnote 187: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 280; ii. p. 120.] - -[Footnote 188: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 269.] - - - - - CHAPTER XIX. - DIPLOMATISTS, BACKSLIDERS, MARTYRS. - (1531.) - - -[Sidenote: CHARLES SLANDERS THE PROTESTANTS.] - -The royal trio was now broken up. Margaret, knowing well that her mother -had always influenced her brother in favour of popery, hoped to profit -by an event that had cost her so many tears, and immediately attempted -to incline her brother to the side of the Reform. But there were other -influences at work at court: the Sorbonne, the bishops, Montmorency, and -even the emperor endeavoured to set Francis against the evangelicals. -Charles V. especially desired to take advantage of the alliance which -drew him closer to France, in order to turn its sovereign against -Luther. His envoy, Noircarmes, had very positive instructions on this -point. One day, when this ambassador had gone to present his homage to -the king, they had a long conversation together, and Noircarmes gave -utterance to all the usual calumnies against the Reformation. Francis -did not know what answer to make, but fixed the diplomatist's -accusations in his memory, with the intention of repeating them to his -sister. He paid her a visit, while still in a state of excitement. -'Madame,' said he angrily, 'do you know that your friends the -protestants preach the community of goods, the nullity of the marriage -tie, and the subversion of thrones? Noircarmes says that if I do not -destroy Lutheranism, my crown will be in danger.'[189] To justify the -innocent was one of the tasks which the Queen of Navarre had imposed -upon herself. 'Sire,' she said to the king, 'the reformers are -righteous, learned, peaceful men, who have no other love than that of -truth, no other aim than the glory of God, and no other thought than to -banish superstition and to correct morals.' The Queen of Navarre was so -gracious, so true, so eloquent, that the king left her completely -changed—at least for the day.[190] But it was not long before perfidious -insinuations again roused his anger. - -[Sidenote: REINHOLD AND THE COURTIERS.] - -Margaret, either by her own hand or through her agents, informed the -protestants of Germany of the charges brought against them by Charles's -ambassador, and called upon them to contradict Noircarmes. This they did -immediately. One of them, Matthew Reinhold, a man devoted to the Gospel -and a clever diplomatist, arrived in Paris about the middle of April -1531, and having been received by the king, attended by his lords and -his bishops, he handed in a letter from the Elector of Saxony, the -Landgrave of Hesse, and their allies. Francis opened it and appeared to -read it with interest. 'Sire,' wrote the princes, 'a few monks (Tetzel -and his friends) having through avarice hawked their indulgences about -the country to the dishonour of Christ and the ruin of souls,[191] -certain just and wise men have reproved them; the sun has risen upon the -Church, and has brought to light a world of scandals and errors. Help -us, Sire, and use such means that these disputes may be settled, not by -force of arms, but by a lawful judgment, which shall do no violence to -the consciences of christians.'[192] - -While Francis was reading this letter, the lords and prelates of his -court eyed the Lutheran from head to foot. They went up to him and asked -the strangest questions. 'Is it true,' said a bishop, 'that the women in -your country have several husbands?'—'All nonsense!' replied the German -envoy. To other questions he returned similar answers; the eagerness of -the speakers increased, and the conversation was becoming animated, when -the king, who had finished the letter, declared that he thought it very -reasonable, and, to the great surprise of the court, smiled graciously -upon Reinhold.[193] A few days later (21st April) he gave the envoy an -answer: 'In order to heal the sores of the christian republic,' he said, -'there must be a council; provided the Holy Ghost, who is the lord of -truth, has the chief place in it.' Then he added: 'Do not fear the -calumnies of your enemies.'[194] The first step was taken. - -The grand idea of the counsellors of Francis I., and of the king -himself, was, at this time, to substitute for the old policy of France a -new and more independent policy, which would protect it against the -encroachments of the papacy. Melanchthon was charmed at the king's -letter. 'The Frenchman answered us in the most amiable manner,' he -said.[195] A council guided by the Spirit of God was precisely what the -German protestants demanded: they thought themselves on the point of -coming to an understanding with the King of France. This hope took -possession of Margaret also, and of the powerful party in the royal -council who thought, like her, that the union of France, Germany, and -England would lead to an internal and universal reform of christendom. -The king, urged to form an alliance with the German princes, resolved to -send an ambassador on his part, and selected for this mission one -Gervais Waim. The choice was an unlucky one: Waim, a German by birth, -but long resident in Paris,[196] desired that everything in Germany -should remain as he had left it. A blind partisan of the ancient state -of things, he regarded any change as an outrage towards the German -nation, and was full of prejudices against the Reformation. Accordingly, -he had hardly arrived at Wittemberg (this was in the spring of 1531), -when he sought every opportunity of gratifying his blind hatred. He met -with a grand reception; banquets and entertainments were given in his -honour. One day there was a large party, at which Luther was present -with his friends and many evangelical christians, who were desirous of -meeting the envoy of the King of France. The latter, instead of -conciliating their minds, grew warm, and exclaimed: 'You have neither -church nor magistrate nor marriage; every man does what he pleases, and -all is confusion as among the brutes. The king my master knows it very -well.'[197] On hearing this extravagant assertion, the company opened -their eyes. Some got angry, others laughed, many despaired of ever -coming to an understanding with Francis I. Melanchthon changed his -opinion entirely. 'This man,' he said, 'is a great enemy of our -cause.... The kings of the earth think of nothing but their own -interest; and if Christ does not provide for the safety of the Church, -all is lost.'[198] He never said a truer thing. Waim soon found that he -had not been a good diplomatist, and that he ought not to have shocked -the protestant sentiment; he therefore confined himself to his duty, and -his official communications were of more value than his private -conversations.[199] We shall see presently the important steps taken by -France towards an alliance with evangelical Germany. - -[Sidenote: IMPRUDENCE OF THE FRENCH DEPUTY.] - -Margaret, believing that the triumph of the good cause was not far off, -determined to move forward a little. She had struck out of her -prayer-book all the prayers addressed to the Virgin and to the saints. -This she laid before the king's confessor, William Petit, Bishop of -Senlis, a courtier, and far from evangelical, though abounding in -complaisance for the sister of his master. 'Look here!' she said; 'I -have cut out all the most superstitious portions of this -book.'[200]—'Admirable!' exclaimed the courtier; 'I should desire no -other.' The queen took the prelate at his word: 'Translate it into -French,' she said, 'and I will have it printed with your name.' The -courtier-bishop did not dare withdraw; he translated the book, the queen -approved of it, and it appeared under the title of _Heures de la Royne -Marguerite_ ('Queen Margaret's Prayer-book'). The Faculty of Divinity -was angry about it, but they restrained themselves, not so much because -it was the queen's prayer-book, as because the translator was a bishop -and his Majesty's confessor. - -[Sidenote: LECOQ'S SERMON BEFORE THE KING.] - -Nor did the Queen of Navarre stop here. There was at that time in Paris -a curé, named Lecoq, whose preaching drew great crowds to St. Eustache. -Certain ladies of the court, who affected piety, never missed one of his -sermons. 'What eloquence!' said they, speaking of Lecoq, one day when -there was a reception at St. Germain; 'what a striking voice! what a -flow of words! what boldness of thought! what fervent piety!'—'Your fine -orator,' said the king, who was listening to them, 'is no doubt a -Lutheran in disguise!'—'Not at all, Sire,' said one of the ladies; 'he -often declaims against Luther, and says that we must not separate from -the Church.' Margaret asked her brother to judge for himself. 'I will -go,' said Francis. The curé was informed that on the following Sunday -the king and all his court would come to hear his sermon. The priest was -charmed at the information. He was a man of talent, and had received -evangelical impressions; only they were not deep, and the breath of -favour might easily turn him from the right way. As this breath was just -now blowing in the direction of the Gospel, he entered with all his -heart into this conspiracy of the ladies, and began to prepare a -discourse adapted, as he thought, to introduce the new light into the -king's mind. - -When Sunday came, all the carriages of the court drew up before the -church of St. Eustache, which the king entered, followed by Du Bellay, -Bishop of Paris, and his attendant lords and ladies. The crowd was -immense. The preacher went up into the pulpit, and everybody prepared to -listen. At first the king observed nothing remarkable; but gradually the -sermon grew warmer, and words full of life were heard. 'The end of all -visible things,' said Lecoq, 'is to lead us to invisible things. The -bread which refreshes our body tells us that Jesus Christ is the life of -our soul. Seated at the right hand of God, Jesus lives by his Holy -Spirit in the hearts of his disciples. _Quæ sursum sunt quærite_, says -St. Paul, _ubi Christus est in dextera Dei sedens_. Yes, _seek those -things which are above_! Do not confine yourselves during mass to what -is upon the altar; raise yourselves by faith to heaven, there to find -the Son of God. After he has consecrated the elements, does not the -priest cry out to the people: _Sursum corda!_ lift up your hearts! These -words signify: Here is the bread and here is the wine, but Jesus is in -heaven. For this reason, Sire,' continued Lecoq, boldly turning to the -king, 'if you wish to have Jesus Christ, do not look for him in the -visible elements; soar to heaven on the wings of faith. _It is by -believing in Jesus Christ that we eat his flesh_, says St. Augustin. If -it were true that Christ must be touched with the hands and devoured by -the teeth,[201] we should not say _sursum_, upwards! but _deorsum_, -downwards! Sire, it is to heaven that I invite you. Hear the voice of -the Lord: _sursum corda_, Sire, _sursum corda!_'[202] And the sonorous -voice of the priest filled the whole church with these words, which he -repeated with a tone of the sincerest conviction. All the congregation -was moved, and even Francis admired the eloquence of the preacher. 'What -do you think of it?' he asked Du Bellay as they were leaving the -church.—'He may be right,' answered the Bishop of Paris, who was not -opposed to a moderate reform, and who was married.—'I have a great mind -to see this priest again,' said the king.—'Nothing can be easier,' -replied Du Bellay. - -[Sidenote: FALL OF LECOQ.] - -Precautions, however, were taken that this interview should be concealed -from everybody. The curé disguised himself and was introduced secretly -into the king's private cabinet.[203] 'Leave us to ourselves,' said -Francis to the bishop.—'Monsieur le curé,' continued he, 'have the -goodness to explain what you said about the sacrament of the altar.' -Lecoq showed that a spiritual union with Christ could alone be of use to -the soul. 'Indeed!' said Francis; 'you raise strange scruples in my -mind.'[204] This encouraged the priest, who, charmed with his success, -brought forward other articles of faith.[205] His zeal spoilt -everything; it was too much for the king, who began to think that the -priest might be a heretic after all, and ordered him to be examined by a -Romish doctor. 'He is an arch-heretic,' said the inquisitor, after the -examination. 'With your Majesty's permission I will keep him locked up.' -The king, who did not mean to go so far, ordered Lecoq 'to be set at -liberty, and to be admitted to prove his assertions by the testimony of -Holy Scripture.' - -Upon this the Cardinals of Lorraine and Tournon, 'awakened by the -crowing of the cock,'[206] arranged a conference. On one side was the -suspected priest, on the other some of the most learned doctors, and the -two cardinals presided as arbiters of the discussion. Tournon was one of -the ablest men of this period, and a most implacable enemy of the -Reformation; in later years he was the persecutor of the Waldenses, and -the introducer of the Jesuits into France. The discussion began. -'Whoever thought,' said the doctors of the Sorbonne to Lecoq, 'that -these words _sursum corda_ mean that the bread remains bread? No; -they signify that your heart should soar to heaven in order that the -Lord may descend upon the altar.' Lecoq showed that the Spirit alone -gives life; he spoke of Scripture; but Tournon, who had been the means -of making more than one pope, and had himself received votes for his own -election to the papacy, exclaimed in a style that the popes are fond of -using: 'The Church has spoken; submit to her decrees. If you reject the -authority of the Church, you sail without a compass, driven by the winds -to your destruction. Delay not!... Save yourself! Down with the yards -and furl the sails, lest your vessel strike upon the rocks of error, and -you suffer an eternal shipwreck.'[207] The cardinals and doctors -surrounded Lecoq and pressed him on every side. Here a theologian fell -upon him with his elaborate scholastic proofs; there an abbé shouted in -his ears; and the cardinals threw the weight of their dignity into the -scales. The curé of St. Eustache was tossed to and fro in indecision. He -had some small taste for the Gospel, but he loved the world and its -honours more. They frightened and soothed him by turns, and at last he -retracted what he had preached. Lecoq had none of the qualities of a -martyr: he was rather one of those weak minds who furnished backsliders -to the primitive Church. - -Happily there were in France firmer christians than he. While, in the -world of politics, diplomatists were crossing and recrossing the Rhine; -while, in the world of Roman-catholicism, the most eloquent men were -becoming faithless to their convictions: there were christian men in the -evangelical world, among those whose faith had laid hold of redemption, -who sacrificed their lives that they might remain faithful to the Lord -who had redeemed them. It was a season when the most contrary movements -were going on. - -Toulouse, in olden times the sanctuary of Gallic paganism, was at this -period filled with images, relics, and 'other instruments of Romish -idolatry.' The religion of the people was a religion of the eye and of -the ear, of the hands and of the knees—in short, a religion of -externals; while within, the conscience, the will, and the understanding -slept a deep sleep. The parliament, surnamed 'the bloody,' was the -docile instrument of the fanaticism of the priests. They said to their -officers: 'Keep an eye upon the heretics. If any man does not lift his -cap before an image, he is a heretic. If any man, when he hears the -_Ave Maria_ bell, does not bend the knee, he is a heretic. If any -man takes pleasure in the ancient languages and polite learning, he is a -heretic.... Do not delay to inform against such persons.... The -parliament will condemn them, and the stake shall rid us of them.'[208] - -A celebrated Italian had left his country and settled at Agen. Julius -Cesar della Scala, better known by the name of Scaliger, belonged to one -of the oldest families of his native country, and on account of the -universality of his knowledge, many persons considered him the greatest -man that had ever appeared in the world. Scaliger did not embrace the -reformed faith, as his son did, but he imported a love of learning, -particularly of Greek, to the banks of the Garonne. - -[Sidenote: CATURCE AT TOULOUSE.] - -The licentiate Jean de Caturce, a professor of laws in the university, -and a native of Limoux, having learnt Greek, procured a New Testament -and studied it. Being a man of large understanding, of facile eloquence, -and above all of thoughtful soul, he found Christ the Saviour, Christ -the Lord, Christ the life eternal, and adored him. Erelong Christ -transformed him, and he became a new man. Then the Pandects lost their -charm, and he discovered in the Holy Scriptures a divine life and light -which enraptured him. He meditated on them day and night. He was -consumed by an ardent desire to visit his birthplace and preach the -Saviour whom he loved and who dwelt in his heart. Accordingly he set out -for Limoux, which is not far from Toulouse, and on All Saints' day, -1531, delivered 'an exhortation' there. He resolved to return at the -Epiphany, for every year on that day there was a great concourse of -people for the festival, and he wished to take advantage of it by openly -proclaiming Jesus Christ. - -[Sidenote: THE TWELFTH-NIGHT SUPPER.] - -Everything had been prepared for the festival.[209] On the eve of -Epiphany there was usually a grand supper, at which, according to -custom, the king of the feast was proclaimed, after which there was -shouting and joking, singing and dancing. Caturce was determined to take -part in the festival, but in such a way that it should not pass off in -the usual manner. When the services of the day in honour of the three -kings of the East were over, the company sat down to table: they drank -the wine of the south, and at last the cake was brought in. One of the -guests found the bean, the gaiety increased, and they were about to -celebrate the new royalty by the ordinary toast: _the king drinks!_ -when Caturce stood up. 'There is only one king,' he said, 'and Jesus -Christ is he. It is not enough for his name to flit through our -brains—he must dwell in our hearts. He who has Christ in him wants for -nothing. Instead then of shouting _the king drinks_, let us say -this night: _May Christ, the true king, reign in all our -hearts!_'[210] - -The professor of Toulouse was much esteemed in his native town, and many -of his acquaintances already loved the Gospel. The lips that were ready -to shout _the king drinks_ were dumb, and many sympathised, at least by -their silence, with the new 'toast' which he proposed to them. Caturce -continued: 'My friends, I propose that after supper, instead of loose -talk, dances, and revelry, each of us shall bring forward in his turn -one passage of Holy Scripture.' The proposal was accepted, and the noisy -supper was changed into an orderly christian assembly. First one man -repeated some passage that had struck him, then another did the same; -but Caturce, says the chronicle, 'entered deeper into the matter than -the rest of the company,' contending that Jesus Christ ought to sit on -the throne of our hearts. The professor returned to the university. - -This Twelfth-night supper produced so great a sensation, that a report -was made of it at Toulouse. The officers of justice apprehended the -licentiate in the midst of his books and his lessons, and brought him -before the court. 'Your worships,' he said, 'I am willing to maintain -what I have at heart, but let my opponents be learned men with their -books, who will prove what they advance. I should wish each point to be -decided without wandering talk.' The discussion began; but the most -learned theologians were opposed to him in vain, for the licentiate, who -had the Divine Word within him, answered 'promptly, pertinently, and -with much power, quoting immediately the passages of Scripture which -best served his purpose,' says the chronicle. The doctors were silenced, -and the professor was taken back to prison.[211] - -The judges were greatly embarrassed. One of them visited the -_heretic_ in his dungeon, to see if he could not be shaken. 'Master -Caturce,' said he, 'we offer to set you at full liberty, on condition -that you will first retract only three points, in a lecture which you -will give in the schools.' The chronicler does not tell us what these -three points were. The licentiate's friends entreated him to consent, -and for a moment he hesitated, only to regain his firmness immediately -after. 'It is a snare of the Evil one,' he replied. Notwithstanding -this, his friends laid a form of recantation before him, and when he had -rejected it, they brought him another still more skilfully drawn up. But -'the Lord strengthened him so that he thrust all these papers away from -him.' His friends withdrew in dismay. He was declared a heretic, -condemned to be burnt alive, and taken to the square of St. Etienne. - -Here an immense crowd had assembled, especially of students of the -university who were anxious to witness the degradation of so esteemed a -professor. The 'mystery' lasted three hours, and they were three hours -of triumph for the Word of God. Never had Caturce spoken with greater -freedom. In answer to everything that was said, he brought some passage -of Scripture 'very pertinent to reprove the stupidity of his judges -before the scholars.' His academical robes were taken off, the costume -of a merry-andrew was put on him, and then another scene began. - -[Sidenote: THE DOMINICAN SILENCED.] - -A Dominican monk, wearing a white robe and scapulary, with a black cloak -and pointed cap, made his way through the crowd, and ascended a little -wooden pulpit which had been set up in the middle of the square. This by -no means learned individual assumed an important air, for he had been -commissioned to deliver what was called 'the sermon of the catholic -faith.' In a voice that was heard all over the square, he read his text: -_The Spirit speaketh expressly, that in the latter times some shall -depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits and doctrines of -devils_.[212] The monks were delighted with a text which appeared so -suitable; but Caturce, who almost knew his Testament by heart, -perceiving that, according to their custom of distorting Scripture, he -had only taken a fragment (_lopin_) of the passage, cried out with -a clear voice: 'Read on.' The Dominican, who felt alarmed, stopped -short, upon which Caturce himself completed the passage: _Forbidding -to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats, which God hath created -to be received with thanksgiving of them which believe_. The monks -were confounded; the students and other friends of the licentiate -smiled. 'We know them,' continued the energetic professor, 'these -deceivers of the people, who, instead of the doctrine of faith, feed -them with trash. In God's service there is no question of fish or of -flesh, of black or of grey, of Wednesday or Friday.... It is nothing but -foolish superstition which requires celibacy and abstaining from meats. -Such are not the commandments of God.' The Dominican in his pulpit -listened with astonishment; the prisoner was preaching in the midst of -the officers of justice, and the students heard him 'with great favour.' -The poor Dominican, ashamed of his folly, left his sermon unpreached. - -After this the martyr was led back to the court, where sentence of death -was pronounced upon him. Caturce surveyed his judges with indignation, -and, as he left the tribunal, exclaimed in Latin: 'Thou seat of -iniquity! Thou court of injustice!' He was now led to the scaffold, and -at the stake continued exhorting the people to know Jesus Christ. 'It is -impossible to calculate the great fruit wrought by his death,' says the -chronicle, 'especially among the students then at the university of -Toulouse,' that is to say, in the year 1532.[213] - -Certain preachers, however, who had taught the new doctrine, backslided -deplorably at this time, and checked the progress of the Word in the -south; among them were the prothonotary of Armagnac, the cordelier Des -Noces, as well as his companion the youthful Melchior Flavin, 'a furious -hypocrite,' as Beza calls him. One of those who had received in their -hearts the fire that warmed the energetic Caturce, held firm to the -truth, even in the presence of the stake: he was a grey friar named -Marcii. Having performed 'wonders' by his preaching in Rouergue, he was -taken to Toulouse, and there sealed with his blood the doctrines he had -so faithfully proclaimed.[214] - -[Sidenote: TWO MODES OF REFORMATION.] - -We must soon turn to that external reformation imagined by some of the -king's advisers, under the inspiration of the Queen of Navarre, and by -certain German protestants who, under the influence of motives partly -religious, partly political, proposed to reform Christendom by means of -a council, without doing away with the Romish episcopate. But we must -first return to that humble and powerful teacher, the noble -representative of a scriptural and living reformation, who, while urging -the necessity of a spiritual unity, set in the foremost rank the -imprescriptible rights of truth. - -[Footnote 189: Seckendorf, pp. 1170, 1171.] - -[Footnote 190: 'Fratris iras pro viribus moderavit.'—Bezæ _Icones_.] - -[Footnote 191: 'Propter quæstum, cum contumelia Christi et cum periculo -animarum.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 472.] - -[Footnote 192: Sleidan, ch. viii.] - -[Footnote 193: 'Ihm eine gnädige Mine gemacht.'—Seckendorf, p. 118.] - -[Footnote 194: Sleidan, ch. viii. p. 232.] - -[Footnote 195: 'Gallus rescripsit humanissime.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 503.] - -[Footnote 196: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, iv. p. 167.] - -[Footnote 197: 'Sondern gienge alles unter einander wie das Viehe.— -Schelhorn, p. 289.] - -[Footnote 198: 'Illi reges sua agunt negotia.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 518.] - -[Footnote 199: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 167.] - -[Footnote 200: Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ i. p. 8.] - -[Footnote 201: 'Corpus et sanguinem Domini, in veritate, manibus -sacerdotum tractari, frangi, et fidelium dentibus atteri.' (The formula -which Pope Nicholas exacted of Bérenger.)—Lanfranc, _De Euchar._ cap. v.] - -[Footnote 202: 'Speciebus illis nequaquam adhærendum, sed fidei alis ad -cœlos evolandum esse. Illud subinde repetens: _Sursum corda! sursum -corda!_'—Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, ii. p. 225. See also -Maimbourg, _Calvinisme_, pp. 22-24.] - -[Footnote 203: 'Bellaii opera, Gallus hic in secretiorem locum -vocatus.'-Flor. Rémond, ii. p. 225.] - -[Footnote 204: 'Regi scrupulos non leves injecit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 205: 'Idem de aliis quoque fidei articulis.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 206: A play upon the priest's name, both in French and in -Latin. 'Lotharingus et Turnonius cardinales Galli hujus cantu -excitati.'—Flor. Rémond, ii. p. 225.] - -[Footnote 207: 'Antennas dimittite ac vela colligite, ne ad errorum -scopulos illisa navi æternæ salutis naufragium faciatis.'—Flor. Rémond, -_Hist. de l'Hérésie_, ii. p. 225.] - -[Footnote 208: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ i. p. 7.] - -[Footnote 209: This _jour des Rois_ corresponds with our _Twelfth -day_.] - -[Footnote 210: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ i. p. 7. Crespin, -_Martyrologue_, fol. 106.] - -[Footnote 211: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ i. p. 7. Crespin, -_Martyrologue_, fol. 106.] - -[Footnote 212: 1 Timothy iv. 1.] - -[Footnote 213: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ i. p. 7. Crespin, -_Martyrologue_, fol. 106.] - -[Footnote 214: Ibid.] - - - - - CHAPTER XX. - CALVIN'S SEPARATION FROM THE HIERARCHY: HIS FIRST WORK, HIS FRIENDS. - (1532.) - - -Lecoq had been caught in the snares of the world; Caturce had perished -in the flames; some elect souls appeared to be falling into a third -danger—a sort of christianity, partly mystical, partly worldly, partly -Romanist. But there was a young man among the evangelicals who was -beginning to occasion some uneasiness in the lukewarm. Calvin—for it is -of him we speak—was successively attacked on these three sides, and yet -he remained firm. He did more than this, for every day he enlarged the -circle of his christian activity. An advocate, a young _frondeur_, -a pious tradesman, a catholic student, a professor of the university, -and the Queen of Navarre—all received from him at this time certain -impulses which carried them forward in the path of truth. - -[Sidenote: DANIEL'S VIEWS FOR CALVIN.] - -The advocate Daniel loved him dearly, and desired to keep him in the -Romish communion. His large understanding, his energetic character, his -indefatigable activity seemed to promise the Church a St. Augustin or a -St. Bernard; he must be raised to some important post where he would -have a prospect of making himself useful. The advocate, who thought -Calvin far less advanced in the ways of liberty than he really was, had -an idea of obtaining for him an ecclesiastical charge which, he -imagined, would perfectly suit his young friend: it was that of official -or vicar-general, empowered to exercise episcopal jurisdiction. Would -Daniel succeed? Would he rob the Reformation of this young and brilliant -genius? Influential men were ready to aid him in establishing Calvin in -the ranks of the Romish hierarchy. Accordingly the first temptation to -which he was exposed proceeded from clerical ambition. - -An ecclesiastic of high birth, John, Count of Longueville and Archbishop -of Toulouse, had been appointed Bishop of Orleans in 1521, with -permission to retain his archbishopric.[215] In 1532 a new bishop was -expected at Orleans, either because Longueville was dead, or because, on -account of his illness, a coadjutor had become necessary. The pluralist -prelate was a fellow-countryman of Calvin's.[216] Daniel, thinking that -he ought to seize this opportunity of procuring the post of official for -the young scholar, made the first overtures to Calvin on the 6th of -January, 1532. 'I never will abandon,' he said, 'the old and mutual -friendship that unites us.' And then, having by this means sought to -conciliate his favourable attention, he skilfully insinuated his wishes. -'We are expecting the bishop's arrival every day; I should be pleased -if, by the care of your friends, you were so recommended to him that he -conferred on you the charge of official or some other post.'[217] There -was much in this to flatter the self-love of a young man of -twenty-three. If Calvin had been made vicar-general at so early an age, -he would not have stopped there; that office often led to the highest -dignities, and his brilliant genius, his great and strong character, -would have made him a bishop, cardinal, who can say? ... perhaps pope. -Instead of freeing the Church he would have enslaved it; and instead of -being plain John Calvin he might perhaps have been the Hildebrand of his -age. - -What will Calvin do? Although settled as regards doctrine, he was still -undecided with regard to the Church: it was a period of transition with -him. 'On the one hand,' he said, 'I feel the call of God which holds me -fast to the Church, and on the other I fear to take upon myself a burden -which I cannot bear.... What perplexity!'[218] Erelong the temptation -presented itself. 'Consider!' whispered an insidious voice; 'an easy, -studious, honoured, useful life!'—'Alas!' he said, 'as soon as anything -appears which pleases us, instantly the desires of the flesh rush -impetuously after it, like wild beasts.' We cannot tell whether these -'wild beasts' were roused in his ardent soul, but at least, if there was -any covetousness within, 'which tempted the heart,' he forced it to be -still. Strong decision distinguishes the christian character of Calvin. -The new man within him rejected with horror all that the old man had -loved. Far from entering into new ties, he was thinking of breaking -those which still bound him to the Roman hierarchy. He therefore did not -entertain Daniel's proposal. Of the two roads that lay before him, he -chose the rougher one, and gave himself to God alone. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN'S COMMENTARY ON SENECA.] - -Having turned his back on bishops and cardinals, Calvin looked with love -upon the martyrs and their burning piles. The death of the pious Berquin -and of other confessors had distressed him, and he feared lest he should -see other believers sinking under the same violence. He would have -desired to speak in behalf of the dumb and innocent victims. 'But, -alas!' he exclaimed, 'how can a man so mean, so low-born, so poor in -learning as I, expect to be heard?'[219] He had finished his commentary -upon Seneca's treatise of _Clemency_. Being a great admirer of that -philosopher, he was annoyed that the world had not given him the place -he deserved, and spoke of him to all his friends. If one of them entered -his little room and expressed surprise at seeing him take such pains to -make the writings of a pagan philosopher better known, Calvin, who -thought he had discovered a vein of Gospel gold in Seneca's iron ore, -would answer: 'Did he not write against superstition? Has he not said of -the Jews, that the conquered give laws to their conquerors? When he -exclaims: "We have all sinned, we shall all sin unto the end!"[220] may -we not imagine that we hear Paul speaking?' - -Another motive, however, as some think, influenced Calvin to select the -treatise on _Clemency_. There was a similarity (and Calvin had noticed -it) between the epochs of the author and of the commentator. Seneca, who -lived at the time of the first persecutions against the christians, had -dedicated his treatise on _Clemency_ to a persecutor. Calvin determined -to publish it with a commentary, in the hope (it has been said) that the -king, who was fond of books, would read this legacy of antiquity. -Without absolutely rejecting this hypothesis, we may say that he was -anxious to compose some literary work, and that he displayed solid -learning set off by an elegant and pleasing style which at once gave him -rank among the literati of his day. - -These are the words of Seneca, which, thanks to Calvin, were now heard -in the capital of the kings of France: 'Clemency becomes no one so much -as it does a king.—You spare yourself, when you seem to be sparing -another. We must do evil to nobody, not even to the wicked; men do not -harm their own diseased limbs. It is the nature of the most cowardly -wild beasts to rend those who are lying on the ground, but elephants and -lions pass by the man they have thrown down.[221] To take delight in the -rattling of chains, to cut off the heads of citizens, to spill much -blood, to spread terror wherever he shows himself—is that the work of a -king? If it were so, far better would it be for lions, bears, or even -serpents to reign over us!'[222] - -[Sidenote: THE YOUNG AUTHOR'S DIFFICULTIES.] - -As soon as the work was finished, Calvin thought of publishing it; but -the booksellers turned their backs on him, for an author's first work -rarely tempts them. The young commentator was not rich, but he came to a -bold resolution. He felt, as it would appear, that authorship would be -his vocation, that God himself called him, and he was determined to take -the first step in spite of all obstacles. He said: 'I will publish the -book on _Clemency_ at my own expense;' but when the printing was -finished, he became uneasy. 'Upon my word,' he said, 'it has cost me -more money than I had imagined.'[223] - -The young author wrote his name in Latin on the title-page of the first -work he published, _Calvinus_, whence the word _Calvin_ was derived, -which was substituted for the family name of _Cauvin_. He dedicated his -book to the abbot of St. Eloy (4th April, 1532), and then gave it to the -world. It was a great affair for him, and he was full of anxiety at its -chances and dangers. 'At length the die is cast,'[224] he wrote to -Daniel on the 23rd of May; 'my Commentary on _Clemency_ has appeared.' - -Two thoughts engrossed him wholly at this time: the first concerned the -good that his book might do. 'Write to me as soon as possible,' said he -to his friend, 'and tell me whether my book is favourably or coldly -received.[225] I hope that it will contribute to the public good.' But -he was also very anxious about the sale: all his money was gone. 'I am -drained dry,' he said; 'and I must tax my wits to get back from every -quarter the money I have expended.' - -Calvin showed great activity in the publication of his first work; we -can already trace in him the captain drawing out his plan of battle. He -called upon several professors in the capital, and begged them to use -his book in their public lectures. He sent five copies to his friends at -Bourges, and asked Sucquey to deliver a course of lectures on his -publication. He made the same request to Landrin with regard to the -university of Orleans.[226] In short, he lost no opportunity of making -his book known. - -Daniel had asked him for some Bibles. Probably Calvin's refusal to -accept office in the Church had not surprised the advocate, and this -pious man desired to circulate the book which had inspired his young -friend with such courage and self-denial. But it was not easy to execute -the commission. There was Lefèvre's Bible, printed in French at Antwerp -in 1530; and the Latin Bible of Robert Stephens, which appeared at Paris -in 1532. The latter was so eagerly bought up, that the doctors of the -Sorbonne tried to prohibit the sale. It was probably this edition which -Calvin tried to procure. He went from shop to shop, but the booksellers -looked at him with suspicion, and said they had not the volume. Calvin -renewed his inquiries in the Latin quarter, where at last he found what -he sought at a bookseller's who was more independent of the Sorbonne and -its proclamations than the others. 'I have executed your commission -about the Bible,' he wrote to Daniel; 'and it cost me more trouble than -money.'[227] Calvin profited by the opportunity to entreat his friend to -deliver a course of lectures on the _Clemency_. 'If you make up your -mind to do so,' he wrote, 'I will send you a hundred copies.' These -copies were, no doubt, to be sold to Daniel's hearers. Such were the -anxieties of the great writer of the sixteenth century at the beginning -of his career. Calvin's first work (it deserves to be noted) was on -_Clemency_. Did the king read the treatise?... We cannot say; at any -rate, Calvin was not more fortunate with Francis I. than Seneca had been -with Nero. - -[Sidenote: AN UNHAPPY FRONDEUR.] - -Another case of a very different nature occupied his attention erelong. -Calvin had a great horror of falsehood: calumny aroused his anger, -whether it was manifested by gross accusations, or insinuated by -equivocal compliments. Among his friends at the university there was a -young man whom he called his excellent brother, whose name has not been -preserved. All his fellow-students loved him; all the professors -esteemed him;[228] but occasionally he showed himself a little rough. -This unknown student, having received the good news of the Gospel with -all his soul, felt impelled to speak about it out of the abundance of -his heart, and rebelled at the obligation he was under of concealing his -convictions. There was still in him some remnant of the 'old man,' and -feeling indignant at the weakness of those around him, and being of a -carping temper, he called them cowards. He could not breathe in the -atmosphere of despotism and servility in which he lived. He loved -France, but he loved liberty more. One day this proud young man said to -his friends: 'I cannot bend my neck beneath the yoke to which you so -willingly submit.[229] Farewell! I am going to Strasburg, and renounce -all intention of returning to France.' - -Strasburg did not satisfy him. The eminent men who resided there -sometimes, and no doubt with good intentions, placed peace above truth. -The caustic opinions of the young Frenchman displeased Bucer and his -friends. He was a grumbler by nature, and spoke out bluntly on all -occasions.[230] He had a sharp encounter with a Strasburger, whose name -Calvin does not give, and who was perhaps just as susceptible as the -Parisian was hasty. The young Frenchman was declaiming against baptismal -regeneration, when on a sudden his adversary, whom Calvin judges with -great moderation, began to accuse the poor refugee of being an -anabaptist. This was a dreadful reproach at that time. Wherever he went -the Strasburger scattered his accusations and invectives. Every heart -was shut against the poor fellow; he was not even permitted to make the -least explanation. He was soon brought to want, and claimed the -assistance of friends whom he had formerly helped. It was all of no use. -Reduced to extreme necessity, having neither the means of procuring food -nor of travelling, he managed however to return to France in a state of -the greatest destitution. He found Calvin at Noyon, where the latter -chanced to be at the beginning of September 1532. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN RECEIVES HIM KINDLY.] - -The young man, soured and disappointed, drew a sad picture of Strasburg. -'There was not a single person in the whole city from whom I could -obtain a penny,' he said. 'My enemy left not a stone unturned; -scattering the sparks of his wrath on every side, he kindled a great -fire.... My sojourn there was a real tragedy, which had the ruin of an -innocent man for its catastrophe.' Calvin questioned him on baptism, and -the severe examination was entirely to the advantage of the young -refugee. 'Really,' said the commentator on _Clemency_, 'I have never met -with any one who professed the truth on this point with so much -frankness.' Calvin did not lose a moment, but sat down (4th of -September) to write to Bucer, whom he styled the _bishop_ of Strasburg. -'Alas!' he said, 'how much stronger calumny is than truth! They have -ruined this man's reputation, perhaps without intention, but certainly -without reason. If my prayers, if my tears have any value in your eyes, -dear Master Bucer, have pity on the wretchedness of this unfortunate -man![231] You are the protector of the poor, the help of the orphan; do -not suffer this unhappy man to be reduced to the last extremity.' - -Shortly after writing this touching appeal, Calvin returned to Paris. As -for the young man, we know not what became of him. He was not, however, -the only one who first attacked and then called for pity. - -The literary movement of the capital manifested itself more and more -every day in a biblical direction. Guidacerio of Venice, devoting -himself to scriptural studies, published a commentary on the _Song of -Solomon_, and an explanation of the _Sermon on the Mount_,[232] to the -great annoyance of the doctors of the Sorbonne, who were angry at seeing -laymen break through their monopoly of interpreting Scripture. Priests -in their sermons, students in their essays, put forward propositions -contrary to the Romish doctrine; and Beda, who was beside himself, -filled Paris with his furious declamations. He soon met with a cutting -reply. Some young friends of learning gave a public representation of a -burlesque comedy entitled: 'The university of Paris is founded on a -monster.'[233] Beda could not contain himself: 'They mean me,' he -exclaimed, and called together the Faculties. They laid the matter -before the inquisitors of the faith, who had the good sense to let it -drop.[234] - -[Sidenote: THE MERCHANT DE LA FORGE.] - -When Calvin returned to Paris, he did not join this literary world, -which was jeering at the attacks of the priests: he preferred the narrow -and the thorny way. Every day he attended the meetings which were held -secretly in different parts of the capital. He associated with pious -families, sat at the hearths of the friends of the Gospel, and -discoursed with them on the truth and on the difficulties which the -Reformation would have to encounter in France. A pious and open-hearted -merchant, a native of Tournay, Stephen de la Forge by name, particularly -attracted him at this time. When he entered his friend's warehouse, he -was often struck by the number of purchasers and by the bustle around -him. 'I am thankful,' said La Forge, 'for all the blessings that God has -given me; and I will not be sparing of my wealth, either to succour the -poor or to propagate the Gospel.' In fact, the merchant printed the Holy -Scriptures at his own expense, and distributed copies along with the -numerous alms he was in the habit of giving. Noble, kind-hearted, ready -to share all that he possessed with the poor, he had also a mind capable -of discerning error. He was good, but he was not weak. Certain doctors, -infidel and immoral philosophers, were beginning at that time to appear -in Paris, and to visit at La Forge's, where Calvin met them. The latter -asked his friend who these strange-looking people were: 'They pretend to -have been banished from their country,' said La Forge; 'perhaps.... But -if so, believe me it was for their misdeeds and not for the Word of -God.'[235] They were the chiefs of the sectarians afterwards known by -the name of _Libertines_, who had just come from Flanders. La Forge -not only gave his money, but was able somewhat later to give himself, -and to die confessing Jesus Christ. When Calvin remembered at Geneva the -sweet conversations they had enjoyed together, he exclaimed with a -sentiment of respect: 'O holy martyr of Jesus Christ! thy memory will -always be sacred among believers.'[236] - -Besides La Forge, Calvin had another intimate friend at Paris, whose -personal character possessed a great attraction for him, although the -tendency of his mind was quite different from that of his own. Louis du -Tillet was one of those gentle moderate christians, who fear the cross -and are paralysed by the opinion of the world. The _frondeur_ and -he were two extremes: Calvin was a mean between them. Du Tillet wished -to maintain the Catholic Church, even when reforming it, for he -respected its unity. The reformer had been struck with his charity, his -humility, and his love of truth; while Louis, on the other hand, -admiring 'the great gifts and graces which the Lord had bestowed on his -friend,' was never tired of listening to him. He belonged to a noble -family of Angoulême; his father was vice-president of the Chamber of -Accounts; his eldest brother was the king's valet-de-chambre; and his -other brother was second chief-registrar to the parliament. He was -continually fluctuating between Calvin and his own relatives, between -Scripture and tradition, between God and the world. He would often leave -Calvin to go and hear mass; but erelong, attracted by a charm for which -he could not account, he returned to his friend, whose clear ideas threw -some little light into his mind. Du Tillet exclaimed: 'Yes, I feel that -there is much ignorance and darkness within me.' But the idea of -forsaking the Church alarmed him, and he had hardly uttered such words -as these when he hurried off again to confess. - -Calvin, thanks to the numerous friends who saw him closely, began to be -appreciated even by those who calumniated his faith. 'This man at least -leads an austere life,' they said: 'he is not a slave to his belly; from -his youth he has abhorred the pleasures of the flesh;[237] he indulges -neither in eating nor drinking.[238]... Look at him ... his mind is -vigorous; his soul unites wisdom with daring.... But his body is thin -and spare; one clearly sees that his days and nights are devoted to -abstinence and study.'—'Do not suppose that I fast on account of your -superstitions,' said Calvin. 'No! it is only because abstinence keeps -away the pains that disturb me in my task.' - -[Sidenote: CALVIN AND COP.] - -Professor Nicholas Cop, son of that William Cop, the king's physician, -the honour of whose birth (says Erasmus) both France and Germany -disputed,[239] had recognised an inward life in Calvin, and a vigorous -faith which captivated him, and he never met him in the neighbourhood of -the university without speaking to him. They were often seen walking up -and down absorbed in talk, while the priests looked on distrustfully. -These conversations disturbed them: 'Cop will be spoilt,' they said, and -they endeavoured to prejudice him against his friend; but their intimacy -only became stricter. - -Calvin's reputation, which was beginning to extend, reached the ears of -the Queen of Navarre, and that princess, who admired men of genius and -delighted in agreeable conversation, wished to see the young literary -christian. Thus there was an early intercourse between them. The -christian and learned scholar undertook the defence of the sister of -Francis I. in a letter written to Daniel in 1533, and this princess -afterwards made known to him the projected marriage of her daughter -Jeanne d'Albret—circumstances which indicate an intimate connection -between them. During the time when the piety of the Queen of Navarre was -the purest, a mutual respect and affection united these two noble -characters. 'I conjure you,' said Margaret to Calvin, 'do not spare me -in anything wherein you think I can be of service to you. Rest assured -that I shall act with my whole heart, according to the power that God -has given me.'[240] - -[Sidenote: MARGARET AND CALVIN.] - -'A man cannot enter the ministry of God,' says Calvin, 'without having -been proved by temptation.' The queen's wit, the court of St. Germain, -intercourse with men of genius and of rank, the prospect of exercising -an influence that might turn to the glory of God—all these things might -tempt him. Would he become Margaret's chaplain, like Roussel? Would he -quit the narrow way in which he was treading, to enter upon that where -christians tried to walk with the world on their right hand and Rome on -their left? The queen's love for the Saviour affected Calvin, and he -asked himself whether that was not a door opened by God through which -the Gospel would enter the kingdom of France.... He was at that moment -on the brink of the abyss. What likelihood was there that a young man, -just at the beginning of his career, would not gladly seize the -opportunity that presented itself of serving a princess so full of piety -and genius—the king's sister? Margaret, who made Roussel a bishop, would -also have a diocese for Calvin. 'I should be pleased to have a servant -like you,' she told him one day. But the rather mystical piety of the -princess, and the vanities with which she was surrounded, were offensive -to that simple and upright heart. 'Madame,' he replied, 'I am not fitted -to do you any great service; the capacity is wanting, and also you have -enough without me.... Those who know me are aware that I never desired -to frequent the courts of princes; and I thank the Lord that I have -never been tempted, for I have every reason to be satisfied with the -good Master who has accepted me and retains me in his household.'[241] -Calvin had no more longing for the semi-catholic dignities of the queen -than for the Roman dignities of the popes. Yet he knew how to take -advantage of the opportunity offered him, and nobly conjured Margaret to -speak out more frankly in favour of the Gospel. Carried away by an -eloquence which, though simple, had great power, she declared herself -ready to move forward. - -An opportunity soon presented itself of realising the plan she had -conceived of renewing the universal Church without destroying its unity; -but the means to be employed were not such as Calvin approved of. They -were about to have recourse to carnal weapons. 'Now the only foundation -of the kingdom of Christ,' he said, 'is the humiliation of man. I know -how proud carnal minds are of their vain shows; but the arms of the -Lord, with which we fight, will be stronger, and will throw down all -their strongholds, by means of which they think themselves -invincible.'[242] - -Luther now appears again on the scene; and on this important point -Luther and Calvin are one. - -[Footnote 215: 'Cum facultate retinendi simul archiepiscopatum -tolosanum.'—_Gallia Christiana._] - -[Footnote 216: 'Scis nos episcopum nationis tuæ habere.'—Daniel Calvino, -Berne MSS.] - -[Footnote 217: 'Ut officialis dignitate aut aliqua alia te ornaret.'— -Daniel Calvino, Berne MSS.] - -[Footnote 218: Calvin, _Lettres Françaises_.] - -[Footnote 219: 'Unus de plebe, homuncio mediocri seu potius modica -eruditione præditus.'—Calvinus, _Præf. de Clementia_.] - -[Footnote 220: 'Peccavimus omnes ... et usque ad extremum ævi -delinquemus.'—_De Clementia_, lib. i.] - -[Footnote 221: 'Ferarum vero, nec generosarum quidem, præmordere et -urgere projectos.'—_De Clementia_, cap. v.] - -[Footnote 222: 'Si leones ursique regnarent.'—Ibid. cap. xxvi.] - -[Footnote 223: 'Plus pecuniæ exhauserunt.'—Calvinus Danieli, Geneva -MSS.] - -[Footnote 224: 'Tandem jacta est alea.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 225: 'Quo favore vel frigore excepti fuerint.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 226: 'Ut Landrinum inducas in protectionem.'—Calvinus Danieli, -Geneva MSS.] - -[Footnote 227: 'De Bibliis exhausi mandatum tuum.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 228: 'Ita se gessit, ut gratiosus esset apud ordinis nostri -homines.'—Calvinus Bucero, Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 229: 'Cum non posset submittere diutius cervicem isti -voluntariæ servituti.'—Calvinus Bucero, Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 230: 'Cassait toutes les vitres.'] - -[Footnote 231: 'Si quid preces meæ, si quid lacrimæ valent, hujus -miseriæ succurras.'—Calvinus Bucero, Berne MSS.] - -[Footnote 232: _Versio et Commentarii_, published at Paris in 1531.] - -[Footnote 233: 'Academiam parisiensem super monstrum esse fundatam.'— -Morrhius Erasmo, March 30, 1532.] - -[Footnote 234: 'Res delata est ad inquisitores fidei.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 235: 'Quod ex Stephano a Fabrica (_De la Forge_) intellexi, -istos potius ob maleficia ... egressos esse.'—_Adv. Libertinos._] - -[Footnote 236: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 237: 'Calvinus strictiorem vivendi disciplinam secutus -est.'—Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, ii. p. 247.] - -[Footnote 238: 'Cibi ac potus abstinentissimus.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 239: 'Illum incomparabilem, quem certatim sibi vindicant, hinc -Gallia, hinc Germania.'—Erasmi _Epp._ p. 15.] - -[Footnote 240: _Calvin's Letters_, i. p. 342. Philadelphia, ed. J. -Bonnet.] - -[Footnote 241: _Lettres Françaises de Calvin. A la Reine de Navarre_, -i. p. 114, ed. J. Bonnet.] - -[Footnote 242: Calvin, _in 2ᵃᵐ Epist. ad Corinth._ ch. x.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXI. - CONFERENCES AT SMALCALD AND CALAIS. - (MARCH TO OCTOBER 1532.) - - -[Sidenote: DU BELLAY'S PROJECTS.] - -France, or at least the king and the influential men, appeared at this -time to be veering towards a moderate Reform. Francis I. seemed to have -some liking for his sister's religion; but there were other motives -inclining him to entertain these ideas. Finding himself without allies -in Europe, he endeavoured to gain the friendship of the protestants, -hoping that with their help he would be in a condition to oppose the -emperor and restore the French preponderance in Italy. One man in -particular set himself the task of directing his country into a new -path; this was William du Bellay, brother to the Bishop of Paris, and -'one of the greatest men France ever had,' says a catholic -historian.[243] A skilful, active, and prudent diplomatist, Du Bellay -called to mind the memorable struggles that had formerly taken place -between the popes and the kings of France; he believed that christendom -was in a state of transition, and desired, as the Chancellor de -l'Hôpital did in later years, that the new times should be marked with -more liberty, and not with more servitude, as the Guises, the Valois, -and the Bourbons would have wished. He went even farther: he thought -that the sixteenth century would substitute for the papacy of the middle -ages a form of christianity, catholic of course, but more in conformity -with the ancient Scriptures and the modern requirements. From that hour -his dominant idea, his chief business, was to unite catholic France to -protestant Germany. - -Having received the instructions of Francis I., Du Bellay left Honfleur, -where the king was staying,[244] on the 11th of March, 1532, and crossed -the Rhine about the middle of April. At Schweinfurth-on-the-Maine, -between Wurtzburg and Bamberg, he found an assembly composed of a few -protestant princes on one side, and a few mediators on the other, among -whom was the elector-archbishop of Mayence. As this brings us into -Germany, it is necessary that we should take a glance at what had -happened there since the great diet of Augsburg in 1530.[245] - -The catholics and protestants had made up their minds at that time for a -contest, and everything foreboded the bursting of the storm in the next -spring (1531). There were, so to say, two contrary currents among the -friends of the Reformation in Germany. One party (the men of prudence) -wished that the evangelical states should seek powerful alliances and -prepare to resist the emperor by force of arms; the other (the men of -piety) called to mind that the Reformation had triumphed at Augsburg by -faith, and added that from faith all its future triumphs were to be -expected. These two parties had frequent meetings at Wittemberg, Torgau, -and elsewhere. One man especially, with open countenance and firm look, -whose lips seemed always ready to speak, made his clear and sonorous -voice heard: this was Luther. 'To God alone,' he told the elector, -'belongs the government of the future; your Highness must therefore -persevere in that faith and confidence in God which you have just -displayed so gloriously at Augsburg.'[246] But the jurists of Torgau -were not entirely of that opinion, and they endeavoured to prove that -their rights in the empire authorised the protestants to repel force by -force. Luther was not to be shaken. 'If war breaks out,' he replied, 'I -call God and the world to witness, that the Lutherans have in no wise -provoked it; that they have never drawn the sword, never thrown men into -prison, never burnt, killed, and pillaged, as their adversaries have -done; and, in a word, that they have never sought anything but peace and -quietness.'[247] The politicians smiled at such enthusiasm, and said -that in real life things must go on very differently. A conference was -appointed for the consideration of what was to be done, and in the -meanwhile great efforts were made to win over new allies to the -protestant cause. - -[Sidenote: ALLIANCE OF SMALCALD.] - -On the 29th of March, 1531, the deputies of the protestant states met at -Smalcald, in the electorate of Hesse. In the eyes of the peace party -this was a place of evil omen: the town was fortified, and there were -iron mines in the neighbourhood, from which arms have been manufactured -and cannons founded. As the deputies proceeded to the castle of -Wilhelmsburg, built on a hill near the town, they wore a mournful -anxious look. They were disappointed in the hope they had entertained of -seeing Denmark, Switzerland, Mecklenburg, and Pomerania join them. -Nevertheless they did not hesitate, notwithstanding their weakness, to -assert their rights against the power of Charles V. Nine princes and -eleven cities entered into an alliance for six years 'to resist all who -should try to constrain them to forsake the Word of God and the truth of -Christ.' - -This resolution was received with very different sentiments. Some said -that it was an encroachment on the spirituality of the Church; others -maintained that since liberty of conscience was a civil as well as a -religious right, it ought to be upheld, if necessary, by force of arms. -They soon went farther. Some persons proposed, with a view of making the -alliance closer, to introduce into all the evangelical churches a -perfect uniformity both of worship and ecclesiastical constitution; but -energetic voices exclaimed that this would be an infringement of -religious liberty under the pretence of upholding it. When the deputies -met again at Frankfort, on the 4th of June, these generous men said -boldly: 'We will maintain diversity for fear that uniformity should, -sooner or later, lead to a kind of popery.' They understood that the -inward unity of faith is better than the superficial unity of form.[248] - -After various negotiations the evangelicals met at Schweinfurth to -receive the proposals of their adversaries; and it was during this -conference (April and May 1532) that the ambassador of the King of -France arrived. When the protestants saw him appear, they were rather -embarrassed; but still they received him with respect. He soon found out -in what a critical position the men of the confession of Augsburg were -placed. True, the mediators offered them peace, but it was on condition -that they made no stipulations in favour of those who might embrace the -Gospel hereafter. This proposal greatly irritated the Landgrave of -Hesse, his chancellor Feig, and the other members of the conference. -'What!' exclaimed the Hessians, 'shall a barrier be raised between -protestantism and popery, and no one be allowed to pass it?... No! the -treaty of peace must equally protect those who now adhere to the -confession of Augsburg and those who may hereafter do so.'—'It is an -affair of conscience,' wrote the evangelical theologians, and Urban -Regius in particular; 'this is a point to be given up on no -account.'[249] The electoral prince himself was resolved to adopt this -line of conduct. - -[Sidenote: LUTHER OPPOSES DIPLOMACY AND WAR.] - -Luther was not at Schweinfurth, but he kept on the look-out for news. He -spoke about the meeting to his friends; he attacked the schemes of the -politicians; all these negotiations, stipulations, conventions, -signatures, ratifications, and treaties in behalf of the Gospel annoyed -him. When he learnt what they were going to do at Schweinfurth, he was -dismayed. To presume to save the faith with protocols was almost -blasphemous in his eyes! One of his powerful letters fell like a -bomb-shell into the midst of the conference. 'When we were without any -support,' he said, 'and entirely new in the empire, with struggles and -combats all around us, the Gospel triumphed and truth was upheld, -despite the enemies who wished to stifle them both. Why should not the -Gospel triumph now with its own strength? Why should it be necessary to -help it with our diplomacy and our treaties? Is not God as mighty now as -then? Does the Almighty want us to vote the aid that we mean to give him -in future by our human stipulations?'... - -These words of Luther caused general consternation. People said to one -another that 'the Doctor had been ill, and that he had consoled his -friends by saying: "Do not be afraid; if I were to sink now, the papists -would be too happy; therefore I shall not die." They added that his -advice against treaties was no doubt a remnant of his fever; the great -man is not quite right in his mind; the prince-electoral and the -excellent chancellor Bruck wrote to the elector, who was in Saxony, that -everybody was against Luther, who appeared to have no understanding of -business.' But the reformer did not suffer himself to be checked; on the -contrary, he begged the elector to write a sharp letter to his -representatives. 'The princes and burgesses have embraced the Gospel at -their own risk and peril,' he said, 'and in like manner every one must -in future receive and profess it at his own expense.' At the same time -he began to agitate Wittemberg, and drew up an opinion which Pomeranus -signed with him. In it he said: 'I will never take upon my conscience to -provoke the shedding of blood, even to maintain our articles of faith. -It would be the best means of destroying the true doctrine, in the midst -of the confusions of war.'[250] The reformer thought that if the -Lutherans and the Zwinglians, the Germans and the Swiss united, they -would feel so strong, that they would assume the initiative and draw the -sword—which he wished to avert by all means in his power. - -[Sidenote: DU BELLAY'S OVERTURES.] - -But the politicians were not more inclined to give way than the -theologians. On the contrary, they made preparations for receiving the -ambassador of France, in which, however, there was some difficulty. The -diplomatist's arrival compromised them with the imperialists; they could -not receive him in the assembly at Schweinfurth, since catholic princes -would be present. The protestants therefore went a few miles off, to the -little town of Königsberg in Franconia, between Coburg, Bamberg, and -Schweinfurth. Here they formed themselves into a secret committee and -received the ambassador. 'Most honoured lords,' said Du Bellay, 'the -king my master begs you will excuse him for not having sent me to you -sooner. That proceeds neither from negligence nor from want of -affection, but because he desired to come to some understanding with the -King of England, who also wishes to help you in your great enterprise. -The negotiations are not yet ended; but my august master, desirous of -avoiding longer delay, has commissioned me to say that you will find him -ready to assist you. Yes, though he should do it alone; though his -brother of England (which he does not believe) were to refuse; though -the emperor should march his armies against you, the king will not -abandon you. On the honour of a prince, he said. I have received ample -powers to arrange with you about the share of the war expenses which his -Majesty is ready to pay.'[251] - -The circumstances were not favourable for the proposals of Francis I. -The pacific ideas of Luther prevailed. The Elector of Saxony, who was -then ill, desired to die in peace. He therefore sided with the reformer, -and it was agreed to name in the act of alliance the princes and cities -that had already adhered to the confession of Augsburg, and that they -alone should be included in the league. These peaceful ideas of the -protestants did not harmonise with the warlike ideas of King Francis. Du -Bellay was not discouraged, and skilfully went upon another tack; while -the Saxon diplomatists were compelled to yield to the will of their -master, Du Bellay remarked a young prince, full of spirit and daring, -who spared nobody and said aloud what he thought. This was the Landgrave -of Hesse, who complained unceasingly either of Luther's advice, or of -the resolution of the conference. 'The future will show,' he told -everybody, 'whether they have acted wisely in this matter.' The minister -of Francis I., who was of the landgrave's opinion, entered into -communication with him. - -An important question—the question of Wurtemberg—at that time occupied -Germany. In 1512 Duke Ulrich, annoyed because he had not more influence -in the Suabian league, had seceded from it, quarrelled with the emperor, -thrown that prince's adherents into prison, burdened his subjects with -oppressive taxes, and caused trouble in his own family. In consequence -of all this, the emperor expelled him from his states in 1519 and 1520, -and he took refuge in his principality of Montbéliard. It seemed that -adversity had not been profitless to him. In 1524, when Farel went to -preach the Reformation at Montbéliard, Ulrich (as we have seen[252]) -defended religious liberty. When the emperor was at Augsburg in 1530, -wishing to aggrandise the power of Austria, he had given the duchy of -Wurtemberg to his brother Ferdinand, to the great indignation of the -protestants, and especially of the landgrave. 'We must restore the -legitimate sovereign in Wurtemberg,' said this young and energetic -prince: 'that will take the duchy from the catholic party and give it to -the protestants.' But all the negotiations undertaken with this view had -failed. If, however, one of the great powers of Europe should take up -the cause of the dukes of Wurtemberg, their restoration would be easier. -Francis I. had not failed to see that he could checkmate the emperor -here. 'As for the Duke of Wurtemberg,' said Du Bellay to the Königsberg -conference, 'the king my lord will heartily undertake to serve him to -the utmost of his power, without infringing the treaties.'[253] The -landgrave had taken note of these words, and their result was to -establish the Reformation in a country which is distinguished by its -fervent protestantism and its zeal in propagating the Gospel to the ends -of the world. - -[Sidenote: PEACE OF NUREMBERG.] - -A mixed assembly of catholics and protestants having met at Nuremberg in -the month of May, the protestants demanded a council in which everything -should be decided 'according to the pure Word of God.' The members of -the Romish party looked discontented: 'It is a captious, prejudiced, and -anti-catholic condition,' they said. Yet, as the Turks were threatening -the empire, it was necessary to make some concessions to the -Reformation, in order to be in a condition to resist them. The violent -fanatics represented to no purpose that Luther was not much better than -Mahomet; peace was concluded at Nuremberg on the 23rd of July, 1532, and -it was agreed that, while waiting for the next free and general council, -the _status quo_ should be preserved, and all Germans should exercise a -sincere and christian friendship. This first religious peace cheered -with its mild beams the last days of the elector John of Saxony. On the -14th of August, 1532, that venerable prince, whom even the imperialists -styled 'the Father of the German land,' was struck with apoplexy. 'God -help me!' he exclaimed, and immediately expired. 'Wisdom died with the -elector Frederick,' said Luther, 'and piety with the elector John.' - -Yet Du Bellay was always harassed by the desire of emancipating from -Rome that France which the Medici, the Guises, the Valois, and -afterwards the Bourbons, were about to surrender to her. He therefore -increased his exertions among the protestants to induce them to accept -the friendship, if not the alliance, of his master. But they had no -great confidence in 'the Frenchman;' they were afraid that they would be -surprised, deceived, and then abandoned by Francis; they 'shook with -fear.' The ambassador was more urgent than ever; he accepted the -conditions of the protestants, and the two parties signed a sort of -agreement. Du Bellay returned to Francis I., who was then in Brittany, -and the king having heard him, sent him instantly to England, to give -Henry VIII. a full account of all his negotiations with the protestant -princes.[254] - -Thus politicians were intriguing on every side. In Germany, France, and -England, the princes imagined that they could conquer by means of -diplomacy; but far different were the forces by which the victory was to -be gained. In the midst of all this activity of courts and cabinets, -there was an inner and secret activity which stirred the human mind and -excited in it a burning thirst, which the truth and the life of God -alone could quench. Centuries before, as early as 1020, the revival had -begun in Aquitaine, at Orleans, and on the Rhine. Men had proclaimed -that christians 'ought to be filled with the Holy Ghost; that God would -be with them, and would give them the treasures of his wisdom.'[255] -This inward movement had gone on growing from age to age. The Waldenses -in the twelfth century, the purest portion of the Albigenses in the -thirteenth, Wickliffe and the Lollards in the fourteenth, and John Huss -and his followers in the fifteenth, are the heroes of this noble war. -This christian life arose, increased, and spread; if it was extinguished -in one country, it reappeared in another. The religious movement of the -mind gained strength; the electricity was accumulated in the battery; -the mine was charged, and the explosion was certain erelong. All this -was being accomplished under the guidance of a sovereign commander. He -applied the match in the sixteenth century by the hand of Luther; once -more he sprang the mine by the powerful preaching of Calvin, Knox, and -others. It was this that won the victory, and not diplomacy. However, we -have not yet done with it. - -[Sidenote: MEETING OF FRANCIS AND HENRY.] - -At this time Francis I. was enraptured with Henry VIII., calling him his -'good brother' and 'perpetual ally.' Wearied of the pope and of the -popedom, which appeared as if unable to shake off the tutelage of -Charles V., the King of France saw Germany separating from Rome, and -England doing the same, and Du Bellay was continually asking him why he -would not conclude a triple alliance with these two powers? Such a -coalition, formed in the name of the revival of learning and of reform -in the Church, would certainly triumph over all the opposition made to -it by ignorance and superstition. Francis I. had not made up his mind to -break entirely with the pope, though he was resolved to unite with the -pope's enemies. In order to conclude a close alliance with Henry, he -chose the moment when that prince was most out of humour with the court -of Rome. The articles were drawn up on the 23rd of June, 1532.[256] - -The two kings were not content with making preparations only for the -great campaign they meditated against the emperor and Rome: they -determined to have an interview. On the 11th of October, 1532, the -gallant Henry, accompanied by a brilliant court, crossed the Channel and -arrived at Calais, at that time an English possession; while the elegant -Francis, attended by his three sons and many of his nobles, arrived at -Boulogne one or two days later. The great point with Francis was glory—a -victory to be gained over Charles V.; the great point with Henry was to -gratify his passions, and as Clement VII. thwarted him, he had a special -grudge against the pope. With such hatreds and such intentions, it was -easy for the two kings to come to an understanding. - -Their first meeting was at Boulogne, in the abbot's palace, where they -stayed four days under the same roof. Francis was inexhaustible in -attentions to his guest; but the important part of their business was -transacted in one of their closets, where these impetuous princes -confided to each other their anger and their plans. The King of England -gave vent to 'great complaints and grievances' against Clement VII. 'He -wants to force me to go to Rome in person. If he means to institute an -inquiry, let him send his proctors to England. Let us summon the pope -(he added) to appear before a free council empowered to inquire into the -abuses under which princes and people suffer so severely, and to reform -them.'[257] - -Francis, who also had 'goodwill to complain,' filled the abbot's palace -with his grievances: 'I have need of the clergy-tenths (the tenth part -of the Church revenues), in order that I may resist the Turk; but the -holy father opposes my levying them. I have need of all the resources of -my subjects; but the holy father is continually inventing new exactions, -which transfer the money of my kingdom into the coffers of the popedom. -He makes us pay annates, maintain pontifical officers at a great -expense, and give large presents to prothonotaries, valets, -chamberlains, ushers, and others. And what is the consequence? The -clergy are poor; the ruined churches are not repaired; and the indigent -lack food.... Most assuredly the Roman government is only _a net to -catch money_. We must have a council.'[258] - -The two princes resolved to 'take from the pope the obedience of their -kingdoms,' as Guicciardini says.[259] However, before resorting to -extreme measures, Francis desired to begin with milder means, and Henry -was forced to consent that France should forward his grievances to Rome. - -[Sidenote: THE MASKED LADY.] - -After living together for four days at Boulogne, Henry and Francis went -to Calais, where the latter found his apartments hung with cloth of -gold, embroidered with pearls and precious stones. At table, the viands -were served on one hundred and seventy dishes of solid gold. Henry gave -a grand masked ball, at which the King of France was considerably -tantalised by a masked lady of very elegant manners with whom he danced. -She spoke French like a Frenchwoman, abounded in wit and grace, and -knew, in its most trifling details, all the scandal of the court of -France. The king declared the lady to be charming, and her neck the -prettiest he had ever seen. He little imagined then that this neck would -one day be severed by the orders of Henry VIII. At the end of the dance, -the King of England, with a smile, removed the lady's mask, and showed -the features of Anne Boleyn, Marchioness of Pembroke, who (it will be -recollected) had been brought up at the court of the French king's -sister.[260] - -Pleasure did not make the two princes forget business. They were again -closeted, and signed a treaty, in accordance with which they engaged to -raise an army of 65,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry, intended apparently -to act against the Turks.[261] Du Bellay's policy was in the ascendant. -'The great king,' he said, 'is staggering from his obedience.'[262] - -[Sidenote: FRANCIS THREATENS SEPARATION.] - -Wishing to make a last effort before determining to break with the pope, -Francis summoned Cardinals de Tournon and de Gramont, men devoted to his -person, and said to them: 'You will go to the holy father and lay before -him in confidence both our grievances and our dissatisfaction. You will -tell him that we are determined to employ, as soon as may be advisable, -all our alliances, public as well as private, to execute great things ... -from which much damage may ensue and perpetual regret for the -future. You will tell him that, in accord with other christian princes, -we shall assemble a council without him, and that we shall forbid our -subjects in future to send money to Rome. You will add—but as a secret -and after taking the pope aside—that in case his holiness should think -of censuring me and forcing me to go to Rome for absolution, I shall -come, but _so well attended_ that his holiness will be only too eager to -grant it me.... - -'Let the pope consider well,' added the king, 'that the Germans, the -Swiss League, and several other countries in Christendom, have separated -from Rome. Let him understand that if two powerful kings like us should -also secede, we should find many imitators, _both Italians and -others_;[263] and that, at the least, there would be a greater war in -Europe than any known in time past.'[264] - -Such were the proud words France sent to Rome. The two kings separated. -A young prince, held captive by Charles V., gave them the first -opportunity of acting together against both emperor and pope. - -[Footnote 243: Le Grand, _Hist. du Divorce de Henri VIII._ i. p. 20.] - -[Footnote 244: 'Ex oppido unde fluctu Lexoviorum.'—Rommel, _Philippe le -M._ ii. p. 259.] - -[Footnote 245: _History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century_, -vol. iv. bk. xiv. ch. xii.] - -[Footnote 246: Lutheri _Epp._ iv. p. 201—Dec. 1530.] - -[Footnote 247: _Warnung an seine lieben Deutschen._ Lutheri _Opp._ lib. -xx. p. 298.] - -[Footnote 248: Seckendorf, pp. 1174-1192, sqq.] - -[Footnote 249: Urban Regius to the Landgrave.] - -[Footnote 250: Lutheri _Epp._ iv. pp. 335, 337, 369, 372, sqq.] - -[Footnote 251: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, pp. 168, 169, Paris, 1588. The -historian is very well informed, especially on everything concerning his -brother's missions.] - -[Footnote 252: _Hist. of the Ref. of the Sixteenth Cent._ vol. iii. bk. -xii. chap. xi.] - -[Footnote 253: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, pp. 171, 172.] - -[Footnote 254: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, pp. 171, 172.] - -[Footnote 255: 'Deus tibi comes nunquam deerit, in quo sapentiæ thesauri -atque divitiarum consistunt.' See Ademarus, monk of Angoulême in 1029, -_Chronic._ _Gesta Synodi Aurelianensis_, &c.] - -[Footnote 256: The articles are given in Herbert's _Life of Henry VIII._ -p. 366, sqq. Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 171.] - -[Footnote 257: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 173.] - -[Footnote 258: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, pp. 173, 174.] - -[Footnote 259: Guicciardini, _Hist. des Guerres d'Italie_, ii. liv. xx. -p. 893.] - -[Footnote 260: 'The French king talked with the marchioness a space.'— -_Hall_, p. 794.] - -[Footnote 261: Le Grand, _Hist. du Divorce de Henri VIII._ p. 238.] - -[Footnote 262: Brantôme, _Mémoires_, i. p. 235.] - -[Footnote 263: The words _tant italiens que autres_, are not in the -speech delivered at Calais according to Du Bellay; but they are in the -written instructions given to the two cardinals. _Preuves des Libertés_, -p. 260.] - -[Footnote 264: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, pp. 175, 176, sqq.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXII. - A CAPTIVE PRINCE ESCAPES FROM THE HANDS OF THE EMPEROR. - (AUTUMN 1532.) - - -The news of the meeting of Francis I. and Henry VIII. alarmed Germany, -Italy, and all Europe. 'The kings of France and England,' it was said, -'are going to take advantage of the emperor's campaign against the -Turks, to unite their armies with those of the protestants and gain a -signal victory.'[265] But nobody was more alarmed than the pope. -Abruptly addressing the Bishop of Auxerre, the minister of France, he -made the bitterest complaints to him.[266] Already he saw France, like -England, shaking off the yoke of Rome. 'I have it from good authority,' -says Brantôme, 'that the King of France was on the point of renouncing -the pope, as the King of England had done.'[267] - -On leaving Boulogne, Francis went to Paris, where he spent the winter -and took his measures for 'the great effort' with which he threatened -the pope. The priests were very uneasy, and began to dread a reform -similar to that in England. Calling to mind that in Denmark, Sweden, and -elsewhere, a great part of the ecclesiastical property had been -transferred to the treasury of the State, they granted the king all he -asked; and the prince thus obtained between five and six hundred -thousand ducats, which put him in a condition to do 'the great things' -with which the cardinals were to menace the pontiff.[268] An unexpected -event furnished the opportunity of employing the priests' money in -favour of the Reformation. - -[Sidenote: CHARLES V. HASTENS TO ITALY.] - -The haughty Soliman had invaded Hungary, in July 1532, at the head of -numerous and terrible hordes. Displaying a luxury without precedent, he -gave audience on a golden throne, with a crown of solid gold at his -side, and the scabbards of his swords covered with pearls. But erelong -the sickly Charles succeeded in terrifying this magnificent barbarian. -Having raised an army which combined the order and strength of the -German lansquenets with the lightness and impetuosity of the Italian -bands and the pride and perseverance of the Spanish troops, he forced -Soliman to retreat. The emperor was all the more delighted, as the -conference between Henry and Francis made him impatient to settle with -the Mussulmans. It was even said in the empire that it was this -conference which brought Charles back, as he desired to join the pope in -combating projects which threatened them both. The emperor passed the -Alps in the autumn of 1532.[269] - -Among the nobles and warriors who accompanied him, was a young prince of -eighteen, Christopher, son of Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg. He was only -five years old when his father was expelled from his duchy by the -Austrians; and the latter, wishing to make him forget Wurtemberg, -resolved to separate him from his country and his parents. The little -boy and his guardians having left Stuttgard, stopped to pass the night -in a town near the frontier. A lamb was gambolling in the yard; the poor -boy, delighted with the gentleness of the animal, ran and took it up in -his arms, and began to play with it. In the morning, just as they were -leaving, little Christopher, less distressed at their taking away his -sceptre than at their separating him from his pet companion, kissed it -with tears in his eyes, and said to the host: 'Pray take care of it, and -when I return I will pay you for your trouble.' - -Christopher was taken to Innsbruck, where his life was a hard one. The -young prince who, in later times, filled his country with evangelical -schools, had no one to cultivate his mind, and he who was one day to sit -at the table of kings was often half-starved; his dress was neglected, -and even the beggars, when they saw him, were moved with compassion. -From Innsbruck he was transferred to Neustadt (Nagy-Banya) in Hungary, -beyond the Theiss. One day a troop of Turkish horsemen, having crossed -the Carpathians, scoured the country that lay between the mountains and -the river, and, catching sight of the prince, rushed upon him to carry -him off. But a faithful follower, who had observed their movements, -shouted for help, and succeeded in saving Christopher from the hands of -the Mussulmans. And thus the heir of Wurtemberg grew up in the bosom of -adversity. - -[Sidenote: THE PRINCE AND HIS GOVERNOR.] - -The noble-hearted man who had saved him at the peril of his own life was -Michael Tifernus. In his early childhood he had been carried off by the -Turks, and, being abandoned by them, he had succeeded in reaching a -village near Trieste, where some kind people took care of him. Tifernus -(who derived this name from the place of his adoption, for his parents' -name was never known) was sent to a school in Vienna, where he received -a sound education. King Ferdinand, who was guilty of negligence towards -Christopher rather than of ill-will, gave him Tifernus for tutor. The -latter attached himself passionately to the prince, who, under his care, -became an accomplished young man. In the midst of the splendours of the -court of Austria and of the Roman worship, grew up one who was erelong -to rescue Wurtemberg from both Austria and Rome. An important -circumstance occurred to agitate the young prince deeply, and throw a -bright light over his dark path. - -Christopher accompanied the emperor in 1530 to the famous diet of -Augsburg. He was struck by the noble sight of the fidelity and courage -of the protestants. He heard them make their confession of faith; his -elevated soul took the side of the oppressed Gospel; and when, at this -very diet, Charles solemnly invested his brother Ferdinand with the -duchy of Wurtemberg,—when Christopher saw the standard of his fathers -and of his people in the hands of the Austrian archduke—the feeling of -his rights came over him; he viewed the triumphant establishment of the -evangelical faith in the country of his ancestors as a task appointed -him. He would recover his inheritance, and, uniting with the noble -confessors of Augsburg, would bring an unexpected support to the -Reformation. - -The emperor, after the war against the Turks, desired the prince to -accompany him to Italy and Spain; perhaps it was his intention to leave -him there; but Christopher made no objection. He had arranged his plans: -two great ideas, the independence of Wurtemberg and the triumph of the -Reformation, had taken possession of his mind, and while following the -emperor and appearing to turn his back on the states of his fathers, he -said significantly to his devoted friend Tifernus: 'I shall not abandon -my rights in Germany.'[270] - -[Sidenote: PRINCE CHRISTOPHER'S ESCAPE.] - -Charles V. and his court were crossing the Alps in the autumn of 1532. -The young duke on horseback was slowly climbing the passes which -separate Austria from Styria, contemplating the everlasting snows in the -distance, and stopping from time to time on the heights from whose base -rushed the foaming torrents which descend from the sides of the -mountains. He had a thoughtful look, as of one absorbed by some great -resolution. The news of the interview of Francis I. and Henry VIII., -which had alarmed Austria, had inflamed his hopes; and he said to -himself that now was the time for claiming his states. He had conversed -with his governor about it, and it now remained to carry the daring -enterprise into execution. To escape from Charles V., surrounded by his -court and his guards, seemed impossible; but Christopher believing that -God can _deliver out of the mouth of the lion_, prayed him to be his -guide during the rest of his life. As etiquette was not strictly -observed in these mountains, Christopher and his governor lagged a -little in the rear of their travelling companions. A tree, a rock, a -turn in the road sufficed to hide them from view. Yet, if one of the -emperor's attendants should turn round too soon and look for the -laggards, the two friends would be ruined. But no one thought of doing -so: erelong they were at some distance from the court, and could see the -imperial procession stretching in the distance, like a riband, along the -flanks of the Norican Alps. On a sudden the two loiterers turned their -horses, and set off at full gallop. They asked some mountaineers to show -them a road which would take them to Salzburg, and continued their -flight in the direction indicated. But there were some terrible passes -to cross; Christopher's horse broke down, and it was impossible to -proceed. What was to be done? Perhaps the imperialists were already on -their track. - -The two friends were not at a loss. There was a lake close at hand; they -dragged the useless animal by the legs towards it, and buried it at the -bottom of the water, in order that there might be no trace of their -passage. 'Now, my lord,' said his governor, 'take my horse and proceed; -I shall manage to get out of the scrape.' The young duke disappeared, -and not before it was time. 'What has become of Prince Christopher?' -asked Charles's attendants. 'He is in the rear,' was the reply; 'he will -soon catch us up.' As he did not appear, some of the imperial officers -rode back in search of him. The little lake into which the prince's -horse had been thrown was partly filled with tall reeds, among which -Tifernus lay concealed. Presently the imperialists passed close by him; -he heard their steps, their voices; they went backwards and forwards, -but found nothing. At last, they returned and mournfully reported the -uselessness of their search. It was believed that the two young men had -been murdered by brigands among the mountains. The court continued its -progress towards Italy and Rome. All this time Christopher was fleeing -on his governor's horse, and by exercising great prudence he reached a -secure asylum without being recognised, and here he kept himself in -concealment under the protection of his near relatives the dukes of -Bavaria. Tifernus joined him in his retreat. - -[Sidenote: CHRISTOPHER CLAIMS HIS STATES.] - -The report of Christopher's death was circulated everywhere; the -Austrians, who had no doubt about it, felt surer than ever of -Wurtemberg; they were even beginning to forget the prince, when a -document bearing his name and dated the 17th of November, 1532,[271] was -suddenly circulated all over Germany. Faithful to his resolution, the -young prince in this noble manifesto gave utterance to the bitterest -complaints, and boldly claimed his inheritance in the face of the world. -This paper, which alarmed Ferdinand of Austria, caused immense joy in -Wurtemberg and all protestant Germany. The young prince had everything -in his favour: an age which always charms, a courage universally -acknowledged, virtues, talents, graceful manners, an ancient family, a -respected name, indisputable rights, and the love of his subjects. They -had not seen him, indeed, since the day when he had bedewed the pet lamb -with his tears; but they hailed him as their national prince who would -recover their independence. Protected by the Duke of Bavaria, by the -Landgrave of Hesse, and by the powerful King of France, Christopher had -all the chances in his favour. He had more: he had the support of God. -As a friend of the Gospel, he would give fresh strength to the great -cause of the Reformation. Du Bellay would use all his zeal to -reestablish him on the throne, and thus procure an ally for France who -would help her to enter on the path of religious liberty. - -We must now return to the country of Margaret of Navarre, and see how -this princess began to realise her great project of having the pure -Gospel preached in the bosom and under the forms of the Roman Catholic -Church. - -[Footnote 265: 'The people was marvellously affrayed less you would have -joined armies.'—Hawkins to Henry VIII., Nov. 21, 1532. _State Papers_, -vii. p. 388.] - -[Footnote 266: 'Hys Holynes taketh it greatly for ill.'—Ibid. p. 381.] - -[Footnote 267: Brantôme, _Mémoires_, p. 235.] - -[Footnote 268: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 174. _Relation des Ambassadeurs -Vénitiens_, i. p. 52.] - -[Footnote 269: Hammer, iii. p. 118. Schoertlin, _Lebens Beschreibung_. -Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. p. 425.] - -[Footnote 270: 'Entschlossen seine Gerechtigkeiten in Deutschland nicht -zu verlassen.'—Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. pp. 448-451. This -narrative is based upon Gabelkofer, extracted by Sattler and Pfister.] - -[Footnote 271: This document will be found in Sattler, ii. p. 229. See -also Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. p. 450.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXIII. - THE GOSPEL PREACHED AT THE LOUVRE AND IN THE METROPOLITAN CHURCHES. - (LENT 1533.) - - -The alliance with England, and the hope of being able, sooner or later, -to triumph over Charles V., filled the King of France with joy; and -accordingly the carnival of the year 1533 was kept magnificently at -Paris. The court was absorbed in entertainments, balls, and banquets. -The young lords and ladies thought of nothing but dancing and -intriguing, at which soberer minds were scandalised. 'It is quite a -Bacchanalia,' said the evangelicals.[272] As soon as the carnival was -ended, Francis started for Picardy; leaving the King and Queen of -Navarre at Paris. Margaret now breathed more freely. She had been -compelled, willingly or unwillingly, to take part in all the court -fêtes; and she now determined to make up for it by organising a great -evangelical preaching instead of the 'bacchanalia' at which she had -sometimes been present. Was not Francis holding out his hand to the King -of England and to the protestants of Germany? The opportunity should be -seized of preaching the new doctrine boldly. The Queen of Navarre sent -for Roussel and communicated her intention to him. She will open the -great churches of the capital, and from their pulpits the inhabitants of -Paris shall hear the mighty summons. The poor almoner, in whom courage -was not the most prominent virtue, was alarmed at first. In the handsome -saloons of Margaret he might indulge in his pious and rather mystical -aspirations; but to enter the pulpits of Paris ... the very thought -dismayed him, and he begged the queen to find some other person. Roussel -did not deny that it was right to preach the Gospel publicly, but -declared himself to be incompetent for the work. 'The minister of the -Gospel,' he said, 'ought to possess an invincible faith.[273] The enemy -against which he fights is the kingdom of hell with all its -powers.[274]... He must defend himself on the right hand and on the -left.... What do you require of me? To preach peace, but under the -cross! To bring in the kingdom of God, but among the strongholds of the -devil.... To speak of repose in the midst of the most furious tempests, -of life in the midst of death, of blessedness in the midst of hell! Who -is fitted for such things?... Doubtless it is a noble task, but no one -ought to undertake it unless he is called to it. Now I feel nothing in -me which a minister of the Gospel of Christ ought to possess at this -moment.'[275] - -[Sidenote: ROUSSEL'S HESITATION.] - -Such a man as Calvin would certainly have been preferable, but Margaret -would neither have dared nor wished to put him in the front. These -sermons undoubtedly formed part of the chaplain's duty; and hence the -Queen, an energetic and impulsive woman, being determined to profit by -the opportunity of giving the Gospel free entrance into Paris, persisted -with Roussel, promised him the help of her prayers and of her favour, -and at last prevailed on him to preach. In truth, his modesty is an -honour to him: no doubt there was boldness wanted; but many humble and -candid souls would have hesitated like him. He was fitter than he -imagined for the work which the Queen of Navarre had taken in hand. - -This obstacle having been surmounted, Margaret met with another. It was -the custom for the Sorbonne to appoint the preachers, and it was -impossible to get them to accept Roussel. 'They will nominate some -furious and insolent monks,' says Calvin, 'who will make the churches -ring with their insults against truth.'[276] The struggle began, and -despite the absence of Francis, despite the influence of the Queen of -Navarre, the Sorbonne gained the day, and the pulpits of the capital -were closed against the almoner. Margaret was very indignant at these -doctors, who looked upon themselves as the doorkeepers of the kingdom of -heaven, and by their tyranny prevented the door from being opened; but -Roussel was by no means sorry to be prohibited from a work beyond his -strength. - -[Sidenote: PREACHINGS AT THE LOUVRE.] - -But nothing could stop the queen. Being resolved to give the Gospel to -France, she said to herself that it must be done now or never. Her zeal -carried her to an extraordinary act. The Sorbonne closed the doors of -the churches against Roussel: Margaret opened to him the palace of the -king. She had a saloon prepared in the Louvre, and gave orders to admit -all who desired to enter. Was the king informed of this? It is possible, -and even probable, that he was. He did not fear to show the pope and -Charles V. how far his alliance with Henry VIII. and the protestants -would extend. He would not have liked to appear schismatic and -heretical; but he sometimes was pleased that his sister should do so; -and he could always vindicate himself on the ground of absence. - -A Lutheran sermon at the Louvre! That was truly a strange thing; and -accordingly the crowd was so great that there was not room for them. -Margaret threw open a larger hall, but that too was filled, as well as -the corridors and ante-chamber.[277] A third time the place of meeting -was changed.[278] She had vainly selected the largest hall; the -galleries and adjoining rooms were filled, and room was wanting still. -These evangelical preachings at the Louvre excited a lively curiosity in -Paris. They were all the fashion, and the worthy Roussel, to his great -surprise, became quite famous. He preached every day during Lent,[279] -and every day the crowd grew larger. Nobles, lawyers, men of letters, -merchants, scholars, and tradespeople of every class flocked to the -Louvre from all parts of Paris, especially from the quarters of the -University and St. Germain. At the hour of preaching, the citizens -poured over the bridges in a stream, or crossed the Seine in boats. Some -were attracted by piety, some by curiosity, and others by vanity. Four -or five thousand hearers crowded daily round Roussel.[280] - -When the worthy citizens, students, and professors had climbed the -stairs at the Louvre, crossed the antechambers, and reached the door of -the principal saloon, they stopped, opened their eyes wide, and looked -wonderingly on the sight presented to them in the monarch's palace. The -King and Queen of Navarre were in the chief places, seated in costly -chairs, whence the active Margaret cast a satisfied glance on all those -courtiers, those notables of the city, those curious Parisians, those -friends of Reform, who were flocking to hear the Word of God. There were -people of every rank: John Sturm, already so decided for the Gospel, was -seen by the side of the elegant John de Montluc, afterwards Bishop of -Valence. At length the minister appeared; he prayed with unction, read -the Scriptures with gravity, and then began his exhortations to the -hearers. His language was simple, but it stirred their hearts -profoundly. Roussel proclaimed the salvation obtained by a living faith, -and urged the necessity of belonging to the invisible Church of the -saints. Instead of attacking the Roman religion, he addressed his -appeals to the conscience; and this preaching of the Gospel (rather -softened down as it was) won, instead of irritating, men's minds. -Accustomed as they were to the babbling of the monks, the congregation -listened seriously to the practical preaching of the minister of God. -Here were no scholastic subtleties, no absurd legends, no amusing -anecdotes, no burlesque declamations, and no unclean pictures: it was -the Gospel.[281] As they quitted the Louvre, men conversed about the -sermon or the preacher. Sturm of Strasburg and John de Montluc, in -particular, often talked together.[282] The satisfaction was general. -'What a preacher!' they said; 'we have never heard anything like it! -What freedom in his language! what firmness in his teaching!'[283] Some -of his hearers wrote in their admiration to Melanchthon, who informed -Luther, Spalatin, and others of it.[284] Germany rejoiced to see France -begin to move at last. - -Margaret, who had a lively imagination and warm heart, was all on fire. -She spoke to the worldlings of that 'peace of God which passeth all -understanding.' She said to the friends of the Gospel: 'The Almighty -will graciously complete what he has graciously begun through us.' She -added: 'I will spend myself in it.' She excited and stirred up everybody -about her, and the crowded congregations of the Louvre were in great -measure the result of her incessant activity. She knew how by a word or -a message to attract courtiers whose only thoughts were of debauchery, -and catholics whose only wish was for the pope. Like a sabbath-bell, she -called Paris to hear the voice of God, and drew the crowd. Possessing in -the highest degree, so long as her brother did not check it, that energy -which women often show in religious matters, she was resolved to -prosecute her work and win the prize of the contest. - -She returned to her first idea. She said to herself that the best way to -effect a reform in the Church without occasioning a schism, was for the -Gospel to be preached in the churches of Paris and of France. The -ceremonies of the Roman worship and the jurisdiction of the bishops -would remain, but Christ would be proclaimed. This system, which was -fundamentally that of Melanchthon and even of Luther at this time,[285] -she did her best to realise. The victory she had just achieved at the -Louvre doubled her courage; she determined to have the churches which -had been refused to her at first. She therefore began to work upon the -king, and, as he was thinking only of his alliances with Henry VIII. and -the protestants, she obtained from him an order authorising the Bishop -of Paris to appoint whom he pleased to preach in his diocese.[286] The -prelate, who was a brother of the diplomatist Du Bellay, passed like him -for a friend of the Reformation. At Margaret's request he named two -evangelical Augustine monks—Courault and Berthaud. 'Strange!' said the -public voice; 'here are men of the order to which Luther belonged going -to preach the doctrine of the great reformer in the capital of France.' -All the evangelicals were overjoyed and wrote to their friends -everywhere that 'Paris was supplied with three excellent preachers, -announcing the truth ... with a little more boldness than was -customary.'[287] - -[Sidenote: ESSENCE OF EVANGELICAL PREACHING.] - -Courault, a sincere scriptural christian, who did not participate in -Margaret's subtleties, preached at St. Saviour's. The inhabitants of the -quarter of St. Denis and from other parts crowded to this church. Many -persons who had said of the preachings at the Louvre, 'They are not for -us,' hastened to the place which belonged to the people. The man who -occupied the pulpit was about the middle age; he did not possess -Roussel's grace, he was even somewhat rough, and preached the Gospel -without reserve and without disguise. His lively and aggressive style, -his expressive and rather threatening gestures arrested attention. He -attacked unsparingly the errors of the Church and the vices of -christians. Courault did not come, as the Roman preachers had done up to -that very hour, to impose on his hearers certain laws, ceremonies, and -acts of worship by means of which they could be reconciled to God and -merit his favour. He spoke not of feasts, or of dedications, or of -customs, or of those mechanical prayers and chantings, in which the -understanding and the heart have no share, and with which the Church -burdened believers. He had a special horror of all that mixes up the -worship of the creature with the adoration of God, and would not suffer -the perfect work of Christ to be obscured by the invocation of other -mediators. He preached that the true worship of the New Testament was -faith in the Gospel, and the love which proceeds from faith; that it was -communion with Christ, patience under the cross, and a holy activity in -doing good, accompanied by the constant prayers of the heart. This -preaching, so new in the capital, attracted an immense crowd. The -enthusiasm was universal. 'This man is in the first rank among good -men,' was the general opinion.[288] 'He is like a sentinel on a tower -who, with his eyes fixed on the east, proclaims that the sun, so long -hidden, will shine at last upon the earth.'[289] Light beamed from -Courault's discourses. His sight was weak, and in after years, during -his exile in Switzerland, where he was Calvin's colleague, he became -quite blind; but his language was always marked by great clearness. It -was said of him that 'although blind he enlightens the soul.'[290] Among -his hearers was Louis du Tillet, Calvin's friend, and the youthful canon -was deeply excited by the living faith of the aged Augustine. 'Oh! what -piety I found in him!' he exclaimed on a later occasion.[291] - -Berthaud, the other preacher named by the bishop, subsequently deserted -the Gospel and died a canon of Besançon: so that each of them reminds us -of our Saviour's words: _There shall two be in the field; the one shall -be taken, and the other left_.[292] - -These evangelical preachings in the palace of the king and in the -churches of Paris were important facts, and there has been nothing like -it since in France. The alarm was consequently at its height. People -asked whether the sentinels of the Church were asleep, and whether the -bark of St. Peter would founder, while the Gospel ship seemed floating -onwards in full sail. - -[Sidenote: AGITATION OF THE SORBONNE.] - -But the doctors of the Sorbonne were not asleep; on the contrary, they -were on the watch, they sent their spies into the evangelical -assemblies, received their reports, and took counsel together every day. -The members of this society, the principal, the prior, the senior, the -recorder, the professors, the proctors, and the librarians declared -boldly and unanimously that all was lost if they did not make haste to -check the evil. The evangelicals and the men of letters were informed of -these fanatical discussions. 'What a horde of scribes and pharisees!' -they exclaimed.[293] But that did not stop the horde. 'What must be -done?' they asked; and Beda replied: 'Let the preachers be seized and -put to death like Berquin.' Some, more moderate or more politic, knowing -that Roussel was preaching by order of the king's sister, shrank from -this proposal, fearing they would offend their sovereign.[294] 'What -foolish policy!' exclaimed Beda, 'what ineffable cowardice!... Is not -the Sorbonne the oracle of Europe? Shall it render ambiguous answers, -like the pagan oracles of old?' - -Beda prevailed, and Roussel was denounced to the king. 'Apply to my -chancellor,' said Francis, who did not wish to say either yes or no. The -Sorbonne delegates then waited upon Duprat. 'Apply to the bishop,' said -the cardinal, who was afraid of displeasing the king. The Sorbonnists -went to their diocesan, rather anxious about the reception they would -receive from him; and with good reason, for the liberal Du Bellay only -laughed at them.[295] The exasperated but indefatigable doctors now -turned to the first president, who was one of their party; but that -magistrate, believing the Sorbonne to be in disgrace, was not anxious to -support their cause. The wrath of the doctors now became unbounded. -Would there no longer be any justice in France for the champions of the -papacy? The friends of letters, who had carefully noted all these -repulses, smiled at the confusion of the priests; and Sturm in -particular, the reviver of learning at Strasburg, and now professor at -Paris, did not spare them: 'Look at these _Thersites_!' he said, -comparing them to the ugliest, most cowardly, and most ridiculous of the -Grecian host at Troy. 'They are at the end of their tether and cannot -succeed,' continued Sturm; 'for those who can help them will not, and -those who will cannot.'[296] - -The doctors of the Sorbonne now lost all moderation. 'The king,' said -they, 'who publicly supports the heretics, his sister and the Archbishop -of Paris, who protect them, are as guilty as they.' Orders were sent -through all the camp: every pulpit became a volcano. Furious -declamations, superstitious sermons, scholastic discourses, violent and -grotesque speeches—the supporters of Rome made use of all. 'Do you know -what an heretical minister is?' asked a monk. 'He is a pig in a pulpit, -decorated with cap and surplice, and preaching to a congregation ... of -asses.'[297] - -[Sidenote: THE FIREBRAND LE PICARD.] - -The most active firebrand in this conflagration was Le Picard, a -bachelor of divinity, professor of the college of Navarre, and -subsequently dean of St. Germain l'Auxerrois. He was twenty-nine years -old, of a 'stormy' temper if ever there was one, and in truth he did -'storm' in the churches and at the meetings of the priests. He went into -the pulpit to oppose Courault; and the people who had gone to hear the -Augustine monk, crowded also to hear his opponent. The latter -gesticulated much, shouted loudly, invoked the Virgin, and attacked the -king, accusing him bluntly of heresy. He was a true precursor of those -who advised the massacre of St. Bartholomew; and indeed he made a -proposal, not long after, worthy of the Guises and the Medici. 'Let the -government pretend to be Lutheran,' he said, 'in order that the reformed -may assemble openly; then we can fall upon them and clear the kingdom of -them once for all.'[298] A monk, charmed with his virtues, has written -his life under the title of _The Perfect Ecclesiastic_.[299] - -[Sidenote: SEDITION OF BEDA AND MONKS.] - -Yet if Le Picard was the most active champion, Beda was still general. -Placed as on a hill, he overlooked the field of battle, examined where -it was necessary to send help, wrote every day to the orators of his -party—to Le Picard, Maillard, Ballue, Bouchigny, and others, and -conjured them not to relax for an instant in their attacks. 'Stir up the -people by your discourses,' he said.[300] It was a critical moment: it -was in the balance whether France would remain catholic or become -heretic. 'Though the monarch deserts the papacy,' he said, 'agitate, -still agitate!' Then the fanatical monks went into the pulpits and -aroused the people by their fiery eloquence: 'Let us not suffer this -heresy, the most pestilential of all, to take root among us.... Let us -pluck it up, cast it out, and annihilate it.'[301] - -All the forces of the papacy were engaged at this time as in a battle -where the general launches his reserves into the midst of the struggle. -The mendicant friars, those veteran soldiers of the popedom, who had -access into every family, were set to work. Dominicans, Augustines, -Carmelites, and Franciscans, having received their instructions, entered -the houses of Paris. The women and children, who were used to them, -saluted them with 'Good morning, friar John or friar James;' and while -their wallet was being filled, they whispered in the ears of the -citizens: 'The pope is above the king.... If the king favours the -heretics, the pope will free us from our oaths of fidelity.' - -They went still further. Whenever it is felt desirable to arouse the -people, they require to be excited by some spectacle. A _neuvaine_ was -ordered in honour of St. James. The crowd flocked to adore the good -saint with his long pilgrim's staff; and for nine days the devout of -both sexes, kneeling round his image, crossing themselves and employing -other usual ceremonies, loudly called upon the saint to give a -knock-down blow with his staff to those who protected the heretics. - -These incendiary discourses and bigoted practices succeeded. The people -began to be restless and to utter threats.[302] They paraded in bands -through the streets, they collected in groups in the public places, and -cries were heard of: 'The pope for ever! down with his enemies!... -Whoever opposes the holy father, even if he be a king, is a knave and a -tyrant, to whom the Grand Turk is preferable.... We will dye our streets -with the blood of those people.'... There was already in the veins of -the inhabitants of Paris the blood of the men of the Reign of Terror. -The crowds who filled the streets stopped before the booksellers' shops, -where books and pictures, defamatory of the reformers and even of the -Queen of Navarre, were displayed. Among the books was a 'stage play' -aimed at the king's sister: it was probably that entitled: _The Malady -of Christendom, with thirteen characters_.[303] - -But even that was not sufficient. There was still wanting a theological -decision from the first academical authority of christendom, which -should place Roussel in the same rank as the arch-heretic Luther. The -Sorbonne, wishing to strike a decisive blow, published a certain number -of the so-called pernicious and scandalous doctrines imputed to Roussel, -and condemned them as being similar to the errors of Luther. The alarm -and agitation were now at their height; the people fancied they could -see the monk of Wittemberg breathing his impious doctrines over Paris. -Rome fought boldly, and everything was in confusion.[304] - -What became of Calvin during all this uproar? 'What is this madness,' he -said on a later occasion, 'which impels the pope and his bishops, the -priests and the friars, to resist the Gospel with such obstinate -rebellion?... The servants of God must be furnished with invincible -constancy in order to sustain without alarm the commotions of the -people. We are sailing on a sea exposed to many tempests; but nothing -ought to turn us aside from doing our duty conscientiously.[305] The -Lord consoles and strengthens his servants when they are thus -agitated.... He has in his hand the management of every whirlwind and of -every storm, and appeases them whenever it seems good to him.... We -shall be roughly handled, but he will not suffer us to be drowned.'[306] - -[Footnote 272: 'Bacchanalia factis multis regiis conviviis.'—Siderander -Bedroto, Strasburg MSS. ed. Schmidt.] - -[Footnote 273: 'Exigit invictum fidei robur.'—Roussel to Œcolampadius, -_Ep. Ref. Helvet._ p. 20.] - -[Footnote 274: 'Adversus totum inferorum regnum, a dexteris et a -sinistris.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 275: 'Nihil minus in me sentiam quam quod ad evangelicum -dispensatorem et ministrum attinet.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 276: 'Quisque erat clamosissimus et stolido furore præditus.'— -Calvinus Danieli, _Epp._ p. 3. Genève, 1575.] - -[Footnote 277: 'Vix enim locus inveniebatur qui satis capax esset.'— -Letter dated Paris, May 28, 1533, by Peter Siderander. Strasburg MSS. -Schmidt, _G. Roussel_, p. 201.] - -[Footnote 278: 'Adeo ut ter mutare locum coactus sit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 279: 'Concionatus est autem quotidie per totam hanc -quadragesimam.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 280: 'Ut nulla fere concio facta fuerit quin hominum quatuor -vel quinque millia adfuerint.'—Siderander, Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 281: Schmidt, _G. Roussel_, p. 85.] - -[Footnote 282: See Sturm to Montluc, June 17, 1562.] - -[Footnote 283: 'Gerardus libere docet Evangelium in ipsa Lutetia ... in -aula reginæ Navarræ magna animi constantia.'—Melanchthon, _Corp. Ref._ -ii. p. 658.] - -[Footnote 284: 'Hæc certa sunt et mihi, ex Parisiis, ab optimis viris -diligenter perscripta.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 285: Negotiations of Smalcald, Aug. 1531.] - -[Footnote 286: 'Allatum est regium diploma quo parisiensi episcopo -permittitur præficere quos velit singulis parochiis concionatores.'— -Calvini _Epp._ p. 3.] - -[Footnote 287: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. des Eglises Réformées_, i. p. 9.] - -[Footnote 288: 'Qui inter bonos postremus non erat.'— Calvini _Epp._ -p. 3.] - -[Footnote 289: 'In specula nostra, donec appareat quod nunc absconditum -est.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 290: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. des Eglises Réformées_, i. p. 9.] - -[Footnote 291: _Correspondance de Calvin et Du Tillet_, p. 78.] - -[Footnote 292: Matthew, xxiv. 40.] - -[Footnote 293: 'Turba illa scribarum et pharisæorum.'—Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 294: 'Non facile contra regem temere ausi sunt certamen -suscipere.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 295: 'Hic aperte eos illusit.'—Sturm to Bucer, ed. Strobel, p. -106.] - -[Footnote 296: Isti Thersitæ . . . hi qui possunt nollent, et qui -cuperent non auderent adesse.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 297: One of the stalls in a church at Toulouse represents a -similar scene, with these words: _Calvin the pig preaching_.] - -[Footnote 298: Labitte, _Démocratie des Prédicateurs de la Ligue_, p. -3.] - -[Footnote 299: H. de Coste, _Le parfait Ecclésiastique, ou Histoire de -Le Picard_, 12mo, Paris, 1658.] - -[Footnote 300: 'Beda sollicitabat suos oratores ut ne cessarent in suis -demegoriis concitare populum.'—Sturm to Bucer. Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 301: 'Populum stimulare ne hæresim hanc pestilentissimam -radices agere pateretur.'—Siderander Bedroto. Ibid.] - -[Footnote 302: 'Ad extremum populus etiam mussitare et minari cœpit.'— -Sturm to Bucer.] - -[Footnote 303: Typographi in suis pægmatis scriptura et pictura et ludo -scenico læserunt reginam.'—Ibid. _The Moralité de la Maladie de la -Chrétienté_, 8vo, appeared at Paris this very year (1533). The learned -biographer of Roussel and of Sturm supposes, very reasonably as it -appears to me, that this is the _ludus scenicus_, the play of which -Sturm speaks.] - -[Footnote 304: 'Omnino res cœpit esse θορυβώδης.'—Sturm to Bucer.] - -[Footnote 305: 'En rondeur de conscience.'—Calv. _Opusc._] - -[Footnote 306: Calvin, _in Acta_ xix.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXIV. - DEFEAT OF THE ROMISH PARTY IN PARIS AND MOMENTARY - TRIUMPH OF THE GOSPEL. - (1533.) - - -[Sidenote: FRANCIS PUNISHES BOTH PARTIES.] - -Margaret and her husband, with the Bishop du Bellay, alarmed at the -storm, resolved to lay their complaints before Francis I. The kingly -authority was threatened; these hot-headed 'wallet-bearers' were the -predecessors of those who instigated the murders of Henry III. and Henry -IV. The King of Navarre on the one hand, and the Bishop of Paris on the -other, laid before their sovereign an alarming picture of the state of -the capital. 'The blood of Berquin does not satisfy these fanatics,' -they said; 'they are calling for fresh acts of cruelty.... And who will -be their victims now?... They are planning a crime, a revolt!'[307] But -while Francis was listening to his sister's denunciations with one ear, -he was receiving those of the Sorbonne in the other. 'Sedition!' said -one party. 'Heresy!' cried the other. 'Sire,' repeated the theologians -incessantly, 'shut the pulpits against Roussel and his colleagues.'[308] -Thus pulled in different directions, the king, puzzled which to believe, -resolved to punish both parties alike. 'I will confine them all to their -houses,' he said; 'Beda with his orators on one side, and Gerard Roussel -with his preachers on the other. We shall then have some peace and be -able at our leisure to examine these contradictory accusations.'[309] -Thus, at the same moment, Beda, Maillard, Ballue, and Bouchigny of the -church party, and Roussel, Courault, and Berthaud of the evangelical -party, received orders not to leave their houses. The schoolmaster thus -punished the quarrelsome boys by putting them in opposite corners. - -Preparations were made for investigating the two cases, but the matter -was not so easy as the king had imagined. The theologians were indignant -at finding themselves placed in the same rank with the Lutherans. Far -from submitting to be prosecuted for sedition, they claimed to prosecute -the others for heresy. They would not be the accused or even the -accusers; they took their stand as inquisitors of the faith and as -judges.[310] - -[Sidenote: BEDA BREAKS LOOSE.] - -The terrible Beda, shut up in the college of Montaigu,[311] and not -daring to go out, found himself condemned, considering his restless -temper, to the severest penance. At first he was content to keep his -agents at work, who were ready at any moment to bear his orders. But -when he learnt that his right to judge was disputed, and that he was to -be put in the same rank with Roussel, the turbulent doctor could -restrain himself no longer. His room was too narrow to contain his -anger. He made light of the king's commands, and, disobeying his orders, -mounted his mule and rode into the city. From time to time he stopped. -The catholic tribune, the defender of the pope, was soon recognised; a -crowd gathered round him; he addressed the people from his mule, and did -his best to arouse their fanatical passions. While the catholics flocked -round him, some evangelicals were watching the orator and his audience -from a distance. 'I saw him riding on his mule,' says Siderander.[312] -Beda thought himself stronger than the king, and in some respects he -was; he reigned over the savage appetites of an ignorant and fanatical -populace. Such was the power in the sixteenth century by which the pope -triumphed more than once in the capital of France and elsewhere. - -Beda was vigorously supported by all his subalterns: Le Picard -especially, who had not been put under arrest, expressed his indignation -in his fanatical discourses that the king should desire to hold the -balance even between the Church and heresy; and advocated a resort to -force to insure the triumph of the oppressed papacy. A riot seemed about -to break out. The friends of learning and of the king were alarmed. -Might not the Roman party take advantage of Francis's absence to -establish another power than his in Paris, and to treat this monarch as -the Seize in after years treated his grandson Henry III.? - -The King of Navarre and the Bishop of Paris hastened to Meaux, where -Francis was staying with his court, and informed him that Beda, Le -Picard, and their colleagues had thrown aside all reserve, and that, -unless energetic measures were taken, the public tranquillity and -perhaps his crown might be endangered. The king gave way to a paroxysm -of anger. Beda's freak of parading the streets of Paris on his mule, -notwithstanding the prohibition, was one of those insults that Francis -felt very keenly. He ordered Cardinal Duprat and the Bishop of Senlis to -make all haste to Paris, and stop the intrigues of the Sorbonne and the -promenades of Beda, and also arrest Le Picard. 'As for the inquiry about -heresy,' said the king, 'I reserve that for myself.'[313] Heresy was -treated with more tenderness than the first catholic faculty of -christendom. Francis began to find the Lutherans gentle as lambs in -comparison with the hot-headed papists. Certain personages, whose -arrival was soon to be announced by the officers of his court, confirmed -him in this opinion. - -[Sidenote: SORBONNE THREATENS FRANCIS.] - -Scarcely had the two prelates left Meaux, when a deputation from the -Sorbonne arrived. When Francis received them, he was evidently in a bad -humour, but he did not address them sharply, as the courtiers had -expected. The theologians approached him with all the required -formalities; they desired, if possible, to win him by meekness. But by -degrees they raised their tone; they beset him with their accusations, -and irritated him with their pretensions, repeating again and again that -it was the prerogative of the Sorbonne, and not of the prince, to give -their opinion in a matter of heresy. There was some truth in this, but -the truth did not please Francis, who claimed to be master in -everything. Still he contained himself, until the doctors, coming to -threats of revolt, and shouting their loudest, reminded him of the -possibility of a deposition of kings by the popes.[314] These -recollections of the middle ages, with which they menaced the haughty -monarch, who claimed to begin a new era, and who desired that the -Reformation should serve at least to abate the pretensions of Rome, and -emancipate princes from its yoke, made the king shudder, and aroused a -terrible fit of anger. His face grew red, his eyes flashed fire, and -putting aside his usual courtesy, he drove the reverend fathers from his -presence, calling them beasts, and saying: 'Get about your business, you -donkeys!'[315] At this moment Francis inaugurated modern times—though -certainly in a fashion rather cavalier. - -However, Cardinal Duprat was on the road. What would he do, this vile -courtier of the popes, who at their demand had destroyed the bulwark of -the Gallican liberties, and who hated the Reformation? The Sorbonne -placed their hope in him. But Duprat served his master before all -things, and he could not hide from himself that the hot-headed catholics -were threatening the king's crown. He resolved to strike heavily. As -soon as he reached Paris, he had Le Picard arrested, as being the most -compromised. He confined him in his own palace, seized his books and -papers, and had him interrogated by the advocate-general. The seditious -bachelor raved in his prison, and protested aloud against the indignity -of such treatment; but all his storming was of no use. He was condemned -to be shut up in the abbey of St. Magloire, and forbidden to teach.[316] - -Nor did Duprat stop here. He was shocked that paltry priests should dare -speak against that royal majesty of Francis I. for which he, a cardinal -and chancellor, had nothing but humble flatteries. He never ceased to be -the mortal enemy of the Gospel, and originated many a measure of -persecution against the reformed; but his chief quality was a slavish -devotion to the wishes of his master. To the mendicant monks sent out by -the Sorbonne he opposed 'inquirers'—the name he gave to the spies who -were in every parish, and who skilfully interrogated men and women, -nobles and sacristans, to find out whether the preachers or the friars -had attacked the king's government in their hearing. Many of the -townspeople were unwilling to say anything; yet the clever and dreaded -minister attained his ends, and having discovered the most refractory -priests, he summoned them before him. This summons from a cardinal of -the holy Church, from the most powerful person in the kingdom, alarmed -these violent clerics; on a sudden their courage collapsed, and they -appeared before his eminence with downcast eyes, trembling limbs, and -confused manner. 'Who permitted or who authorised you to insult the king -and to excite the people?' asked the haughty Duprat.[317] The priests -were too much terrified to conceal anything: 'It was with the consent -and the good pleasure of our reverend masters,' they replied.[318] - -The theologians of the Sorbonne were now summoned in their turn. They -were quite as much alarmed as their creatures, and, seeing the danger, -denied everything.[319] They managed to take shelter behind certain -clever reservations: they had _hinted_ the insult, but they had not -_commanded_ it. At heart both chiefs and followers were all equally -fanatical, and not one of them needed any stimulus to do his duty in -this holy war. These reverend gentlemen, having thus screened themselves -under denials, withdrew, fully convinced that no one would dare lay -hands upon them. But a hundred Bedas would not have stopped the terrible -cardinal. In the affair of the concordat, had he taken any notice of the -fierce opposition of the sovereign courts, of the universities, or even -of the clergy of France? Duprat smiled at his own unpopularity, and -found a secret pleasure in attracting the general hatred upon himself. -Catholics and evangelicals—he will brave and crush them all. He went to -the bottom of the matter, and having discovered who were the Æoluses -that had raised these sacerdotal tempests, he informed the king of the -result. - -[Sidenote: FRANCIS ACTS VIGOROUSLY.] - -Francis had never been so angry with the catholics. He had met with men -who dared resist him!... It was his pride, his despotism, and not his -love of truth, that was touched. Besides, was he not the ally of -Henry VIII., and was he not seeking to form a league with the -protestants of Germany? Severe measures against the ultramontane bigots -would convince his allies of the sincerity of his words. He had another -motive still: Francis highly valued the title 'patron of letters,' and -he looked upon the friars as their enemy. He put himself forward as the -champion of the learning of the age, and not of the Gospel; but for a -moment it was possible to believe in the triumph of the Reformation -under the patronage of the Renaissance. - -[Sidenote: CONDEMNATION OF BEDA.] - -On the 16th of May, 1533, the indefatigable Beda, the fiery Le Picard, -and the zealous friar Mathurin, the three most intrepid supporters of -the papacy in France, appeared before the parliament. An event so -extraordinary filled both university and city with surprise and emotion. -Devout men raised their eyes to heaven; devout women redoubled their -prayers to Mary; but Beda and his two colleagues, proud of their Romish -orthodoxy, appeared before the court, and compared themselves with the -confessors of Christ standing before the proconsuls of Rome. No one -could believe in a condemnation; was not the King of France the eldest -son of the Church? But the disciples of the pope did not know the -monarch who then reigned over France. If they wanted to show what a -priest was like, the sovereign wanted to show what a king was like. When -signing the letters-royal in which Francis had suggested the arrest to -parliament, he exclaimed: 'As for Beda, on my word, he shall never -return to Paris!'[320] The king's ordinance had been duly registered; -the court was complete; and not a sound could be heard, when the -president, turning to the three doctors, said: 'Reverend gentlemen, you -are banished from Paris, and will henceforward live thirty leagues from -this capital; you are at liberty, however, to select what residences you -please, provided they be at a distance from each other. You will leave -the city in twenty-four hours. If you break your ban, you will incur the -penalty of death. You will neither preach, give lessons, nor hold any -kind of meeting, and you will keep up no communication with one another, -until the king has ordered otherwise.' - -Beda, Le Picard, Mathurin, and their friends, were all terrified. -Francis had, however, reserved for the last a decision which must have -abated their courage still more. As if he wished to show the triumph of -evangelical ideas, he cancelled the injunction against Roussel; and -Margaret's almoner was able once more to preach the Gospel in the -capital. 'If you have any complaint against him,' said the king to the -Sorbonne, 'you can bring him before the lawful tribunals.'[321] - -This decree of the parliament fell like a thunderbolt in the midst of -the Sorbonne. Stunned and stupefied, unable to say or do anything, the -doctors shook off their stupor only to be seized with a fit of terror. -They visited each other, conversed together, and whispered their alarms. -Had the fatal moment really come which they had feared so long? Was -Francis about to follow the example of Frederick of Saxony and Henry of -England? Would the cause of the holy Roman Church perish under the -attacks of its enemies? Would France join the triumphal procession of -the Reformation?... The old men, pretty numerous at the Sorbonne, were -overwhelmed. One of them, a broken-down, feeble hypochondriac, was so -terribly disturbed by the decree, that he fairly lost his senses. He -suffered a perpetual nightmare. He fancied he saw the king and the -parliament, with all France, destroying the Sorbonne, and trampling on -the necks of the doctors while their palace was burning. The poor man -expired in the midst of these terrible phantoms.[322] Yet the blow which -stunned some, aroused others. The more intrepid doctors met and -conferred together, and strove to encourage their partisans and to -enlist new ones: they took no rest night or day.[323] Unable to believe -that this decree really expressed the king's will, they determined to -send a deputation to the south of France, whither he had gone; but -Francis had not forgotten their hint about the deposition of kings by -the popes, and, angry as ever, he rejected every demand. - -[Sidenote: HOPES OF THE REFORMERS.] - -Nor was the Sorbonne alone agitated: all the city was in commotion, some -being against the decree, others for it. The bigots, in their compassion -for 'the excellent Beda,'[324] exclaimed: 'What an indignity, to expose -so profound a divine, so high-born a man, to such a harsh -punishment!'[325] But, on the other hand, the friends of learning leapt -for joy.[326] A great movement seemed to be accomplishing; it was a -solemn time. Some of the most intelligent men imagined that France was -about to be regenerated and transformed.... Sturm in his college was -delighted. What news to send to Germany, to Bucer, to Melanchthon!... He -ran to his study, took up his pen, and wrote in his transport: 'Things -are changing, the hinges are turning.... It is true there still remain -here and there a few aged Priams, surrounded by servile creatures, who -cling to the things that are passing away.... But, with the exception of -this small number of belated men, no one any longer defends the cause of -the Phrygian priests.'[327] The classic Sturm could only compare the -spirit of the ultramontanists to the superstition and fanaticism of the -priests of Phrygia, so notorious for those qualities in ancient times. -But the friends of the Reform and of the Renaissance were indulging in -most exaggerated illusions. A few old folks, mumbling their _Ave-Marias_ -and _Pater-nosters_, seemed to them to constitute the whole strength of -the papacy. They had great hopes of the new generation: 'The young -priests,' they said, 'are rushing into the shining paths of -wisdom.'[328] Francis I. having shown an angry face to the Sorbonne, -every Frenchman was about to follow his example, according to the belief -of the friends of letters. They indulged in transports of joy, and, as -it were, a universal shout welcomed the opening of a new era. But alas! -France was still far distant from it; she was not judged worthy of such -happiness. Instead of seeing the triple banner of the Gospel, morality, -and liberty raised upon her walls, that great and mighty nation was -destined, owing to Romish influence, to pass through centuries of -despotism and wild democracy, frivolity and licentiousness, superstition -and unbelief. - -[Sidenote: THE FOUR DOCTORS EXILED.] - -In the midst of the contrary movements now agitating Paris, there was a -certain number of spectators who, while leaning more to one party than -to the other, set about studying the situation. In one of the colleges -was a student of Alsace, the son of an ironmonger at Strasburg, who, -wishing to give himself a Greek or Latin name, called himself -_Siderander_, 'man of iron.' Such, however, was not his nature; he was -particularly curious; he had a passion for picking up news, and his -great desire to know other people's business made him supple as the -willow, rather than hard as the metal. Siderander was an amiable -well-educated young man, and he gives us a pretty faithful picture of -the better class of students of that day. On Monday, May 26, he was -going to hear a lecture on logic by Sturm, who, leaving the paths of -barren scholasticism, was showing by example as well as by precept how -clearness of thought may be united with elegance of language. Just as -the Alsatian was approaching the college of Montaigu, where Sturm -lectured, he met with a piece of good-luck. He saw an immense crowd of -students and citizens collected in front of the college, where they had -been waiting since the morning to witness the departure of the Hercules -of the Sorbonne.[329] He ran as fast as he could, his heart throbbing -with joy at the thought of seeing Beda, the great papist, going into -banishment.... For such a sight, the student would have walked from -Strasburg. The rumour had spread through Paris that the three or four -disgraced doctors were to leave the capital on that day. Everybody -wished to see them: some for the joy they felt at their disgrace; -others, to give vent to their sorrow. But, sad misfortune! the lucky -chance which had delighted the student failed him. The government was -alarmed, and fearing a riot, the exiles did not appear. The crowd was -forced to disperse without seeing them, and Siderander went away in -great disappointment. The next morning, at an early hour, the four -culprits, Beda, Le Picard, Mathurin, and a Franciscan, came forth under -guard and without noise. The doctors, humiliated at being led out of the -city like malefactors, did not even raise their heads. But the -precautions of the police were useless: many people were on the -look-out, the news spread in a moment through the quarter, and a crowd -of burgesses, monks, and common people filled the streets to see the -celebrated theologians pass, dejected, silent, and with downcast eyes. -The glory of the Sorbonne had faded; even that of Rome was dimmed; and -it seemed to many as if the papacy was departing with its four -defenders. The devout catholics gave way to sighs and groans, -indignation and tears; but at the very moment when these bigots were -paying the last honours to popery, others were saluting the advent of -the new times with transports of joy. 'They are sycophants,' said some -among the crowd, 'banished from Paris on account of their lies and their -traitorous proceedings.'[330] - -The disciples of the Gospel did not confine themselves to words. Matters -were in good train, and it was desirable to persevere until the end was -reached. While the Sorbonne bent its head, the Reformation was looking -up. The Queen of Navarre and her husband, with many politicians and men -of rank, encouraged Roussel, Courault, and others to preach the Gospel -fearlessly; even these evangelists were astonished at their sudden -favour. Roussel in particular advanced timidly, asking whether the -Church would not interpose its _veto_? But no; Bishop du Bellay, the -diplomatist's brother, did not interfere. During the whole period of the -king's absence, Paris was almost like a country in the act of reforming -itself. Men thought themselves already secure of that religious liberty -which, alas! was to cost three centuries of struggle and the purest -blood, and whose lamentable defeats were to scatter the confessors of -Jesus Christ into every part of the world. When a great good is to be -bestowed on the human race, the deliverance is only accomplished by -successive efforts. But at this time men thought they had attained the -end at a single bound. From the pulpits that were opened to them in -every quarter of Paris, the evangelists proclaimed that the truth had -been revealed in Jesus Christ; that the Word of God, contained in the -writings of the prophets and apostles, did not require to be sanctioned -or interpreted by an infallible authority; and that whoever listened to -it or read it with a sincere heart, would be enlightened and saved by -it. The tutelage of the priests was abolished, and emancipated souls -were brought into immediate contact with God and his revelation. The -great salvation purchased by the death of Christ upon the cross was -announced with power, and the friends of the Gospel, transported with -joy, exclaimed: 'At last Christ is preached publicly in the pulpits of -the capital, and all speak of it freely.[331] May the Lord increase -among us day by day the glory of his Gospel!'[332] - -[Sidenote: SATIRES OF THE STUDENTS.] - -The most serious causes always find defenders among trivial men, who do -not thoroughly understand them, but yet despise their adversaries. The -Reformation has no reason to be proud of some of its auxiliaries in the -sixteenth century. A serious cause ought to be seriously defended; but -history cannot pass by these manifestations, which are as much in her -domain as those of another kind. Satire was not spared in this matter. -The students especially delighted in it: they posted up a long placard, -written carefully with ornamented letters in French verse, in which the -four theologians were described in the liveliest and most fantastic -colours.[333] Two of their colleagues were also introduced, for the four -doctors on whom the king's wrath had fallen were not the only criminals. -A cordelier especially was notorious for his curious sermons, full of -bad French and bad Latin, and still more notorious for the clever and -popular eloquence he displayed, whenever a collection was to be made in -favour of his order. This Pierre Cornu, who had been nicknamed _des -Cornes_, was wonderfully touched off in the poem of the students. Groups -of scholars, burgesses, and Parisian wits gathered round the placards, -some bursting with laughter and others with anger. The vehement and -ridiculous Cornu especially excited the mirth of the idlers. A profane -author who had nothing to do with the Reformation, speaks of him in his -writings:—'Ha! ha! Master Cornu,' said one, 'you are not the only man to -have horns.... Friend Bacchus wears a pair; and so do Pan, and Jupiter -Ammon and hosts besides.'—'Ha! ha! dear Master Cornibus,' said another, -'give me an ounce of your sermon, and I will make the collection in your -parish.' Strange circumstance! The public voice seemed at this time -opposed to these forerunners of the preachers of the League. The -Sorbonne, however, had friends who replied to these jests by bursts of -passion. 'The man who wrote these verses is a heretic,' they -exclaimed.[334] From insults they passed to threats; from threats they -came to blows, and the struggle began. The bigots wished to pull down -the placard. A creature of the Faculty succeeded; springing into the -air, he tore it down and ran off with his spoil.[335] Then the crowd -dispersed. - -[Sidenote: SORBONNE CALLS FOR THE STAKE.] - -In that age placards played a great part, similar to that played by -certain pamphlets in later times. There was no need to buy them at the -bookseller's; everybody could read the impromptu tracts at the corners -of the streets. Rome was not in the humour to leave these powerful -weapons in the hands of her enemies, and the Sorbonne determined to -appeal to the people against the abhorred race of innovators. It did not -jest, like the youth of the schools; it went straight to the point, and -invoked the stake against its adversaries. Two days after that on which -the former placard was posted up, another was found on the walls, -containing these unpolished verses: - - To the stake! to the stake! with the heretic crew, - That day and night vexes all good men and true. - Shall we let them Saint Scripture and her edicts defile? - Shall we banish pure science for Lutherans vile? - Do you think that our God will permit such as these - To imperil our bodies and souls at their ease? - - O Paris, of cities the flower and the pride, - Uphold that true faith which these heretics deride; - Or else on thy towers storm and tempest shall fall.... - Take heed by my warning; and let us pray all - That the King of all kings will be pleased to confound - These dogs so accursed, where'er they be found, - That their names, like bones going fast to decay, - May from memory's tablets be clean wiped away. - - To the stake! to the stake! the fire is their home! - As God hath permitted, let justice be done. - -A crowd equally great assembled before this placard, as cruel as it was -crafty. The writer appealed to the people of Paris; he entitled them -'the flower and pride of cities,' knowing that flattery is the best -means of winning men's minds; and then he called for the stake. The -'stake' was the argument with which men opposed the Reform. 'Burn those -who confute us!' This savage invocation was a home-thrust. Many of the -citizens, kneeling down to write, copied out the placard, in order to -carry it to every house: the press is less rapid, even in our days. -Others committed the verses to memory, and walked along the streets -singing the burden: - - To the stake! to the stake! the fire is their home! - As God hath permitted, let justice be done! - -These rude rhymes became the motto of their party; this cruel ballad of -the sixteenth century erelong summoned the champions of the Church in -various quarters to fatten the earth with the ashes of their enemies. -Pierre Siderander happened to be in the crowd; noticing several papists -copying the incendiary verses, the Strasburg student did the same, and -sent copies to his friends. By this means they were handed down to our -times.[336] - -The next day there was a fresh placard. The Sorbonne, finding the people -beginning to be moved, wished to arouse them thoroughly. This ballad was -not confined to a general appeal to the stake; Roussel was mentioned by -name as one who deserved to be burnt. The fanatical placards of the -Sorbonnists were not so soon torn down as the satirical couplets of -their pupils. They could be read for days together, such good watch did -the sacristans keep over them. - -But the Sorbonne did not limit themselves to a paper war; they worked -upon the most eminent members of the parliament. Their zeal displayed -itself on every side. 'Justice! justice!' they exclaimed; 'let us punish -these detestable heretics, and pluck up Lutheranism, root and -branch.'[337] The whole city was in commotion; the most odious plots -were concocted; and the _matéologues_, as the students called the -defenders of the old abuses, took counsel at the Sorbonne every day. - -[Sidenote: PROGRESS OF THE REFORM.] - -In the midst of all this agitation the Reformation was advancing quietly -but surely. While the Queen of Navarre boldly professed her living piety -in the palace, and preachers proclaimed it from their pulpits to the -believing crowd, evangelical men, still in obscurity, were modestly -propagating around them a purer and a mightier faith. At this period -Calvin spent four years in Paris (1529-1533), where he at first engaged -in literature. It might have been thought that he would appear in the -world as a man of letters, and not as a reformer. But he soon placed -profane studies in the second rank, and devoted himself to the service -of God, as we have seen. He would have desired not to enter forthwith -upon a career of evangelical activity. 'During this time,' he said, 'my -sole object was to live privately, without being known.' He felt the -necessity of a time of silence and christian meditation. He would have -liked to imitate Paul, who, after his conversion and his first preaching -at Damascus, passed several quiet years in Arabia and Cilicia;[338] but -he had to combat error around him, and he soon took a step in advance. -While Courault and Roussel were preaching in the churches to large -audiences and dealing tenderly with the papacy, Calvin, displaying great -activity,[339] visited the different quarters of Paris where secret -assemblies were held, and there proclaimed a more scriptural, a more -complete, and a bolder doctrine. In his discourses he made frequent -allusions to the dangers to which those were exposed who desired to live -piously; and he taught them at the same time 'what magnanimity believers -ought to possess when adversity draws them on to despair.'—'When things -do not go as we wish,' he said, 'sadness comes over the mind and makes -us forget all our confidence. But the paternal love of God is the -foundation of an invincible strength which overcomes every trial. The -divine favour is a shelter against all storms, from whatever quarter -they may come.' And he usually ended his discourses, we are told, with -these words: '_If God be for us, who can be against us?_'[340] - -Mere preaching did not satisfy Calvin: he entered into communication -with all who desired a purer religion,[341] made them frequent visits, -and conversed seriously with them. He avoided no one, and cultivated the -friendship of those whom he had formerly known. He advanced step by -step, but he was always busy, and the doctrine of the Gospel made some -progress every day. All persons rendered the strongest testimony to his -piety.[342] The friends of the Word of God gathered round him, and among -them were many burgesses and common people, but there were nobles and -college professors also. - -These christians were full of hope, and even Calvin entertained the bold -idea of winning the king, the university, and indeed France herself, -over to the Gospel. Paris was in suspense. Every one thought that some -striking and perhaps sudden change was about to take place in one -direction or another. Will Rome or will the Reformation have the -advantage? There were strong reasons for adopting the former opinion, -and reasons hardly less powerful for adopting the latter. Discussions -arose upon this point, even among friends. Men were on the look-out for -anything that might help them to divine the future, and the more curious -resorted to the various places where they hoped to pick up news. Public -attention was particularly turned towards the Sorbonne, when it was -known that the heads of the Roman party were holding council. - -[Sidenote: PIERRE SIDERANDER.] - -On the 23rd of May, 1533, Pierre Siderander (who was naturally -inquisitive), instigated by a desire to learn what was going to happen, -and wishing in particular to know what was doing in the theological -clubs (for from them, he doubted not, would proceed the blow that would -decide who should be the victors), stole into the buildings belonging to -the faculty of divinity.[343] He did not dare penetrate farther than the -great gate: stopping there like any other lounger, he began to look at -the pictures that were sold at the entrance of the building.[344] But, -with all his innocent air, his eyes and ears were wide open, trying to -pick up a word or two that would tell him what was going on; for the -doctors, as they went in or out talking together, must necessarily pass -close by him. Pierre wasted his time sauntering about before the -pictures of the saints and of the Virgin (which he looked upon as -idolatrous). On a sudden he saw the illustrious Budæus coming out of the -Sorbonne.[345] At that time Budæus was playing the same part as the -noble Chancellor l'Hôpital afterwards did: he was present in every place -where it was necessary to moderate, enlighten, or restrain the -hot-headed. He passed Siderander without saying a word, and quitted the -building; but the curious student could not resist; he left his post and -began to follow the celebrated hellenist, wishing to look at him at his -ease, and hoping no doubt to learn something.[346] 'Am I not,' he said, -'the friend of his two sons who like myself attend the course of -Latomus? Has not the eldest invited me to come and see his museum?[347] -Did not I go there the other day, and ought he not to return my visit -along with his brother?' Siderander, who burnt with desire to know what -was said in the assembly which the founder of the college of France had -just left, quickened his pace; the words were already on his lips, when -he suddenly stopped intimidated. Timidity was stronger than curiosity, -and he soon lost sight of the man whom Erasmus called 'the prodigy of -France.' And yet, had he asked him, he would perhaps have learnt what -the Roman party was plotting, and been able to tell his friends the -probable issue of the crisis. He had often asked the sons of Budæus what -their father was planning.[348] 'He is much with the bishop,' answered -they, 'but he is planning nothing.'[349] Thus Siderander did all he -could, but to no purpose, to elicit some interesting communication and -to learn some rare news. He was unable to satisfy his extreme curiosity. -'And that is not all,' he said to himself, 'for if, instead of losing my -time under the portico of the Sorbonne, I had been elsewhere, I might -have learnt something.' He desired to be everywhere, and yet was -nowhere. 'Ha!' he said with vexation as he returned from running after -Budæus, 'while I throw my hook in at one place, the fish goes to -another. Things occur in our quarter which the inhabitants of the others -know nothing about, and we know nothing of what takes place -elsewhere.[350] Alas! everything assumes a threatening aspect; -everything announces a violent storm.'[351] - -[Sidenote: SIDERANDER'S CURIOSITY.] - -The Sorbonne, the religious orders, and all fervent catholics, being -convinced that the innovators, by exalting Jesus Christ and his Word, -were humbling the Church and the papacy, were determined to wage a -deadly war against them. They thought that if they first struck down the -most formidable of their adversaries, they could easily disperse the -rest of the rebel army. But against whom should the first blow be aimed? -This was the subject of deliberation in those councils which the curious -Siderander desired so much to overhear. - -Before we learn what was preparing at the Sorbonne, we must enter more -illustrious council-chambers, and transport ourselves to Bologna. - -[Footnote 307: 'Rex Navarræ instinctu uxoris et episcopus regem -sollicitare ... seditionis crimen intendere.'—Sturm to Bucer.] - -[Footnote 308: 'Gerardum removeat a concionibus.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. -648.] - -[Footnote 309: 'Placuit regi ut Beda cum suis oratoribus et G. Rufus, -quisque in suis ædibus, tanquam privata custodia detineretur.'—Sturm to -Bucer.] - -[Footnote 310: 'Ut ne accusatores viderentur, sed opinatores tantum, et -inquisitores hæreticæ pravitatis.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 311: 'Tum bonus noster Beda in Monte suo Acuto manere coactus -est.'—Siderander Bedroto.] - -[Footnote 312: 'In mulo suo equitantem vidi.'—Siderander Bedroto.] - -[Footnote 313: 'Judicium de hæresi sibi reservavit.'—Sturmius Bucero.] - -[Footnote 314: 'Vociferati sunt seditiosissime, regi minantes ipsi.'— -Melanchthon to Spalatin, _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 685.] - -[Footnote 315: 'Rex, quoniam esset exacerbatus, irrisit tanquam -Arcadicorum pecorum.'—Sturm to Bucer.] - -[Footnote 316: H. de Coste, _Le parfait Ecclésiastique_, p. 73.] - -[Footnote 317: 'Cujus vel permissu vel jussu populum commovissent et -læsissent regem.'—Sturm to Bucer, ed. Schmidt.] - -[Footnote 318: 'Responderunt ex consensu et placito magistrorum -nostrorum.'—Sturm to Bucer, ed. Schmidt.] - -[Footnote 319: 'Theologi cum pericula animadverterent, negabant.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 320: 'Nunquam velit Bedam reverti.'—Sturm to Bucer.] - -[Footnote 321: 'Gerardus libere concionatur; et imperatum theologis, si -quid habeant negotii adversus eum, ut jure agant.'—Melanchthon to -Spalatin, July 22. _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 658.] - -[Footnote 322: 'Senex quidem theologus hanc contumeliam theologici -ordinis adeo ægre tulit, ut delirio vitam amiserit.'—Melanchthon to -Spalatin. _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 658.] - -[Footnote 323: 'Ὁι θεολόγοι non die, non nocte, unquam cessant ab -opere.'—Siderander, Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 324: 'Illi miserantur optimi Bedæ.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 325: 'Hominem tam grandem natu, exilium tam durum pati -oportere.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 326: 'Audias alios qui gaudio exultent.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 327: 'Vide rerum commutationem ... Praeter senes Priamos et -paucos alios, nemo est qui faveat istis sacerdotibus Phrygiis.'—Sturm to -Bucer.] - -[Footnote 328: 'Juniores theologi jam sapere incipiunt.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 329: 'Maximam turbam ante collegium Montis Acuti vidi.'— -Siderander Bedroto.] - -[Footnote 330: 'Beda urbe pulsus cum aliis quibusdam sycophantis.'— -Melanchthon to Spalatin, _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 658.] - -[Footnote 331: 'Palam prædicare Christum quidam cœperunt, omnes loqui -liberius.'—Bucer to Blaarer. Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 332: 'Christus evangelii gloriam augeat.'—Melanchthon to -Spalatin. _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 658.] - -[Footnote 333: 'In qua pulcherrime suisque coloribus omnes isti theologi -depingebantur.'—Siderander Bedroto.] - -[Footnote 334: 'Alii auctorem clamabant esse hæreticum.'—Siderander -Bedroto.] - -[Footnote 335: 'Tandem nescio quis delator dilaceravit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 336: 'Quos cum viderem, descripsi et ipse,' and here follow -the verses. Schmidt, _G. Roussel. Pièces Justificatives_, p. 205.] - -[Footnote 337: 'Ut supplicium de detestandis illis hæreticis sumat, -eosque extirpet funditus.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 338: Galatians i. 17-21.] - -[Footnote 339: 'Nec ei mox defuit in quo sese strenue exerceret.'—Bezæ -_Vita Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 340: Bezæ _Vita Calvini_. Herzog, _Real Encyclopädie_, art. -_Calvin_. Schmidt, _G. Roussel_, p. 94.] - -[Footnote 341: 'Omnibus purioris religionis studiosis innotuit.'—Bezæ -_Vita Calv._] - -[Footnote 342: 'Non sine insigni pietatis testimonio.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 343: 'Heri videre volui quidnam in Sorbonna ageretur.'— -Siderander Bedroto.] - -[Footnote 344: 'Picturas et imagines quæ ibi venduntur.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 345: 'Budæum egredientem video.'—Siderander Bedroto.] - -[Footnote 346: 'Quem relicto instituto secutus sum.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 347: 'Me rogavit ut musæum suum viderem.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 348: 'Quid novi jam pater moliretur.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 349: 'Negabat quicquam moliri.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 350: 'Quod nos ignoramus.'—Siderander Bedroto.] - -[Footnote 351: 'Nemo est qui possit expiscari omnia ... Omnia tumultum -minari videntur.'—Ibid.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXV. - CONFERENCE OF BOLOGNA. THE COUNCIL AND CATHERINE DE MEDICI. - (WINTER 1532-1533.) - - -The emperor, having descended the Italian slopes of the Alps and crossed -the north of Italy, arrived at Bologna on the 5th of December, 1532, -somewhat annoyed at the escape of Duke Christopher, but not suspecting -that it would lead to any serious consequences. This city, afterwards -made famous by Guido, Domenichino, the two Caracci, and by Benedict XIV., -one of the most distinguished popes of the eighteenth century, grew more -animated every day. The pope had arrived there: princes, nobles, -prelates, and courtiers filled its splendid palaces; a new world was in -motion around the churches, the Asinelli, the fountain of Neptune, and -the other monuments which adorn that ancient city. The emperor had -desired a conference with the pope, with the intention of uniting -closely with him, and through him with the other catholic princes, to -act together against their two enemies, France and the Reformation. But -Charles was mistaken if he thought to find himself alone with the pope -at Bologna. He was to meet with opponents who would hold their own -against him: a struggle was about to begin around Clement VII. between -France and the empire. Francis I., who had just had a conference with -Henry VIII., did not care, indeed, to meet Charles; but his place in -Italy was to be supplied by men who would do his work better than he -could do it himself. On the 4th of January, 1533, Cardinals de Tournon -and de Gramont, sent by Francis to Clement to threaten him with a -certain 'great injury' which he might have cause to regret for ever, -arrived in this city. Would the presence of the two cardinals thwart -Charles's plans? - -[Sidenote: PLANS OF CHARLES V.] - -The first point which the emperor desired to carry was the convocation -of a general council. A grave man and always occupied with business, he -possessed a soul greedy of dominion. Ferdinand and Isabella having -founded their power in Spain by restoring that country to unity, he -desired to do in central Europe what they had done in the peninsula, -that is, unite it under his patronage, if not under his sceptre. And lo! -Germany is suddenly broken in his hands and divided into two parts. Sad -humiliation! When he had crossed the Alps, after Soliman's retreat, he -had no longer that unlimited confidence in his genius and authority -which he had felt two years before, when going to the diet of Augsburg. -He had come from Spain to crush that new sect which thwarted the dreams -of his ambition; and instead of crushing it, he had been forced to -recognise it. After the retreat of the Turks, Charles found himself at -the head of a numerous and triumphant army, and men asked one another if -he would not fall upon the protestants with it; but the best soldiers of -that army were protestant themselves. Other means must be resorted to in -order to bring the schism to an end. He weighed everything carefully, -and brought to this business that nice and calm attention which always -distinguished him. Knowing that the result of an appeal to arms was -uncertain, and that instead of restoring concord he might stir up a -hatred that nothing could extinguish, he decided in favour of a council -to restore unity, and made his demand to the pope at Bologna. But -Clement VII. feared a council as much as Charles desired it. 'They would -want to redress grievances,' he said to his confidants, 'and reform -abuses, quite as much as to extirpate heresy.' Possessing great -intelligence and rare ability, vain, cunning, false, and with no -elevation of soul, Clement determined to put off this assembly -indefinitely, although always promising it. While the emperor recognised -the inefficiency of temporal arms, the pope felt still more keenly the -inefficiency of spiritual arms. Each of these two personages distrusted -the power of which he had most experience. The humble Gospel of the -reformers intimidated both Church and Empire. Clement conferred on the -subject with the Archbishop of Cortona, governor of Bologna, with the -legate Campeggio, and with the nuncio Gambara: all agreed with him, and -declared that to desire to bring back protestants to the Romish faith -otherwise than by force was a very perilous enterprise. - -[Sidenote: CLEMENT AGAINST A COUNCIL.] - -As, however, neither the pope nor the emperor would give way, they -desired a conference, at which each would endeavour to convince the -other. A day, therefore, was appointed, and the two potentates met in -the palace of Bologna. Charles represented to Clement, that 'a great -number of catholics desired and demanded a council as necessary to -destroy the heresy of Luther, which was gaining strength every day, and -to suppress the numerous disorders that existed in the Church.'[352] But -the pope replied: 'If we assemble a council, and permit the protestants -to be present and to question the doctrines sanctioned by the Church, -they will attack them all, and numberless innovations will be the -result. If, on the contrary, we do not allow them to speak, they will -say that they are condemned unheard; they will leave the assembly, and -the world will believe that we are in the wrong. As the protestants -reject the decisions of past councils, how can we hope that they will -respect the decisions of future councils? Do we not know their -obstinacy? When we put forward the authority of the Church, do they not -set the authority of Holy Scripture in its place? They will never -acknowledge themselves defeated, which will be a great scandal. If the -council decrees that the pope is above the council (which is the truth), -the heretics will hold another, and will elect an anti-pope (Luther, -perhaps). Sire, the remedy which you propose will give rise to greater -evils than those which we have now to cure.'[353] - -The papacy in the sixteenth century had fallen into a state of inertia. -It was active enough as a political power; but as a spiritual power it -was nothing. It had great pretensions still, as far as appearances went; -but it was satisfied if certain preferences and a certain pomp were -conceded to it. It was afraid of everything that possessed any vitality, -and feared not only those it called heretics, but even an assembly -consisting of prelates of the Roman Church. And while the papacy was -thus affected with a general weakness as regards spiritual powers, the -Reformation was full of vigour and of life. It was a young warrior -attacking a decrepid veteran. Besides these general causes, there were -private motives which added to Clement's inactivity; but these he kept -to himself. When he was alone in his chamber, he called to mind that his -birth was not legitimate; that the means he had used to obtain the -popedom had not been irreproachable; and that he had often employed the -resources of the Church for his own interest ... in waging a costly war, -for instance. All this might be brought against him in a council, and -endanger his position. But as his position was dearer to him than the -unity of the Church, he would grant nothing, and so reduced Charles to -despair by his evasions. - -The hatred which the emperor bore to the pope was still further -increased by the pontiff's resistance.[354] In his anger he appealed to -the cardinals. At first he succeeded, having brought powerful -inducements into play, and a consistory decided in favour of the -immediate convocation of a council. The alarmed Clement set to work to -bring back the misguided cardinals, and he was successful; for a second -consistory, held on the 20th of December, coincided with the pope. 'We -cannot think of assembling a council,' said the sacred college, 'before -we have reconciled all the christian princes.'[355] The emperor openly -expressed his dissatisfaction. Wait until Henry VIII., Francis I., and -Charles V. are agreed ... as well put it off to the Greek calends! -Clement endeavoured to pacify him. He would assemble it at _a suitable -time_, he said; and then, as he feared that the Germans, on hearing of -his refusal, would hold a _national_ council, he sent off envoys to -prevent it, at the same time hinting to the emperor that they were -empowered to prepare that nation for a general council.[356] Was -Charles V. the pope's dupe? It is a doubtful point. Clement, an -enthusiastic disciple of his fellow-countryman Machiavelli, was, -conformably to the instructions of his master, supple and false, without -conscience and without faith. But the emperor knew full well that such -were the precepts of the illustrious Florentine. - -[Sidenote: ITALIAN LEAGUE.] - -For some time past Charles had been silently meditating another project -which, he thought, could not fail to render him master of Italy. It was -the formation of a defensive Italian league against Francis. He -communicated his plan to the pope with the reserve and ability that -characterised him, and set himself up as the defender of Rome. Clement, -however, did not believe in his generosity, but on the contrary feared -that this confederation would give him a master; nevertheless he -appeared to be charmed with it. 'Yes!' he exclaimed, 'Italy must set -itself against the ambition of France.' At the same time he informed the -ambassador of Venice that he had said these things, not as being his own -opinion, but the emperor's. 'Report this prudently to your lords,' he -added.[357] The pontiff had always two faces and two meanings. - -In reality, he did not know what course to pursue. At one time he was -ready to throw himself into Charles's arms and run the same chances with -him; and then, on learning what had taken place at Boulogne and Calais, -he trembled lest the King of France should throw off his obedience. -These two terrible monarchs made a shuttlecock of the pope, and drove -him to despair. But he remembered how Machiavelli had said, that the -world is governed by two things—force and cunning; and leaving the -former to the emperor, he took refuge in the latter. 'Accordingly -Clement determined to move softly,' says Du Bellay, 'temporising, -quibbling, waiting, and stopping to see what the French cardinals would -bring him.' They arrived just at this critical moment. It was an -ill-omened embassy for France, since no event of the sixteenth century -did more to strengthen the dominion of intrigue, cowardice, debauchery, -crime, and persecution in that country. - -[Sidenote: THE FRENCH ENVOYS AND CLEMENT.] - -Cardinal de Tournon, the most influential of the two ambassadors, was a -skilful priest, devoted to the pope and popery, cruel, the accomplice of -the Guises in after years, and all his life one of the greatest enemies -of religious liberty. His colleague, Cardinal de Gramont, Bishop of -Tarbes and afterwards Archbishop of Toulouse, was a more pliable -diplomatist, and had been employed in England at the time of the -dissolution of Henry's marriage with Catherine of Arragon. The first of -these two men was the more hierarchical, the second the more politic; -but both had the interests of their master Francis at heart. Their -mission was difficult, and they had many a consultation about what was -to be done. Tournon was ready to sacrifice everything, truth in the -first place, in order to unite the king with the pope. 'It is to be -feared,' he said to his colleague, 'that if we let the holy father know -all the discontent of the two kings, we shall but increase his despair; -and that the emperor, profiting by our threats, will gain him over and -do with him as he likes, which would lead to the disturbance of -christendom.' Instead of carrying out the Calais resolutions, Tournon -and Gramont determined to put them aside. They thought that Francis I. -was going wrong, and desired to be more royalist than the king himself. -To win the pope from Charles V. and give him to Francis I. was the great -work they resolved to attempt at Bologna. The emperor was there, and he -was a stout antagonist; but the two priests were not deficient in skill. -To save catholicism threatened in France, and to lay the kingdom at the -pope's feet, was their aim. 'Let us carry out our instructions,' they -said, 'by beginning with the last article. Instead of employing severity -first and mildness last, we will do just the contrary.'[358] - -The two cardinals having been received by the pontiff, paid him every -mark of respect, and tried to make him understand that, for the good of -the holy see, he ought to preserve the goodwill of the most christian -king. They therefore proposed an interview with Francis, and even with -the King of England, that prince being eager to put an end to the -difficulties of the divorce. 'Finally,' they added, laying a slight -stress upon the word, 'certain proposals, formerly put forward in the -king's name, might be carried out.'[359]—'These proposals,' says Du -Bellay, 'would lead, it must be understood, to the great exaltation of -the pope and his family.' The last argument was the decisive stroke -which gained Clement VII. - -Francis, even while desiring to throw off the Roman tutelage, wished to -gain the support of the pope in order to humiliate Charles V. He had -therefore revived a strange idea, which he had once already hinted at, -without overcoming, however, the excessive repugnance which it caused -him. But he saw that the moment was critical, and that, to ally himself -with both Henry and Clement, he must make some great sacrifice. He had -therefore sent a special ambassador to Bologna, to carry out a scheme -which would fill all Europe with surprise: a deplorable combination -which by uniting the pope, indissolubly as it appeared, to the interests -of the Valois, was sooner or later to separate France from England, -change the channel that divides them into a deep gulf, infuse Florentine -blood into the blood of France, introduce the vilest Machiavellism into -the hearts of her kings who boasted of their chivalrous spirit, check -the spread of learning, turn back on their hinges the gates that were -beginning to open to the sun, confine the people in darkness, and -install an era of debauchery, persecution, and assassination both -private and public. - -The special ambassador charged with the execution of this scheme was -John, Duke of Albany, qualified by his illustrious birth for transacting -the great affair. Alexander Stuart, son of James II., King of Scotland, -having been exiled by his eldest brother James III., had gone to France -in 1485. His son John, the last Duke of Albany, attached himself to -Louis XII., and followed him into Italy. Being recalled to Scotland, he -was made regent of the kingdom in 1516, and again quitted his country to -follow Francis I. into Lombardy. This royal personage, supported by -Gramont and Tournon, was commissioned by the King of France to propose -to the pope the marriage of his son Henry, Duke of Orleans, with a girl -of fourteen, a relative of the popes, and who was named Catherine de -Medici. - -[Sidenote: CATHERINE DE MEDICI.] - -Catherine was the daughter of Lorenzo II. de Medici, nephew of Leo X., -and invested by his uncle in 1516 with the duchy of Urbino. Lorenzo, who -had made himself hateful by his despotism, died the very year of his -daughter's birth (1519). The duchy reverted to Leo X., and subsequently -to its former masters the Della Rovera, and Catherine was left a -portionless orphan. A marriage with this girl, descended from the rich -merchants of Florence, was a strange alliance for the son of a king, and -it was this that made Francis hesitate; but the desire of winning the -pope's favour from his rival helped him at last to overcome his haughty -disgust. Clement, who held (says Du Bellay) his family 'in singular -esteem,' was transported with delight at the offer. A Medici on the -throne of France!... He could not contain himself for joy. At the same -time Francis intended to make a good bargain. He asked through the Duke -of Albany, whose wife was Catherine's maternal aunt, that the pope -should secure to his son Henry a fine Italian state composed of Parma, -Florence, Pisa, Leghorn, Modena, Urbino, and Reggio; besides (said the -secret articles) the duchy of Milan and the lordship of Genoa, which, -added the French diplomatists, 'already belong to the future husband.' -In order to fulfil these engagements the pope was to employ his -influence, his negotiations, his money, and his soldiers. Clement said -that the conditions were very reasonable.[360] He knew perfectly well -that he could not give these countries to his niece; but that was the -least of his cares. The preceding year, when he was speaking to -Charles's ambassador of the claims of Francis upon Italy, the Austrian -diplomatist had said abruptly: 'The emperor will never _yield_ either -Milan or Genoa to the King of France.'—'Impossible, no doubt!' answered -the pope, 'but could not they be _promised_ to him?'[361]... The scion -of the Medici brought to France neither Genoa nor Milan, nor Parma, nor -Piacenza, nor Pisa, but in their stead she gave it the imbecile -Francis II., the sanguinary Charles IX., the abominable Henry III., the -infamous Duke of Anjou, and also that woman, at once so witty and -dissolute, who became the wife of Henry IV., and in comparison with whom -Messalina appears almost chaste. Four children of the Medici are among -the monsters recorded in history, and they have been the disgrace and -the misery of France. - -[Sidenote: PROPOSALS OF MARRIAGE.] - -The pope stalked proudly and haughtily through the halls of his palace, -and gave everybody a most gracious reception. This good-luck, he -thought, had come from heaven. Not only did it cover all his family with -glory, but secured to him France and her king, whose reforming caprices -began to make him uneasy; 'and then,' adds Du Bellay, 'he was very -pleased at finding this loophole, to excuse himself to the emperor, who -was pressing him so strongly to enter into the Italian league.'[362] -Nevertheless the pope stood in awe of Charles V., who seemed eager to -set himself up for a second Constantine, and he appeared anxious and -embarrassed. - -Charles, whom nothing escaped, immediately remarked this, and thought to -himself that some new wind had blown upon the pontiff. In order to find -it out, he employed all the sagacity with which he was so eminently -endowed. 'The emperor knew from the language and countenance of the holy -father,' says Du Bellay, 'that he was less friendly towards him than -before, and suspected whence the change proceeded.'[363] Charles had -heard something about this marriage some time before; but the ridiculous -story had only amused him. The King of France unite himself with the -merchants of Florence!... And Clement can believe this!... 'Hence -Charles V., thinking,' as Du Bellay tells us, 'that the affair would -never be carried out, had advised the pope to consent.'[364] - -[Sidenote: HENRY'S OPINION OF THE MARRIAGE.] - -Meanwhile Francis lost no time. He had commissioned Du Bellay, the -diplomatist, to communicate his intentions to his good brother the King -of England, who had a claim to this information, as he was godfather to -the future Henry II.—worthy godfather, and worthy godson! The -self-conceit of the Tudor was still more hurt than that of the Valois. -He said to Lord Rochford, whom he despatched to the King of France: 'You -will tell the Most Christian King, our very dear brother, the great -pleasure that we enjoy every day by calling to mind the pure, earnest, -and kind friendship he feels for us.'[365] He added: 'Since our good -brother has asked us, we are willing to declare, that truly (as we know -how he himself considers it), having regard to the low estate and family -from which the pope's niece is sprung, and to the most noble and most -illustrious blood, ancestry, and royal house of France, from which -descends our very dear and very beloved cousin and godson, the Duke of -Orleans, the said marriage would be very ill-matched and unequal; and -for this reason we are by no means of opinion that it ought to be -concluded.'[366] At the same time, after Henry had given his advice as a -sovereign, he could not fail to consult his personal interests; and -Rochford (Anne Boleyn's father) was to say to the King of France: 'If, -however, by this means our brother should receive some great advantage, -which should redound to the profit and honour both of himself and us; if -the pope should do or concede anything to counterbalance and make up for -the default of noble birth ... let him be pleased to inform us of it; he -will find us very prompt to execute whatever shall be thought advisable, -convenient, and opportune by him and us.'[367] Henry, therefore, -consented that Francis should deal with the pope about his godson: he -only wished that he might be sold dear. His full restoration to the -favour of the court of Rome after his marriage with Anne Boleyn was the -price that he asked. And then the royal godfather, who was at heart the -most papistical of kings, would have declared himself fully satisfied -and the pope's most humble servant. - -[Footnote 352: 'Concilii, desiderati da molti, come necessarii per la -eresia di Lutero, che ogni di ampliava e per molti discordini che sono -nella chiesa.'—Guicciardini, _Discorsi politici, Opere inedite_, i. p. -388.] - -[Footnote 353: 'Al contrario, remedio e piu pericoloso et poi partorire -maggiori mali.'—_Lettere di Principi_, ii. p. 197. Du Bellay, -_Mémoires_, pp. 183-185.] - -[Footnote 354: 'Il papa con chi forse avea odio.'—Guicciardini, _loc. -cit._] - -[Footnote 355: Despatch of the Bishop of Auxerre, ambassador of France, -dated December 24, 1532.] - -[Footnote 356: Instructions for the nuncio Rangoni. Pallavicini, liv. -iii. ch. xiii.] - -[Footnote 357: Despatch of the Bishop of Auxerre, dated January 1, -1533.] - -[Footnote 358: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 177.] - -[Footnote 359: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 178.] - -[Footnote 360: The secret articles are in the Bibliothèque Impériale at -Paris. MSS. Béthune, No. 8541, fol. 36. Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, -iii. p. 439.] - -[Footnote 361: Bucholz, ix. p. 101. Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. -p. 439.] - -[Footnote 362: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 178.] - -[Footnote 363: Ibid. p. 179.] - -[Footnote 364: Ibid. p. 180.] - -[Footnote 365: Henry's instructions are in French. _State Papers_, vii. -p. 423.] - -[Footnote 366: Ibid. p. 428.] - -[Footnote 367: Ibid.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXVI. - INTRIGUES OF CHARLES V., FRANCIS I., AND CLEMENT VII., - AROUND CATHERINE. - (WINTER 1532-1533.) - - -When the emperor was informed of these matters, he began to knit his -brows. A flash of light revealed to him the ingenious plans of his -rival, and he took immediate steps to prevent the dangerous union. -Charles V., Francis I., Henry VIII., and the pope were all in commotion -at the thought of this marriage, and little Catherine was the Briseis -around whom met and contended the greatest powers of the world. - -[Sidenote: DOUBTS INSINUATED BY CHARLES.] - -At first the emperor endeavoured to instil into the pope's mind -suspicions of the good faith of the King of France. That was no -difficult matter. 'Clement dared not feel confident,' says Du Bellay, -'that the king really wished to do him such great honour.'[368]—'The -Orleans marriage would certainly be very honourable and advantageous,' -said Charles V. and his ministers; 'but his holiness must not rely upon -it; the king makes the proposal only with the intention of _befooling_ -him and using him to his own benefit.'[369] And when the pope repeated -the promises of Albany, Gramont, and Tournon, the ministers of Charles -kept silence, and replied only by a slight smile. The blow had told. -Clement, who always tried to deceive, was naturally inclined to believe -that the king was doing the same. - -When the emperor and the diplomatists saw that they had made a breach, -they attempted a new assault. Charles asked the young lady's hand for -Francis Sforza, Duke of Milan. This scheme was worthy of that exuberant -genius which Charles always displayed in the invention of means -calculated to secure the success of his policy. This union would, in -fact, have the double advantage of wresting Catherine and the Milanese -from France at one blow. Charles hinted to her uncle that he would do -much better to accept for his young relative a _real_ marriage than to -run after a shadow. 'It is a great offer, and the match is a good one,' -said Clement; 'but the other is so grand and so honourable for my house, -regard being had to dignities, that I never could have hoped for such -honour ... and so much progress has been made, that I cannot listen to -any other proposal without offending the king.'[370] - -Clement had become hard to please. If the Medici were the descendants of -a merchant, the Sforzas came from a peasant, a leader of free troops, a -_condottiere_. Clement looked down upon the Duke of Milan. 'Besides,' -says Guiccardini, 'he burnt with desire to marry his niece to the second -son of Francis I.'[371] This is what he always came back to. Charles -told him that Francis wanted, by this offer, to break up the Italian -league, and when that was done, the marriage would be broken off -too.[372] But Clement maintained that the king was sincere in his offer. -'Good!' said the emperor to the pope; 'there is a very simple means of -satisfying yourself on that point. Ask the two cardinals to procure -immediately from France the powers necessary for settling the marriage -contract. You will soon see whether his proposal is anything better than -base money which they want to palm off upon you.'[373] - -The emperor's remarks were not without their effect upon Clement: he was -thoughtful and uneasy. The French ambassadors had been lavish of words, -but there was nothing written: _verba volant_. The pope caught at the -idea suggested by Charles. If the full powers do not arrive, the king's -treachery is unveiled; if they arrive, the game is won. Clement asked -for them. 'Nothing is more easy,' said Tournon and Gramont, who wrote to -their master without delay.[374] - -[Sidenote: THE KING'S HESITATION.] - -Francis I. was startled when he received their despatch. His proposal -was sincere, for he thought it necessary to his policy; but the remarks -of Charles V. and Henry VIII. about the daughter of the Florentine -merchant, and the astonishment of Europe, which unanimously protested -against 'such great disparity of degree and condition,'[375] had sunk -into his mind. He, so proud of his blood and of his crown ... -countenance a misalliance! He hesitated; he would only proceed slowly ... -step by step ... and with a long interval after each.[376] If -Charles, who was impatient to return to Spain, should leave Italy -without banding it against France ... then ... new facts, new counsel ... -he would consider. But now he was driven to the wall: the question -must be answered. Shall Catherine de Medici come and sit on the steps of -the throne of St. Louis, or shall she remain in Italy? Shall she -continue to receive abominable lessons from her relative Alexander de -Medici, a detestable prince who exiled and imprisoned even the members -of his own family, and confiscated their property, and was addicted to -the most scandalous debauchery? ... or shall she come to France to put -in practice those lessons among the people of her adoption? The king -must make up his mind: the courier was waiting. One thing decided him. -His old gaoler, the emperor, said that this marriage proposal was a -trick. If Francis refused what the pope asked, Charles would triumph, -and turn against him both pope and Italy. The king's ambition was -stronger than his vanity, and coming to a desperate resolution, he had -the full powers drawn up, signed, and sent off.[377] - -They arrived at Bologna about the middle of February. Albany, Gramont, -and Tournon carried them in triumph to the pope, who immediately -communicated them to the emperor. The latter read the procuration, which -contained 'an express clause for settling the marriage of the Duke of -Orleans with the Duchess of Urbino,' and was greatly surprised.[378] -'You see,' said Clement, 'there is no hole by which he can creep out.' -Charles could not believe it. 'The king has only sent this document for -a _show_,' he said to Clement; 'if you press the ambassadors to go on -and conclude the treaty, they will not listen to you.'[379] A little -while ago there had been nothing but words, and now there was only a -piece of _paper_.... The new propositions were communicated to the duke -and the two cardinals, who replied: 'We offer to stipulate forthwith the -clauses, conditions, and settlements that are to be included in the -contract.'[380] - -[Sidenote: THE EMPEROR'S NEW MANŒUVRES.] - -Clement breathed again, and believed in the star of the Medici. If that -star had placed his ancestors the Florentine merchants at the head of -their people, it might well raise Catherine, the niece of two popes, the -daughter and grand-daughter of dukes, to the throne of France. He -informed the emperor that everything was arranged, and that the terms of -the contract were being drawn up. Clement's face beamed with joy. The -emperor began to think the matter serious, 'and was astonished and vexed -above all,' says Du Bellay, 'at the frustration of his plan, which was -to excite the holy father against the king.' Charles saw that the -impetuosity of Francis had been too much for his own slowness; but he -knew how to retrace his steps, and the fecundity of his genius suggested -a last means of breaking up 'this detestable cabal.'—'Since it is so,' -he said, 'I require your holiness at least to include among the -conditions of the contract now drawing up, the four articles agreed to -between us, the first time you spoke to me of this marriage.' Clement -appeared surprised, and asked what articles they were. 'You promised -me,' said Charles, 'first that the king should bind himself to alter -nothing in Italy; second, to confirm the treaties of Cambray and Madrid; -third, to consent to a council; and fourth, to get the King of England -to promise to make no innovations in his country until the matter of his -divorce was settled at Rome.' The King of France would never agree to -such conditions; the pope was dismayed. Would he be wrecked just as he -had reached the harbour?—'I made no such promises,' he exclaimed -eagerly. 'The holy father,' says Du Bellay, 'formally denied ever having -heard of these matters.'[381] The altercation between the two chiefs of -christendom threatened to be violent. Which of them was the liar? -Probably the pope had said something of the kind, but only for form's -sake, in order to pacify Charles, and without any intention of keeping -his promise. He was the first to recover his calmness; he detested the -emperor, but he humoured him. 'You well know, Sire,' he said, 'that the -profit and honour accorded by the king to my family in accepting my -alliance, are so great, that it belongs to him and not to me to propose -conditions.'[382] He offered, however, to undertake that everything -should remain in 'complete peace.' The emperor, a master in -dissimulation, tried to conceal his vexation, but without success; this -unlucky marriage baffled all his plans. Francis had been more cunning -than himself.... Who would have thought it? The King of France had -sacrificed the honour of his house, but he had conquered his rival. -Confounded, annoyed, and dejected, Charles paced up and down with his -long gloomy face, when an unexpected circumstance revived his hopes of -completely embroiling the pope and the King of France. - -We have witnessed the conferences that took place between Clement and -Charles on the subject of a general council. The emperor had asked for -one in order 'to bring back the heretics to union with the holy faith, -and he observed that if it were not called, it was to be feared that the -heretics would unite with the Turks; that they would fancy themselves -authorised to lay hands upon the property of the Church, and would -succeed in living in that liberty which they called _evangelical_, but -which,' added Charles, 'is rather _Mahometan_, and would cause the ruin -of christendom.'[383] The pope, who thought much more of himself and of -his family than of the Church, had rejected this demand. He had smiled -at seeing the great potentate's zeal for the religious and evangelical -question.... Clement never troubled himself about the Gospel: -Machiavelli was the gospel of the Medici. They cherished it, and -meditated on it day and night; they knew it by heart, and put it into -admirable practice. Clement and Catherine were its most devoted -followers and most illustrious heroes. - -[Sidenote: A LAY COUNCIL PROPOSED.] - -The policy of the King of France was quite as interested, but it was -more frank and honest. Even while politically uniting with the pope, he -did not mean to place himself ecclesiastically under his guardianship. -He had, like Henry VIII., the intention of emancipating kings from the -pontifical supremacy, and desired to make the secular instead of the -papal element predominate in christian society. For many centuries the -hierarchical power had held the first rank in Europe: it was time that -it gave way to the political power. Francis, having come to a knowledge -of the opposite opinions of the pope and the emperor touching the -council, slipped between the two and enunciated a third, which filled -the emperor with astonishment and the pontiff with alarm. It was one of -the greatest, most original, and boldest conceptions of modern times: we -recognise in it the genius of Du Bellay and the aspirations of a new -era. 'It is true, as the holy father affirms,' said the King of France, -'that the assembling of a council has its dangers. On the other hand, -the reasons of the emperor for convoking it are most worthy of -consideration; for the affairs of religion are reduced to such a pass -that, without a council, they will fall into inextricable confusion, and -the consequence will be great evils and prejudice to the holy father and -all christian princes. The pope is right, yet the emperor is not wrong; -but here is a way of gratifying their wishes, and at the same time -preventing all the dangers that threaten us.[384] Let all the christian -potentates, whatever be their particular doctrine (the King of England -and the protestant princes of Germany and the other evangelical states, -were therefore included), first communicate with one another on the -subject, and then let each of them send to Rome as soon as possible -ambassadors provided with ample powers to discuss and draw up by common -accord all the points to be considered by the council. They shall have -full liberty to bring forward anything that they imagine will be for the -unity, welfare, and repose of christendom, the service of God, the -suppression of vice, the extirpation of heresy, and the uniformity of -our faith. No mention shall be made of the remonstrances of our holy -father, or of the decisions of former councils; which would give many -sovereigns an opportunity or an excuse for not attending.[385] When the -articles are thus drawn up by the representatives of the various states -of christendom, each ambassador will take a duplicate of them to his -court, and all will go to the council, at the time and place appointed -by them, well instructed in what they will have to say. If those who -have separated from the Roman Church agree with the others, they will in -this way take the path of salvation. If they do not agree, at least they -will not be able to deny that they have been deaf to reason, and refused -the council which they had called for so loudly.'[386] - -This is one of the most remarkable documents that we have met with in -relation to the intercourse between France and Rome, and it has not -attracted sufficient attention. In it Francis makes an immense stride. -Convinced that the new times ought to tread in a new path, he -inaugurates a great revolution. He emancipates the political power, so -far as regards religious matters, and desires that it shall take -precedence of the pontifical power in everything. If his idea had been -carried out, great ecclesiastical questions would no longer have been -decided in the Vatican, but in the cabinets of princes. This system, -indeed, is not the true one, and yet a great step had been taken in the -path of progress. A new principle was about to influence the destinies -of the Church. - -Up to this time the clerical element had reigned in it alone; but now -the lay element claimed its place. The new society was unwilling that -priests alone should govern christians, just as shepherds lead their -flocks. But this system, we repeat, was not the true one. Christian -questions ought not to be decided either by pope or prince, but by the -ministers of the Church and its members, as of old in Jerusalem by the -_apostles_, _elders_, and _brethren_.[387] For this we have the -authority of God's Word. That evangelical path is forbidden to the -Roman-catholic Church; for it is afraid of every christian assembly -where the opinions of believers are taken into account, and finds itself -miserably condemned to oscillate perpetually between the two great -powers—the pope and the king. - -[Sidenote: THE LAY COUNCIL REJECTED.] - -It was very near the end of February when the emperor received at -Bologna this singular opinion of the French king. Having failed in his -attempts to prevent the Orleans marriage, he was busy forming the -Italian league, and preparing to leave for Spain. Charles instinctively -felt the encroachment of modern times in this project of Du Bellay's. To -deprive the pope and clergy of their exclusive and absolute authority -would lead (he thought) to taking it away from kings also. It seemed to -him that popery rendered liberty impossible not only in the Church but -also among the people. Francis, or rather Du Bellay, had imagined that -Charles would say (as one of his successors said[388]): 'My trade is to -be a king,' and that he would grasp at the institution of a _diplomatic_ -papacy. But whether Charles wished to profit by this opportunity 'to -fish up again' the pope who had plunged into French waters, or simply -yielded to his Spanish catholic nature and the desire he felt for -unlimited power, he rejected Francis's proposal. 'What!' he exclaimed, -'shall the ambassadors of christian kings and potentates lay down -beforehand the points to be discussed in the council?... That would be -depriving it of its authority by a single stroke. Whatever is to be -discussed in the council ought to depend entirely on the inspiration of -the Holy Ghost and not on the appetites of men.'[389] - -[Sidenote: SECULARISATION OF THE POPEDOM.] - -This answer vexed Francis considerably. His proposition failing, it -became a weapon in the hands of his rival to destroy him. He therefore -sought to justify himself. 'I cannot help being surprised,' he said, -'that, with a view to calumniate me, my opinion has been misrepresented -to the emperor. Is it not more reasonable to have this business managed -by ambassadors who can arrive speedily in Rome, than to wait for a -council which at the soonest cannot meet within a year?... And as for -everything depending upon the Holy Ghost, assuredly my proposal has been -wickedly and malignantly interpreted; for as we shall send ambassadors -guided by a sincere affection for the Church, is it not evident that -this assembly cannot be without the Holy Ghost?'[390] Thus the king, in -defending himself, took shelter under the _inspiration_ of his -diplomatists. We may well admit that the Holy Ghost was less with the -pope than with the king; but He was really with neither of them. - -Thus for a moment the idea of Francis I. fell to the ground; it was -premature, and only began to be realised in after days by the force of -circumstances and in the order of time. It was in 1562, when the council -which had been so much discussed, and which opened at Trent in 1545, met -for the third time, that this new fashion was introduced into Roman -catholicism. The prelates could not come to an understanding, the -Italian deputies wishing to maintain everything, while the French and -German deputies demanded important concessions with a view to a -reconciliation between the princes and their subjects. There were -struggles, jests, and quarrels: they came to blows in the streets. The -majority of the council were angry because the Roman legates regularly -delayed to give their opinions until the courier arrived from Rome. -'Their Inspiration,' said the French, who were always fond of a joke, -'their Inspiration comes to Trent in a portmanteau.' The meeting was -about to be broken up, when the papacy, being obliged to choose between -two evils, resolved to come to an understanding with the princes. The -pope agreed that all important questions should be previously discussed -in the secular courts, and the secondary questions be left to the -council, provided that all proper respect was shown to the papacy. Rome -triumphed within the walls of Trent, but she ceased to be a pure -hierarchy. From that hour the political element has had the precedence, -and the papacy has become more and more dependent on the secular power. -The scheme of Francis I. has been partly realised. There remains, -however, one step more to be taken. Instead of the interested decisions -of kings, it is the sovereign and unchangeable Word of God which ought -to be placed on the throne of the Church. - -Charles V. hoped that the singular opinion of the King of France would -incline Clement to enter into the Italian league; but the pope was not -very susceptible in religious matters. Still, as the emperor was -impatient, Clement resolved to give him this trifling satisfaction. Why -should he refuse to enter into a league whose object was to exclude -Francis I. from Italy? As at that very time he was signing secret -articles by which he bound himself to give to France Parma, Piacenza, -Urbino, Reggio, Leghorn, Pisa, Modena, and even Milan and Genoa, there -was no reason why the worthy uncle of Catherine should not sign another -treaty with Charles which stipulated exactly the contrary. Francis would -not be alarmed at the pontiff's entering the league; he would understand -that it was simply an honorary proceeding, a diplomatic measure. The -marriage of the pope's niece caused the poor emperor so much annoyance, -that he deserved at least this consolation. Besides, when the pope gave -his signature to Charles V., he was doing (as he thought) a very honest -thing, for he had not the least intention of keeping the solemn promises -he had made to Francis.[391] - -It was now the 28th of February, and the imperial equipage was ready: -horses, mules, carriages, servants, officers, noblemen, were all waiting -the moment of departure. The ships that were to convey the mighty -Charles and his court to Spain were in the harbour of Genoa, ready to -weigh anchor. This very day had been fixed for signing the act of the -Italian league. The high and mighty contracting powers met in the palace -of Bologna. The document was read aloud before the delegates of the -princes and sovereigns of Italy included in it. Every one assented, the -signatures were affixed, and Clement eagerly added his name, promising -himself to sign another contract very shortly with the King of France. - -[Sidenote: CARDINALS' HATS ASKED AND GIVEN.] - -Everything seemed as if it would pass off in a regular way, without -Charles allowing his vexation to break out. That prince, who knew so -well how to restrain himself, raised a sensation, however, among the -great personages around him. Addressing the pope, he demanded a -cardinal's hat for three of his prelates: it was a trifling compliment -(he thought) which Clement might well concede him; but the pope granted -one hat only. The ambassador of France then came forward, and, on behalf -of his master, demanded one for John, Bishop of Orleans and uncle of the -Duke of Longueville, which was granted. Then the same ambassador, -growing bolder, begged, _on_ _behalf of the King of England_, a -cardinal's hat for the Bishop of Winchester. This was too much for -Charles. 'What! ask a favour for a king who has put away my aunt -Catherine, who is quarrelling with the pope and rushing into schism!'... -'The emperor took this request,' says Du Bellay, 'in very bad part.'—'We -can see clearly,' said Charles to those around him, 'that the affairs of -these two kings are in the same scales; that one does not less for the -other than for himself.' Then, throwing off his usual reserve, he openly -expressed his disapprobation. 'This request of a hat for England,' said -he, 'displeases me more than if the ambassador of France had asked -_four_ for his master.'[392] The diplomatists there present could not -turn away their eyes from that face, usually so placid, and now so -suddenly animated; they were secretly delighted at seeing any feeling -whatever, especially one of ill-humour, on the features of that powerful -monarch, all whose words and actions were the result of cold reflection -and calculated with the nicest art. But no one was so rejoiced as -Hawkins, the English ambassador: 'The emperor departed from hence -evil-contented,' he wrote to Henry forthwith, 'and satisfied in nothing -that he came for. All he did was to renew an old league, lest he should -be seen to have done nothing.'[393] Charles was eager to leave the city -where he had been duped by the pope and checkmated by the king, and -already he repented having shown his displeasure. He descended the steps -of the palace, threw himself into his carriage, and departed for Milan, -where he had some business to settle before going to Genoa and Spain. It -was, as we have said, Friday, the 28th of February.[394] - -[Sidenote: MEETING OF FRANCIS AND CLEMENT.] - -The pope remained ten days longer at Bologna. There was a talk of an -interview between him and the King of France, to whom he had written -with his own hand. The papal nuncio had proposed to the king that the -emperor should be present also. 'Provided the King of England be the -fourth,' answered Francis.[395] 'We should be unwilling, the King of -England and I,' added he, 'to be present at the interview except with -forces equal to those of the emperor, for fear of a surprise.... Now it -might happen that, the escorts of these _not very friendly_ princes -being together, we should begin a war instead of ratifying a -peace.'[396] They accordingly fell back upon the conference of _two_, -pending which the marriage should be completed. Nice was at first -selected as the place of meeting; but the Duke of Savoy, who did not -like to see the French at Nice, objected. 'Well, then,' said the pope, -'I will go to Antibes, to Fréjus, to Toulon, to Marseilles.' To ally -himself with the family of France, he would have gone beyond the columns -of Hercules. Francis, on his side, desired that the pope, who had waited -for the emperor in Italy, should come and seek him in his own kingdom. -The pope thus showed him greater honour than he had shown Charles—on -which point he was very sensitive. Marseilles was agreed upon. - -At last all was in proper train. The blood of the Valois and of the -Medici was about to be united. The clauses, conditions, and conventions -were all arranged. The marriage ceremony was to be magnificently -celebrated in the city of the Phocæans. The pope was at the summit of -happiness, and the bride's eyes sparkled with delight. The die was cast; -Catherine de Medici would one day sit on the throne of France; the St. -Bartholomew was in store for that noble country, the blood of martyrs -would flow in torrents down the streets of Paris, and the rivers would -roll through the provinces long and speechless trains of corpses, whose -ghastly silence would cry aloud to heaven. - -But that epoch was still remote; and just now Paris presented a very -different spectacle. It is time to return thither. - -[Footnote 368: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 179.] - -[Footnote 369: Ibid. p. 180.] - -[Footnote 370: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 180. Guicciardini, _Wars of -Italy_, ii. bk. xvi. pp. 894-897.] - -[Footnote 371: Guicciardini, _ibid._] - -[Footnote 372: 'Cæsar arbitratus illud conjugium quasi per simulationem -a rege oblatum.'—Pallavicini, _Hist. Concil. Trid._ lib. iii. cap. ii. -p. 274.] - -[Footnote 373: 'Adulterinam esse monetam qua rex ipsum commercari -studebat.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 374: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 180. Pallavicini, _ibid._ -Guicciardini, _Wars of Italy_, ii. p. 898.] - -[Footnote 375: Guicciardini, ii. p. 898.] - -[Footnote 376: 'Quo fortasse magis dubitanter ac pedetentim -processisset.'—Pallavicini, _Hist. Concil. Trid._ i. p. 274.] - -[Footnote 377: 'Gallus explorato æmuli consilio, ut ipsum eluderet, eo -statim properavit.'—Ibid. Du Bellay, _Mémoires_. Guicciardini, _Wars of -Italy_.] - -[Footnote 378: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 182.] - -[Footnote 379: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 380: Ibid. Guicciardini. Pallavicini.] - -[Footnote 381: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 182.] - -[Footnote 382: Ibid. pp. 182, 183.] - -[Footnote 383: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 186.] - -[Footnote 384: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 185.] - -[Footnote 385: The protestant sovereigns.] - -[Footnote 386: Du Bellay, _Mém._ pp. 186, 187.] - -[Footnote 387: Acts xv. 23.] - -[Footnote 388: The Emperor Joseph II.] - -[Footnote 389: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 189.] - -[Footnote 390: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 187.] - -[Footnote 391: Guicciardini. Du Bellay.] - -[Footnote 392: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 189.] - -[Footnote 393: _State Papers_, vii. p. 439.] - -[Footnote 394: 'The 28th the emperor departed from hens' (_State -Papers_, viii. p. 438), 'and went to Milan' (p. 447).] - -[Footnote 395: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 189.] - -[Footnote 396: Ibid.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXVII. - STORM AGAINST THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE AND HER 'MIRROR - OF THE SINFUL SOUL.' - (SUMMER 1533.) - - -[Sidenote: UNEASINESS OF THE ULTRAMONTANES.] - -The Romish party would not be comforted under its defeat. Beda, Le -Picard, and Mathurin in exile; evangelical sermons freely preached in -the great churches of the capital; the new doctrines carried through -Paris from house to house; and the Queen of Navarre seated, as it were, -upon the throne during her brother's absence, protecting and directing -this Lutheran activity—it was too much! The anxiety and alarm of the -ultramontanists increased every day: they held numerous conferences; and -if the young Alsatian whom we saw at the gate of the Sorbonne, or any -other inquisitive person, could have crept into these catholic -committees, he would have heard the most violent addresses. 'It is not -only the approach of the enemy that alarms us,' they said: 'he is -there ... the revolutionary, immoral, impious, atheistic, abominable, -execrable monster!' Other epithets were added, to be found only in the -popish vocabulary. 'He is making rapid progress; unless we resist him -vigorously, it is all over! The world will perhaps see crumbling under -his blows those ancient walls of Roman catholicism under which the -nations have taken shelter for so many ages.' And hence the Sorbonne was -of the same opinion with the priests and the most hot-headed laymen, -that, overlooking for the moment secondary persons, it was necessary to -strike the most dangerous. In their eyes the Queen of Navarre was the -great enemy of the papacy; the monks, in particular, whose disorders she -had not feared to expose, were full of fury against her; their clamours -were heard in every quarter. 'The queen,' they said, 'is the modern Eve -by whom the new revolt is entering into the world.'—'It is the nature of -women to be deceived,' said one; and to prove it he quoted St. Jerome. -'Woman is the gate of the devil,' said another, citing the authority of -Tertullian. 'The wily serpent,' said the greatest doctors, 'remembers -that memorable duel fought in Paradise. Another fight is beginning, and -he is again putting in practice the stratagems that succeeded so well -before. At the beginning of the world and now, it is always against -woman—that tottering wall, that _pannel_ so weak and easy to break -down—that he draws up his battery. It is the Queen of Navarre who -supports the disciples of Luther in France; she has placed them in -schools; she alone watches over them with wonderful care, and saves them -from all danger.[397] Either the king must punish her, or she must -publicly recant her errors.' The ultramontanists did not restrict -themselves to words: they entered into a diabolical plot to ruin that -pious princess. - -[Sidenote: PLOTS AGAINST MARGARET.] - -This was not an easy thing to do. The king loved her, all good men -revered her, and all Europe admired her. Yet, as Francis was very -jealous of his authority, the priests hoped to take advantage of his -extreme susceptibility and set him at variance with a sister who dared -to have an opinion of her own. Besides, the Queen of Navarre, like every -other eminent person, had powerful enemies at court, 'people of Scythian -ingratitude,' who, having been received in her household and raised by -her to honours, secretly did all in their power to bring her into -discredit with the king and with her husband.[398] The most dangerous -enemy of all was the grand-master Montmorency, an enterprising, brave, -and imperious man, skilful in advancing his own fortune, though unlucky -with that of the kingdom; he was besides coarse and uncultivated, -despising letters, detesting the Reformation, irritated by the -proselytism of the Queen of Navarre, and full of contempt for her books. -He had great influence over Francis. The Sorbonne thought that if the -grand-master declared against her, it would be impossible for Margaret -to retain the king's favour. - -An opportunity occurred for beginning the attack, and the Sorbonne -caught at it. The Queen of Navarre, sighing after the time when a pure -and spiritual religion would displace the barren ceremonial of popery, -had published, in 1531, a christian poem entitled: _The Mirror of the -Sinful Soul, in which she discovers her Faults and Sins, as also the -Grace and Blessings bestowed on her by Jesus Christ her Spouse_.[399] -Many persons had read this poem with interest, and admired the queen's -genius and piety. Finding that this edition, published in a city which -belonged to her, had made no noise, aroused no persecution, and had even -gained her a few congratulations, she felt a desire to issue her pious -manifesto to a wider circle. Encouraged, moreover, by the position which -her brother had just taken up, she made an arrangement with a bookseller -rather bolder than the rest, and in 1533 published at Paris a new -edition of her book, without the author's name, and without the -authorisation of the Sorbonne. - -The poem was mild, spiritual, inoffensive, like the queen herself; but -it was written by the king's sister, and accordingly made a great -sensation. In her verses there were new voices, aspirations towards -heaven long unknown; many persons heard them, and here and there certain -manifestations showed themselves of a meek and inward piety long since -forgotten. The alarmed Sorbonne shouted out—'heresy!' There was, indeed, -in the _Mirror_ something more than aspirations. It contained nothing, -indeed, against the saints or the Virgin, against the mass or popery, -and not a word of controversy; but the essential doctrine of the -Reformation was strongly impressed on it, namely, salvation by Jesus -Christ alone, and the certain assurance of that redemption. - -[Sidenote: BEDA DISCOVERS HERESY IN THE POEMS.] - -At the time of which we are writing, Beda had not been banished. At the -beginning of 1533 he had been intrusted by the Sorbonne with the -examination of all new books. The fiery syndic discovered the _Mirror_, -and with excess of joy he fell upon it to seek matter of accusation -against the king's sister. He devoured it; he had never been so charmed -by any reading, for at last he had proof that the Queen of Navarre was -really a heretic.[400] 'But understand me well,' he said; 'they are not -dumb proofs nor half proofs, but literal, clear, complete proofs.' Beda -prepared therefore to attack Margaret. What a contrast between the -formal religion of the Church and that of this spiritual poem! St. -Thomas and the other chiefs of the schools teach that man may at least -possess merits of _congruity_; that he may perform supererogatory works, -that he must confess his sins in the ear of the priest, and satisfy the -justice of God by acts of penance, _satisfactio operis_. But according -to the _Mirror_, religion is a much simpler thing ... all is summed up -in these two terms: man's sin and God's grace. According to the queen, -what man needs is to have his sins remitted and wholly pardoned in -consequence of the Saviour's death; and when by faith he has found -assurance of this pardon, he enjoys peace.... He must consider all his -past life as being no longer for him a ground of condemnation before -God: these are the _glad tidings_. Now these _tidings_ scandalised Beda -and his friends exceedingly. 'What!' he exclaimed, holding the famous -book open before them, 'what! no more auricular confessions, -indulgences, penance, and works of charity!... The cause of pardon is -the reconciliatory work of Christ, and what helps us to make it our own -is not the Church, but faith!' The syndic determined to make the -'frightful' book known to all the venerable company. - -The Sorbonne assembled, and Beda, holding the heretical poem in his -hand, read the most flagrant passages to his colleagues. 'Listen,' he -said, and the attentive doctors kept their eyes fixed on the syndic. -Beda read: - - Jesus, true fisher thou of souls! - My only Saviour, only advocate! - Since thou God's righteousness hast satisfied, - I fear no more to fail at heaven's gate. - My Spouse bears all my sins, though great they be, - And all his merits places upon me.... - Come, Saviour, make thy mercies known.... - Jesus for me was crucified: - For me the bitter death endured, - For me eternal life procured.[401] - -It has been said that Margaret's poems are theology in rhyme. It is true -that her verses are not so elegant as those of our age, and that their -spirit is more theological than the poetry of our days; but the theology -is not that of the schools, it is that of the heart. What specially -irritated the Sorbonne was the peace and assurance that Margaret -enjoyed, precious privilege of a redeemed soul, which scholasticism had -condemned beforehand. The queen, leaning upon the Saviour, seemed to -have no more fear. 'Listen again,' said Beda: - - Satan, where is now thy tower? - Sin, all withered is thy power. - Pain or death no more I fear, - While Jesus Christ is with me here. - Of myself no strength have I, - But God, my shield, is ever nigh.[402] - -[Sidenote: ASSURANCE OF SALVATION.] - -Thus, argued the doctors of the Sorbonne, the queen imagines that sins -are remitted gratuitously, no satisfaction being required of sinners. -'Observe the foolish assurance,' said the syndic, 'into which the new -doctrine may bring souls. This is what we find in the _Mirror_: - - 'Not hell's black depth, nor heaven's vast height, - Nor sin with which I wage continual fight, - Me for a single day can move, - O holy Father, from thy perfect love.'[403] - -This simple faith, supported by the promises of God, scandalised the -doctors. 'No one,' said they, 'can promise himself anything certain as -regards his own salvation, unless he has learnt it by a special -revelation from God.' The council of Trent made this declaration an -article of faith. 'The queen,' continued her accuser, 'speaks as if she -longed for nothing but heaven: - - 'How beautiful is death, - That brings to weary me the hour of rest! - Oh! hear my cry and hasten, Lord, to me, - And put an end to all my misery.'[404] - -Some one having observed that the Queen of Navarre had not appended her -name to the title of her work, her accuser replied: 'Wait until the end, -the signature is there;' and then he read the last line: - - The good that he has done to me, his Margaret.[405] - -In a short time insinuations and accusations against the sister of the -king were heard from every pulpit. Here a monk made his hearers shudder -as he described Margaret's wicked _heresies_; and there another tried to -make them laugh. 'These things,' says Theodore Beza, 'irritated the -Sorbonne extremely, and especially Beda and those of his temper, and -they could not refrain from attacking the Queen of Navarre in their -sermons.'[406] - -Other circumstances excited the anger of the monks. Margaret did not -love them. Monachism was one of the institutions which the reformers -wished to see disappear from the Church, and the Queen of Navarre, in -spite of her conservative character, did not desire to preserve it. The -numerous abuses of the monastic life, the constraint with which its vows -were often accompanied, the mechanical vocation of most of the -conventuals, their idleness and sensuality, their practice of mendicancy -as a trade, their extravagant pretensions to merit eternal life and to -atone for their sins by their discipline, their proud conviction that -they had attained a piety which went beyond the exigencies of the divine -law, the discredit which the monastic institution cast upon the -institutions appointed by God, on marriage, family, labour, and the -state politic; finally, the bodily observances and macerations set above -that living charity which proceeds from faith, and above the fruits of -the Spirit of God in man:—all these things were, according to the -reformers, entirely opposed to the doctrine of the Gospel. - -[Sidenote: THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE'S TALES.] - -Margaret went further still. She had not spared the monks, but on the -contrary had scourged them soundly. If Erasmus and Ulrich von Hutten had -overwhelmed them with ridicule, the Queen of Navarre had in several -tales depicted their grovelling character and dissolute life. She had, -indeed, as yet communicated these stories to few besides her brother and -mother, and never intended publishing them; but, some copies having been -circulated among the attendants of the court, a few leaves had fallen -into the hands of the monks, and this was the cause of their anger. -Margaret, like many others of her time, was mistaken—such at least is -our opinion—as to the manner in which the vices of the monasteries ought -to be combated. Following the example of Menot, the most famous preacher -of the middle ages, she had described faithfully, unaffectedly, and -sometimes too broadly the avarice, debauchery, pride, and other vices of -the convents. She had done better than this, however; to the silly -nonsense and indecent discourses of the grey friars she had opposed the -simple, severe, and spiritual teaching of the Gospel. 'They are moral -tales,' says a contemporary author (who is not over favourable to -Margaret); 'they often _degenerate_ into real sermons, so that each -story is in truth only the _preface to a homily_.'[407] After a -narrative in illustration of human frailty, Margaret begins her -application thus: 'Know that the first step man takes in confidence in -himself, by so much he diverges from confidence in God.' After -describing a false miracle by which an incestuous monk had tried to -deceive Margaret's father, the Count of Angoulême, she added: 'His faith -was proof against these external miracles. We have but one Saviour who, -by saying _consummatum est_ (it is finished), showed that we must wait -for no successor to work out our salvation.' No one but the monks -thought, in the sixteenth century, of being scandalised by these tales. -There was then a freedom of language which is impossible in our times; -and everybody felt that if the queen faithfully painted the disorders of -the monks and other classes of society, she was equally faithful in -describing the strict morality of her own principles and the living -purity of her faith. It was her daughter, the austere Jeanne d'Albret, -who published the first correct edition of these _Novels_; and certainly -she would not have done so, if such a publication had been likely to -injure her mother's memory.[408] But times have changed; the book, -harmless then, is so no longer; in our days the tales will be read and -the sermons passed over: the youth of our generation would only derive -harm from them. We acquit the author as regards her intentions, but we -condemn her work. And (apologising to the friends of letters who will -accuse us of barbarism) if we had to decide on the fate of this book, we -would willingly see it experience a fate similar to that which is spoken -of in the Bible, where we are told that _many Corinthians brought their -books together and burned them_.[409] - -[Sidenote: THE MIRROR SEIZED BY THE SORBONNE.] - -Let us return to the _Mirror_, in which the pious soul of Margaret is -reflected. - -The Faculty decided that the first thing to be done was to search every -bookseller's shop in the city and seize all the copies found there.[410] -Here Beda disappeared: he no longer played the principal part. It is -probable that the proceedings against him had already begun; but this -persecution, by removing its leader, helped to increase the anger of the -Romish party, and consequently the efforts of the Sorbonne to ruin the -Queen of Navarre. As Beda was absent, the priest Le Clerq was ordered to -make the search. Accompanied by the university beadles, he went to every -bookseller's shop, seized the _Mirror of the Sinful Soul_, wherever the -tradesman had not put it out of sight, and returned to the Sorbonne -laden with his spoils. After this the Faculty deliberated upon the -measures to be taken against the author. - -This was no easy matter: they knew that the king, so hasty and violent, -had much esteem and affection for his sister. The most prudent members -of the Faculty hesitated. Their hesitation exasperated the monks, and -the rage with which the more fanatical were seized extended even to the -provinces. A meeting of the religious orders was held at Issoudun in -Berry to discuss what ought to be done. The superior of the grey friars, -an impetuous, rash, and hardly sane person, spoke louder than all the -rest. 'Let us have less ceremony,' he exclaimed; 'put the Queen of -Navarre in a sack and throw her into the river.'[411] This speech, which -circulated over France, having been reported to the Sorbonne doctors, -alarmed them, and many counselled a less violent persecution, to which a -Dominican friar answered: 'Do not be afraid; we shall not be alone in -attacking this heretical princess, for the grand-master is her mortal -enemy.'[412] - -Montmorency, who next to Francis was now the most important personage in -the kingdom, concealed under the cloak of religion a cruel heart and -peevish disposition, and was feared by everybody, even by his friends. -If he were gained over, the Queen of Navarre, attacked simultaneously by -the priestly and the political party, must necessarily fall. - -Margaret supported these insults with admirable mildness. At this very -time she was carrying on an almost daily correspondence with -Montmorency, and subscribed all her letters: '_Your good aunt and -friend_.' Full of confidence in this perfidious man, she called on him -to defend her. 'Dear nephew,' she wrote, 'I beg you to believe that, as -I am just now away from the king, it is necessary for you to help me in -this matter. _I rely upon you_; and in this trust, which I am sure can -never fail me, confides your good aunt and friend, Margaret.' The queen -made some allusion to the violent language of the monks, but with great -good-humour. 'I have desired the bearer,' she said, 'to speak to you -about _certain nonsense_ that a Jacobin monk has uttered in the faculty -of theology.' This was all: she did not make use of one bitter -word.[413] Montmorency, that imperious courtier who before long -persecuted the protestants without mercy, began to think himself strong -enough to ruin Margaret, and we shall soon see what was the result of -his perfidious insinuations. The Sorbonne deliberated as to what was to -be done. According to the decrees of Sixtus IV. and Alexander VI., no -books, treatises, or writings whatsoever[414] could be printed without -an express authorisation; but the Queen of Navarre had printed her book -without any such permission. The society, without pretending to know the -author, declared the _Mirror of the Sinful Soul_ prohibited, and put it -in the _Index Librorum Prohibitorum_. - -[Sidenote: THE PRIESTS' COMEDY.] - -This was not enough. The priests excited the students; but while the -former were playing a tragedy, the latter (or rather their teachers) -resorted to satire. The scholars of the college of Navarre, who passed -from the grammar to the logic class, were in the habit of giving a -dramatic representation on the 1st of October. The clerical heads of the -college, wishing to render the queen hateful to the people and -ridiculous to the court, composed a drama. The parts were distributed -among the pupils; the rehearsals began, and those who were admitted to -them agreed that the author had so seasoned the plot with gall and -vinegar, that success was certain.[415] The report spread through the -Latin quarter: and even Calvin heard of it, for he kept himself well -informed of all that took place in the schools. While applying himself -constantly to the work of God, he kept watch also upon the work of the -adversary. There was so much talk about this play, that, when the day of -the representation arrived, there was a rush for admission, and the hall -was crammed. The monks and theologians took their seats in front, and -the curtain rose. - -A queen, magnificently dressed and sitting calmly on the stage, was -spinning, and seemed to be thinking of nothing but her wheel. 'It is the -king's sister,' said the spectators; 'and she would do well to keep to -her distaff.' - -Next a strange character appeared: it was a woman dressed in white, -carrying a torch and looking fiercely around her. Everybody recognised -the fury Megæra. 'That is Master Gerard,' they said, 'the almoner of the -king's sister.'[416] Megæra, advancing cautiously, drew near the queen -with the intention of withdrawing her from her peaceful feminine -occupation, and making her lay aside her distaff. She did not show her -enmity openly, but came slily forward, putting on a smiling look, as if -bringing additional light. She walked round and round the queen, and -endeavoured to divert her attention by placing the torch boldly before -her eyes.[417] - -At first the princess takes no heed, but continues spinning; at length, -alas! she stops and permits herself to be attracted by the false light -before her; she gives way, she quits her wheel.... Megæra has conquered, -and in exchange for the distaff she places the Gospel in the queen's -hand.[418] The effect is magical; in a moment the queen is transformed. -She was meek, she becomes cruel; she forgets her former virtuous habits; -she rises, and, glaring around with savage eyes, takes up a pen to write -out her sanguinary orders, and personally inflicts cruel tortures on her -wretched victims. Scenes still more outrageous than these follow. The -sensation was universal! 'Such are the fruits of the Gospel!' said some -of the spectators. 'It entices men away to novelties and folly; it robs -the king of the devoted affection of his subjects, and devastates both -Church and State.'[419] - -[Sidenote: SUCCESS OF THE COMEDY.] - -At last the play was ended. The Sorbonne exulted; the Queen of Navarre, -who had formerly lashed the priests and monks, was now scourged by them -in return. - -Shouts of approbation rose from every bench, and the theologians clapped -the piece with all their might; such applause as that of these reverend -doctors had never been heard before.[420] There were, however, a few -reasonable men to whom such a satire written against the king's sister -appeared unbecoming. 'The authors have used neither veil nor figure of -speech,' they said: 'the queen is openly and disgracefully insulted in -the play.'[421] The monks, finding they had gone too far, wished to hush -up the matter; but in a short time the whole city was full of it, and a -few days after a mischievous friend went and spoke of it at court, -describing the whole play, scene after scene, to the queen herself.[422] - -The Sorbonne, the highest authority in the Church after the pope, had -struck the first blow; the second had been given in the colleges; the -third was to be aimed at Margaret by the court. By ruining this princess -in the eyes of her brother, the enemies of the Reformation would cause -her the most unutterable sorrow, for she almost adored Francis. -Afterwards they would get her banished to the mountains of Béarn. -Montmorency lent himself to this intrigue; he advanced prudently, -speaking to the king about heresy, of the dangers it was bringing upon -France, and of the obligation to free the kingdom from it for the -salvation of souls. Then, appearing to hesitate, he added: 'It is true, -Sire, that if you wish to extirpate the heretics, you must begin with -the Queen of Navarre.'[423]... And here he stopped. - -Margaret was not informed of this perfidious proceeding immediately; but -everybody told her that if she allowed the impertinence of the monks and -the condemnation of the Sorbonne to pass unpunished, she would encourage -their malice. She communicated what had taken place to her brother, -declared herself to be the author of the _Mirror_, and insisted on the -fact that it contained nothing but pious sentiments, and did not attack -the doctrines of the Church: 'None of us,' she said, 'have been found -_sacramentarians_.' Finally, she demanded that the condemnation by the -theological faculty should be rescinded, and the college of Navarre -called to account. - -[Sidenote: CHRISTIANS MADE A SHOW.] - -Calvin watched the whole business very closely; it might almost be said, -after reading his letter, that he had been among the spectators. He -censured the behaviour of both scholars and masters.[424] 'Christians,' -he said later, 'are made a show of, as when in a triumph the poor -prisoners are paraded through the city before being taken to prison and -strangled. But the spectacle made of believers is no hindrance to their -happiness, for in the presence of God they remain in possession of -glory, and the Spirit of God gives them a witness who dwells steadfast -in their hearts.'[425] - -[Footnote 397: Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, pp. 847-849.] - -[Footnote 398: Sainte-Marthe, _Oraison funèbre de Marguerite_, p. 45.] - -[Footnote 399: The first edition of the _Miroir de l'Ame pécheresse_, -was published at Alençon, by Simon Dubois.] - -[Footnote 400: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. des Eglises Réformées_, i. p. 8. -Génin, _Notice sur Marguerite d'Angoulême_, p. iii. Freer, _Life of -Marguerite d'Angoulême_, ii. p. 112.] - -[Footnote 401: _Les Marguerites de la Marguerite_, i. p. 60.] - -[Footnote 402: Ibid. p. 63.] - -[Footnote 403: _Les Marguerites_, i. p. 65.] - -[Footnote 404: Ibid. pp. 51, 57.] - -[Footnote 405: Ibid. p. 70.] - -[Footnote 406: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. des Eglises Réformées_, -i. pp. 8, 9.] - -[Footnote 407: Génin, _Notice sur Marguerite d'Angoulême_, p. 95, -preceding her letters.] - -[Footnote 408: _Marguerite de Valois, Reine de Navarre, étude -historique_, 1861.] - -[Footnote 409: Acts xix. 19.] - -[Footnote 410: 'Quum excuterent officinas bibliopolarum.'—Calvini _Epp._ -p. 2; Genève, 1617.] - -[Footnote 411: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 282. Freer, _Life -of Marguerite_, ii. p. 118. Castaigne, _Notice sur Marguerite_.] - -[Footnote 412: Lettre de la Reine Marguerite à Montmorency. _Lettres de -la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 282.] - -[Footnote 413: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. pp. 282, 283.] - -[Footnote 414: 'Libri, tractatus aut scripturæ quæcunque.'—Raynald, -_Annales Eccl._ xix. p. 514.] - -[Footnote 415: 'Fabula felle et aceto, ut ait ille, plusquam mordaci -conspersa.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.] - -[Footnote 416: The word _Megæra_ is made up of the first syllables of -_Magister Gerardus_. 'Megæram appellant alludens ad nomen Magistri -Gerardi.'] - -[Footnote 417: 'Tunc Megæra illi faces admovens, ut acus et colum -abjiceret.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.] - -[Footnote 418: 'Evangelia in manus recepit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 419: Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, p. 844.] - -[Footnote 420: 'Mirabiliter applaudentibus theologis.'—Sturmius Bucero.] - -[Footnote 421: 'Quam non figurate, nec obscure, conviciis suis -proscindebant.—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.] - -[Footnote 422: 'Re ad reginam delata.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 423: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 58.] - -[Footnote 424: 'Indigna prorsus ea muliere.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.] - -[Footnote 425: Calvini _Opp._ passim.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXVIII. - TRIUMPH OF THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. - (AUTUMN 1533.) - - -Francis was not at Paris when the storm broke out against his sister. In -the summer of 1533, says the chronicle, 'the king visited his states and -lordships of Languedoc, and made his triumphal entry into the city of -Toulouse.'[426] It was by letter, therefore, that he heard of what was -taking place. All were asking what he would do. On the one hand, he had -a great affection for the queen; but, on the other, he did not like his -tranquillity to be disturbed; he protected learning, but he detested the -Gospel. His better self gained the upper hand; his hatred of the -absurdities of the monks was aroused; his great susceptibility made him -take the affronts offered to his sister as if they had been offered to -himself; and one after another he gave Margaret's enemies a forcible -lesson. - -The first whom he taught his place was Montmorency. When the latter -endeavoured to instil his perfidious insinuations into the king's mind, -Francis silenced him: 'Not a word more about it,' he said: 'she is too -fond of me to take up with any religion that will injure my -kingdom.[427] Margaret was informed subsequently of the attempt of the -grand-master, 'whom she never liked more,' adds Brantôme. - -[Sidenote: THE FRANCISCAN FRIAR.] - -The second to feel the king's hand was the prior of the Franciscans who -had proposed to sew Margaret in a sack and throw her into the Seine. -'Let him suffer the punishment he desired to inflict upon the queen,' he -exclaimed. On hearing of this sentence the monks became irritated, and -the populace, according to one historian, got up a riot. But the queen -interceded for the wretch, and his life was spared; he was simply -deprived of his ecclesiastical dignities and sent to the galleys for two -years.[428] - -The play represented against the queen, as well as the priests who had -composed it and superintended the representation, next engaged the -king's attention; he resolved not to spare them, and at the least to put -them in a terrible fright. He issued his orders, and immediately the -lieutenant of police marched out and appeared at the head of a hundred -archers before the college of Navarre.[429] 'Surround the building,' he -said, 'so that no one can escape.'[430] The archers did as they were -ordered. For this narrative we are again indebted to Calvin, who -continued to take the deepest interest in the whole affair. The orders -of the lieutenant were not executed without noise, and some of the -professors and pupils, attracted to the windows, had watched the -movements of the municipal officers. The author of the drama, who had -expected nothing like this, and who was very vain and continually -boasting of his pious exploit, happened to be in the room of a friend, -joking about the queen and the famous comedy, when suddenly he heard an -unusual noise.[431] He looked out, and, seeing the college surrounded by -soldiers, became alarmed and confused. 'Hide me somewhere,' he -exclaimed. He was put in a place where it was supposed nobody could find -him: there are always good hiding-places in colleges. 'Stay there,' said -his friends, 'until we find an opportunity for your escape.'[432] And -then the door was carefully shut. - -[Sidenote: ARRESTS IN THE COLLEGE OF NAVARRE.] - -Meanwhile the lieutenant of police had entered with a few of his -archers, and demanded the surrender of the author of the satire against -the Queen of Navarre. The head of the college, a man of distinction, -profound learning, and great influence, whom Calvin styles 'the great -Master Lauret,' and Sturm 'the king of the wise,' did not deserve his -name. He refused everything. Upon this, the sergeants began to search -the building for the culprit; and professors and students were in great -anxiety. But every nook and corner was explored in vain; they found -nothing.[433] The lieutenant thereupon ordered his archers to lay hands -upon the actors in default of the author, and he himself arrested one of -the persons who had taken a part in the play. This was the signal for a -great tumult. Master Lauret, knowing himself to be more guilty than -those youths, rushed upon the lieutenant and endeavoured to rescue the -scholar;[434] the students, finding themselves supported by their chief, -fell upon the archers, and kicked and beat them, some even pelting them -with stones.[435] There was a regular battle in the college of Navarre. -But the law prevailed at last, and all the beardless actors fell into -the hands of the police. - -The lieutenant was bent on knowing the nature of their offence. 'Now,' -said he to the juvenile players, 'you will repeat before me what you -said on the stage.'[436] The unlucky youths were forced to obey; in -great confusion and hanging their heads, they repeated all their -impertinence. 'I have not done,' resumed the lieutenant, turning to the -head of the college; 'since the author of the crime is concealed from -me, I must look to those who should have prevented such insolence. -Master Lauret, you will go with me as well as these young scamps. As for -you, Master Morin (he was the second officer of the college), you will -keep your room.' He then departed with his archers; Lauret was taken to -the house of a commissary, and the students were sent to prison. - -The most important affair still remained—the decision come to by the -Sorbonne against Margaret's poem. The king, wishing to employ gentle -means, simply ordered the rector to ask the faculty if they had really -placed the _Mirror_ in the list of condemned books,[437] and in that -case to be good enough to point out what they saw to blame in it. To the -rector, therefore, was confided the management of the affair. A new -rector had been elected a few days before (10th of October); and whether -the university perceived in what direction the wind was blowing, or -wished to show its hostility to the enemies of the light, or desired to -court the king's favour by promoting the son of one of his favourites, -the chief physician to the court, they had elected, in spite of the -faculty of theology, Nicholas Cop, a particular friend of Calvin's. -'Wonderful!' said the friends of the Gospel: 'the king and his sister, -the rector of the university, and even, as some say, the Bishop of -Paris, lean to the side of the Word of God; how can France fail to be -reformed?' - -The new rector took the affair vigorously in hand. Won over to the -Gospel by Calvin, he had learnt, in conversation with his friend, that -sin is the great disease, the loss of eternal life the great death, and -Jesus Christ the great physician. He was impatient to meet the enemies -of the Reform, and the king gave him the desired opportunity.... He had -several conversations with Calvin on the subject, and convened the four -faculties on the 24th of October, 1532. The Bishop of Senlis, the king's -confessor, read his Majesty's letter to them; after which the youthful -rector, the organ of the new times, began to speak, and, full of the -ardour which a recent conversion gives, he delivered (Calvin tells us) a -long and severe speech,[438] a christian philippic, confounding the -conspirators who were plotting against the Word of God. 'Licence is -always criminal,' he said; 'but what is it when those who violate the -laws are those whose duty it is to teach others to observe them?... Now -what have they done? They have attacked an excellent woman, who is alike -the patroness of sound learning and mother of every virtue.[439] They -penetrate into the sanctuary of the family of our kings, and encroach -upon the sovereign majesty... What presumptuous temerity, what imprudent -audacity!... The laws of propriety, the laws of the realm, the laws of -God even, have all been violated by these impudent men... They are -seditious and rebellious subjects.' Then turning to the faculty of -theology, the rector continued: 'Put an end, Sirs, to these foolish and -arrogant manners; or else, if you have not committed the offence, do not -bear the responsibility. Do you desire to encourage the malice of those -who, ever ready to perpetrate the most criminal acts, wipe their mouths -afterwards and say: "It is not I who did it! it is the university!" -while the university knows nothing about it?[440] Do not mix yourselves -up in a matter so full of danger, or ... beware of the terrible anger of -the king.'[441] - -[Sidenote: THE SORBONNE DISAVOWS ITS ACT.] - -This speech, the terror inspired by the king's name, and the -recollection of Beda's imprisonment, disturbed the assembly. The -theologians, who were all guilty, basely abandoned their colleague, who -had only carried out a general resolution, and exclaimed unanimously: -'We must disavow the rash deed.'[442] The four faculties declared they -had not authorised the act of which the king complained, and the whole -responsibility fell on Le Clerq, curé of St. André, who had taken the -most active part in the matter. He was the Jonah to be thrown into the -sea. - -Le Clerq was very indignant. He had gone up and down the city in the -sight of everybody, he had ransacked the booksellers' shops to lay hold -of the heretical _Mirror_; the booksellers, if necessary, could depose -against him; but when he found himself abandoned by those who had urged -him on, he was filled with anger and contempt. Still, he endeavoured to -escape the danger that threatened him, and seeing among the audience -several officers of the court, he said in French, so that all might -understand him: 'In what words, Sirs, can I sufficiently extol the -king's justice?[443] Who can describe with what unshaken fidelity this -great prince has on all occasions shown himself the valiant defender of -the faith?[444] I know that misguided men[445] are endeavouring to -pervert the king's mind, and conspiring the ruin of this holy faculty; -but I have a firm conviction that their manœuvres will fail against his -majesty's heroic firmness. I am proud of the resistance I make them. And -yet I have done nothing of myself; I was delegated by an order of the -university for the duty I have fulfilled.[446] And do you imagine that -in discharging it, I had any desire to get up a plot against an august -princess whose morals are so holy, whose religion is so pure,[447] as -she proved not long ago by the respect with which she paid the last -honours to her illustrious mother? I consider such obscene productions -as _Pantagruel_ ought to be prohibited; but I place the _Mirror_ simply -among the suspected books, because it was published without the -approbation of the faculty. If that is a crime, we are all guilty—you, -gentlemen,' he said, turning towards his colleagues, 'you as well as -myself, although you disavow me.'[448] - -[Sidenote: THE UNIVERSITY APOLOGISES.] - -This speech, so embarrassing to the doctors of the faculty, secured the -triumph of the queen. 'Sirs,' said the king's confessor, 'I have read -the inculpated volume, and there is really nothing to blot out of it, -unless I have forgotten all my theology.[449] I call, therefore, for a -decree that shall fully satisfy her majesty.' The rector now rose again -and said: 'The university neither recognises nor approves of the censure -passed upon this book. We will write to the king, and pray him to accept -the apology of the university.' Thereupon the meeting broke up. - -Thus did Margaret, the friend of the reformers, come out victorious from -this attack of the monks. 'This matter,' says Beza, 'somewhat cowed the -fury of our masters (_magistri_), and greatly strengthened the small -number of believers.'[450] The clear and striking account which Calvin -has left us, has enabled us to watch the quarrel in all its phases. As -we read it, we cannot help regretting that the reformer did not -sometimes employ his noble talents in writing history.[451] - -An astonishing change was taking place in France. Calvin and Francis -appeared to be almost walking together. Calvin watched with an observing -eye the movements of men's minds, and his lofty understanding delighted -in tracing out the approaching consequences. What did he see in the year -1533? The different classes of society are in motion; men of the world -begin to speak more freely;[452] students, with the impetuosity of -youth, are rushing towards the light; many young professors perceive -that Scripture is above the pope; one of his most intimate friends is at -the head of the university; the fanatical doctors are in exile; and the -most influential men both in Church and State are favourable to the -Reform. The Bishop of Senlis, confessor to the king; John du Bellay, -Bishop of Paris, who possesses the king's entire confidence; his brother -William, one of the greatest men in France, seem all to be placing -themselves at the service of evangelical truth. William du Bellay, in -particular, excited the greatest hopes among the reformers at this time; -they entertained, indeed, exaggerated ideas about him. As Berquin was no -more, and Calvin had hardly appeared, it was Du Bellay, in their -opinion, who would reform France. 'O that the Lord would raise up many -heroes like him!' said the pious Bucer; 'then should we see Christ's -kingdom appearing with the splendour of the sun.[453] The Sire de Langey -(William du Bellay) is ready to suffer everything for Jesus Christ.'[454] - -[Sidenote: REFORM MOVEMENT IN FRANCE.] - -The most earnest men believed in the salutary influences which the -Reformation would exert. In fact, by awakening the conscience and -reviving faith, it was to be a principle of order and liberty; and the -religious activity which it called into existence could not but be -favourable to education and morality, and even to agriculture, -manufactures, and commerce. If Francis I. had turned to the Gospel, the -noblest minds would have followed him, and France would have enjoyed -days of peace and marvellous prosperity. - -Among the enlightened men of whom we are speaking, we must include -Philip de Chabot, seignior of Brion, admiral of France, a favourite with -the king, and inclined to the cause of the Reform;[455] Maure Musée, -groom of the chamber, also won over to the Gospel; and the pious Dame de -Cany, who influenced her sister, the Duchess of Etampes, in favour of -the reformed.[456] That frivolous woman was far from being converted; -but if the Reform was reproached with the protection she afforded it, -the evangelicals called to mind that Marcia, mistress to the Emperor -Commodus, as the duchess was to the king, had protected the early -christians, and primitive Christianity was none the less respected for -it. - -Calvin did not place his hope in the powers of the world: 'Our wall of -brass,' he said, 'is to have God propitious to us. _If God be for -us_—that is our only support. There is no power under heaven or above -which can withstand his arm, and having him for our defender we need -fear no evil.'[457] And yet the blows which Francis I. had warded from -the head of the queen were to fall upon Cop and Calvin himself. But -before we come to these persecutions, we must follow the king, who, -quitting Toulouse and Montpellier, proceeded to Marseilles to meet the -pope. - -[Footnote 426: _Chronique du Roi François I._ p. 98.] - -[Footnote 427: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 88.] - -[Footnote 428: Castaigne, _Notice sur Marguerite_. Freer, _Life of -Marguerite_.] - -[Footnote 429: 'Prætor stipatus centum apparitoribus gymnasium adit.'— -Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.] - -[Footnote 430: 'Suis jussis domum circumcidere, ne quis elaberetur.' -—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 431: 'Sed cum forte in amici cubiculo esset, tumultum prius -exaudisse.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.] - -[Footnote 432: 'E quibus per occasionem fugeret.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 433: 'Autor sceleris deprehendi non poterat.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 434: 'Dum vult obsistere gymnasiarcha.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.] - -[Footnote 435: 'Lapides a nonnullis pueris conjecti sunt.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 436: 'Quod pro scena recitassent jussit repetere.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 437: 'Improbatæ religionis.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 438: 'Longa et acerba oratione.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.] - -[Footnote 439: 'In reginam virtutum omnium et bonarum literarum matrem -arma sumere.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.] - -[Footnote 440: 'Ut dicant Academiam fecisse.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 441: 'Ne se immiscerent tanto discrimini, ne regis iram -experiri vellent.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 442: 'Omnium sententia fuit factum abjurandum.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 443: 'Magnificis verbis regis integritatem.'—Calvini _Epp._ -p. 1.] - -[Footnote 444: 'Fidei animosum protectorem.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 445: 'Aliquos sinistros homines.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 446: 'Se quidem fuisse delegatum Academiæ decreto.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 447: 'Fœminam tam sanctis moribus, tam pura religione -præditam.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 448: 'Omnes esse culpæ affines, si qua esset, quantumvis -abnegarent.'—Calvini _Epp._ p. 1.] - -[Footnote 449: 'Nisi oblitus esset suæ theologiæ.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 450: Théodore de Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ p. 9.] - -[Footnote 451: This letter is the first in the collection published by -Theodore Beza, and will be the tenth in that to be published by Dr. -Bonnet.] - -[Footnote 452: 'Omnes cœperunt loqui liberius.'—Bucer to Blaarer. -Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 453: 'Dominus excitet multos isti heroï similes.'—Bucer to -Chelius, quoted by Schmidt.] - -[Footnote 454: 'Quidvis pati pro Christo.'—Sturm to Bucer. Ibid.] - -[Footnote 455: 'Admiralius adest, qui unice nobis favet.'—Sturm to -Bucer, quoted by Schmidt.] - -[Footnote 456: _Lettres de Jean Calvin_, i. p. 335, edit. J. Bonnet.] - -[Footnote 457: Calvini _Opp._ passim.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXIX. - CATHERINE DE MEDICI GIVEN TO FRANCE. - (OCTOBER 1533.) - - -This interview of the pope with the king might be more injurious to the -Gospel than all the attacks of the Sorbonne. If Clement united sincerely -with Francis against Charles; if Catherine de Medici became the pledge -of union between Rome and France; would not the Reformation soon be -buried by the mournful glare of the pale torches of this fatal marriage? -Yet men still hoped that the projected interview would not take place. -In fact, Henry VIII. and the emperor did all they could to prevent -Francis from meeting the pope.[458] - -[Sidenote: THE INTENDED MARRIAGE.] - -But Clement VII., more charmed than ever with a matrimonial union -between the family of the Florentine merchants and that of St. Louis, -cared naught for the emperor or the king of England; and about the end -of April 1533, he convoked a sacred college at Rome, to whom he -communicated his plans. They already knew something about them: the -Roman cardinals smiled and congratulated his Holiness, but the Spanish -cardinals looked very much out of humour. The pope tried to persuade -them that he only desired this marriage for the glory of God and of the -Church. 'It is for _holy opportunities_,' he told them. No one dared -oppose it openly; but, on leaving the meeting, the emperor's cardinals -hurried to his ministers and informed them of the pontifical -communication. The latter lost no time; they called upon all their -friends, managed them with great ability, and, by dint of energy and -stratagem, succeeded in holding a congregation at the beginning of June, -at which none of the French cardinals were present. Not daring to oppose -the marriage itself, Charles's prelates displayed extreme sensibility -for the honour and welfare of the pope. They appeared to be suddenly -seized with a violent affection for Clement. 'What! the pope in France!' -they exclaimed. 'Truly it must be something more than the marriage of a -niece to _move a pope from his seat_.' Then, as if Clement's health was -very precious to them, and the Roman air excellent, the crafty Spaniards -brought forward sanitary reasons. 'Such a journey would be dangerous, -_considering the extreme heat of Provence_.'—'Never mind that,' -cunningly answered the pope; 'I shall not start until after the first -rains.' - -[Sidenote: IMPERIAL OBSTACLES.] - -Charles then sought other means to prevent the conference. He will -contrive that the pope shall delay his departure from week to week, -until the winter sets in, and then it is not to be thought of. A very -natural occasion for these delays presented itself. The marriage of -Henry VIII. with Anne Boleyn having been made public, the emperor -haughtily demanded that justice should be done to the queen, his aunt. -Here, certainly, was matter enough to occupy the court of Rome for -months; but Clement, who had let the English business drag along for -years, being eager to finish the _other_ marriage, hastily assembled a -consistory, and pronounced against Henry VIII. all the censures which -Charles V. demanded. Then, in his zeal forgetting his usual cunning, he -made Catherine's marriage the peroration of his speech, and having done -with England and its king, he ended by saying: 'Gentlemen, if any of you -desire to make the voyage with me, you must hold yourselves in readiness -for departure.'[459] - -Immediate preparations were made for fitting up the galleys of Rhodes in -which the pope was to sail. All was bustle in the harbour. Those long -low barks were supplied with everything necessary for subsistence, for -sailing, and even for attack and defence. The oars were fixed in their -places; the yards and sails were set; the flags were hoisted.... Then -the imperialists, trying to outwit the pope, had recourse to a new -stratagem; they were smitten with a sudden fondness for Coron.—'Coron, -that city in the south of Greece,' they said to the pope, 'a city of -such great importance to christendom, is attacked by the Turks; we -require the galleys of Rhodes to defend it; we must deliver the Greeks -our brothers from slavery, and restore the empire of the East.'... The -pope understood; it was difficult to beat him in cunning. 'Well, well,' -said he, 'make haste; fly to the help of christendom.... I will lend you -the said galleys, and will add my own ... and ... I will make the -passage on board the galleys of France.'[460] - -Then the emperor turned to the Swiss; the Dukes of Savoy and Milan, -also, fearing that at the projected interview something would be -_brewed_ to their detriment, united with him. These three princes -attempted to induce the catholic cantons to enter the Italian league. If -these terrible Helvetic bands pass the Alps, all idea of travelling will -be abandoned by the pope. How could he expose himself to pikes and -arquebuses? Clement VII. had not the warlike disposition of Julius II. -'The King of France favours the protestants,' said Charles's deputies to -the catholic cantons; 'he desires to put the evangelical cantons in a -condition to avenge the defeat at Cappel; but if you join us, you have -nothing to fear.' At these words the catholics became eager[461] to -enter the league against the king and the pope; but Francis sent them -money to keep quiet, and they did not move.[462] - -Were all his manœuvres to fail? Never had a marriage been heard of -against which so many obstacles had been raised; but it was written in -the book of fate, said many; the arms forged against it could not -succeed; and the haughty Charles vainly agitated all Europe—Swiss, -Germans, Greeks, and Turks. His ministers now had recourse to another -stratagem. Everybody knew that the pope was not brave. They revived -their tender affection for his person; and as Switzerland was not to be -tempted, they turned to Africa. 'Let your Holiness beware,' they said; -'if you undertake this voyage, you will certainly fall into the hands of -the Moors.[463]... A fleet of pirates, lurking behind the islands of -Hyères, will suddenly appear, fall on the ship in which you are sailing, -and carry you off.'[464] This time the pope was staggered. The terror -inspired by the barbarian ships was at that time very great. To be -carried away by the Moors! A pope captive in Algiers or Tunis! What a -dreadful thought! - -Will he go or will he not? was the question Europe set itself. But the -matter was violently canvassed at Rome, where Guelphs and Ghibelines -almost came to blows. Arguments for the marriage, and consequently for -the voyage, were not wanting. 'The time has come,' said the papists, -'for a bold stroke to prevent France from being lost like Germany and -England.' There were loud discussions in the convents and churches, and -even in the public places. A Franciscan of the Low Countries, Herbom by -name, a monk of fiery fanaticism, stirred up the pontifical city. -'Luther, Zwingle, and Œcolampadius,' he said, 'are soldiers of Pilate; -they have crucified Jesus Christ.... But, alas! alas! this crime is -repeated in our days ... at Paris. Yes, even at Paris, by certain -disciples of Erasmus.' It was clearly necessary for the pope and his -little niece to hasten to France, in order to prevent what these -blaspheming monks dared to call the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. - -[Sidenote: THE POPE DETERMINES TO GO.] - -At last Clement made up his mind. He would brave the fury of the waves, -and risk the attacks of the corsairs, in order to conquer the _soldiers -of Pilate_ and give a royal husband to his niece. The galleys of France, -commanded by the Duke of Albany, left Marseilles in September to fetch -the pope, who had gone to Pisa, making a boast, wherever he went, of the -most noble disinterestedness. 'I am going to this interview,' he said, -'in order to procure the peace of Europe, to prepare an expedition -against the infidels, to lead back the King of England to the right -path, and, in a word, solely for the interests of christendom.' Then, -after thus disguising himself, like the wolf in the fable, under a -borrowed dress, he showed the tip of his ear, and begged the Duke of -Albany to escort _their common relative_ to Nice, where she would wait -for further orders. The honour done to his family was so great that -doubts were continually arising in his mind about the trustworthiness of -the French king's promises. He would not take his niece with him to -Marseilles, for fear he should have to bring her back. He will see -Francis alone first; he will speak to him and sound him. Clement -believed that his piercing eye would read the king's heart to the very -bottom. When all his fears are removed, Catherine shall come to France; -but until then, she shall only go part of the way.[465] - -The young lady departed for Nice, and people said, pointing to her as -they saw her going on board ship: 'There is the real cause of the -strange journey of a pope to France! If it were a matter touching the -safety of the Church, Clement would not do so much; but it is to place a -Medici beside a throne, and perhaps set her upon it.'... The French -fleet put to sea: the ship, on whose mainmast the standard of France had -been hoisted, exhibited a sight at once gay and sad. Beneath the flags -and banners, at the side of the Duke of Albany, and in the midst of a -brilliant retinue, might be seen a kind of little fairy, who was then -making her first appearance in the world. She was a young creature, of -middle stature, with sparkling eyes and bell-like voice, who appeared to -possess some supernatural power, and singularly fascinated every one -that came near her. Her enchantments and her philtres were the subtle -poison on which the papacy relied for destroying heresy. This child, -between thirteen and fourteen years of age, skipped with joy about the -stately ship. 'I am going to be the daughter-in-law of the glorious King -of France,' she said to herself. Death, with whom this strange creature -seemed to have made a secret and terrible treaty, was in truth erelong -to raise her to the summit of power. The galleys of Albany, after having -conveyed _the girl_ to Nice (it is Guicciardini's word), returned to -Leghorn, the port of Pisa, and on the 4th of October the pope, with the -cardinals and all his household, put to sea. - -[Sidenote: PAPAL PLANS, FRENCH HOPES.] - -The papal fleet, all fluttering with banners, had a smooth passage.[466] -Clement could without interruption meditate on a thousand different -projects. Marry Catherine to the son of the King of France; free -himself, thanks to the support of this prince, from the patronage of the -emperor whom he detested; put off indefinitely the council which Charles -had been so bold as to promise to the protestants; and finally crush the -Reformation, both in France and elsewhere.... Such were Clement's -projects during the voyage. Before leaving Rome, he had drawn up (1st of -September) a bull against the heretics; he had it on board the ship, and -he purposed demanding its immediate execution from Francis, as a wedding -present. The winds blew softly in the direction of Marseilles; all -congratulated themselves on the beauty of the passage; but this fleet, -in appearance so inoffensive, which glided so smoothly over the waters -of the Mediterranean, carried, like the bark of Ulysses, stores of -future tempests. - -Opinions were much divided in France about the pope's voyage. If Clement -satisfied Francis, the Reform was ruined; if he thwarted the king, -France would follow the example of England. Everybody admitted the -hypothesis that pleased him best. 'Francis and Clement,' said the -reformed, 'follow such opposite courses, that it is impossible for them -to coincide.'—'The king and the pope,' said the ultramontanists, 'are -about to be united by indissoluble bonds, and popery will be restored in -France in all its exclusive supremacy.'[467] There were however some of -the school of Erasmus who remained in doubt. 'As for me,' wrote -Professor Sturm to Bucer, 'I desire much that popery should be -overthrown, but ... I fear greatly that it will be restored.'[468] Sturm -did not compromise himself. To which side will Marseilles make -Francis I. incline? Historians have decided that he was won over to -Rome; but after hearing the historians, we must listen to history. - -[Sidenote: THE POPE AT MARSEILLES.] - -At the beginning of October 1533, the ancient city of the Phocæans was -in a state of great excitement; the King of France and the pope were -coming; what an honour! It is well known that the inhabitants of that -city are quick, enthusiastic, and fond of show and parade. Watchmen had -been placed on the highest points to telegraph the approaching fleet. At -length, on the 4th of October, the castles of If and Notre Dame de la -Garde suddenly gave the looked-for signals. One cry only was heard in -the streets of Marseilles: 'The flotilla with the pope on board has come -in sight.'[469] A feverish agitation pervaded the city; the sound of -trumpets, clarions, and hautboys filled the air; the people hurried to -the harbour. Nobles and prelates went on board the ships that had been -kept ready; their sails were unfurled, and in a short time this -extemporised fleet saluted that of the pope with deafening acclamations. -Many devout catholics trembled with joy and admiration; they could -hardly believe their eyes. 'Behold the real representative of Christ,' -they said, 'the father of all christians, the only man who can at will -give new laws to the Church;[470] the man who has never been mistaken -and never will be; whose name is alone in the world, _vice-God_ upon -earth.'[471] Clement smiled: in Italy he had never heard such -exclamations or witnessed such enthusiasm. O France! truly art thou the -eldest daughter of the Church! He did not know that vanity, curiosity, -love of pomp, and a fondness for noise had much to do with this rapture, -and that France, like her king Clovis, worships what it has cast down, -and casts down what it has worshipped. The pope had no leisure to -indulge in such reflections. At the moment his galley entered the -harbour, three hundred pieces of artillery fired a salute. Notre Dame de -la Garde, the tower of St. John, the abbey of St. Victor, the harbour -and its vicinity were all on fire.[472] - -Francis was not to be seen among the vast and brilliant crowd which -filled Marseilles. There were princes of the blood, prelates, -diplomatists, magistrates, courtiers, and warriors; but the king, -although at the gates of the city, kept himself in the background and -apart. However, when the night came, and everybody had retired to their -quarters to rest after so fatiguing a day, a man, wrapped up in a cloak, -entered the city, glided mysteriously along the dark streets, and -stopped at the gate of the palace where the pope was lodging. This man -was immediately introduced into the apartments where Clement was -preparing to take his repose: it was the King of France.[473]... What -was the object of this nocturnal visit? Was it because the king wished -to sound the pontiff in secret, before receiving him officially? Was it -the etiquette of the time? However that may be, Francis, after a secret -and confidential conversation, returned with the same mystery, wearing a -very satisfied look. The pope had promised everything, all the rights, -all the possessions,—in a word, whatever he had made up his mind not to -give. - -The next day the pope, dressed in his pontifical robes, and seated in a -magnificent chair borne on men's shoulders, made his solemn entry, -attended by his cardinals, also in all the brilliancy of their costume, -and by a great number of lords and ladies of France and Italy.[474] - -[Sidenote: LATIN ADDRESS TO THE POPE.] - -Early in the morning, and while the streets were echoing with cries of -joy, the president of the parliament, living in one of the handsomest -houses of Marseilles, was pacing his room with anxious brow, -gesticulating and carefully repeating some Latin phrases. That -magistrate had been commissioned, as a great orator, to deliver an -address to the pope; but as unfortunately Latin was not familiar to him, -he had had his speech written out beforehand, and by dint of labour he -had so far committed it to memory, as to be able to repeat it -off-hand—provided there was no change made in it. - -At the same moment, a messenger from the pope appeared at the king's -levée with a paper, and requested, on behalf of the pontiff, who had a -great fear of the terrible Charles V., that the said oration should be -delivered as it was written on the paper he brought with him, so as to -give the emperor no offence. Francis despatched Clement's draft to the -president. What a disappointment! The new address was precisely the -contrary of what he had been learning by heart. The famous orator became -confused: he did not know what to do.... Alas! he had but a few minutes -to spare, and the sonorous words which would have offended the great -emperor, and which he had counted on reciting in his loudest voice, kept -recurring to his mind. He fancied himself in the presence of that -magnificent assembly of proud Roman prelates who knew Latin so well.... -There could be no doubt about it ... he would become embarrassed, he -would stammer, he would not remember what he had to say, and would break -down. He was quite in a fever. The president, no longer master of -himself, hurried off to the king, and begged him to give the office to -some one else. 'Very well, then,' said Francis to Bishop du Bellay, 'you -must undertake it.' At that moment the procession started. It reached -its destination; the Bishop of Paris, although taken unawares, put a -bold face upon the matter; and being a good Latin scholar and able -orator, he executed his commission wonderfully well.[475] - -The official conferences began shortly after, and neither king nor pope -spared protestations, stratagems, or falsehoods: the pope particularly -excelled in the latter article. 'He used so much artifice in the -business,' says Guicciardini,[476] 'that the king confided marvellously -in him.' What Francis required to compensate him for the misalliance was -not much: he asked for the duchies of Urbino and Milan, Pisa, Leghorn, -Reggio, Modena, Parma, Piacenza, and Genoa. But if the king was -inexhaustible in his demands, the pope was equally so in his promises, -being the more liberal as he intended to give nothing. Clement, touched -by the good-nature of Francis, who appeared to believe all that was told -him, sent at last to Nice for the youthful Catherine. - -[Sidenote: BULL AGAINST HERETICS.] - -It was not decorous for the pope to appear to have come so far only to -give away a young lady. He proposed, therefore, in order to conceal his -intrigues, to issue the bull against the heretics which he had brought -with him. It was his wedding present, and nothing could better -inaugurate Catherine's entry into France. But the diplomatist, William -du Bellay, did all in his power to prevent this truly Roman transaction. -He had several very animated conversations on this subject with the -cardinals and with the pope himself. He represented to him the necessity -of satisfying the protestants of Germany: 'A free council and mutual -concessions,' he said; but Clement was deaf. Du Bellay would not give -way; he struggled manfully with the pontiff, and conjured him not to -attempt to put down the Reformation with violence.[477] He used similar -language to Francis, and laid before him some letters which he had -recently received from Germany; but the king replied that he was taking -the matter too seriously. The bull of excommunication was simply a -_manner_, a papal form ... and nothing more. The bull was published, and -there was a great noise about it. Francis and Clement, each believing in -the other's good faith, were deceiving one another. The only truth in -all this Marseilles business was the gift the pope made to France of -Catherine de Medici. That was quite enough certainly. - -As soon as the pope's niece arrived, preparations were made for the -marriage. The ministers of the king and of the pope took the contract in -hand, and the latter having spoken of an annuity of one hundred thousand -crowns: 'It is very little for so noble an alliance,' said the -treasurers of Francis I.—'True,' replied Strozzi, one of Clement's most -able servants; 'but observe that her grace the Duchess of Urbino brings -moreover three rings of inestimable value ... Genoa, Milan, and -Naples.'[478] These diamonds, whose brilliancy was to dazzle the king -and France, never shone on Catherine's fingers or on the crown of Henry -II. - -[Sidenote: MARRIAGE OF CATHERINE AND HENRY.] - -The ceremony was conducted with great magnificence. The bride advanced, -young, brilliant, radiant with joy, with smiling lips and sparkling eyes, -her head adorned with gold, pearls, and flowers; and in her train ... -Death.... Death, who was always her faithful follower, who served -her even when she would have averted his dart; who, by striking the -dauphin, was to make her the wife of the heir to the crown; by striking -her father-in-law, to make her queen; and by striking down successively -her husband and all her sons, to render her supreme controller of the -destinies of France. In gratitude, therefore, towards her mysterious and -sinister ally, the Florentine woman was forty years later, and in a -night of August, to give him a magnificent entertainment in the streets -of Paris, to fill a lake with blood that he might bathe therein, and -organise the most terrible festival that had ever been held in honour of -Death. Catherine approached the altar, trembling a little, though not -agitated. The pope officiated, desirous of personally completing the -grandeur of his house, and tapers without number were lighted. The King -and Queen of France, with a crowd of courtiers dressed in the richest -costumes, surrounded the altar. Catherine de Medici placed her cold hand -in the faithless hand of Henry of Valois, which was to deprive the -Reform of all liberty, and France herself, in the _Unhappy Peace_, of -her glory and her conquests. Clement gave his pontifical blessing to -this tragic pair. The marriage was concluded; the _girl_, as -Guicciardini calls her, was a wife; her eyes glanced as with fire. Was -it a beam of happiness and pride? Probably. We might ask also if it was -not the joy of the hyena scenting from afar the graves where it could -feast on the bodies of the dead; or of the tiger espying from its lair -in the African desert the groups of travellers upon whom it might spring -and quench its raging thirst for blood. But although the appetites which -manifested themselves in the St. Bartholomew massacre already existed in -the germ in this young wife, there is no evidence (it must be -acknowledged) that she allowed herself to be governed at Marseilles by -these cruel promptings. - -There are creatures accursed of God, who, under a dazzling veil and fair -outward show, impart to a nation an active power of contagion, the venom -of corruption, an invisible principle of death which, circulating -through the veins, infects with its morbid properties all parts of the -body, and strikes the physical powers with general prostration. It was -thus at the commencement of the history of the human race that a fallen -being deceived man; by him sin entered into the world, and _death by -sin_. This first scene, which stands alone, has been repeated, however, -from time to time in the world, though on a smaller scale. It happened -to France when the daughter of the Medici crept into the family of its -kings. No doubt the disease was already among the people, but -Catherine's arrival was one of those events which bring the corruption -to a head. This woman, so false and dissolute, so vile as to crawl at -the feet of her husband's mistress and pick up secrets for her; this -woman, who gave birth to none but enervated, idiotic, distempered, and -vicious children, not only corrupted her own sons, but infected an -entire brilliant society that might have been noble and just (as Coligny -showed), and instilled her deadly venom into its veins. The niece of the -pope poisoned France. - -'Clement's joy was incredible,' says Guicciardini.[479] He had even a -feeling of gratitude, and resolved to give the king four _hats_ for four -French bishops. Did he intend that these hats should supply the place of -Urbino, Genoa, Milan, and Naples? Nobody knows. One of the new cardinals -was Odet de Chatillon, then eleven years old, brother of the immortal -Coligny, and subsequently one of the supporters of protestantism in -France. The king, wishing to appear grateful for so many favours, wrote -to the Bishop of Paris, that 'as the crime of heresy increased and -multiplied, he should proceed to act against the heretics.'—'Do not -fail,' he added.[480] But the Bishop of Paris, brother of the -diplomatist Du Bellay, was the least inclined of all the prelates in -France to persecution. Francis knew this well, and for that very reason, -perhaps, gave him the order. - -[Sidenote: THE POPE'S HEALTH DECLINES.] - -The pope, delighted at having made so good a bargain in the city of -merchants, embarked on the 20th of November to return to Rome. Excess of -joy was hurtful to him, as it had been to his cousin Leo X. The threats -of the emperor, who demanded a council; the pressure of Francis I., who -claimed Catherine's _three rings_;[481] the quarrels of his two nephews, -who were fighting at Florence,—all filled poor Clement with uneasiness -and sorrow. He told his attendants that his end was near; and -immediately after his return, he had the ring and the garments prepared -which are used at the burial of the popes.[482] His only consolation, -the approaching destruction of the protestants, seemed to fail him in -his last days. Even during his interview with the pope, Francis was -secretly intriguing to unite with the most formidable of the enemies of -Rome. After embracing the old papacy with apparent emotion, the -chivalrous king gallantly held out his hand to the young Reformation. In -the space of two months he had two interviews as opposite as possibly -could be. These two contradictory conferences point out one of the -traits that best characterise the versatile and ambitious Francis. This -modern Janus had a head with two faces. We have just seen that which -looked backwards into the past; we shall soon see that which looked -forwards into the future. But before we follow the King of France in his -oscillation towards Germany and the protestants, we must return to -Calvin. In October 1533, Francis and Clement had met at Marseilles; and -on the 1st of November, while those princes were still diplomatising, a -great evangelical demonstration took place at Paris. - -[Footnote 458: Henry VIII. to Norfolk, Aug. 8, 1533. _State Papers_, -vii. p. 493.] - -[Footnote 459: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 195.] - -[Footnote 460: Ibid. p. 185.] - -[Footnote 461: 'En grand branle.'] - -[Footnote 462: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 195.] - -[Footnote 463: 'Non licere ejus Sanctitati sine Maurorum periculo illuc -accedere.'—Vanner to Cromwell. _State Papers_, vii. p. 508.] - -[Footnote 464: 'Ob insulas de Yeres, ubi piratarum classis posset ad -intercipiendum pontificem in insidiis latitare.'—Vanner to Cromwell, -_State Papers_, vii. p. 508.] - -[Footnote 465: Guicciardini, _Wars of Italy_, ii. bk. xx.] - -[Footnote 466: Guicciardini, _Wars of Italy_, ii. bk. xx. p. 901.] - -[Footnote 467: 'Papam aut subversum, aut restitutum iri in suam et -inveteratam tyrannidem.'—Sturm to Bucer. Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 468: 'Alterum ego expecto magno cum desiderio, alterum non -mediocriter extimesco.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 469: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 204.] - -[Footnote 470: 'Quod illi soli licet pro temporis necessitate novas -leges condere.'—_Dict. Gregorii._] - -[Footnote 471: 'Veri Dei vicem gerit in terris.'—_De Translatione -Episc._] - -[Footnote 472: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 205. _State Papers_, vii. p. 515.] - -[Footnote 473: Guicciardini, _Wars of Italy_, ii. bk. xx. p. 901.] - -[Footnote 474: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 205.] - -[Footnote 475: Du Bellay, _Mém._ p. 206.] - -[Footnote 476: _Wars of Italy_, ii. bk. xx. p. 901.] - -[Footnote 477: 'Legatum vehementer contendisse cum romano pontifice -Massiliæ, ne violenter agat.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 721.] - -[Footnote 478: Guicciardini, _Hist. des Guerres d'Italie_, ii. liv. xx. -p. 901.] - -[Footnote 479: _Guerres d'Italie_, ii. liv. xx. p. 901.] - -[Footnote 480: _Lettre close à l'évêque de Paris_, p. 21.] - -[Footnote 481: 'S. M. Christᵐᵃ dimando che da sua Santᵃ li fussino -osservate le promesse.'—Soriano, Ranke, _Päpste_, i. p. 127.] - -[Footnote 482: Guicciardini, _Guerres d'Italie_, i. liv. xx. p. 902.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXX. - ADDRESS OF THE RECTOR TO THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS. - (NOVEMBER 1533.) - - -Calvin had not quitted Paris. He was at one moment on the boulevards -with the merchant De la Forge, at another in the university quarter with -Cop; in the dwellings of the poor, and the mansions of the nobles, -'increasing greatly the work of the Lord,' says Beza, 'not only by -teaching truth, but also by opposing the heretics.'[483] He then retired -to his chamber and meditated. He turned his piercing glance upon the -future, and fancied he could see, in a time more or less remote and -through certain clouds, the triumph of the Gospel. He knew that the -cause of God in general advances painfully; that there are rocks in the -way; that interest, ignorance, and servility check it at every moment; -that it stumbles and falls, and men may think it ruined. But Calvin -believed that He who is its Head would help it to overcome all its -enemies. 'Only,' he said, 'those who bear its standard must mount to the -assault with unflinching courage.' Calvin, thinking that the time for -the assault had come, desired that in the university itself, from that -pulpit which all Europe respected, the voice of truth should be heard -after centuries of silence. A very natural opportunity occurred. - -[Sidenote: THE CHRISTIAN PHILOSOPHY.] - -During the month of October Cop was much occupied with a task that had -fallen to him. It was the custom of the university for the rector to -deliver an inaugural address in Latin on All Saints' Day in one of the -churches of Paris. Calvin thought that it was his duty to take advantage -of this opportunity to proclaim the Gospel boldly in the face of France. -The rector replied that he was a physician, and that it was difficult -for him to speak like a divine: 'If, however, you will write the -address,' he said, 'I will promise to deliver it.' The two young men -were soon agreed; they understood the risk they ran, but were ready to -incur it, without presumption however, and with prudence. They agreed to -explain the essence of the Gospel before the university, giving it the -academic name of _Christian Philosophy_. 'Christ,' says Calvin, 'desires -us to be like serpents, careful to avoid all that may hurt us; and yet -like doves, who fly without fear and without care, and who offer -themselves innocently to the fowlers who are laying snares for -them.'[484] - -All Saints' Day, 1533, having arrived, the university assembled with -great pomp in the Mathurins' church; many were impatient to hear Cop, -whose conduct in the case of the Queen of Navarre had made him an object -of suspicion to the Sorbonne. A great number of monks, and especially of -Franciscans, took their places and opened their ears. There were however -scattered about the church many steadfast friends of the Gospel, who had -come to be present at the assault and perhaps witness the triumph of -their faith. Among them, and on a bench apart, sat a young man of humble -appearance, calm, modest, and attentive to all that was said. Nobody -suspected that it was he (Calvin) who was about to set the university, -and indeed all France, in commotion. The hour having come, all the -dignitaries, professors, and students fixed their eager eyes upon Cop as -he rose to speak. He pronounced the opening address 'in a very different -fashion,' says Theodore Beza, 'from what was usual.' There was a -simplicity and life in his delivery which contrasted strongly with the -dryness and exaggeration of the old doctors. The discourse is of -importance in the history of the Reformation; we shall give it, -therefore, in part, all the more because it has lain unknown until this -hour among the manuscripts of the library of Geneva, and is now first -presented to the christian public.[485] - -[Sidenote: COP'S INAUGURAL DISCOURSE.] - -'Christian philosophy is a great thing,' said the rector; 'a thing too -excellent for any tongue to express and even for any mind to conceive -its value. The gift of God to man by Jesus Christ himself, it teaches us -to know that true happiness which deceives nobody, making us believe and -comprehend that we are truly the sons of God.... The brightness of the -splendour of this wisdom of God eclipses all the glimmerings of the -wisdom of the world. It places its possessors as far above the common -order of men, as that order is itself above the brutes.[486] The mind of -man, opened and enlarged by the divine hand, then understands things -infinitely more sublime than all those which are learnt from our feeble -humanity. How admirable, how holy must this divine philosophy be, since, -in order to bring it to men, God was willing to become man, and, to -teach it to us, the Immortal put on mortality! Could God better manifest -his love to us than by the gift of his eternal Word? What stronger and -tenderer bond could God establish between himself and us than by -becoming a man such as we are? Sirs, let us praise the other sciences, I -approve of it; let us admire logic, natural philosophy, and ethics, in -consideration of their utility; but who would dare compare them with -that other philosophy, which explains what philosophers have long been -seeking after and never found ... the will of God? And what is the -hidden will that is revealed to us here? It is this: _The grace of God -alone remits sins.[487]... The Holy Ghost, which sanctifies all hearts -and gives eternal life, is promised to all christians._[488] If there is -any one among you who does not praise this science above all other -sciences, I would ask him, what will he praise? Would you delight the -mind of man, give him repose of heart, teach him to live holy and -happily? Christian philosophy abundantly supplies him with these -admirable blessings; and, at the same time, it subdues, as with a -wholesome rein, the impetuous movements of the soul.[489] Sirs, since -the dignity and glory of this Gospel are so great, how I rejoice that -the office with which I am invested calls upon me to lay it before you -to-day!' - -This appeared a strange exordium to a great number of hearers: What! not -a word about the saints whom all catholics glorify on this day?... Let -us wait, however, and see. - -The rector then announced that according to custom he would explain the -Gospel of the day, that is, the beatitudes pronounced by Jesus on the -mountain. 'But first of all,' he said, 'unite with me in earnest prayer -to Christ, who is _the true and only intercessor with the Father_, in -order that by his fertilising Spirit he may enlighten our -understandings, and that _our discourse may praise him, savour of him, -be full of him, and reflect his image, so that this divine Saviour, -penetrating our souls, may water them with the dew of his heavenly -grace_!'[490] - -Then the rector explained the happiness of those who are _poor in -spirit_, who _mourn_, who _hunger and thirst after righteousness_. - -[Sidenote: THE DISCOURSE CAUSES A SENSATION.] - -The university had never heard the like. An admirable proportion was -observed throughout the address; it was academical and yet evangelical—a -thing not often seen. Calvin had discovered that tongue of the wise -which useth knowledge aright. But the enemies of the Gospel were not -deceived. Through the thin veil with which he had covered the grandeur -of divine love, they discovered those heights and depths of grace which -are a source of joy to the true christian, but an object of abhorrence -to the adversary. There was an indescribable uneasiness among the -auditory. Certain of the hearers exchanged glances, in this way -indicating to one another the passages which seemed to them the most -reprehensible. University professors, priests, monks, and students—all -listened with astonishment to such unusual language. Here and there in -the congregation signs of approbation might be observed, but far more -numerous signs of anger. Two Franciscans, in particular, were so excited -that they could scarcely keep their seats; and when the assembly broke -up they were heard expressing their indignation in loud terms: 'Grace ... -God's pardon ... the Holy Ghost ... there is abundance of all that -in the rector's discourse; but of penance, indulgences, and meritorious -works ... not a word!' It was pointed out to them that the rector, -according to custom, had ended his exordium with the salutation which -the angel had addressed to Mary; but that, in the opinion of the monks, -was a mere form. The words being in Scripture, how could the rector -refuse to pronounce them? Had he not besides begun by saying that Christ -is the _only true_ intercessor, _verus et unus apud Patrem -intercessor_?... What is left then to Mary, except that she is the -mother of the Saviour? The Sorbonne was filled with anger and alarm.... -To select the day of the festival of _All Saints_, in order to proclaim -that there is _only one_ intercessor! Such a crime must not remain -unpunished. If Cop wished to produce a sensation, the monks will produce -one also! The two Franciscans having consulted with their friends, their -opinion was that the university was not to be trusted. Consequently they -hastened to the parliament and laid the rector's heretical propositions -before it. - -Cop and Calvin had each retired separately, and been visited in their -respective apartments by many of their friends. Some of them did not -approve of these great manifestations; they would have wished the -evangelicals to be content with a few small conventicles here and there -in retired places. Calvin did not agree with them. In his opinion there -was one single universal christian Church, which had existed since the -time of the apostles, and would exist always. The errors and abuses -abounding in christendom, profane priests, hypocrites, scandalous -sinners, do not prevent the Church from existing. True, it is often -reduced to little more than a small humble flock; but the flock exists, -and it must, whenever it has the opportunity, manifest itself in -opposition to a fallen catholicism. The reformers themselves, though it -is frequently forgotten, maintained the doctrine of a universal Church; -but while Rome counts among the number of signs which characterise it 'a -certain pomp and temporal possessions,'[491] the evangelical doctors, on -the contrary, reckon persecution and the cross as a mark of the true -Church. Cop and Calvin were to make the experiment in their own persons. - -[Sidenote: DEBATES IN THE UNIVERSITY.] - -The rector was not inclined to give way to the monks: he resolved to -join battle on a question of form, which would dispose his colleagues in -his favour, and perhaps in favour of truth. It was a maxim received in -the university, that all its members, and _a fortiori_ its head, must be -tried first by the corporation, and that it was not permissible to pass -over any degree of jurisdiction.[492] Accordingly, on the 19th of -November, the rector convoked the four faculties, and, having undertaken -the defence of his address, complained bitterly that certain persons had -dared to carry the matter before a foreign body. The privileges of the -university had thus been attacked. 'It has been insulted by this -denunciation of its chief to the parliament,' said Cop; 'and these -impudent informers must give satisfaction for the insult.' - -These words excited a great commotion in the assembly. The theologians, -who had hung down their heads in the case of the Queen of Navarre, - - ... N'osant approfondir - De ces hautes puissances - Les moins pardonnables offenses, - -resolved to compensate themselves by falling with their whole strength -upon a plain doctor, who was besides by birth a Swiss. Every one of them -raised a cry against him. The university was divided into two distinct -parties, and the meeting reechoed with the most contradictory appeals. -The theologians shouted loudest: 'Time presses,' they said; 'the crisis -has arrived. If we yield, the Romish doctrine, vanquished and expelled -from the university, will give place to the new errors. Heresy is at our -gates; we must crush it by a single blow!'—'The Gospel, philosophy, and -liberty!' said one party.—'Popery, tradition, and submission!' said the -other. The noise and disturbance became such that nothing could be -heard. At last the question was put to the vote: two faculties, those of -letters and medicine, were for Cop's proposition; and two, namely, law -and divinity, were against it. The rector, to show his moderation, -refused to vote, being unwilling to give the victory to himself.[493] -The meeting broke up in the greatest confusion. - -The rector's address, and the discussions to which it gave rise, made a -great noise at court as well as in the city; but no one took more -interest in it than the Queen of Navarre. The question of her poetry had -been the first act; Calvin's address was the second. Margaret knew that -he was the real author of the discourse. She always granted her special -patronage to the students trained in any of her schools. She watched the -young scholars with the most affectionate interest, and rejoiced in -their successes. There was not one of them that could be compared with -Calvin, who had studied at Bourges, Margaret's university. The purity of -his doctrine, the boldness of his profession, the majesty of his -language, astonished everybody, and had particularly struck the queen. -Calvin was one of her students for whom she anticipated the highest -destinies. That princess was not indeed formed for resistance; the -mildness of her character inclined her to yield; and of this she was -well aware. About this time, being commissioned by the king to transact -certain business with one of her relations, a very headstrong woman, she -wrote to Montmorency, 'Employ a head better steeled than mine, or you -will not succeed. She is a Norman woman, and smells of the sea; I am an -Anjoumoise, sprinkled with the soft waters of the Charente.'[494] But, -mild as she was, she took this matter of Cop and Calvin seriously to -heart. When the friends of the Gospel placed the candle boldly on the -candlestick to give light to all France, should a violent wind come and -extinguish it? - -[Sidenote: INTERVIEW OF CALVIN AND MARGARET.] - -The Queen of Navarre summoned Calvin to the court, Beza informs -us.[495]... The news circulated immediately among the evangelical -christians, who entertained great hopes from it. 'The Queen of Navarre,' -they said, 'the king's only sister, is favourable to true religion. -Perhaps the Lord, by the intervention of that admirable woman, will -disperse the impending storm.'[496] Calvin accordingly went to court. -The ladies-in-waiting having introduced him into the queen's apartment, -she rose to meet him, and made him sit down by her side, 'receiving him -with great honour,' says Beza, 'and hearing him with much -pleasure.'[497] The two finest geniuses which France then possessed were -thus brought face to face—the man of the people and the queen, so -different in outward appearance and even as to the point of view from -which they regarded the Reform, but yet both animated with an ardent -desire to see the triumph of the Gospel. They communicated their -thoughts to each other. Calvin, notwithstanding the persecution, was -full of courage. He knew that the Church of Christ is exposed to changes -and error, like all human things, and the state of christendom, in his -opinion, showed this full clearly; but he believed that it possessed an -incorruptible power of life, and that, at the very moment when it seemed -entirely fallen and ruined, it had by the Holy Spirit the ability to -rise again and be renewed. The hour of this renewal had arrived, and it -was as impossible for men to retard it as to prevent the spring-time -from budding and covering the earth with leaves, blossoms, and fruit. -Yet Calvin was under no delusion as to the dangers which threatened -evangelical christianity. 'When the peril is imminent,' he said, 'it is -not the time to indulge ourselves like silly, careless people; the fear -of danger, serving as an incentive, should lead us to ask for God's -help, and to put on our armour without trembling.' The queen promised to -use all her influence to calm the storm. Calvin was conducted out of the -palace with the same attentions that had been paid him when he entered -it. He afterwards spoke about this interview to Theodore Beza, who has -handed it down to us.[498] - -Still the sky became more threatening. The parliament, paying no respect -to the privileges of the university, had entertained the complaint of -the monks; the rector, therefore, received a message from this sovereign -court summoning him to appear before it. Calvin knew quite well that a -similar process would soon reach him; but he never shrank back either -from before the despotism of an unjust power, or from the popular fury. -'We are not in the school of a Plato,' he said, 'where, sitting in the -shade, we can indulge in idle discussions. Christ nobly maintained his -doctrines before Pilate, and can we be so cowardly as to forsake -him?'[499] Cop, strengthened by his friend, determined to appear to the -summons of the parliament. That body had great power, no doubt; but the -rector said to himself that the university possessed incontestable -privileges, and that all learned Europe had been for many centuries -almost at its feet. He resolved to support its rights, to accuse his -accusers, and to reprimand the parliament for stepping out of the lawful -course. Cop, therefore, got himself ready to appear, as became the head -of the first university of the christian world. He put on his academical -robes, and preceded by the beadles and apparitors, with their maces and -gold-headed staves,[500] set out with great ceremony for the Palace of -Justice. - -[Sidenote: COP GOES IN STATE TO THE PARLIAMENT.] - -He was going to his death. The parliament, as well as Calvin, had -understood the position, but had arrived at very different conclusions. -It saw that the hour was come to strike the blow that would crush the -Reformation, and had resolved to arrest the rector even in the court. -The absence of the king was an opportunity of which they must hasten to -take advantage. A signal vengeance, inflicted in full parliament, was to -expiate a crime not less signal, committed in the presence of the whole -university. A member of the court, converted to the Gospel, determined -to save the unfortunate Cop, and sent a trusty man to warn him of the -impending danger. As he quitted the great hall, the messenger caught -sight of the archers who had been sent for to arrest the rector: might -it not be too late to save him? Cop was already on the road and -approaching the palace, accompanied by a crowd of students, citizens, -and common people, some full of good wishes, others curious to learn the -issue of this singular duel between the parliament and the university. -The man sent to forewarn the rector arrived just as the university -procession was passing through a narrow street. Taking advantage of a -momentary confusion occasioned by the crowd, he approached Cop, and -whispered in his ear: 'Beware of the enemy;[501] they intend shutting -you up in the Conciergerie; Berquin's fate awaits you; I have seen the -officers authorised to seize you; if you go farther, you are a dead -man.' ... What was to be done?... If it had been Calvin instead of Cop, -he would perhaps have gone on. I cannot tell; for the peril was -imminent, and it appeared doubtful if anything would be gained by -braving it. However that may be, Cop was only Calvin's double; it was -his friend's faith that urged him forward more perhaps than his own. To -stand firm in the day of tempest, man must cling to the rock without -human help; Cop, overtaken by this news of death at the very moment he -fancied he was marching to victory, lost his presence of mind, stopped -the procession, was suddenly surrounded by several friends, and, the -disorder being thus augmented, he escaped and hastily returned home.[502] - -[Sidenote: THE RECTOR'S FLIGHT.] - -Where shall he go now? There could be no doubt that the parliament would -seize him wherever he could be found; his friends therefore insisted -that he should quit France. He was strongly inclined to do so: Basle, -the asylum of his master Erasmus, was his native place, and he was sure -of finding a shelter there. Cop flung off the academical dress, the cap -and gown, which would have betrayed him;[503] caught up hurriedly what -was necessary for his journey, and by mistake, some say, carried away -the university seal with him.[504] I rather believe he did so -designedly; compelled to yield to force, he desired, even when far from -Paris, to retain the insignia of that illustrious body. His friends -hurried him; at any moment the house might be surrounded; he quitted it -stealthily, escaped out of Paris, and fled along the road which leads to -Basle, using every precaution to conceal himself from the pursuit of his -enemies. When the archers went to his house, they searched it in vain: -the rector had disappeared. - -The parliament, exasperated at this escape, promised a reward of three -hundred crowns to any one who should bring back the fugitive rector, -_dead or alive_.[505] But Cop in his disguise eluded every eye; he -succeeded through innumerable dangers in getting safely out of the -kingdom, and arrived in Switzerland. He was saved; but the Reformation -was threatened with a still more terrible blow. - -The Roman party consoled themselves a little for this escape by saying -that Cop was only a puppet, and that the man who had pulled the strings -was still in their power. 'It is Calvin,' they said, 'whom we must seize. -He is a daring adventurer, a rash determined man, resolved to make the -world talk of him like that incendiary of the temple of Diana, of whom -history speaks. He will keep all Europe in disquietude, and will build -up a new world. If he is permitted to live, he will be the Luther ... -the firebrand of France.'[506] - -The lieutenant-criminal, Jean Morin, had kept his eye for some time upon -the young doctor. He had discovered his activity in increasing the -heretical sect, and also his secret conferences with Cop. His agents -were on his track whenever Calvin went by night to teach from house to -house.[507]... Cop was the shadow, said the monks; if the shadow escapes -us, let us strike the substance. The parliament ordered the -lieutenant-criminal to seize the reformer and shut him up in the -Conciergerie. - -[Sidenote: FLIGHT OF CALVIN.] - -Calvin, trusting to his obscurity and, under God, to the protection of -the Queen of Navarre, was sitting quietly in his room in the college of -Fortret.[508] He was not however free from emotion; he was thinking of -what had happened to Cop, but did not believe that the persecution would -reach him. His friends, however, did not share in this rash security. -Those who had helped Cop to escape, seeing the rector out of his -enemies' reach, said to themselves that the same danger threatened -Calvin.[509] They entered his chamber at a time when they were least -expected. 'Fly!' they said to him, 'or you are lost.' He still -hesitated. Meanwhile the lieutenant-criminal arrived before the college -with his sergeants. Several students immediately hurried to their -comrade, told him what was going on, and entreated him to flee. But -scarcely have they spoken, when heavy steps are heard: it is no longer -time.... The officers are there! It was the noise made by them at -Calvin's door (says an historian) which made him comprehend the danger -that threatened him. Perhaps the college gate is meant, rather than the -door of the reformer's own room.[510] In either case, the moment was -critical; but if they could manage to gain only a few minutes, the young -evangelist might escape. His noble, frank, and sympathetic soul -conciliated the hearts of all who knew him. He always possessed devoted -friends, and they did not fail him now. The window of his room opened -into the street of the Bernardins. They lost not a moment: some of those -who came to warn him engaged the attention of Morin and his officers for -a few minutes; others remaining with Calvin twisted the bed-clothes into -a rope, and fastened them to the window. Calvin, leaving his manuscripts -scattered about, caught hold of the sheets and lowered himself down to -the ground.[511] He was not the first of Christ's servants who had taken -that road to escape death. When the Jews of Damascus conspired against -Paul, 'the disciples took him by night and let him down by the wall in a -basket.'—'Thus early,' says Calvin, 'Paul went through his -apprenticeship of carrying the cross in after years.'[512] - -He had hardly disappeared when the lieutenant-criminal, notorious for -his excessive cruelty,[513] entered the room, and was astonished to find -no one there. The youthful doctor had escaped like a bird from the net -of the fowler. Morin ordered some of his sergeants to pursue the -fugitive, and then proceeded to examine carefully all the heretic's -papers, hoping to find something that might compromise other Lutherans. -He did lay his hand on certain letters and documents which afterwards -exposed Calvin's friends to great danger, and even to death.[514] Morin -docketed them, tied them up carefully in a bundle, and withdrew. The -cruel hatred which animated him against the evangelical christians had -been still further increased by his failure. - -Calvin, having landed in the street of the Bernardins, entered that of -St. Victor, and then proceeded towards the suburb of that name. At the -extremity of this suburb, not far from the open country (a catholic -historian informs us), dwelt a vine-dresser, a member of the little -church of Paris. Calvin went to this honest protestant's and told him -what had just happened. The vine-dresser, who probably had heard him -explain the Scriptures at their secret meetings, moved with a fatherly -affection for the young man, proposed to change clothes with him. -Forthwith, says the canon to whom we are indebted for the account, -Calvin took off his own garments and put on the peasant's old-fashioned -coat. With a hoe on one shoulder, and a wallet on the other, in which -the vine-dresser had placed some provisions, he started again. If Morin -had sent his officers after him, they might have passed by the fugitive -reformer under this rustic disguise. - -[Sidenote: CALVIN IS RECOGNISED.] - -He was not far beyond the suburbs of Paris, however, when he saw a canon -whom he knew coming towards him. The latter with astonishment fixed a -curious look on the vine-dresser, and fancying him to be very unlike a -stout peasant, he drew near, stopped, and recognised him. He knew what -was the matter, for all Paris was full of it. The canon immediately -remonstrated with him: 'Change your manner of life,' he said; 'look to -your salvation, and I will promise to procure you _a good appointment_.' -But Calvin, 'who was hot-headed,' replied: 'I shall go through with it -to the last.'[515] The canon afterwards related this incident to the -Abbot de Genlis, who told it to Desmay.[516] - -Is this a story invented in the idle talk of a cloister? I think not. -Some of the details, particularly the language of the canon, render it -probable. It was also by the promise of a 'good appointment' that -Francis de Sales endeavoured to win over Theodore Beza. Simony is a sin -so _innocent_ that three priests, a canon, an abbot, and a doctor of the -Sorbonne, combine to relate this peccadillo. If the language of the -canon is in conformity with his character, Calvin's answer, 'I will go -through with it to the last,' is also in his manner. Although we may -have some trouble to picture the young reformer disguised as a peasant, -with his wallet and hoe, we thought it our duty to relate an incident -transmitted to us by his enemies. The circumstance is really not -singular. Calvin was then beginning an exodus which has gone on -unceasingly for nearly three centuries. The disciples of the Gospel in -France, summoned to abjure Christ, have fled from their executioners by -thousands, and under various disguises. And if the gravity of history -permitted the author to revert to the stories that charmed his -childhood, he could tell how many a time, seated at the feet of his -grandmother and listening with attentive ear, he has heard her describe -how her mother, a little girl at the time of the Revocation in 1685, -escaped from France, concealed in a basket which her father, a pious -huguenot, disguised as a peasant, carried carefully on his back. - -Calvin, having escaped his enemies, hurried away from the capital, from -his cherished studies and his brethren, and wandered up and down, -avoiding the places where he might be recognised. He thought over all -that had happened, and his meditative mind drew wholesome lessons from -it. He learnt from his own experience by what token to recognise the -true Church of Christ. 'We should lose our labour,' he said in later -days, thinking perhaps of this circumstance, 'if we wished to separate -Christ from his cross; it is a natural thing for the world to hate -Christ, even in his members. There will always be wicked men to prick us -like thorns. If they do not draw the sword, they spit out their venom, -and either gnash their teeth or excite some great disturbance.' The -sword was already 'drawn' against him: acting, therefore, with prudence, -he followed the least frequented roads, sleeping in the cottages or the -mansions of his friends. It is asserted that being known by the Sieur de -Hasseville, whose château was situated beyond Versailles, he remained -there some time in hiding.[517] - -The king's first movement, when he heard of Cop's business and the -flight of Calvin, was one of anger and persecution. Duprat, formerly -first president of parliament, was much exasperated at the affront -offered to that body. Francis commanded every measure to be taken to -discover the person who had warned Cop of his danger; he would have had -him punished severely as a favourer of heresy.[518] At the same time, he -ordered the prosecution of those persons whom the papers seized in -Calvin's room pointed out as partisans of the new doctrine. - -[Sidenote: MANY EVANGELICALS QUIT PARIS.] - -There was a general alarm among the evangelicals, and many left Paris. A -Dominican friar, brother of De la Croix, feeling a growing thirst for -knowledge, deliberated in his convent whether he ought not to remove to -a country where the Gospel was preached freely.[519] He was one of those -compromised by Calvin's papers. He therefore made his escape, reached -Neufchatel, and thence proceeded to Geneva, where we shall meet him -again. - -The greater part of the friends of the Gospel, however, remained in -France: Margaret exerted all her influence with her brother to ward off -the impending blow, and succeeded in appeasing the storm.[520] Francis -was always between two contrary currents, one coming from Duprat, the -other from his sister; and once more he followed the better. - -The Queen of Navarre, exhausted by all these shocks, disgusted with the -dissipations of the court, distressed by the hatred of which the Gospel -was the object among all around her, turned her face towards the -Pyrenees. Paris, St. Germain, Fontainebleau, had no more charms for her; -besides, her health was not strong, and she desired to pass the winter -at Pau. But, above all, she sighed for solitude, liberty, and -meditation; she had need of Christ. She therefore bade farewell to the -brilliant court of France, and departed for the quiet Béarn. - - Adieu! pomps, pleasures, now adieu! - No longer will I sort with you! - Other pleasure seek I none - Than in my Bridegroom alone! - For my honour and my having - Is in Jesus: him receiving, - I'll not leave him for the fleeting!... - Adieu, adieu![521] - -Margaret arrived in the Pyrenees. - -[Footnote 483: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ i. p. 9.] - -[Footnote 484: Calvini _Opera_.] - -[Footnote 485: The document is in the library of Geneva (MS. 145). It -has on the margin: 'Hæc Johannes Calvinus _propria manu_ descripsit, et -est _auctor_.' Dr. Bonnet came upon it in the course of his researches -for his edition of Calvin's Letters, and gave the author a copy.] - -[Footnote 486: 'Hac qui excellunt, tantum prope reliquæ hominum -multitudini præstare mihi videntur, quantum homines belluis -antecedunt.'—Geneva MSS. 145.] - -[Footnote 487: 'Sola Dei gratia peccata remittit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 488: 'Spiritum sanctum, qui corda sanctificat et vitam æternam -adfert, omnibus christianis pollicetur.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 489: 'Motus animi turbulentos, quasi habenis quibusdam.'— -Geneva MS.] - -[Footnote 490: 'Ut tota nostra oratio illum laudet, illum sapiat, illum -spiret, illum referat. Rogabimus ut in mentes nostras illabatur, nosque -gratiæ cœlestis succo irrigare dignetur.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 491: Bellarmine, _De Controversiis_.] - -[Footnote 492: Crévier, _Hist. de l'Université_, v. p. 275.] - -[Footnote 493: Crévier, _Hist. de l'Université_, v. p. 276.] - -[Footnote 494: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 287.] - -[Footnote 495: 'In aulam.'—Bezæ _Vita Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 496: 'Hanc tempestatem Dominus, reginæ Navariensis, piis tunc -admodum faventis, intercessione, dissipavit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 497: 'Ibique perhonorifice ab ea accepto et audito Calvino.'— -Ibid.] - -[Footnote 498: Théod. de Bèze, _Vie de Calvin_, p. 14. Calvini _Opera_, -passim.] - -[Footnote 499: Calvini _Opera_, i. pars iii. pp. 1002, 1003.] - -[Footnote 500: 'Citatus rector sese quidem in viam cum suis -apparitoribus dedit.'—Bezæ _Vita Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 501: 'Ut sibi ab adversariis caveret.'—Bezæ _Vita Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 502: 'Domum reversus.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 503: Maimbourg, _Hist. du Calvinisme_, p. 58.] - -[Footnote 504: 'Ablato secum, forte per imprudentiam, signo -universitatis.'—Bucer to Blaarer, Jan. 18, 1534.] - -[Footnote 505: 'CCC coronatos ei qui fugitivum rectorem, vivum vel -mortuum adducat.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 506: Flor. Rémond, _Hist. de l'Hérésie_, liv. vii. ch. viii.] - -[Footnote 507: Maimbourg, _Hist. du Calvinisme_, p. 58.] - -[Footnote 508: Gaillard, _Hist. de François I._ iv. p. 274.] - -[Footnote 509: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. des Egl. Réf._ i. p. 9.] - -[Footnote 510: Varillas, _Hist. des Revolutions Religieuses_, -ii. p. 467. This writer is not always correct.] - -[Footnote 511: Drelincourt, _Défense de Calvin_, pp. 35, 169.] - -[Footnote 512: Acts ix. 25.] - -[Footnote 513: 'Morinus, cujus adhuc nomen ab insigni sævitia -celebratur.'—Bezæ _Vita Calvini_.] - -[Footnote 514: 'Deprehensis, inter schedas, multis amicorum litteris, ut -plurimi in maximum vitæ discrimen incurrerent.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 515: 'Je poursuivrai tout outre.'] - -[Footnote 516: Desmay, _Jean Calvin Hérésiarque_, p. 45. Drelincourt, -_Défense de Calvin_, p. 175.] - -[Footnote 517: Casan, _Statistique de Mantes_. _France Protestante_, i. -p. 113.] - -[Footnote 518: Registres du Parlement.] - -[Footnote 519: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, fol. 106.] - -[Footnote 520: Gaillard, _Hist. de François I_. iv. p. 275.] - -[Footnote 521: _Les Marguerites de la Marguerite_, i. p. 518.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXXI. - CONFERENCE AND ALLIANCE BETWEEN FRANCIS I. AND PHILIP - OF HESSE AT BAR-LE-DUC. - (WINTER 1533-34.) - - -[Sidenote: PROPOSED GERMAN ALLIANCE.] - -Almost about the same time, Francis bent his steps towards the Rhine. -The establishment of the Reform throughout Europe depended, as many -thought, on the union of France with protestant Germany. This union -would emancipate France from the papal supremacy, and all christendom -would then be seen turning to the Gospel. The king was preparing to hold -a conference with the most decided of the protestant princes of Germany. -Rarely has an interview between two sovereigns been of so much -importance. - -Francis I. had hardly quitted Marseilles and arrived at Avignon, when he -assembled his council (25th of November, 1533), and communicated to it -the desire for an alliance which the German protestants had expressed to -him. A certain shame had prevented him from moving in the matter, amid -the caresses which papacy and royalty were lavishing upon each other at -Marseilles. But now that Clement was on board his galleys, nothing -prevented the King of France, who had given his right hand to the -pontiff, from giving his left to the heretics.[522] There were many -reasons why he should do so. The clergy were not allies for whose -support he was eager: the best orthodoxy, in his eyes, was the iron arm -of the lansquenets. Besides, the opportunity was unprecedented: in fact, -he could at one stroke gain the protestants to his cause, and inflict an -immense injury on Austria—that is to say, on Charles V. - -It will no doubt be remembered that the young Prince of Wurtemberg, whom -the emperor was leading in his train across the Alps, having escaped -with his governor, had loudly demanded back the states of which Austria -had robbed his father. Francis was chiefly occupied about him at -Avignon. 'At this place,' says the historian Martin du Bellay, 'the king -assembled his council, and deliberated on a request made to him not only -by young Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg and his father, but by his -uncles, Duke William and Duke Louis of Bavaria. Christopher himself had -written to Francis I.: "Sire," he said, "during the great and long -calamity of my father and myself, what first made hope spring up in our -hearts was the thought that you would interpose your influence to put an -end to our misery.... Your compassion for the afflicted is well known. I -doubt not that, by your assistance, we shall soon be restored to our -rights."'[523] - -Francis, always on the watch to injure his rival, was delighted at this -proceeding, and did not conceal his joy from the privy council. 'I -desire much,' he said, 'to see the dukes of Wurtemberg restored to their -states, and should like to help them, as much to weaken the emperor's -power as to acquire new friendships in Germany. But,' he added, 'I would -do it under so _colourable a pretext_, that I may affirm that I have -infringed no treaty.'[524] To humble the emperor and to exalt the -protestants, without appearing to have anything to do with it, was what -Francis desired. - -[Sidenote: DU BELLAY SENT TO GERMANY.] - -William du Bellay urged the king to return the duke a favourable answer. -A friend of independence and sound liberty, he was at that time the -representative of the old French spirit, as Catherine de Medici was to -become the representative of the new—that is to say, of the Romish -influence under which France has unhappily suffered for nearly three -centuries. It has been sometimes said that the cause of France is the -cause of Rome; but the noblest aspirations of the French people and its -most generous representatives condemn this error. Popery is the cause of -the pope alone; it is not even the cause of Italy; and if the contrary -opinion still exists in France, it is a remnant of the influence of the -Medici. - -The transition from Marseilles to Avignon was, however, a little abrupt. -To ally the eldest son of the Church with the protestants at the very -moment he left the pope's arms, in a city which belonged to the holy -see, and in the ancient palace of the pontiffs, seemed strange to the -French, whose eyes were still fascinated by the pomp of Rome. This was -noticed by Du Bellay, who, wishing to facilitate the transition, -explained to the council 'that a diet was about to be held at Augsburg, -where the reparation of a great injustice would be discussed; that an -innocent person implored the king's assistance; that it was the practice -of France to succour the oppressed everywhere; that precious advantages -might result from it ... besides, there could be no doubt of success, -and as the cause of Duke Christopher would be conducted in the diet -according to the rights, usages, immunities, and privileges of the -German nation, the emperor could not prevent justice being done.... Let -us send an ambassador,' added Du Bellay, 'to support the claims of the -dukes of Wurtemberg, and Austria must either restore these princes to -their states, or arouse the hostility of all Germany against it.'[525] -Francis was already gained. He hoped not only to take Wurtemberg from -Austria, but also to get up a general war in Germany between the -protestants and the empire, of which he could take advantage to seize -upon the states which he claimed in Italy. When his detested rival had -fallen beneath their combined blows, the religious question should be -settled. The king, who had meditated all this in the intervals of his -conferences with Clement VII., ordered Du Bellay to proceed to Augsburg -forthwith, and charged him 'to do everything in his power, _with a -sufficiently colourable pretext_, towards the re-establishment of the -dukes of Wurtemberg.'[526] Du Bellay was satisfied. He wished for more -than the king did; he desired to emancipate France from the papal -supremacy, and with that object to draw Francis and protestantism closer -together. That was difficult; but this Wurtemberg affair, which -presented itself simply as a political question, would supply him with -the means of overcoming every difficulty. This was where he would have -to set the wedge in order to split the tree. He thought that he could -make use of it to counteract the effects of the conference which the -king had just held with the pope by contriving another between the two -most anti-papistical princes in Europe. Du Bellay departed, taking the -road through Switzerland. - -[Sidenote: DU BELLAY IN SWITZERLAND.] - -He had his reasons for adopting this route. The emperor and his brother -consented, indeed, that their rights should be discussed in the diet, -but it was only that they might not appear to refuse to do justice: -everybody knew that Ferdinand had no intention of restoring Wurtemberg. -The balance was at that time pretty even in Germany between Rome and the -Gospel, and the restitution of Wurtemberg would make it incline to the -side of the Reformation. If Austria would not give way, she would have -to be constrained by force of arms. Du Bellay desired, therefore, to -induce the protestant cantons of Switzerland, bordering on Wurtemberg, -to unite their efforts with those of protestant Germany in wresting that -duchy from the Austrian rule. Francis, who knew how to manage such -matters, had conceived the design of placing in the hands of the -Helvetians, probably through Du Bellay, a certain sum of money to cover -the expenses of the campaign. But it seems that the protestant cantons -did not agree to the arrangement.[527] - -When Du Bellay arrived at Augsburg, he met the young Duke Christopher. -He entered into conversation with him, and they were henceforth -inseparable: this prince, so amiable, but at the same time so firm, was -his man. He is to be the lever which the counsellor of Francis I. will -use to stir men's minds, and to unite Germany and France.... The first -thing to be done was to restore him to his throne. The French ambassador -paid a visit to the delegates from Austria. 'The king my master,' he -said, 'is delighted that this innocent young man has at last found a -harbour in the midst of the tempest. His father and he have suffered -enough by being driven from their home.... It is time to restore the son -to the father, the father to the son, and to both of them the states of -their ancestors. If entreaties are not sufficient,' added Du Bellay -firmly, 'the king my master will employ all his power.'[528] Thus did -France take up her position as the protector of the distressed; but -there was something else underneath: the chief object of the king was to -strike a blow at the emperor; that of Du Bellay, to strike the pope. - -Christopher, who received encouragement from every quarter, appeared -before the diet on the 10th of December, 1533. He was no longer the -captive prince whom Charles had led in his train. The poor young man, -who not long ago had been compelled to flee, leaving his companion -behind him, hidden among the reeds of a marsh in the Norican Alps, stood -now before the German diet, surrounded by a brilliant throng of nobles, -the representatives of the princes who supported his claims, and having -as _assistants_ (that is, as espousing his quarrel) the delegates of -Saxony, Prussia, Brunswick, Mecklenburg, Luneburg, Hesse, Cleves, -Munster, and Juliers. The King of Hungary pleaded his cause in person: -'Most noble seigniors,' he began, 'when we see the young Duke -Christopher of Wurtemberg deprived of his duchy without having done -anything to deserve such punishment, disappointed by the Austrians in -all the hopes they had given him, unworthily treated at the imperial -court,[529] compelled to make his escape by flight, imploring at this -moment by earnest supplications your compassion and your help—we are -profoundly agitated. What! because his father has done wrong, shall this -young man be reduced to a hard and humiliating life? Has not the voice -of God himself declared that the son shall not bear the iniquities of -the father?' - -[Sidenote: UNION TO ASSIST WURTEMBERG.] - -The Austrian commissioners, finding their position rather embarrassing, -began to temporise, and proposed that Christopher should accept as -compensation some town of small importance. He refused, saying: 'I will -never cease to claim simply and firmly the country of my fathers.'[530] -But Austria, fearing the preponderance of protestantism in Germany, -closed her ears to his just request. At this point France intervened -strongly in favour of the two protestant princes. Du Bellay, after -reminding the diet that Ulrich had confessed his faults, and that he was -much altered by age, long exile, and great trials, continued thus: 'Must -the duke see his only son, a young and innocent prince, who ought to be -the support of his declining years, for ever bearing the weight of his -misfortunes? Will you take into consideration neither the calamitous old -age of the one, nor the unhappy youth of the other? Will you avenge the -sins of the father upon the child who was then in the cradle? The dukes -of Wurtemberg are of high descent. Their punishment has been permitted, -but not their destruction. Help this innocent youth (Christopher), -receive this penitent (Ulrich), and reestablish them both in their -former dignity.'[531] - -The Austrians, who were annoyed at seeing the ambassador of the King of -France intermeddling in their affairs, held firm. The deputies of -Saxony, Hesse, Prussia, Mecklenburg, and the other states, now made up -their minds to oppose Austria; they told the young duke that they were -ready to cast their swords in the balance, and Christopher himself -requested Du Bellay 'to change his congratulatory oration into a -comminatory one.'[532] - -[Sidenote: DU BELLAY PLEADS AND MENACES.] - -When the French envoy was admitted again before the diet, he assumed a -higher tone: 'My lords,' he said, 'will you lend your hands to the ruin -of an innocent person?... If you do so ... I tell you that you will -bring a stain upon your reputation that all the water in the sea will -not be able to wash out. This prince, in heart so proud, in origin so -illustrious, will not endure to live miserably in the country whose -sovereign he is by birth; he will go into a foreign land. And in what -part soever of the world he may be, what will he carry with him?... The -shame of the emperor, the shame of King Ferdinand, the shame of all of -you. Every man, pointing to him, will say: That is he who formerly.... -That is he who now.... That is he who through no fault of his own.... -That is he who, being compelled to leave Germany.... You understand, my -lords, what is omitted in these sentences; I willingly excuse myself -from completing them ... you will do it yourselves. No! you will not be -insensible to such great misery.... I see your hearts are touched -already.... I see by your gestures and your looks that you feel the -truth of my words.' - -Then, making a direct attack upon the emperor and his brother, he said: -'There are people who, very erroneously in my opinion, consult only -their wicked ambition and unbridled covetousness, and who think that, by -oppressing now one and now another, they will subdue all Germany.' - -Turning next to the young Prince of Wurtemberg, the representative of -Francis I. continued: 'Duke Christopher, rely upon it the Most Christian -King will do all that he can in your behalf, without injury to his -faith, his honour, and the duties of blood. The court of France has -always been the most liberal of all—ever open to receive exiled and -suffering princes. With greater reason, then, it will not be closed -against you who are its ally ... you who, by the justice of your cause -and by your innocence, appear even to your enemies worthy of pity and -compassion.'[533] - -The members of the diet had listened attentively to this speech, and -their countenances showed that they were convinced.[534] The cause was -won: the Swabian league, the creature of Austria and the enemy of the -Reformation, was not to be renewed. Du Bellay left Augsburg, continued -his journey through Germany, and endeavoured to form a new confederation -there[535] against Austria, which Francis I. and Henry VIII. could join. -'If any one should think of invading England,' the latter was told, 'we -would send you soldiers _by the Baltic sea_.'[536] It is to be feared -that this succour by way of the Baltic would have arrived rather late in -the waters of the Thames. But the main thing in Du Bellay's eyes was -action, not diplomatic negotiations. His idea was to unite Francis I. -and the protestants of Germany in a common movement which would lead -France to throw off the ultramontane yoke; but there were only two men -of sufficient energy to undertake it. The first was the king his master, -to whom we now return. - -Francis, after leaving Avignon, had gone into Dauphiny, thence to Lyons -and other cities in the east of France. In January 1534, he reached -Bar-le-Duc, thus gradually drawing nearer to the German frontier. The -winter this year was exceedingly severe, but for that the king did not -care: he thought only of uniting France and the protestants by means of -Wurtemberg, as the marriage of Catherine had just united France and the -pope. - -[Sidenote: THE LANDGRAVE'S PROJECT.] - -The second of the princes from whom an energetic course might be -expected was the Landgrave of Hesse. Of all the protestant leaders of -Germany he was the one whose heart had been least changed by the Gospel. -Without equalling Francis I. in sensuality, he was yet far from being a -pattern of chastity. But, on the other hand, none of the princes -attached to the Reformation equalled him in talent, strength, and -activity. By his character he was the most important man of the -evangelical league, and more than once he exercised a decisive influence -on the progress of the protestant work. Philip, cousin of the Duke of -Wurtemberg, often had him at his court; Ulrich had even taken part in -the famous conference of Marburg. Moved by the misfortunes of this -prince, delighted at the trick Christopher had played the emperor, -touched by the loyalty of the Wurtembergers, who claimed their dukes and -their nationality, impatient to win this part of Germany to the -evangelical faith, he desired to take it away from Austria. To find the -men to do it was easy, if only he had the money ... but money he had -none. - -Du Bellay saw that there lay the knot of the affair, and he made haste -to cut it. The clergy of France had just given the king a considerable -sum: could a better use be made of it than this? The French envoy let -Philip know that he might obtain from his master the subsidies he -needed. But more must be done: he must take advantage of the opportunity -to bring together the two most enterprising princes of the epoch. If -they saw and heard one another, they would like each other and bind -themselves in such a manner that the union of France and protestant -Germany would be effected at last. Philip of Hesse received all these -overtures with delight. - -[Sidenote: LUTHER OPPOSES THE WAR.] - -But fresh obstacles now intervened. The theologians of the Reformation -detested these foreign alliances and wars, which, in their opinion, -defiled the holiest of causes. Luther and Melanchthon waited upon the -elector, conjuring him to oppose the landgrave's rash enterprise; and Du -Bellay found the two reformers employing as much zeal to prevent the -union of Francis and Philip as he to accomplish it. 'Go,' said the -elector to Luther and Melanchthon, 'and prevail upon the landgrave to -change his mind.' - -The two doctors, on their way from Wittemberg to Weimar, where they -would meet Philip, conversed about their mission and the landgrave: 'He -is an intelligent prince,' said Luther, 'all animation and impulse, and -of a joyous heart. He has been able to maintain order in his country, so -that Hesse, which is full of forests and mountains where robbers might -find shelter, sees its inhabitants travelling and roaming about, buying -and selling without fear.... If one of them is attacked and robbed, -forthwith the landgrave falls upon the bandits and punishes them. He is -a true man of war—an Arminius. His star never deceives him, and he is -much dreaded by all his adversaries.'[537] 'And I too,' said -Melanchthon, 'love the _Macedonian_' (for so he called Philip of Hesse, -because, in his opinion, that prince had all the shrewdness and courage -of his namesake of Macedon); 'for that reason,' he added, 'I am -unwilling that, being so high, he should risk so great a fall.'[538] The -two theologians had no doubt that a war undertaken against the powerful -house of Austria would end in a frightful catastrophe to the protestants. - -When they reached Weimar the two reformers saw the landgrave, and -employed 'their best rhetoric,' says Luther, to dissuade him.[539] The -doctor held very decided opinions on this subject. An alliance with the -King of France, what a disgrace! A war against the emperor, what -madness! 'The devil,' he said, 'desires to govern the nation by making -everybody draw the sword. With what eloquence he strives to convince us -that it is lawful and even necessary! Somebody is injuring these people, -he says; let us make haste to strike and save them! Madman! God sleeps -not, and is no fool; he knows very well how to govern the world.[540] We -have to contend with an enemy against whom no human strength or wisdom -can prevail. If we arm ourselves with iron and steel, with swords and -guns, he has only to breathe upon them, and nothing remains but dust and -ashes.... But if we take upon us the armour of God, the helmet, the -shield, and the sword of the Spirit, then God, if necessary, will hurl -the emperor from his throne,[541] and will keep for us all he has given -us—his Gospel, his kingdom.' Luther and Melanchthon persevered in their -representations to the landgrave, in order to thwart Du Bellay's plans. -'This war,' they said, 'will ruin the cause of the Gospel, and fix on it -an indelible stain. Pray do not disturb the peace.' At these words the -prince's face grew red; he did not like opposition, and gave the two -divines an angry answer.[524] 'They are people who do not understand the -affairs of this world,' he said; and, returning to Hesse, he pursued his -plans with vigour. - -He had not long to wait for success. The King of France invited the -landgrave to cross into Lorraine to come to an understanding with him: -he added, 'without forgetting to bring Melanchthon.'[543] Then Philip -held back no longer: a conference with the mighty King of France seemed -to him of the utmost importance. He started on his journey, reached -Deux-Ponts on the 18th of January, 1534; and shortly afterwards that -daring prince, who, by quitting Augsburg in 1530, had thrown the diet -into confusion, and alarmed the cabinet of the emperor,—the most warlike -chief of the evangelical party, the most brilliant enemy of popery, -Philip of Hesse, arrived at Bar-le-Duc, where Francis received him with -the smile which had not left his lips since his meeting with -Clement.[544] - -[Sidenote: CONFERENCE OF PHILIP AND FRANCIS.] - -The two princes first began to scrutinise each other. The landgrave was -thirty years old, and Francis forty. Philip was short, his eyes large -and bold, and his whole countenance indicated resolution of character. -Politics and religion immediately occupied their attention. The king -expressed himself strongly in favour of the ancient liberties of the -Germanic empire, which Austria threatened, and pronounced distinctly for -the restoration of the dukes of Wurtemberg. Coming then to the grand -question, he said, 'Pray explain to me the state of religious affairs in -Germany; I do not quite understand them.'[545] The landgrave explained -to the king, as well as he could, the causes and true nature of the -Reformation, and the struggles to which it gave rise. Francis I. -consented to hear from the mouth of a prince a statement of those -evangelical principles to which he closed his ears when explained to him -by Zwingle or by Calvin. It is true that Philip presented them rather in -a political light. Francis showed himself favourable to the protestant -princes. 'I refused my consent to a council in Italy,' he said; 'I -desire a neutral city, and instead of an assembly in which the pope can -do what he pleases, I demand a free council.' 'These are the king's very -words,' wrote the landgrave to the elector.[546] Philip of Hesse was -delighted. Assuredly, if Germany, France, England, and other states -should combine against the emperor and the pope, all Europe would be -transformed. 'That is not all,' added the landgrave; 'the king told me -certain things ... which I am sure will please your highness.'[547] - -The secret conference being ended: 'Now,' said Francis to the landgrave, -'pray present Melanchthon to me.' He had begged the German prince, as we -have seen, to bring this celebrated doctor with him; the King of France -wished for something more than a diplomatic conference, he desired a -religious one. But the landgrave had not forgotten the interview at -Weimar; and far from inviting Melanchthon, he had carefully concealed -from the Elector of Saxony the resolution he had formed, notwithstanding -his representations, to unite with the King of France in hostilities -against Austria. Philip having answered that Melanchthon was not with -him: 'Impossible!' exclaimed the king, and all the French nobles echoed -the word. 'Impossible! you will not make us believe that Melanchthon is -not with you!'—'Everybody wished to convince us that we had Philip with -us,' said the landgrave.—'Show him to us,' they exclaimed, 'almost using -violence towards us.'[548] - -It was indeed a great disappointment. Melanchthon was the most esteemed -representative of the Reformation. Some of those who accompanied the -king had reckoned upon him for a detailed explanation of the evangelical -principles; there were some even who desired to consult him on the best -means of insuring their success in France. In their eyes Melanchthon was -as necessary as Philip. 'As he is not here,' said they, 'you must send -for him.'—'Really,' said the landgrave, smiling, 'these Frenchmen desire -so much to see Melanchthon, that, if we could show him to them, they -would give us as much money as Tetzel and all the indulgence vendors -ever gained with their sanctimonious paper rubbish.'[549] - -[Sidenote: THE TREATY SIGNED.] - -They consoled themselves for this disappointment by holding a new -conference on the mode of delivering Wurtemberg. The king said that he -could not furnish troops, as that would be contrary to the treaty of -Cambray. 'I do not require soldiers,' answered the landgrave, 'but I -want a subsidy.' But to supply funds for a war against Charles V. was -equally opposed to the treaty. An expedient was sought and soon found. -Duke Ulrich shall sell Montbéliard to France for 125,000 crowns; but it -shall be stipulated, in a secret article, that if the duke repays this -sum within three years (as he did) Francis will give back Montbéliard. -It would appear that England also had something to do with the -subsidy.[550] The treaty was signed on the 27th of January, 1534. It is -worthy of notice that the French historians, even those free from -ultramontane prejudices, do not speak of this conference. - -Several other interviews took place. The landgrave was not the best type -of the true Reformation, but he had with him some good evangelicals, -who, in their pious zeal, could show the King of France, as Luther would -have done, the way of salvation. Solemn opportunities are thus given men -of leaving the low grounds in which they live, and rising to the heights -where they will see God. Francis I. closed his eyes. That prince -possessed certain excellent gifts, but his religion 'was nothing but -vanity and empty show.' At Bar-le-Duc he took the mailed hand of the -landgrave, but had no desire for the hand of Jesus Christ. - -The landgrave went back into Germany, and the King of France to the -interior of his states. Returning from the two interviews, he -congratulated himself on having embraced the pope at Marseilles and the -protestants at Bar-le-Duc. In proportion as the conference with Clement -had been public, that with Philip had been secret; but, on the other -hand, it had been more confidential and more real. These two meetings, -these two facts in appearance so different, had been produced by the -action of the same law. That law, which Francis wore in his heart, was -hatred and ruin to Charles V. Were not the pope and the landgrave two of -the princes of Europe who detested the emperor most? It was therefore -quite logical and in harmony with the science of Machiavelli for the -king to give one hand to Clement and the other to Philip. Internal -contradictions could not fail to show themselves erelong. In fact, the -Landgrave of Hesse, supported by France, was about to attack Austria, -and establish protestantism in Wurtemberg in the place of popery.... -What would Clement say? But before we follow the landgrave upon this -perilous enterprise, let us return into France with the king. - -[Footnote 522: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 206.] - -[Footnote 523: Martin du Bellay gives Duke Christopher's letter. -_Mémoires_, pp. 207, 208.] - -[Footnote 524: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 208.] - -[Footnote 525: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 209.] - -[Footnote 526: Ibid. p. 210.] - -[Footnote 527: 'Regem Franciæ deposuisse certam pecuniæ summam in bellum -pro restitutione junioris ducis Wurtembergensis apud Helvetios.'—_State -Papers_, vii. p. 539.] - -[Footnote 528: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 211.] - -[Footnote 529: 'Coactus qui fuerit ex ea curia in qua tam indigne -tractabatur, sese subducere.'—Johannes rex Hungariæ, manu propria, -_State Papers_, vii. p. 538.] - -[Footnote 530: Ranke, after Gabelkofer and Pfister, iii. p. 453.] - -[Footnote 531: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, pp. 213-219. He gives his -brother's speech at full length.] - -[Footnote 532: 'Changer son oraison gratulatoire en oraison -comminatoire.'] - -[Footnote 533: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, pp. 220-232.] - -[Footnote 534: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, p. 232.] - -[Footnote 535: 'Eum (Du Bellay) laborare inter certos Germaniæ -principes, ut fœdus novum inter se creent.'—Mont to Henry VIII., _State -Papers_, vii. p. 539.] - -[Footnote 536: 'Ipsi vero militem per mare Balticum nobis mitterent, si -quis Majestatem Vestram invadere vellet.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 537: 'Der Landgraf ist ein Kriegsmann, ein Arminius.'—Lutheri -_Opp._ xxii. p. 1842.] - -[Footnote 538: 'Ego certe τὸν Μακεδόνα non possum non amare et nolim -cadere.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 727.] - -[Footnote 539: 'Und brauchten dazu unsere beste Rhetorica.'—Lutheri -_Opp._ xxii. p. 1843.] - -[Footnote 540: 'Gott schläfet nicht, ist auch kein Narr: Er weiss sehr -wohl wie man regieren soll.'—Ibid. x. p. 254.] - -[Footnote 541: 'Den Kayser von seinem Stuhl stürzen.'—Ibid. xi. p. 434.] - -[Footnote 542: 'Da ward S. F. G. gar roth und erzumte sich drüber.'] - -[Footnote 543: 'Der König von Frankreich an uns beghert hat, das wir zu -Ihm kommen wolten.'—The Landgrave to the Elector, Rommel's -_Urkundenbuch_, p. 53.] - -[Footnote 544: Sleidan, i. liv. ix. p. 358.] - -[Footnote 545: 'Wie doch die Saclien und Zwiespalten der Religion -standen.'—The Landgrave to the Elector, Rommel's _Urkundenbuch_, p. 53.] - -[Footnote 546: 'Und sind das eben die Worte des Konigs.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 547: 'Es haben sich zwischen dem Könige und uns Reden -zugetragen ... daran E. L. gut gefallen haben werden.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 548: 'Der König und die grossen Herrn und jedermann wolten uns -_mit Gewald uberreden_, wir hätten Philippum bey uns.'—The Landgrave to -the Elector, Rommel's _Urkundenbuch_, p. 53.] - -[Footnote 549: Rommel's _Urkundenbuch_, p. 53.] - -[Footnote 550: _State Papers_, vii. p. 568.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXXII. - TRIUMPH AND MARTYRDOM. - (WINTER 1533-34.) - - -[Sidenote: THE GOSPEL IN THE PARIS CHURCHES.] - -The consequences of the meeting at Marseilles were to be felt at Paris. -After Calvin's flight, the Queen of Navarre, as we have seen, had -succeeded in calming the storm; and yet the evangelical cause had never -been nearer a violent persecution. The prisons were soon to be filled; -the fires of martyrdom were soon to be kindled. During the year 1533 -_Lutheran_ discourses had greatly multiplied in the churches. 'Many -notable persons,' says the chronicler, 'were at that time preaching in -the city of Paris.'[551] The simplicity, wisdom, and animation of their -language had moved all who heard them. The churches were filled, not -with formal auditors, but with men who received the glad-tidings with -great joy. 'Drunkards had become sober; libertines had become chaste; -the fruits which proceeded from the preaching of the Gospel had -astonished the enemies of light and truth.' - -The doctors of the Sorbonne did not wait for the king's orders to attack -the evangelicals; his interview with the pope, and the news of the bull -brought from Rome, had filled the catholic camp with joy. 'What!' they -exclaimed, 'the king is uniting with the pope at Marseilles, and in -Paris the churches are opened to heresy! ... let us make haste and close -them.' - -In the meanwhile Du Bellay, the Bishop of Paris, who had made such a -fine Latin speech to Clement VII., and who went at heart half-way with -his brother, arrived in the capital. The leaders of the Roman party -immediately surrounded him, urged him, and demanded the realisation of -all the hopes which they had entertained from the interview at -Marseilles. The bishop was embarrassed, for he knew that his brother and -the king were just then occupied with a very different matter. Yet it -was the desire of Francis that, for the moment, they should act in -conformity with his apparent and not with his real action. The bishop -gave way. The pious Roussel, the energetic Courault, the temporising -Berthaud, and others besides, were forbidden to preach, and one morning -the worshippers found the church doors shut.[552] - -[Sidenote: PRIVATE MEETINGS.] - -Great was their sorrow and agitation. Many went to Roussel and Courault, -and loudly expressed their regret and their wishes. The ministers took -courage, and 'turned their preaching into private lectures.' Little -meetings were formed in various houses in the city. At first none but -members of the family were present; but it seemed that Christ, according -to his promise, was in the midst of them, and erelong friends and -neighbours were admitted. The ministers set forth the promises of Holy -Scripture, and the worshippers exclaimed: 'We receive more blessings now -than before.' - -There were others besides Parisian faces which Courault, Roussel, and -their friends saw on the humble benches around their little table: there -were persons from many provinces of France, and even from the -neighbouring countries. Among them was Master Pointet, a native of -Menton, near Annecy, in Savoy, 'who practised the art of surgery in the -city of Paris.' He had been brought to a knowledge of the Gospel in a -singular way. 'Monks and priests,' says the chronicler, 'used to come to -him to be cured of the diseases peculiar to those who substitute an -impure celibacy for the holy institution of marriage.'[553] Pointet, -observing that godliness was not to be found among the priests, sought -for it in the Scriptures; and, having discovered it there, began to -remonstrate seriously with those unhappy men. 'These punishments,' he -told them, 'proceed from your accursed celibacy: they are your wages, -and you would do much better to take a wife.' Pointet, while reading -these severe lessons, loved to go and learn in the lowly assemblies held -by the humble ministers of the Word of God, and no one listened with -more attention to the preaching of Roussel and Courault. - -The Sorbonnists, having heard of these conventicles, declared 'that they -disliked _these lectures_ still more than the sermons.' In fact, if the -preaching in the churches had been a loud appeal, the Divine Word in -these small meetings spoke nearer to men's hearts, enlightening them and -making them fast in Jesus Christ; and accordingly the conversions -increased in number. The lieutenant-criminal once more took the field: -he posted his agents at the corners of the more suspected streets, with -orders to watch the Lutherans and ferret them out. These spies -discovered that on certain days and hours many suspicious-looking -persons, most of them poor, were in the habit of frequenting certain -houses. Morin and his officers set to work immediately: they made the -round of these conventicles, seizing the pastors and dispersing the -flocks. 'We are deprived of everything,' said the worshippers; 'we -remain without teaching and exhortation. Alas! poor sheep without -shepherds, shall we not go astray and be lost?' Then with a sudden -impulse they exclaimed: 'Since our guides are taken away from us here, -let us seek them elsewhere!' Many French evangelicals fled into foreign -countries. - -While the poor reformed[554] who remained in Paris were thus forsaken -and sorrowful, the Sorbonne loudly demanded the return of Beda and the -other exiles. The theologians canvassed the most influential members of -the parliament, and besieged Cardinal Duprat. The king and the pope had -just met solemnly at Marseilles; one of the Medici had just entered the -family of the Valois; a royal letter, despatched from Lyons, ordered -proceedings to be taken against the heretics: could they leave the -champions of the papacy in disgrace? The demand was granted, and the -impetuous Beda returned in triumph to the capital with his friends. That -wicked little fairy Catherine had, unconsciously, and by her mere -presence, restored him to liberty. - -[Sidenote: FRESH EFFORTS OF THE SORBONNE.] - -The wrath and fanaticism of Beda, excited by exile, knew no bounds. The -repression of obscure _preachers_ did not satisfy him; he determined to -renew the attack he had formerly made upon the learned. 'I accuse the -king's readers in the university of Paris,' he said to the parliament. -These were the celebrated professors Danès, Paul Paradis, Guidacieri, -and Vatable, learned philologists, esteemed by Francis and honoured over -all literary Europe. 'Their interpretations of the text of Scripture,' -continued Beda, 'throw discredit on the Vulgate, and propagate the -errors of Luther. I demand that they be forbidden to comment on the Holy -Scriptures.'[555] - -Beda did not stand alone. Le Picard had returned from exile with his -master, and the Sorbonne, wishing to give him a striking mark of their -esteem, had conferred on him the degree of doctor of divinity. Beda and -Le Picard took counsel together with some other priests. War was -resolved upon, the legions were mustered, the plan of the campaign drawn -up, and the various battle-fields allotted among the combatants. They -took possession of the pulpits from which the preachers of the Reform -had been expelled, and loud voices were heard everywhere giving -utterance to violent harangues against 'the Lutherans.' Beda, Le Picard, -and their followers denounced the heretics as enemies of the altar and -the throne. In the Gospel, the germ of every liberty, they saw the cause -of every disorder. 'It is not enough to put the Lutheran evangelists in -prison,' said these forerunners of the preachers of the League; 'we must -go a step further, and burn them.'[556] - -The arrests were begun immediately; but early in the year 1534 the -burning pile was declared to be the best answer to heresy. The -parliament of Paris published an edict, according to which whoever was -convicted of Lutheranism on the testimony of two witnesses, should be -burnt forthwith.[557] That was the surest way: the dead never return. -Beda immediately demanded that the decree should be applied to the four -evangelists: Courault, Berthaud, Roussel, and one of their friends. -Notwithstanding his moderation and his concessions, Roussel particularly -excited the syndic's anger. Was he not Margaret's chaplain? The terror -began to spread. Whilst Francis at Bar-le-Duc was endeavouring to please -the most decided of the protestants, the evangelicals of Paris, alarmed -by the inquiries of the police, shut themselves up in their humble -dwellings. 'Really,' they said, 'this is not much unlike the Spanish -inquisition.'[558] The Sorbonne dared not, however, burn Roussel and his -friends without the consent of the king. - -[Sidenote: THREE HUNDRED EVANGELICAL PRISONERS.] - -In the meanwhile the ultramontane party formed the design of catching -all the Lutherans in Paris in one cast of the net. Morin set to work: he -urged on his hounds; his sergeants entered the houses, went down into -the cellars and up into the garrets, taking away, here the husband from -the wife; there, the father from the children; and in another place, the -son from the mother. Some of these poor creatures hid themselves, others -escaped by the roofs; but the chase was successful upon the whole. The -alguazils of the Sorbonne lodged about _three hundred prisoners_ in the -Conciergerie.[559] When this news spread, with its concomitants of -terror and distress, the flight recommenced on a larger scale: some were -stopped on the road, but many succeeded in crossing the frontier. Among -their number was a christian courtier, Maurus Musæus, a gentleman of the -king's chamber, who took refuge at Basle, whence he wrote describing his -numerous perplexities to Bucer.[560] - -All this was done by the Sorbonne and parliament, as the king had not -yet spoken out. At last he returned to the capital, and everybody -thought he would be eager to fulfil the promises he had made the pope; -but, on the contrary, he hesitated and affected to be scrupulous. The -evil spirit that he had received from Clement VII. under the form of a -Medici, was too young to have any influence over him. Besides, he was -thinking much more just then of his alliance with the protestants of -Germany than of his union with the pope, and the attacks made against -his professors in the university annoyed him. - -Beda was not discouraged: he got some persons, who had access to the -king, to beg that Roussel and his friends might be burnt. But how could -that prince send the Lutherans of France to the stake at the very time -he was seeking an alliance with the Lutherans of Germany? 'Nobody is -condemned in France,' he said, 'without being tried. Beda wishes to have -Roussel and his friends burnt; very well! let him first go to the -Conciergerie and reduce them to silence.'[561] This was not what Beda -wanted: he knew that it was easier to burn the chaplain than to refute -him. But the king compelled him to go to the prison; and there the -impetuous Beda and the meek Roussel stood face to face. The disputation -began in the presence of witnesses. The prisoner brought forward, with -much simplicity, the Scriptures of God; the syndic of the Sorbonne -replied with scholastic quibbles and ridiculous trifling.[562] His own -friends were embarrassed; everybody saw his ignorance; Beda left the -prison overwhelmed with shame, and Roussel was not burnt.[563] - -[Sidenote: THE KING'S IRRITATION.] - -While Beda and Roussel were disputing in the Conciergerie, a different -scene was passing at the Louvre. A friend of letters, belonging to the -royal household, knowing the king's susceptibility, placed a little book -elegantly bound on a table near which the king was accustomed to sit. -Francis approached, took up the book heedlessly, and looked at it. He -was greatly surprised on reading the title: _Remonstrance addressed to -the King of France by the three doctors of Paris, banished and -relegated, praying to be recalled from their exile_. It was a work -published by Beda before his return to Paris, and had been carefully -concealed from the monarch. 'Ho! ho!' said he, 'this book is addressed -to me!' He opened and read, and great was his anger on seeing how he was -insulted and slandered.... 'Francis I. regards neither pope nor Medici: -in his eyes, the chief infallibility is always his own.' 'Send those -wretches to prison,' he exclaimed; and immediately Beda, Le Picard, and -Le Clerq were shut up in the bishop's prison on a charge of high -treason.[564] - -And now the chiefs of both causes were in confinement: Gerard Roussel, -Courault, and Berthaud on one side; Beda, Le Picard, and Le Clerq on the -other. Would any one dare affirm that the King of France did not hold -the balance even between the two schools? Who shall be released? who -shall remain a prisoner? was now the question. It would have been better -to set them all at large; but neither Francis nor his age had attained -to religious liberty. Contrary winds agitated that prince, and drove him -by turns towards Rome and towards Wittemberg. One or other of them, -however, must prevail. Margaret, believing the time to be critical, -displayed indefatigable activity. She pleaded the cause of her friends -to the king and to his ministers. Still mistaken, or seeming to be -mistaken, as regards Montmorency, she begged this treacherous friend to -save the very persons whose destruction he had sworn. 'Dear nephew,' she -wrote to him, 'they are just now completing the proceedings against -Master Gerard, and I hope the king will find him worthy of something -better than the stake, and that he has never held any opinion deserving -such punishment, or savouring of heresy. I have known him these five -years, and, believe me, if I had seen anything doubtful in him, I should -not so long have put up with such a pagan.'[565] The king could not -resist his sister's earnest solicitations and the desire of making -friends among the protestants of Germany. In the month of March 1534 he -published an ordinance vindicating the evangelical preachers from the -calumnies of the theologians, and setting them at liberty.[566] - -Surprising thing! Roussel, Courault, and Berthaud at liberty; Beda, Le -Picard, and Le Clerq in prison! The champions of heresy triumph, and the -champions of the Church are in chains! And this, too, after the king's -return from Marseilles (the interview at Bar-le-Duc was not known at -Paris), and four months after the marriage of Henry of France with the -pope's niece!... Where are the promises made to Clement VII.? Both the -city and the Sorbonne were deeply excited by this measure.[567] The -greater the hopes aroused by the union with the papacy, the greater the -fears caused by the king's conduct towards its most intrepid defenders. -Would Francis I. become a Henry VIII.? Would Roman catholicism be ruined -in France? The priests were afraid—many of them even despaired. - -The evangelicals, on the contrary, were delighted. The Word of God was -about to triumph, they thought, not only in Paris, but also throughout -France. Surprising news indeed came from Lyons, where an invisible -preacher kept the whole population in suspense. - -[Sidenote: ALEXANDER AT GENEVA.] - -The friar De la Croix, whom we have already mentioned, having abandoned -Paris, his convent, his cowl, and his monkish title, had reached Geneva -under the name of Alexander. Cordially welcomed by Farel and Froment, he -had been instructed by their care in the knowledge of the truth. His -transformation had been complete. Christ had become to him 'the sun of -righteousness; he had a burning zeal to know him, and great boldness in -confessing him. Incontinent, he showed himself resolute, and resisted -all gainsayers.' Accordingly the Genevan magistracy, which was under the -influence of the priests, had condemned him to death as a heretic; the -sentence had, however, been commuted, 'for fear of the King of France,' -who would not suffer a Frenchman, even if heretical, to be maltreated, -and Alexander was simply turned out of the city. When on the high-road -beyond the gates, and near the Mint, he stopped and preached to the -people who had followed him. Such was the power of his language that it -inspired respect in all around him. 'Nobody could stop him,' says -Froment, 'so strongly did his zeal impel him to win people to the -Lord.'[568] - -Alexander first went to Berne with Froment, and then, retracing his -steps, seriously reflected whether he ought not to return into France. -He did not deceive himself: persecution, imprisonment, death, awaited -him there. Then ought he not rather, like so many others, to preach the -Gospel in Switzerland? But France had so much need of the light and -grace of God.... should he abandon her? To preach Christ to his -countrymen, Alexander was ready to bear all manner of evil, and even -death. One single passion swallowed up all others. 'O my Saviour! thou -hast given thy life for me; I desire to give mine for thee!' He crossed -the frontier; and, learning that Bresse and Maconnais (Saône-et-Loire), -where Michael d'Aranda had preached Christ in 1524, were without -evangelists, he began to proclaim the forgiveness of the Gospel to the -simple and warm-hearted people of that district, among whom fanaticism -had so many adherents. He did not mind this: wandering along the banks -of the Bienne, the Ain, the Seille, and the Saône, he entered the -cottages of the poor peasants, and courageously scattered the seed of -the Gospel.[569] A rumour of his doings reached Lyons, where certain -pious goldsmiths, always ready to make sacrifices for their faith, -invited Alexander to come and preach in their city. - -[Sidenote: HIS WORK AT LYONS.] - -It was a wider field than the plains of Bresse. Alexander departed, -arrived at Lyons, and entered the goldsmiths' shops. He conversed with -them, and made the acquaintance of several _poor men of Lyons_, who were -rich in faith; they edified one another, but this did not satisfy him. -The living faith by which he was animated gave him an indefatigable -activity. He was prompt in his decisions, full of spirit in his -addresses, ingenious in his plans. He began to preach from house to -house; next 'he got a number of people together here and there, and -preached before them, to the great advancement of the Word.' Opposition -soon began to show itself, and Alexander exclaimed: 'Oh that Lyons were -a free city like Geneva!'[570] Those who desired to hear the Word grew -more thirsty every day; they went to Alexander, and conversed with him; -they dragged him to their houses, but the evangelist could not supply -all their wants. He wrote to Farel, asking for help from Geneva, but -none came; the persecution was believed to be so fierce at Lyons, that -nobody dared expose himself to it. Alexander continued, therefore, to -preach alone, sometimes in by-streets, and sometimes in an upper -chamber. The priests and their creatures, always on the watch, -endeavoured to seize him, but the evangelist had hardly finished his -sermon when the faithful, who loved him devotedly, surrounded him, -carried him away, and conducted him to some hiding-place. But Alexander -did not remain there long: wistfully putting out his head, and looking -round the house, to see that there was no one on the watch, he came -forth to go and preach at the other extremity of the city. He had hardly -finished when he was carried away again, and the believers took him to -some new retreat, 'hiding him from one house to another,' says the -chronicler, 'so that he could not be found.'[571] The evangelist was -everywhere and nowhere. When the priests were looking after him in some -suburb in the south, he was preaching in the north, on the heights which -overlook the city. He put himself boldly in the van, he proclaimed the -Gospel loudly, and yet he was invisible. - -Alexander did more than this: he even visited the prisons. He heard one -day that two men, well known in Geneva, who had come to Lyons on -business, had been thrown into the bishop's dungeons on the information -of the Genevan priests: they were the energetic Baudichon de la -Maison-Neuve, and his friend Cologny.[572] The gates opened for -Alexander: he entered, and that mysterious evangelist, who baffled the -police of Lyons, was inside the episcopal prison. If one of the agents -who are in search of him should recognise him, the gates will never open -again for him. But Alexander felt no uneasiness; he spoke to the two -Genevans, and exhorted them; he even went and consoled other brethren -imprisoned for the Gospel, and then left the dungeons, no man laying a -hand on him. The priests and their agents, bursting with vexation at -seeing the futility of all their efforts, met and lamented with one -another. 'There is a Lutheran,' they said, 'who preaches and disturbs -the people, collecting assemblies here and there in the city, whom we -must catch, for he will spoil all the world, as everybody is running -after him; and yet we cannot find him, or know who he is.'[573] They -increased their exertions, but all was useless. Never had preacher in so -extraordinary a manner escaped so many snares. At last they began to say -that the unknown preacher must be possessed of satanic powers, by means -of which he passed invisible through the police, and no one suspected -his presence. - -[Sidenote: MARGARET AND ROUSSEL.] - -Thus the Gospel was proclaimed in the first and in the second city of -France. The Sorbonne and the catholic party had been intimidated by the -king, and the Easter festival of 1534, which was approaching, might give -the evangelicals of Paris a striking opportunity of proclaiming their -faith. This was what the Queen of Navarre desired. She had passed some -time at Alençon, and also at Argentan, not far from Caen, with her -sister-in-law, Catherine d'Albret, abbess of the convent of the Holy -Trinity; at length she had returned to Paris. The priests dared not name -her, but they made certain allusions to her in their sermons which their -hearers very well understood. These things were reported to Margaret, -who cared neither to pacify nor to punish her accusers, and answered -them only by endeavouring still more to advance the cause of piety in -France. The little conventicles only half pleased her: she wanted the -evangelical doctrine to enter the kingdom by the churches, and not by -the 'upper chambers.' She would have desired for France a reformation -similar to that of England, which, while giving it the Word of God, -preserved its archbishops and bishops, its cathedrals, its liturgy, and -its grandeur. Queen of France, she would have been its Elizabeth; but -doubtless with more grace. Her ambition was to install the Gospel at -Notre Dame. She paid a visit to the king; she spoke to the bishop ... -Roussel shall preach there. He was not a Farel in boldness, but Margaret -encouraged him; besides, the idea of preaching the Gospel to the people -of Paris in that old cathedral was pleasing to him. He determined, -therefore, to comply with the queen's wishes. - -The report of Margaret's intentions had hardly become known, when the -canons were in commotion. How scandalous! What! shall these -evangelicals, of whom they wished to purge France, assemble in the -cathedral?... A disciple of Luther ... in the temple ennobled by so many -holy bishops!... Finding themselves betrayed by the king, the priests -resolved to turn to the people. These fanatics did not scruple to become -mob-leaders; they traversed the city and the suburbs, entered the shops, -distributed little handbills, and stuck up placards: under the -excitement of this mission the oldest Sorbonnists regained all the -activity of youth. 'We must resist these scandalous meetings at any -cost,' they said. 'Let the people crowd before the gates of Notre Dame, -and hinder the evangelicals from entering; or, if they do not succeed, -let them fill the cathedral, and prevent Roussel from ascending the -pulpit, and drown his heretical voice by the shouts of the believers.' -When the day came, a great movement took place among the citizens of -Paris. An immense crowd hastened from all the neighbouring quarters, who -surrounded Notre Dame and filled the interior of the church. The -Lutherans could not get in, and Roussel was forced to give up his -sermon.[574] - -A favourable wind seemed generally to be breathing over the Reformation: -its enemies were still in prison and its friends at liberty; Francis -appeared to be more than ever in harmony with his sister and with the -protestants of Germany; and an evangelical orator was authorised to -preach at Notre Dame: a violent hurricane, however, suddenly burst upon -the metropolis. A pious and active christian was there to lose his life, -and Paris was to witness at the same time—a triumph and a martyrdom. - -[Sidenote: ALEXANDER AT LYONS.] - -One day, a few weeks after Easter, a man loaded with chains entered the -capital: he was escorted by archers, all of whom showed him much -respect. They took him to the Conciergerie. It was Alexander Canus, -known among the Dominicans by the name of Father Laurent de la Croix. At -Lyons, as at Paris, Easter had been the time appointed by the -evangelicals for boldly raising their banner. The goldsmiths, who were -to Alexander what the Queen of Navarre was to Roussel, were no longer -satisfied with preachings in secret. Every preparation was made for a -great assembly; the locality was settled; pious christians went through -the streets from house to house and gave notice of the time and place. -Many were attracted by the desire of hearing a doctrine that was so much -talked about, and on Easter-day the ex-dominican preached before a large -audience.[575] Was it in a church, in some hall, or in the open air? The -chronicler does not say. Alexander moved his hearers deeply, and it -might have been said that Christ rose again that Easter morn in Lyons, -where he had so long lain in the sepulchre. All were not, however, -equally friendly; some cast sinister glances. Alexander was no longer -invisible: the spies in the assembly saw him, heard him, studied his -physiognomy, took note of his _blasphemies_, and hurried off to report -them to their superiors.[576] - -While the police were listening to the reports and taking their -measures, there were voices of joy and deliverance in many a humble -dwelling. A divine call had been heard, and many were resolved to obey -it. Alexander, who had belonged to the order of _Preachers_, combined -the gift of eloquence with the sincerest piety. Accordingly, his hearers -requested him to preach again the second day of Easter. The meeting took -place on Monday, and was more numerous than the day before. All eyes -were fixed on the evangelist, all ears were attentive, all faces were -beaming with joy; here and there, however, a few countenances of evil -omen might be seen: they were the agents charged to seize the mysterious -preacher. The assembly heard a most touching discourse; but just when -Alexander's friends desired, as usual, to surround him and get him away, -the officers of justice, more expeditious this time, came forward, laid -their hands upon him, and took him to prison. He was brought before the -tribunal and condemned to death. This cruel sentence distressed all the -evangelicals, who urged him to appeal; he did appeal, which had the -effect of causing him to be transferred to Paris. 'That was not done -without great mystery,' says Froment, 'and without the great providence -of God.'[577] People said to one another that Paul, having appealed to -the emperor, won over a great nation at Rome; and they asked whether -Alexander might not do the same at Paris. The evangelist departed under -the escort of a captain and his company. - -The captain was a worthy man: he rode beside Alexander, and they soon -entered into conversation. The officer questioned him, and the -ex-dominican explained to him the cause of his arrest. The soldier -listened with astonishment; he took an interest in the story, and by -degrees the words of the pious prisoner entered into his heart. He heard -God's call and awoke; he experienced a few moments of struggle and -doubt, but erelong the assurance of faith prevailed. 'The captain was -converted,' says Froment, 'while taking him to Paris.' Alexander did not -stop at this; he spoke to each of the guards, and some of them also were -won over to the Gospel. The first evening they halted at an inn, and the -prisoner found means to address a few good words to the servants and the -heads of the household. This was repeated every day. People came to see -the strange captive, they entered into conversation with him, and he -answered every question. He employed in the service of the Gospel all -the skill that he possessed in discussion. 'He was learned in the -doctrine of the sophists,' says a contemporary, 'having profited well -and studied long at Paris with his companions (the Dominicans).' Now and -then the people went and fetched the priest or orator of the village to -dispute with him; but they were easily reduced to silence. Many of the -hearers were enlightened and touched, and some were converted. They -said, as they left the inn: 'Really we have never seen a man answer and -confound his adversaries better by Holy Scripture.'[578] The crowd -increased from town to town. At last Alexander arrived in Paris: -'Wonderful thing!' remarks the chronicler, 'he was more useful at the -inns and on the road than he had ever been before.'[579] - -[Sidenote: A PRISONER IN PARIS.] - -This remarkable prisoner was soon talked of in many quarters of Paris. -The case was a very serious one. 'A friar, a Dominican, an inquisitor,' -said the people, 'has gone over to the Lutherans, and is striving to -make heretics everywhere.' The monks of his own convent made the most -noise. The king, who detained Beda in prison, desired to preserve the -balance by giving some satisfaction to the catholics. He was not uneasy -about the German protestants; he had observed closely the landgrave's -ardour, and had no fear that the fiery Philip would break off the -alliance for a Dominican monk. Francis, therefore, allowed matters to -take their course, and Alexander appeared before a court of parliament. -'Name your accomplices,' said the judges; and as he refused to name the -accomplices, who did not exist, the president added: 'Give him the -boot.' The executioners brought forward the boards and the wedges, with -which they tightly compressed the legs of the evangelist. His sufferings -soon became so severe that, hoping they had converted him, they stopped -the torture, and the president once more called upon him to name all -who, like himself, had separated from the Church of Rome; but he was not -to be shaken, and the punishment began again. 'He was severely tortured -several times,' say the _Actes_, 'to great extremity of cruelty.' The -executioners drove the wedges so tightly between the boards in which his -limbs were confined, that his left leg was crushed. Alexander groaned -aloud: 'O God!' he exclaimed, 'there is neither pity nor mercy in these -men! ... oh that I may find both in thee!'—'Keep on,' said the head -executioner. The unhappy man, who had observed Budæus among the -assessors, turned on him a mild look of supplication, and said: 'Is -there no Gamaliel here to moderate the cruelty they are practising on -me?'[580] The illustrious scholar, an honest and just man, although -irresolute in his proceedings, kept his eyes fixed on the martyr, -astonished at his patience. 'It is enough,' he said: 'he has been -tortured too much; you ought to be satisfied.' Budæus was a person of -great authority; his words took effect, and the _extraordinary gehenna_ -ceased. 'The executioners lifted up the martyr, and carried him to his -dungeon a cripple.'[581] - -[Sidenote: ALEXANDER TORTURED.] - -It was the custom to deliver sentence in the absence of the accused, and -to inform him of it in the Conciergerie through a clerk of the criminal -office. The idea occurred of pronouncing it in Alexander's presence; -perhaps in his terror he might ask for some alleviation, and by this -means they might extort a confession. But all was useless. The court -made a great display, and a crowd of spectators increased the solemnity, -to no purpose: Alexander Canus, of Evreux, in Normandy, was condemned to -be burnt alive. A flash of joy suddenly lit up his face. 'Truly,' said -the spectators, 'is he more joyful than he was before!'[582] - -The priests now came forward to perform the sacerdotal degradation. 'If -you utter a word,' they told him, 'you will have your tongue cut -out.'—'The practice of cutting off the tongue,' adds the historian, -'began that year.' The priests took off his sacerdotal dress, shaved his -head, and went through all the _usual mysteries_. During this ceremony -Alexander uttered not a word; only at one of the absurdities of the -priests he let a smile escape him. They dressed him in the _robe de -fol_—a garment of coarse cloth, such as was worn by the poorer -peasantry. When the pious martyr caught sight of it, he exclaimed, 'O -God, is there any greater honour than to receive this day the livery -which thy Son received in the house of Herod?'[583] - -A cart, generally used to carry mud or dust, was brought to the front of -the building. Some Dominicans, his former brethren, got into it along -with the humble christian, and all proceeded towards the Place Maubert. -As the cart moved but slowly, Alexander, standing up, leant over towards -the people, and 'scattered the seed of the Gospel with both hands.' Many -persons, moved even to tears, exclaimed that they were putting him to -death wrongfully; but the Dominicans pulled him by his gown, and annoyed -him in every way. At first he paid no attention to this; but when one of -the monks said to him coarsely: 'Either recant, or hold your tongue,' -Alexander turned round and said to him with firmness: 'I will not -renounce Jesus Christ.... Depart from me, ye deceivers of the people!' - -At last they reached the front of the scaffold. While the executioners -were making the final preparations, Alexander, observing some lords and -ladies in the crowd, with common people, monks, and several of his -friends, asked permission to address a few words to them. An -ecclesiastical dignitary, a chanter of the Sainte Chapelle, carrying a -long staff, presided over the clerical part of the ceremony, and he gave -his consent. Then, seized with a holy enthusiasm, Alexander confessed, -'with great vehemence and vivacity of mind,'[584] the Saviour whom he -loved so much, and for whom he was condemned to die. 'Yes,' he -exclaimed, 'Jesus, our only Redeemer, suffered death to ransom us to God -his Father. I have said it, and I say it again, O ye christians who -stand around me, pray to God that, as his son Jesus Christ died for me, -he will give me grace to die now for him.' - -[Sidenote: ALEXANDER'S TRIUMPHANT DEATH.] - -Having thus spoken, he said to the executioner: 'Proceed.' The officers -of justice approached, they bound him to the pile and set it on fire. -The wood crackled, the flames rose, and Alexander, his eyes upraised to -heaven, exclaimed: 'O Jesus Christ, have pity on me! O Saviour, receive -my soul!' He saw the glory of God; by faith he discerned Jesus in -heaven, who received him into his kingdom. 'My Redeemer!' he repeated, -'O my Redeemer!' At last his voice was silent. The people wept; the -executioners said to one another: 'What a strange criminal!' and even -the monks asked: 'If this man is not saved, who will be?' Many beat -their breasts, and said: 'A great wrong has been done to that man!' And -as the spectators separated, they went away thinking: 'It is wonderful -how these people suffer themselves to be burnt in defence of their -faith.'[585] - -The Romish party having obtained this satisfaction, the political party -thought only of overthrowing popery in one of the states of Germany, and -of paving the way for its decline in the kingdom of St. Louis. - -[Footnote 551: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, fol. 111.] - -[Footnote 552: Théod. de Bèze, _Hist. Eccl._ i. p. 9.] - -[Footnote 553: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, fol. 107 verso.] - -[Footnote 554: The words _reform_ and _reformed_ apply especially to the -religious movement in France.] - -[Footnote 555: Crévier, _Hist. de l'Université de Paris_ v. p. 278.] - -[Footnote 556: 'Hos Beda vellet incendio tradere.'—Myconius to -Bullinger, _Ep. Helvet. Ref._ p. 121, 8vo.] - -[Footnote 557: 'Edictum, omnem qui duobus testibus convinceretur -lutheranus, statim exurendum esse.'—Bucer to Blaarer, Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 558: 'Res erit non absimilis inquisitioni Hispaniæ.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 559: 'Nunc circa trecentos Parisiis jam captos.'—Bucer to -Blaarer, Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 560: His letters are preserved in the Seminary at Strasburg.] - -[Footnote 561: 'Tum _coegit_ Bedam ut privatim cum eis congredi -oporteret.'—Letter of Oswald Myconius, _Ep. Helvet. Ref._ p. 121.] - -[Footnote 562: 'Pessime enim nugas suas ad scripturas Dei adhibuit.'— -Ibid.] - -[Footnote 563: 'Inscitiam suam ostendere, quod et ei cessit in magnam -ignominiam.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 564: 'Beda conjectus est in carcerem, accusatus criminis læsæ -majestatis.'—Cop to Bucer, Strasb. MSS. See also H. de Coste, p. 77. -Schmidt, p. 106.] - -[Footnote 565: _Lettres de la Reine de Navarre_, i. p. 299.] - -[Footnote 566: 'Prorsus liberatus est theologorum calumniis, ac decreto -regis absolutus.'—Cop to Bucer, Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 567: 'Quo multi commoti sunt et perturbati.'—Cop to Bucer, -Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 568: Froment, _Actes et Gestes de Genève_, p. 76.—The Mint was -near the present railway station.] - -[Footnote 569: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, fol. 106.] - -[Footnote 570: Froment, _Actes et Gestes_, p. 74.] - -[Footnote 571: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 572: Froment, _Actes et Gestes_, p. 75.] - -[Footnote 573: Ibid. p. 74.] - -[Footnote 574: Coste, _Hist. de Le Picard_, p. 46; Schmidt, _Mémoires de -Roussel_, p. 107.] - -[Footnote 575: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, fol. 106.] - -[Footnote 576: Froment, _Actes et Gestes_, p. 75.] - -[Footnote 577: _Actes et Gestes_, p. 75.] - -[Footnote 578: Froment, _Actes et Gestes_, p. 75.] - -[Footnote 579: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 580: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, fol. 107.] - -[Footnote 581: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, fol. 107.] - -[Footnote 582: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 583: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, fol. 107. Froment, _Actes et -Gestes_, p. 76.] - -[Footnote 584: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 585: Crespin, _Martyrologue_, fol. 107 verso. Froment, _Actes -et Gestes_, p. 78.] - - - - - - CHAPTER XXXIII. - WURTEMBERG GIVEN TO PROTESTANTISM BY THE KING OF FRANCE. - (SPRING 1534.) - - -The idea of correcting the errors of the Church without changing its -government was not new in France. By the Pragmatic Sanction in 1269, St. -Louis had founded the liberties of the Gallican Church; and the great -idea of reform had been widely spread since the time of the council of -Constance (1414), of Clemengis, and of Gerson. The two Du Bellays, with -many priests, scholars, and noblemen, thought it was the only means of -calming down the agitations of christendom, and Margaret of Valois had -made it the great business of her life. - -[Sidenote: INTERVIEW OF DU BELLAY AND BUCER.] - -William du Bellay, on his way back from Augsburg, where he had delivered -such noble speeches in favour of the protestant dukes of Wurtemberg, had -stopped at Strasburg, and had several meetings with the pacific Bucer. -His success in Germany, his conversations with the evangelical princes -and doctors, who took him for as sound a protestant as themselves, had -filled him with hope. In no place could those who desired to take a -middle course meet with more sympathy than at Strasburg; there was quite -a system of compromises there with the Swiss and with Luther; why not -with Rome also? 'Since Luther will not give way in anything,' Bucer had -said, 'I will accommodate myself to his terminology; only I will avoid -every expression that may indicate a too local and too gross presence of -the body of Christ in the bread.'[586] Accordingly Bucer, with his pious -and moderate friends Capito, Hedio, and Zell, received the diplomatic -mediator with great pleasure. They retired to the reformer's library, -where Du Bellay explained his great project with all the seriousness of -a man convinced. 'It is a greater work,' he said to Bucer, 'than this -union of Zwinglians and Lutherans which has hitherto been your sole and -constant occupation. We wish to effect a fusion between catholicism and -the Reformation. We shall maintain the _unity_ of the former; we shall -uphold the _truth_ of the latter.' Du Bellay's plan was at bottom, we -see, the same as Leibnitz endeavoured to get Bossuet and Louis XIV. to -accept. Bucer was in ecstasies: it was what he had sought so long; the -diplomatist appeared to him as if surrounded with a halo of glory. And -hence he often said: 'If the Lord would raise up many men like this -_hero_, the kingdom of Christ would soon come out of the pit.'[587] -According to Bucer, Du Bellay was meditating a very perilous but still a -great enterprise: it was a labour worthy of Hercules.... The counsellor -of the King of France was satisfied to find the great pacificator -agreeing with him, and hastened to Paris, flattering himself that he -would gain a victory more striking than that of Francis I. at Marignan, -or of Charles V. at Pavia. - -Everything seemed favourable: Francis, delighted at his conference with -the landgrave, had never been better disposed for conciliation. Du -Bellay endeavoured to convince him that Germany was quite ready for the -_great fusion_. Melanchthon, whom all Germany venerated, was (in his -opinion) the man of the hour, by whose agency the two contrary currents -would mingle their waters and form but one stream bearing life to every -part. Was it not he who said: 'Preserve all the old ceremonies that you -can: every innovation is injurious to the people?' Had he not declared -at Augsburg that no doctrine separated him from the Roman Church; that -he respected the universal authority of the pope, and desired to remain -faithful to Christ and the Church of Rome? Margaret of Navarre also -spoke to her brother of this great and good man: 'Melanchthon's -mildness,' she said, 'contrasts with the violent temper of Zwingle and -Luther.' Other persons observed to the king that what distinguished -France from all catholic nations was its attachment to those liberties -of the Church, which were on that account denominated _Gallican_. 'It -would thus be a thoroughly French enterprise,' they said, 'to strip the -pope of his usurped privileges.' - -Francis listened. To be king both in Church and State, to imitate his -dear brother of England, who at heart was more catholic than -himself,—this was his desire. Du Bellay, noticing this disposition, -laboured vehemently (to use his own expression)[588] to introduce the -Melanchthonian ideas into France. He spoke of them at court and in the -city, sometimes even to the clergy, and met everywhere with almost -universal approbation.[589] 'Only make a forward movement,' he was told. -The king resumed the reading of the Bible, which he had laid aside after -the first days of the Reformation. It was not that he relished the Word -of God, but the Bible was a weapon that would help him to gain the -victory over the emperor. When conversing with the persons around him, -he would quote some phrase of Scripture. He particularly liked the -passages where St. Paul speaks of _breastplates_, _shields_, _helmets_, -and _swords_. He found the apostle, indeed, a little too spiritual and -mystical; and in his heart he preferred the helmet of a soldier to the -_helmet of salvation_; but he appeared every day better disposed towards -the Holy Scriptures.[590] Margaret was transported with joy. 'I agree -with the German protestants,' said the king to Du Bellay. 'Yes, I agree -with them in _all_ points ... except _one_!' Du Bellay wrote immediately -to Bucer, and added: 'You know what that means.'[591] Francis desired to -remain in union with Rome for form's sake, if it were only by a thread. -But Rome is not contented with a thread. - -[Sidenote: FRANCIS COOPERATES WITH THEM.] - -An approaching event seemed destined to decide whether or not a -semi-reformation would be established in France. The king and his -minister kept their eyes fixed on Germany, and waited impatiently to -learn if the enterprise decided upon at Bar-le-Duc for the restoration -of the protestant princes to the throne of Wurtemberg would be crowned -with success. In their eyes Wurtemberg was the field of battle where the -cause of the papacy would triumph or be crushed. Francis hoped that, if -the protestants were victorious, they would enter upon a war that would -become general. If the empire and the papacy fell beneath the blows of -their enemies, new times would begin. Europe would be emancipated from -both pope and emperor, and Francis would profit largely, both for -himself and France, by this glorious emancipation. - -The landgrave prepared everything for the great blow he was about to -strike. At once prudent and active, he did not write a word that could -compromise him, but sent his confidential counsellors in every -direction. He went in person to the Elector of Trèves and the -elector-palatine, and promised them that if Wurtemberg was restored to -its lawful princes, Charles's brother should be compensated by being -recognised King of the Romans. These measures succeeded with Philip, who -immediately made known this happy commencement to Francis I. - -On Easter Monday (1534) the Louvre displayed all its magnificence; many -officers of the court were on foot, for Francis was to give audience to -the agent of the Waywode (hospodar) of Wallachia, who had been -dispossessed by Austria, like the Duke of Wurtemberg. The king's eyes -sparkled with delight: 'The Swabian league is dissolved,' he told the -envoy. 'I am sending money into Germany.... I have many friends -there.... My allies are already in arms.... We are on the point of -carrying our plan into execution.'[592] Francis was so happy that he -could not keep his secret. - -[Sidenote: FEARS IN GERMANY.] - -All was not, however, so near as he imagined. An old obstacle came up -again, and seemed as if it would check the landgrave. The other -evangelical princes and doctors did all they could to thwart an -enterprise which would, in Philip's opinion, secure their triumph. 'The -restoration of the Duke of Wurtemberg,' said the wise Melanchthon, 'will -engender great troubles. Even the Church will be endangered by them. You -know my forebodings.[593] All the kings of Europe will be mixed up in -this war. It is a matter full of peril, not only to ourselves, but to -the whole world.'[594] Astrology interfered in the matter, and spread -terror among the people. Lichtenberg, a famous astrologer, published -some predictions, to which he added certain 'monstrous pictures,'[595] -and said: 'The Frenchman (Francis) will again fall into the emperor's -hands;[596] and all who unite with him in making war will be destroyed. -The lion will want help, and will be deceived by the lily.'[597] In such -terms the German prophecy declared that France (the lily) would deceive -Hesse (whose device is a lion): this shows how little confidence Germany -had in the French monarch. - -Ferdinand of Austria distrusted the prophecy, and thought the -landgrave's attack close at hand. Sensible of his own weakness, he turned -to the pope and said to him through his envoy Sanchez: 'The landgrave's -expedition is a danger which threatens the Church and Italy ... -the spirituality and the temporality.' The pope promised everything, -but (as was his custom) with the determination to do nothing. A war that -might weaken Charles was gratifying to him, even though protestantism -should profit by it. Clement, however, convoked the consistory; -described to them in very expressive language the danger of the empire -and the Church; but of helping them, not a word.... Ferdinand, still -more alarmed, became more importunate, and the matter was brought before -a congregation: 'Alas!' said Clement to the cardinals, 'it is impossible -to conceal from you the dangers that threaten King Ferdinand and the -Austrian power. They are attacked by so severe a disease that a simple -medicine would be insufficient to effect a cure.... It requires an -energetic remedy ... but where can it be found?' The cardinals agreed -with their chief; they thought that, as the danger threatened Austria -alone, it was for Austria to get out of it as she could. The -recollection of the sack of Rome by the imperialists in 1527 was not yet -effaced from the hearts of these Roman priests, and they were not sorry -to see the emperor punished by an heretical scourge. They resolved that -as Rome could not give a subsidy sufficiently large, they would give -none at all. 'This expedition,' said Clement VII. to Ferdinand's envoy, -with a certain frankness, 'is only a private matter.... But if the -landgrave touches the Church, you may reckon then upon my help.' -Sanchez, seeing the pontiff's lukewarmness, and moved by sorrow and -indignation,[598] forcibly replied: 'Be not deceived, holy father.... -This matter is not so small as you suppose.... It will cost the Church -of Rome dear ... and not the Church only, but the city and all Italy.' - -[Sidenote: THE POPE AND AUSTRIA.] - -Sanchez thought, like Francis and the politicians, that the protestants, -victorious in Wurtemberg, would not stop in so glorious a career; that -they would raise a large army; and that, aided by France, they would -cross the Alps and go to Rome to dethrone the successor of St. Peter, -and put an end to what they regarded as the power of antichrist. This -suggestion exasperated Clement: he felt the tiara shaking on his head, -and angrily exclaimed: 'And where is the emperor? What is he doing? Why -does he not watch over his brother's states and the peace of Germany?' -Charles V., quite unconcerned about a project which might, however, -insure his rival's triumph, was calmly enjoying his repose beneath the -smiling sky of Spain, reclining on the banks of its beautiful rivers, -under the shade of its orange and citron trees and of its gigantic -laurels. The pope took courage from his example to do the same. If he -did nothing to stop the protestant army, the papacy might suffer; but if -he did anything, he might turn aside from the house of Austria the -terrible blow about to fall on it, and save from a reverse that imperial -power which he detested. The pontiff sank back into his apostolic chair, -and prepared for a luxurious slumber, thinking it would be time enough -to wake up ... when danger was at his own door. 'Alas!' said sincere -catholics, 'why are the successors of St. Peter, the fisherman and -apostle, _clothed in soft raiment_, which is for those who are _in -kings' houses_? Why do they covet these courtly pomps and effeminacies? -Why do they imitate _the princes of the Gentiles who exercise dominion -over them_? Christ bore the cross.' The political passions of -Clement VII. extinguished his ecclesiastical zeal. The temporal power of -the popes has never been other than a clog upon their spiritual power, -preventing it from working freely. The judgments of God were about to be -executed. - -At the beginning of May everything was astir in Hesse, Pomerania, -Mecklenburg, Brunswick, Westphalia, and on the banks of the Rhine; the -landgrave was preparing to march against Austria. Omens threatened, -indeed, to detain him. At Cassel, the chief town of Hesse, a monster was -seen walking mysteriously and silently upon the water during the -night.[599] 'It is a sure warning,' said the old crones and a few -citizens, 'that the prince ought to stop.' But Philip replied coldly: -'These visions are not worthy of belief.' Without heeding the monster, -Philip, mounted on horseback and carrying a lance in his hand, reviewed -his army on Wednesday, the 6th of May, after midnight, and then gave the -order to march. Almost all the officers and a great many of the soldiers -belonged to the evangelical confession. It was, alas! the first -politico-religious army of the sixteenth century, and this campaign was -the first Germanico-European opposition to the house of Austria.[600] -History shrouds herself beneath a veil of mourning as she points to this -epoch; for the employment of human force in the interests of religion, -the armed struggle between the new and the old times, began then. - -[Sidenote: PHILIP DEFEATS THE AUSTRIAN.] - -The Austrian government, deserted by the pope, saw that it must help -itself, and had made great exertions on its part. All the convents, -chapters, and towns of Wurtemberg had been forced to contribute large -sums of money, and the most experienced generals of the Italian wars had -been placed at the head of the imperial army. The soldiers of Austria -marched to Laufen on the Neckar, and there waited for the enemy. The -landgrave's army, full of hope and courage, uttered loud shouts of joy -when they heard of it. - -It was not so at Wittemberg. Melanchthon was more grieved than ever, and -many persons sympathised with him. On the one hand, the theologians of -the Reformation detested war; but on the other, they said to themselves -at certain moments: 'Still ... if Philip takes up arms it is to restore -legitimate princes to the throne of their fathers, and secure a free -course to the Word of God!'—'Oh, what cruelties in the Roman Church,' -added Melanchthon, 'what idolatries, and what obstinacy in defending -them! Who knows but God desires to punish their defenders, if not -utterly to destroy such notorious evils for ever?[601] Oh that the issue -of this war may be beneficial to the Church of Christ!' Some time after, -when Melanchthon was told of the advance of the army of Philip of Hesse, -that peaceful christian gave way once more to his anguish: 'These -movements are quite against our advice,' he said, and then shutting -himself up in his closet, he exclaimed: 'In the midst of the dangers and -sorrows to which God exposes us, we have nothing else to do but to call -upon Christ and to feel his presence.'[602] He then fell upon his knees -before God; and God, who saw him in secret, rewarded him openly. But -while the christians were weeping and praying, the politicians were -rejoicing and acting. Du Bellay, in particular, did not doubt that an -early victory would cement the union of France with German -protestantism; and perceiving the consequences that would follow from -the enfranchisement of his country, he gave utterance to his joy. - -The impetuous landgrave, taking a spring, cleared, as at one bound, the -country which separated him from the Neckar, arrived unexpectedly on the -banks of that river near Laufen, where the imperial army was posted, and -attacked it with spirit. At first the Austrians courageously sustained -the fight; but the count palatine, their commander, having been wounded -by a cannon-shot, they retired precipitately. Early the next morning, -the landgrave, putting himself at the head of his cavalry and artillery, -fell upon them as they were beginning to retreat, and drove part of them -into the Neckar.[603] - -Wurtemberg was gained, and Duke Ulrich, accompanied by Prince -Christopher, reappeared in the country of his fathers. The people, -excited at the thought of seeing their national princes once more after -so many years, assembled in the open country near Stuttgard, and -received them with immense acclamation. The landgrave, not allowing -himself to be retarded by the warm reception of the people whom he had -restored to independence, followed up his plan, and on the 18th of June -reached the Austrian frontier. Everybody thought that he would march on -Vienna, and overthrow that insolent dynasty which desired to be the -master of the world. - -[Sidenote: ALARM AT THE VATICAN.] - -Great was the consternation in all the catholic world, but particularly -in the Vatican. On the 10th of June, 1534, Clement, who was sick, went -sorrowful, downcast, and tottering, to the college of cardinals, and -laid before them the pitiful letters he had received from King -Ferdinand.[604] The cardinals, as they read them, were struck with -terror. Would Vienna, that had resisted the Turks, fall under the -assault of the protestants? Would a victorious army, crossing the Alps, -come and perpetrate a second sack of Rome which, as the work of -heretics, might not be more compassionate than that of the catholic -Charles V.? The cardinals saw no other remedy than that to which Rome -had recourse when her ducats and arquebuses were gone. 'A general -council,' they exclaimed, 'is the only remedy that can save us from -heresy and all the calamities by which christendom is distressed.' - -While there was mourning at Rome, there were great rejoicings at the -Louvre. It was a long time since the emperor had received such a check. -About the end of June a courier from Germany brought Francis the -despatches announcing the arrival of Philip of Hesse on the Austrian -frontier. He could not repress the outburst of his joy. He spoke to -himself, to his councillors, to his courtiers.... 'My friends,' he -exclaimed, 'my friends have conquered Wurtemberg.' Then, as if the -landgrave and his victorious army were before him, he exclaimed in a -tone of command: 'Forward! forward!' His dream was about to be realised; -the war would become general; he already saw the landgrave at Vienna; -and, what was better still, he saw himself at Genoa, Urbino, Montferrat, -and Milan. All his life through he forgot France for Italy, which he -never possessed. But he was mistaken as to the landgrave's intentions. -Much as Francis desired to see the war become general, Philip of Hesse -laboured to keep it local. Satisfied with having restored Wurtemberg to -its princes, he meant to respect the empire. The kings of France and -England were seriously vexed: 'The Duke of Wurtemberg, restored by my -help and yours,' said Henry VIII. to Francis I., 'is only seeking how to -make peace with the emperor.'[605] It would appear by the evidence -derived from the _State Papers_, that the gold of England as well as of -France had contributed to despoil Austria of Wurtemberg. Henry, more -perhaps than Francis I., had hoped that the blow struck upon the banks -of the Neckar would be, to emperor as well as to pope, the commencement -of sorrows; but they were both mistaken. The temptation, no doubt, was -great for a prince of thirty, full of decision and energy, who believed -that nothing would make the triumph of protestantism so secure as the -humiliation of Austria; but Philip's loyalty resisted the temptation. - -[Sidenote: WURTEMBERG RESTORED.] - -On the 27th of June the peace of Cadan put an end to all differences, -and restored Wurtemberg to its national princes, with a voice in the -council of the empire. If there had never been a war more energetically -conducted, there had never been a peace so promptly concluded. The -landgrave had displayed a spirit and talents which, men thought, might -in future prove troublesome to the puissant Charles.[606] - -The emperor having received his lesson, the pope's turn came next. As -the state of Wurtemberg had been wrested from the hands of Austria, the -Church was to be saved from the clutches of the papacy. At the diet of -Augsburg, in 1530, Duke Christopher had seen the landgrave, his relation -and friend, come forward as the most intrepid champion of the -Reformation. His generous heart had been won to a cause which included -such a noble defender, and his desire was to see it triumph in -Wurtemberg. On the other hand, King Ferdinand, when renouncing his -authority over the duchy, desired at least to maintain that of the pope; -and he therefore proposed to insert in the treaty of peace an article -forbidding any change in religious matters. But the dukes, the -landgrave, and the Elector of Saxony unanimously declared that the -Gospel ought to have free course in the duchy, and the electoral -chancellor wrote this word on the margin, by the side of the article -proposed by the King of the Romans: _Rejected_.[607] 'You are in no -respect bound as to the faith,' said the evangelical princes to Ulrich; -while the papal nuncio Vergerio entreated King Ferdinand not to give way -to the Lutherans. All the efforts of the Romish party were useless. The -important victory of the landgrave (and of Francis I.) was about to open -the gates of Wurtemberg to the Reformation, and consequently those of -other Roman-catholic countries. - -Ulrich and Christopher, being quite as desirous of bringing souls to the -knowledge of the Word of God as of replacing their subjects under the -sceptre of the ancient house of Emeric,[608] set to work immediately. -They invited to their states Ambrose Blaarer, the friend of Zwingle and -Bucer, and Ehrard Schnepf, the friend of Luther, converted by his means -at Heidelberg at the beginning of the Reformation.[609] Their labours -and those of other servants of God spread the evangelical light over the -country.[610] Nor was that all: if the defeat at Cappel had restored -many cities to the Romish creed,[611] the victory of Laufen allowed many -to come to the evangelical faith. Baden, Hanau, Augsburg, Pomerania, -Mecklenburg, and other places began, advanced, or completed their -reformation about this time. French money had never before returned such -good interest. - -[Sidenote: A KINGLY PROJECT.] - -France was now about to undertake a still greater task. We have seen -that there were at that time two systems of reform: Margaret's system -and Calvin's. It was in the order of things that the one which remained -nearest to catholicism should be tried first. If the most eminent -persons of the age, who sought in this middle course the last and -supreme resource of christendom, did not see their efforts crowned with -success, it would be necessary to undertake, or rather to continue -spiritedly, a more simple, more scriptural, more practical, and more -radical reform. When Margaret failed, there remained Calvin. The -realisation of this specious but illusory system, recommended in after -years to Louis XIV. by a great protestant philosopher of Germany, was -about to be tried by Francis I. The narrative of this experiment ought -to occupy a remarkable place in the religious history of the sixteenth -century. - -[Footnote 586: Rœhrich, _Reform in Elsass_, ii. p. 274.] - -[Footnote 587: 'Dominus excitet multos isti heroï similes.'—Bucer to -Chelius.] - -[Footnote 588: 'Adhuc vehementer laboratur.'—Du Bellay to Bucer.] - -[Footnote 589: 'Omnes enim bene sperare jubent.'—Du Bellay to Bucer.] - -[Footnote 590: 'Etiam rex ipse, cujus animus _erga meliores litteras_ -magis ac magis augetur.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 591: 'Una tamen in re vehementer a Germanis abhorret.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 592: Béthune MSS. 8493. Ranke, iii. p. 456.] - -[Footnote 593: 'Restitutio ducis Wurtembergensis brevi magnos motus -pariet. Divinationes meas nosti.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 706.] - -[Footnote 594: 'Magna et periculosa res universo orbi terrarum ac -præcipue nobis.'—Ibid. p. 728.] - -[Footnote 595: 'Mit monstrosen Figuren.'—Seckendorf, p. 833.] - -[Footnote 596: 'Gallum iterum venturum in potestatem imperatoris -Caroli.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 597: 'Leo carebit auxilio et decipietur a lolio.'—Ibid. The -correct reading is evidently _lilium_ (lily) and not _lolium_ (tares). -The preposition _a_ indicates that the word is taken in a symbolical -sense.] - -[Footnote 598: 'Dolore et indignatione accensus replicui.'—Sanchez' -report to Ferdinand: Bucholz. Ranke.] - -[Footnote 599: 'Cassellæ nescio quid memorant noctu, super aquis monstri -visum esse.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 729.] - -[Footnote 600: Ranke, _Deutsche Geschichte_, iii. p. 459.] - -[Footnote 601: 'Quid si Deus illa publica vitia tum punire, tum aliqua -ex parte tollere decrevit?'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 729.] - -[Footnote 602: 'Ut Christum invocare et præsentiam ejus experiri -discamus.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 730.] - -[Footnote 603: Sleidan, i. liv. ix p. 365. Ranke, iii. p. 461. Rommel, -ii. p. 319.] - -[Footnote 604: 'In senatum pontifex venit, lectæque ibi sunt litteræ -fratris Caroli.'—Pallavicini, _Conc. Trid._ i. p. 294.] - -[Footnote 605: 'The Duke of Wyttemberg lately restored by his and his -good brother's meanes.'—_State Papers_, vii. p. 568.] - -[Footnote 606: Sleidan, i. pp. 366-368. Ranke, iii. pp. 465-468.] - -[Footnote 607: 'Soll aussen bleiben.'—Sattler, iii. p. 129. Sleidan, -iii. p. 369. Ranke, iii. p. 481.] - -[Footnote 608: The house of Wurtemberg boasts its descent from Emeric, -mayor of the palace under Clovis.] - -[Footnote 609: _Hist. of the Ref. of the Sixteenth Century_, vol. i. bk. -iii. ch. ii.] - -[Footnote 610: 'Snepfius Stuttgardiæ pastor ecclesias in illo ducatu -reformavit.'—Melch. Adami _Vitæ Germanorum Theologorum_, p. 322.] - -[Footnote 611: _Hist. of the Ref. of the Sixteenth Century_, vol. iv. -bk. xvi. ch. x.] - - - - - - CHAPTER XXXIV. - CONFERENCE AT THE LOUVRE FOR THE UNION OF TRUTH AND - CATHOLICITY IN THE CHURCH. - (1534.) - - -The Wurtemberg affair being ended, Du Bellay thought of nothing but his -great plan; that is, a Reformation according to the ideas of the Queen -of Navarre—the combination of catholicism and truth by the union of -France and Germany. They were not the only persons who entertained such -thoughts: Roussel, Bucer, and many other evangelical christians asked -themselves whether the great success obtained in Germany would not -decide the reformation of France. Intercourse was much increased between -the two countries. Frenchmen and Germans were continually crossing and -recrossing the Rhine. - -[Sidenote: A WITTEMBERG STUDENT.] - -In the month of July 1534, the Queen of Navarre was in one of the -chambers of her palace: before her stood a bashful timid young man, and -she had a letter in her hand which she appeared to be reading with the -liveliest interest. The young man was a native of Nîmes, Claude Baduel -by name. He had just come from Wittemberg, where he had found, at the -feet of Melanchthon and Luther, the knowledge of the Saviour. He was not -an ordinary student. Of reserved manners,[612] generous heart, rare -disinterestedness, and great firmness in the faith, he had at the same -time a highly cultivated mind. He spoke Latin not only with purity, but -with great elegance, and his discourses were as full of matter as of -harmony.[613] - -Like many other young scholars, Baduel was very poor, not having the -means of studying and scarcely of living. Often during his residence at -Wittemberg, he found himself in his little room reduced to the last -extremity. He had uttered many a groan, and had prayed to that heavenly -Father who feedeth the birds of the air. As the moment of his departure -approached, his distress had increased. How could he perform the -journey? What would become of him in France? He had asked himself with -sorrow whether he ought not to abandon letters and devote himself to -some manual labour. On a sudden, he conceived the idea of applying to -the Queen of Navarre; and going to Melanchthon, he said to him: 'Ill -fortune compels me to forsake the liberal arts for vulgar occupations, -which my nature and my will abhor with equal energy.[614] In vain have I -zealously devoted myself to the study of Holy Scripture and of -eloquence; in vain have I ardently desired to make further progress; a -cruel enemy—poverty—lays its barbarous hands upon me, and compels me to -renounce a vocation which transported me with joy.[615] Yet I -am determined to make a last and supreme attempt. The Queen of Navarre -is a sort of providence, almost a divinity for the friends of letters -and of the arts.[616]... Pray, dear master, give me a letter to her.' - -Melanchthon, grieved at the destitute condition of a young man whose -fine understanding he appreciated, did not hesitate to accede to his -request. In those days there was less etiquette and formality and more -familiarity between princes and the friends of letters than there has -been since. On the 13th of June, 1534, a month after the battle of -Laufen, the master of Germany wrote to the sister of Francis, to -introduce the scholar to her. It was this letter which Baduel had -delivered to the queen, and which she, delighted at entering into direct -communication with Melanchthon, was reading with the greatest interest. - -'It is certainly a great boldness,' wrote the illustrious reformer, 'for -a man like me, of low condition and unknown to your highness,[617] to -dare recommend a friend to you; but the reputation of your eminent -piety, spread through all the world,[618] does not permit me to refuse -an upright and learned man the service he begs of me. The liberal arts -can never be supported except by the generosity of princes.' Melanchthon -ended by saying: 'Never will alms more royal or more useful have been -bestowed. The Church, scattered over the world, has long counted your -highness among the number of those queens whom the prophet Isaiah calls -the _nursing mothers_ of the people of God, and will take care to hand -down the remembrance of your kindnesses to the most distant -generations.'[619] But the student, that living message of the -reformers, interested Margaret no less than the letter itself. Baduel -had seen and heard them, in their homes, in the street, and in the -pulpit. 'Talk to me,' she said with that amiable grace which -distinguished her, 'talk to me about Melanchthon and Luther; tell me how -they teach and how they live, what are their relations with their -pupils, and what they think of France.' Margaret desired to know -everything. She questioned him on several points, a knowledge of which -might be useful for the projects she had conceived in conjunction with -Du Bellay. - -[Sidenote: MARGARET'S PATRONAGE.] - -The queen did not forget the young man himself: observing the beauty of -his mind, the liveliness of his faith, and the elevation of his soul, -she thought that to protect Baduel was to prepare a chosen instrument to -propagate evangelical principles in France. Thanks to her care, the -young man, recommended by Melanchthon, became erelong a professor at -Paris. Subsequently, when a college of arts was founded at Nîmes, the -youthful doctor resolved to sacrifice the advantageous post he held in -the capital to devote his services to the city of his birth. The queen -recommended him to the consuls of that city for rector of their new -institution. 'I provided for his studies,' she told them. But -persecution did not allow Baduel to serve France unto the end; he was -obliged to take refuge at Geneva, where he became professor in the -academy founded by Calvin.[620] - -[Sidenote: THE MISSION OF CHELIUS] - -The communications of the young man of Nîmes strengthened Margaret, the -king, and Du Bellay in their plans, and Francis resolved to send across -the Rhine a confidential person, empowered to ask the doctors of the -Reformation for a sketch of the means best suited to found an -evangelical catholicism in Europe. It was not Baduel whom Du Bellay -selected for this mission: he was too young. The diplomatist cast his -eyes on Ulric Chelius, a doctor of medicine and native of Augsburg, at -that time living at Strasburg, a great friend of Sturm and Bucer, and -more than once employed by the King of France in various negotiations. -Intelligent, active, and animated like Bucer with the double desire of -reforming and at the same time of uniting christendom, Chelius was well -suited for such a work. Although a German, and consequently knowing -Germany thoroughly, he had all the promptitude of a Frenchman; and the -circumstance that he was not of exalted rank rendered him fitter still -for entering into negotiations that were to be carried on secretly. He -left Strasburg and arrived at Wittemberg in July 1534. - -Melanchthon was at that time greatly agitated. The divisions which -separated catholicism from reform, and the quarrels between the -Zwinglians and the Lutherans, filled him with anguish. He often stole -away from that crowd of every age, condition, and country which -continually filled his house, eager to see him.[621] His wife's anxious -heart was wrung when she saw her husband's sadness, and even the -children could scarcely cheer him by their innocent smiles. The future -alarmed him.... 'What sad times are hanging over us,' he exclaimed, -'unless there be somebody to remedy the existing disorders!... We are -moving to our destruction.... They will have recourse to arms ... and -State and Church will perish!'[622] - -As soon as Chelius reached Wittemberg, he called upon Melanchthon. 'King -Francis,' he said, 'desires truth and unity. In almost every particular he -is in accord with you, and approves of your book of _Common-places_.[623] -I am authorised to ask you for a plan to put an end to the religious -dissensions which disturb christendom; and I can assure you that the -King of France is doing, and will do, all he can with the pope to -procure harmony and peace.'[624] Nothing was better adapted to captivate -Melanchthon. At this period the _moderates_ had not yet renounced the -idea of preserving external unity; they desired to maintain catholicity: -even Melanchthon saw no other safety for divided and agitated -christendom. Accordingly, never had message arrived at a more suitable -time. Chelius was to him like an angel come from heaven; a beam of joy -lighted up the great doctor's clouded brow. He went to see Luther, and -conversed with him and other friends about the proposals of the King of -France. 'If a few good and learned men,' said he, 'brought together by -certain sovereigns, were to confer freely and amicably together, it -would be easy, believe me, to come to an understanding with each -other.[625] Ignorant men know nothing about the matter, and make the -evil greater than it is.'[626] - -[Sidenote: DIFFERENT OPINIONS ON THE UNION.] - -Melanchthon thought that he could unite catholics and protestants. We -must not be surprised at it, for in our days very estimable, though not -very clear-sighted men, entertain the same idea. Truth was dear to the -doctor of Germany, but concord, unity, and catholicity were not less so. -The Church, according to Melanchthon and his friends, ought to be -universal; for redemption is appointed for all men, and all have need of -it. The Church ought therefore to strive to unite all the children of -Adam in communion with God, on the foundation of Christ, the only -Redeemer. It possesses a power which can embrace all humankind and keep -all differences in subjection. Such were the thoughts by which -Melanchthon was inspired: if there were any sacrifices to be made to -preserve the catholicity of the Church, he would gladly make them; he -would recognise the bishops, and even the head of the bishops, rather -than destroy unity. 'There is no question of abolishing the government -of the Church,' he said; 'the chief men among us ardently desire that -the received forms should be preserved as much as possible.'[627] -Luther's friend took the matter so much to heart that he began to -address Du Bellay personally: 'I entreat you,' he said, 'to prevail upon -the great monarchs to establish a concord which shall be consistent with -piety.[628] The dangers which threaten us are such that so great a man -as you ought not to be wanting in the cause of the State and of the -Church.... But what am I doing?... What need to urge you to walk who are -running already?'[629] _Catholicity and truth_: such was the device -graven on the arms borne by the champions who, under the auspices of the -King of France, were to appear between the two camps of Rome and the -Reformation. - -Melanchthon busied himself with sketching the plan of the new Church, -which, with God's help and the support of the _great monarchs_ -(Francis I., Henry VIII., and probably Charles V.), was to become the -Church of modern times. It might be eventually one of the most important -labours ever undertaken by man. Not only the politicians, but all pious, -loving, and perhaps feeble hearts, who feared controversy more than -anything, ardently hoped for the success of this heroic attempt. The -_chief men_, said Melanchthon, shared his opinion and encouraged his -projects. Yet there were simple, earnest, christian men, with minds -determined to set truth above everything, who saw with uneasiness these -theologico-diplomatic negotiations. Neither Farel, nor Calvin, nor -probably Luther, was among those who rallied round the standard raised -by Du Bellay and grasped by Melanchthon. - -That pious man, however, was far from wishing to sacrifice the truth. 'I -am quite of your opinion,' said he to Bucer, 'that there can be no -agreement between us and the Bishop of Rome.[630] But, to satisfy the -worthy men who are endeavouring to bring this great matter to a happy -issue, I shall lay down what ought to be the essential points of -agreement.' Melanchthon then believed, and many evangelical christians -in France, and particularly in Germany, believed also, that if a reform, -though incomplete, were once established, the power of truth would soon -bring about a complete reform. He therefore finished his sketch and gave -it to Chelius. - -[Sidenote: NOTES OF THE THREE DOCTORS.] - -The latter, imagining that he held the salvation of the Church in his -hands, hastened to Strasburg to communicate Melanchthon's project to his -friends. On arriving at Bucer's house (17th of August), he found him -writing his answer to the _Catholic Axiom_ of the Bishop of Avranches, a -great enemy of protestantism. Bucer put aside his own papers and took -those of the Wittemberg doctor, which he was impatient to see. He read -them eagerly over and over again. 'Really there is nothing here to -offend anybody,' he said, 'if people have the least idea of what the -reign of Christ means. But, my dear Chelius,' he added, 'a union is -possible only among those who truly believe in Christ. That there should -be a superior authority, well and good! but it must be a holy authority -in order that every man may obey it with a good conscience.[631] If we -are to unite, all additions must be cut away, and we must return simply -to the doctrine of Scripture and of the Fathers.' - -Chelius desired Bucer to give him his opinion in writing. The reformer -hastily drew up a memoir, which, being approved by his colleagues, he -handed to his friend on the 27th of August.[632] Francis's agent had -fixed that day for his departure; but at the last moment he changed his -mind, and remained twenty-four hours longer in Strasburg. There was -another doctor in that city, a meek, pious, and firm man, an old friend -of Zwingle's:[633] it was Hedio, and Chelius asked him for his opinion -also. Then, taking with him the memoirs of the three doctors, he started -without delay for Paris, convinced that catholicity and truth were about -to be saved. - -On reaching the capital Chelius gave the papers to William du Bellay, -who immediately laid them before the king. The latter ordered that the -Bishop of Paris and certain of the nobles, men of letters, and -ecclesiastics, who desired to see a united but reformed Church, should -have these documents communicated to them. The arrival of this ultimatum -of the Reformation was an event of great importance; and accordingly the -memoirs of the three doctors were anxiously perused at the Louvre, in -the bishop's palace, and in other houses of the capital. Perhaps history -has made a mistake in taking so little note of this. Three of the -reformers, with England, Francis I., and some of the most eminent men of -the epoch, demanded one only catholic but reformed Church. A great -evangelical unity seemed on the point of being realised. Shall we not -set forth in some detail a proposal of such high interest? There are -individuals, we are aware, who are always looking for facts and -sensations, never troubling themselves about principles and doctrines; -but the wise, on the contrary, know that the world is moved by ideas, -and, whatever may be the objections of curious minds, history must -perform her task, and give to opinions the place that belongs to them. - -At this time several meetings of an extraordinary kind were held at the -Louvre, and upon them, as some thought, the future of christendom -depended. The opinions of Melanchthon, Bucer, and Hedio, demanded by the -king, brought by Chelius, and laid before the monarch by Du Bellay, were -in his majesty's closet. The walls of the Louvre, which had witnessed -such levity of morals, and which hereafter were to witness so many -crimes, heard those holy truths explained in which everlasting life is -to be found. Around the table on which these documents lay, there were -politicians no doubt who in this investigation looked only to temporal -advantages, and Francis was at their head; but there were also serious -men who desired for the new Church both unity and reform. We will let -the reformers speak. They were not present in person, it will be -understood, before the King of France; it is their written advice which -he had asked for, and which was probably read by one of the Du Bellays. -But, for brevity's sake, we shall designate these memoirs by the names -of their authors, since it is the authors themselves who speak, and not -the historian. - -[Sidenote: THE PROPOSALS EXAMINED.] - -Francis I., eager both to emancipate France from its subordination to -the papacy, and to form in Europe a great united party capable of -vanquishing and thwarting Austria, listened with goodwill to Melanchthon -and his friends; yet he found the language of the reformers a little -more severe and _heretical_ than he had imagined. Some of the persons -around him were pleased; some were astonished, and others were -scandalised, and not without reason. To place the moderate Melanchthon -by the side of the pacific Bishop of Paris, well and good! but to hope -to unite the unyielding Luther and the fiery Beda, the pious elector and -the worldly Francis ... what a strange undertaking! Let us listen, -however; for these personages have taken their seats, and the inquiry is -about to begin.[634] - - -BUCER. - -'There can be no concord in the Church except between those who are -really of the Church.[635] There is nothing in common between Christ and -Belial. We cannot unite God and the world.... Now, what are the majority -of bishops and priests?... I grieve to say.' - -This introduction appeared to the king rather high-flown; but he said to -himself that Bucer doubtless wished to make protestation of his loyalty -at the very outset. Perhaps his colleagues will be more conciliating. - - -MELANCHTHON. - -'The catholic doctrine, say some, has a few trifling blemishes here and -there; while we and our friends have been making a great noise without -any cause.... That is a mistake. Let not the pontiff and the great -monarchs of christendom shut their eyes to the diseases of the -Church.[636] They ought, on the contrary, to acknowledge that these -pretended trifling blemishes destroy the essential doctrines of the -faith, and lead men into idolatry and manifest sin.' - - -BUCER. - -'If you wish to establish christian concord, apply to those who truly -believe in Christ.[637] Those who do not listen to the Word cannot -explain the Word.... What errors have been introduced by wicked priests! -Shall we apply to other priests to correct them, who perhaps surpass the -former in wickedness?' - -Really the pacific Bucer and Melanchthon speak as boldly as Luther and -Farel. The king and his councillors were beginning to be alarmed, but -more conciliatory words revived their hopes. - - -BUCER. - -'All that can be conceded, while maintaining the faith and the love of -God, we will concede. Every salutary custom, observed by the ancients, -we will restore. We have no desire to upset everything that is standing, -and we know very well that the Church here below cannot be without -blemish.'[638] - -[Sidenote: CHURCH GOVERNMENT.] - -The satisfaction of the king and his councillors increased when they -came to Church government. There must be order in the Church, said the -protestants. There must be a ministry of the Word; an inspection of the -pastors and of the flocks, in order to secure discipline and peace. The -service, the time appointed for worshipping in common, the place where -the Church should assemble, the holy offices, the temporal aid necessary -for the support of the ministry, the care of the poor: all these things -require an attentive and faithful administration. These principles were -set forth by the reformers, the Strasburg doctor insisting most on this -point. - - -BUCER. - -'The kingdom of Christ ought not to be without a government. In no place -ought order to be stricter, obedience more complete, and power more -respected.' - -Francis I. and his councillors heard these declarations with pleasure. -They had been told that the _pretended_ Church of the protestants was -composed of atoms that had no cohesion with each other. Others affirmed -that the only superior power recognised in it was that of certain -theocratic prophets, like Thomas Munzer and others. Francis, therefore, -was satisfied to learn that while they acknowledged a universal -priesthood, by virtue of which every believer approached God in prayer, -protestantism maintained a special evangelical ministry. But what was -this ministry, this government? This the king and his advisers desired -to know. Here, in our opinion, the mediating divines went wrong: the -king's wishes were to be almost satisfied. - - -MELANCHTHON. - -'As a bishop presides over several Churches, no one can think it wrong -for a pontiff to preside at Rome over several bishops. The Church must -have leaders to examine those who are called to the ministry, to judge -in ecclesiastical causes, and watch over the teaching of the -ministers.... If there were no such bishops, they ought to be -created.[639] One sole pontiff may even serve to maintain harmony of -faith between the different nations of christendom.' - -Francis was delighted; but the more decided evangelicals looked upon -this idea of an _evangelical_ pope as a dream to be consigned to the -Utopia described by Sir Thomas More. An accessory declaration of another -kind was to please the king even more. - - -MELANCHTHON. - -'As for the Roman pontiff's claim to transfer kingdoms from one prince -to another, that concerns neither the Gospel nor the Church; and it is -the business of kings to combat that unjust pretension.' - -Now that these concessions were granted, the reformers were about to -make the loud voice of the Reformation heard. - - -BUCER. - -'The first of doctrines is the justification of sinners.' - - -MELANCHTHON. - -'Remission of sins ought to be accompanied by a change of life; but this -remission is not given us because of this new life; it comes to us only -through mercy, and is given to us solely because of Christ.' - - -BUCER. - -'Thus, then, we have done with the merits ascribed to the observances -and prayers of the monks and priests: we have done with all vain -confidence in our own works. Let the grace of God be obscured no longer, -and the righteousness of Christ be no more diminished! It is on account -of the blood of his only Son that God forgives us our sins.' - -[Sidenote: JUSTIFICATION AND THE MASS.] - -Francis and his advisers thought that _orthodox_ enough. Even the -schoolmen (they said) have used this language in some of their books. -They raised no opposition to the opinion of the reformers upon -justification by faith.[640] But one point made them uneasy.... What -will they say of the mass? This important subject was not forgotten. - - -BUCER. - -'What! to be present every day at mass without repentance, without -piety, even without thinking of the mysteries connected with it, will -suffice to obtain all kinds of grace from God!... No! when we celebrate -the sacrament of our Lord's body and blood, there must be a living -communion between Christ and the living members of Christ.'[641] - -[Sidenote: PROTEST AGAINST ABUSES.] - - -MELANCHTHON. - -'The mass is the only knot we cannot untie;[642] for it contains such -horrible abuses ... invented for the profit of the monks. All impious -rites must be interdicted, and others established in conformity with the -truth.' - -'The mass must be preserved,' said Francis; 'but the stupid, absurd, and -foolish legends abolished.'[643] - -The Frenchmen were anxious to learn the doctrine of the reformers on the -sacraments: it was, in fact, the embarrassing point, in consequence of -the different opinions of different doctors. The enemies of the -Reformation spread the rumour through France that the sacraments were to -protestants mere ceremonies only, by which christians show that they -belong to the Church. 'No,' said the doctors, 'these outward forms are -means by which grace works inwardly in our souls. Only this working does -not proceed from the disposition of the priest administering the -sacrament, but from the faith of him who receives it.' And here came the -great question: 'Is Christ present or not in the communion?' Bucer and -his friends cleverly extricated themselves from this difficulty. - - -BUCER. - -'The body of Christ is received in the hands of the communicants, and -eaten with their mouths, say some. The body of Christ is discerned by -the soul of the believer and eaten by faith, say others. There is a way -of putting an end to this dispute by simply acknowledging that, whatever -be the manner of eating, there is a real _presence of Christ_ in the -Lord's Supper.'[644] - -By degrees the reformers became more animated. - - -MELANCHTHON. - -'We must teach the people that the saints are not more merciful than -Jesus Christ, and that we must not transfer to them the confidence due -to Christ alone. - -'The monasteries must be converted into schools. - -'Celibacy must be abolished, for most of the priests live in open -uncleanness.'[645] - - -BUCER. - -'The Church must have a constitution in which everything will be decided -by Scripture; and a conference of learned and pious men is wanted to -draw it up.' - - -HEDIO. - -'That assembly must not be composed of divines only, but of laymen also; -and, above all things, no forward step should be taken so long as the -pope and the bishops persist in their errors, and even defend them by -force.'[646] - -When the reformers drew up these articles, they had gradually begun to -feel some hope. It is possible, perhaps probable, that unity will be -restored.... Moved at the thought, they lifted their eyes towards the -mighty arm from which they expected help. - - -MELANCHTHON. - -'O that the Lord Jesus Christ would look down from heaven and restore -the Church for which he suffered to a pious and perpetual union, which -may cause his glory to shine afar!'[647] - -Francis and his councillors were satisfied upon the whole;[648] but the -doctors of Rome looked with an uneasy eye upon these (to them) -detestable negotiations. There was agitation at the Sorbonne and even at -the Louvre. All the leaders of the Roman party who had a voice at court -made respectful representations. Cardinal de Tournon added -remonstrances. Du Bellay held firm; but it was not so with Francis. He -hesitated and staggered. An event occurred to give him a fresh impulse, -and to legitimatise in his eyes the reforms demanded by his minister. - -[Footnote 612: 'Mores modestissimi.'—Melanchthon to the Queen of -Navarre, _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 733.] - -[Footnote 613: 'Non solum mundities et elegantia singularis, sed etiam -quædam non insuavis copia.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 614: 'Ad quasdam alias operas, a quibus et natura et voluntate -abhorret.'—Ibid. p. 735.] - -[Footnote 615: 'Paupertas, quasi manus injecit.'—Ibid. p. 752.] - -[Footnote 616: 'Velut in quodam numine.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 752.] - -[Footnote 617: 'Homo infimæ sortis et ignotus Celsitudini tuæ.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 618: 'Fama tuæ eximiæ pietatis quæ totum terrarum orbem -pervagata est.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 619: 'Et recensebit ad posteros universa ecclesia.'—_Corp. -Ref._ ii. p. 733.] - -[Footnote 620: He died there in 1561. See Senebier, _Hist. Litt. de -Genève_. Ch. le Fort, _Livre du Recteur_, p. 371. Haag, _France -Protestante_, which contains a list of Baduel's numerous writings.] - -[Footnote 621: 'Videres in ædibus illis perpetuo accedentes et -discedentes atque exeuntes aliquos.'—Camerarius, _Vita Melanchthonis_, -p. 40.] - -[Footnote 622: 'Quanta dissipatio reipublicæ et ecclesiæ.'—_Corp. Ref._ -ii. p. 740.] - -[Footnote 623: 'In plerisque dicebat regem esse non alienum a libro -Philippi quo _locos_ ille tractat _communes_.'—Gerdesius, _Hist. Evang. -renov._ iv. p. 114.] - -[Footnote 624: 'Regem Gallorum apud pontificem de pace et mitigatione -tantarum rerum acturum esse.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 976.] - -[Footnote 625: 'Si monarchæ aliqui efficerent ut aliqui boni et docti -viri amanter et libere inter se colloquerentur.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. -740.] - -[Footnote 626: 'Et interdum præter rem tumultuantur.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 627: 'Usitatam ecclesiæ formam conservare, quantum possibile -est.—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 628: 'Ut Celsitudo tua, propter Christi gloriam, hortetur -summos monarchas.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 740.] - -[Footnote 629: 'Sed nihil opus est, _te currentem_, ut dici solet, -adhortari.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 630: 'Assentior tibi, mi Bucere, desperandam esse concordiam -cum pontifice romano.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 275.] - -[Footnote 631: 'Dass die obere Gewalt eine heilige sey.'—Schmidt, -_Zeitschrift für Hist. Theol._] - -[Footnote 632: 'Consentientibus symmistis meis.'—Consilium Buceri, -Strasburg MSS.] - -[Footnote 633: _Hist. of the Ref. of the Sixteenth Century_, vol. ii. -bk. viii. ch. viii.] - -[Footnote 634: Melanchthon's memoir will be found in the _Corpus -Reformatorum_, published by Dr. Bretschneider, ii. pp. 743-766. I am -indebted to Professor Schmidt for a copy of Bucer's memoir, which is in -the Strasburg library. The volume containing Hedio's memoir has -disappeared from the archives; we have, however, found a few extracts.] - -[Footnote 635: 'Concordia esse non potest nisi inter eos qui sunt de -ecclesia.'—Consilium Buceri MS.] - -[Footnote 636: 'Pontifex et summi reges agnoscant ecclesiæ morbos.'— -_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 743.] - -[Footnote 637: 'Nisi inter eos qui Christo vere credunt.'—Consilium -Buceri.] - -[Footnote 638: 'Nec etiam ut nulla omnino labes tolleretur.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 639: 'Creari tales oporteret.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 746.] - -[Footnote 640: 'Locum de justificatione, ut a nostris tractatur, -_probare regem_.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 1017.] - -[Footnote 641: 'Viva vivorum membrorum Christi communione.'—Buceri -Consilium MS.] - -[Footnote 642: 'Hic unus nodus de missa videtur inexplicabilis esse.'— -_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 781.] - -[Footnote 643: 'Orationes et legendas multas ineptas et impias -abrogandas aut saltem emendandas.'—Ibid. p. 1015.] - -[Footnote 644: 'Veram Christi in cœna præsentiam exprimi.'—Buceri Cons.] - -[Footnote 645: 'Plurimi in manifesta turpitudine vivunt.'—_Corp. Ref._ -ii. p. 764.] - -[Footnote 646: Schmidt, _Zeitschrift für Hist. Theolog._ 1850, p. 35.] - -[Footnote 647: 'Ut Christus ecclesiam suam ... redigat in concordiam -piam et perpetuam.'—_Corp. Ref._] - -[Footnote 648: 'Hos articulos Francisco regi non displicuisse multa sunt -quæ suadent.'—Gerdesius, _Hist. Evang. renov._ iv. p. 124.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXXV. - THE APPARITION AT ORLEANS. - (SUMMER 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: THE PROVOST'S WIFE.] - -Calvin, as it will be remembered, had studied and evangelised at -Orleans, and his teaching had left deep traces, particularly among the -students and with certain ladies of quality. The wife of the city -provost seems to have been one of the souls converted by the ministry of -the young reformer. The narrative he has devoted to her, the full -details into which he enters, show the interest he took in her -conversion.[649] This woman, who occupied a distinguished rank in the -city, had found peace for her soul in faith in Christ; she had believed -in the promises of the Word which Calvin had explained; she had felt -keenly the nothingness of Roman pomps and superstitions; the grace of -God was sufficient for her; and caring little for _outward adorning_, -she strove after that _which is not corruptible_, the ornament of the -_women who trusted in God_. 'She is a Lutheran,' said some; 'she belongs -to those who have listened to the teaching of Luther's disciples.' Her -husband the provost, a person of influence, a great landowner, an -esteemed magistrate, a man of upright, prompt, and energetic character, -was touched by the purity of his wife's conduct, and, without being -converted to the Gospel, had become disgusted with the Roman -superstitions, and despised the monks. - -The provostess (to adopt the language of the manuscripts) fell ill, sent -for a lawyer, and dictated her will to him. Lying on a bed of sickness, -which she was never to leave again, full of a living faith in Christ, -she felt certain of going to her Saviour, and experienced an -insurmountable repugnance to the performance over her grave of any of -the superstitious ceremonies for which devout women have ordinarily such -a strong liking. Accordingly, while the notary, pen in hand, was waiting -the dictation of her last will, she said: 'I forbid all bell-ringing and -chanting at my funeral, and no monks or priests shall be present with -their tapers. I desire to be buried without pomp and without torches.' -The lawyer was rather surprised, but he wrote down the words; and her -husband, who remained near her and knew her faith, promised that her -wishes should be kept sacred. When she died, the mortal remains of this -pious woman were laid in the tomb of her father and grandfather, with no -other accompaniment than the tears of all who had known her, and the -prayers of the children of God who formed the little evangelical flock -of Orleans. - -[Sidenote: THE PROVOST AND THE MONKS.] - -When the ceremony was over, the provost proceeded to the convent of the -Franciscans, in whose cemetery the burial had taken place. He was a -liberal man, and, though despising the monks, did not wish to do them -wrong, even in appearance. The friars, already much irritated, did not -understand what the magistrate wanted with them, and received him very -coldly. 'As you were not called upon to do duty,' he told them, 'here -are six gold crowns by way of compensation.' The monks, who had reckoned -on the death of this lady as a great windfall, were by no means -satisfied with the six gold pieces; and, even while taking them, looked -sulkily at the widower, and swore to be revenged. - -Not long after this, the provost having determined upon cutting down a -wood he possessed near Orleans, was giving directions to his workmen, -when two monks, following the narrow lanes running through the forest, -arrived at the spot where the owner and the woodmen were at work, boldly -addressed the former, and demanded in the name of the convent permission -to send their waggon once a day during the felling to lay up their -store. 'What!' answered the provost, whom the avarice of the monks had -always disgusted, 'a waggon a day! Send thirty, my reverend fathers, but -(of course) with ready money. All that I want, I assure you, is good -speed and good money.'[650] - -The two cordeliers returned abashed and vexed, and carried the answer to -their superiors. This was too much: two affronts one after the other! -The monks consulted together; they desired to be revenged by any means; -such _heresies_, if they were tolerated, would be the ruin of the -convents. They deliberated on the best manner of giving a striking -lesson to the provost and to all who might be tempted to follow the -example of his wife. 'These gentlemen, to be revenged, proceeded to -devise a fraud,' says Calvin. Two monks particularly distinguished -themselves among the speakers: brother Coliman, provincial and exorcist -of great reputation among the grey friars, and brother Stephen of Arras, -'esteemed a great preacher.' These two doctors, wishing to teach the -city that monks are not to be offended with impunity, invented a -'tragedy,' which, they thought, would everywhere excite a horror of -Lutheranism. - -Brother Stephen undertook to begin the drama: he shut himself up in his -cell and composed, in a style of the most vulgar eloquence, a sermon -which he fancied would terrify everybody. The news of a homily from the -great preacher circulated through the city, and when the day arrived, he -went up into the pulpit and delivered before a large congregation (for -the church was crammed) a 'very touching' discourse, in which he -pathetically described the sufferings of the souls in purgatory.... 'You -know it,' he exclaimed, 'you know it. The unhappy spirits, tormented by -the fire, escape; they return after death, sometimes with great tumult, -and pray that some consolation may be given them. Luther, indeed, -asserts that there is no purgatory.... What horror! what abominable -impiety!' 'The friar forgot nothing,' says Beza, 'to convince his -audience that spirits return from purgatory.' The congregation dispersed -in great excitement; and after that the least noise at night frightened -the devout. The way being thus prepared, the impudent monks arranged -among themselves the horrible drama which was to avenge them on the -provost and his wife. - -[Sidenote: THE APPARITION IN THE CONVENT.] - -On the following night the monks rose at the usual hour and entered the -church, carrying their antiphonaires or anthem-books in their hands. -They began to chant; their hoarse voices were intoning matins ... when -suddenly a frightful tumult was heard, coming from heaven as it seemed, -or at least from the ceiling of the church. On hearing this 'great -uproar,' the chanting ceased, the monks appeared horrified, and Coliman, -the bravest, moved forward, armed with all the weapons of an exorcist, -and _conjured_ the evil spirit; but the spirit said not a word. 'What -wantest thou?' asked Coliman. There was no answer. 'If thou art dumb,' -resumed the exorcist, 'show it us by some sign.' Upon this the spirit -made another uproar. The hearers, not in the secret, were -terror-stricken. 'All is going on well,' said Coliman, Stephen, and -their accomplices; 'now let us circulate the news through Orleans.' The -next day the friars visited some of the most considerable personages of -the city who were among the number of their devotees. 'A misfortune has -happened to us,' they said, without mentioning what it was; 'will you -come to our help and be present at our matins?' - -These worthy citizens, anxious to know what was the matter, did not go -to bed, and went to the convent at midnight. The monks had already -assembled in the church to chant their collects, anthems, and litanies; -they provided good places for the devout laymen, and with trembling -voices began to intone: - - _Domine! labia_... - -The words had hardly been uttered, when a frightful noise interrupted -the chanting. 'The ghost! the ghost!' exclaimed the terrified monks. -Then Coliman, who had 'the usual equipment when he wished to speak to -the devil,' came forward, and, playing his part admirably, said, 'Who -art thou?'—Silence.—'What dost thou want?'—Silence.—'Art thou -dumb?'—Silence.—'If thou art not permitted to speak,' said Coliman, -'answer my questions by signs.... For _Yes_, give two knocks; and three -for _No_. Now, tell me ... art thou not the ghost of a person buried -here?' The ghost began to knock _Yes_. Then resumed Coliman: 'Art thou -the ghost of such a one, or such a one?' naming in succession many of -those who were buried in the church; but to each question the ghost -answered _No_. After a long circuit, the exorcist came at last to the -point he desired: 'Art thou the ghost of the provostess?' The spirit -replied with a loud _Yes_. The mystery seemed about to be cleared up: a -new act of the comedy began. 'Spirit, for what sin hast thou been -condemned?' asked the exorcist: 'Is it for pride?'—_No!_ 'Is it for -unchastity?'—_No!_ Coliman, after running through all the sins -enumerated in Scripture, bethought himself at last, and said: 'Art thou -condemned for having been a Lutheran?' Two knocks answered _Yes_, and -all the monks crossed themselves in alarm. 'Now tell us,' continued the -exorcist, 'why thou makest such an uproar in the middle of the night? Is -it for thy body to be exhumed?'—_Yes!_ There could no longer be any -doubt about it: the provostess was suffering for her Lutheranism. The -report had been prepared beforehand, but a few witnesses refused to sign -it, suspecting some trick. The provincial concealed his vexation, and -wishing to excite their imaginations still more strongly, he exclaimed: -'The place is profaned; let us leave it ... as the papal canons -command.' Forthwith one of the monks caught up the pyx containing the -_corpus Domini_; another seized the chalice; others took the relics of -the saints and 'the rest of their tools;'[651] and all fled into the -chapter-room, where divine service was thenceforward celebrated. - -[Sidenote: INQUEST ON THE SPIRIT.] - -The news of this affair soon reached the ears of the bishop's official, -and there was much talk about it at the palace. The Franciscans were -pretty well known there. 'There is some monkish trick at the bottom,' -said the official, an estimable and upright clergyman. He could not -conceal his disgust at this cheat of the friars. He thought that these -impetuous cordeliers would compromise, and perhaps ruin the cause of -religion, instead of advancing it, by their pretended miracles. It was -to be one of the peculiarities of protestantism to unveil the cunning, -avarice, and hypocrisy of the priests, the workers of miracles. -Extraordinary acts of the divine power were manifested at the time of -the creation of the Church, as at the time when the heavens and the -earth were first made by the Word of God. Is not all creation a miracle? -But the Reformation turned away with disgust from the tricks and cheats -of the Roman mountebanks, who presumed to ape the power of God. There -were even in the Catholic Church men of good sense who shared this -opinion. Of this number was the official of Orleans, the man who filled -the place which some had destined for Calvin. - -He took with him a few honest people, and went to the grey friars' -church to inquire more particularly into the fact. He called the monks -together: brother Coliman gravely told the whole story, and the -official, after hearing their tales, said: 'Well, my brethren, I now -order these conjurations to be performed in my presence.—You, -gentlemen,' he said to some of his party, 'will mount to the roof and -see if any ghost appears.'—'Do nothing of the kind,' exclaimed friar -Stephen of Arras, in great alarm; 'you will disturb the spirit!' The -official insisted that the conjuration should be performed; but it was -not possible; the exorcist and the ghost both remained dumb. The -episcopal judge withdrew, confirmed in his views. 'Here's a ghost that -appears only to the monks,' he said to his companions; 'it is frightened -at the official.' This affair, which made some tremble and others smile, -soon became known throughout the city; the news reached the dark and -winding streets where the students lived: one told it to another, and -all hurried off to the university. Everything was in commotion there: -some were for the monks, the majority against them. 'Let us go and see,' -exclaimed this young France. Off they started, and arriving in a large -body, says Calvin, soon filled the church. They raised their heads, they -fixed their eyes on the roof that had become so celebrated; but they -waited in vain, it uttered no sound. 'Pshaw!' said they, 'it is a plot -the friars have wickedly contrived to be revenged of the provost and his -wife. We will find out all about it.' These curious and rather -frolicsome youths rushed to the roof in search of the ghost; they looked -for it in every corner, they called it, but the phantom was determined -to be neither seen nor heard, and the students returned to the -university, joking as they went. - -[Sidenote: THE PROVOST APPEALS TO THE KING.] - -There was one person, however, in Orleans who did not joke: it was the -provost. Irritated at the insult offered to his wife, he had recourse to -the law: a written summons was left at the convent, but the monks -refused to put in an answer, pleading the immunities they enjoyed in -their ecclesiastical quality. The provost, true to his character, was -not willing to lose this opportunity of giving the friars a severe -lesson. 'What!' he exclaimed, 'shall these wretches make her, who rests -at peace in the grave, the talk of the whole city? If she had been -accused in her lifetime, I would have defended her, much more will I do -so after her death!' He determined to lay the matter before the king, -and set out for Paris. - -The story of the ghost who appeared with a great noise in a convent at -Orleans, had already reached the capital, and been repeated at court. -The monks, in general, were not in high favour there. The courtiers -called to mind the words of the king's mother, who thanked God for -having taught her son and herself to know 'those hypocrites, white, -grey, black, and of all colours.' Du Bellay especially and his friends -gladly welcomed a story which set in bold relief the vices of the old -system and the necessity of a reform. As soon as the provost reached the -capital, he had an audience of the king. Francis, who was not famed for -his conjugal affections, could not understand the emotion of the -widower; but despising the monks at least as much as his mother and -sister did, and delighted to put in practice the new reforming ideas -which were growing in his mind, he resolved to seize the opportunity of -humbling the insolence of the convents. He granted all the provost -asked; he nominated councillors of parliament to investigate the matter; -and as the cordeliers pleaded their immunities, Duprat, in his quality -of legate, gave, by papal authority, power to the commissioners to -proceed. - -The day when the royal agents arrived at Orleans was a day of sorrow to -one part of the inhabitants of that city, but of joy to the greater -number. People looked with astonishment on these gentlemen from Paris, -who would be stronger than the monks, and would punish them for their -long tyranny. A crowd followed them to the convent, and when they had -entered, waited until they came out again. Oh! how every one of them -would have liked to see what was going on within those gloomy walls! The -officers of the parliament spoke to the monks with authority, exhibited -their powers, and arrested the principal culprits, to the great -consternation of all the other monks. Some wretched carts stood at the -gate of the monastery; the archers brought out the insolent friars; and -the crowd, to its unutterable amazement, saw them mount like vulgar -criminals into these poor vehicles, which the maréchaussée was preparing -to escort. What inexpressible disgrace for the disciples of St. Francis! - -[Sidenote: THE MONKS TAKEN TO PARIS.] - -The news of the arrest had spread to all the sacristies, parsonages, and -convents of the city, and a cry of persecution arose everywhere. At the -moment of departure, a bigoted and excited crowd collected round the -carts in which sat the reverend fathers, quite out of countenance at -their misfortune. These people, some of whom no doubt were fanatics, but -amongst whom were many who felt a sincere affection for the monks, wept -bitterly; they uttered loud lamentations, and put money into the friars' -hands, 'as much to make good cheer with,' says Calvin, 'as to help in -their defence.'[652] But in the midst of this dejected crowd might be -observed some citizens and jeering students, who exclaimed: 'Fine -champions, indeed, to oppose the Gospel!' Certain sayings of Luther had -crossed the Rhine, and were circulating among the youths of the schools: -'Who made the monks?' asked one. 'The devil,' answered another. 'God -having created the priests, the devil (as is always the case) wished to -imitate him, but in his bungling he made the crown of the head too -large, and instead of a priest he turned out a monk.'[653] Such was the -exodus of the reverend fathers: they arrived in Paris, and there they -were separated and confined in different places, in order that they -might not confer with one another. - -The deception was manifest, but it was impossible to obtain a -confession. The monks had sworn to keep profound silence, in order to -preserve the honour of their order and of religion, and also to save -themselves. They called to mind what had happened in the Dominican -convent at Berne in 1500: how a soul had appeared there in order to be -delivered from purgatory; how the five wounds of St. Francis had been -marked on a poor novice; and how, at the request of the papal legate, -four of the guilty monks had been burnt alive.[654] Might not the same -punishment be inflicted on a monk of Orleans? They trembled at the very -thought. In vain, therefore, did the councillors of parliament begin -their inquiry; in vain did they go from one house to another, and enter -the rooms where these reverend fathers were confined: the monks were -sullen, unfathomable, and more silent than the ghost itself. - -The judges determined to try what they could with the novice who had -acted the part of the ghost; but if the monks were silent, sullen, and -immovable, the novice was agitated and frightened out of his senses. The -friars had uttered the most terrible threats; and hence, when he was -interrogated, 'he held firm,' says the Geneva manuscript, 'fearing, if -he spoke, that the cordeliers would kill him.' The judges then reminded -him of the power of the parliament and the protection of the king. 'You -shall never return into the hands of the monks,' they told him. At these -words the poor young fellow began to breathe; he recovered from his -great fright; his tongue was loosened, and he 'explained the whole -affair to the judges,' says Beza. 'I made a hole in the roof,' he said, -'to which I applied my ear, to hear what the provincial said to me from -below. Then I struck a plank which I held in my hand, and I hit it hard -enough for the noise to be heard by the reverend fathers underneath. -That was all the _fun_,' he added. - -[Sidenote: THEIR CONDEMNATION.] - -The friars were then confronted with the novice, who stoutly maintained -the cheat got up by them. They were both indignant and alarmed at seeing -this pitiful varlet turning against their reverences; but as it was now -impossible to deny the fact, they began to protest against their judges, -and to plead their privileges once more. They were condemned; the -indignation was general, the king especially being greatly irritated. -All his life long he looked upon the monks, black or white, as his -personal enemies. Besides, the hatred he felt against that lazy and -ignorant herd was, he thought, one of his attributes as the Father of -Letters. His anger broke out in the midst of his court: 'I will pull -down their convent!' he exclaimed, 'and build in its place a palace for -the duke!' (that is, for the Duke of Orleans, Catherine's husband). All -the councillors of parliament, both lay and clerical, were assembled. -The haughty Coliman, the eloquent brother Stephen, and their accomplices -were forced to stand at the bar, and sentence was solemnly delivered. -They were to be taken to the Chatelet prison at Orleans; there they -would be stripped of their frocks, be led into the cathedral, and then, -set on a platform with tapers in their hands, they were to confess -'that, with certain fraud and deliberate malice, they had plotted such -wickedness.' Thence they were to be taken to their convent, and -afterwards to the place of public execution, where they would again -confess their crime. - -This promised the idlers of Orleans a still more extraordinary spectacle -than that given them when the friars got into their carts. Every day -they expected to see the sentence carried out; but the government feared -to appear too favourable to the Lutherans. The matter was protracted; -some of the monks died in prison; the others were suffered to escape; -and thus ended an affair which characterises the epoch, and shows the -weapons that a good many priests used against the Reformation. If the -sentence was never executed, the moral influence of the story was -immense, and we shall presently see some of its effects. - -[Footnote 649: Calvin's manuscript narrative, recently discovered in the -Geneva library by Dr. J. Bonnet, has been printed in the _Bulletin de -l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français_, iii. p. 33.] - -[Footnote 650: This affair is mentioned by Sleidan and Theodore Beza, -both of whom appear to have seen Calvin's narrative.] - -[Footnote 651: Calvin, _Hist. de l'Esprit des Cordeliers d'Orléans_. -Geneva MS. (_Bulletin de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Français_, iii.) -Beza, _Hist. Eccles._ p. 11. Sleidan, i. p. 361.] - -[Footnote 652: Calvin's MS. _Bulletin de l'Hist. du Prot. Fran._ iii. -p. 36.] - -[Footnote 653: Lutheri _Opp._ xxii. p. 1463.] - -[Footnote 654: _History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century_, -vol. ii. bk. viii. ch. ii.] - - - - - CHAPTER XXXVI. - FRANCIS PROPOSES A REFORMATION TO THE SORBONNE. - (AUTUMN 1534.) - - -[Sidenote: FRANCIS CONFESSES HIS ERRORS.] - -The disgust inspired by the imposture of the cordeliers of Orleans, and -the jests lavished upon the monks in the Louvre and throughout Paris, -were further encouragements to the king to prosecute his alliances with -protestantism. He had, however, little need of a fresh incentive; the -reform proposed by Melanchthon was in his view acceptable and -advantageous, because it diminished the power of the pope, and corrected -abuses incompatible with the new light, at the same time that it left -untouched that catholicism from which the king had no desire to secede. -In his private conversations with Du Bellay, Francis, laying aside all -reserve, acknowledged frankly that the Romish Church was upon the wrong -track, and said in a confidential tone, that 'Luther was not so far -wrong as people said.' He did not fear to add that it was himself rather -who had been mistaken. The King of France, and the country along with -him, thus appeared to be in a good way for reform. - -Francis determined to acquaint the protestant princes with his -sentiments on Melanchthon's memoir. 'My envoy, on his return to Paris,' -he wrote, 'having laid before me the opinions of your doctors on the -course to be pursued, I entertain a hope of seeing the affairs of -religion enter upon a fair way at last.'[655] Du Bellay, well satisfied -on his part with the impression made on his master by the opinions of -the evangelical divines, informed the magistrates of Augsburg, Ulm, -Nuremberg, Meiningen, and other imperial cities, that the King of France -approved of the Lutheran doctrines, and would protect the protestants. -The Melanchthonian reformation was therefore in progress, and already -men were preparing the stones for the edifice of the reformed Catholic -Church. The French government did not confine itself to writing letters; -but, strange to say! the sovereign, the absolute monarch, did not fear -to make an acknowledgment of his errors, and to express his regret: he -sent a thorough palinode into Germany. He who was putting the Lutherans -to death was not far from declaring himself a Lutheran. In October and -November 1534, an agent from Francis I. visited the cities of the -Germanic empire, announcing everywhere that 'the king now saw his -mistake in religious matters,'[656] and that the Germans who followed -Luther _thought correctly as regards the faith that is in Christ_.[657] -The worthy burgomasters and councillors of Germany were amazed at such -language, and looked at one another with an incredulous air; but the -French envoy assured them repeatedly that the King of France desired a -reform even in his own country.... 'The emperor,' he added, 'wishes to -constrain the protestants by force of arms to keep to the old doctrine; -but the King of France will not permit it. He has sent me into Germany -to form an alliance with you to that intent.' Such was the strange news -circulated beyond the Rhine. It reached the ears of the Archbishop of -Lunden, who immediately forwarded it to Charles V. - -When Francis I. annulled the pragmatic sanction at the beginning of his -reign, he had reserved the right of appointing bishops, and had thus -made the Church subordinate to the State. The time seemed to have -arrived for taking a second step. It was necessary to put an end to the -popish superstitions and abuses, condemned by the friends of letters, -whose patron he claimed to be, and thus satisfy the protestants; and, by -a wise reform, maintain in Europe the catholicity of the Church, which -the popes were about to destroy by their incredible obstinacy. The king -would thus appear to be a better guardian of European catholicism than -even the pope, and secure for himself that European preponderance which -Charles V. had hitherto possessed. - -[Sidenote: FRENCH VERSION OF THE ARTICLES.] - -He must set his hand to the work and begin with the clergy. The king, -seeing that it would be unwise to communicate to them unreservedly the -opinions of the reformers, as they had been read at the Louvre, resolved -to have a new edition of them prepared, which should contain the -essential ideas. It would appear that he confided this task to a -numerous commission.[658] William du Bellay and his brother the Bishop -of Paris were doubtless the two chief members. The commissioners set to -work, correcting, suppressing, adding, hitting certain popular -superstitions a little harder even than the reformers, and at length -they prepared a memoir which may be considered as a statement of what -the French government meant by the proposed reformation.[659] The -changes made by the French excited much discontent among the German -protestants, and Melanchthon himself complained of them bitterly.[660] - -The king, who carried into every pursuit the courage and fire of which -he had given so many proofs on the field of battle, appeared at first to -attack the papacy with the same resolution that he would have employed -in attacking one of Charles's armies. It must be clearly remembered -that, in his idea, the reform which he was preparing carried with it the -cessation of schism, and that his plan would restore the catholicity -torn to pieces by Roman insolence and imprudence. This remark, if duly -weighed, justifies the king's boldness. He sent the project to Rome, we -are assured, asking the pope to support or to amend it.[661] We may -imagine the alarm of the Vatican on reading this heretical memoir. Then -Du Bellay, taking the Sorbonne in hand, had a conference with the -deputies of that illustrious body, whose whole influence was ever -employed in maintaining the factitious unity that characterises the -papacy. 'Gentlemen,' he said to them, 'by the king's commands I have -endeavoured to prevail upon the German churches to moderate the -doctrines on which they separated from the Roman Church, wishing thus to -lead them back to union. By order, therefore, of my master, I hand you -the present articles, to receive instruction from you as to what I shall -have to say to the German doctors.'[662] The deputies having received -the paper from Du Bellay, forwarded it to the sacred faculty. The latter -delegated to examine it 'eminent men, doctors of experience in such -matters,'[663] who immediately set to work. - -[Sidenote: TERROR OF THE SORBONNE.] - -The secretary of the Sorbonne began to read the articles: the doctors -listened and soon began to look at each other and ask if they had heard -correctly. The venerable committee was agitated like the surface of the -sea by a sudden squall. They knew Francis; they knew he did not think -there existed in his kingdom any society daring enough to set limits to -his power. He expected that a word from his mouth would be considered as -a decree from God. The doctors came to the conclusion, therefore, that -if the king desired such a reform, nothing in the world could prevent -him from establishing it. They saw the Church laid waste, and Rome in -ruins.... It was the beginning of the end. Their terror and alarm -increased every minute. All the sacred faculty, all the Church must rise -and exclaim: 'Stop, Sire, or we perish!' - -The French autocrat, however, took his precautions, and even while -meditating how he could strip the pope of his power, he put on a -pleasant face, and ascribed to others the blows aimed by his orders -against Rome. 'They are _Melanchthonian_ articles,' said his -ministers.[664] True, but behind Melanchthon was Du Bellay, and behind -him was the king. The tactics employed at this moment by Francis I. are -of all times; and if the multitude is sometimes deceived, intelligent -minds have always recognised the thoughts of the supreme mover under the -pen of the humble secretary. The movement of Francis towards -independence is in no respect surprising: the outburst is quite French -if it is not christian. There has always existed in France a spirit of -liberty so far as concerns the Church; and the most pious kings, even -St. Louis, have defended the rights of their people against the holy -see. The Gallican liberties, although they are nothing more than a -dilapidated machine, are still a memorial of something; and what is -dilapidated to-day may be restored to-morrow. It was therefore a truly -French feeling,—it was that hidden chord which vibrates at the bottom of -every generous heart, from the Channel to the Mediterranean Sea, whose -harmonious sound was heard at this important period of the reign of -Francis I. - -The venerable company had some difficulty to recover from their alarm. -What! really, not in a dream, not figuratively, heresy is at the gates -of the Church of France, introduced by the king ... who courteously -offers her his hand!... The terrified Sorbonne raised a cry of horror, -and mustered all their forces to prevent the _heretic_ from entering. -They turned over the volumes of the doctors; they opposed the _Summa_ of -St. Thomas to the Epistles of St. Paul; they sought by every means in -their power to defend stoutly the scholastic doctrine in the presence of -Francis. A fireship had been launched by the guilty hand of the king: -did that prince imagine he would see the glorious vessel, which had so -long been mistress of the seas, in a hurry to lower her flag? The crew -were valiant, determined upon a deadly resistance, and ready to blow -themselves into the air with the ship, rather than capitulate. The -struggle between the king and the corporation was about to begin. Alas! -Beda was no longer there to support them, and recourse must be had to -others. 'Master Balue was elected to go to court, carrying the -registers, and Master Jacques Petit was given him as his -associate.'[665] The Sorbonne was poor in resources: the strong men were -in the camp of Luther, Calvin, and Melanchthon. - -[Sidenote: THE MINISTERS AND THE SORBONNE.] - -What was said at court between Master Balue, Master Petit, and the King -of France, has not been recorded; but we have the memoir sent by the -king to the Sorbonne, and the answer returned by that body to the king. -These documents may enlighten us as to what passed at the conference, -and we shall allow them to speak for themselves, arranging the former -under the name of the king's ministers. William du Bellay, his brother -the Bishop of Paris, and others probably were the persons empowered by -the king to confer with Master Balue and Master Jacques Petit. They were -champions of very different causes—the men who then met, probably at the -Louvre, in the presence of Francis I., and whom we are about to hear. - - -THE KING'S MINISTERS. - -'To establish a real concord in the Church of God, we must all of us -first look at Christ; we must subject ourselves to him, and seek his -glory, not our own.'[666] - - -SORBONNE. - -'We have heard his Majesty's good and holy words, for which we all thank -God, praying him to give the king grace to persevere.'[667] - -This was doubtless a mere compliment. - -[Sidenote: QUESTIONS DISCUSSED.] - - -MINISTERS. - -'Above all things, let us remember that the doctors of the Word of God -ought not to fight like gladiators, and defend all their opinions -_mordicus_ (tooth and nail);[668] but rather, imitating St. Augustin in -his _Retractations_, they should be willing to give way a little to one -another ... without prejudice to truth.' - - -SORBONNE. - -'Open your eyes, Sire; the Germans desire, in opposition to your -catholic intention, that we should give way to them by retrenching -certain ceremonies and ordinances which the Church has hitherto -observed. They wish to draw us to them, rather than be converted to -us.'[669] - - -MINISTERS. - -'You are mistaken: important concessions have been obtained. The Germans -are of opinion that bishops must hold the chief place among the -ministers of the Churches, and that a pontiff at Rome should hold the -first place among the bishops. But, on the other hand, the pontifical -power must have respect for consciences, consult their wants, and be -ready to concede to them some relaxation.'[670] - - -SORBONNE. - -'It must not be forgotten that the ecclesiastical hierarchy is of divine -institution, and will last until the end of time; that man can neither -establish nor destroy it, and that every christian must submit to -it.'[671] - - -MINISTERS. - -'Having established the catholicity of the Church, let us consider what -reforms must be effected in order to preserve it. First, there are -indifferent matters, such as food, festivals, ecclesiastical vestments, -and other ceremonials, on which we shall easily come to an -understanding. Let us beware of constraining men to fast by commandments -which nobody observes ... and _least of all those who make them_.'[672] - - -SORBONNE. - -'None resist them but men corrupted by depraved passions.'[673] - -[Sidenote: SAINTS AND MASS-MONGERS.] - - -MINISTERS. - -'Certain doctors of the Church, making use of a holy prosopopœia, have -introduced into their discourses the saints whom they were eulogising, -and have prayed for their intercession as if they were present before -them;[674] but they only desired by this means to excite admiration for -these godly persons, rather than to obtain anything by their -intercession.... Let the people, then, be exhorted not to transfer to -the saints the confidence which is due to Jesus Christ alone. It is -Christ's will to be invoked and to answer prayer.'[675] - -Here the French mind indulged in a sly hit which would not have occurred -to the German mind; and the king's councillors, determining to strike -hard, continued: - -'What abuses and disorders have sprung out of this worship of man! -Observe the words, the songs, the actions of the people on the saints' -days, near their graves or near their images! Mark the eagerness with -which the idle crowd hurries off to banquets, games, dances, and -quarrels. Watch the practices of all those paltry, ignorant, greedy -priests, who think of nothing but putting money in their purses; and -then ... tell us whether we do not in all these things resemble pagans, -and revive their shameful superstitions?'[676] - -Not a word of this popular description of saints' days will be found in -Melanchthon's memoir: it is entirely the work of Francis and his -councillors. - - -SORBONNE. - -'Let us beware how we forsake ancient customs. Let us address our -prayers directly to the saints who are our patrons and intercessors -under Jesus Christ. To assert that they have not the prerogative of -healing diseases, is in opposition to your Majesty's personal experience -and the gift you have received from God of curing the king's evil.... -Let us also pay our devotions to statues and images, since the seventh -general council commands them to be adored.'[677] - -When the Sorbonne, in order to defend the prerogatives of the saints, -cited the miraculous powers of the king, they employed an argument to -which it was dangerous to reply; and, accordingly, we find nothing on -this point in the answers of the opponents of the faculty. The -discussion, getting off this shoal, turned to the act which is the -essence of the Romish doctrine, and priests were once more lashed by the -royal hand, which was even more skilful at this work than in curing the -evil. - - -MINISTERS. - -'There ought to be in the Church a living communion of the members of -Christ.[678] But, alas! what do we find there? A crowd of ignorant and -filthy priests, the plague of society, a burden to the earth, a slothful -race who can do nothing but say mass, and who, while saying it, do not -even utter those five intelligible words, preferable, as St. Paul -thinks, to ten thousand words in an unknown tongue.... We must get rid -of these mercenaries, these mass-mongers, who have brought that holy -ceremony into contempt, and we must supply their place with holy, -learned, and experienced men.[679] Then perhaps the Lord's Supper will -recover the esteem it has lost. Then, instead of an unmeaning babble, we -shall have psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs. Then we shall sing to -the Saviour, and every tongue will confess that Jesus Christ is the -Lord, to the glory of God the Father.... What false confidence, what -wretched delusion is that which leads so many souls to believe that by -attending mass every day, even when piety is neglected, they are -performing an act useful to themselves and their friends, both for this -life and for that which is to come!'[680] - -[Sidenote: THE LORD'S SUPPER.] - -The Sorbonne contended for the external mechanism of the sacramental -act, to which their opponents desired to impart a spiritual and living -character, and defended without shame or scruple the material advantages -the clergy derived from it. - - -SORBONNE. - -'The mass is a real sacrifice, of great benefit to the living and the -dead, and its excellence is founded on the passion of Jesus Christ. It -is right, therefore, to bestow temporal gifts on those who celebrate it, -be they good or bad; and the priests who receive them ought not to be -called mass-mongers, even though they are paid.'[681] - -The king's ministers now came to the much disputed doctrine of the -presence of Christ in the communion. - - -MINISTERS. - -'Let us put aside the disputes that have divided us so long.[682] Let us -all confess that in the eucharist the Lord truly gives believers his -body to eat and his blood to drink to feed our souls in life -everlasting; and that in this manner Christ remains in us and we in -Christ. Whether this sacrament be called the Lord's Supper, the Lord's -bread and wine, mass, eucharist, love-feast, or sacrifice, is of little -moment. Christians ought not to dispute about names, if they possess the -things; and, as the proverb says, "When we have the bear before us, let -us not look after his track."[683] Communion with Christ is obtained by -faith, and cannot be demonstrated by human arguments. When we treat of -theology, let us not fall into matæology.'[684] - -The Sorbonne could not overlook this side-blow aimed at the scholastic -style. - - -SORBONNE. - -'It is very useful, and often very necessary for the extirpation of -heresy, to employ words not to be found in Scripture, such as -_transubstantiation_, &c.[685] Yes, the bread and the wine are truly -changed in substance, preserving only the accidents, and becoming the -body and blood of Christ. It is not true that the _panitas_ or -_corporitas_ of the bread combines with the _corporitas_ of Christ. The -transubstantiation is effected _in instanti_ and not _successivè_; and -it is certain that neither laymen nor women can accomplish this -miraculous act, but priests only.' - -The controversy next turned on confession, justification, faith, works, -and free-will; after which they came to practical questions. - - -MINISTERS. - -'Good men do not ask that the monasteries should be destroyed, but be -turned into schools;[686] so that thus the liberality of our brethren -may serve to maintain, not idle people, but men who will instruct youth -in sound learning and morality.' - - -SORBONNE. - -'What! the pope should permit the friars to leave their monasteries -whenever they wish! This clearly shows us that the Germans are aiming at -the overthrow, the ruin of all religion.'[687] - - -MINISTERS. - -'And what prevents our restoring liberty of marriage to the ministers of -the Church? Did not Bishop Paphnucius acknowledge at the Nicene council -that those who forbid it encourage licentiousness? In that great crowd -of priests and monks it is impossible for purity of life to be restored -otherwise than by the divine institution which dates from Eden.'[688] - - -SORBONNE. - -'An article quite as dangerous as the secularisation of monks.' - -[Sidenote: AN ASSEMBLY OF LAITY AND CLERGY.] - - -MINISTERS. - -'In this age, when everything is in a ferment,[689] and when so many -sects are raising their heads in various places, the interest of the -christian Church requires that there should be an assembly composed not -only of priests and theologians, but also of laymen and upright, -sensible, courageous magistrates, who have at heart the glory of the -Lord, public morality, and general usefulness.... Ah! it would be easy -to agree if we thought of Christ's glory rather than of our own!'[690] - -The doctors of the Sorbonne had no great liking for deliberative -assemblies where they would sit with laymen and even with heretics. - - -SORBONNE. - -'Beware! ... it is to be feared that, under the pretext of uniting with -us, the heretics are conspiring to lead the people astray.... Have we -not seen such assemblies in Germany, called together on a pretence of -concord, produce nothing but divisions, discord, and infinite ruin of -souls?'[691] - -But the Sorbonne warned the king in vain. Francis at this time, through -policy no doubt, was opposed to the doctrines maintained by the priests. -He desired to be freed at home from that papal supremacy which presumed -to direct the policy and religion of his kingdom; and abroad he knew -that a league with England and Germany could alone destroy the -overwhelming preponderance of Charles V. And hence the meetings of the -Sorbonne grew more and more agitated; the doctors repeated to one -another all the alarming reports they had heard; there was sorrow and -anger; never, they thought, had Roman-catholicism in France been -threatened with such terrible danger. It was no longer a few obscure -sects; no longer a Brueys, a Henry of Lausanne, a Valdo, Albigenses, or -Waldenses, who attacked the Church: no! powerful states, Germany and -England, were separating from the papacy, and the absolute monarch of -France was endeavouring to introduce revolutionary principles into his -kingdom. The Church, as its Head had once been, was deserted by its -friends. The grandees who were subsequently to form a league around the -Guises, were silent now; the rough and powerful Montmorency himself -seemed dumb; and, accordingly, agitation and alarm prevailed in the -corporation. Certain ultramontane fanatics proposed petitioning the king -to put down heresy by force, and to uphold the Roman dogmas by fire and -sword. More moderate catholics, observing with sorrow the catholicity so -dear to them rent by schism, sought for more rational means of restoring -the unity destroyed by the Reformation. Everybody saw clearly that the -enemy was at the gate, and that no time must be lost in closing it. - -[Sidenote: DANGER OF CATHOLICISM.] - -Alas! they had to deal with others besides heretics. All reflecting -minds in Europe, and especially in France, were struck with the example -set by the King of England, and the members of the Roman party thought -that Francis was about to adopt the same course in his kingdom. There -was indeed a difference between the systems of these two princes. Henry -desired the doctrine of Rome, but not its bishop; Francis accepted the -bishop, but rejected the doctrine. Nevertheless, as each of these -reforms was a heavy blow aimed at the system of the middle ages, they -were looked upon as identical. The success which Henry's plan had met -with in England was an indication of what Francis's plan would meet with -in France. The two monarchs who reigned on each side of the Channel were -equally absolute. - -The Roman doctors, finding that their controversy had not succeeded, -resolved to go to work in a more cunning way, and, without seeming to -reject a union with Germany, to oppose the heretics by putting them out -of court. 'Sire,' they said to Francis, 'your very humble servants and -most obedient subjects of the Faculty of Theology pray you to ask the -Germans whether they confess that the Church militant, whose head (under -Jesus) is Peter and his successors, is infallible in faith and morals? -whether they agree to obey him as his subjects, and are willing to admit -all the books contained in the Bible,[692] as well as the decisions of -the councils, popes, and doctors?'[693] Obedience to the pope and to -tradition, without discussing doctrines, was their summary of the -controversy. It did not succeed. - -[Sidenote: SHOULD KINGS FEAR PROTESTANTISM?] - -The doctors of the faculty, finding that the king would not aid them, -applied to the papal nuncio. They found him also a prey to fear. They -began to consult together on the best means of keeping France in -communion with the holy see. As Francis was deaf to theological -arguments, the Sorbonne and the nuncio agreed that some other means must -be used. The prelate went to the Louvre, carrying with him a suggestion -which the Sorbonne had prompted. 'Sire,' he said, 'be not deceived. The -protestants will upset all civil as well as religious order.... The -throne is in as much danger as the altar.... The introduction of a new -religion must necessarily introduce a new government.'[694] - -That was indeed the best way of treating the affair; the nuncio had -found the joint in the armour, and the king was for a moment staggered; -but the pope's conduct restored his confidence. Rome began to proceed -against Henry VIII. as she had formerly done against kings in the middle -ages. This proceeding, so offensive to the royal dignity, drew Francis -towards the Reformation. If there is danger towards royal power, it -exists on both sides, he thought. He believed even that the danger was -greater on the side of Rome than of Germany, since the protestants of -that country showed their princes the most loyal submission, and the -most religious and profound respect. He had observed, that while the -pope desired to deprive the King of England of his states and release -his subjects from their obedience, the reformation which that prince had -carried out had not prejudiced one of his rights; that there was a talk, -indeed, of insurrections against Henry VIII., but they were got up by -Rome and her agents. Enlightened men suggested to Francis, that while -popery kept the people in slavery, and caused insurrection and rebellion -against the throne, the Reformation would secure order and obedience to -kings, and liberty to the people. He seems to have been convinced ... -for the moment at least. 'England and I,' he said, 'are accustomed to -keep together and to manage our affairs in harmony with each other, and -we shall continue to do so.'[695] - -This new movement on the part of Francis emboldened the evangelicals. -They hoped that he would go on to the end, and would not leave the pope -even the little place which he intended to reserve for him. If a prince -like Louis IX. maintained the rights of the Gallican Church in the -thirteenth century; if a king like Charles VII. restored ecclesiastical -liberty in the fifteenth; shall we not see in this universal revival of -the sixteenth century a monarch like Francis I. emancipating France from -the Roman yoke? At a great sacrifice he has just done much for -Wurtemberg, and will he do nothing for his own kingdom? The friends of -the Reformation encouraged one another to entertain the brightest hopes. -'What a noble position!' they said.[696] Whenever they met, whether in -the university, in the country, or in the town, they exchanged -congratulations.[697] In their opinion, old things had passed away. - -[Sidenote: UNEASINESS OF THE REFORMERS.] - -But there were other evangelicals—men more decided and more -scriptural—who looked with a distrustful eye upon these mysterious -conferences between Francis and the protestants of Germany. Those fine -speeches of Du Bellay, and that remarkable conference at Bar-le-Duc, -were in their eyes policy and diplomacy, but not religion. They felt -uneasy and alarmed; and when they met to pray in their obscure -conventicles, these humble christians said to one another with terror: -'Satan is casting his net to catch those who are not on the watch. Let -us examine the colours in which he is disguised.' Astonished and even -distressed, they asked if it was not strange to assert, as Melanchthon -had done, 'that no good man would protest against the monarchy of the -Roman bishop,[698] and that, in consideration of certain reforms, we -should hasten to recognise him!' No, the Roman episcopate will never be -reformed, they said. Remodel it as you like, it will always betray its -domineering spirit, revive its ancient tricks, and regain its -ascendency, even by fire. We must be on our guard.... Between Rome and -the Reformation it is a matter of mere yes or no: the pope or Jesus -Christ! Unable to conquer the new Church in fair fight, they hope to -strangle it in their embraces. Delilah will lull to sleep in her lap the -prophet whom the strong men have been unable to bind with green withes -and new ropes. Under the pretence of screening the Reform from evil -influences, they desire to set it, like a flower of the field, in some -place without light and air, where, fading and pining away ... it will -perish. Thanks to the protection of the Queen of Navarre, the gallant -and high-spirited charger that loved to sport in the meadows is about to -be taken to the king's stable, where it will be adorned with a -magnificent harness ... but its mouth will be deformed by the bit, its -flanks torn by the spur, and even the plaits of its mane will bear -witness to its degradation. - -This future was not reserved for the Reform. While the mild and prudent -voices of Melanchthon and Bucer were soothing it to sleep, innocently -enough no doubt, bolder and freer voices, those of a Farel and a Calvin, -were preparing to arouse it. While the papers of the conciliating -theologians were lying on the velvet cover of the royal table, another -paper, whose lines of fire seemed penned by the thunderbolt, was about -to circulate through the kingdom, and be posted even at the door of the -king's chamber by a too daring hand, which was to arouse in that prince -one of the most terrible bursts of passion ever recorded in history. A -loud peal of thunder would be heard, and the heavy atmosphere which -stifled men's minds would be followed by a pure and reviving air. There -would be furious tempests; but the christians of the scriptural, -practical, and radical Reformation rejoiced at witnessing the failure of -this specious but impossible project, which aimed at reforming the -Church even while preserving Roman-catholicism. The system of the Queen -of Navarre will have to be abandoned; that of Calvin will prevail. To -uphold truth, the evangelicals were about to sacrifice unity. No doubt -furious persecutions would be the consequence, but they said to each -other that it was better to live in the midst of hurricanes that awaken, -than in mephitic vapours which lull men into the sleep of death. - -We shall describe hereafter the event which had so notable an influence -on the destinies of the Reformation in France. They were Frenchmen who -caused it; it was a Frenchman who was the principal author; but it was -from Switzerland, as we shall see, that this formidable blow was to -come, and to that country we must now return. - -[Footnote 655: 'Dadurch Ich in gute Hoffnung kommen die Sachen sollten -auf gute Wege gerichtet werden.' This German translation of the king's -letter is given in the _Corp. Ref._ ii. pp. 828-835.] - -[Footnote 656: 'Rex suus cognoscit nunc errorem suum in religione.'— -Lanz, _Correspondance de l'Empereur Charles-Quint_, ii. p. 144.] - -[Footnote 657: 'Quod isti Germani Lutherum sequentes de Christo et de -fide illius recte sentiant.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 658: 'Fuerunt illi (Melanchthonis articuli) a _quamplurimis_ -in Gallia excerpti, sed non integri verum mutilati.'—Gerdesius, _Hist. -Evang. renov._ iv. p. 124.] - -[Footnote 659: This memoir is printed in the _Corpus Reformatorum_, -ii. pp. 765-775; and while Melanchthon's is entitled _Consilium Gallis -Scriptum_, this is headed _Idem Scriptum a Gallis editum_.] - -[Footnote 660: 'Qua de re Melanchthon ipse conqueritur.'—Gerdesius, -iv. p. 124.] - -[Footnote 661: 'Eosdem articulos Romam misisse dicitur, quo pontificis -ipsius quoque impetraret vel emendationem vel consensum.'—Gerdesius, -_Hist. Evang. renov._ iv. p. 124.] - -[Footnote 662: D'Argentré, _De novis Erroribus_, i. p. 3553. Gerdesius, -iv. App. xiii.] - -[Footnote 663: Letter from the Faculty of Theology to Francis I. -D'Argentré, i. p. 3953. Gerdesius, iv. App. xiii.] - -[Footnote 664: D'Argentré, i. p. 3953. Gerdesius, iv. App. xiii.] - -[Footnote 665: Gerdesius, i. App. xiii. p. 75.] - -[Footnote 666: 'Necessarium ut in Christum omnes spectemus.'—Scriptum a -Gallis editum, _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 765.] - -[Footnote 667: _Facultatis Theologiæ Parisiensis Responsum ad Regem -Franciscum_, D'Argentré, i. p. 3953.—Gerdesius, iv. App. p. 75.] - -[Footnote 668: 'Nec geramus alterutri gladiatorios animos nostra -mordicus defendendi.'—Scriptum a Gallis editum, _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. -765.] - -[Footnote 669: _Facultatis Theol. Paris. Resp. ad Regem._ Gerdesius, iv. -App. p. 75.] - -[Footnote 670: 'Ut consulat conscientiis, aliquando concedere -relaxationem.'-Scriptum a Gallis editum, _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 766.] - -[Footnote 671: 'Jure divino institutam, quæ usque ad consummationem -sæculi perduratura est.'—Gerdesius, iv. App. p. 78.] - -[Footnote 672: 'Quæ tamen nemo observat, atque hi minime omnium qui -præcipiunt.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 767.] - -[Footnote 673: D'Argentré, i. p. 397. Gerdesius, iv. App. p. 79.] - -[Footnote 674: 'Pia mortuorum facta prosopopœia ... quasi præsentes a -præsentibus orasse.'—Scriptum a Gallis editum, _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 768.] - -[Footnote 675: 'Qui et velit invocari et velit exaudire.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 676: 'Videbimus nos minime abesse a superstitione -Ethnicorum.'—Scriptum a Gallis editum, _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 768.] - -[Footnote 677: 'Statuas et imagines sanctorum quas adorandas sept. œcum. -synodus decernit.'—_Facultatis Theol. Paris. Resp._] - -[Footnote 678: 'Viva membrorum Christi communione.'—Scriptum a Gallis -ed. _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 769.] - -[Footnote 679: 'Semotis his missarum conducticiis nundinatoribus.'— -Ibid.] - -[Footnote 680: 'Præpostera ejus operis fiducia quæ plerosque sic -seduxit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 681: 'Vocari non debent nundinatores.'—_Facult. Theol. Paris -Resp._] - -[Footnote 682: 'Sublatis quæ inter nos diu viguerunt altercationibus.'— -Script. a Gallis ed., _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 770.] - -[Footnote 683: 'Præsente urso, quod dicitur, vestigia non quæramus.'— -Ibid.] - -[Footnote 684: 'Theologiam sic tractemus ut non incidamus in -matæologiam.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 685: 'Utile et necessarium certa verborum forma uti, in sacra -scriptura non expressa.'—_Facult. Theol. Paris. Resp._ p. 82.] - -[Footnote 686: 'Non petunt boni ut monasteria deleantur, sed ut sint -scholæ.'—Script. a Gallis ed., _Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 773.] - -[Footnote 687: _Facultatis Theologiæ Parisiensis Responsum._ Gerdesius, -_Hist. Evang. renov._ p. 76.] - -[Footnote 688: 'In tanta sacerdotum et monachorum turba restitui aliter -vitæ puritas non poterit.'—Scriptum a Gallis editum, _Corpus -Reformatorum_, ii. p. 774.] - -[Footnote 689: 'Hoc fermentato sæculo.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 690: 'Perfacile autem coalescere possumus.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 691: _Facultatis Theologiæ Parisiensis Responsum._ Gerdesius, -_Hist. Evang. renov._ p. 77.] - -[Footnote 692: Including the apocryphal books.] - -[Footnote 693: _Facultatis Theologiæ Parisiensis Responsum._ Gerdesius, -_Hist. Evang. renov._ iv. App. p. 77.] - -[Footnote 694: Du Bellay, _Mémoires_, ed. Petitot, Introd. p. 123. -Schmidt, _Hist. Theol._ p. 36 (ed. 1850).] - -[Footnote 695: 'England und Ich pflegen zusammen zu halten und sämmtlich -unsere Sachen vornehmen.'—Rex Galliæ ad principes protest. _Corp. Ref._ -ii. p. 830.] - -[Footnote 696: 'Quam pulchre staremus.'—Sturm to Melanchthon, MS.] - -[Footnote 697: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 698: 'Neque bonus ullus erit, qui reclamet in pontificis -monarchiam.—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 762.] - - - - - BOOK III. - FALL OF A BISHOP-PRINCE, AND FIRST EVANGELICAL - BEGINNINGS IN GENEVA. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - THE RENAISSANCE, THE REFORMATION, THE MIDDLE AGES. - (1526.) - - -The Reformation was necessary to christian society. The Renaissance, -daughter alike of ancient and of modern Rome, was a movement of revival, -and yet it carried with it a principle of death, so that wherever it was -not transformed by heavenly forces, it fell away and became corrupted. -The influence of the humanists—of such men as Erasmus, Sir Thomas More, -and afterwards of Montaigne—was a balmy gale that shed its odours on the -upper classes, but exerted no power over the lower ranks of the people. -In the elegant compositions of the men of letters, there was nothing for -the conscience, that divinely appointed force of the human race. The -work of the Renaissance, had it stood alone, must of necessity, -therefore, have ended in failure and death. There are persons in these -days who think otherwise: they believe that a new state of society would -have arisen without the Reformation, and that political liberty would -have renewed the world better than the Gospel. This is assuredly a great -error. At that time liberty had scarcely any existence in Europe, and -even had it existed, and the dominion of conscience not reappeared along -with it, it is certain that, though powerful enough, perhaps, to destroy -the old elements of order prevailing in society, it would have been -unable to substitute any better elements in their place. If, even in the -nineteenth century, we tremble sometimes when we hear the distant -explosions of liberty, what must have been the feeling in the sixteenth? -The men who were about to appear on the theatre of the world were still -immersed in disorder and barbarism. Everything betokened great virtues -in the new generation, but also tumultuous passions; a divine heroism, -but also gigantic crimes; a mighty energy, but at its side a languishing -insensibility. A renewed society could not be constituted out of such -elements. It wanted the divine breath to inspire high thoughts, and the -hand of God to establish everywhere the providential order. - -At the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century, -society was in a state of excitement. The world was in suspense, as when -the statuary is about to create a work that shall be the object of -universal admiration. The metal is melted, the mass flows from the -furnace like glowing brass; but the approaching lava alarms, and not -without reason, the anxious spectators. At this period we witness -struggles, insurrections, and reaction. The perfumed spirit of the -Renaissance was unable to check the evil and to establish order and -liberty. Society had appeared to grow young again under the breath of -antiquity; but wherever a knowledge of the Gospel was not combined with -the cultivation of letters, that purity, boldness, and elevation of -youth, which at first had charmed contemporaries, disappeared. The -melting was checked, the metal grew cold, and instead of the masterpiece -that had been expected, there appeared the repulsive forms of servility, -immorality, and superstition. - -[Sidenote: CRISIS AND MEANS OF SALVATION.] - -Was there any means of preventing so fatal a future? How, in the midst -of the old society, which was crumbling to pieces, could a new one be -formed, with any certain prospect of vitality? In religion only the -coming age was to find its living force. If the conscience of man was -awakened and sanctified by christianity, then and then only the world -would stand. - -Was it possible to look for this regenerating element in the society -which was expiring? That would be to search among the dead for the -principle of life. It was necessary to have recourse to the primitive -sources of faith. The Gospel, more human than literature, more divine -than philosophy, exerts an influence over man that these two things -cannot possess. It goes down into the depths—that is, into the -people—which the Renaissance had not done; it rises towards the high -places—that is, towards heaven—which philosophy cannot do. When the -Gospel lifted up its voice in the days of the Reformation, the people -listened. It spoke to them of God, sin, condemnation, pardon, -everlasting life—in a word, of Christ. The human soul discovered that -this was what it wanted; and was touched, captivated, and finally -renewed. The movement was all the more powerful because the doctrine -preached to the people had nothing to do with animosities, traditions, -interests of race, dynasties, or courts. True, it got mixed up with -these things afterwards; but in the beginning it was simply the voice of -God upon earth. It circulated a purifying fire through corrupted -society, and the new world was formed. - -The old society, whose place was about to be occupied, did all in its -power to resist the light. A terrible voice issued from the Vatican; a -hand of iron executed its behests in many a country, and strangled the -new life in its cradle. Spain, Italy, Austria, and France were the chief -theatres of the deplorable tragedies, whose heroes were Philip II. and -the Guises. But there were souls, we may even say nations, protected by -the hand of God, who have been ever since like trees whose leaves never -wither.[699] Intelligent men, struck by their greatness, have been -alarmed for the nations that are not watered by the same rivers. Against -such a danger there is, however, a sure remedy; it is that all people -should come and drink at those fountains of life which have given -protestant nations 'all the attributes of civilisation and power.'[700] -Or do they perchance imagine that by shutting their windows against the -sun, the light will spread more widely?... A new era is beginning, and -all lingering nations are now invited to the great renovation of which -the Gospel is the divine and mighty organ. - -[Sidenote: NEW SITUATION OF GENEVA.] - -In 1526 Geneva was in a position which permitted it to receive the new -seed of the new society. The alliance with the cantons, by drawing that -city nearer to Switzerland, facilitated the arrival of the intrepid -husbandmen who brought with them the seeds of life. At Wittemberg, at -Zurich, and even in the upper extremities of Lake Leman, in those -beautiful valleys of the Rhone and the Alps which Farel had evangelised, -the divine sun had poured down his first rays. When the Genevans made -their alliance with the Swiss, they had only thought of finding a -support to their national existence; but they had effected more: they -had opened the gates of day, and were about to receive a light which, -while securing their liberties, would guide their souls along the path -of eternal life. The city was thus to acquire an influence of which none -of its children had ever dreamt, and by the instrumentality of Calvin, -one of the noblest spirits that ever lived, 'she was about to become the -rival of Rome,' as an historian says (perhaps with a little -exaggeration), 'and wrest from her the dominion of half the christian -world.'[701] - -If the alliance with the cantons opened Geneva on the side of -Switzerland, it raised a wall of separation between that city and -Savoy—which was not less necessary for the part she was called upon to -play in the sixteenth century. The valley of the Leman was at that time -dotted with châteaux, whose ruins may still be seen here and there. As -invasion, pillage, and murder formed part of social life in the middle -ages, the nobles surrounded their houses with walls, and some even built -their dwelling-places on the mountains. From Geneva might be descried -the castle of Monnetier standing on immense perpendicular rocks on Mont -Salève.... - - J'aimais tes murs croulants, vieux moutier ruiné! - _Naître, souffrir, mourir!_ devise triste et forte . . . - Quel châtelain pensif te grava sur la porte?[702] - -Further on, and near Thonon, on an isolated hill, shaded by luxuriant -chestnut trees, stood the vast castle of Allinges, which is still a -noble ruin. The lords of these places, energetic, rude, freebooting, and -often cruel men, growing weary of their isolation and their idleness, -would collect their followers, lower their drawbridges, rush into the -high roads in search of adventures, and indulge in a life of raids and -plunder, violence and murder. - -The towns, with their traders and travellers, were especially the -abhorrence of these gentlemen robbers. From the tenth century the -Genevan travellers and foreign merchants, passing through Geneva with -their goods, often fell a prey to the plundering vagabondage of the -neighbouring lords. This was not without important consequences for -civilisation and liberty. Seeing the nobles perpetually in insurrection -against social order, the burghers learnt to revolt against despotism, -murder, and robbery. Geneva received one of these lessons, and profited -by it better than others.[703] - -[Sidenote: PONTVERRE AND THE SAVOYARD NOBLES.] - -In all the castles of Genevois, Chablais, and the Pays de Vaud, it was -said, in 1526, that the alliance of Geneva with the free Swiss cantons -menaced the rights of Savoy, the temporal (and even the spiritual) power -of the bishop, and Roman-catholicism. And hence the irritated nobles -ruminated in their strongholds upon the means of destroying the union, -or at least of neutralising its effects. François de Ternier, seigneur -of Pontverre, whose domains were situated between Mont Salève and the -Rhone, about a league from Geneva, thought of nothing else night or day. -A noble, upright, but violent man; a fanatical enemy of the burgher -class, of liberty, and of the Reformation; and a representative of the -middle ages, he swore to combat the Swiss alliance unto death, and he -kept his oath. Owing to the energy of his character and the nobility of -his house, François possessed great influence among his neighbours. One -day, after long meditation over his plans, he left his residence, -attended by a few horsemen, and visited the neighbouring castles. While -seated at table with the knights, he made his apprehensions known to -them, and conjured them to oppose the accursed alliance. He asked them -whether it was for nothing that the privilege of bearing arms had been -given to the nobles. 'Let us make haste,' he said, 'and crush a new and -daring power that threatens to destroy our castles and our churches.' He -sounded the alarm everywhere; he reminded the nobles that they had a -right to make war whenever they pleased;[704] and forthwith many lords -responded to his energetic appeals. They armed themselves, and, issuing -from their strongholds, covered the district around Geneva like a cloud -of locusts. Caring little for the political or religious ideas with -which Pontverre was animated, they sought amusement, plunder, and the -gratification of their hatred against the citizens. They were observed -at a distance, with their mounted followers, on the high roads, and they -were not idle. They allowed nobody to enter the city, and carried off -property, provisions, and cattle. The peasants and the Genevan -merchants, so disgracefully plundered, asked each other if the tottering -episcopal throne was to be upheld by _banditti_.... 'If you return,' -said these noble highwaymen, 'we will _hang you up by the neck_.' Nor -was that all: several nobles, whose castles were near the water, -resorted to piracy on the lake: they pillaged the country-houses near -the shore, imprisoned the men, insulted the women, and cut off all -communication with Switzerland. - -[Sidenote: NOBLES TURN HIGHWAYMEN.] - -One difficulty, however, occurred to these noble robbers: they chanced -to maltreat, without their knowing it, some of their own party, who were -coming from German Switzerland. Having been much reproached for this, -they took counsel on the road: 'What must we do,' they asked, 'to -distinguish the Genevans?' They hit upon a curious shibboleth. As soon -as they caught sight of any travellers in the distance, they spurred -their horses, galloped up, and put some ordinary question to the -strangers, 'examining in this way all who passed to and fro.' If the -travellers replied in French, the language of Geneva, the knightly -highwaymen declared they were _huguenots_, and immediately carried them -off, goods and all. If the victims complained, they were not listened -to; and even when they came from the banks of the Loire and the Seine, -they were taken and shut up in the nearest castle. Many messengers from -France to the Swiss cantons, who spoke like the Genevans, were arrested -in this way. - -France, Berne, and Geneva complained bitterly; but the lords (for the -most part Savoyards) took no notice of it. By chastising these burghers, -they believed they were gaining heaven. They laughed among themselves at -the universal complaints, and added sarcasm to cruelty. One day a -Genevan deputy having appeared before Pontverre, to protest against such -brigandage, the haughty noble replied coldly: 'Tell those who sent you, -that in a fortnight I will come and set fire to the four corners of your -city.' Another day, De la Fontaine, a retired syndic and mameluke, as he -was riding along the high road, met a huguenot, and said to him: 'Go and -tell your friends that we are coming to Geneva shortly, and will throw -all the citizens into the Rhone.' As the Genevan walked away, the -mameluke called him back: 'Wait a moment,' he said, and then continued -maliciously: 'No, I think it will be better to cut off their heads, in -order to multiply the relics.' This was an allusion to Berthelier's -head, which had been solemnly buried. In the noisy banquets which these -nobles gave each other in their châteaux, they related their feats of -arms: anecdotes akin to those just quoted followed each other amid roars -of laughter: the subject was inexhaustible. The politicians, although -more moderate in appearance, were not less decided. They meditated over -the matter in cold blood. 'I will enter Geneva sword in hand,' said the -Count of Genevois, the duke's brother, 'and will take away six score of -the most rebellious patriots.'[705] - -Thus the middle ages seemed to be rising in defence of their rights. The -temporal and spiritual authority of the bishop-prince was protected by -bands of highwaymen. But while these powers, which pretended to be -legitimate, employed robbery, violence, and murder, the friends of -liberty prepared to defend themselves lawfully and to fight honourably, -like regular troops. Besançon Hugues, reelected captain-general three -days after the alliance with the Swiss, gave the signal. Instantly the -citizens began to practise the use of arms in the city; and in the -country, where they were placed as outposts, they kept strict watch over -all the movements of the gentlemen robbers. Fearing that the latter, to -crown their brigandage, would march against Geneva, the syndics had iron -gratings put to all the windows in the city walls, built up three of the -gates, placed a guard at the others, and stretched chains across every -street. At the same time they brought into the harbour all the boats -that had escaped the piratical incursions of the nobles, placed a sentry -on the belfry of St. Pierre, and ordered that the city should be lighted -all the night long. This little people rose like one man, and all were -ready to give their lives to protect their goods and trade, their wives -and children, and to save their old liberties and their new -aspirations.[706] - -[Sidenote: GENEVAN DEPUTATION TO BERNE.] - -While thus resolute against their enemies in arms, the citizens showed -moderation towards their disarmed foes. Some of those who were most -exasperated, wishing to take their revenge, asked permission to -_forage_, that is, to seize the property of the disloyal and fugitive -mamelukes. 'It is perfectly fair,' they said, 'for their treason and -brigandage have reduced Geneva to extreme misery: we shall only get back -what they have taken from us.' But Hugues, the friend of order as well -as of liberty, made answer: 'Let us commence proceedings against the -accused; let us condemn them in penalties more or less severe; but let -us refrain from violence, even though we have the appearance of right in -our favour.'—'The ducal faction,' replied these hot-headed men, 'not -only plundered us, but conspired against the city, and took part in the -tortures and murders inflicted upon the citizens.' The syndics were not -convinced, and the property of the offenders was respected; but after a -rigorous investigation, they were deprived of the rights of -citizenship.[707] - -The Swiss cantons, discontented because the Genevans, who were in great -straits, had not repaid the expenses incurred on their behalf, asked -more for the mamelukes than the council granted: they demanded that they -should all be allowed to return to the city. But to receive those who -were making war against them, seemed impossible to the Genevans. They -sent two good huguenots to Berne, François Favre and Baudichon de la -Maison-Neuve, to make representations in this matter. The deputies were -admitted to the great council on the 5th of June, 1526. De Lullins, the -Savoyard governor, was also received on the same day, and in the duke's -name he made great complaints against Geneva. Favre, a quick, impatient, -passionate man, replied in _coarse terms_. The Bernese firmly adhered to -their resolution, and reprimanded the Genevan deputy, who candidly -acknowledged his fault: 'Yes,' he said, 'I am _too warm_; but I answered -rather as a private individual than as an ambassador.' On returning to -his inn, he thought that the payment of the sum claimed by the Bernese -would settle everything, and the same day he wrote to the council of -Geneva: 'Your humble servant begs to inform you that you must send the -money promised to my lords of Berne. Otherwise, let him fly from the -city who can! Do you think you can promise and not be bound to keep your -word? Find the money, or you are lost. I pray you warn my wife, that she -may come to Lausanne. I am serving at my own expense, and yet I must pay -for others also. Do not ruin a noble cause for such a trifle. If Berne -is satisfied, we shall be all right with the mamelukes.'[708] - -[Sidenote: CARTELIER'S CONDEMNATION.] - -Robber nobles were not the only supporters of the middle ages. That -epoch has had its great men, but at the time of its fall it had but -sorry representatives. The knights of the highway had their companions -in the intriguers of the city. Among the latter we may include -Cartelier, who had played his part in the plots got up to deliver Geneva -to Savoy.[709] This man, who hated independence and the Reformation even -more than Pontverre did, was, through the anger of the citizens and the -avarice of the bishop, to suffer for the crimes of which his party was -guilty. Being utterly devoid of shame, he went up and down the city as -if he had nothing to fear, and when he chanced to meet the indignant -glance of a huguenot, he braved the anger with which he was threatened -by assuming an air of contempt and defiance. Rich, clever, but of low -character, he had contrived to be made a citizen in order to indulge in -the most perfidious intrigues. One day he was apprehended, -notwithstanding his insolent airs, and put into prison. A thrill ran -through all the city, as if the hand of God had been seen striking that -great criminal. Amblarde, Berthelier's widow, and his two children; -John, Lévrier's brother; and a hundred citizens who had all just cause -of complaint against the wretch, appeared before the council, and called -for justice with cries and tears: 'He has spilt the blood of our -fathers, our brothers, and our husbands,' said the excited crowd. 'He -wished to destroy our independence and subject us to the duke.' -Convicted of conspiring against the State, the wretch was condemned to -death. The executioner, putting a rope round his neck, led him through -the city, followed by an immense crowd. The indignant people were -delighted when they saw the rich and powerful stranger reduced to such -humiliation. Proud and pitiless, he had plotted to ruin the city, and -now he was expiating his crimes. Things did not stop here: while -moderate men desired to remain in the paths of justice, the more -hot-headed of the party of independence _derided_ him, says a -chronicler, and some mischievous boys pelted him with mud. The unhappy -man, whose fall had been so great, thus arrived at the place of -execution, and the hangman prepared to perform his duty. - -Cartelier had but a few minutes more to live, when the bishop's steward -was seen hurrying forward with letters of grace, commuting the capital -punishment into a fine of six thousand golden crowns payable to the -prelate and to the city. To spare the life of the wretched man might -have been an act of mercy and equity, especially as his crimes were -political; but the angry youths who surrounded the criminal ascribed the -bishop's clemency to his covetousness and to the hatred he bore the -cause of independence. They desired the execution of the condemned man. -Twice the hangman removed the rope, and twice these exasperated young -men replaced it round Cartelier's neck. They yielded at last, however, -and were satisfied with having made the conspirator feel all the anguish -of death. Cartelier was set at liberty. When the bishop was informed of -what had happened, he became afraid, imagining his authority compromised -and his power endangered. 'It was for good reasons,' he wrote to the -syndics, 'that I pardoned Cartelier; however, write and tell me if the -people are inclined to revolt on account of this pardon.'[710] The -people did not revolt, and the rich culprit, having paid the fine, -retired quietly to Bourg in Bresse, whence he had come. - -[Sidenote: THE BISHOP'S HESITATION.] - -The bishop, who had first sentenced, then pardoned, and then repented of -his pardon, was continually hesitating, and did not know what party to -side with. He was not devoted body and soul to the duke, like his -predecessor. Placed between the Savoyards and the huguenots, he was at -heart, equally afraid of both, and by turns flung himself into the arms -of opposite parties. He was like a stag between two packs of hounds, -always afraid and panting. 'I write _angrily_,' he says in his letters: -he was, indeed, always angry with one party or the other. Even the -canons, his natural friends, and the members of his council aroused his -fears, and not without cause; for these reverend persons had no -confidence either in the bishop's character or in the brigandage of the -gentry of the neighbourhood. Messieurs De Lutry, De Montrotier, De -Lucinge, De St. Martin, and other canons said that the temporal -authority of the prelate was too weak to maintain order; that the sword -of a secular prince was wanted, and at the bottom of their hearts they -called for the duke. 'Ah!' said La Baume to Hugues, 'the chapter is a -_poisoned_ body;' he called the canons thieves and robbers: _Ille fur et -latro est_, he said of one of them. The episcopal office appeared a -heavy burden to him; but it put him in a position to give good dinners -to his friends, and that was one of the most important duties of his -life. 'I have wine for the winter,' he wrote in a postscript to the -letter in which he made these complaints, 'and plenty to entertain you -with.'[711] Such were his episcopal consolations. - -[Footnote 699: Psalm i.] - -[Footnote 700: M. Michel Chevalier, on the Prosperity of Protestant -Nations.] - -[Footnote 701: Galiffe, _Matériaux pour l'Histoire de Genève_, ii. p. -xxviii.] - -[Footnote 702: Galloix, _Salève_. The author remembers reading, since -the time of his boyhood, these three words on the ruins that have been -since restored, _Nasci, pati, mori_.] - -[Footnote 703: Spon, _Hist. de Genève_. Gautier MS. Guizot, -_Civilisation en France et en Europe_. Froment.] - -[Footnote 704: Ordonnance de Louis Hutin. Guizot, _Civilisation en -France_, v. p. 138.] - -[Footnote 705: Registres du Conseil du 3 décembre. Lettres de Messieurs -de Berne. Galiffe fils, _Besançon Hugues, Pièces Justificatives_, p. -487.] - -[Footnote 706: Registres du Conseil des 15, 16, 23, 24, 28 mars.] - -[Footnote 707: Roset, _Chron._ MS. liv. ii. ch. ii. Registres du Conseil -du 7 septembre 1526. Spon, _Histoire de Genève_, ii. p. 396. Bonivard, -_Chroniq._ ii. pp. 446, 447. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 708: This letter will be found in Galiffe, _Matériaux pour -l'Histoire de Genève_, ii. p. 489.] - -[Footnote 709: See above, vol. i. p. 228.] - -[Footnote 710: Archives de Genève. Lettre de Pierre de la Baume aux -syndics, du 24 janvier 1527.] - -[Footnote 711: Registres du Conseil de décembre 1526, de janvier et -avril 1527. Roset MS. bk. ii. ch. v. Galiffe, _Matériaux pour l'Histoire -de Genève_, ii. pp. 264, 437, 439, 440. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. -452-454. _Mém. d'Archéologie_, ii. p. 11. La Sœur de Jussie, _Le Levain -du Calvinisme_.] - - - - - CHAPTER II. - THE GOSPEL AT GENEVA, AND THE SACK OF ROME. - (JANUARY TO JUNE 1527.) - - -The bishop was about to have enemies more formidable than the duke and -the League. The Reformation was approaching. There is a characteristic -trait in the history of Geneva; the several surrounding countries were -by turns to scatter the seeds of life in that city; in it was to be -heard a concert of voices from France, Italy, and German Switzerland. It -was the last of these that began. - -[Sidenote: LAYMEN AND CLERGY.] - -At the time when treason was expelled from the city in the person of -Cartelier, the Gospel entered it in that of an honest Helvetian, one of -the Bernese and Friburg deputies who went there in 1527 about the -affairs of the alliance concluded in 1526. Friburg would not have -permitted a heretic preacher to accompany the deputation; even Berne -would not have desired it just yet; but one of the Bernese ambassadors, -a pious layman, who was coming to give a valuable support to national -independence, was to call the Genevese to spiritual liberty. The lay -members of the Church occupied in the time of the apostles, as is well -known, a marked station in the religious community;[712] but by degrees -the dominion of the clergy had been substituted for evangelical liberty. -One of the principal causes of this revolution was the inferiority of -the laity; for many centuries ecclesiastics were the only educated men. -But if this state of things should change, if the laity should attain to -more knowledge and more energy than the clergy, a new revolution would -be effected in an opposite direction. And this is really what happened -in the sixteenth century. The christian layman who then arrived at -Geneva was Thomas ab Hofen, a friend of Zwingle, whom we have already -mentioned.[713] In the year 1524 he had declared at Berne in favour of -the Reformation. The Zurich doctor, hearing of his departure for the -shores of Lake Leman, was rejoiced, for the piercing eye of his faith -had fancied it could perceive a ray of evangelical light breaking over -those distant hills. He desired that the Genevans, now united to -Switzerland, should find in her not only liberty but truth. -'Undoubtedly,' wrote Zwingle to the excellent Bernese, 'undoubtedly this -mission may be of extraordinary advantage to the citizens of Geneva, who -have been so recently received into alliance with the cantons.'[714] - -Ab Hofen did not go to Geneva with the intention of reforming it; his -mission was diplomatic; but he was one of that 'chosen generation' of -whom St. Peter speaks—one of those christians who are always ready to -'show forth the praises of Him who has called them to his marvellous -light.'[715] As he entered the city, he said to himself that he would do -with earnestness whatever work God might set before him, as his Zurich -friend had prayed him. Simple-minded, moderate, and sensitive, Ab Hofen -placed the kingdom of heaven above the things of the earth; but he was -subject to fits of melancholy, which occasionally made him -faint-hearted. When he arrived at Geneva, he visited many citizens, -attended the churches and the meetings of the people, and, having -reflected upon everything, he thought to himself that there was much -patriotism in the city, but unfortunately little christianity, and that -religion was the weak side of Genevan emancipation. He was distressed, -for he had expected better things. With a heart overflowing with sorrow -he returned to his inn (17th of January, 1527), and feeling the -necessity of unburdening himself on the bosom of a friend, he sat down -and wrote to the great reformer of Zurich: 'The number of those who -confess the doctrine of the Gospel must be increased.'[716] There were, -therefore, at this time in Geneva christians who confessed salvation by -Jesus Christ, and not by the ceremonies of the Church; but their number -was not large. - -[Sidenote: AB HOFEN'S CHRISTIAN CONVERSATION.] - -Ab Hofen determined to do his best to remedy this evil. He had a loving -heart and practical mind, and with indefatigable zeal took advantage of -every moment of leisure spared him by his official duties. As soon, -therefore, as a conference with the Genevan magistrates was ended, or a -despatch to the Bernese government finished, he laid aside his -diplomatic character and began to visit the citizens, conversing with -them, and telling them of what was going on at Zurich and preparing at -Berne. Being received into the families of some of the principal -huguenots, and seated with them round the hearth, at the severest -portion of the year (January 1527), he spoke to them of the Word of God, -of its authority, superior (he said) to the pope's, and of the salvation -which it proclaimed. He taught them that in the Gospel God gives man -full remission of his sins. These doctrines, unknown for so many ages, -and subversive of the legal and ceremonial religion of Rome, were heard -at Geneva with astonishment and pleasure. - -At first the priests received the evangelist magistrate rather -favourably. The rank which he bore made him honourable in their eyes; -and he, far from being rude towards them, like certain huguenots, was -amiable and sympathising. Some ecclesiastics, believing him to belong to -their coterie, because he spoke of religion, did not conceal their -uneasiness from him, and described to him, very innocently, the fine -times when presents of bread, wine, oil, game, and tapers were plentiful -in their kitchen, and when they used to say, with a gracious tone, to -the believers who brought these donations in white napkins: _Centuplum -accipietis et vitam æternam possidebitis_.[717] Then they added, with -loud complaints: 'Alas! the faithful bring us no more offerings, and -people do not run so ardently after indulgences as they used to do.'[718] - -The Bernese envoy, inwardly delighted at these candid avowals, which he -did not fail to transmit to Zwingle, apparently avoided all controversy, -and continued to announce the simple Gospel. The citizens listened to -him; they sought his company, and invited him to take a seat in their -family circle, or in some huguenot assembly, and to speak of the noble -things that were doing at Zurich. These successes encouraged him: his -eyes sparkled, he accosted the citizens freely, and his words flowed -copiously from his lips. 'I will not cease proclaiming the Gospel,' he -wrote to Zwingle; 'all my strength shall be devoted to it.'[719] Erelong -the well-disposed men who had gathered round him were joined by other -citizens, exclusively friends of liberty; they listened to him with -interest; but when he began to blame certain excesses, and to require -certain moral reforms, he met with coldness and even determined -opposition from them, and they turned their backs on him. Ab Hofen, -although a man of zeal and piety, did not possess the faith which moves -mountains; he returned dispirited to his inn, shut himself up in his -room, and, heaving deep sighs, wrote all his trouble to Zwingle. The -latter, who possessed a sure glance, saw that the opportunity was -unique. To establish the Reformation at the two extremities of -Switzerland, at Zurich and Geneva, appeared to him a most important -work. Would not these two arms, as they drew together, drag all -Switzerland with them, especially if the powerful Berne lent its support -in the centre? But he knew Ab Hofen, and fearing his dejection, he wrote -to him: 'Take care that the work so well begun is not stopped. While -transacting the business of the republic, do not neglect the business of -Jesus Christ.[720] You will deserve well of the citizens of Geneva if -you put in order not only their laws and their rights, but their souls -also.[721] Now what can put the soul in order except it be the Word and -the teaching of Him who created the soul?'[722] - -[Sidenote: ZWINGLE ENCOURAGES AB HOFEN.] - -Zwingle went further than this, and, in order to revive Ab Hofen's -fainting heart, made use of an argument to which the politician could -not be insensible. The reformer of Zurich was the friend of liberty as -well as of the Gospel, and he believed that a people could be governed -in only one of two ways: either by the Bible or by the sword, by the -fear of God or by the fear of man. In his opinion Geneva could protect -her independence against the attacks of Savoy, France, and all foreign -powers, only by submitting to the King of heaven. 'O my dear Thomas,' he -wrote to his friend, 'there is nothing I desire so much as to see the -doctrine of the Gospel flourishing in that republic (Geneva). Wherever -that doctrine triumphs, the boldness of tyrants is restrained.'[723] At -the same time, not wishing to offend the Bernese deputy, Zwingle added: -'If I write these things, it is not to awaken one who sleeps, but to -encourage one who runs.'[724] He ended his letter with a fraternal -salutation to the evangelical christians of Geneva: 'Salute them all in -my name,' he said. - -Ab Hofen was not insensible to this appeal; if he was easily cast down, -he was as easily lifted up. He therefore redoubled his zeal, and pressed -Geneva to imitate Zurich and Berne; but he perceived that his -evangelical exertions were appreciated by a very small number only, and -regarded with coldness, and even with displeasure and contempt, by the -majority of politicians. Citizens, who had at first given him the -warmest welcome, scarcely saluted him when he met them, and if he went -to any meeting his presence put a restraint upon the whole assembly. He -soon encountered opposition of a more hostile nature; the priests eyed -him angrily, and the confidence which some ecclesiastics had placed in -him was succeeded by a violent hatred. The clergy proclaimed a general -crusade against heresy; the canons put themselves at the head of the -opposition; priests and monks filled the streets, going from house to -house, and bade the citizens be on their guard against the evangelical -addresses of the Bernese envoy. They cried down, abused, and -anathematised the doctrines he taught, and made war against the New -Testament wherever they found it. They encouraged one another, and -frightened the women especially. According to their representations, the -city would be ruined if it listened to the heretical diplomatist. - -[Sidenote: AB HOFEN'S INFLUENCE AND DEATH.] - -Ab Hofen now fell into a state of discouragement more serious than the -former. 'All my efforts are vain,' he wrote to Zwingle; 'there are about -_seven hundred_ clergymen in Geneva who do their utmost to prevent the -Gospel from flourishing here.[725] What can I do against such numbers? -And yet a wide door is opened to the Word of God.... The priests do not -preach; and as they are unable to do so, they are satisfied with saying -mass in Latin.... Miserable nourishment for the poor people!... If any -preachers were to come here, proclaiming Christ with boldness, the -doctrine of the pope would, I am sure, be soon overthrown.'[726] - -But such preachers did not appear. Convinced of his insufficiency, and -continually repeating that true ministers, like Zwingle and Farel, were -wanted in that city; finding that many of the Genevans desired to be -liberated not only from the vexations of Savoy, the shuffling of the -bishop, and the doctrines of the pope, but also from the laws of -morality; struck with the evils he saw ready to burst upon Geneva, and -which the Gospel alone could avert,—this simple-minded, pious, and -sensitive man returned heartbroken to Berne. Had this disappointment any -effect upon his health? We cannot say; but he died not long after, in -the month of November, 'as a christian ought to die,' it was said. It -was found after his departure that his exertions had not been useless, -and that some Genevans at least had profited by his teaching: among -their number were counted Besançon Hugues and Baudichon de la -Maison-Neuve. Some astonishment may be felt at seeing these two names -together, for they are those of the chiefs of two opposite parties; but -there is nothing improbable about it, for Hugues must have been -frequently brought into contact with Ab Hofen, and it is not impossible -that he listened to his religious conversation. Hugues was a serious -man; he was, moreover, a statesman, and must have desired to know -something about the religious opinions which seemed at that time likely -to be adopted by the whole confederation; but his policy consisted in -maintaining the rights of the bishop-prince on one side, and those of -the citizens on the other; as for his religion, he was a catholic, and -we do not see that he changed in either of those relations. What he -might have been, if he had been living at the time when the Reformation -was carried through, no one can say. De la Maison-Neuve, on the -contrary, was a decided huguenot, and certainly needed the Gospel to -moderate the ardour of his character. William de la Mouille, the -bishop's chamberlain and confidant, appears to have been the person who -profited most by the teaching of the layman of Berne. - -[Sidenote: SACK OF ROME.] - -While the Gospel was entering Geneva, desolation was entering Rome. It -is a singular circumstance, the meeting of these two cities in history: -one so powerful and glorious, the other so small and obscure. That, -however, is capable of explanation: the great things of the world have -always come from great cities and great nations; but the great things of -God have usually small beginnings. Conquerors must have treasures and -armies; but evangelical christianity, which undertakes to change man, -nations, and the whole human race, has need of the strength of God, and -God affects little things. In the first century, he chose Jerusalem; in -the middle ages, the Waldensian valleys; in the sixteenth century, -Wittemberg and Geneva. 'God hath chosen the weak things of the world to -confound the things which are mighty.'[727] - -In the month of May (1527) a rumour of startling importance suddenly -spread through the world: 'Rome has just been destroyed,' said the -people, 'and there is no more pope.' The troops of Charles V. had taken -and sacked the pontifical city, and if the pope was still alive, he was -in concealment and almost in prison. The servants of the Church, who -were terrified at first, soon recovered their breath, and directly their -alarm was dissipated, avarice and covetousness took its place. In the -presence of the ruins of that ancient city, its friends thought only of -dividing its spoils. The Bishop of Geneva, in particular, found himself -surrounded by petitioners, who sought to be collated to the benefices -hitherto held by clergymen resident in Rome. 'They have all perished,' -he was told; 'their benefices are vacant: give them to us.' The bishop -granted everything; and he even conferred on himself (Bonivard tells us) -the priory of St. Jean-lez-Genève, which belonged to a cardinal. Seldom -had so many deaths made so many people happy.[728] - -The sack of Rome had more important results for Geneva and the -protestant nations. When they saw the ruin of that city, it appeared to -them that the papacy had fallen with it. The huguenots never grew tired -of listening to the wonderful news and of commenting upon it. Struck -with the example set them by Charles V., they thought to themselves that -'if the emperor had set aside the bishop and prince of Rome, they might -well abandon the prince and bishop of Geneva.' Their right to do so was -far clearer. The pope-king had at least been elected at Rome, and in -conformity with ancient custom; while the bishop-prince had not been -elected at Geneva and by Genevans, in accordance with the ancient -constitutions, but by a foreign and unlawful jurisdiction. The huguenots -promised even to be more moderate than his catholic majesty. Finally, -the acts which impelled them to turn Pierre de la Baume out of the city, -were far more vexatious in their eyes than those which had induced -Charles to expel Clement VII. from Rome. 'Are we not much more oppressed -by ecclesiastical tyranny,' they said, 'than by secular tyranny? Are we -not forced to pay, always to pay, and is it not our money that makes the -bishop's pot boil?'[729] Further, the shameful conduct of many of the -ecclesiastics seemed to them a sufficient motive for putting an end to -their rule. - -A scandal which occurred just at this time increased the desire felt by -certain huguenots to withdraw themselves from the government of the -monks and priests. On the 10th of May, certain inhabitants of St. Leger -appeared before the council. For some time past their sleep had been -disturbed by noises and shouting, in which the cordeliers, jacobins, and -other friars were concerned; and they desired to put an end to it. 'Some -disorderly women have settled in our quarter,' they told the council, -'and certain monks frequent their houses.'[730]... 'If you observe the -monks going there at night-time,' replied the council, 'give information -to the syndics and the captain-general. The watch will immediately go -and take them.' The citizens withdrew half satisfied with the answer, -but fully determined to call the watch as soon as the disorder was -renewed. - -[Sidenote: UNION OF FAITH AND MORALITY.] - -These scandals—an acknowledged thing at Rome—greatly exasperated the -citizens of Geneva, and made the better disposed long for a reformation -of faith and morals. They said that soldiers use their arms as their -officers command them: that the monks and priests (they should have said -all christians) ought also to use their lives as their chief orders -them; and that if they make a contrary use of them, they enlist under -the standard of vice and avow themselves its soldiers. The worthy -citizens of Geneva could not make that separation between religion and -morality, of which the greater part of the clergy set the example. In -proportion as the Reformation made progress in the world, the opposition -increased against a piety which consisted only in certain formulas, -ceremonies, and practices, but was deprived of its true substance—living -faith, sanctification, morality, and christian works. Christianity, by -the separation which Rome had made between doctrines and morals, had -become like one of those spoilt and useless tools that are thrown aside -because they can no longer serve in the operations for which they were -made. The reformers, by calling for a living, holy, active faith, were -again to make christianity in modern times a powerful engine of light -and morality, of liberty and life. - -[Footnote 712: Acts i. 15; vi. 5; xv.] - -[Footnote 713: See above, vol. i. p. 371.] - -[Footnote 714: 'Nunc vero cum te Gebennæ reipublicæ gratia abesse -constat ... reficiemur. Utilitatem autem non vulgarem recens factis -civibus per te comparari.'—Zwingle to Thomas ab Hofen, 4 Jan. 1527. -_Epp._ ii. p. 9.] - -[Footnote 715: 1 Peter ii. 9.] - -[Footnote 716: 'Hic Genevæ numerus Evangelii doctrinam confitentium -augeri incipiat.'—Ab Hofen to Zwingle, January 17, 1527. Zwinglii _Epp._ -ii. p. 15.] - -[Footnote 717: 'You shall receive a hundredfold, and shall possess -everlasting life.'] - -[Footnote 718: 'Clerici queruntur homines neque amplius sacra dona -præbere velle, neque tam vehementer ad indulgentias currere.'—Ab Hofen -to Zwingle. Zwinglii _Epp._ ii. p. 16.] - -[Footnote 719: 'Quousque meæ vires valeant, in ea re nequaquam me -defecturum esse.'—Ab Hofen to Zwingle. Zwinglii _Epp._ ii. p. 15.] - -[Footnote 720: 'In mediis reipublicæ negotiis, Christi negotiorum minime -sis negligens.'—Zwinglii _Epp._ ii. p. 9.] - -[Footnote 721: 'Optime de Gebennæ civibus merebere, si non tantum leges -eorum ac jura, quantum animos componas.'—Ibid. p. 10.] - -[Footnote 722: 'Animos autem quid melius componet, quam ejus sermo atque -doctrina qui animos ipse formavit?'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 723: 'Hæ enim ubi crescunt, tyrannorum audacia coerceretur.'— -Ibid.] - -[Footnote 724: 'Non quasi torpentem sim expergefacturus; sed currentem -adhortor.'—Zwinglii _Epp._ ii. p. 10.] - -[Footnote 725: 'In hac urbe clerici sunt ad 700, qui manibus pedibusque -impediunt, quominus Evangelii doctrina efflorescat.'—Zwinglii _Epp._ ii. -p. 10.] - -[Footnote 726: 'Si prædicatores haberent, fore puto ut pontificia -doctrina labefactetur.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 727: 1 Cor. i. 27.] - -[Footnote 728: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 461.] - -[Footnote 729: 'Ne sont-ce pas nos écus qui font bouillir le pot de -l'évêque?'] - -[Footnote 730: 'Querelaverunt de putanis et certis religiosis qui ibidem -affluunt.'—Registres du Conseil du 10 mai 1527.] - - - - - CHAPTER III. - THE BISHOP CLINGS TO GENEVA, BUT THE CANONS DEPART. - (SUMMER 1527.) - - -[Sidenote: THE BISHOP'S NEW SCHEMES.] - -The sack of Rome had made a great sensation in catholic countries. -Pierre de la Baume almost believed that the reign of popery had come to -an end, and was much alarmed for himself. If a prince so powerful as the -pope had succumbed, what would become of the Bishop of Geneva? The -alliance with the cantons, and the Gospel which a Swiss magistrate had -just been preaching, seemed to him the forerunners of his ruin. He had -no lansquenets before him, like those who had compelled Clement VII. to -flee, but he had huguenots, who, in his eyes, were more formidable -still. Liberty seemed to be coming forth, like the sun, from the night -of the middle ages; and the bishop thought the safest course would be to -turn towards the rising orb, and to throw himself into the arms of the -liberals. He had a strong preference for the Savoyard despotism; but, if -his interests required it, he was ready to pay court to liberty. Other -instances of this have been seen. The bishop, therefore, sanctioned the -sequestration of the property of the mamelukes, and made Besançon Hugues -a magnificent present. He conferred on him the perpetual fief of the -fishery of the lake, the Rhone, and the Arve, reserving to himself -(which showed the value of the gift) the right of redemption for two -thousand great ducats of gold.[731] All this was but a step towards the -accomplishment of a strange design. - -The bishop had taken it into his head that he would form an alliance -with the Swiss, feeling convinced that they alone could protect him -against the impetuosity of the huguenots and the tyranny of the Duke of -Savoy. He therefore sent Robert Vandel to Friburg and Basle, to entreat -these states to admit him into their citizenship. This move caused the -greatest surprise among the Genevans. 'What!' said they, 'is Monseigneur -turning huguenot?' The Swiss rudely rejected the Romish prelate's -request. 'We will not have the bishop for our fellow-citizen,' they made -answer, 'and that for four reasons: first, he is fickle and changeable; -second, he is not beloved in Geneva; third, he is imperialist and -Burgundian; and fourth, he is a _priest_!' The cantons did not mention -the strongest reason. Friburg and Berne, allies of the city, could not -be at the same time the allies of the bishop, for how could they have -supported the rights of the Genevans against him?[732] - -The bishop was not discouraged. At one time he felt his throne shaking -beneath him, and, fearing that it would fall, he clung to liberty with -all his might; at another, he fancied he could see the phantom of heresy -approaching with slow but sure step, and erelong taking its seat on his -throne ... and the sight increased his fear. He therefore sent Besançon -Hugues to Berne—a more influential diplomatist than Vandel—who was -received with consideration in the aristocratic circles, but had to bear -all kinds of reproach. The proud Bernese were indignant at his becoming -the advocate of a person so little esteemed as the bishop. One day, in -the presence of these energetic men who had witnessed so many struggles, -as Hugues was warmly pleading the prelate's cause, his listener suddenly -turned away with horror, and, as if he had been waving aside with his -hand some satanic vision, he said: 'The name of the bishop is more -hateful among us than that of the devil himself.' This was enough for -Hugues, who returned to Geneva greatly disheartened. Pierre de la Baume, -a vain and frivolous priest, soon consoled himself for this -discomfiture, laughing at the reproaches uttered against him. He amused -himself with the objections of the Swiss, and was continually repeating -to those about him: 'What would you have?... How could the Helvetians -receive me into their alliance? I am a priest and Burgundian!'... Thus, -at one time trembling, at another laughing, the Bishop of Geneva was -moving towards his ruin.[733] - -[Sidenote: THE DUKE PLOTS AGAINST THE BISHOP.] - -For some time Charles III., Duke of Savoy, had been watching the -prelate, and noting with vexation the interested and (in his opinion) -culpable overtures he was making to the Genevans and the confederates. -The news that the bishop had sent two envoys in succession to the Swiss -put a climax to the prince's anger. It is not sufficient for the -citizens to desire to emancipate themselves; even the bishops, whom the -dukes have always regarded as their agents, presume to tread in their -footsteps. This deserves a terrible punishment. The duke conferred with -his advisers on the nature of the lesson to be given the prelate. One of -the most decided of Charles's ministers proposed that he should be -kidnapped; the motion was supported, and the resolution taken. In order -to carry it into execution, it was necessary to gain some of the clergy -about him. The canons were sounded, and many of them, already sold to -the duke, promised their good offices. 'The bishop is a great devotee of -the Virgin,' they said; 'on Saturday, the day dedicated to St. Mary, he -generally goes to hear mass at Our Lady of Grace, outside the city. He -rides on a mule in company with other members of the cloth. Now, as this -church is separated from Savoy only by a bridge, the captain of his -highness's archers has simply to lie in ambush near the river to snap up -(_happer_) Monseigneur. The priests and officers about him, being bribed -or men of no courage, will run away. Let him be dragged hastily to the -other side of the Arve, and, once in the territory of Savoy, he can be -put to death as a traitor.' Everything was arranged by good catholics, -and the Archbishop of Turin probably had a share in it. The reformers -never went to work in so off-hand a manner as regards bishops. - -[Sidenote: THE DUKE'S AMBUSCADE.] - -Thus war broke out between the two great enemies of Geneva. The Genevans -knew not how to get rid of the prelate, and here was Charles, like -another Alexander, cutting the Gordian knot. The bishop once carried -off, one of the most formidable obstacles to independence, morality, -religion, and civilisation will be removed. So long as he is there, -nothing that is good can be done in Geneva; and when he is no longer -there, the city will become free. This, however, was not his highness's -plan: having 'snapped up' the duke, he expected to 'snap up' the city -also. This was his scheme for taking Geneva. 'As soon as the Savoyard -archers have kidnapped the bishop, certain of his highness's creatures -will go to the belfry of Notre Dame and ring the great bell. All the -bells of the adjoining villages will answer the signal; the nobles will -rush sword in hand from their castles, the country-people will take up -their scythes or other weapons, and all will march to Geneva. The -Genevans are hot and hasty: when they learn that the Savoyards have -crossed the Arve and violated their territory, they will take up arms -and march into the domains of Savoy to avenge the offence; but they will -find Pontverre and all his friends there ready to meet them. In the -midst of this agitation the duke will have a capital excuse for entering -the city and taking possession of it. And when he is established there, -he will cut off the heads of Hugues, the syndics, the councillors, M. de -Bonmont, and many others. Finally, Geneva shall have a bishop who will -occupy himself with refuting the heretics, and his highness will -undertake to make the hot-headed republicans bow beneath the sword of -the temporal power, and expel for ever from the city both reformers and -Reformation.'[734] The duke, charmed with this plan, made immediate -preparations for its execution. To prevent Pierre de la Baume from -escaping into Burgundy, he posted soldiers in all the passes of the -Jura, whilst his best captains were stationed round the city to carry -out the ambuscade. - -[Sidenote: THE DUKE'S PLOT FAILS.] - -These various measures could not be taken without something creeping -out. Geneva had friends in the villages, where an unusual agitation -indicated the approaching execution of some act of treachery. On -Thursday, the 11th of July, a man, making his way along by-paths, -arrived from Savoy, and said to the people of Geneva: 'Be on your -guard!' Two days later, Saturday the 13th, which was the day appointed -for action, another man, crossing the bridge of Arve, came and told one -of the syndics, between eight and nine in the morning, that some horse -and foot soldiers had been secretly posted at Lancy, only half a league -from the city. The syndics did not trouble themselves much about it; and -the bishop, who was naturally a timid man, but whom these warnings had -not reached, mounted his mule—it was the day when he went to make -adoration to the Virgin—rode out to Our Lady's, took his usual place, -and the mass began. Charles's soldiers were already advancing in the -direction of the bridge, in order to seize the prelate directly he left -the church. Some devout persons had pity on him, and just as the priest -had celebrated the mystery, a man, with troubled look, entered the -building (whether he came from Geneva or Savoy is unknown), walked -noiselessly to the place where the bishop was sitting, and whispered in -his ear: 'Monseigneur, the archers of Savoy are preparing to clutch you -(_gripper_).' At these words the startled La Baume turned pale and -trembled. He did not wait for the benediction; fear gave him wings; he -got up, rushed hastily out of the church, and leaped upon his mule -'without putting his foot in the stirrup, for he was a very nimble -person,' says Bonivard; then, using his heels for spurs, he struck the -animal's flanks, and galloped off full speed, shouting, at the top of -his voice, to the guards as he passed: 'Shut the gates!' The prelate -reached the city out of breath and all of a tremble.[735] - -The city was soon in commotion. Besançon Hugues, the captain-general, -who was sincerely attached to La Baume, and strongly opposed to the -usurpations of Savoy, had divined the duke's plot, and, with his usual -energy, began to pass through the streets, saying: 'Close your shops, -put up the chains, bolt the city gates, beat the drum, sound an alarm, -and let every man take his arquebuse.' Then, leaving the streets, Hugues -went to St. Pierre's, and, notwithstanding the opposition of the canons, -accomplices in the conspiracy, he ordered the great bell to be rung. A -rumour had already spread on the other side of the Arve that the plot -had failed, and that the bishop had escaped on his mule. The men-at-arms -of Savoy were disconcerted; the village bells were not rung, the nobles -remained in their castles, the peasants in their fields. 'Our scheme has -got wind,' said the Savoyard captains; 'all the city is under arms; and -we must wait for a better opportunity.' - -The canons, though siding with the duke, had concealed their game, and -employed certain creatures of Savoy to carry out the plot. These people -were known; they became alarmed, and saw no other means of escaping -death than by leaving the city. But all the gates were shut!... What of -that: despair gave them courage. At the very moment when the armed men -of Savoy were retiring, several persons were seen to run along the -streets, jump into the ditches of St. Gervais, scale the palisades, and -scamper away as fast as their legs could carry them. They were the -traitors who had corresponded with the enemy outside. - -As for La Baume, he had lost his presence of mind. Rejected by the -Swiss, despised by the Genevans, persecuted by the duke, what should he -do? If he could but escape to his benefices in Burgundy, where the -people are so quiet and the wine is so good!—but, alas! all the passes -of the Jura are occupied by Savoyard soldiers. He was in great distress. -Not thinking himself safe in his palace, he had taken refuge in the -house of one of his partisans when he returned on his mule from his -visit to Our Lady's. He expected that the duke would follow up his plan, -would enter Geneva, and seek him throughout the city. Accordingly, he -remained quiet in the most secret hiding-place of the house which had -sheltered him. It was only when he was told that the Savoyard soldiers -had really retired, that all was tranquil outside the city, and that -even the huguenots did not think of laying hands on him, that he took -courage, came out of his hiding-place, and returned to the palace. -Nevertheless, he looked stealthily out of the window to see if the -huguenots or the ducal soldiers were not coming to seize him even in his -own house. The Genevans smiled at his terror; but everybody, the -creatures of Charles excepted, was pleased at the failure of the duke's -treachery. Religious men saw the hand of Heaven in this deliverance. -'They gave God thanks,' says Balard.[736] - -This attack, abortive as it was, had one important consequence; it -delivered the city from the canons, and thus paved the way for the -Reformation. These men were in Geneva the representatives and supporters -of all kinds of religious and political tyranny. To save catholicism, it -would have been necessary for the clergy, and particularly for the -canons, who were their leaders, to unite with the laity, and, while -maintaining the Roman ceremonial, to demand the suppression of certain -episcopal privileges and ecclesiastical abuses. Some of the huguenot -chiefs—those who, like Hugues, loved the bishop, and those also who -subsequently opposed Calvin's reformation—would probably have entered -with joy into this order of things. For the execution of such a plan, -however, the priests ought to have been upright and free. But the -absolute authority of the Church, which had enfeebled the vigour of the -human mind, had specially degraded the priests. The clergy of Geneva had -fallen too low to effect a transformation of catholicism. Many of the -canons and even of the curés could see nothing but the act of a -revolutionist or even of a madman in the bishop's desire to ally himself -with the Swiss, and had consequently entered into Charles's scheme, -which was so hateful to the Genevans. - -[Sidenote: THE BISHOP IMPRISONS THE CANONS.] - -The huguenots hastened to take advantage of it. If the ducal plot had -not delivered them from the bishop, it must at least free them from the -canons. These ecclesiastical dignitaries never quitted Geneva, while the -bishop often absented himself to intrigue in Italy or to amuse himself -in Burgundy. They were besides more bigoted and fanatical than the -worldly prelate, and therefore all the more dangerous. And then, if they -desired to get rid of the bishop, was it not the wisest plan to begin -with his council? Shortly after the famous alert, some Genevan liberal -went to the palace and said to La Baume: 'The canons, my lord, are the -duke's spies: so long as they remain in Geneva, Savoy will have one foot -in the city.' The poor bishop was too exasperated against the canons not -to lend an ear to these words, and after ruining himself with the duke, -he took steps to ruin himself with the clergy, and to throw overboard -the most devoted friends of the Roman institutions. 'Yes,' said he, -'they intrigue (_grabugent_) against the Church!... Let them be -arrested.... It is they who wished to see me kidnapped.... Let them be -put in prison!' The next morning the procurator-fiscal, with his -sergeants, knocked at the doors of the most influential of the canons, -Messieurs De la Madeleine, De Montrotier, De Salery, De Veigy, and -others, arrested them, and, to the indescribable astonishment of the -servants and neighbours of these reverend gentlemen, carried them off to -prison.[737] - -As soon as the gates were shut upon the canons, the bishop began to -reflect on the daring act he had just achieved. Still flushed with -anger, he did not repent, but he was uneasy, distressed, and amazed at -his own courage. If the duke sought to kidnap him but the other day, -what will this terrible prince do, now that he, La Baume, has boldly -thrown his most devoted partisans into prison?... All Savoy will march -against him. He sent for the captain-general, imparted to him all his -fears; and Besançon Hugues, his most faithful friend, wishing to -dissipate his alarm, placed watchmen on the tower of St. Pierre, on the -walls, and at every gate. They had instructions to inform the -commander-in-chief if a single horseman appeared on the horizon in the -direction of Savoy. - -[Sidenote: HE DESIRES TO BE MADE FREE OF THE CITY.] - -La Baume began to breathe again; yet he was not entirely at his ease. He -smiled to himself at the _watch_ of Besançon Hugues. What can these few -armed citizens do against the soldiers of the nephew of Francis I. and -brother-in-law of Charles V.? The Duke of Savoy was prowling round him -like a wild beast eager to devour him; the bishop thought that the bear -of Berne alone could defend him. But alas! Berne would have nothing to -do with him, because he was a _priest_ and a _Burgundian_!... He turned -all this over in his mind. He, so wary a politician, he whom the emperor -employed in his negotiations—shall not he find some outlet, when it is a -question of saving himself? On a sudden he hit upon a scheme for -becoming an ally of Berne, in spite of Berne. He will get himself made a -_citizen of Geneva_, and, by virtue of the general co-citizenship, he -will thus become the ally of the cantons. Delighted at this bright idea, -he communicated it to his intimate friends, and, unwilling to lose a -day, ordered the council-general to be convened for the morrow.[738] - -On the next morning (15th of July) the bells of the cathedral rang out; -the burgesses, girding on their swords, left their houses to attend the -general council, and the bishop-prince, accompanied by his councillors -and officers, appeared in the midst of the people, and sat down on the -highest seat. Entirely absorbed by the strange ambition of becoming a -plain burgess of the city in which he was prince, he was profuse in -salutations; and to the huguenots he was particularly gracious. 'I -recall,' he said, 'my protest against the alliance with the Swiss. I -know how you cling to it; well! ... I now approve of it; I am willing to -give my adhesion to it; and, the more clearly to show my approval, I -desire that I may be made a freeman of the city.' Great was the -astonishment of the people. A bishop made a citizen of Geneva! Such a -thing had never been heard of. All the friends of independence, however, -were favourable to the scheme. Some wished to gratify the bishop; others -were pleased at anything that could separate him more completely from -the duke; all agreed that if the bishop were made a citizen of Geneva, -and united with their friends the confederates, great advantage would -result to the city. If he begins with turning Swiss, who knows if he -will not turn protestant? The general council therefore granted his -request. - -[Sidenote: HE CONCEDES THE CIVIL JURISDICTION.] - -Wishing to make him pay for his freedom, and not to lose an opportunity -of recovering their liberties, the syndics begged him to transfer all -civil suits to lay jurisdiction. Laymen judges in an ecclesiastical -principality!... It was a great revolution, and three centuries and more -were to pass away before a similar victory was gained in other states of -that class. The bishop understood the great importance of such a -request; he fancied he could already hear the endless appeals of the -clergy who found themselves deprived of their honours and their profits; -but at this time he was acting the part of a liberal pope, while the -canons were playing the incorrigible cardinals. He said Yes. It was an -immense gain to the community, for interminable delays and crying abuses -characterised the ecclesiastical tribunals at Geneva as well as at Rome. - -The syndics, transported with joy, manifested all their gratitude to the -prelate. They told him he had nothing to fear, either from the Genevans -or even from the duke. Then turning to the people, they said: 'Let every -citizen draw his sword to defend Monseigneur. If he should be attacked, -we desire that, at the sound of the tocsin, all the burgesses, and even -the priests, should fly to arms.'—'Yes, yes!' shouted the citizens; 'we -will be always faithful to him!' A transformation seemed to have been -effected in their hearts. They knew the great value of the sacrifice the -bishop had made, and showed their thankfulness to him. Upon this, the -bishop, 'raising his right hand towards heaven, and placing his left on -his breast (as was the custom of prelates),' said: 'I promise, on my -faith, loyally to perform all that is required of a citizen, to prove -myself a good prince, and never to separate myself from you!' The -delighted people also raised their hands and exclaimed: 'And we also, my -lord, will preserve you from harm as we would our own heads!'[739] The -poor prelate would have sacrificed still more to protect himself from -Charles's attacks, which filled him with indescribable terror. - -It seemed as if this concession, by uniting the bishop and the Genevans -more closely, ought to have put off the Reformation; but it was not so. -In proportion as the Genevans obtained any concession, they desired -more; accordingly, when the citizens had returned home, or when they met -at one another's houses, they began to say that it was something to have -obtained the civil judicature from the bishop, but that there were other -restitutions still to be made. Some men asked by what right he held the -temporal authority; and others—those who knew best what was passing at -Zurich—desired to throw off the spiritual jurisdiction of the prelate in -order to acknowledge only that of Holy Writ. - -Opposition to ecclesiastical principalities began, then, three centuries -ago at Geneva. 'The bishop grants us the civil jurisdiction,' said -Bonivard; 'an act very damaging to himself, and very profitable to -us.... But ... this is an opening to deprive him entirely of his -authority. Neither La Baume nor the other bishops were lawfully elected, -that is to say by the clergy at the postulation of the people. They were -thrust into the see by the pope.... They are but tyrants set over us by -other tyrants. We can therefore reject them without danger to our souls; -and since they came in by the caprice of arbitrary power, it is lawful -for us to expel them by the free authority of the city. Geneva has never -acknowledged other princes than those whom the people themselves -elected.' Some were astonished at Bonivard's language; but the larger -number listened to him with enthusiasm. The catholics, growing more and -more uneasy, anticipated great disasters. The edifice of popery, -continually undermined in Geneva, was tottering; its pillars and -buttresses were giving way; and the keystone of the arch, the episcopal -power itself, was on the point of crumbling to dust. Alas! catholic -Geneva was a dismantled fortress.[740] - -[Sidenote: THE DUKE'S IRRITATION.] - -When the duke heard of the bishop's concessions, he was seized with one -of his fits of anger. And not without cause: by transferring the civil -authority to a lay tribunal, La Baume had been guilty of a new offence -against the duke; for it was in reality the jurisdiction of the vidame -(that is to say, of the duke) which the bishop had thus ceded; and hence -it was that he had been induced to do it so readily. - -Charles had no need of this new grievance. When they learnt at the court -of Turin that the canons had been put in prison by the prelate, there -was a violent commotion; the friends and relatives of those reverend -gentlemen made a great noise, and the duke resolved to send the most -urgent remonstrances to the Genevans, reserving the right to have -recourse to more energetic measures if words did not suffice. He -commissioned M. de Jacob, his grand equerry, to go and set this little -people to rights, and the ducal envoy arrived in Geneva about the middle -of July. He carried his head very high, and behaved with great reserve, -as if he had been injured: he had come with the intention of making that -city, so small and yet so arrogant, feel how great is the power of a -mighty prince. On the 20th of July, the Sire de Jacob being introduced -before the council, haughtily represented to them, not that the reverend -fathers imprisoned as criminals were innocent, but that they belonged to -high families and were his highness's subjects, and added that the duke -consequently ordered them to be immediately set at liberty. 'Otherwise,' -added the ambassador in an insolent tone, 'my lord will see to it, as -shall seem good to him.' The tone and look of the ducal envoy explained -his words, and every one felt that Charles III. would come and claim the -canons at the head of his army. The embarrassed magistrates and prelates -answered the envoy by throwing the blame upon one another. The former -declared that they had not interfered in the matter, which concerned -Monseigneur of Geneva only; and the bishop, in his turn, laid all the -blame on the people. 'I was obliged to do so,' he said, 'to save the -canons from being killed.' Nevertheless, he showed himself merciful. The -avoyer of Friburg, who had been delegated for this purpose by his -council, added his entreaties to the ducal summons; and, pressed at once -by Switzerland and Savoy, the bishop thought he could not resist. The -arrest of the canons was in reality, on his part, an act of passion as -much as of justice. 'I release them,' he said; 'I pardon them. I leave -vengeance to God.' - -The canons quitted the place where they had been confined, bursting with -anger and indignation. Having had time to reflect on what was passing in -Geneva, on the impetuous current that was hurrying the citizens in a -direction contrary to Rome, they had made up their minds to quit a city -where they had been so unceremoniously thrown into the receptacle for -criminals. De Montrotier, De Veigy, and their colleagues had hardly -returned to their houses when they told everybody who would listen to -them that they would leave Geneva and the Genevans to their miserable -fate. This strange resolution immediately spread through the city, and -excited the people greatly; it was important news, and they could hardly -believe it. The canons of Geneva were a very exalted body in the opinion -of catholicity. In order to be received among them, the candidate must -show titles of nobility or be a graduate in some famous university; and -since the beginning of the century their number included members of the -most illustrious families of Savoy—De Gramont, De la Foret, De -Montfalcon, De Menthon, De la Motte, De Chatillon, De Croso, De Sablon, -and others as noble as they.[741] - -[Sidenote: THE CANONS LEAVE THE CITY.] - -The canons kept their word. As soon as they had made the necessary -arrangements for their departure, they mounted their mules or got into -their carriages, and set off. The Genevans, standing at the doors of -their houses and in groups in the streets, watched these Roman -dignitaries thus abandoning their homes, some with downcast heads, -others with angry looks, who moved along sad and silent, and went out by -the Savoy gate with hearts full of resentment against a city which they -denounced as ungrateful and rebellious. Out of thirty-two, only seven or -eight remained.[742] The citizens, assembling in various places, were -agitated with very different thoughts. The huguenots said to themselves -that these high and reverend clerks, true cardinals, who supported the -papacy much better than the bishop, would no longer be there to prevent -the new generation from throwing off the shackles of the middle ages; -that this unexpected exodus marked a great revolution; and that the old -times were departing, and the Reformation beginning. On the other hand, -the creatures of Rome felt a bitter pang, and flames of vengeance were -kindled in their hearts. Lastly, those citizens who were both good -Genevans and good catholics, were seized with fear and melancholy. 'No -more canons, erelong perhaps no more bishop!... Will Geneva, without its -canons and bishops, be Geneva still?' But the great voice, which drowned -all the rest, was that of the partisans of progress, of liberty, of -independence, and of reform, who desired to see political liberty -developed among the community, and the Church directed by the Word of -God and not by the bulls of the pope. Among them were Maison-Neuve, -Bonivard, Porral, Bernard, Chautemps, and others. These men, the -pioneers of modern times, felt little respect and no regret for the -canons. They said to one another that these noble and lazy lords were -pleased with Geneva so long as they could luxuriously enjoy the -pleasures of life there; but that when the hour of combat came, they -fled like cowards from the field of battle. The canons did fly in fact; -they arrived at Annecy, where they settled. As for Geneva, they were -never to enter it again. - -[Footnote 731: 'Pro summa ducatorum auri largorum duorum millia.'— -Galiffe fils, _Besançon Hugues_, p. 454; _Pièces Justificatives_, No. 4.] - -[Footnote 732: Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, i. p. 407, note.] - -[Footnote 733: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 468. _Journal de Balard_, p. -112. Gautier MS. _Mém. d'Archéologie_, iv. p. 161.] - -[Footnote 734: In his journal recently published, Balard, one of the -most respected and most catholic magistrates of the time, describes this -plot at full length, pp. 117, 118. See also Bonivard, _Police de -Genève_, p. 396.] - -[Footnote 735: _Journal de Balard_, p. 118. Bonivard, _Police de -Genève_, p. 396.] - -[Footnote 736: 'On regratia Dieu.'—_Journal de Balard_, p. 117. -Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 467.] - -[Footnote 737: _Journal de Balard_, p. 119. Registres du Conseil, _ad -locum_.] - -[Footnote 738: Registres du Conseil des 13 et 14 juillet 1527. Bonivard, -_Chroniq._ ii. p. 467. Galiffe, _Matériaux pour l'Histoire de Genève_, -ii. pp. 421, 517. _Journal de Balard_, p. 119.] - -[Footnote 739: Registres du Conseil du 15 juillet 1527. Bonivard, -_Chroniq._ ii. p. 471. _Journal de Balard_, p. 119.] - -[Footnote 740: Registres du Conseil du 15 juillet 1527. _Journal de -Balard_, p. 119. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ pp. 471, 472.] - -[Footnote 741: Besson, _Mémoire du Diocèse de Genève_, p. 87.] - -[Footnote 742: Registres du Conseil des 18, 19, 23, 24 juillet 1527. -Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 468. _Journal de Balard_, pp. 121-124.] - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - THE BISHOP-PRINCE FLEES FROM GENEVA. - (JULY AND AUGUST 1527.) - - -[Sidenote: BISHOPERS AND COMMONERS.] - -From this time parties in Geneva took new forms and new names. There -were not simply, as before, partisans of the foreign domination and -Savoy, and those of independence and Switzerland: the latter were -divided. Some, having Hugues and Balard as leaders, declared for the -bishop; others, with Maison-Neuve and Porral at their head, declared for -the people. They desired not only to repel the usurpations of Savoy, but -also to see the fall of the temporal power of the bishop in Geneva. -'Now,' said Bonivard, 'that the first division into mamelukes and -huguenots has almost come to an end, we have the second—that of -bishopers (_évêquains_) and commoners (_communiaires_).' These two -parties had their men of sense and importance, and also their hotheaded -adherents; as, for instance, De la Thoy on the side of the commoners, -and Pécolat, the man of whom it would have been least expected, among -the bishopers. A singular change had been effected in this former martyr -of the bishop: the _jester_ had joined the episcopal band. Was it -because he was at heart catholic and even superstitious (he had -ascribed, it will be remembered, the healing of his tongue to the -intervention of a saint), or because, being a thorough parasite, he -preferred the well-covered tables of the bishopers? We know not. These -noisy partisans, the vanguard of the two parties, were frequently -quarrelling. 'They murmured, jeered, and made faces at each other.' - -At the same time this new division marked a step made in advance by this -small people. Two great questions were raised, which sooner or later -must rise up in every country. The first was _political_, and may be -stated thus: 'Must we accept a traditional dominion which has been -established by trampling legitimate rights under foot?' (This was the -dominion of the bishop.) The second was _religious_, and may be -expressed thus: 'Which must we choose, popery or the Gospel?' Many of -the _commoners_, seeing the bishop and the duke disputing about Geneva, -said that these two people were fighting for what belonged to neither of -them, and that Geneva belonged to the Genevans. But there were -politicians also among them, lawyers for the most part, who founded -their pretensions on a legal basis. The bishops and princes of Geneva -ought by right, as we have seen, to be elected at Geneva and not at -Rome, by Genevans and not by Romans. The issue of the struggle was not -doubtful. How could the bishop make head against magistrates and -citizens relying on positive rights, and against the most powerful -aspirations of liberty that were awaking in men's hearts? How could the -Roman doctrine escape the floods of the Reformation? Certain scandals -helped to precipitate the catastrophe. - -On the 12th of July some huguenots appeared before the council. 'The -priests of the Magdalen,' they said, 'keep an improper house, in which -reside several disorderly women.' There were among the Genevans, and -particularly among the magistrates, men of good sense, who had the fear -of God before their eyes and confidence in him in their hearts. These -respectable laymen (and there may have been priests who thought the -same) had a deep conviction that one of the great defects of the middle -ages was the existence of popes, bishops, priests, and monks, who had -separated religion from morality. The council attended to these -complaints to a certain extent. They banished from Geneva the persons -who made it their business to facilitate illicit intercourse, obliged -the lewd women to live in a place assigned them, and severely -remonstrated with the priests.[743] The first breath of the Reformation -in Geneva attacked immorality. It was not this affair, however, which -gave the bishop his death-blow; it was a scandal occasioned by himself, -and in his own house. 'Halting justice' was about to overtake the guilty -man at last. - -[Sidenote: ABDUCTION OF A YOUNG WOMAN.] - -One day a report suddenly got abroad which put the whole city in -commotion. 'A young girl, of respectable family,' said the crowd, 'has -just been carried off by the bishop's people: we saw them dragging her -to the palace.' It was an electric spark that set the whole populace on -fire. The palace gates had been immediately closed upon the victim, and -the bishop's servants threatened to repel with main force the persons -who demanded her. 'Does the bishop imagine,' said some of the patriots, -'that we will put up with his beatings as quietly as the folks of St. -Claude do?' It would seem that La Baume permitted such practices among -the Burgundians, who did not complain of them. The girl's mother, -rushing into the street, had followed her as fast as possible, and had -only stopped at the closed gates of the episcopal palace. She paced -round and round the building, roaring like a lioness deprived of her -whelp. The citizens, crowding in front of the palace, exclaimed: 'Ha! -you are now throwing off the mask of holiness which you held up to -deceive the simple. In your churches you kiss God's feet, and in your -life you daringly spit in his face!' Many of them called for the bishop, -summoning him to restore the young woman to her mother, and hammering -violently at the gate. - -The prelate, who was then at dinner, did not like to be disturbed in -this important business; being puzzled, moreover, as to the course which -he ought to adopt, it appeared that the best thing he could do was to be -deaf. He therefore answered his servants, who asked him for orders, 'Do -not open the door;' and raising the glass to his lips, he went on with -his repast. But his heart was beginning to tremble: the shouts grew -louder, and every blow struck against the gate found an echo in the soul -of the guilty priest. His servants, who were looking stealthily out of -the windows, having informed him that the magistrates had arrived, -Pierre de la Baume left his chair, paler than death, and went to the -window. There was a profound silence immediately, and the syndics made -the prelate an earnest but very respectful speech. The bishop, terrified -at the popular fury, replied: 'Certainly, gentlemen, you shall have the -young woman.... I only had her carried off for a harper, who asked me -for her in return for his services.' Monseigneur had not carried off the -girl in the violence of passion, but only to pay the wages of a -musician! It was not more guilty, but it was more vile. The palace gates -were opened, and the girl was restored to her mother. Michael Roset does -not mention the harper, and leads us to believe that the bishop had -taken her for himself. This scandalous abduction was the last act done -in Geneva by the Roman bishops.[744] - -From that moment the deposition of the bishop was signed, as it were, in -the hearts of most of the citizens. 'These, then, are the priests' -works,' they said, 'debauchery and violence!... Instead of purifying the -manners of the people, they labour to corrupt them! Ha! ha! you -bishopers, a fine religion is that of your bishop!' - -Opposition to a corrupt government soon began to appear a duty to them. -The right of resistance was one of the principles of that society in the -middle ages, which some writers uphold as a model of servility. In the -Great Charter of England, the king authorised his own subjects, in case -he should violate any one of their liberties, 'to pursue and molest him -to the uttermost of their power, by seizing his castles, estates, -possessions, and otherwise.' In certain cases, the vassals could -separate themselves entirely from their suzerain. Some vassals, it is -true, might carry this principle too far, and claim to throw off the -feudal authority _whenever it pleased them_; but the law made answer: -'No, not unless there is _reasonable cause_.'[745] When freeing herself -from the bishop-princes, who had so often violated the franchises and -connived with the enemies of the city, Geneva thought she was acting -with very reasonable cause, and not going beyond the bounds of legality. -The ruin of the bishops and princes of Geneva, already prepared by their -political misdeeds, was completed by their moral disorders. - -But if the friends of law and morality desired to break by legal means -the bonds which united them to the bishop-prince, other persons, the -wits and brawlers, envenomed against his partisans, began to get up -quarrels with the bishopers. One day 'the young men of Geneva,' -returning from a shooting match, where, says the chronicler, they had -'had many a shot at the pot' (that is, had drunk deeply), determined to -give a smart lesson to two of the bishop's friends, Pécolat and Robert -Vandel. The latter, at that time attached personally to Pierre de la -Baume, afterwards became one of the most zealous patriots. 'They are at -St. Victor's,' somebody said; 'let us go and fetch them.' The party, -headed by a drummer, went to the priory, where Bonivard told the -ringleaders that the two bishopers and others were diverting themselves -at Plainpalais. Just as the band arrived, the episcopals were entering -the city: one of the 'sons of Geneva,' catching sight of Pécolat and -Vandel, exclaimed: 'My lord, you have traitors among you there!' The -bishop spurred his mule and rode off; Pécolat drew his sword; his -opponent, De la Thoy, did the same, and they began to cut at each other. -The fray was so noisy that the guards in alarm shut the gates, when a -few reasonable men parted the combatants. A more serious movement was -accomplishing in the depths of men's minds. Nothing but secularisation -and reformation could put an end to the almost universal discontent.[746] - -[Sidenote: THE DUKE'S MENACES.] - -The Duke of Savoy wished for another solution. His councillors -represented to him that the bishop had lost his credit among the nobles -and clergy, through his desire to ally himself with the Swiss; that he -was ruined with the citizens by his unedifying mode of life; and that -the moment had come for giving these restless people a _stronger -shepherd_, who would cure them of their taste for political and religious -liberty. In consequence of this, the duke summoned the Genevans, on the -30th of July, to recognise his claims, and his ambassadors added that, -if the citizens refused, 'Charles III. would come in person with an -army, and then they would have to keep their city ... if they could.' -The Genevans made answer: 'We will suffer death rather.' The Bernese, -informed of the threats of Savoy, sent ambassadors to Chambéry to -admonish (_admonester_) the duke. 'I have a grudge against the city,' he -said, 'and against the bishop also, and I will do my pleasure upon him -in defiance of all opposition.'—'Keep a good look-out,' said the Bernese -ambassadors to the syndics, on their return, 'for the duke is preparing -to carry off the bishop and confiscate the liberties of the city.' The -bishop and the citizens were exceedingly agitated. Men, women, and -children set to work: they cut down the trees round the walls, pulled -down the houses, and levelled the gardens, while four gangs worked at -the fortifications. 'We would rather die defending our rights,' said the -Genevans, 'than live in continual fear.'[747] - -It might have been imagined that the duke, by declaring war at the same -time against the bishop and the city, would have brought them nearer -each other; but the popular irritation against the bishop and clergy was -only increased by it. The citizens said that all the misfortunes of -Geneva proceeded from their having a bishop for a prince; and La Baume -saw a conspirator in every Genevan. More than one bishop, the oppressor -of the liberties of his people, had fallen during the middle ages under -the blows of the indignant burgesses. For instance, the wretched Gaudri, -bishop of Laon in the twelfth century, having trampled the rights of the -citizens under foot, had been compelled to flee from their wrath, and -hide himself in a cask in the episcopal cellar. But, being discovered -and dragged into the street, he was killed by the blow of an axe, and -his body covered with stones and mud.[748] If good _catholics_ had -practised such revenge upon their bishop, what would _huguenots_ do? - -[Sidenote: THE BISHOP RESOLVES TO LEAVE GENEVA.] - -La Baume had other fears besides. An intriguing woman, his cousin Madame -de Besse, generally known as Madame de la Gruyère, being gained over by -the duke, alarmed the bishop by insinuating that he was to be kidnapped, -and that this time his mule would not save him. That lady had scarcely -left the palace when the Bernese entered and said to the frightened -bishop: 'Make haste to go! for the duke is coming to take you.' They may -have said this with a mischievous intention, desiring to free the city -from the bishop. La Baume had not a minute of repose afterwards. His -servants, threatened by the huguenots, began to be afraid also, and thus -increased their master's alarm. He passed the day in anguish, and awoke -in the night uttering cries of terror. At times he listened as if he -heard the footsteps of the men coming to carry him off. He did not -hesitate: his residence in the episcopal city had become insupportable. -He had too much sense not to see that the cause of his temporal -principality was lost, and, to add to his misfortune, the only prince -who could defend him was turning against him. Whatever the risk, he must -depart. 'Whereat the bishop was so vexed,' says Bonivard, 'that he -meditated retiring from Geneva into Burgundy.' He flattered himself that -he would be quiet in the midst of his good vassals of St. Claude, and -happy near his cellars of Arbois![749] - -It was, however, no easy thing to do. He would have to get out of -Geneva, pass through the district of Gex, and cross the Jura mountains, -all filled with armed men. Feeling the want of some one to help him, he -determined to apply to Besançon Hugues. He invited him to come to the -palace, but in the night, so that no one might see him. When Hugues got -there, the wretched and guilty prelate squeezed his hand, and told him -all his troubles. 'I can no longer endure the wrong, violence, and -tyranny which the duke does me,' he said. 'I know that he is plotting to -kidnap me and shut me up in one of his monasteries. On the other hand, I -mistrust my own subjects, for they are aiming at my life. I am day and -night in mortal torment. You alone can get me out of the city, and I -hope you will manage so that it shall not be talked of.' Besançon Hugues -was touched when he saw the man whom he recognised as his lord agitated -and trembling before him. How could he refuse the alarmed priest the -favour he so earnestly demanded?... He left the bishop, telling him that -he would go and make preparations for a nocturnal flight.[750] - -[Sidenote: FLEES BY NIGHT TO ST. CLAUDE.] - -In the night of the 1st and 2nd of August, 1527, Hugues went secretly to -the palace, accompanied by Michael Guillet, a leading mameluke. The -prelate received his friends like liberating angels. They all three went -down into the vaults, where La Baume ordered a private door to be opened -which led into the street now called the Rue de la Fontaine. He had to -go along this street to reach the lake; but might not some of those -terrible huguenots stop him in his flight? He crept stealthily and in -disguise out of the palace, put himself between his two defenders, and, -a prey to singular alarm, went forward noiselessly. On arriving at the -brink of the water, the fugitive and his two companions descried through -the darkness the boatmen whom Hugues had engaged. La Baume and Besançon -entered the boat, while Michael Guillet returned to the city. The -boatmen took their oars, and crossed the lake at the point where the -Rhone flows out of it. La Baume looked all round him; but he could see -nothing, could hear nothing but the dull sound of the oars. The danger, -however, was far from being passed. The right bank might be occupied by -a band of his enemies.... When the boat touched the shore, La Baume -caught sight of two or three men with horses. They were friends. Hugues -and the bishop got into their saddles without a moment's loss, and -galloped off in the direction of the Jura. The bishop had never better -appreciated his good luck in being one of the best horsemen of his day; -he drove the spurs into his steed, fancying at times that he heard the -noise of Savoyard horses behind him. In this way the bishop and his -companion rode on, all the night through, along by-roads and in the -midst of great dangers, for all the passes were guarded by men-at-arms. -At last the day appeared. In proportion as they advanced, La Baume -breathed more freely. After four-and-twenty hours of cruel fright, the -travellers arrived at St. Claude. Pierre de la Baume was at the summit -of happiness.[751] - -The day after his departure, the news of the bishop's flight suddenly -became known in Geneva, where it caused a great sensation. 'Alas!' said -the monks in their cloisters, 'Monseigneur, seeing the approaching -tribulation, has got away by stealth across the lake.' The patriots, on -the contrary, collecting in groups in the public places, rejoiced to -find themselves delivered by one act both from their bishop and their -prince. At the same time the Savoyard soldiers, posted round Geneva, -were greatly annoyed; they had been on the watch night and day, and yet -the bishop had slipped through their fingers. To avenge themselves, they -swore to arrest Besançon Hugues on his return. The latter, making no -stay at St. Claude, reappeared next morning at daybreak in the district -of Gex, when he soon noticed that gentlemen and soldiers were all -joining in the chase after him. The bells were rung in the village -steeples, the peasants were roused, and every one shouted: 'Hie! hie! -the traitor Besançon!' It seemed impossible for him to escape. Having -descended the mountain, he followed the by-roads through the plain, when -suddenly a number of armed men fell upon him. Hugues had great courage, -a stout sword, and a good horse; fording the water-courses, and -galloping across the hills, he saved himself, 'as by a miracle,' says -his friend Balard.[752] - -[Sidenote: THE HIRELING FORSAKES THE SHEEP.] - -The Genevans were very uneasy about him, for they all loved him. The -drums beat, the companies mustered under their officers, and they were -about to march out with their arms to protect him, when suddenly he -arrived, panting, exhausted, and wounded. They would have liked to speak -to him, and, above all, to hear him; but Hugues, hardly shaking hands -with his friends, rode straight to his own house and went to bed; he was -completely knocked up. The syndics went to his room to investigate the -circumstances of which he had to complain. But erelong the brave man -recovered from his fatigue, and the city was full of joy. The bishop's -flight still further increased their cheerfulness: it snapped the bonds -of which they were weary. 'The _hireling_,' they said, 'leaveth the -sheep, and fleeth, when he seeth the wolf coming.'[753] 'Therefore,' -they added, 'he is not the shepherd.' - -[Footnote 743: Registres du Conseil du 12 juillet 1527.] - -[Footnote 744: Roset MS. _Chronol._ liv. ii. ch. xv. Bonivard, -_Chroniq._ ii. p. 455.] - -[Footnote 745: Beaumanoir, _Coutumes de Beauvaisis_, p. 61. Guizot, -_Histoire de la Civilisation en France_, iv. p. 72.] - -[Footnote 746: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 464.] - -[Footnote 747: Registres du Conseil des 30 juillet et 25 août 1527. -_Journal de Balard_, pp. 125, 126.] - -[Footnote 748: 'Quot saxis, quot et pulveribus corpus oppressum.'—G. de -Novigento, _Opp._ p. 507.] - -[Footnote 749: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 473. Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, -ii. p. 410. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 750: Savyon, _Annales_, p. 139. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. -474. Galiffe, _Matériaux pour l'Histoire de Genève_, pp. 427, 428, &c.] - -[Footnote 751: _Journal de Balard_, p. 126. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. -474. _Mém. d'Archéol._ ii. p. 12.] - -[Footnote 752: _Journal de Balard_, p. 127. Registres du Conseil du 6 -août 1527, La Sœur de Jussie, p. 4.] - -[Footnote 753: John x. 12.] - - - - - CHAPTER V. - EXCOMMUNICATION OF GENEVA AND FUNERAL PROCESSION OF - POPERY. - (AUGUST 1527 TO FEBRUARY 1528.) - - -The Duke of Savoy was the wolf. When he heard of the bishop's flight, -his vexation was greater than can be imagined. He had told the Bernese: -'I shall have Monsieur of Geneva at my will,'[754] and now the wily -prelate had escaped him a second time. At first Charles III. lost all -self-control. 'I will go,' he said, 'and drag him across the Alps with a -rope round his neck!' After which he wrote to him: 'I will make you the -poorest priest in Savoy;' and, proceeding to gratify his rage, he seized -upon the abbeys of Suza and Pignerol, which belonged to La Baume. -Gradually his anger cooled down; the duke's counsellors, knowing the -bishop's irresolute and timid character, said to their master: 'He is of -such a changeable disposition[755] that it will be easy to bring him -over again to the side of Savoy.' The prince yielded to their advice, -and sent Ducis, governor of the Château de l'Ile, to try to win him -back. It appeared to the ducal counsellors that Pierre de la Baume, -having fled from Geneva, could never return thither, and would have no -wish to do so; and that the time had come when a negotiation, favourable -in other respects to the prelate, might put the duke in possession of a -city which he desired by every means to close against heresy and liberty. - -[Sidenote: THE DUKE TRIES TO WIN THE BISHOP.] - -The bishop, at that moment very dejected, was touched by the duke's -advances; he sent an agent to the prince, and peace seemed on the point -of being concluded. But Charles had uttered a word that sounded ill in -the prelate's ears. 'The duke wishes me to subscribe myself _his -subject_,' he wrote to Hugues. 'I think I know why.... It is that he may -afterwards lay hands on me.' Nevertheless, the duke appeared to restrain -himself. 'I will give back all your benefices,' he told the bishop, 'if -you contrive to annul the alliance between Geneva and Switzerland.' La -Baume consented to everything in order to recover his abbeys, whose -confiscation made a large gap in his revenues. He did not care much -about living at Geneva, but he wished to be at his ease in Burgundy. At -this moment, as the duke and the Genevans left him at peace, he was -luxuriously enjoying his repose. Instead of being always in the presence -of huguenots and mamelukes, he walked calmly in his garden 'among his -pinks and gilly-flowers.'[756] He ordered some beautiful fur robes, -lined with black satin, for the winter; he kept a good table, and said: -'I am much better supplied with good wine here than we are at -Geneva.'[757] - -The bishop having fled from his bishopric like a hireling,—the prince -having run away from his principality like a conspirator,—the citizens -resolved to take measures for preserving order in the State, and to make -the constitution at once stronger and more independent. The general -council delegated to the three councils of Twenty-five, Sixty, and -Two-Hundred the duty of carrying on the necessary business, except in -such important affairs as required the convocation of the people. A -secret council was also appointed, composed of the four syndics and of -six of the most decided huguenots. A distinguished historian says that -the Genevan constitution was then made democratic;[758] another -historian affirms, on the contrary, that the power of the people was -weakened.[759] We are of a different opinion from both. In proportion as -Geneva threw off foreign usurpation, it would strengthen its internal -constitution. Undoubtedly, this little nation desired to be free, and -the Reformation was to preserve its liberties; there is a democracy in -the Reform. Philosophy, which is satisfied with a small number of -disciples, has never formed more than an intellectual aristocracy; but -evangelical christianity, which appeals to all classes, and particularly -to the lowly, develops the understanding, awakens the conscience, and -sanctifies the hearts of those who receive it, in this way spreading -light, order, and peace all around, and forming a true democracy on -earth, very different from that which does without Christ and without -God. But Geneva, at that time surrounded by implacable enemies, -required, as necessary to its existence, not only liberty, but order, -power, and consequently authority. - -[Sidenote: THE DUCAL ARMS FALL AT GENEVA.] - -The bishop had hardly disappeared from Geneva when the insignia of ducal -power disappeared also. Eight years before this, Charles III. had caused -the white cross of Savoy, carved in marble, to be placed on the Château -de l'Ile, 'at which the friends of liberty were much grieved.'—'I have -placed my arms in the middle of the city as a mark of sovereignty,' he -had said haughtily, 'and have had them carved in hard stone. Let the -people efface them if they dare!' On the morning of the 6th of August -(five days after the bishop's flight), some people who were passing near -the castle perceived to their great astonishment that the ducal arms had -disappeared.... A crowd soon gathered to the spot, and a lively -discussion arose. Who did it? was the general question. 'Oh!' replied -some, 'the stone has accidentally fallen into the river;' but although -the water was clear, no one could see it. 'It was you,' said the duke's -partisans to the huguenots, 'and you have hidden it somewhere.' -Bonivard, who stood thoughtful in the midst of the crowd, said at last: -'I know the culprit.'—'Who is it? who is it?' 'St. Peter,' he replied. -'As patron of Geneva, he is unwilling that a secular prince should have -any ensign of authority in his city!' This incident, the authors of -which were never known, made a great impression, and the most serious -persons exclaimed: 'Truly, it is a visible sign, announcing to us a -secret and mysterious decision of the Most High. What the hand of God -hath thrown down, let not hand of man set up again!'[760] - -The Genevans wanted neither duke nor bishop; they went farther still, -and being harassed by the court of Rome, they were going to show that -they did not care for the pope. They had hardly done talking of La -Baume's flight and of the Savoy escutcheon, when they were told strange -news. A report was circulated that an excommunication and interdict had -been pronounced against them, at the request of the mamelukes. This -greatly excited such citizens as were still attached to the Roman -worship. 'What!' said they; 'the priests will be suspended from their -functions, the people deprived of the benefit of the sacraments, divine -worship, and consecrated burial ... innocent and guilty will be involved -in one common misery.'... But the energy of the huguenots, whom long -combats had hardened like steel, was not to be weakened by this new -attack. The most determined of them resolved to turn against Rome the -measure plotted against Geneva. The council, being resolved to prevent -the excommunication from being placarded in the streets,[761] ordered 'a -strict watch to be kept at the bridge of Arve, about St. Victor and St. -Leger, and that the gates should be shut early and opened late.' This -was not enough. Five days later (the 29th of December, 1527), the -people, lawfully assembled, caused the _Golden Bull_ to be read aloud -before them, which ordered that, with the exception of the emperor and -the bishop, there should be no authority in Geneva. Then a daring -proposition was made to the general council, namely, 'that no -metropolitan letters, and further still no apostolical letters (that is -to say, no decrees emanating from the pope's courts), should be executed -by any priest or any citizen.'—'Agreed, agreed!' shouted everybody. It -would seem that the vote was almost unanimous. In this way the bishop on -the banks of the Tiber found men prepared to resist him on the obscure -banks of the Leman. - -This vote alarmed a few timid persons of a traditional tendency. -Advocates of the _status quo_ entreated the progressionists to restrain -themselves; but the latter had no wish to do so. They answered that the -Reformation was triumphing among the Swiss; that Zwingle, Œcolampadius, -and Haller were preaching with daily increasing success at Zurich, -Basle, and Berne. They added that on the 7th of January, 1528, the -famous discussion had begun in the last-named city, and that the Holy -Scriptures had gained the victory; that the altars and images had been -thrown down 'with the consent of the people;' that a spiritual worship -had been substituted in their place, and that all, including children -fourteen years old, had sworn to observe 'the Lutheran law.' The -huguenots thought that if excommunication came to them from Rome, -absolution would come to them from Berne—or rather from heaven. - -[Sidenote: FUNERAL PROCESSION OF POPERY.] - -The more light-hearted among them went further than this. For ages the -Roman Church had accustomed its followers to unite masquerades with the -most sacred recollections. In some cantons there had been great -rejoicings over the abolition of the mass. Such a fire could not be -kindled in Switzerland without scattering a few sparks over Geneva. -Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve, a great enemy to superstition, an active -and even turbulent man, and daring enough to attempt anything, resolved -to organise a funeral procession of the papacy. He would attack Rome -with the weapons that the Roman carnival supplied him, and would arrange -a great procession. Whilst serious men were reading the epistle from -heaven (the Gospel), which absolved them from the excommunication of its -pretended vicar, the young and thoughtless were in great excitement; -they dressed themselves in their houses in the strangest manner; they -disguised themselves, some as priests, some as canons, and others as -monks; they came out, met together, drew up in line, and soon began to -march through the streets of the city. There were white friars, grey -friars, and black friars, fat canons, and thin curates. One was begging, -another chanting; here was one scourging himself, there another -strutting solemnly along; here a man carrying a hair shirt, there a man -with a bottle. Some indulged in acts of outrageous buffoonery; others, -the more completely to imitate the monks, went so far as to take -liberties with the women who were looking on, and when some fat friar -thus made any burlesque gesture, there was loud applause, and the crowd -exclaimed: 'That is not the worst they do.' In truth the reality was -more culpable than the burlesque. When they saw this tumultuous -procession and heard the doleful chanting, mingled with noisy roars of -laughter, every one said that popery was dying, and singing its _De -profundis_, its burial anthem. - -The priests took the jest in very bad part, and the procession was -hardly over before they hurried, flushed with anger, to complain to the -syndics of 'the enmity raised against them by Baudichon and others.' The -syndics referred their complaint to the episcopal council, and the -latter severely reprimanded the offenders. But Maison-Neuve and his -friends withdrew, fully convinced that the priests were in the wrong, -and that the victory would ultimately be on their side.[762] - -[Sidenote: BONIVARD AT THE PRIORY.] - -They were beginning in Geneva to estimate a papal excommunication at its -proper value. No one knew more on this subject than Bonivard, and he -instructed his best friends on this difficult text. Among the number was -François Favre, a man of ardent character, prompt wit, and rather -worldly manners, but a good citizen and determined huguenot. Favre was -one day, on a famous occasion, to be at the head of Bonivard's -liberators. He went sometimes to the priory, where he often met Robert -Vandel, a man of less decision than his two friends. Vandel, who still -kept on good terms with the bishop, was at heart one of the most -independent of men, and Bonivard had made him governor of the domain of -St. Victor. - -These Genevans and others continued the conversations that Bonivard had -formerly had with Berthelier in the same room and at the same table. -They spoke of Berne, of Geneva, of Switzerland, of the Reformation, and -of excommunication. Bonivard found erelong a special opportunity of -enlightening his two friends on the acts of the Romish priesthood. - -[Sidenote: BONIVARD ON EXCOMMUNICATION.] - -There was no one in Geneva whom the papal party detested more than him. -The ultramontanists could understand why lawyers and citizens opposed -the clergy; but a prior!... His enemies, therefore, formed the project -of seizing the estates of St. Victor, and of expelling Bonivard from the -monastery. The huguenots, on hearing of this, ardently espoused his -cause, and the council gave him, for his protection (20th of January, -1528) six arquebuses and four pounds of gunpowder. These were hardly -monastic weapons; but the impetuous Favre hastened to offer him his -heart and his arm; and, to say the truth, Bonivard in case of need could -have made very good use of an arquebuse. He had recourse, however, to -other defenders; he resolved to go and plead his cause before the -League. But this was not without danger, for the duke's agents might -seize him on the road, as he afterwards had the misfortune to know. -Favre, ever ready to go where there was any risk to be run, offered to -accompany him to Berne. Vandel had to go as governor of St. Victor: they -set off. Arriving at a village in the Pays de Vaud, the three huguenots -dismounted and took a stroll while their horses were resting. Bonivard, -as he was riding along, had noticed some large placards on the doors of -the churches, and being curious to know what they were about, he went up -to them, and immediately called his friends; 'Come here,' he said; 'here -are some curious things—letters of excommunication.' He was beginning to -read them, when one of his companions cried out: 'Stop! for as soon as -you have read them, you will thereby be excommunicate!' The worthy -huguenot imagined that the best plan was to know nothing about such -anathemas, and then to act as if the excommunication did not exist—which -could not be done if they were read. Bonivard, a man of great good -sense, profited by the opportunity to explain to his friends what these -earthly excommunications were worth. 'If you have done what is wrong,' -he told them, 'God himself excommunicates you; but if you have acted -rightly, the excommunication of priests can do you no harm. There is -only one tribunal which has power over the conscience, and that is -heaven. The pope and the devil hurt only those who are afraid of them. -Do therefore what is right, and fear nothing. The bolts which they may -hurl at you will be spent in the air.' Then he added with a smile: 'If -the pope or the metropolitan of Vienne excommunicate you, pope Berthold -of Berne will give you absolution.'[763] Bonivard's words were repeated -in Geneva, and the papal excommunications lost credit every day. - -This became alarming: the episcopal officers informed the bishop; but -the latter, who was enjoying himself in his Burgundian benefices, put -aside everything that might disturb his meals and his repose. It was not -the same with the duke and his ministers. That prince was not content -with coveting the prelate's temporal power; looking upon La Baume as -already dispossessed of his rights, he made himself bishop, nay almost -pope, in his place. The cabinet of Turin thought that if the principles -of civil liberty once combined with those of religious liberty, Geneva -would attempt to reform Savoy by means of conversations, letters, books, -and missionaries. Charles III. therefore sent a message to the council, -which was read in the Two-Hundred on the 7th of February. 'I hear,' said -the prince, 'that the Lutheran sect is making way among you.... Make -haste to prevent the ravages of that pestilence, and, to that intent, -send on the 17th two men empowered by you to hear some very important -things concerning _my authority in matters of faith_.' - -What would the Genevans answer? If a bishop is made prince, why should -not a prince be made bishop? The confusion of the two provinces is a -source of continual disturbance. Christianity cannot tolerate either -Cæsars who are popes, or popes who are Cæsars; and yet ambition is -always endeavouring to unite these two irreconcilable powers. The duke -did not presume to abolish definitively the episcopal power and confer -it on himself; but he wished to take advantage of the bishop's flight to -acquire an influence which he would be able to retain when the episcopal -authority was restored. He spoke, therefore, like a Roman pontiff ... of -his authority in matters of faith. - -'Really,' said the council, 'we have had enough and too much even of one -pope, and we do not care to have two—one at Rome and the other at our -very gates.' The citizens were so irritated at Charles's singular claim, -that they did not return an answer in the usual form. 'We will not write -to the duke,' said the syndics; 'we will delegate no one to him, seeing -that we are not his subjects; but we will simply tell the bearer of his -letter that _we are going on very well_, and that the duke, having no -authority to correct us, ought to _mind his own business_.' Such is the -minute recorded in the council register for this day. As for La Baume, -the poor prelate, who did not trouble himself much either about pope or -Lutheranism, wrote the same day to the Genevans, that he permitted them -'to eat milk-food during the coming Lent.' This culinary permission was -quite in his way, and it was the most important missive from the bishop -at that time.[764] - -[Sidenote: THE DUKE REPRIMANDS THE CANONS.] - -When the episcopal council heard of the syndics' answer, they were in -great commotion. They thought it rude and unbecoming, and trembled lest -Charles should confound them with these arrogant burgesses. They -therefore sent M. de Veigy, one of the most eminent canons, to the duke, -in order to pacify him. The reverend father set off, and while on the -road, he feared at one moment Charles's anger, and at another enjoyed in -anticipation the courtesies which the ducal court could not fail to show -him. But he had scarcely been presented to the duke, and made a profound -bow, when Bishop de Belley, standing at the left of his highness, and -commissioned to be the interpreter of his sentiments, addressed him -abruptly, and, calling him traitor and huguenot, insulted him just as De -la Thoy might have done. But this abuse was nothing in comparison with -Charles's anger: unable to restrain himself, he burst out, and, giving -utterance to the terrible schemes he had formed against Geneva, declared -he would reduce that impracticable city to ashes, and ended by saying: -'If you do not come out of it, you will be burnt in it with all the -rest.' The poor canon endeavoured to pacify his highness: 'Ah, my lord,' -he said, 'I shall not remain there: all the canons now in the city are -about to leave it!' And yet De Veigy was fond of Geneva, and thought -that to reside in Annecy would be terribly dull. Accordingly, on his -return to the city, he forgot his terror and his promises, whereupon he -received this short message from Charles III.: 'Ordered, under pain of -death, to quit Geneva in six days.'—'He left on the 3rd of March, and -with great regret,' adds Balard.[765] Charles wished to put the canons -in a place of safety, before he burnt the city. - -[Footnote 754: 'Que qui en volisse contredire' (whatever any one may do -to oppose it), he added.—_Journal de Balard_, p. 124.] - -[Footnote 755: 'Il est d'un esprit si changeant.'—_Hist. de Genève_, MS. -of the 17th century. Bibliothèque de Berne, _Hist. Helvét._ v. p. 12.] - -[Footnote 756: Letter from La Baume to Hugues. Galiffe, _Matériaux_.] - -[Footnote 757: Galiffe, _Matériaux_, ii. pp. 424-475. _Mém. -d'Archéologie_, ii. pp. 14, 15.] - -[Footnote 758: Mignet, _Réforme à Genève_, p. 34.] - -[Footnote 759: James Fazy, _Hist. de la République de Genève_, p. 158.] - -[Footnote 760: _Journal de Balard_, p. 127. Roset MS. _Chronol._ liv. -ii. ch. xx. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 448. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 761: Registres du Conseil des 24 et 29 décembre 1527. -Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. 473, 474. Gautier MS. _Journal de Balard_.] - -[Footnote 762: Registres du Conseil des 15 et 17 janvier 1528. _Journal -de Balard_, p. 146. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 763: 'Hominum anathemata a Bertholdo papa facile solvenda.'— -Spanheim, _Geneva Restituta_, p. 35.] - -[Footnote 764: Registres du Conseil du 7 février 1528. _Journal de -Balard_, p. 147.] - -[Footnote 765: Registres du Conseil du 7 février et du 3 mars 1528. -_Journal de Balard_, pp. 147-149.] - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - THE KNIGHTS OF THE SPOON LEAGUE AGAINST GENEVA - AT THE CASTLE OF BURSINEL. - (MARCH 1528.) - - -[Sidenote: BONIVARD COMPLAINS OF GENEVA.] - -The partisans of absolutism and the papacy rose up on every side against -Geneva, as if the Reformation were already established there. It was not -so, however. Although Geneva had come out of Romanism, it had not yet -entered Reform: it was still in those uncertain and barren places, that -land of negations and disputes which lies between the two. A few persons -only were beginning to see that, in order to separate really from the -pope, it was necessary, as Haller and Zwingle said, to obey Jesus -Christ. Bonivard, a keen critic, was indulging in his reflections, in -his large arm-chair, at the priory of St. Victor, and carefully studying -the singular aspect Geneva at that time presented. 'A strange -spectacle,' he said; 'everybody wishes to command, and no one will obey. -From tyranny we have fallen into the opposite and worse vice of -anarchy.... There are as many tyrants as heads ... which engenders -confusion. Everybody wishes to make his own profit or private pleasure -out of the common weal; profit tends to avarice; and pleasure consists -in taking vengeance on him whom you hate. Men are killed, but they are -not the real enemies of Geneva.... If you wound a bear, he will not -spring upon the man who wounded him, but will tear the first poles or -the first tree in his way.... And this, alas! is what they are doing -among us. Having groaned under a tyrannical government, we have the love -of licence instead of the love of liberty. We must be apprentices before -we can be masters, and break many strings before we can play upon the -lute. The huguenots have driven out the tyrant, but have not driven out -tyranny. It is not liberty to do whatever we desire, if we do not desire -what is right. O pride! thou wilt be the ruin of Geneva! Pride has -always envy for its follower; and when pride would mount too high, the -old crone catches her by the tail and pulls her back, so that she falls -and breaks her neck.... The huguenot leagues are not sufficient; the -Gospel must advance, in order that popery may recede.' It is Bonivard -himself who has transmitted these wise reflections.[766] - -He was not the only person who entertained such thoughts. The affairs of -the alliance often attracted Bernese to Geneva; and being convinced that -the Reformation alone could save that city, they continued Ab Hofen's -work. Being admitted into private families, they spoke against human -traditions and extolled the Scriptures. 'God speaks to us of the -Redeemer,' they said, 'and not of Lent.' But the Friburgers, thrusting -themselves into these evangelical conferences, exclaimed: 'Obey the -Church! If you separate from the Church, we will break off the -alliance!'[767] - -[Sidenote: BONIVARD'S ANSWER TO THE HUGUENOTS.] - -The _bishopers_ were with Friburg, the _commoners_ with Berne. The -latter were divided into three classes: there were politicians, to whom -religion was only a means of obtaining liberty; serious and peaceful -men, who called for true piety (Bonivard mentions Boutelier as one of -these); and, lastly, the enemies of the priests, who saw the Reformation -from a negative point of view, and regarded it essentially as a war -against Roman superstitions. One day these sincere but impatient men -said they could wait no longer, and went out to St. Victor to invite the -prior to put himself at their head. They rang at the gate of the -monastery, and the janitor went and told Bonivard, who ordered them to -be admitted: 'We wish to put an end to all this papal ceremony,' -they told him; 'we desire to drive out all its ministers, priests, and -monks ... all that papistical rabble; and then we mean to invite the -ministers of the Gospel, who will introduce a true christian reformation -among us.' - -The prior smiled as he heard these words: 'Gentlemen,' he said, in a -sarcastic tone, 'I think your sentiments very praiseworthy, and confess -that all ecclesiastics (of whom I am one) have great need to be -reformed. But ought not those who wish to reform others to begin by -reforming themselves? If you love the Gospel, as you say you do, you -will live according to the Gospel. But if you wish to reform us without -reforming yourselves, it is evident that you are not moved by love for -the Gospel, but by hatred against us. And why should you hate us? It is -not because our manners are contrary to yours, but because they are like -them. Aristotle says in his _Ethics_,' continued the learned prior, 'and -experience confirms the statement, that animals which eat off the same -food naturally hate each other. Two horses do not agree at the same -manger, nor two dogs over the same bone. It is the same with us. We are -unchaste, and so are you. We are drunkards, and so are you. We are -gamblers and blasphemers, and so are you. Why then should you be so -opposed to us?... We do not hinder you from indulging in your little -pleasures; pray do the same by us. You desire to expel us, you say, and -put Lutheran ministers in our place.... Gentlemen, think well of what -you are about: you will not have had them two years before you will be -sorry for it. These ministers will permit you to break the commandments -of the pope, but they will forbid your breaking those of God. According -to their doctrines, you must not gamble or indulge in debauchery, under -severe penalty.... Ah! how that would vex you!... Therefore, gentlemen, -you must do one of two things: either leave us in our present condition; -or, if you wish to reform us according to the Gospel, reform yourselves -first.' - -These remarks were not quite so reasonable as they appeared to be. _It -is the sick that have need of a physician_, and as these 'sons of -Geneva' wished to invite the ministers of the Gospel, _in order to -introduce a true christian reform_, Bonivard should have encouraged -instead of opposing them. These worldly men might have had a real desire -for the Gospel at the bottom of their hearts. Reprimanded by the prior, -they withdrew. Bonivard watched them as they retired. 'They are going -off with their tails between their legs.[768] Certainly, I desire a -reformation; but I do not like that those who are more qualified to -deform than to reform should presume to be its instruments.' - -[Sidenote: DETERMINATION TO EAT MEAT IN LENT.] - -When they got home, these huguenots deliberated whether they would allow -themselves to be stopped by Bonivard's irony; they resolved to follow -out his precept—to reform themselves first; but, not knowing that -reformation consists primarily in reestablishing faith and morality in -the heart, they undertook simply to prune away certain superstitions. As -the episcopal letter permitted them to take milk in Lent, De la -Maison-Neuve and his friends said: 'We are permitted to take milk, why -not meat?' Then repeating the lesson which the Bernese had taught -them—Do not the Scriptures say, _Eat of all that is sold in the -shambles_?—they resolved to eat meat every day. The council saw this -with uneasiness, and forbade the new practice under pain of three days' -imprisonment on bread and water and a fine of five sols.[769] But -wishing to hold the balance even, they had hardly struck one side before -they struck the other, and condemned the forty-four fugitive mamelukes -to confiscation and death. - -This last sentence aroused the anger of all the adjacent country; the -Sire de Pontverre, in particular, thought the time had come for drawing -the sword, and immediately messengers were scouring the country between -the Alps and the Jura. They climbed painfully up the rocky roads that -led to the mountain castles; they crossed the lake, everywhere summoning -the gentlemen, the friends of the mamelukes. The knights did not need to -be pressed; they put on their armour, mounted their coursers, left their -homes, and proceeded towards the appointed rendezvous, the castle of -Bursinel, near Rolle, on the fertile slope which, running out from the -Jura, borders the lake opposite Mont Blanc. These rough gentlemen -arrived from La Vaux, Gex, Chablais, Genevois, and Faucigny: one after -another they alighted from their horses, crossed the courtyard, and -entered the hall, which echoed with the clash of their arms; then, -shaking hands, they sat down at a long table, where they began to feast. -The audacity of the Genevans was the principal subject of conversation, -'and heaven knows how they of Geneva were picked to pieces,' says a -contemporary.[770] - -Of all these nobles, the most hostile to Geneva was the Sire de -Pontverre. Of athletic frame, herculean strength, and violent character, -bold and energetic, he was, from his marked superiority, recognised as -their chief by the gentlemen assembled at the castle of Bursinel. If -these men despised the burgesses, the latter returned the compliment. -'They are holding a meeting of bandits and brigands at Bursinel,' said -some of the Genevans. We must not, however, take these somewhat harsh -words too literally. The depredations of these gentlemen doubtless -undermined the social organisation, and it was time to put an end to -these practices of the middle ages. Many of them were, however, good -sons and husbands, good fathers, and even good landlords; but they had -no mercy for Geneva. As they sat at table they said that the princes had -succeeded in France and elsewhere in destroying the franchises of the -municipal towns, and that this free city, the last that survived, -deserved a similar fate much more than the others, since it was -beginning to add a new vice to its former vices ... it was listening to -Luther. 'A contest must decide,' they added, 'whether the future times -shall belong to the knights or to the burgesses, to the Church or to -heresy.' If Geneva were overthrown, they thought they would be masters -of the future. Pontverre has been compared to the celebrated Roman who -feared the Carthaginians, and, like him, never forgot to repeat at every -meeting of the nobles: _Delenda Carthago_.[771] - -[Sidenote: THE ORDER OF THE SPOON.] - -The dinner was drawing to an end; the servants of the lord of Bursinel -had brought the best wines from the castle cellars; the libations were -numerous, and the guests drank copiously. 'It chanced,' says Bonivard, -'that some rice (_papet_) was brought in, with as many spoons as there -were persons at table.'[772] Pontverre rose, took up a spoon with the -same hand that wielded the sword so vigorously, plunged it into the dish -of rice, and, lifting it to his mouth, ate and said: 'Thus will I -swallow Geneva and the Genevese.' In an instant all the gentlemen, -'heated with wine and anger,' took up their spoons, and exclaimed as -they ate, 'that they would make but one mouthful of all the huguenots.' -Pontverre did not stop at this: he took a little chain, hung the spoon -round his neck, and said: 'I am a _knight of the Spoon_, and this is my -decoration.'—'We all belong to the same order,' said the others, -similarly hanging the spoons on their breasts. They then grasped each -other's hands, and swore to be faithful to the last. At length the party -broke up; they mounted their horses, and returned to their mansions; and -when their neighbours looked with surprise at what hung round their -necks, and asked what the spoon meant, they answered: 'We intend to eat -the Genevans with it; will you not join us?' And thus the fraternity was -formed which had the conquest of Geneva for its object. - -The Spoon was taken up everywhere, as in the time of the crusades men -took up the Cross: the decoration was characteristic of these -loud-spoken free-living cavaliers. Meetings took place every week in the -various castles of the neighbourhood. New members joined the order, and -hung the spoon round their necks, saying: 'Since the commonalty (the -Genevans and Swiss) form alliances, surely the nobles may do so!' They -drew up 'statutes and laws for their guidance, which were committed to -writing, as in public matters.'[773] Erelong the 'gentlemen of the -Spoon,' as they called themselves, proceeded to perform their vow; they -issued from their castles, plundered the estates of the Genevans, -intercepted their provisions, and blockaded them closer and closer every -day. When they came near the city, on the heights of Pregny, Lancy, and -Cologny, they added derision to violence; they took their spoons and -waved them in the air, as if they wished to use them in swallowing the -city which lay smiling at their feet. - -[Sidenote: ALARM AT GENEVA.] - -The alarm increased every day in Geneva; the citizens called the Swiss -to their aid, fortified their city, and kept strict watch. Whenever any -friends met together, the story of the famous dinner at Bursinel was -repeated. The Genevans went so far, says a chronicle, as to be unwilling -to make use of the innocent spoon, such a horror they felt at it. Many -of those who read the Scriptures began to pray to God to save Geneva; -and on the 23rd of March, the council entered the following words in -their register: 'May we be delivered from the evils we endure, may we -conquer and have peace!... May the Almighty be pleased to grant it to -us!'[774] - -Pontverre was not a mere adventurer; he possessed a mind capable of -discerning the political defects of his party. Two men in Geneva -especially occupied his thoughts at this time: they were the bishop and -the prior. In his opinion, they ought to gain the first and punish the -other. - -He began with Bonivard; no one was more detested by the feudal party -than he was. That the head of a monastery should side with the huguenots -seemed a terrible scandal. No one besides, at that time, advocated more -boldly than the prior the principles opposed to absolute power; and this -he showed erelong. - -At Cartigny, on the left bank of the Rhone, about two leagues from -Geneva, he possessed a fief which depended on the dukes of Savoy: 'It is -a mere pleasure-house, and not a fortress,' he said; and yet he was in -the habit of keeping a garrison there. The duke had seized it during his -vassal's captivity, and to Bonivard's frequent demands for its -restoration he replied 'that he dared not give it up for fear of being -excommunicated by the pope.' Michaelmas having come, the time at which -the rent was collected, the Savoy government forbade the tenants to pay -it to the prior; the latter felt indignant, and the principles he then -laid down deserve to be called to mind. 'The rights of a prince and his -subjects are reciprocal,' he said. 'If the subject owes obedience to his -prince, the prince owes justice to his subject. If the prince may -constrain his subject, when the latter refuses obedience in a case -wherein it is lawfully due, the subject has also the right to refuse -obedience to his prince, when the latter denies him justice. Let the -subject then be without fear, and rest assured that God is for him. Men, -perhaps, will not be on his side; but if he has strength to resist men, -I can answer for God.'[775] - -Bonivard, who was determined to obtain justice, laid before the council -of Geneva the patents which established his rights, and prayed their -help in support of his claim. His petition at first met with some little -opposition in the general council. 'The city has enough to do already -with its own affairs,' said many, 'without undertaking the prior's;' but -most of the huguenots were of a contrary opinion. 'If the duke has at -St. Victor a lord after his fashion,' they said, 'it might be a serious -inconvenience to us. Besides, the energetic prior has always been firm -in the service of the city.' This consideration prevailed and the -general council decided that they would maintain Bonivard's rights by -force of arms if necessary. - -The prior now made his preparations. 'Since I cannot have civil -justice,' he said, 'I will have recourse to the law of nations, which -authorises to repel force by force.' The petty sovereign of St. Victor, -who counted ten monks for his subjects, who no longer possessed his -uncle's culverins, and whose only warlike resources were a few -arquebusiers, hired by a Bernese adventurer, besides four pounds of -powder, determined to march against the puissant Duke of Savoy, prince -of Piedmont, and even to brave that pope-king who once upon a time had -only to frown to make all the world tremble. Perish St. Victor rather -than principles! - -[Sidenote: BONIVARD DEFENDS CARTIGNY.] - -Bonivard sent for a herald and told him: 'The Duke of Savoy has usurped -my sovereignty; you will therefore proceed to Cartigny and make -proclamation through all my lordship, in these terms: "No one in this -place shall execute either ducal or papal letters under pain of the -gallows.'" We see that Bonivard made a large use of his supreme power. -The herald, duly escorted, made the terrible proclamation round the -castle; and then a captain, a commissioner, and a few soldiers, sent by -Bonivard, took possession of the domain in his name, _under the nose of -the pope and the duke_.[776] He was very proud of this exploit. 'The -pope and the duke have not dared send men to prevent my captain from -taking possession,' he said good-humouredly; for Bonivard, though -sparkling with wit, was also a good-tempered man. - -The fear ascribed to the duke did not last long. The lands of Cartigny -were near those of Pontverre, and the order of the Spoon was hardly -organised when an expedition directed against the castle was the prelude -to hostilities. A ducal provost, with some men-at-arms, appeared before -the place on the 6th of March, 1528. Bonivard had vainly told his -captain to defend himself: the place was taken. The indignant prior -exclaimed: 'My people allowed themselves to be surprised.' He believed, -as the Genevans also did, that the duke had bribed the commandant: 'The -captain of Cartigny, after eating the fig, has thrown away the basket,' -said the huguenots in their meetings. - -The prior of St. Victor, being determined to recover his property from -his highness's troops, came to an understanding with an ex-councillor of -Berne, named Boschelbach, a man of no very respectable character, who -had probably procured him the few soldiers of his former expedition, and -who now, making greater exertions, raised for him a corps of twenty men. -Bonivard put himself at the head of his forces, made them march -regularly, ordered them to keep their matches lighted, and halted in -front of the castle. The prior, who was a clever speaker, trusted more -to his tongue than to his arms: he desired, therefore, first to explain -his rights, and consequently the ex-councillor, attended by his servant -Thiebault, went forward and demanded a parley on behalf of the prior. By -way of answer the garrison fired, and Thiebault was shot dead. - -That night all Geneva was agitated. The excited and exasperated citizens -ran armed up and down the streets, and talked of nothing but marching -out to Cartigny to avenge Thiebault's death. 'Be calm,' said -Boschelbach; 'I will make such a report to my lords of Berne that -Monsieur of Savoy, who is the cause of all the mischief, shall suffer -for it.'[777] The syndics had not promised to attack Savoy, which would -have been a serious affair, but only to defend Bonivard. In order, -therefore, to keep their word, they stationed detachments of soldiers in -the other estates belonging to St. Victor, with orders to protect them -from every attack. Cartigny was quite lost to the prior; but he was -prepared to endure even greater sacrifices. He had his faults, no doubt; -and, in particular, he was too easy in forming intimacies with men far -from estimable, such as Boschelbach; but he had noble aspirations. He -knew that by continuing to follow the same line of conduct he would lose -his priory, be thrown into prison, and perhaps put to death: 'But what -does it matter,' he thought, 'if by such a sacrifice right is maintained -and liberty triumphs?'[778] - -[Sidenote: BISHOP AND DUKE RECONCILED.] - -The lord of Pontverre was occupied with a scheme far more important than -Bonivard's destruction. He wished, as we have said, to win back the -bishop. Possessing much political wisdom, seeing farther and more -clearly than the duke or the prelate, he perceived that if the war -against the new ideas was to succeed, it would be necessary for all the -old powers to coalesce against them. Nothing, in his opinion, was more -deplorable than the difference between Charles III. and Pierre de la -Baume: he therefore undertook to reconcile them. He showed them that -they had both the same enemies, and that nothing but their union would -put it in their power to crush the huguenots. He frightened the bishop -by hinting to him that the Reformation would not only destroy -Catholicism, but strip him of his dignities and his revenues. He further -told him that heresy had crept unobserved into his own household and -infected even his chamberlain, William de la Mouille, who at that time -enjoyed his entire confidence.[779] La Baume, wishing to profit -immediately by Pontverre's information, hastened to write to La Mouille: -'I will permit no opportunity for breeding in my diocese any wicked and -accursed sect—such as I am told already prevails there. _You have been -too slow in informing me of it._... Tell them boldly that I will not put -up with them.'[780] - -The prelate's great difficulty was to become reconciled with the duke. -Having the fullest confidence in his talent for intrigue, he thought -that he could return into friendly relations with his highness without -breaking altogether with Hugues and the Genevans. 'He is a fine jockey,' -said Bonivard; 'he wants to ride one and lead the other by the bridle!' -The bishop began his manœuvres. 'I quitted Geneva,' he informed the -duke, 'in order that I might not be forced to do anything displeasing to -you.' It will be remembered, on the contrary, that he had run away to -escape from Charles III., who wanted to 'snap him up;' but that prince, -satisfied with seeing La Baume place himself again under his guidance, -pretended to believe him, and cancelled the sequestration of his -revenues. Being thus reconciled, the bishop and the duke set to work to -stifle the Reformation. 'Good,' said Bonivard; 'Pilate and Herod were -made friends together, for before they were at enmity between -themselves.' - -[Sidenote: BISHOP HATEFUL TO THE CITY.] - -The bishop soon perceived that he could not be both with the duke and -Geneva; and, every day drawing nearer to Savoy, he turned against his -own subjects and his own flock. And hence one of the most enlightened -statesmen Geneva ever possessed said in the seventeenth century, to a -peer of Great Britain who had put some questions to him on the history -of the republic: 'From that time the bishop became very hateful to the -city, which could not but regard him as a declared enemy.'[781] It was -the bishop who tore the contract that had subsisted between Geneva and -himself. - -[Footnote 766: Bonivard, _Police_, &c. pp. 398-400; _Chroniq._ ii. p. -473. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 767: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 768: 'La queue entre les jambes.'—Bonivard, _Advis des -difformes Réformateurs_, pp. 149-151.] - -[Footnote 769: Registres du Conseil des 11 et 26 février 1528. Bonivard, -_Chroniq_. ii. p. 479.] - -[Footnote 770: 'Dieu sait comme ceux de Genève étaient déchiquetés.'] - -[Footnote 771: 'Ne taschait, fors à la ruine de Genève.'—Bonivard, -_Chroniq._ ii. p. 482.] - -[Footnote 772: Ibid.] - -[Footnote 773: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 483.] - -[Footnote 774: Registres du Conseil des 14, 23, 24 mars. _Journal de -Balard_, p. 156. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. 482, 486, etc.] - -[Footnote 775: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 477.] - -[Footnote 776: 'A la barbe du pape et du duc.'] - -[Footnote 777: 'En portera la pâte au four.'] - -[Footnote 778: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. 475, 480, 502. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 779: See nineteen letters from the bishop to William de la -Mouille, his chamberlain, printed in Galiffe, _Matériaux pour l'Histoire -de Genève_, ii. pp. 461-485.] - -[Footnote 780: Galiffe, ii. p. 477.] - -[Footnote 781: _Memoir to Lord Townshend on the History of Geneva_, by -Mr. Secretary Chouet. Berne MSS. vi. 57.] - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - INTRIGUES OF THE DUKE AND THE BISHOP. - (SPRING AND SUMMER 1528.) - - -The first measure Charles exacted from his new ally was to revoke the -civil rights he had conceded to the citizens. The bishop consented. In -order to deprive the secular magistrate of his temporal privileges, he -resolved to employ spiritual weapons. Priests, bishops, and popes have -always found their use very profitable in political matters; princes of -great power have been known to tremble before the documents launched -into the world by the high-priest of the Vatican. The bishop, therefore, -caused an order to be posted on the church doors, forbidding the -magistrates to try civil causes under pain of excommunication and a fine -of one hundred pounds of silver. It seems that the bishop had thought it -prudent to attack the purses of those who were not to be frightened by -his _pastorals_. 'Remove these letters,' said the syndics to the -episcopal secretary, 'and carry them back to the bishop, for they are -contrary to our franchises.' At the same time they said to the judges: -'You will continue to administer justice, notwithstanding the -excommunication.' This, be it remarked, occurred at Geneva in the -beginning of the sixteenth century. - -[Sidenote: THE BISHOP AND THE SYNDICS.] - -When informed of these bold orders, the bishop-prince roused himself.... -One might have fancied that the spirit of Hildebrand and Boniface had -suddenly animated the weak La Baume. 'What! under the pretence of -maintaining your liberties,' he wrote to the Genevans, 'you wish to -usurp our sovereignty!... Beware what you do, for if you persevere, we -will with God's help inflict such a punishment that it shall serve for -an example to others.... The morsel you desire to swallow is harder to -digest than you appear to believe.... We command you to resign the -administration of justice; to receive the vidame whom the duke shall be -pleased to send you; to permit him to exercise his power, as was done in -the time of the most illustrious princes his grace's predecessors; and -finally to remit to his highness and us the whole case of the fugitives. -If within a fortnight you do not desist from all opposition to our -authority, we will declare you our enemies, and will employ all our -resources and those of our relations and friends to punish you for the -outrage you are committing against us, and we will strive to ruin you -totally, whatever may be the place to which you flee.' - -Great was the commotion in the city at hearing such words addressed by -the pastor of Geneva to his flock; for if the bishop made use of such -threats, it was with the intention of establishing the authority of a -foreign prince among them. The true huguenots, who wanted neither duke -nor bishop, were silent under these circumstances, and allowed the -episcopal party, of which Hugues was the chief, to act. Two ambassadors -from the bishop having been introduced before the general council on the -14th of June, 1528, the premier syndic said to them: 'If the bishop -desires to appoint a vidame to administer justice among us, we will -accept him; but the dukes of Savoy have never had other than an unlawful -authority in Geneva. We have no prince but the bishop. Has he forgotten -the great misfortunes that have befallen the city in consequence of -these Savoyard vidames?... Citizens perpetually threatened, many of them -imprisoned and tortured, their heads cut off, their bodies quartered.... -But God has helped us, and we will no longer live in such misery.... -No!' continued the speaker with some emotion, 'we will not renounce the -independence which our charters secure to us.... Rather than lose it, we -will sacrifice our lives and goods, our wives, and our children.... We -will give up everything, to our last breath, to the last drop of our -blood.'... Such words, uttered with warmth, always excite the masses; -and, accordingly, as soon as the people heard them, they cried as with -one voice: 'Yes! yes! that is the answer we will make.' - -This declaration was immediately sent into Switzerland; and, strange to -say, such patriotic enthusiasm was received with ridicule by some -persons in that noble country. Geneva was so small and so weak, that her -determination to resist a prince so powerful as the duke seemed mere -folly: the Swiss had forgotten that their ancestors, although few in -number, had vanquished Austria and Burgundy. 'These Genevans _are all -mad_,' said they. When they heard of this insult, the council of Geneva -was content to enter in its registers the following simple and spirited -declaration: 'Considering our ambassadors' report of what the Swiss say -of us, it is ordered that they be written to and told that we _are all -in our right minds_.'[782] - -On hearing of these proceedings, La Baume, who was at the Tour de May in -Burgundy, flew into a violent passion. He paced up and down his room, -abused his attendants, and uttered a thousand threats against Geneva. He -included all the Genevans in the same proscription, and had no more -regard for conservatives like Besançon Hugues than for reformers like -Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve. He was angry with the citizens who -disturbed him with their bold speeches in the midst of his peaceful -retreat. 'In his opinion the chief virtue of a prelate was to keep a -plentiful and dainty table, with good wines; and,' says a person who -often dined with him, 'he had sometimes more than he could carry.[783] -He was, moreover, liberal to women of doubtful character, very stately, -and fond of great parade.' - -[Sidenote: THE BISHOP AND THE MESSENGER.] - -One day, as he was leaving the table where he had taken too much wine, -he was told that a messenger from Geneva, bearing a letter from the -council, desired to speak with him. 'Messieurs de Genève, remembering,' -says Balard, 'that _dulce verbum frangit iram_,[784] wrote to him in -friendly terms.' The messenger, Martin de Combes, having been admitted -to the bishop, bowed low, and, courteously approaching, handed him the -letters of which he was the bearer. But the mere sight of a Genevan made -the bishop's blood boil, and, losing all self-control, he said 'in great -fury:' 'Where do you come from?'—'From Geneva.'—'It is a lie,' said the -bishop; and then, forgetting that he was contradicting himself, he -added: 'You have changed the colour of your clothes at Geneva;' wishing -apparently to accuse the Genevans of making a revolution or a -reformation. 'Come hither,' he continued; 'tell the folks in Geneva that -they are all traitors—all of them, men, women, and children, little and -big; that I will have justice done shortly, and that it will be -something to talk about. Tell them never to write to me again.... -Whenever I meet any persons from that city, I will have them put to -death.... And as for you, get out of my sight instantly!' The poor -messenger, who trembled like a leaf, did not wait to be told twice. - -La Baume, who had forgotten Plutarch's treatise, _De cohibenda ira_, -could not recover from his emotion, and kept walking up and down the -room with agitated step. Suddenly, remembering certain cutting -expressions, uttered in Switzerland by Ami Girard, a distinguished, -well-read, and determined huguenot, who was generally envoy from Geneva -to Berne and Friburg, he said to his servants: 'Bring that man back.' -Poor De Combes was brought back like a criminal whose rope has once -broken, and who is about to be hanged again. 'Mind you tell those folks -at Geneva all that I have ordered you,' exclaimed the bishop. 'There is -one of them (I know him well—it is Ami Girard) who said that I wish to -bridle Geneva in order that Monsieur of Savoy may ride her.... I will be -revenged on him ... or I will die for it.... Out of my sight instantly. -Be off to your huguenots.' - -[Sidenote: CALM OF THE GENEVESE.] - -De Combes retired without saying a word, and reported in Geneva the -prelate's violent message. He had committed nothing to writing; but the -whole scene remained graven in his memory. 'What!' exclaimed the -huguenots, 'he said all that?' and then they made him tell his story -over again. The murmurs now grew louder: the Genevans said that 'while -in the first centuries the ministers of the Church had conciliated -general esteem by their doctrine and character, modern priests looked -for strength in alliances with the princes of this world; formerly the -vocation of a bishop was martyrdom, but now it is eating and drinking, -pomp, white horses, and ... bursts of anger.' All this was a deadly blow -to the consideration due to the clergy. The council was, however, wiser -than the prelate; they ordered that no answer should be returned him. -This decision was indeed conformable to custom, as the report had been -made to the syndics _viva voce_, and not by official letter. La Baume, -at the time he gave audience to the envoy from Geneva, was too confused -to hold a pen or to dictate anything rational to his secretary; but the -magistrates of Geneva, on the other hand, were always men of rule and -law.[785] - -While the bishop was putting himself into a passion like a soldier, the -Duke of Savoy was convoking a synod like a bishop. It was not enough for -the evangelical doctrine to _infect_ Geneva—it was invading his states. -It already numbered partisans in Savoy, and even the Alps had not proved -a sufficient barrier against the new invasion. Some seeds of the Gospel, -coming from Switzerland, had crossed the St. Bernard, in despite of the -opposition of the most zealous prelate in Piedmont—we may even say in -all Italy. This was Pierre Gazzini, Bishop of Aosta, who was afterwards -to contend, in his own episcopal city, with the disciples of Calvin, and -with Calvin himself. Gifted with a lofty intelligence, great energy of -character, and ardent catholicism, Gazzini was determined to wage war to -the death against the heretics, and it was in accordance with his advice -that a synod had been convoked. When the assembly met on the 12th of -July, 1528, Gazzini drew a deplorable picture of the position. 'My -lords,' he said, 'the news is distressing from every quarter. Switzers -and Genevans are circulating _the accursed book_. Twelve gentlemen of -Savoy adhere scrupulously to the doctrines of Luther. All our parishes -between Geneva and Chambéry are infected by forbidden books. The people -will no longer pay for masses or keep the fasts; men go about everywhere -saying that the property of the abbots and prelates ought to be sold to -feed the poor and miserable!' Gazzini did not confine himself to -pointing out the disease; he sought for the cause. 'Geneva,' he said, -'is the focus,' and he called for the most violent measures in order to -destroy it.[786] The duke determined to employ every means to extinguish -the fire, 'which (they said) was continually tossing its burning flakes -from Geneva into Savoy.' - -[Sidenote: SYNOD CONVOKED BY THE DUKE.] - -Charles III. had been ruminating for some time over a new idea. Seeing -the difficulties that the annexation of Geneva to Savoy would meet with -on the part of the Swiss, he had conceived another combination; that is, -to make his second son, a child four years old, count or prince of -Geneva. Circumstances were favourable to this scheme. Pierre de la Baume -was designated successor to the Archbishop of Besançon; he, doubtless, -would not want much pressing to give up his bishopric when he was -offered an archbishopric. The duke therefore sent commissioners to the -emperor and the pope to arrange the matter with them. Hugues, ever ready -to sacrifice himself to save his country, started immediately, with -three other citizens, for Berne and Friburg; but he found the -confederates much cooled with regard to Geneva. 'You are very proud,' -said the avoyer of Berne to the envoys in full council, and, adds -Hugues, 'they gave us a good scolding.'[787] The duke had set every -engine to work, and, covetous as he was, had distributed profusely his -crowns of the sun. 'Ha!' said the Genevan, 'Monsieur of Savoy never -before sent so much money here at one time,' and then sarcastically -added, with reference to the lords of Berne: 'The _sun_ has blinded -them.'[788] - -The Genevans found themselves alone; the monarchical powers of -Christendom—Piedmont, France, and the Empire—were rising against their -dawning liberty; even the Swiss were forsaking them; but not one of them -hesitated. Ami Girard and Robert Vandel, at that time ambassadors to -Switzerland, quivered with indignation, and, filled with an energy that -reminds us of old Rome, they wrote to their fellow-citizens: 'Sooner -than do what they ask you, set fire to the city, and _begin with our -houses_.'[789] - -The duke now prepared to support his pretensions by more energetic -means. His agents traversed the districts round Geneva; they went from -door to door, from house to house, and said to the peasants: 'Do not -venture to carry provisions to Geneva.' Others went from castle to -castle, and told the lords: 'Let every gentleman equip his followers -with uniform and arms, and be ready at the sound of the alarm-bell.' - -[Sidenote: DUCAL INTRIGUES IN THE CONVENTS.] - -But the duke did not confine his intrigues to the outside of the city; -he employed every means inside. Gentlemen of Savoy made visits, gave -dinners, and tampered with certain private persons, promising them a -great sum of money 'if they would do _their duty_.' The monks, feeling -assured that their knell would ring erelong, redoubled their efforts to -secure the triumph of Savoy in Geneva. Three of them, Chappuis, superior -of the Dominicans, a man deep in the confidence of his highness, who had -lodged in his monastery, with Gringalet and Levrat, simple monks, held -frequent conferences in the convent of Plainpalais, in the prior's -chamber, round a table on which lay some little silver keys; by their -side were lists containing the names of the principal Genevese -ecclesiastics and laymen from whom Chappuis believed he might hope for -support. The three monks took up the keys, looked at them complacently, -and then placed them against certain names. The duke, knowing that -intrigue and vanity are the original sins of monks, had sent the prior -these keys (the arms of Faucigny, a province hostile to Geneva): -'Procure for us friends in the convents and the city,' he had told them; -'and for that purpose distribute these keys with discretion. Whoever -wears them will belong to us.' It was a mysterious decoration, by means -of which the duke hoped to gain partisans for the annexation. Chappuis -and Levrat began to tamper with the laity of the city, while Gringalet -undertook to gain the monks. In spite of all the skill they employed, -their manœuvres were not always crowned with success. One day Gringalet -went up to two monks, Bernard and Nicholas, and showed them the -talisman; but they looked coldly on such _toys_, manifesting no desire -to possess them. The ducal monk, perceiving that the keys had no virtue, -said to his colleagues: 'If we do not succeed in our scheme; if Savoy -and the papacy do not triumph in Geneva, we will abandon the ungrateful -city; we will transfer the property of our convent to some other place, -and leave nothing but the bare walls behind!' Bernard and Nicholas, who -inclined to the side of light, were alarmed, and, judging it to be a -matter of high importance, denounced the plot to the council: 'This, -then, is the use of monks,' said the syndics. 'They are traitors, ready -to deliver the city to the foreigner. We will put all to rights.' They -ordered the two monks to say nothing, and when night came the council -proceeded to the Dominican monastery. The beadles knocked at the gate; -the porter opened it, and looked with astonishment at the noble company. -The syndics ordered all the convent to assemble. The monks were greatly -alarmed: Chappuis, Gringalet, and Levrat trembled, having no doubt that -they had been betrayed. They made haste to hide the little keys, and -then proceeded anxiously to the common hall, where the brethren had -already assembled: 'We have heard of your intrigues,' said the premier -syndic; 'we know why you are distributing in Geneva the keys of those -Turks (_Turcanorum_), the Faucignerans.... You had better say your -prayers and not meddle with politics. You pretend to renounce the world, -reverend brethren, and then do nothing else but intrigue for the things -of this world. You intend, we hear, to carry away your property, your -relics, and your jewels; gently ... we will spare you that trouble; we -will take care of them in the grotto of St. Pierre, and put your persons -in a place of safety.'... The council ordered an inventory of the goods -of the convent to be drawn up, and generously left the monks three -chalices for the celebration of mass. They banished Chappuis, Gringalet, -and Levrat, and placed the other brethren under the surveillance of two -deputies of the council. The monks had their wings clipped, and the -Reformation was beginning.[790] - -[Footnote 782: Registres du Conseil des 23 et 30 avril; 24 mai; 2, 9, 14 -juin; 7 août. _Journal de Balard_, pp. 160-170. La Baume's letters, -_Archéologie_, ii. p. 15. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 493. Gautier MS. -Bonivard, _Ancienne et nouvelle Police de Genève_, p. 384.] - -[Footnote 783: 'Il s'en donnait jusqu'à _passer trente et un_.' This -proverbial expression refers, possibly, to the months whose days never -exceed thirty-one.] - -[Footnote 784: 'A soft answer turneth away wrath.'] - -[Footnote 785: Registres du Conseil du 25 août. _Journal de Balard_, p. -178. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 495.] - -[Footnote 786: Gazzini, _Mémoire au Saint Père_. Archives of Turin, -Roman Correspondence. Gaberel, _Hist. de l'Eglise de Genève_, i. p. 95.] - -[Footnote 787: 'Ils nous lavèrent bien la tête.'] - -[Footnote 788: Letter of B. Hugues. Galiffe, _Matériaux_, ii. pp. 525, -526.] - -[Footnote 789: Letters of Vandel and Girard. Galiffe, _Matériaux_, ii. -p. 533.] - -[Footnote 790: Registres du Conseil des 10, 11 et 20 octobre 1528. -_Journal de Balard_, p. 183.] - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - DEATH OF PONTVERRE. - (OCTOBER 1528 TO JANUARY 1529.) - - -[Sidenote: PONTVERRE MOWS FOR BONIVARD.] - -Chappuis, Gringalet, and Levrat filled the places through which they -passed with their complaints, and all the bigots looked upon them as -martyrs. The knights of the Spoon, being informed of the fate with which -monastic institutions were threatened in Geneva, resolved to avenge -religion and do all the injury they could to the audacious burgesses. -Pontverre had already opened the campaign by a little scene of pillage, -which is of no importance except to show the manners of the age. Wishing -to spoil and plunder the Genevans _under their noses_, he had ordered -his tenants to sharpen their scythes. One day in the beginning of June, -the peasants shouldered their scythes; Pontverre put himself at their -head, his men-at-arms surrounded them, and all marched towards the -meadows of the Genevans on the left bank of the Arve, about a quarter of -an hour's walk from the city. The mowers arrived, whetted their -instruments, and then proceeded to cut down the new grass. At last they -came to a meadow which belonged to Bonivard: to rob the prior was a -_dainty thing_ for Pontverre. Meanwhile the Genevans, having heard of -what was going on, had hurried to the spot, and discovered by the side -of the mowers a body of men whose arms flashed in the rays of the sun. -Bonivard easily recognised the seigneur of Ternier. The huguenots could -hardly contain themselves. The chief of the knights of the Spoon, having -charged his people not to leave a blade of grass standing, approached -the bridge of Arve which separates the two countries, and, calling out -to the Genevans assembled on the right bank, began to insult and defy -them. 'Come, come, cheer up!' he said; 'why don't you cross the bridge -and fetch the hay we have cut for you?' The citizens loaded their arms, -and the two bands began to fire at each other with their arquebuses. -'Let us take him at his word,' said some of the huguenots; 'let us go -over the bridge and drive away the robbers.' Already several young men -were preparing to cross the river; but Bonivard did not think a few -loads of hay worth the risk of a battle that might not end well for -Geneva. 'I dissuaded them,' says he, 'and led them back to the -city.'[791] - -The Genevans, seeing the danger with which they were threatened by the -knights, energetically prepared for resistance, and solicited aid from -Berne and Friburg. Two _enseignes_, that is, eight hundred men, -principally from Gessenay, arrived in Geneva and were quartered among -the inhabitants, but especially on the churchmen and in the convents. -The duke, who attached great importance to the Swiss alliance, and -feared to come into collision with their men-at-arms, now permitted -provisions to be carried to the market of Geneva, and, the semblance of -peace having been restored, the allied troops quitted the city on the -30th of October, 1528. - -[Sidenote: THE MEETING AT NYON.] - -Pontverre's humour was not so pacific. One of the last representatives -of feudal society, he saw that its elements were on the verge of -dissolution, and its institutions about to disappear. Power, which had -long ago passed from the towns to the country, was now returning from -the country to the towns; Geneva, in particular, seemed as if it would -nullify all the seigneurs in its neighbourhood. And, further still, the -Church which puts forward creeds in an absolute manner, so that no -person has the right to examine them, was attacked by the religious -revolution beginning in Geneva. Pontverre desired to preserve the -ancient order of things, and, with that object, to take and (if -necessary) destroy that troublesome city. He therefore, as prior of the -order, convened a general assembly of the knights of the Spoon at Nyon, -in order to arrange, in concert with the duke, the requisite measures -for capturing the city. The bailiwick of Ternier, the lordship of -Pontverre, was situated about a league from Geneva, between the verdant -flanks of the Salève and the smiling shores of the Rhone. It would have -been easy, therefore, for that chief to cross the river between Berney -and Peney, and thus get on the right bank of the lake; but he thought it -more daring and heroic to traverse Geneva. They represented to him, but -to no purpose, the danger to which he would expose himself, for if he -was always quick to provoke the Genevans, they were equally quick to -reply. Pontverre would listen to nothing. There was a treaty by which -Savoyard gentlemen had the right of free passage through the city; and, -armed with a sword, he feared nobody. It was in the month of December, -when, presenting himself at daybreak at the Corraterie gate, Pontverre -passed in; he rode quietly through the city, looking to the right and to -the left at the shops which were still closed, and did not meet a single -huguenot. On arriving at the Swiss gate, by which he had to leave the -city, he found it shut. He summoned the gate-keeper, who, as it appears, -was not yet up. The horse pawed the ground, the rider shouted, and the -porter loitered: he ran out at last and lowered the chain. The impatient -Pontverre paid him by a slap in the face, and said: 'Rascal, is this the -way you make gentlemen wait?' He then added with violent oaths: 'You -will not be wanted much longer. It will not be long before we pull down -your gates and trample them under foot, as we have done before.' He then -set spurs to his horse and galloped away. The porter, exasperated by the -blow he had received, made his report, and the Genevans, who were -irritable folk, became very angry about it. 'It is not enough,' they -said, 'for these Savoyards to do us all sorts of injury outside the -walls, but they must come and brave us within. Wait a little! We will -pay them off, and chastise this insolent fellow.' The council, while -striving to restrain the people, ordered sentinels to be stationed -everywhere.[792] - -[Sidenote: CONFERENCE AT NYON.] - -The gentry of the district who had taken part in the meeting at -Bursinel, had immediately begun to canvass their neighbours, and a great -number of persons, incensed against Geneva, had taken the Spoon, as in -the time of the crusades men took the Cross. The second meeting, -therefore, promised to be more numerously attended than the first. From -all quarters, from Gex and Vaud and Savoy, the knights arrived at Nyon, -a central situation for these districts, where they usually held their -councils of war. Climbing the hill, they entered the castle, from whose -windows the lake, its shores, and the snowy Alps of Savoy were visible -in all their magnificence. Having taken their places in the great hall, -they began their deliberations. These unpolished gentlemen, descended -from the chevaliers of the middle ages, who thought it enough to build a -tower upon a rock and to pass their lives in crushing the weak and -plundering the innocent, still preserved something of the nature of -their ancestors. Pontverre, who was their president, had no difficulty -in carrying them with him. Feudalism and even catholicism exercised -great influence over him, and gave to his words an energy and deep -conviction which it was hard to resist. He pointed out to these lords -that the authority of the prince and of the pope, religious and -monarchical order, the throne and the altar, were equally threatened by -an insolent bourgeoisie. He showed them how monstrous it was that -lawyers, that men of low birth and no merit, and that even shopkeepers -should presume to take the place of the bishop and the duke. 'We must -make haste,' he said, 'to disperse and crush the seeds of rebellion, or -you will see them spreading far and wide.' The knights of the castle of -Nyon were unanimous. The right of resistance had been the characteristic -of the feudal system; and never had the exercise of that right been more -necessary. One lord exercised it in the middle ages against another -lord, his neighbour. But what were these isolated adversaries compared -with that universal and invisible enemy which threatened the old society -in all its parts, and which, to be surer of triumph, was inaugurating a -new religion? In the valley of the Leman, Geneva was the stronghold of -this new and terrible adversary. 'Down with Geneva! Rome and Savoy for -ever!' was the cry that rose from every heart. It was agreed that all -the gentlemen and their followers should meet at a certain time and -place, armed with sword and lance, in order to seize upon the city and -put an end to its liberties. - -Pontverre, delighted at seeing the success of his appeal, sat silent, -and appeared for a time lost in deep meditation. He had a subtle mind, -he did not fear to resort to stratagem, and hoped that an assault would -not be necessary. With the greatest secresy he had gained friends who -occupied a house in the Corraterie, the back door of which opened to the -outside of the city. It would seem that this house belonged to the -hospital of the Pont du Rhone, situated between that bridge and the -Mint, and placed under the patronage of the canons of the -cathedral.[793] The council rose. Pontverre was particularly intimate -with the Sire de Beaufort, governor of Chillon, one of the most valiant -knights of the assembly. Taking him aside, and enjoining secresy, he -said: 'We have a gate in Geneva at our orders. No one knows of it; but -do not fear. I will undertake that you shall all enter.'—'Pontverre did -indeed enter,' said Bonivard, some time after, when he heard of this -remark; 'he went in, but he did not come out.'[794] - -[Sidenote: PONTVERRE'S INSOLENCE.] - -The knights mounted their horses, and each one rode off to his castle to -prepare for the great enterprise. Pontverre did the same; but, always -daring, and taking a delight in braving the people of Geneva, he -resolved to pass through the city again. His friends reminded him that -the citizens were now on their guard; that he had offended them some -days before; that if he attempted such an imprudent act, he was a dead -man; and that his life was necessary to their enterprise. It was all to -no purpose. 'His hour was come,' says the chronicler of St. Victor, 'and -it pleased God so.'—'Fear not,' answered the daring soldier to his -brothers in arms; 'I will pass through by night, and wrap my face up in -my cloak, so that no one can recognise me. Besides, if they attack me, I -have my sword.' One of his friends, the Sire de Simon, resolved to -accompany him, and some armed attendants followed them. The knights who -remained behind, watched him as he galloped off towards Geneva, and -wondered anxiously what would happen. - -Pontverre, checking the speed of his horse, reflected on the work he was -about to undertake. He thought it worthy of the name he bore, and of the -memory of his ancestors. By lending his sword to the Duke of Savoy and -to the pope, he would make absolutism in the Church and in the State -triumphant in Geneva; at one blow he would crush in that restless city -both independence and the Reformation. He reached Geneva between four -and five o'clock in the afternoon of Saturday, the 2nd of January, 1529, -and night had set in. Pontverre hid his face in his cloak, presented -himself with his escort at the Pâquis gate, and passed through. He -entered the streets. The commander of an army which purposed capturing -and destroying Geneva, was traversing, like an ordinary traveller, the -city he was about to surround with his forces, besiege, and perhaps -burn.... Such impudent assurance has perhaps never been witnessed in -modern times. He was hardly inside the city, when, no longer able to -contain himself (for pride and anger prevailed over discretion), he put -aside all precaution, threw off his cloak, and, drawing his sword, -'uttered threats and insults out of his haughtiness and insolence.'[795] -He went even further than this: the streets of Geneva, and the presence -of the detested huguenots whom he saw moving about, made his wrath boil -over; and striking one of the citizens on the head with his sword, he -exclaimed with a round oath: 'We must kill these traitors!' The -assaulted citizen turned round, and others ran up: this took place in -the Rue de Coutance, which has witnessed many other fights since then, -even in very recent times.[796] The huguenots surrounded the horseman, -and, recognising him, called out: 'It is Pontverre! it is Pontverre!' -The crowd increased and blocked up the bridge over the Rhone, which the -chief of the knights of the Spoon would have to cross. - -[Sidenote: FIGHT ON THE BRIDGE.] - -For several days past the citizens had been talking in Geneva about the -conference at Nyon; they said that these gentlemen of the Spoon were -planning some new attack, that they were going once more to plunder and -kill, and that this time they would probably try to carry fire and sword -into Geneva itself. The irritation was excessive among the people; some -of the citizens, meeting in the public places or in their own houses, -were talking about the gentlemen assembled at Nyon, and many jokes were -made upon them. 'These gentlemen!' said one huguenot. 'Call them rob-men -(_gens-pille-hommes_),' said a second; 'or kill-men (_gens-tue-hommes_),' -added a third; and despite the serious state of affairs, they all began -to laugh. On a sudden, here before them, in their very city, was the -leader of the enterprise, the man who never ceased harassing them: he -had drawn his sword and struck one of the citizens. The latter drew in -their turn, and just as the bold cavalier had crossed the suburb of St. -Gervais, and was coming upon the bridge, they surrounded him, and one of -them struck him in the face. The representative of feudalism was -fighting almost alone with the representatives of the bourgeoisie. The -old power and the new were struggling on the Rhone bridge. And while the -blue waters were flowing beneath, as they had ever done; while the old -waters were running on to be lost in the sea, and the new ones were -coming, loosened from the Alpine glaciers by the beams of the sun,—on -the bridge above there were other ancient things passing away, and other -new ones appearing in their place. Amid the flashing of swords and the -shock of arms, amid the indignant shouts of the citizens and the oaths -of the knight, a great transformation was going on; society was passing -over to the system of freedom and abandoning the system of feudalism. - -The Sire de Pontverre, seeing the number of his enemies increasing, -spurred his horse, dashed through the crowd, and reached the Corraterie -gate, by which he desired to leave the city, and which led to the Black -Friars' monastery. But the Genevans had got there before him.... The -gate, alas! was shut. In this extremity, Pontverre did not falter. Close -at hand was the house, dependent on the hospital, the back gate of which -led outside the city, and by which he designed introducing the Savoyards -by night. Thanks to his horse, he was a little in advance of his -pursuers; he lost not a moment, he turned back, and reached the house in -question. To get at the door it was necessary to go up several steps. -The Genevans were now rushing after him in a crowd, shouting: -'Pontverre! Pontverre!'... The latter faced his enemies, and, without -dismounting, backed his horse up the steps, at the same time using his -sword against his pursuers. At this moment the syndic Ami Girard -arrived; he found the Sire de Simon, and the other horsemen who had -accompanied their chief, beset on all sides. The syndic begged that they -might not be hurt; and as the horsemen surrendered their arms, they were -lodged in a place of safety. Pontverre dismounted on reaching the top of -the steps, and, hoping to escape by the door we have mentioned, rushed -into the house. His face was covered with blood, for, says an -eye-witness, 'he had a sword-cut on his nose;' his eyes were wild; he -heard the feet of the huguenots close behind him. Had he no time to -reach the door, or did he find it shut? We cannot tell. Seeing that he -could not escape, he appears to have lost his presence of mind. Had he -still been himself, he would no doubt have faced his enemies and sold -his life dearly, but, for the first time in his life, he became -frightened; he dashed into one of the apartments, threw himself on the -floor, and crept hastily under a bed: a child might have done the same. -What a hiding-place for the most valiant knight whom the Alps and the -Jura had seen perhaps for centuries! - -[Sidenote: THE DEATH-STRUGGLE.] - -At this moment, the Genevans who were pursuing him rushed into the house -and began to search it; they entered the room where the man lay hid who -had threatened to swallow Geneva as if it were a spoonful of rice. At -their head was Ami Bandière, one of the huguenots who had been compelled -to flee to Berne at the same time as Hugues and the leaders of the -party—the man, it will be remembered, whose father and children had -appeared before the council in 1526, when it was necessary to defend the -huguenots who had taken refuge in Switzerland. Bandière, an upright, -determined, and violent man, an enthusiast for liberty, noticed the bed; -he thought that the proud gentleman might possibly be hidden beneath it. -'They poked their swords underneath,' says Bonivard, 'and the wretched -man hidden there received a stab.'[797] This was too much: the Sire de -Pontverre was aroused: being an active and powerful man, he rushed out -of his hiding-place in a fury, and, springing to his feet, seized -Bandière with his vigorous arms, threw him on the bed, and stabbed him -in the thigh with a dagger. The shouts now grew louder. If he had -surrendered no harm would have been done him; but Bandière's friends, -excited by the blood of their brother, were eager to avenge him. They -rushed upon Pontverre. Alone in the middle of the room, this athletic -man received them boldly: he swung his sword round him, now striking -with the edge, and now with the point; but a citizen, inflamed by anger, -aimed a violent blow at him, and the captain-general of the knights of -the Spoon fell dead. At this moment the syndic Ami Girard entered, -exclaiming: 'Stop! stop!' but it was too late. - -Thus died François de Ternier, lord of Pontverre, whose ancestors had -always been enemies of Geneva, 'and who himself had been the worst,' -says one of his contemporaries. He fell a martyr to feudalism, say some; -a victim to his own insolence, say others. His sole idea had been to -ruin Geneva, to disperse its inhabitants, to throw down its walls; and -now he lay dead a few yards from the place where, in 1519, he was -present at the head of his troopers to take part in the murder of -Berthelier, and in the very place by which he had arranged to enter and -destroy the city by fire and sword.—'A memorable instance of divine -justice,' said some of the citizens; 'a striking deliverance for Geneva; -a terrible lesson for its enemies!' There is a great difference, it must -be observed, between the martyrs of liberty and right, and those of -feudalism and the papacy. Arbitrary power perfidiously seized the -greatest citizens, the Bertheliers and Lévriers, in the midst of an -inoffensive life, and put them to death by the vile hand of the common -headsman, after a sham trial, which was a disgraceful mockery of -justice; but it was only when provoked by the champions of feudalism, -and at the risk of their own lives, that the men of liberty struck their -adversaries. Pontverre died in a contest in which he had been the first -to draw the sword. - -[Sidenote: HONOURS TO THE DEAD.] - -As the Genevans wished to show every mark of respect to their dead -enemy, the council ordered that he should be buried with the usual rites -by the Franciscans in a chapel of the convent of Rive, which had been -founded by his family, and where some of his ancestors had been laid. -After this ceremony had taken place according to the forms of the Roman -ritual, an inquest was made into the cause of this tragical death, 'to -do justice therein, if there should be need.' All the cool-headed people -in Geneva were seriously grieved: 'Alas!' said they, 'what a pity that -he would not live in peace, for he was a virtuous cavalier, except that -he was so pugnacious! It would have been better to make him prisoner; it -would have been the means of obtaining a perpetual treaty!' The officers -of justice found letters on his person which had reference to the plot -hatched against Geneva, and in which the knights of the Spoon were -ordered to assemble 'with swords and spears' against the city. It was -made evident that he had been the chief of the bands which pillaged and -killed without mercy the citizens and inhabitants of the country, and -that he was to blame, having first wounded Bandière: the magistrates, -therefore, came to the conclusion that there were no grounds for -bringing any one to trial. The Sire de Simon and the other companions of -the famous captain were conducted uninjured to the frontier of -Savoy.[798] - -One would have thought that, as the head of the league against Geneva -had fallen, the league itself would have been weakened; but, on the -contrary, Pontverre's death added fuel to the rage of the brethren of -the Spoon. Disorder and violence increased around the city, and the very -next day, Sunday, the 3rd of January, the gentry, wishing to avenge -their chief, kept the field everywhere. 'We will kill all the Genevans -we can find,' said they.—'They fell upon the first they met, committing -violence and murder.' It seemed as if Pontverre's soul had revived, and -was impelling his former colleagues to offer sacrifices without number -to his shade. An early attack was expected; the alarm spread through -Geneva, and the council met. 'François de Ternier's death,' said one of -the members, 'has thrown oil upon the fire instead of extinguishing it. -Alone, we cannot resist the attack of Savoy and of the knights. Let us -make haste to inform Berne and Friburg.'—'It is impossible,' said -another councillor; 'all the gentlemen of Vaud are in arms; no one can -cross the province. Our envoys would be stopped at Versoy, Coppet, Nyon, -and Rolle; and whoever is taken will be put to death to avenge the fall -of the illustrious chief.' - -But a free people always finds citizens ready to sacrifice themselves. -Two men stood up: they were two of the bravest huguenots, Jean Lullin -and Robert Vandel. 'We will go,' they said. They embraced their -relatives, and got into a boat, hoping to reach some place on the lake -where they could land without danger. But they had hardly left the shore -when they were recognised and pursued by some of the enemies' boats, -well manned and armed. As soon as the two Genevans observed them, they -saw their danger, and, catching up the spare oars, assisted the boatmen -with their vigorous arms, and rowed off as fast as they could. They kept -gaining on the Savoyard boats; they passed unmolested within sight of -several harbours occupied by their enemies, and at last reached Ouchy, -dripping with perspiration. The people of Lausanne, who were well -disposed towards the Genevans, assisted them. They got to Friburg, 'by -subtle means,' probably in disguise, and told their old friends of the -increasing dangers to which the city was exposed, especially since the -death of Pontverre.[799] - -[Sidenote: THE SIRE DE VIRY.] - -The place of the latter was now filled by the Sire de Viry, whose -castle, like Pontverre's, was situated between Mont Salève and the lake -(between Chancy and Léluiset), and whose family had always supplied -Savoy with fanatical partisans. Viry was furious at the escape of Lullin -and Vandel; and, accordingly, on the next day, the servants of these two -Genevans, who had been ordered to take their masters' horses to -Lausanne, having passed through Coppet, were thrown into prison by his -orders. He did not stop at this. 'The gentlemen assaulted every Genevan -they met with their daggers and battle-axes, striking them on the loins, -the shoulders, and other parts, and many died thereof.'—'All the -territory of Monseigneur of Savoy is in arms,' said people at Geneva in -the beginning of March 1529, 'and no one can leave the city except at -great risk.' - -The ducal party, desirous of defying the Genevans in every way, resolved -to send them, not a written but a living message, which would show them -the fate that awaited them. On the 14th of March, the people who were -leaving the church of Our Lady of Grace, saw a strange figure coming -over the bridge of Arve. He had at his back a wooden plank reaching from -his feet to above his head, to which he was fastened; while his -outstretched arms were tied to a cross piece which was placed on a level -with his shoulders. The gentlemen had thought it a pretty jest to -crucify a Genevan, without doing him any great injury, and they left his -feet at liberty, so that he could return home thus singularly arrayed. -'What is that?' asked the people, stopping at the foot of the bridge. -They thought they recognised an inhabitant of the city. 'They have made -a cross of him front and back,' said the spectators. The man came over -the bridge, approached his fellow-citizens, and told them his story. 'I -had gone to the village of Troinex on business, when the enemy caught -me, trussed me up in this manner, and compelled me to return in this -condition to Geneva.' The people hardly knew whether to laugh or be -angry; however, they unbound their crucified fellow-citizen, and all -returned together to the city. - -This was only a little joke of the young ones among the knights; the -Sire de Viry and his colleagues had more serious thoughts. The attack -upon Geneva, resolved upon at the castle of Nyon, was to be put into -execution. The lords issued with their armed retainers from all the -castles in the great valley, and on the 24th of March some peasants from -the banks of the Arve came and told the syndics that there was a great -concourse of gentlemen and soldiers at Gaillard; that these armed men -intended on the following night to secretly scale the walls of the city, -and that there was a strong guard upon all the roads to detain everybody -who ventured out of Geneva. At that time the whole garrison consisted -but of fifty soldiers, 'keeping watch and ward by turns,' as Bonivard -informs us. How was it possible to resist with such a few men? Yet two -powers kept the walls: the energy of the citizens and the providence of -God. - -[Sidenote: THE DAY OF THE LADDERS.] - -At midnight on Holy Thursday (25th of March), the knights of the Spoon, -with about four thousand Savoyard troops and the fugitive mamelukes, -moved forward as secretly as possible to take Geneva by surprise. The -citizens, accustomed to false alarms, had not paid much attention to the -warning they had received. At the head of the band that was to lead the -assault were a certain number of men carrying long ladders which had -been made at Chillon. The men-at-arms who followed them wore white -shirts over their armour in order to be recognised in the darkness; they -had even sent to their friends in Geneva certain tokens which the latter -were to fasten to the ends of their spears in order that the assailants -might know them in the confusion. The city clocks had struck two when a -few Savoyards arrived at the foot of the wall: not a sound was heard, -the night was dark, and everything promised complete success. Meanwhile -the main body had halted a quarter of a league from the city, and -hesitated to make the attack. Pontverre was no longer among them, and -Viry had not inherited his influence. 'At the moment of execution, a -spirit of fear fell upon the Savoyards,' says a chronicler; 'God took -away their courage, so that they were not able to come near.'—'We are -not strong enough to carry out our enterprise,' said one.—'If we fail,' -said another, 'Messieurs of the Swiss League will not fail us.' They -consequently withdrew, and, in order to conceal their disgrace, said -that the duke or the bishop had forbidden them to advance. Might not the -duke, influenced by the cantons, have really given them the order to -retreat at the last moment? That alone appears to explain this -retrograde movement. However, the Genevans ascribed their deliverance to -a higher cause; they entered on the registers of the council the -following simple words which we copy: 'The gentlemen (_gentils_) had -undertaken to attack the city, _which God has preserved hitherto_.' The -25th of March was called _the day of the ladders_.[800] - -[Footnote 791: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 507. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 792: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 517.] - -[Footnote 793: _Mém. d'Archéologie_, iii. p. 201.] - -[Footnote 794: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 522.] - -[Footnote 795: _Journal de Balard._ _Mém. d'Archéologie_, x. p. 189.] - -[Footnote 796: July and December 1862, between radicals and liberals.] - -[Footnote 797: 'A belles épées nues on fourgonna dessous, et le -malheureux qui y était caché reçut un coup d'estoc.'] - -[Footnote 798: Registres du Conseil _ad annum_. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. -pp. 520-525. Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, i. p. 425. Savyon MS. Balard, -_Mém. d'Archéologie_, x. p. 189. _Le Levain du Calvinisme ou -Commencement de l'Hérésie de Genève_, par Révérende Sœur Jeanne de -Jussie, publié en 1853, par M. G. Revilliod, p. 11.] - -[Footnote 799: Registres du Conseil des 2, 3 et 6 janvier 1529. _Journal -de Balard_, p. 189. Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, ii. pp. 422-426. Gautier -MS.] - -[Footnote 800: Registres du Conseil du 25 mars 1529. _Journal de -Balard_, pp. 216, 219, 221, 222. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 533. La -Sœur de Jussie, p. 6.] - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - THE REFORMATION BEGINS TO FERMENT IN GENEVA, AND THE - OPPOSITION WITHOUT. - (APRIL 1529 TO JANUARY 1530.) - - -[Sidenote: SUPERSTITIONS IN GENEVA.] - -While the men of the old times were taking fright and retreating, the -men of the new times were taking courage and advancing. They sat down at -the firesides of the burgesses of Geneva, and, leading the way to -religious conversation, gradually scattered new ideas in the city and -new seed in men's hearts. Of these _Lutherans_, as they were called, -some were Genevans, others Bernese; and the witty Bonivard occasionally -joined in this familiar talk. Some of them, truly pious men, told their -listeners that they ought to look for salvation to the cross alone, and -that, just as the sun transforms the earth and causes it to produce -fruit, so the light of the Gospel would transform their hearts and lead -them to perform new works. Others, who were sarcastic and simply -negative men, confined themselves to pointing out the abuses of Rome and -of its clergy. They said openly what hitherto they had dared to utter -only in secret. If they saw a cordelier passing, with ruddy face, long -beard, brown frock, and disgusting aspect, they pointed at him and said: -'These monks creep not only into the consciences of the citizens, but -into their houses, and defile the city by their scandals and -adultery.[801] Our grated windows and bolted doors can hardly keep out -their unbridled vices, and protect the chastity of our wives and -daughters.[802] God has given them up to the lusts of their hearts.' - -Such conversations as these were continually taking place among the -Genevans and the Bernese during the interval between the reformation of -Berne and that of Geneva. When a Genevan invited a Switzer to his house, -the former would volunteer, after dinner, to show his guest the -curiosities of the city. 'We will first go and have a look at the church -of St. Pierre,' said he. 'See what a fine cathedral it is; admire these -pillars, these arches, that vaulted roof; but there are other things -besides. Here is a shrine containing an invaluable treasure—the arm of -St. Anthony.... On holidays it is brought out for the adoration of the -people, who kiss the relic with holy reverence. But,' added the Genevan, -in a whisper to his companion, 'this arm some people affirm to be only -one of the members of a stag. Come with me to the high altar; you see -the box in which the brains of St. Peter are preserved!... To doubt this -is a frightful heresy, and not to adore them abominable impiety; but ... -between you and me ... these brains of the apostle are only -pumice-stone.'[803] - -[Sidenote: MONKISH TRICKS.] - -Sometimes Swiss and Genevans crossed the river and climbed the street -leading to the ancient church of St. Gervais. 'What are those old women -about, putting their ears to that hole?' asked one of them. A number of -priests and women had collected there. 'The bodies of St. Gervais, St. -Nazaire, St. Celsus, and St. Pantaleon are buried under this altar,' -said the priests to the women. 'These holy bodies desire to quit their -vault; come and listen at this hole, and you will hear them.' The simple -women approached, and heard a noise like that of men talking together. -'We can hear them,' they said.—'Alas!' continued the priests, 'in order -to raise the body of a saint, we require bishops, ceremonies, silver -utensils, and we have nothing!' As they wished to deliver these holy -personages, these good women immediately cast their offerings into the -church box ... and the priests gathered them up. 'Do you know,' said a -huguenot, 'incredulous people affirm that the noise which proceeds, as -the priests say, from the conversation of St. Pantaleon and his friends, -is caused by certain pipes, cleverly arranged, which, immediately the -hole is opened and the air flows in, give out the sounds that are -heard?'[804] - -'Have you ever seen souls out of purgatory? Nothing is easier at Geneva,' -said a huguenot after supper. 'It is quite dark; let us go to the cemetery, -and I will show them to you.... Here we are.... Do you see those little -flames creeping slowly here and there among the scattered bones?... They -are souls (the priests tell us) which, having left their place of -anguish, crawl slowly about the cemetery at night, and entreat their -relatives to pay the priests for masses and prayers to free them from -purgatorial fires.... Wait a little ... there is one coming near us ... -I will deliver it.' He stooped, and, picking it up, showed it to his -companions: 'Ha! ha! upon my word, these souls are curiously made ... -they are crabs, and the priests have fastened little wax tapers to their -backs.'[805] - -'That is one of the tricks of our clergy,' said a learned huguenot. -(Bonivard often took part in these conversations.) 'They are buffoons in -their repasts, fools in all difficult discussions, snails in work, -harpies in exaction, leopards in friendship, bulls in pride, minotaurs -in devouring, and foxes in cunning.'[806] - -The Genevans went further still. One day—it was Tuesday, the 4th of -January, 1530—when several huguenots had met together, and the relics -and impositions of the priests had formed the subject of conversation, -some of them, living in St. Gervais, indignant at the frauds of the -clergy, who metamorphosed the bodies of saints into mines of gold, -determined to protest against these abuses. They went out of the house -in a body, marched up and down the different streets, and, stopping at -certain places, assembled the people in the usual manner, when, -surrounded by a large crowd, they held (says the council register) 'an -auction of an unusual sort, by way of derision.' Perhaps they offered -the bodies to the highest bidder; but, in any case, they themselves were -sent to prison. - -This scene had greatly amused the inhabitants of the suburb. Old -superstitions were giving way in Geneva and falling to the ground amid -the applause of the people. The huguenots claimed the right of free -inquiry, and desired that the human understanding should have some -authority in the world. These experiments of liberty, which alarmed the -Church, delighted the citizens. The inhabitants of St. Gervais, animated -with generous sentiments, went in great numbers to the hôtel-de-ville. -'We desire that the prisoners be set at liberty,' said they to the -syndics, 'and we offer to be bail for them.' The magistrates still clung -to the old order of things.—'I ought to reprimand you severely for your -disorders,' said the premier syndic. 'We will have no tumult or sedition -here. Let the relatives of the prisoners come before the council -to-morrow, and we will hear them.' On the 9th of January, the -Two-Hundred resolved to pardon the prisoners, and to tell them that this -folly, if they ever committed another like it, should count double -against them.[807] - -[Sidenote: A NEGATIVE REFORM.] - -The beginning of the Reformation at Geneva had a negative character. Men -everywhere in the sixteenth century felt the need of thinking and -judging.... The Genevans, more than others, wished to reform the abuses -which successive usurpations had introduced into the State: how could -they fail to demand a reform of the abuses introduced into the Church? -Not only isolated grievances and local annoyances, but popery itself, -would be struck down by a reform. This course, natural as it seemed, was -not the best, however. The external, that is to say, government, rites, -and ceremonies, are not essentials in christianity; but the internal, -namely, faith in the teaching of the Word of God, change of heart, and a -new life—these are essential. When we wish to reform a vicious man, it -is not enough to take off his filthy clothes and wash the dirt from his -face: his will must be transformed. At Wittemberg the Reformation began -in the person of Luther with the internal; at Geneva it began in the -huguenots with the external. This would have been a great disadvantage, -if religion at Geneva had not become, under the influence of Calvin, as -internal as in Germany. The Genevese reform would have perished if it -had preserved the character it assumed at first. But the tendency we -have pointed out was a useful preparation for that change which realises -the grand announcement of Christ: '_The kingdom of God is within you_.' - -The bishop, who was still in Burgundy, desired neither internal nor -external reform. He was alarmed at what was taking place at Geneva, and, -finding himself unable alone to check the torrent which threatened to -sweep away both mitre and principality, he complained to the duke, the -emperor, and even the syndics. On the 8th of August, a messenger from -the prelate appeared before the council, and ordered them, in his name, -'to desist from what they had begun, and to send ambassadors to -Charles V., who would put everything to rights.' In October, the bishop, -annoyed that they paid no attention to his complaints, made fresh -demands, in a severe and threatening tone. He gave them to understand -that he would destroy Geneva rather than permit any abuses to be -reformed. His letters were read in the council, and their contents -communicated to the people. Threatened with the anger of the duke, the -pope, and the emperor, and reduced to the greatest weakness, what would -they do? 'Geneva,' they said, 'is in danger of being destroyed.... But -God watches over us.... Better have war and liberty than peace and -servitude. We do not put our trust in princes, and to God alone be the -honour and glory.'[808] With such confidence nations never perish. - -[Sidenote: THE GENEVANS TRUST IN GOD.] - -Geneva required it much. Her enemies said that violent revolutions were -at the gate; that they had begun in Saxony, where at least they had not -touched the political authority; while, on the contrary, in this city of -the Alps, civil revolution was advancing side by side with religious -revolution. The Swiss were beginning to be tired of a city so weak and -yet so obstinate, which had not strength to defend itself and too much -pride to submit. Excited and influenced by the Duke of Savoy, they -determined to propose a revocation of the alliance. This news spread -consternation through the city. 'Alas!' said the huguenots, 'if the -sheep give up the dogs, the wolves will soon scatter them;' and, without -waiting to receive notice of this fatal determination, the patriots -stretched out their hands towards that Switzerland from which the duke -wished to separate them, and exclaimed: 'We will die sooner!'... But, at -the same time, the few mamelukes who still remained in the city, -thinking that the end was at hand, made haste to join the ducal army. - -The end seemed to be really approaching. On the 1st of May, an imposing -embassy from the five cantons of Zurich, Basle, Soleure, Berne, and -Friburg, arrived at Geneva, and was soon followed by delegates from -Savoy. The Genevans saw with astonishment the Swiss and the Savoyards -walking together in the streets, lavishing marks of courtesy on each -other, and looking at the huguenots with a haughty air. What! the -descendants of William Tell shaking hands with their oppressors! The -thoughts of the citizens became confused: they asked each other if there -could be any fellowship between liberty and despotism.... They were -forced to drain the cup to the dregs. On the 22nd of May the embassy -appeared before the council. Their spokesman was Sebastian de Diesbach, -a haughty Bernese, eminent magistrate, distinguished diplomatist, and -celebrated soldier. He refused to call the Genevans his co-burghers, -bluntly demanded the revocation of the alliance, and proposed a peace -which would have sacrificed the independence of the citizens to the -duke. At the same time he gave them to know that the Swiss were not -singular in their opinion, and that the great powers of Europe were -making a general arrangement. In truth, Francis I., changing his policy, -supported the demands of his uncle the duke, and declared that, in case -of refusal, he would unite the armies of France with those of Savoy. -Charles V. was quite ready to repay himself for his inability to destroy -the protestants of Germany, by indulging in the pleasure of crushing -this haughty little city. Even the King of Hungary sent an ambassador to -Geneva in the Savoy interest. Would this little corner of the world -presume to remain free when Europe was resolved to crush it under its -iron heel?[809] - -While the powerful princes around Geneva were oscillating between two -opinions—so that at times it was hard to say whether Charles was for the -pope or against him, and whether Francis was for the protestants or against -them—the Genevans, those men of iron, had but one idea, liberty ... -liberty both in State and Church. The huguenots showed themselves -determined, and kept a bold front in the presence of the ambassadors. -'Take care, gentlemen,' said De Lussey, De Mezere, and others; 'we shall -first exercise strict justice against the city, and, if that is not -sufficient, strict war; while, if you restore to the duke his old -privileges, he will forgive everything, and guarantee your -liberties.'—'Yes,' added the Swiss, 'under a penalty of ten thousand -crowns if he does the contrary.' ... But, 'marvellous sight,' says a -contemporary, 'the more the ambassadors threatened and frightened, the -more the Genevans stood firm and constant, and exclaimed: "We will die -sooner!"' - -[Sidenote: SWISS PROPOSE TO BREAK THE ALLIANCE.] - -On the 23rd of May the Sire de Diesbach proposed the revocation of the -alliance to the Council of Two Hundred; and on the following day, the -council-general having been summoned, the premier syndic, without losing -time in endless explanations, plainly answered the deputies of the -cantons: 'Most honoured lords, as the alliance with the League was not -concluded hastily (_à la chaude_), we hope in God and in the oath you -made to us that it will never be broken. As for us, we are determined to -keep ours.' The magistrate then turned towards the people and said: 'I -propose that whosoever speaks of annulling the alliance with the Swiss -shall have his head cut off without mercy, and that whosoever gets -information of any intrigue going on against the alliance, and does not -reveal it, shall receive the strappado thrice.' The general council -carried this resolution unanimously. - -Diesbach and his colleagues were confounded, and looked at one another -with astonishment. 'Did not Monsieur of Savoy assure us,' they said, -'that, except some twenty-five or thirty citizens, all the people were -favourable to him?'—'And I too know,' said a stranger, whose name has -not been handed down to us, 'that if the alliance had been broken, the -duke would have entered Geneva and put thirty-two citizens to -death.'[810] 'Come with us,' said the most respected men in Geneva; and, -laying their charters before the ambassadors, they proved by these -documents that they were free to contract an alliance with the cantons. -The delegates from Berne, Friburg, Zurich, Basle, and Soleure ordered -their horses to be got ready. Some huguenots assembled in the street, -and shouted out, just as the Bernese lords were getting into their -saddles: 'We would sooner destroy the city, sooner sacrifice our wives, -our children, and ourselves, than consent to revoke the alliance.' When -Diesbach made a report of his mission at Berne, he found means to gloss -over his defeat a little: 'There were a thousand people at the general -council,' he said with some exaggeration; 'only _one_ person [he meant -the president] protested against the rupture of the alliance; upon which -_all the rest joined in with him_!'... Did he not know that it was quite -regular for a proposition to be made by _one_ person, and to be carried -by a whole nation?[811] - -[Sidenote: FIRMNESS OF THE GENEVANS.] - -A new spirit, unknown to their ancestors, now began to animate many of -the Genevans. Ab Hofen's mission had not been without effect. Besides a -goodly number of persons, who were called indeed 'by the name of -Luther,' but whose sole idea of reform was not to fast in Lent and not -to cross themselves during divine worship, there were others who desired -to receive the Word of God and to follow it. The Romish clergy -understood this well. 'If these Genevans cling so much to the Swiss,' -said the priests at their meetings, 'it is in order that they may -profess _heresy_ freely. If they succeed, we shall perhaps see Savoy, -Aosta, and other countries of Italy reforming themselves likewise.' - -The duke, being determined to extinguish these threatening flames, -resolved to claim the influence of the pope, with his treasures and even -his soldiers; for the _vicar_ of Him who forbade the sword to be drawn -possesses an army. Besides, Clement VII. was one of the cleverest -politicians of the age, and his advice might be useful. As Pietro -Gazzini, Bishop of Aosta, was then at Rome, the court of Turin -commissioned that zealous ultramontanist to inform the pope of what was -going on at Geneva. Gazzini begged an audience of Clement, and having -been introduced by the master of the ceremonies on the 11th of July, -1529, he approached the pope, who was seated on the throne, and, -kneeling down, kissed his feet. When he arose, he described all the acts -committed by the Lutherans at Geneva and in the _valleys of Savoy_. 'O -holy father,' said he, 'the dangers of the Church are imminent, and we -are filled with the liveliest fears. It is from Upper Burgundy and the -country of Neufchatel that this accursed sect has come to Geneva. And -now, alas! what mischief it has done there!... Already the bishop dares -not remain in his diocese; already Lent is abolished, and the heretics -eat meat every day; and, worse still, they read forbidden books (the New -Testament), and the Genevans set such store by them that they refuse to -give them up, even for money. These miserable heretics are doing extreme -mischief, and not at Geneva only; Aosta and Savoy would have been -perverted long since, had not his highness beheaded twelve gentlemen who -were propagating these dangerous doctrines. But this wholesome severity -is not enough to stop the evil. Although his highness has forbidden, -under pain of death, any one to speak of this sect and its abominable -dogmas, there is no lack of _wicked babblers_ who go about circulating -these accursed doctrines all over his territories. They say that his -highness is not their king; and, making a pretence of the great expenses -of the war, they vehemently call upon us to sell the little -ecclesiastical property we possess.... The duke, my lord and master, is -everywhere destroying this sect. _He is the barrier that closes Italy -against it_, and in this way he renders your holiness the most signal -service; but we need your help.' Gazzini closed his address with a -demand for a subsidy. - -[Sidenote: BISHOP OF AOSTA AND THE POPE.] - -Clement had listened with great attention; he understood the mischief -and the danger which the Bishop of Aosta had pointed out, and the -dignitaries and other priests around him seemed still more affected. -Thoroughly versed in philosophical and theological questions, endowed -with a perspicacity that penetrated to the very heart of the most -difficult matters, the pope saw how great the danger would be if -_heresy_ should find in the south, at Geneva, a centre that might become -far more _pernicious_ than even Wittemberg; he felt also the necessity -of having a prince, a zealous catholic, to guard the French and Italian -slopes of the Alps. This pontiff, perhaps the most unlucky of all the -popes, saw the Reformation spreading under his eyes over Europe without -having the power to stop it, and whatever he did to oppose it served but -to propagate it more widely still. Now, however, he met with a -sympathising heart. He wished to prevent Geneva from being reformed, and -to save a fortress from being delivered up to the enemy; while a -powerful prince offered to carry out the necessary measures. Clement -therefore received Gazzini's overtures very graciously; and yet he was -ill at ease. In the Piedmontese ambassador's speech there was a word, -one word only, that embarrassed him—the subsidy: in fact, he had not -recovered from the sack of Rome. Clement VII. replied: 'I look upon his -highness as my dearest son, and I thank him for his zeal; but as for -money, it is impossible for me to give him any, considering the -emptiness of the treasury.' Then, appealing to the wants of the Church -and the duty of princes, who ought to be ready to sacrifice for it their -wealth, their subjects, and their lives, the pope added: '_I pray the -duke to keep his eye particularly upon Geneva. That city is becoming far -too Lutheran, and it must be put down at any risk._'[812] Gazzini, -having been attended to the gates of the palace by the pontifical -officers, regretted his failure in the matter of the subsidy. His chief -object, however, had been attained: the papacy was warned; it would -watch Geneva as a general watches the enemy. - -[Sidenote: INTERFERENCE OF THE EMPEROR.] - -As the pope was won, it next became necessary to influence the emperor. -That was an easier task for the duke, as Charles V. was his -brother-in-law, and the empress and the Duchess of Savoy, who were -sisters, and strongly attached to Rome, could write to each other on the -subject. The protest drawn up at Spires by the evangelical princes, in -April 1529, had irritated that monarch exceedingly; and he therefore -prepared, in accordance with the oath he had sworn at Barcelona, to -apply 'a suitable antidote against the pestilent malady under which -christendom was suffering.' When Geneva was mentioned to him, his first -thought was that it was a long way off; yet, as it was an imperial city, -he determined to include it in the plan of his campaign, and resolved -immediately to take a preliminary step to restore it to the papacy. On -the 16th of July, 1529, the emperor dictated to his secretary the -following letter, addressed to the syndics of Geneva:— - -'FAITHFUL FRIENDS, - -'We have been informed that several preachers hold private and public -meetings in your city and in the frontier countries, that they propagate -the errors of Luther, and that you tolerate these proceedings. These -practices cause the Church most serious damage, and the pontifical -majesty, as well as the imperial dignity, is grievously insulted by your -conduct. Wherefore we order you to arrest the said preachers, and punish -them according to the tenor of the severest edicts. By this means you -will extirpate impiety from your country, and will do an act agreeable -to God and conformable to our express will. - -'CAROLUS, Imp.'[813] - -This letter, which savoured so strongly of the absolute monarch, excited -much astonishment in Geneva. The citizens did not deny that the emperor -might claim a certain authority over them, since theirs was an imperial -city. They have resisted the bishop-prince, they have resisted the duke: -will they also resist this powerful sovereign? His demand was clear, and -some of them said that to oppose so great a prince would be the height -of madness, in a little city of merchants. But the Genevans did not -hesitate, and, without any bravado, returned the emperor this simple -message: 'Sire, we intend to live, as in past times, according to God -and the law of Jesus Christ.' - -Upon this, Charles promised to assist the duke with an armed force. The -pope, too, changed his mind, in spite of his refusal to Gazzini, and -found _in the emptiness of his treasury_ a subsidy of four thousand -Spanish livres. The two mightiest personages in christendom united -against this little city their influence, their excommunications, their -cunning, their wealth, and their soldiers; and everything was got ready -for the meditated attack. - -[Footnote 801: 'Et in domos et toros grassabantur.'—_Geneva Restituda_, -p. 21.] - -[Footnote 802: 'Vix ac ne vix tot admissariorum prurentium ardores -arceri poterant.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 803: 'Pro cerebro Petri pumex repertus.'—Ibid. See also -Calvin's _Inventaire des Reliques_.] - -[Footnote 804: 'Reperti tubi, tanta arte inter se commissi, ut excitatum -ab adstantibus sonum statim exciperent.'—_Geneva Restituta_, p. 26. -Registres du Conseil du 8 décembre 1535. Froment, _Actes et Gestes -merveilleux de la Cité de Genève nouvellement convertie à l'Evangile_, -publiés par M. G. Revilliod, p. 49.] - -[Footnote 805: 'Sed his spectris, propius vestigatis, animæ crustosæ et -testaceæ deprehensæ ... ellychniis succensis dorsorum crustæ -alligatis.'—_Geneva Restituta_, p. 27. Froment, _Actes et Gestes de -Genève_, p. 150.] - -[Footnote 806: 'In exactionibus harpias, ad superbiendum tauros, ad -consumendum minotauros.'—_Geneva Restituta_, p. 28.] - -[Footnote 807: 'Leur serait comptée pour deux.'—Registres du Conseil des -4 et 9 janvier 1530.] - -[Footnote 808: 'Melius est bellum cum libertate quam pacifica servitus. -Nolite confidere in principibus; soli Deo honor et gloria!'—_Journal de -Balard_, pp. 226, 264, 267. Registres du Conseil des 17 avril, 8 août, -17 octobre, 14 novembre, &c.] - -[Footnote 809: Registres du Conseil de Genève du 23 mai 1529. _Journal -de Balard_, p. 229.] - -[Footnote 810: Registres du Conseil des 23 et 24 mai 1529. _Journal de -Balard_, pp. 331-336. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 811: Registres du Conseil des 23 et 24 mai 1529. _Journal de -Balard_, pp. 331-336. Gautier MS. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 535. -Galiffe fils, _Besançon Hugues_, p. 364.] - -[Footnote 812: Archives de Turin, Correspondance romaine; Dépêches du 12 -juillet 1529 et du 23 décembre 1530. Gaberel, _Pièces Justificatives_, -p. 31.] - -[Footnote 813: Archives de Turin, première catégorie, p. 11, nᵒ 63. -Gaberel, i. p. 101.] - - - - - CHAPTER X. - VARIOUS MOVEMENTS IN GENEVA, AND BONIVARD CARRIED - PRISONER TO CHILLON. - (MARCH TO MAY 1530.) - - -[Sidenote: THE FISCAL'S COMPLAINTS.] - -The courage of the defenders of catholicism in Geneva was revived by the -news they received from without; and the emperor, the pope, and the duke -declaring themselves ready to do their duty, the episcopal officers -prepared to do theirs also. But one circumstance might paralyse all -their efforts: 'God, of his goodness, began at this time,' says a -manuscript, 'to implant a knowledge of the truth, of his holy Gospel, -and of the Reformation in the hearts of some individuals in Geneva, by -the intercourse they had with the people of Berne.'[814] These huguenots -boldly professed the protestant ideas they had imbibed, and, though -possessing no very enlightened faith, felt a pleasure in attacking with -sarcasm and ridicule the priests and their followers. Curés and friars -waited every day upon the episcopal vicar, and complained bitterly of -these _Lutherans_, as they called them, who, in their own houses, or in -the public places, and even in the churches, as they walked up and down -the aisles, spoke aloud of the necessity of a reformation.[815] On the -22nd of March, the vicar, eager to do his duty in the absence of the -bishop, sent for the procurator-fiscal, and consulted with him on the -defence of the faith. The procurator appeared before the council. -'Heresy is boldly raising its head,' he said; 'the people eat meat in -Lent, according to the practice of the Lutheran sect. Instead of -devoutly listening to the mass, they promenade (_passagiare_) the church -during divine service.... If we do not put a stop to this evil, the city -will be ruined.... I command you, in behalf of my lord the bishop, to -punish these rebels severely.' The Berne manuscript adds, 'He made great -complaints, accompanied with reproaches and threats.' The Duke of Savoy -supported him by advising the council to take precautions against the -Lutheran errors that were making their way into the city. The -magistrates were fully inclined to check religious innovation: 'We must -compel everybody,' they said, 'to listen to the mass with respect.' The -huguenots pointed out the danger of attending in any degree to the -duke's wishes, for in that case he would fancy himself the sovereign of -Geneva. What was to be done? A man of some wit proposed a singular and -hitherto unheard-of penalty for suppressing heresy, which was adopted -and published in spite of the opposition of the most determined -huguenots: 'Ordered, that whoever eats meat in Lent, or walks about the -churches, shall be condemned to build _three toises of the wall_ of St. -Gervais.' The city was building this wall as a means of defence against -the duke.[816] - -[Sidenote: THE HUGUENOTS SENTENCED.] - -This decree raised a storm against the Roman clergy. There have been at -all times estimable men among the catholic priests, and even christians -who, with great self-sacrifice, have dedicated themselves to the -alleviation of human misery. The party spirit that represents a whole -class of men as hypocrites, fanatics, and debauchees, is opposed to -justice as well as to charity. It must be confessed, however, that there -were not at this time in Geneva many of those pious and zealous priests -who have been found in the Roman-catholic Church since it was awakened -by the Reformation. 'What!' exclaimed the members of council who -inclined towards protestantism, and saw their friends condemned, 'the -Church forbids us to eat food which God created for our use, and permits -priests to gratify an insatiable lewdness, against which God has -pronounced a severe condemnation!... Ha! ha! Messieurs du clergé, you -wish us to eat nothing but fish, and you live in habitual intercourse -with harlots.... Hypocrites! you strain at the gnat and swallow the -camel.' At the same time these citizens exposed the irregularities of -the priests and monks, pointed out their resorts for debauchery, and -described the scandals occasioned by their lusts. This description, -which every one knew to be true, made a deep impression. The good -catholics who were on the council saw the injury done to religion by the -immorality of the clergy; while certain practical men were inclined to -consider the great movement then going on in the Church as essentially a -reform of morals. 'The Lutheran sect increases and prospers,' said a -catholic councillor, 'because of the scandal of the priests, who live -openly with women of evil life.'[817] - -[Sidenote: PRIESTS SENTENCED.] - -The council sent for the vicar-general: 'We have a great complaint to -make,' they told him. 'No remedy has been applied to the depravity and -scandalous conduct of the ecclesiastics, who are the cause of all kinds -of irregularity. Exert your authority without waiting until the secular -power is compelled to interfere.' It would appear that, as the vicar -held out no great hopes of amendment, the council were of opinion that, -after condemning the laymen who walked about in the churches, they ought -also to condemn the priests who were caught in disorderly houses. One -councillor imagined it would be but fair to yoke, so to say, these two -different kinds of delinquents to the same car. A second resolution was -therefore adopted by the council, which, never losing sight of the -necessity of protecting the city against Savoy, ordered 'that the -priests should forthwith forsake their evil ways under penalty of -building three toises of the wall of St. Gervais, in company with the -others.'[818] Thus the forerunners of protestantism and the profligate -priests were ordered to labour together at the same task in the fosses -of St. Gervais. The latter were indignant at being placed in the same -rank with the former, and thought their dignity compromised by the -singular decree which forced them to supply the heretics with mortar. It -would appear, however, that the two orders were not very strictly -observed, that wicked ecclesiastics continued to gratify their -appetites, and that the wall advanced but slowly. 'The canons, priests, -and friars are incorrigible,' said the people; 'they are jovial fellows, -fond of drinking, and rear their bastard children openly. How can the -Church be scandalised at such a course of life, when even the popes set -the example?'[819] - -Although this decree of the council showed great impartiality and a -certain amount of good sense, we cannot put in the same rank the two -classes whom it affected. The huguenots, seeing that the Holy Scriptures -call that a _doctrine of devils_ which commands men '_to abstain from -meats which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving_,'[820] -did what the Word of God directs, while the evil priests indulged in the -most scandalous disorders. Negative protestantism, however, is not true -piety; and hence it was that the evangelical christians of Zurich and -Berne, taking advantage of the frequent journeys the Genevans made to -these two cities on public or private business, were constantly urging -them to receive the true essence of the Gospel. In the visits they made -to each other, in their friendly walks on the shore of the lake of -Zurich or on the hills which overlook the Aar, these pious reformers of -German Switzerland said to the huguenots: '_The kingdom of God is not -meat and drink; but righteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy -Ghost._[821] Jesus Christ, the eternal Son of God, but born as a man, -has become our Redeemer by his death and by his resurrection. He alone -satisfies completely the religious wants of mankind. Unite yourselves to -Him by faith, and you will experience in yourselves that the pure -religion of the Gospel is not only the first among all religions -professed by men, but, as coming from God, is perfect.' - -[Sidenote: PLAN FOR PREACHING AT ST. VICTOR.] - -The four Vandels, without entirely breaking with Rome, had been for more -than three years among the most decided of the so-called Lutheran party. -Hugues Vandel was sent into Switzerland as ambassador (this is the name -usually given to the envoys in the official documents of the period). At -Zurich, 'the Zwinglians gave him a hearty welcome;' the friends of -Haller did the same at Berne, where he happened to be in June 1530. All -of the evangelicals in these two cities were earnest in their wishes to -see a vital christianity displace the few negative reforms in Geneva. -'The majority in the city of Geneva would like to be evangelical,' -answered Vandel; 'but they want to be shown the way, and no one would -dare preach the Gospel in the churches for fear of Friburg.' What is to -be done? thought he. Day and night he tried to find the means of having -the Gospel preached to his fellow-citizens; at last a bright idea -suddenly occurred to him; he spoke about it to the Zwinglians at Zurich, -and to Berthold Haller at Berne; he wrote about it to Farel, to -Christopher Fabry, and also to his brother Robert at Geneva. His idea -was this: It will be remembered that St. Victor was a little independent -principality at the gates of the city. 'Suppose it were made over to my -lords of Berne,' said Vandel; 'they would like to have a bailiff there -and _a preacher who would be our great comfort_.' It is true that the -church of St. Victor was old, and would probably 'tumble down' erelong, -but Berne would be able to rebuild it. All the evangelicals of Geneva, -forsaking the mass in the city churches, and crossing St. Antoine, would -go in crowds to hear Christ preached in the church of Bonivard.... Thus -that Renaissance of which the prior was the representative, would be -truly for Geneva the gate of the Reformation. An event which had just -taken place may have suggested this idea to Vandel. It was a scheme -suggested by the pope, and carried out by the duke.[822] - -Bonivard, deprived of his benefice at the time of Berthelier's death, -had recovered his priory but not his revenue. Endowed, as he was, with -resolution and invention rather than perseverance, holding that the -detention of his property by the duke was an injustice, desiring to be -restored to full possession of his little principality, and not a little -ashamed of having to tell his servant that he had nothing in his purse -when the latter came and asked for money to purchase the necessaries of -life—Bonivard had girded on his sword, taken a musquetoon, mounted his -horse, and, thus equipped and accompanied by a few men-at-arms, had made -several raids into the duke's territory to levy his rents. But he had to -deal both with the duke and the pope. He had been replaced in his priory -by the bishop and the council, but without the consent of the courts of -Rome and Turin, which had illegally despoiled him of it. Consequently a -pontifical proctor, attended by an escort, made his appearance to -prevent the prior from recovering his property. Bonivard, who was -naturally impetuous, looked upon this man as a robber come to plunder -him; he therefore rushed forward, caught up his arms, and discharged his -musquetoon at the Roman official. The latter, who was terrified, rode -off as fast as he could; for Bonivard with his firelock had wounded the -horse.[823] Both pope and duke were loud in their complaints, and -Clement even issued a brief against him. In consequence of this, the -council of Geneva forbade Bonivard to indulge in these military freaks; -and as he had no means of living, the magistrates granted him four -crowns and a half a month, to pay his expenses and those of his servant, -until he was in a better position. 'Alas!' said the prior, 'four crowns -a month! ... it is so little, that I can hardly keep myself and my -page.' However, he remained patient, but he was not left in peace. - -The Roman proctor, taking up the matter again, claimed the priory, in -the name of Clement, on behalf of the priest who had been invested with -it after the death of the traitor Montheron. Bonivard, desiring to place -his benefice beyond the reach of fresh attacks, annexed it to the -hospital of Geneva, which was to receive the revenues for him as prior. -But the duke had other views. More than four hundred persons, carrying -arms, and assembling by night before the hôtel-de-ville, had demanded -justice on certain monks of St. Victor, who were accused of plotting to -betray the convent to the partisans of Savoy. Besançon Hugues and Thomas -Vandel, the procurator-fiscal, were the bearers of this request, and -Bonivard had the monks shut up in prison. When the duke was informed of -the annexation of the priory to the hospital of Geneva, his anger was -increased, for he had a great desire to possess St. Victor's, which -would give him a footing close to the gates of the city. His agents -therefore solicited the prior 'daily' to revoke this act, and promised -him 'seas and mountains' if he would consent; but Bonivard shook his -head, saying: 'I do not trust him!' Charles now determined to get rid of -a man who was an obstacle in his path in all his enterprises against -Geneva.[824] - -[Sidenote: BONIVARD'S FILIAL AFFECTION.] - -The prior, usually so cheerful, had been for some time dejected and -thoughtful. It was not only his priory, his poverty, and his enemies -that threw a shade over his countenance, formerly so animated: his -mother was seriously ill. To Bonivard filial piety was the most natural -of obligations, the first and sweetest form of gratitude. He thought: -'How correctly Plato writes that there are no Penates more sacred, there -is no worship more acceptable to the gods, than that of a father or -mother bending under the weight of years.' His Genevese friends, who -went daily to St. Victor's, observed his sadness, and asked him the -reason. 'Alas!' he said, 'I should like to see my aged mother once more -before she dies. I have not seen her these five years, and she is on the -brink of the grave.' To one of them who inquired where she was, he -replied: 'At Seyssel, in our ancestral house.' Seyssel was in the states -of Savoy, and Charles would not fail to have the prior seized if he -ventured to appear there. - -Bonivard fancied, however, he could see the means of gratifying his -dearest wishes. He determined to take advantage of the solicitations -addressed to him by Charles to ask for a safe-conduct. 'I will go and -see my mother and brother at Seyssel,' he said, 'and ask their advice. -We will consult together on this business.' The duke sent Bonivard the -required passport, stipulating, however, that it should be available for -the month of April only. Charles, delighted at seeing Bonivard quit the -neighbourhood of Geneva and venture into the middle of his territories, -determined that if this journey did not give him the priory, it should -at least give him the prior.... Bonivard's friends, whose judgment was -not influenced by filial affection, were justly alarmed when they heard -of his approaching departure, and tried to detain him; he could think of -nothing, however, but seeing his mother before she died. He accordingly -departed, passed the Fort de l'Ecluse, the Perte du Rhone, and reached -the little town where the 'ancient dame,' as he called her, resided. The -mother, who loved the name, the talents, the glory, and the person of -her son, clasped him in her arms with fond affection; but her joy soon -gave way to fear, for she knew Charles's perfidy, she remembered -Lévrier's story ... and trembled for her child.[825] - -[Sidenote: BONIVARD'S VISIT TO HIS MOTHER.] - -Meanwhile Bonivard's enemies in Geneva had not delayed to take advantage -of his departure. Some of them were mamelukes. To embroil him with the -huguenots seemed likely to be of service to their cause; and they -therefore began to report in the city that he had gone to surrender St. -Victor's to the duke, and that he was betraying the people and revealing -their secrets. The intimate friends of the prior indignantly -contradicted the calumny; but his enemies continued repeating it, and, -as the most ardent men are often the most credulous, a few huguenots -gave credit to these assertions. Bonivard wrote to the council of -Geneva, complaining of the injury done him, and reminded them that there -was not a man in the city more devoted to its independence than himself. - -What should he do? He was exceedingly embarrassed. Should he return to -Geneva? He feared the anger of those among the huguenots in whose eyes -it was a crime to go to Savoy. Should he remain at Seyssel? As soon as -the month of April was ended, he would be seized by the duke. His mother -conjured him to put himself out of the reach of his enemies, both duke -and Genevans.... - - 'Et qui refuserait une mère qui prie?... - -He determined to go to Friburg. The council of Geneva had indeed told -him not to disquiet himself about the foolish stories of his enemies, -and added: 'Let him come, if he pleases, and he will be treated -well.'[826] This was not a very pressing invitation, and Besançon -Hugues, the most influential man in the city, was against him. Hugues, a -catholic and episcopalian, might very well have no great liking for the -prior of a monastery who was coming round entirely to the new ideas. It -seems, however, that these catholic prejudices were mixed up with some -human weaknesses. 'Bonivard,' says a manuscript, 'often had disputes -with Besançon Hugues, who hoped to obtain for his son the investiture of -the priory of St. Victor.'[827] The prior was not ignorant of this -hostile disposition. 'Alas!' he said, 'a councillor, and he not one of -the least, is exciting the council and the people against me.' On the -other hand, he could not make up his mind to turn thoroughly to the side -of the Reformation; he still remained in the neutral ground of Erasmus, -and indulged in jests against the huguenots, which indisposed them -towards him. He belonged neither to one party nor to the other, and -offended both. He was not anxious, therefore, to return to Geneva just -now, fearing that his enemies would be stronger than his friends. The -month of April being ended, he begged the duke to prolong his -safe-conduct during the month of May, and it was granted. Bonivard now -took leave of his aged mother, whom he left full of anguish about the -fate of her son. She never saw him again. - -The Count of Chalans, president of the council of Savoy, and friend of -the Bishop of Aosta, was, though a layman, as bigoted to -Roman-catholicism as Gazzini was, as a priest. At that time he was -holding a _journée_ or diet at Romont, between Lausanne and Friburg. The -avoyer of Friburg, who was Bonivard's friend, happening to be at Romont, -Bonivard repaired thither; and, related as he was to the nobility of -Savoy, he presented his homage to the count, who received him kindly. -Bonivard skilfully sounded De Chalans on what he might have to fear; for -once already, and not far from that place, he had been seized and thrown -into a ducal prison. The count pledged his honour, both verbally and in -writing, that he would run no danger in the duke's territories during -the month of May, and, he added, even during the month of June. -Bonivard, thus set at ease, began to reflect on his position. It was a -strange thing for a man, so enlightened as he was on the abuses of -popery and monasticism, to be at the head of a monastic body. Moreover, -in addition to the pope and the duke, he had a new adversary against -him. 'I fear the duke on the one hand,' he said, 'and on the other the -madness of the people of Geneva, to whom I dare not return without the -strongest pledges.' - -[Sidenote: DETERMINES TO GIVE UP THE PRIORY.] - -Bonivard, having weighed everything, determined upon a great sacrifice. -He started for Lausanne, and proposed to the Bishop of Montfaucon to -resign to him the priory of St. Victor, on condition of receiving a -pension of four hundred crowns. The bishop accepted the proposal, -provided Geneva and Savoy would consent. Bonivard thought this an easy -matter, and as René de Chalans was then holding another _journée_ at -Moudon, he determined to go thither to arrange the great affair. He -arrived on the 25th of May. The count received him courteously, and -appeared to enter into his ideas; but at the same time this lord and -certain officers of Savoy held several private conferences, the result -of which was that they sent a messenger to Lausanne. Bonivard was -invited to sup with the president, who gave him the seat of honour. -There was a large party, the repast was very animated, and the prior, -whose gaiety was easily revived, amused all the company by his wit. -There was, however, one officer at his highness's table who annoyed him -considerably: it was the Sire de Bellegarde, Lévrier's murderer. This -wretch, as if he desired to efface that disagreeable impression, was -most obliging and attentive. At last they left the table. There were so -many gentlemen assembled in the little town of Moudon, that all the -bed-rooms were occupied—so at least it was stated. Upon this, -Bellegarde, in a jovial tone, said to Bonivard: 'Well, then, my friend, -I will share my room with you.' Bonivard accepted the offer, but not -without some uneasiness. The next morning he prepared to set out for -Lausanne in order to arrange his business with the bishop. 'I am afraid -that you will lose your way, and that something may happen to you,' said -Bellegarde. 'I will send a servant on horseback along with you.' The -confiding Bonivard departed with the sergeant of his highness's steward. - -Bellegarde varied his treachery. He had kidnapped Lévrier as he was -leaving the cathedral, and had conveyed him in person to the castle -where he was to meet his death. This time he preferred to keep out of -sight, and for that reason a message had been despatched to Lausanne. -After watching over Bonivard during the night, lest he should escape, as -Hugues had escaped from Châtelaine, Bellegarde took leave of him, giving -him a very courteous embrace, and strongly recommending him to the care -of the sergeant. The road from Moudon to Lausanne runs for about five -leagues through the Jorat hills, which at that period were wild and -lonely. Gloomy thoughts sprang up from time to time to disturb Bonivard. -He remembered how Lévrier had been seized by Bellegarde at the gates of -St. Pierre.... If a similar fate awaited him!... His confidence soon -revived, and he went on. - -[Sidenote: BONIVARD TREACHEROUSLY KIDNAPPED.] - -It was a fine day in May, this Thursday, the 26th. Early in the morning -Messire de Beaufort, captain of Chillon, and the Sire du Rosey, bailli -of Thonon, having received their instructions from Moudon, had quitted -Lausanne, followed by twelve to fifteen well-armed horsemen. On reaching -the heights of the Jorat, near the convent of St. Catherine, they hid -themselves in a wood of black pines, which still remains;[828] and there -both leaders and soldiers waited silently for the unfortunate Bonivard. -He was provided, indeed, with a safe-conduct from the duke; but John -Huss's had been violated, and why should they observe that of the prior -of St. Victor? 'No faith ought to be kept with heretics,' had been said -at Constance, and was repeated now at Moudon. Erelong De Beaufort and Du -Rosey heard the tramp of two horses; they gave a signal to their -followers to be ready, and peered out from among the trees where they -lay hid to see if their victim was really coming. At last the guide on -horseback appeared, then came Bonivard on his mule; De Bellegarde's -servant led him straight to the appointed place. Just as the unlucky -prior, wavering between confidence and fear, was passing the spot where -Beaufort, Du Rosey, and their fifteen companions were posted, the latter -rushed from the wood and sprang upon Bonivard. He put his hand to his -sword, and clapped spurs to his mule in order to escape, calling out to -his guide: 'Spur! spur!' But, instead of galloping forwards, the -sergeant turned suddenly upon the man he should have protected, caught -hold of him, and 'with a knife which he had ready' cut Bonivard's -sword-belt. All this took place in the twinkling of an eye. 'Whereupon -these honest people fell upon me,' said the prior when he told the story -in after years, 'and made me prisoner in the name of Monseigneur.' He -made all the resistance he could; produced his papers, and showed that -they were all in order; but his safe-conduct was of no avail with the -agents of Bellegarde and De Chalans. Taking some cord from a bag they -had brought with them, they tied Bonivard's arms, and bound him to his -mule, as they had once bound Lévrier, and in this way passing through -Lausanne, near which the outrage had been committed, they turned to the -left. The prior crossed Vaux, Vevey, Clarens, and Montreux; but these -districts, which are among the most beautiful in Switzerland, could not -for an instant rouse him from his deep dejection. 'They took me, bound -and pinioned, to Chillon,' he says in his _Chronicles_, 'and there I -remained six long years.... It was my second passion.'[829] - -[Sidenote: THE PRISONER OF CHILLON.] - -Nine years before, almost day for day (May 1521), Luther had also been -seized in a wood for the purpose of being taken to a castle; but he had -been carried off by friends, while _the prisoner of Chillon_ was -perfidiously taken by enemies. Bonivard, a reformer of a negative and -rather philosophical character, was much inferior to Luther, the -positive and evangelical reformer; but Bonivard's imprisonment far -exceeded in severity that of the Saxon doctor. At first, indeed, the -prior of St. Victor was confined in a room and treated respectfully; but -Charles the Good, after visiting him and holding some conversation with -him, ordered, as he left the castle, that the prisoner should be treated -harshly. He was transferred to one of those damp and gloomy dungeons cut -out of the rock, which lie below the level of the lake. It is probable -that the duke gave this cruel order because the prisoner, true to light -and liberty, had refused to bend before him. Bonivard's seizure was a -severe blow to his mother, to his friends, and even to the magistrates -of Geneva, who, on hearing of it, saw all the duke's perfidy and the -prior's innocence, and restored to him their affection and esteem. For -some time it was uncertain whether Bonivard was alive or dead; all that -people knew was that he had been seized, in defiance of the -safe-conduct, on the hills above Lausanne. However, John Lullin and the -other envoys of Geneva present at the _journée_ held at Payerne at -Christmas 1530, being better informed, did all in their power to obtain -the liberation of a man who had done such good service to liberty; but -the agents of Savoy pretended ignorance of the place of his imprisonment. - -A brilliant existence was thus suddenly interrupted. What humour, what -originality, what striking language, what invention, what witty -conversations were abruptly cut short! Bonivard never recovered from -these six years of the strictest captivity. When he came out of Chillon -he was a different man from what he was when he entered it. He was like -a bird which, while giving utterance to the sweetest song, is caught by -a gust of wind and beaten to the ground; ever after it miserably drags -its wings, and utters none but harsh unpleasing sounds. St. Victor -wanted the _one thing needful_; he was not one of those of whom it is -said: _their youth is renewed like the eagle's_. The brightness of the -Reformation eclipsed him. The latter part of his life was as sad as his -early part had been brilliant. It would have been better for his fame -had he been put to death in the castle-yard of Chillon, as Lévrier had -been in that of Bonne. - -[Footnote 814: Berne MS. _Hist. Helvet._ v. p. 12.] - -[Footnote 815: Michel Roset, _Chroniq._ MS. liv. ii. ch. xiv.] - -[Footnote 816: Registres du Conseil des 22 et 29 mars. Bonivard, -_Chroniq._ ii. p. 551. Berne MS. _Hist. Helvet._ v. p. 12.] - -[Footnote 817: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 551.] - -[Footnote 818: 'Quod presbyteri ab inde debeant relinquere eorum -lupanaria, lubricitates et meretrices, sub simili pœna (facere in muris -Sancti Gervasii tres teysias muri.)'—Registres du Conseil du 1ᵉʳ avril.] - -[Footnote 819: Galiffe, _Matériaux pour l'Histoire de Genève_, ii. p. -vii. The note contains a long list of the illegitimate children of -popes, archbishops, inquisitors, and other churchmen.] - -[Footnote 820: 1 Timothy iv. 1-3.] - -[Footnote 821: Romans xiv. 17.] - -[Footnote 822: Lettre de Vandel du 23 juin 1530. Galiffe fils, _Besançon -Hugues_, note to page 395.] - -[Footnote 823: 'Procuratorem prosequentem scopettis invasisse, et equum -super quo fugiebat vulnerasse.'—Brief of Clement VII., dated January 24, -1528.] - -[Footnote 824: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. 485, 547, 572. _Mém. -d'Archéologie_, tom. v. p. 162.] - -[Footnote 825: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. 572,573. _Mém. -d'Archéologie_, iv. p. 171.] - -[Footnote 826: 'Fuit lecta missiva Domini Sancti Victoris. Rescribatur -ei ut veniat, si velit, et illum bene tractabimus.'—Council Register, -May 2, 1530.] - -[Footnote 827: Gautier MS. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 573.] - -[Footnote 828: The convent of St. Catherine occupied the site of the -_Chalet à Gobet_, an inn situated on the road from Lausanne to Berne.] - -[Footnote 829: 'Ce fut ma seconde passion.'—Bonivard, _Chroniq._] - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - THE ATTACK OF 1530. - (AUGUST, SEPTEMBER, AND OCTOBER.) - - -[Sidenote: ARREST OF THE FISCAL MANDOLLA.] - -Bonivard's arrest was not an isolated act, but the first skirmish of a -general engagement. The duke and the bishop were reconciled, and their -only thought was how they could reduce Geneva by force of arms. A -singular resolution for a pastor! Fortunately for him, the Genevans gave -him a pretext calculated in some measure to justify his warlike cure of -souls. - -The iniquitous conduct of the Duke of Savoy towards Bonivard refuted the -unjust accusations brought against him, and the Genevans at once -manifested their sympathy with the unhappy prisoner of Chillon. They -were indignant at the duke's violation of the safe-conduct that he -himself had given. 'You see his bad faith,' they said. Thinking that -when the innocent were put in prison, it was time to punish the guilty, -they determined to have their revenge. - -There was at Geneva a man named Mandolla, a procurator-fiscal and -thorough-going partisan of the duke and the bishop. 'He was a bastard -priest of evil name and fame,' say the chronicles of the times, 'who -indulged in exactions, and in plundering and arbitrarily imprisoning -those who displeased him.' The vicar-general, Messire de Gingins, abbot -of Bonmont, an upright and benevolent man, often remonstrated with him, -but Mandolla answered him with insolence. Nor was this all; for, having -the temporal authority under his jurisdiction, he was continually -intriguing to deliver up Geneva to the duke. The citizens, irritated at -these encroachments on their rights, addressed several strong -remonstrances to the abbot of Bonmont against the foreign priest who was -trying to rob them of their independence. It was a serious accusation: -Mandolla's conscience told him it was just; he took the alarm, and, -wishing to escape justice, hastily quitted Geneva, and fled for refuge -to the castle of Peney. - -The Genevans now complained louder than ever. 'Remove this thorn from -the city,' said they to the vicar-general. The abbot acknowledged the -justice of their demand, and the council, the guardians of the rights of -the city, came to his assistance; for they recollected how, at the -election of the syndics in 1526, that man had intrigued to carry the -list which contained the name of the infamous Cartelier. Some armed men -were sent to the castle of Peney, where they seized Mandolla, bound him -to a horse, as Lévrier and Bonivard had been bound, and on the 24th of -June he was brought back to Geneva, surrounded by guards who led him to -prison. A procurator-fiscal treated like a criminal! it was a thing -unprecedented. The people stopped in the streets as he passed, and -looked at him with astonishment. The unhappy Mandolla's mind was in a -state of great confusion. He wondered if they would avenge on him the -deaths of Lévrier and Berthelier and the captivity of Bonivard. He felt -that he was guilty, but trusted in his powerful protectors. His friends -did not, indeed, lose a moment, but wrote to the bishop, who was at -Arbois. - -[Sidenote: THE BISHOP PLOTS AGAINST GENEVA.] - -Mandolla had hardly been three days in prison, when 'a severe and -threatening letter' from the bishop arrived at Geneva. The prelate was -indignant that the citizens should dare lay hands upon a clerk, who was -one of his officers, and especially on that fiscal who, as Bonivard -says, _brought the water to his mill_. 'Not content with the -unseasonable innovations you have made in our jurisdiction,' he wrote to -the syndics on the 27th of June, 'you have caused our procurator to be -arrested in the discharge of his functions.... And you do not like to be -called traitors!... We condemn the outrage as much as if you had done it -to our own person. Set our fiscal at liberty, without any damage to his -person; make amends for the outrage you have committed; otherwise we -shall employ all the means God has placed in our hands to obtain -vengeance.' The council were greatly astonished on reading this letter: -'The bishop forgets,' they said, 'that this is a case simply of robbery -and treason. How long has it been the custom to threaten with the -vengeance of God and man the magistrates who prosecute a thief?'—'My -lord,' answered the magistrates, 'Mandolla you well know to be a traitor -and a robber.' And, giving no heed to the episcopal summons, they drew -up an indictment against the fiscal. When this was told to La Baume, he -could not contain himself. His twofold title of prince and bishop filled -him with pride, and he could not bear the thought that these citizens of -Geneva disregarded his orders. - -This affair only served to hasten the execution of his plans. His mind -was full of bitterness on account of the heresy he had discovered in the -city, and he thought but of punishing those whom he looked upon as -traitors. It did not occur to the bishop that Geneva, after undergoing a -great transformation, was one day to become the most active focus of the -Reform. But, without foreseeing such a future, he thought that if the -Reformation were established there, as at Zurich and Berne, the -provinces of Savoy, and others besides, would erelong fall a prey to the -contagion. He made up his mind to oppose it in every way, and it must be -confessed that he had a right to do so; but two things are to be -regretted: the unholy mixing up of the catholic cause with that of a -traitor and thief, and the means that the prelate employed. - -[Sidenote: THE BISHOP APPEALS TO THE KNIGHTS.] - -These means he sought in violence. In order to punish the huguenots he -must have allies. Where could he look for them except among the knights -of the Spoon? As prince and bishop of Geneva, he would give a shape to -this fraternity, and organise it against his own episcopal city. He -forthwith entered into communication with its principal leaders: John de -Viry, sire of Alamogne; John Mestral, sire of Aruffens; John de -Beaufort, baron of Rolle; Francis, sire of St. Saphorin; the sire of -Genthod, a village situated between Geneva and Versoix; and especially -Michael, baron of La Sarraz, whom the bishop called 'his dearly beloved -cousin.' Without waiting for these powerful lords to attack the city, he -began to carry on a little war himself. He put into prison two Genevan -cattle-dealers, who chanced to be in the territory of St. Claude; -ordered the Genevan _goats and cows_ to be seized, which were grazing on -the hills of Gex; and posted armed men on all the roads leading from -Geneva to Lyons, with instructions to stop his _subjects_ and their -friends, and to seize their goods.[830] - -After this little war, the bishop turned his thoughts to the great one. -At first he wished to set in motion his own vassals, friends, and allies -on the western slopes of the Jura. 'Brother,' said he to the Baron of -St. Sorlin, 'call out our Burgundians.' His negotiations with La Sarraz, -Viry, and others having succeeded, he issued a general appeal to the -knights of the Spoon. 'Gentlemen and neighbours of my episcopal city,' -he said, 'I have been informed of your friendly disposition to aid me in -punishing my rebellious subjects of Geneva. And now, knowing that it -will be a meritorious work before God and the world to do justice upon -such evil-doers, I pray and require you to be pleased to help me in this -matter.' Many of these gentlemen crossed the Jura to come to an -arrangement with him, and filled Arbois with their indignation. - -The 20th of August was an important day at the residence of the -prince-bishop; he had determined to make war upon his flock, and this -moment had been chosen for the declaration. Pierre de la Baume was not -so cruel as his predecessor, the bastard of Savoy; but his irritation -was now at its height. If he chanced to meet any Genevans who addressed -him in respectful language, he would smile graciously upon them, but 'it -was all grimace,' says the pseudo-Bonivard.[831] When they had quitted -him, La Baume once more indulged in angry and threatening words. The -convents, the commandery of Malta, and the college of the canons of -Arbois were still more violent in their complaints. On the 20th of -August a meeting took place at the priory. The knights of the Spoon, who -had found the wine of Arbois excellent, arrived with their swords, their -coats of mail, and their cloaks. The bishop, proud of having such -defenders, invited them near the chair where he was seated, and -graciously handed them their commissions to make war upon his subjects. -'We, Pierre de la Baume,' they ran, 'bishop and prince of Geneva, having -regard to the insolence, rebellion, treason, and conspiracies that some -of our subjects of Geneva are daily committing against us and our -authority ... imprisoning our subjects and our officers without orders, -assuming our rights of principality, and threatening to do worse; ... -being resolved _to maintain our Church in her authority and to uphold -our holy faith_, have commissioned and required our friends and -relatives to aid us in punishing the rebels, and, if need be, to proceed -by force of arms.' (Here follow the names of these friends, the Baron of -La Sarraz, and the other lords mentioned above.) The prelate ended the -document by a declaration that these gentlemen 'had full authority from -him, and that, in confirmation, he had written these letters with his -own hand at Arbois, on this 20th of August in the year 1530.' He had -signed the papers: _Bishop of Geneva_. The gentlemen thanked the -prelate, promised to do all in their power, and, quitting Franche-Comté, -returned to their castles to make ready for the campaign, repeating to -one another, as they rode along, that it was very necessary to maintain -_the authority of the Roman Church_ in Geneva, and to uphold _the holy -faith_, and seeming very proud that such was the object of the crusade -they were about to undertake.[832] - -[Sidenote: LUTHERANS IMPRISONED.] - -The bishop's alarm was not without foundation. The huguenots, even those -most inclined to protestantism, did not possess much evangelical light; -they were struck rather with the superstitions of Rome than with their -own sins and the grace of God. There were nevertheless some Genevans and -a few foreigners living in Geneva, who displayed great zeal, and replied -to the bishop's violence by going about from place to place seeking to -enlighten souls. The gentlemen of Savoy, who had just made an alliance -with the bishop, had seen this with their own eyes. 'They enter the -cottages, and even venture into our castles,' said the knights, -'everywhere preaching what they call the Word of God.' The peasants -listened rather favourably to the addresses of these evangelists; but, -says Balard, 'the gentlemen could not be prevented from taking vengeance -on such excesses.' When any of these daring pioneers of the Reformation -arrived at a castle, or even at the village or town which depended on -it, the lord, exasperated that the heretics should dare come and preach -their doctrines to his servants and vassals, seized them and threw them -into his dungeons. - -Some envoys from Friburg who were going to Chambéry, having halted on -the road at the castle of one of their friends, heard of these doings; -it happened, too, that some of these huguenot prisoners (they may have -come from Berne) were confined in the place at which they were stopping. -As the Friburgers, although good catholics, were not in favour of -employing brute force in matters of religion, they found means to touch -the hearts of their persecutors, and succeeded in having these fervent -evangelists set at liberty. They then continued their journey to -Chambéry. But the duke had hardly given them audience before he said to -them with bitterness: 'I have to complain, gentlemen, that you go about -in search of prisoners in my country, and that the people of Geneva are -trying to make my people as bad as themselves.... I will not put up with -such disorders.... I cannot prevent my nobles from taking -vengeance.'[833] But the Genevans were equally unwilling to submit to -the ill-treatment to which some of their number had been exposed, and -accordingly Robert Vandel and John Lullin were despatched in all haste -to Berne and Friburg to urge on the arrival of these noble auxiliaries. -It is probable, however, that certain serious rumours which were -beginning to circulate in Geneva were the principal cause of their -mission.[834] - -It was the autumn of 1530, and as the chiefs of German catholicism had -assembled at Augsburg to deliberate upon the means of destroying -protestantism in the empire, the duke and the bishop, the two great -enemies of Geneva, appointed a meeting at Gex, at the foot of the Jura, -to deliberate on the means of expelling both liberty and the Gospel from -the city of the Leman. 'Lutheranism is making considerable progress in -Geneva,' said the bishop to the duke; 'attack the city; for my part I -will employ in this work the revenues of my see and of my abbeys, and -even all my patrimony.'[835] The duke might have had reasons for -delaying the war. His brother-in-law the emperor, and the other catholic -princes assembled at Augsburg, thought they could not be ready before -the spring, and desired that protestantism should then be attacked on -all points at once. But passion prevailed with Charles III. Aspiring to -the sovereignty of Geneva, it was important for him to play the -principal part in the attack against that city; and when once Geneva was -taken, he would prove to all the world that, in accordance with the -system of the cardinals, it would be necessary to establish there some -ruler more powerful than a bishop, in order to prevent future -revolts.[836] - -[Sidenote: LA SARRAZ HEADS THE KNIGHTS.] - -The Baron of La Sarraz was already at work; he was a man fitted to -succeed Pontverre. Prejudiced like him against Geneva, liberty, and the -Reformation, he was less noble, less virtuous, and less headstrong than -that unhappy gentleman, but surpassed him in genius and in ability. He -had sworn that either he or Geneva should give way and perish.... The -oath was accomplished, but not in the manner he had anticipated. The -knights of the Spoon, summoned by the bishop, excited by La Sarraz, -supported by the fugitive mamelukes, and approved of by the duke, took -the field immediately. They intercepted the provisions intended for -Geneva, and sharp skirmishes occurred every day. If any citizen went -beyond the walls to look after his farm or attend to his business, the -knights would fall upon him and beat him, shut him up in one of their -castle dungeons, and sometimes kill him. But all this was a mere -prelude. The bishop came to an understanding with the Baron of La -Sarraz, through his cousin, M. de Ranzonière. Another conference took -place at Arbois towards the middle of September 1530. After a long -conversation about the heresy and independence of Geneva, and the -strange changes and singular perils to which that city and the -surrounding provinces were exposed, they decided upon a general -attack.[837] - -On the 20th of September, the men-at-arms of the knights of the Spoon, -the Burgundians of the bishop, and the ducal troops, made arrangements -to surprise Geneva. On the 24th of September, some well-disposed people -came and told the citizens that the Duke of Nemours was at Montluel in -Bresse, three leagues from Lyons, with a large army. It was the Count of -Genevois, younger brother of the Duke of Savoy, whom his sister, the -mother of Francis I., had created Duke of Nemours in 1515. He was, as we -have already remarked, an able man, and, even while courting the -Genevans, desired nothing better than to destroy their city. His sister, -Louisa of Savoy, whose hostile disposition towards the Gospel we have -seen, thought it a very laudable thing to crush a place in which the -protestants, persecuted by her in France, might find an asylum. The six -captains of Geneva, on hearing this alarming intelligence, assembled -their troops and addressed them in a touching proclamation. This was on -Sunday, the 25th of September. 'We have been informed,' they said, 'that -our enemies will attack us very shortly. We pray you therefore to -forgive one another, and be ready to die in the defence of your rights.' -The citizens unanimously replied to these noble words: 'We are willing -to do so.'[838] - -[Sidenote: TROOPS MARCH AGAINST GENEVA.] - -The next day, Monday, the 26th of September, a man of Granson, coming -from Burgundy, confirmed the news of the danger impending over the city. -'Everything is in motion on our side,' he told them. 'M. de St. Sorlin -has declared that _God and the world_ are enraged against Geneva (it was -the favourite expression of his family); companies of arquebusiers are -about to cross the Jura; the gentlemen of the Spoon are approaching with -a large number of armed men, and the day after the feast of St. Michael -they will enter Geneva by force, to kill the men, women, and children, -and plunder the city.' The man of Granson, at the request of the -syndics, hurried off to carry the news to Berne and Friburg.[839] - -It was a singular thing, this expedition against Geneva in behalf of the -_holy faith_, for there was not a church in the city where mass was not -sung, and not one where the Gospel was preached. It was still a catholic -city; but, we must confess, it contained little really worthy of the -name, except old walls, old ceremonies, and old priests. Mass was -performed, but the huguenots, instead of listening to it, walked up and -down the aisles. The Reformation was everywhere in Geneva, and yet it -was nowhere. The bishop, the duke, and even the emperor, who were not -very acute judges, confounded liberty with the Gospel; and seeing that -liberty was in Geneva, they doubted not that the Gospel was there also. - -[Sidenote: GENEVA BLOCKADED.] - -On Friday, the 30th of September, the enemy's army debouched on all -sides of Geneva. The six captains of Geneva and their six hundred men -got their arms ready. At this moment envoys arrived from Friburg, -wishing to see, hear, and advise the councils. They had hardly entered -the city, when the troops of Savoy, Burgundy, and Vaud were seen -preparing to blockade it. A Friburg herald left immediately, to carry -the news to his lords; but at Versoix the ducal soldiers were on their -guard; the messenger was seized and conducted to the knight of the Spoon -who commanded in the castle. It was to no purpose that he declared -himself to be a Friburger: 'You wear neither the arms nor the colours of -Friburg,' was the reply; 'go back to Geneva.' And as the herald insisted -upon passing (he had had good reasons for not putting on his uniform), -the knights maltreated him and drove him before them close up to the -drawbridge of Geneva, insulting him from time to time in a very -offensive manner. The night was then approaching; the steps of the -horses and the shouts of the horsemen could be heard in the city; it was -believed that the assault was about to be made, and some citizens ran -off to ring the tocsin. The alarm continued through the night. - -The enemy had pitched their camp at Saconnex, on the right bank of the -Rhone and the lake, about half a league from Geneva, in the direction of -Gex and the Jura. On Saturday, the 1st of October, they sallied forth -early in the morning, pillaged the houses round the city, set fire to -several farms, and returned to their camp: this was a petty prelude to -the meditated attack. At this moment a second herald, coming from -Friburg, was brought in. He had been stopped at Versoix, for nobody -could pass that post in either direction. The Friburgers, uneasy at -receiving no news from Geneva, had sent this man to learn whether their -friends were really in danger or not. 'What is your business?' asked the -officers. The herald, who had learnt the story of his colleague, had -recourse to a stratagem which the usages of war justify, but christian -truth condemns. 'I am ordered,' he said, 'to go and tell our ambassadors -that they must return immediately; and that if Monsieur of Savoy needs -the help of my lords of Friburg, they will assist him.' The Savoyards, -delighted at the mission of the Friburger, hastened to set him at -liberty; he went on to Geneva, and told the whole affair to the -ambassadors of his canton. The latter, extremely pleased at his -dexterity, asked him if he could once more make his way through the -triple barrier that the cavaliers had raised between Geneva and Friburg. -He was to report that the state of affairs was as bad as could be; and -that Geneva, attacked by superior forces, was on the point of falling. -'We have no time to write,' they added, for they feared their letters -would be intercepted; 'but we give you our rings as a token. Go -speedily, and tell the lords of the two cities (Berne and Friburg), that -if they wish to succour the city of Geneva, _they must do so now or_ -_never_.' Prompt help from the Swiss could alone preserve the liberties -of Geneva. The cunning Friburger departed; but even should he succeed in -making his way through the Savoyard troops lying between Friburg and -Geneva, what might not happen before a Swiss army could arrive?[840] - -The next day, Sunday, the 2nd of October, the episcopal army was put in -motion; it surrounded the city; a part of the Savoyard troops occupied -the suburb of St. Leger and the monasteries of St. Victor and Our Lady -of Grace; another part was drawn up opposite the Corraterie. The -Genevans could no longer restrain themselves: the gates of the -Corraterie were thrown open, and a number of the more intrepid sallied -out upon the Savoyards, who received them with their arquebuses: one -citizen was shot dead, and the others returned into the city. Erelong -similar skirmishes took place on every side, and the trainbands of -Geneva, firing upon the enemy from the wall, killed several of them. -Masters of the suburbs, the Savoyard army waited until night to make the -assault. _Death and plunder_ was the pass-word given by the leaders. - -The situation of Geneva became more critical every hour. In the evening, -just as the bell was ringing for vespers, there was a gleam of light in -the stormy sky. Ambassadors arrived from Berne; they had passed through -the enemy's lines, doubtless in consequence of their diplomatic -character. They immediately visited their Friburg colleagues, who made -known to them all their fears: 'Yet a few hours more,' they said, 'and -Romish despotism will perhaps triumph over the Genevese liberties.' The -Swiss did not lose a moment, but despatched a herald, post-haste, to -demand immediate support. A part of the defenders of Geneva went to -their homes to take some slight repose. - -[Sidenote: NIGHT ASSAULT.] - -The night closed in, but a bright moon permitted every movement to be -observed which took place without the city. At midnight the moon set: -darkness and silence for some time reigned upon the walls. This was the -hour fixed for the assault. The bands of Savoy and Burgundy and the -knights of the Spoon moved forward without noise, and soon reached the -ditch, in readiness to attack the city. It was easy for them to break in -the gates and to scale the walls. The sentries on the ramparts listened, -and tried to make out the movements of the enemy. The Genevans were all -determined to sacrifice their lives, but they were too few to defend -their homes against such an army. They had to fear enemies still more -formidable. It was asserted that the governor of the Low Countries, the -pope, the Dukes of Lorraine and Gueldres, and the King of France were -all pushing forward troops against the city. The alarm had been given in -the courts of Europe by a recent act of the Landgrave of Hesse. He was -negotiating a treaty with the cantons of Zurich and Basle, by the terms -of which each of the contracting parties was bound to support the others -in case of violence against the cause of the Gospel. 'Might not Philip -do the same with Berne and Geneva?' said some. 'Might not the latter -city become an asylum of the Reformation in the south, for the -populations of the Latin tongue?... No time must be lost in destroying -it.'[841] - -People were talking of these things at Augsburg. The protestant princes -and doctors had quitted that city, where the famous diet had just ended: -a month had been given them to become reconciled with Rome. But -Charles V., who did not reckon much upon this _entente cordiale_ between -the pope and Luther, had declared that he would terminate the -controversy with the sword, and had given orders to raise a powerful -army to crush both protestants and protestantism: that, however, was not -to be done before the spring of next year. One day, when the emperor was -conversing about Geneva with Duke Frederick and other catholic -princes,[842] despatches were brought him announcing the march of -different armed bodies against Geneva. Charles always displayed a -prudence and reserve in his plans, which proceeded as much from nature -as from habit. As his faculties had been developed slowly, he had -accustomed himself to ponder upon everything with close attention; he -had decided in particular that not a shot ought to be fired in Europe -against the protestants before the spring of 1531, and had instructed -his brother-in-law of Savoy to that effect. Accordingly, when he learnt, -in October, that an attack was preparing against Geneva, he gave -utterance to his vexation. 'Ha!' he exclaimed, 'the Duke of Savoy is -beginning this business too soon!'[843] 'These words give cause for -reflection,' said the deputies of Nuremberg, who reported them to their -senate. After Geneva, their own turn would come, no doubt. - -[Sidenote: MYSTERIOUS RETREAT OF THE SAVOYARDS.] - -Meanwhile, about one o'clock on a pitch-dark night, the troops of the -duke, the bishop, and the knights of the Spoon had come up close to the -ditch. But, strange to say, they remained inactive. They neither broke -down the gates nor mounted the walls: on the contrary, 'the nearer they -approached,' says Balard, who was in the city, '_the more their hearts -failed them._' Besides the knights of Vaud and the leaders of the -Burgundian bands, there were in the besieging army a certain number of -officers holding their commissions immediately from his highness the -duke. On a sudden these Savoyard captains drew back; they moved away, -and left the others at the edge of the ditch. This unexpected defection -surprised every one: the soldiers asked what it meant.... The troops -fell into disorder, a panic soon ran through their ranks, and in a -moment there was a general flight, their only exploit being the -plundering of the suburbs. - -The officers of Savoy, as they retired, said that the duke 'had -commanded them to withdraw under pain of death.' He had indeed received -the emperor's orders not to begin the war before the spring; but he -could not resolve to arrange his plans in harmony with those of his -illustrious ally. Always anxious to make himself master of Geneva, he -had let things take their course. A more pressing message from the -emperor had arrived. The duke, much vexed, had communicated it with a -bad grace to his captains. Had it only reached them at the moment they -were making the attack? or did they hesitate at the very time when, -blinded by hatred, they were about to escalade the walls in defiance of -the orders of the puissant emperor? Had their courage failed them at the -last step? This seems the most probable conclusion. There is, however, a -certain mystery in the whole incident which it is difficult to -penetrate. Geneva, alone in the presence of a gallant and numerous army, -was defended during this memorable night by an unknown and invisible -power. The Genevans believed it to be the hand of the Almighty. Did they -not read in Scripture that a city, inhabited by the people of God, -having been compassed by horses, and chariots, and a great host, the -mountain round about was miraculously filled with horses and chariots of -fire in far greater numbers?[844] None of these indeed had been seen -upon the Alps, but the arm of the Lord had put the enemy to the rout. -'The bark of God's miracles' had been once more saved in the midst of -the breakers. The citizens reiterated in their homes, in the streets, -and in the council, the expression of their gratitude. 'Ah!' said syndic -Balard, 'the faint heart, the sudden discouragement of those who had -conspired against the city, came from the grace and pity of God!'[845] - -The citizens wished to open the gates and follow in pursuit of the -enemy; but the ambassadors of Berne and Friburg restrained them. The -flight was so extraordinary that these warlike diplomatists feared that -it was a stratagem. 'You do not know,' they said, 'how great is the -cunning of the enemy. Wait until you receive help from our masters, -which we hope will soon arrive.' - -[Sidenote: FIFTEEN THOUSAND SWISS ARRIVE.] - -In fact, fifteen thousand of those soldiers who were the terror of -Europe were then entering the Pays de Vaud with ten pieces of cannon and -colours flying, and were marching to Geneva. Some of the citizens -regretted the arrival of these troops, who came (they said) when they -were not wanted, and who would be an expense to the city; but the more -far-sighted thought their presence still necessary. The enemies of the -new order of things still threatened Geneva on every side, and were even -in Geneva, always ready to renew the attack. It was necessary to put a -stop to the violence of these feudal lords and the intrigues of the -monks; it was necessary to free the country once for all from the -robbers who spread desolation all around; and the Swiss army was looked -upon as called to accomplish this work. This was also what the Bernese -and Friburgers said, and they spared no pains to deliver the inhabitants -of the shores of the Leman from their continual alarms. They did no harm -to the peasants, except that they 'lived upon the good man;'[846] but -they captured, plundered, and burnt the castles of the knights of the -Spoon. The garrisons fled at their approach, carrying away baggage, -treasures, and artillery across the lake to Thonon: boats were -continually passing from one shore to the other. The priests and friars -were not looked upon with very friendly eyes by the _Lutherans_, and -here and there they had their gowns torn; but not one of them was -wounded. One hundred and twenty Genevans, encouraged by this news, put -to flight at Meyrin eight hundred soldiers of Savoy and Gex. - -At noon on Monday, the 10th of October, the Swiss army, with the avoyer -D'Erlach at its head, marched into Geneva. But where could they put -fifteen thousand soldiers in that little city? The citizens received a -great number; a part were quartered in the convents. 'Come, fathers, -make room,' said the quartermasters to the Dominicans. The monks gave up -their dormitories very unwillingly; but that did not matter: six -companies, '_all Lutherans_,' were lodged in the convent, and two -hundred horses were turned loose in their burial-ground to feed upon the -grass. The Augustine and Franciscan monasteries, as well as the houses -of the canons and other churchmen, were also filled with troops. These -men carried on the controversy in their own fashion—that is, in a -military and not an evangelical manner. A great number of them had to -bivouac in the open air. The Bernese artillerymen, who were posted round -the Oratory, situated between the city and Plainpalais, felt cold during -the night. They first began to examine the chapel, and then entered it, -and took away the altar and the wooden images, with which they made a -good fire. They were not, however, yet at their ease: these rough -Helvetians, having no desire to lie down or to remain standing all -night, broke up a large cross, and with the fragments made seats on -which they sat round the fire. Some Friburgers, observing what they -considered to be a sacrilege, went up to the Bernese and reprimanded -them sharply, asking them why they did not go and look for wood -somewhere else. 'The wood from the churches is usually very dry,' coolly -answered the artillerymen. These catholic Friburgers were no doubt -superstitious; but perhaps the Bernese were not very pious, and most of -them, while destroying the _idols_ without, left those standing that -were within. - -[Sidenote: THE NUNS OF ST. CLAIRE.] - -The Genevans anxiously looked about for quarters for their guests, being -unwilling to leave these confederates without shelter, who had quitted -everything for them. As the city was not large enough, the country was -laid under contribution. At the extremity of a fine promontory which -stretches from the southern shore into the lake, at Belle Rive, about a -league from the city, stood a convent of Cistercian nuns, staunch -partisans of the duke, and who were suspected of intriguing in his -favour, and of having been greatly delighted when the Savoyard army had -beleaguered the city not long before. 'Come with us,' said certain young -huguenots to a Swiss company bivouacking in the open air; 'we will -provide you comfortable quarters, situated in a beautiful locality.' -They marched off immediately. The nuns, whose hearts palpitated with -fear, were on the watch, and, looking from their windows, they saw a -body of soldiers advancing by the lake. Hastily throwing off their -conventual dress, they disguised themselves and took refuge in the -neighbouring cottages. At last the troop arrived. Were the Genevans and -Bernese irritated by this flight, or did they intend to follow the -custom of burning the houses of those who plotted against the State? We -cannot tell; but, be that as it may, they set fire to the convent, not, -however, to the church, and the house itself suffered but little, for -the nuns returned to it soon after. When the flames were seen from -Geneva, they occasioned much excitement; but nothing could equal that of -the sisters of St. Claire.[847] The poor nuns, huddling together in -their garden, looked at the fire with terror, and exclaimed: 'It is a -sword of sorrow to us, like that which pierced the Virgin.' They ran -backwards and forwards, they entered the church, they returned to the -garden, and fell down at the foot of the altar, and then, looking again -at the flames, devoutly crossed themselves. 'We must depart,' they said, -and immediately the best scholars among them drew up, as well as their -emotion permitted, a humble petition addressed to the syndics. 'Fathers -and dear protectors,' said they, 'on our bended knees and with uplifted -hands, we, being greatly alarmed, entreat you by the honour of our -Redeemer, of his virgin mother, of Monsieur St. Pierre, and Madame St. -Claire, and all the saints of paradise, to be pleased to allow us to go -out from your city in safety.' Three of the most devout members of the -council went to the convent to comfort them. 'Fear nothing,' they said, -'for the city has not the least intention of becoming Lutheran.'[848] - -A certain consideration was shown towards the sisters, by requiring them -to find quarters for only twenty-five soldiers, all Friburgers, 'good -catholics,' says one of the nuns, 'and hearing mass willingly.' But -alas! the mass did not make them more merciful. 'They were as thievish -as the others,' says the same nun. Shortly after their arrival they -threatened to break down the doors and the walls, if the nuns did not -supply them with as much to eat and drink as they wanted. It is true -that the sisters put the soldiers upon spare diet, giving them only a -few peas.[849] This little garrison, however, was of advantage to the -church of St. Claire: it was the only place in Geneva where the Roman -worship was performed. The Friburgers, at the request of the sisters, -took post at the door, and prevented the _heretics_ from entering, but -gave admission _by order_ to all the priests and monks of Geneva who -showed themselves. The latter came dressed as laymen, carrying their -robes under their arms; they went into the vestry, put on their clerical -costume, entered the chapel, drew up round the altar, and chanted mass -_in pontificalibus_. When the service was over, the nuns congratulated -each other: 'What glory Madame St. Claire has over Madame Magdalen, -Monsieur St. Gervais, and even M. St. Pierre!' It was a great -consolation and indescribable honour to them. - -The mass, however, was not to have all its own way in Geneva. The -Bernese desired to have the Word of God preached; consequently, on -Tuesday, the 11th of October, they proceeded to the cathedral with their -evangelical almoner, and ordered the doors to be opened. Some of them -went into the tower and rang the episcopal bells, after which the -almoner went up into the pulpit, read a portion of Scripture, and -preached a sermon. A great number of Genevans had gone to the church and -watched this new worship from a distance. They did not fully understand -it; but they saw that the reading of God's Word, its explanation, and -prayer were the essential parts, and they liked that better than the -Roman form. From that time, the evangelical service was repeated daily, -and 'no other bell, little or big, rang in Geneva.' The priests consoled -themselves by thinking that 'the accursed minister preached in German.' -The _German_, however, went further: he had brought with him some copies -of the Holy Scriptures in French, and French translations of several of -the writings of Zwingle, Luther, and other reformers; and when the -Genevans who had heard him without understanding him went to pay him a -visit, he gave them these books, after shaking hands with them, and in -this way prepared their minds for the work of the Reformation. - -[Sidenote: CASTLES TAKEN AND BURNT.] - -While these books might be producing some internal good, the Genevans -were anxious for another reform. They wished to purge the country of the -outrages, robberies, and murders which the nobility in the neighbourhood -of Geneva, still more than those in the Pays de Vaud, had made the -peaceful burghers endure so long. This also was a reform, though -different from that of Luther and Farel. 'Come along with us,' they said -to the terrible bands of Friburg and Berne, 'and we will lead you to -these brigands' nests.' The Swiss troops, guided by the Genevans, -appeared successively before the castles of Gaillard, Vilette, -Confignon, Sacconex, and others. They captured and set fire to many of -these haunts, where the noble robbers had so often hidden their plunder -and their prey. The terror of the partisans of the old order of things -now became extreme. The sisters of St. Claire thought that everything -was on fire round Geneva. 'Look!' said they, standing on the highest -part of their garden, 'look! although the weather is fair, the sky is -darkened by the smoke.' They fancied it was the last day. 'Of a surety,' -they added, 'the elements are about to be dissolved.' The desolation was -still greater in the country. The captain-general had issued an order -forbidding all marauding, but the soldiers rarely attended to it. The -peasantry were seen running away like sheep before the wolf; the -gentlemen hid themselves in the woods or the mountains; and several -noble dames, who had taken refuge in miserable huts, 'were brought to -bed there very wretchedly.'[850] - -Although certain accusations have been brought against them, the nuns of -St. Claire were sincere in their devotion, and moral in their conduct; -and while the dissolute friars kept silence, these superstitious but -virtuous women appeared to stand alone by the side of popery in its -agony. Desiring to appease the wrath of heaven, they made daily -processions in their garden, barefooted in the white frost, chanting low -the litanies of the Virgin and the saints 'to obtain mercy.' They passed -all the night in vigils, 'praying to God in behalf of his holy faith and -the poor world.' After matins they lighted the tapers, and scourged -themselves; then bending to the earth, they exclaimed: _Ave, benigne -Jesu!_ 'hail, gentle Jesus!' Sister Jeanne affirms that by these means -they worked miracles. Indeed, one of the _mahometists_ (huguenots), -having flung a consecrated wafer into a cemetery, it could not be found -again: 'the angels had carried it away and put it in some unknown -place.'[851] It was not very miraculous that so small an object could -not be found among the grass and between the graves of a cemetery. A -miracle more real was worked. - -The Duke of Nemours, brother of the Duke of Savoy, who, as we have seen, -had come from France with his men-at-arms to attack Geneva, laid aside -his warlike humour when he found the Swiss in the city, and, wishing to -conciliate the Genevans, repeated to all who came near him that he had -never intended to do them any harm, and would punish severely everybody -who was guilty of violence towards them. A truce was concluded at St. -Julien. The definitive treaty of peace was referred to a Swiss diet to -be held at Payerne. The bishop released the merchants, the cows, and the -goats he had seized, and the Genevans set Mandolla at liberty; 'but,' -adds Bonivard, 'I was not taken out of Chillon.'[852] - -[Footnote 830: _Journal de Balard_, pp. 274-280. Registres du Conseil -des 23 juin; 5, 8, 19 juillet; 9 août. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 576. -Galiffe fils, _Besançon Hugues_, pp. 398, 399. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 831: MS. _Hist. of Geneva_ in the Berne library, erroneously -ascribed to Bonivard.] - -[Footnote 832: _Journal de Balard_, pp. 274-280. Registres du Conseil -des 23 juin; 5, 8, 19 juillet; 9 août. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 576. -Galiffe fils, _Besançon Hugues_, pp. 398, 399. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 833: _Journal de Balard_, p. 280.] - -[Footnote 834: Roset MS. _Chroniq._ liv. ii. ch. xlix. Registres du -Conseil du 4 juillet et du 12 août.] - -[Footnote 835: Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. 577, 578. Besson, _Mémoires -du Diocèse de Genève_, p. 62. Gautier MS.] - -[Footnote 836: See vol. i. p. 69.] - -[Footnote 837: Gautier MS. Besson, _Mémoires du Diocèse de Genève_. -Galiffe fils, _Besançon Hugues_, p. 400. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. -577, 578.] - -[Footnote 838: _Journal de Balard_, p. 286.] - -[Footnote 839: Ibid. p. 287.] - -[Footnote 840: _Journal de Balard_, p. 289.] - -[Footnote 841: Sleidan, _Hist. de la Réformation_, liv. vii. _Journal de -Balard_, p. 289.] - -[Footnote 842: 'Als der Kayser mit Herzog Friedrichen und andern Fürsten -des Krieges vor Genf zu reden worden.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 421.] - -[Footnote 843: 'Hat der Kayser unter andern in Französisch geredet: Ey, -der Herzog hat die Sache zu früh angefangen.'—_Corp. Ref._ ii. p. 421.] - -[Footnote 844: 2 Kings vi. 17.] - -[Footnote 845: _Journal de Balard_, pp. 289, 290.] - -[Footnote 846: 'Ils vivaient sur le bon homme.' _Bon homme_ was a term -applied by the nobles to the peasantry. Hence the war of _Jacques -Bon-homme_ in France.] - -[Footnote 847: Their convent was in the upper part of the city where the -palace of justice now stands, in the Bourg de Four.] - -[Footnote 848: La Sœur J. de Jussie, pp. 11-14.] - -[Footnote 849: La Sœur J. de Jussie, p. 18.] - -[Footnote 850: La Sœur J. de Jussie, p. 21.] - -[Footnote 851: La Sœur J. de Jussie, pp. 23-25.] - -[Footnote 852: Ibid. pp. 20-25. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. p. 586. Gautier -MS.] - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - GENEVA RECLAIMED BY THE BISHOP AND AWAKENED BY THE - GOSPEL. - (NOVEMBER 1530 TO OCTOBER 1531.) - - -[Sidenote: IMPERIAL LETTER TO GENEVA] - -Thus had failed the attack of the bishop-prince against his city; and it -was much to be feared that such an act, instead of restoring his power, -would only accelerate his fall. Pierre de la Baume saw this, and -resolved to employ other means to regain in Geneva the authority he had -lost. - -The thought that the Helvetic league was to be the arbiter between -Geneva and her bishop-prince oppressed him like a nightmare: he did not -doubt that the diet would pronounce against him. A clever idea occurred -to him. 'If,' said he, 'I could but have the emperor as arbiter, instead -of the Swiss.... Surely the monarch, who is preserving the papacy in -Germany, will preserve it also at Geneva.' Charles V. and the catholic -party were still at Augsburg; and the bishop would have desired to -substitute a congress of princes for a diet of republicans. 'In truth,' -said the emperor, when this petition was laid before him, 'we should not -like the rights of the most reverend father in God, the Bishop of -Geneva, to be prejudiced.... They are of imperial foundation; and it is -our duty, therefore, to maintain them.' Charles had never been more -irritated against the protestants than he was now. It was the middle of -November: the imperial _recess_ had just been rejected by the -evangelicals, because the emperor (they said) had not authority to -command in matters of faith.[853] The deputies of Saxony and Hesse had -left without waiting for the close of the diet. The imperialists assured -the friends of the Bishop of Geneva that he could not have chosen a -better time, and that his cause was gained. On the 19th of November -proclamation was to be made in Augsburg of the re-establishment 'of one -and the same faith throughout the empire.' On the evening before, while -this was being drawn up, the emperor called his secretary, and dictated -to him the following letter, addressed to the people of Geneva:— - -'DEAR LIEGEMEN, - -'We have been informed that there is a question between you and our -cousin, the Duke of Savoy, about matters touching the rights of our -well-beloved cousin and counsellor, the Bishop of Geneva. We have -desired to write to you about that, enjoining you very expressly to send -to our imperial authority persons well informed on all points in dispute -between the bishop and yourselves. We shall demand the same of the said -lords, the duke and the bishop, our cousins, for the settlement of your -differences, which will be for the welfare and tranquillity of both -parties. You will thus learn the desire we have that _our subjects_ -should live in peace, friendship, and concord. - - 'Dear liegemen, may God watch over you! - 'At Augsburg, 18th of November, 1530. - 'CHARLES.' - -[Sidenote: ANSWER OF THE GENEVESE.] - -This letter from his imperial majesty created a great sensation in -Geneva. It was known that Charles V. was preparing to reduce mighty -princes, and every one perceived the danger that threatened the city. -'What!' said the people, 'we are to send deputies to Augsburg, and -perhaps to Austria, where they will meet those of the bishop and the -duke ... and the emperor will be our judge!' The councils assembled -frequently without coming to any decision as to the answer to be -returned. First one and then another was commissioned to draw it up. -Councillor Genoux produced a draft signed 'Your very humble -subjects.'—'We are not subjects,' exclaimed the huguenots. At length -they decided on writing as follows:— - -'Most serene, most invincible, very high and mighty Prince Charles, -always august. For this long time past, we, in defence of the authority -and franchises of our prince-bishop and city of Geneva, have suffered -many vexations, great charges, expenses, and dangers, proceeding from -the most illustrious duke. Quite recently we were surrounded by armed -men, his subjects, and outrageously attacked. Nevertheless, by God's -will and the kind succour of the magnificent lords of Berne and Friburg, -we have been preserved from this assault—to relate which would be -wearisome to your majesty.' The council added that, as the settlement -which the emperor desired to undertake would be arranged at Payerne -before the Swiss diet, they could not profit by his good intentions, and -concluded by commending to him the city of Geneva, 'which, from desiring -to observe its strict duty, would have been almost destroyed but for the -grace of God.'[854] - -Thus did the little city boldly decline the intervention of the great -emperor. The duke and the bishop had hoped that Charles V., who was in -their opinion called to destroy the Reformation in Germany, would begin -by crushing it in Geneva. Accordingly, when the news of the Genevese -refusal reached the ears of the duke and the bishop, their indignation -knew no bounds. 'Since these rebels reject the peaceful mediation of the -emperor,' they said, 'we must bring the matter to an end with the -sword.' They once more resolved to take the necessary steps, but with as -much secresy as possible, so that the Swiss should not be informed of -them. The Duke of Nemours, who had not made use of his army, instructed -ten thousand lansquenets who were at Montbéliard to move as quietly as -they could behind the Jura, arrive at St. Claude, descend as far as Gex, -and, two days before the opening of the diet of Payerne which the bishop -so much dreaded, _suddenly take Geneva by storm, set it on fire_, and, -leaving a heap of ashes behind them, retire rapidly into Burgundy before -the Swiss could have time to arrive. At the same time messengers were -sent to all the castles of the Pays de Vaud, inviting the gentlemen to -hold themselves in readiness. On his side, the Duke of Savoy, who was -then at Chambéry, made 'great preparation' of armed men and adventurers, -both Italian and French. Everything, he said, was to be completed with -the greatest secresy. - -[Sidenote: DECISION OF THE DIET OF PAYERNE.] - -But Charles was less discreet than his brother; he could not keep -silence, but boasted of the clever _coup de main_ that he was preparing. -On the other hand, a man coming from Montbéliard to Berne reported that -he had seen ten thousand soldiers reviewed in that town. At this -intelligence, the energetic lords of Berne desired all the cantons to -hold themselves in readiness to succour Geneva, and threatened the -gentry of the Pays de Vaud to waste their country with fire and sword if -they moved. Meanwhile the council called out all the citizens. Thus the -mine was discovered, the blow failed, and the duke, once more -disappointed in his expectations, left Chambéry for Turin.[855] The diet -which met at Payerne, even while conceding the vidamy to the duke (which -he was not in a condition to reclaim), maintained the alliance of -Geneva, Berne, and Friburg, and condemned Charles III. to pay these -three cities 21,000 crowns. Geneva and Berne desired more than this: -they demanded that Bonivard should be set at liberty—'if perchance he be -not dead,' they added. The Count of Chalans replied that M. St. Victor -was 'a lawful prisoner.'[856] - -As neither war nor diplomacy had succeeded in restoring the -prince-bishop to his see, he had recourse to less secular means: he -turned to the pope, who determined to grant the city a marvellous favour -by which he hoped to attach once more the bark of Geneva to the ship of -St. Peter. The heroism which the sisters of St. Claire had shown when -the Swiss had come to the help of the city in October 1530, had touched -the pontiff: among the conventuals of Geneva the only men were the -women. The pope therefore granted a general pardon to all who should -perform certain devotions in the church of that convent. On Annunciation -Day (March 25) this remarkable grace was published throughout the -country. - -[Sidenote: PILGRIMAGE TO ST. CLAIRE.] - -An immense crowd from all the Savoyard villages flocked to the city, 'in -great devotion,' on the first day. Chablais, Faucigny, Genevois, and Gex -were full of devotees strongly opposed to the Reformation; they were -delighted at going to pay homage in Geneva itself to the principles for -which they had so often taken up arms. As they saw these long lines -approach their walls, the citizens felt a certain fear. 'Let us be on -our guard,' they said, 'lest under the dress of pilgrims the knights and -men-at-arms of the Spoon should be concealed.' They suddenly closed the -city gates. The pilgrims continuing to arrive soon made a crowd, and, -being fatigued with their long march, exclaimed in a pitiful voice: -'Pray open the gates, for we have come from a distance.' But the -Genevans were deaf. Then appeared the pilgrims from Faucigny, energetic -and vigorous men, who got angry, and finding words of no avail, they -forced the gates, and proceeded to the church of St. Claire, where they -began unceremoniously to say their _Paters_ and _Aves_. According to a -bull of Adrian VI., it was sufficient to repeat five of these to obtain -seventy thousand years of pardon.[857] The colour mounted to the cheeks -of some of the huguenots, who would have resisted the unlawful -intrusion; but the Faucignerans continued their devotions as calmly as -if they had been in their own villages. Then the syndics went to St. -Claire (it was the hour of vespers), accompanied by their sergeants -'with drawn swords and stout staves,' and made the usual summons for -these strangers to leave the city. Upon the refusal of the Savoyards, -the public force interfered; the Faucignerans resisted, blows were -exchanged, and finally these extraordinary pilgrims were compelled to -retire without having gained their pardon. This scene increased the -dislike of the Genevans to the Romish ceremonies. To publish indulgences -was a curious means of strengthening catholicism in Geneva. Pope -Clement VII. forgot that Leo X. had thus given the signal for the -Reformation.[858] - -When these scenes were described at Rome, they excited great irritation. -The sacred college determined to try again, and to exhibit in the very -midst of this heretic population a still more striking act of Roman -devotion. Clement VII. called his secretary and dictated to him, 'of -divine inspiration,' a new pardon, to which the Bishop of Geneva affixed -his _placet_, and which inflicted the penalty of excommunication on any -who should oppose it. This bull was published in the Savoyard country -adjacent to Geneva. The parish priests had scarcely announced the pardon -from their pulpits, ere the villages were astir, and men and women, old -and young, made their arrangements to go and seek the glorious grace -offered them in the city of the huguenots. The Genevans, friends of -religious liberty and legality, determined to offer no hindrance to -these devotions. But they took their precautions, and the -captain-general called out a strong guard. The pilgrims approached, -staff in hand, some carrying a cross on their shoulders; and erelong a -great crowd of Savoyards appeared before the walls. Here they were -compelled to halt. At each gate were arquebusiers, a great many of them -huguenots, who searched the pilgrims lest they should carry swords -beneath their clothes, in addition to their staves. The examination was -made, not without much grumbling, but no arms were found. - -Then the devoted multitude rushed into the city, and crowded into the -church of St. Claire as if it had been that of Our Lady of Loretto. The -Genevans suffered the pilgrims to go through all their forms without -obstruction. If the Savoyards wished to perform their devotions, they -reckoned also, as is usual in affairs of this kind, upon eating and -drinking, and that abundantly. The crowd for this part of the pilgrimage -was so great, that the tavern-keepers, for want of room, were forced to -set tables in the open air. This mixture of praying and drinking made -the spectators smile, and some of the huguenots gave vent to their -sarcastic humour: 'Really,' said one, 'this pardon is quite an -ecclesiastical fair' (_nundinæ ecclesiasticæ_)! 'The fair,' said -another, 'is more useful than people imagine. By these pilgrimages the -priests revive the flagging zeal of their flocks. They are nets in which -the simple birds come and are caught.' 'I very much fear,' added a -third, 'that in order to sell her indulgences, the Church makes many -promises which God certainly will not fulfil.... It is a pious fraud, as -Thomas Aquinas says.'—'Let them alone,' said others, 'let them bring -their money ... and then, when the plate is well filled, we will empty -it.' They did not proceed to such extremities: the syndics merely -forbade the money to be spent out of the city.[859] - -[Sidenote: PRIDE OF THE NUNS OF ST. CLAIRE.] - -The sisters of St. Claire rejoiced. The pope had honoured them in the -sight of all christendom; their monastery was on the way to become a -celebrated place. They believed themselves to be the favourites of God -and of the heavenly intelligences, and imagined that angels would come -to their assistance. As the plague was then raging in Geneva, they -saw—surprising miracle!—the hosts of heaven leaving their glorious -abodes to preserve the convent: the plague did not visit it. All the -nuns were convinced that this was due to a miraculous intervention. And -when the sisters, in church or in refectory, at vespers or at matins, -conversed about this great grace, they whispered to one another: 'Three -wondrously handsome and formidable knights, each having a beautiful -shining cross on his forehead, keep watch before the gate.... And when -the wicked plague appears, she sees them straight in front of her, and -flees away, fearing the brightness of their faces.' Sister Jeanne de -Jussie informs us of this miraculous fact, and concludes her narrative -with this pious exclamation: 'To God be the honour and praise!' Some -sensible men afterwards asked why these knights, 'with the shining cross -on their foreheads,' had not stationed themselves at the gates of Geneva -to prevent the entrance of that other plague (as Rome called it), the -Reformation? - -The means which the pope had selected for reannexing Geneva to Rome, had -quite a different effect: they produced a revival of religion. The Roman -indulgence aroused the Genevans, and made them seek for a real pardon. -Had not Luther, fourteen years before, proclaimed at Wittemberg that -'_every true christian participates in all the blessings of Christ, by -God's gift, and without a letter of indulgence_?'—'This doctrine,' said -certain huguenots who had returned from a journey through the cantons, -'is received in Switzerland, and not at Zurich and Berne alone. There -are many people of Lucerne and Schwytz even, who prefer God's pardon to -the pardons of the pope.' - -An invisible hand was at that time stretched over the city, and holding -a blessing in reserve for it. Farel, who was on the shores of the lake -of Neufchatel, was informed of the evangelical movement which followed -the noisy devotions of the Faucignerans, and wrote about it immediately -to Zwingle, his friend and counsellor. This was in October 1531: yet a -few more days, and the reformer of Zurich was to meet his death on the -battle-field of Cappel. This awakening of Geneva was the last news which -came to rejoice his oppressed soul. 'Many in that city,' wrote Farel, -'feel in their hearts holy aspirations after true piety.'[860] And, -according to this energetic reformer, it was something more than vague -movements of the soul that they felt. 'Several Genevans,' he wrote -another day to Zwingle, 'are meditating on the work of Christ.'[861] - -[Sidenote: 'DE CHRISTO MEDITARI.'] - -Thus, then, did that city of Geneva, which had been so engrossed with -political independence, begin to reflect on Jesus Christ. It was the new -topic which the Reformation presented everywhere to the consideration of -earnest men. In Germany, Switzerland, France, and England, still more -than at Geneva, serious minds were beginning to meditate on Christ—_de -Christo meditari_. Some did so in a superficial manner; others devoted -themselves to it in the depths of their soul; and holy thoughts found a -home in the houses of the citizens, in the colleges, in obscure cells, -and even on the throne. 'Christ is the Redeemer of the world,' thought -these meditative minds, 'the restorer of the union with God, which sin -destroyed.... Christ came to establish the kingdom of God upon earth.... -But no one can enter that kingdom unless God pardons his sins.... In -order that we may find peace, not only must our souls be relieved from -the penalty, but our consciences must be delivered from the feeling of -the sin that keeps it apart from its God.... An atonement is -necessary.... Christ, like those whom he came to save, a man like them, -is at the same time of an eternal and divine nature, which has given him -power to ransom the entire people of God, and to be the principle of a -new life.... He took upon himself the terrible penalty which we -deserved.... His whole life was one continuous expiatory suffering.... -But the crowning of his sorrows, and what gave them truly the character -of expiation, was his death.... Christ, uniting himself to humanity -through love for us, suffered death under a form which bears in the most -striking manner the character of a punishment, that is to say, the pain -of a malefactor condemned by a human tribunal.... He, the Holy One, -wishing to save his people, was made sin upon the cross.... He was -treated as the representative of sinful humanity.... He, the beloved of -the Father, endured for rebellious men the most deadly anguish, the -entire abandonment by God.... From that hour the people of God enjoy the -remission of their sins, they are reconciled with God, they have free -access to the Father.... That sacrifice is of universal -comprehensiveness; no one is excluded from it ... and yet no one -receives the benefit of it, except by a personal appropriation, by being -united to Jesus Christ, by participating, through faith, in his holy and -imperishable life.' - -Such, in the sixteenth century, were the meditations of elect souls in -many a secret chamber, and it is in this way that the Reformation was -accomplished. Perhaps one or two Genevans had similar thoughts; but, -generally, their knowledge was not very advanced, and most of the -huguenots desired rather to be delivered from the bishop and the duke -than from sin and condemnation. Farel did not conceal from Zwingle his -anxieties in this respect, and said, in his letter from Granson: 'As for -the degree of fervour with which the Genevans seek after piety—it is -known only to the Lord.'[862] - -[Sidenote: FAREL FEELS THE WANTS OF GENEVA.] - -No one interested himself more than Farel in the reformation of Geneva. -That year he was at Avenche, Payerne, Orbe, Granson, and other places; -and everywhere he ran the risk of losing his life. In one place a -sacristan threatened him with a pistol; in another, a friar tried to -kill him with a knife concealed under his frock; but Farel never thought -of himself. Of intrepid heart and indomitable will, always burning with -desire to promote the triumph of the Gospel, and prepared to confront -the most violent opposition, he felt himself strongly drawn to Geneva as -soon as he heard that the Reformation had to contend with powerful -adversaries there. He then fixed his eyes on that city, and during his -long career never turned them away from it. In the midst of his labours -at Granson, by the side of the lake, near the old castle, on the famous -battle-field, Geneva occupied his thoughts. He reflected that although -it already had a reputation for heresy, there was in reality no true -reform. What! shall the Reformation die there before it is born? He -desired to see the Word of God preached there publicly, in an -appropriate, vivifying, effective manner, and, as Calvin said, 'by -pressing the people importunately.' He desired to see the pulpit become -the seat of the prophets and apostles, the throne of Christ in his -Church. No time must be lost. The Reformation would be ruined in Geneva, -and the new times would perish with it, if the huguenots, who had ceased -to listen to the mass, were contented, as their only worship, with -walking up and down the church while the priests were chanting. The -ardent passions and warlike humour of the Genevese alarmed him. 'Alas!' -he said, 'there is no other law at Geneva than the law of arms.'[863] He -desired to establish the law of God there. He would have liked to go -there himself, and perhaps he would have carried away some by his lively -eloquence, and alarmed others by the thunders of his voice; but he owed -himself at this time to the places he was evangelising at the peril of -his life. If he quitted the work, Rome would regain her lost ground. He -therefore looked about him for a man fitted to scatter through the city -the seeds of the Word of God. - -[Sidenote: CALLS TOUSSAINT TO GO THERE.] - -Pierre Toussaint, the young canon of Metz, had quitted France, at the -invitation of Œcolampadius, after his sojourn at the court of the Queen -of Navarre, and had joined Zwingle at Zurich.[864] Farel came to the -determination of sending Toussaint to Geneva: they had occasionally -preached the Gospel together since 1525. 'Make haste to send him into -the Lord's vineyard,' he wrote to Zwingle, 'for you know how well fitted -he is for this work. I entreat you to extend a helping hand.'[865] And, -as if he foresaw the importance of the reformation of Geneva, he added: -'It is no small matter: see that you do not neglect it.[866] Urge -Toussaint to labour strenuously, so as to redeem by his zeal all the -time he has lost.'[867] Zwingle executed the commission. Toussaint, one -of the most amiable among the secondary personages of the Reform, -listened attentively to the great doctor, and at first showed himself -inclined to accept the call.[868] Zwingle spared no pains to bring him -to a decision: he set before him what the Gospel had already done in -Geneva, and what remained to be done. 'Enter into this house of the -Lord,' he said. 'Rend the hoods in pieces, and triumph over the -shavelings.... You will not have much trouble, for the Word of God has -already put them to flight.'[869] He did not mean that Toussaint should -literally tear the friars to pieces, for the expression is figurative; -but the energy of Farel and Zwingle, and what he heard of the Genevan -persecutions, alarmed the poor young man. He had quitted the court of -Francis I. because of the worldliness and cowardice he had encountered -there; and now, seeing in Geneva monks and priests, _bishopers_ and -_commoners_, huguenots and mamelukes, he shrank back in terror, as if -from a den of wild beasts. He had said 'No' to the court, he said 'No' -to the energetic and impetuous city. Geneva wanted heroes—men like Farel -and Calvin. The project failed. - -Farel was vexed. He who had never shrunk from any summons could not -succeed in sending an evangelist into this city!... He called to mind -that all help comes from a God of mercy, and in his anguish turned to -the Lord: 'O Christ,' he said, 'draw up thy army according to thy good -pleasure; pluck out all apathy from the hearts of those who are to give -thee glory, and arouse them mightily from their slumber.'[870] The -moment was soon to arrive when he would go himself to Geneva; but before -he appeared there, his prayer would be answered. God, whom he had -invoked, was to send there within a few months a strong and modest man, -who would prepare the way for Farel, Calvin, and the Reformation. - -Meanwhile several Genevans, who did not understand that a conversion of -the heart is necessary, wished to effect at least a negative reform, -which would have consisted in doing away with the mass, images, and -priests. The more daring asked why Geneva should not do like Zurich, -Berne, and Neufchatel. 'Yes,' answered the more prudent, 'if the -Friburgers would permit.'[871] - -These desires for reform, weak as they were, alarmed the Romish party. -Friars, priests, and bigots got up an agitation, and, going in great -numbers before the procurator-fiscal, conjured him to lay aside his -apathy, seeing that this new religion would change everything in Geneva, -and deprive the bishop not only of his spiritual jurisdiction, but of -his secular authority also. The fiscal, who was empowered to watch over -the rights of the prince, called for a severe inquiry upon all suspected -persons.[872] At these words there was silence in the assembly: some of -the members of the council looked at one another, and felt ill at ease, -for they were among the number of the suspected. The fiscal spoke out -more plainly, and filled the hall with complaints and clamour. 'Let us -destroy heresy!' he repeated.[873] The council, perplexed to the highest -degree, evaded the matter by doing nothing either for or against it. - -[Sidenote: BERNE AND FRIBURG AT GENEVA.] - -The fervent catholics next proceeded to the hotel where the Friburg -ambassadors were staying. 'If Geneva is reformed,' said the latter, -'there is an end to the alliance.' The Friburgers did more than this: -leaving their lodgings, they accosted the more decided liberals, and -repeated to them in a firm tone: 'If Geneva is reformed, there is an end -to the alliance!' The huguenots hurried off to the Bernese ambassadors; -but the battle of Cappel was not far off, and it was a matter of doubt -whether the Reformation could be preserved even in Berne and Zurich. The -Bernese received the Genevans coldly, and the latter returned astonished -and incensed. 'Alas!' said Farel, 'the Bernese show less zeal for the -glory of Christ than the Friburgers for the decrees of the pope.'[874] - -A new difficulty arose. The huguenots would have desired to march to the -deliverance of Zurich and the reformed, while the catholics wished to -support Lucerne and the smaller cantons. On the 11th of October—the very -day of the battle of Cappel, but it was not yet known—Berne demanded a -hundred arquebusiers of Geneva; and the next day Friburg wrote desiring -them to send all the help they could against the heretical cantons. -Which side should Geneva take? 'Let us refuse Friburg,' said some. 'Let -us refuse Berne,' said others. The former called to mind the assistance -which the most powerful republic in Switzerland had sent them; the -latter remembered that Friburg had espoused the cause of Geneva when -Berne was against them. The council, impelled in contrary directions, -resolved to preserve a just balance, and extricated themselves from -their embarrassment by the strangest middle course. They resolved that a -hundred Genevans should go and fight in favour of the Reformation, and -appointed Jean Philippe, one of the most zealous huguenots, to command -them; after which they also gave Friburg a favourable answer, and -elected syndic Girardet chief of the auxiliaries intended for the -catholics.[875] - -[Footnote 853: _Hist. of the Ref. of the Sixteenth Century_, vol. iv. -bk. xiv. ch. xii.] - -[Footnote 854: See the emperor's letter of Nov. 18, 1530, and the answer -of the Council, Dec. 10. Registers, December 9, 1530. Bonivard, -_Chroniq._ ii. pp. 591-594.] - -[Footnote 855: _Journal de Balard_, pp. 306-309.] - -[Footnote 856: Ibid. pp. 312, 313. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. 595, -607. Galiffe fils, _Besançon Hugues_, p. 407. Ruchat, ii. p. 305.] - -[Footnote 857: Chais, _Lettres sur les Jubilés_, ii. p. 583.] - -[Footnote 858: La Sœur J. de Jussie, p. 25.] - -[Footnote 859: La Sœur J. de Jussie, p. 28.] - -[Footnote 860: 'Sunt qui ad pietatem aspirant.'—Farel to Zwingle, -October 1, 1531, _Epp._ ii. p. 647. This letter, written from Granson -eleven days before Zwingle's death, was the last the Zurich reformer -ever received. That which comes after, dated simply from Orbe, 1531, is -evidently anterior to that from Granson.] - -[Footnote 861: 'Apud Gebennenses non nihil audio de Christo -meditari.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 862: 'Sed quanto fervore novit Dominus.'—Zwingl. _Epp._ ii. -p. 647.] - -[Footnote 863: 'Jus est in armis.'—Zwingl. _Epp._ ii. p. 647.] - -[Footnote 864: 'Petrus Tossanus per Œcolampadium sæpe suis vocatus -literis, quibus nostras frequentes addidimus. E Gallis pulsus ad te se -contulit.'—Farel to Zwingle, Orbe, _Epp._ ii. p. 648.] - -[Footnote 865: 'Quantum agnoscis idoneum, tantum adige in vineam Domini -properare.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 866: 'Res non parva est, neque contemnenda.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 867: 'Strenue laborare, id studio et diligentia compenset, -quod diu cessans omisit.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 868: 'Petrum sperabam in messem Domini venturum.'—Farel to -Zwingle, _Epp._ ii. p. 648.] - -[Footnote 869: 'Fractis cuculatis aliisque rasis, quos pridem Verbum -fugasset.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 870: 'Christus pro sua bona voluntate disponat omnia! -Socordiam omnem et veternum excutias a pectoribus eorum, per quos -Christi honor procurandus venit.'—Farel to Zwingle, Orbe, _Epp._ ii. p. -648.] - -[Footnote 871: 'Et si per Friburgenses liceret, asserit excipiendum -prompte Evangelium.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 872: 'In hæreticæ pravitatis suspectos severa diligentia -inquireretur.'—Spanheim, _Geneva Restituta_, p. 37.] - -[Footnote 873: 'Clamosa quiritatione et crebro convitio.'—Spanheim, -_Geneva Restituta_, p. 37.] - -[Footnote 874: 'Bernenses non ea diligentia laborant pro Christi gloria, -qua Friburgenses pro pontificiis placitis.'—Zwingl. _Epp._ ii. p. 648.] - -[Footnote 875: Registres du Conseil des 11, 13, 14 octobre 1531.] - - - - - CHAPTER XIII. - DANGER TO WHICH GENEVA IS EXPOSED BY THE DEFEAT OF - CAPPEL. - (OCTOBER 1531 TO JANUARY 1532.) - - -[Sidenote: GENEVA AGAIN IN DANGER.] - -The news of the war between the catholics and the reformed having -reached Turin, the duke thought it a favourable opportunity for -attacking Geneva. It was reported that five thousand lansquenets were -approaching on the side of Burgundy, ten thousand Italians on the side -of the Alps, and that all the states of his highness beyond the -mountains were in motion to fall upon the city. 'There are certain heads -in Geneva,' said the duke, 'that I purpose to set flying.' The Genevans -lost not a moment. 'Let everything be destroyed that may obstruct the -defence of the city,' said the council. 'Let all the suburbs be -levelled—Eaux Vives on the left shore of the lake; St. Victor, at the -other side of St. Antoine; St. Leger, up to the Arve; and the Corraterie -as far as the Rhone. Let every man keep a good look-out; let no one be -absent without leave; let those who are away return to defend the city; -and let solemn prayers and processions be made for three days.'[876] - -Thus, while Lucerne and the smaller cantons were attacking Zurich, the -Duke of Savoy and the gentlemen of the Leman were preparing to attack -Geneva. These two cities were in the sixteenth century the capitals of -protestantism in Switzerland. Geneva, however, was still filled with -priests and monks, while the choirs of all the churches reechoed with -the matins and other chants of the Romish ritual, - - De pieux fainéants y laissant en leur lieu, - A des chantres gagés, le soin de louer Dieu. - -How did it happen that Geneva was at this time coupled with Zurich? It -is because that city, though not yet won over to the Reformation, was -predestined to be so: a solitary example, probably, of a state exposed -to great dangers, not so much on account of what it is, as on account of -what it will be. The beginnings of the evangelical faith to be found -there were so very small, that they would not have sufficed to draw upon -it the anathemas of the bishop and the armies of the duke; but the -election of God was brooding over it; God prepared it, tried it, and -delivered it, because of the great things for which he destined it. The -adversaries of the Gospel seemed to have a secret presentiment of this; -and they desired therefore to destroy by the same blow the city of -Zwingle and that which was to be the city of Calvin. - -[Sidenote: DEFEAT AT CAPPEL: TRIUMPH OF ROME.] - -All the citizens were afoot. Some armed with arquebuses mounted guard; -others marched out with their mattocks to level the suburbs. At this -moment a messenger arrived from Switzerland announcing the defeat at -Cappel: Zurich had succumbed.... At first the huguenots could not -believe the mournful news; they made the messenger repeat it; but it was -soon confirmed from various quarters, and the friends of independence -and of the Reformation bent their heads in sorrow. The arm in which they -had trusted was rudely broken. The protestant party throughout -Switzerland was disheartened, while the Roman party rejoiced. It was -told at Geneva that the mass had been restored at Bremgarten, -Rapperschwyl, and Soleure, and in all the free bailiwicks, and that the -monks were returning in triumph to their deserted cells. Was it possible -for the Reformation to plant its banners on the shores of Lake Leman, at -the very moment when it was expelled from those places where it seemed -to have been so firmly established? - -The Genevan catholics anticipated their triumph. The death of the Swiss -reformer was (they thought) the end of the Reformation; they had only to -strike the final blow. Their secret meetings became more numerous; -detestable plots were concocted. The heroes of the old episcopal party, -resuming their arrogant look, walked boldly in the streets of Geneva, -some rattling their swords, others sweeping the ground with their long -robes. If they chanced to meet any _suspected_ persons, they made -contemptuous gestures at them, picked quarrels with them, insulted, and -even struck them, and the outrages remained unpunished.[877] The -Friburgers, in particular, thought everything was lawful against the -evangelicals,[878] and desiring to subdue Geneva, emulous of the -Waldstettes at the Albis, they marched through the streets in small -bands, and whenever they discovered any huguenot, they surrounded him, -carried him off, and threw him into prison without trial.[879] In this -way the partisans of the bishop expected to restore him to his episcopal -throne. Pierre de la Baume was getting ready to ascend it again. - -The huguenots, astonished at the perpetration of such outrages in the -presence of the Swiss, and even by the Swiss, applied once more to the -Bernese, but in vain. The latter were unwilling to countenance a -struggle in Geneva which they were checking in other quarters. 'Let -there be no petulance, no violence,' they said; 'we have the orders of -the senate.' But, as the Genevans were not disposed to remain quiet, the -envoys of Berne assumed a grave countenance, and, putting on a -magisterial haughtiness, dismissed their unseasonable visitors. The -Genevans withdrew murmuring: 'What scandalous neglect and cowardice!' -they said; 'Messieurs of Berne think a great deal more of this world -than of the world to come.'—'The senate of Berne,' repeated Farel, -'would not put up with the slightest insult to one of their ambassadors, -and yet they make light of serious insults offered to the Gospel of -Christ.'[880] - -[Sidenote: APPROACH OF THE DUKE AND HIS ARMY.] - -The defeat of Zurich redoubled the energy of Duke Charles. Desirous of -adorning his brows with laurels similar to those of the victors at -Cappel, he gave orders for a general attack. The troops of Vaud and -Savoy surrounded Geneva, and cut off the supplies; the boats were seized -on both shores of the lake, and the duke arrived at Gex, three leagues -from the city, with a strong force of cavalry to superintend the -assault. Under these gloomy auspices the year 1532 began in Geneva. The -danger appeared such that, at seven in the evening of the 2nd of -January, all the heads of families assembled and resolved to keep night -and day under arms, to wall up the gates, and to die rather than -renounce the Swiss alliance and their dearest liberties. A greater -misfortune was about to befall them.[881] - -On the 7th of January, five days after this courageous resolution, three -Bernese deputies, De Diesbach, De Watteville, and Nägueli, appeared -before the council. Sadness was depicted on their faces, and everything -betokened that they were the bearers of a distressful message. 'We are -come from Gex, where the duke is lying,' they said. 'He consents to -treat with you, if you will first renounce the alliance with the -cantons. Remember, he is a mighty prince, and able to do you much harm. -You have not yet paid for the last army we sent you; we cannot set -another on foot. We conjure you to come to some arrangement with his -highness.' - -During this speech the Genevans flushed with anger and indignation. They -could not understand how the proud canton of Berne could ask them to -renounce the cause of independence and the Swiss alliance. The deputy -having ended his address—the general council of the people had been -convened to hear it—the premier syndic replied: 'We will listen to no -arrangement except how to preserve the alliance. The more we are -threatened, the firmer we shall be. We will maintain our rights even -till death. We trust in God and in Messieurs of the two cities. And if, -to pay you what we owe, we must pawn our property, our wives, and our -children, we will do so. As for the alliance, we are resolved to live -and die for it.' The syndic had scarcely done speaking, when all the -people cried out: 'So be it! We will do nothing else—we will die first!' -The arquebusiers of Jean Philippe and of Richardet were of the same -mind. The ambassadors thought it strange that they should dare to resist -Berne. 'We will carry your answer back to our lords,' they said, 'and -they will do what pleases them.' They then retired. The people held up -their hands, and all swore to be faithful to the alliance. - -The Bernese envoys had left. The people were in great agitation. The -cause of liberty had just been vanquished at Cappel; the armies of the -duke surrounded the city, and the Swiss desired to cancel the alliance. -Geneva was not exempt from secret terrors: the women shed tears, and -even the men felt an oppression like that of the nightmare; but -enthusiasm for liberty prevailed over every fear. Deprived of the help -of men, the Genevans raised their eyes to heaven. Many of them -experienced extraordinary emotions, and were the victims of strange -spectral hallucinations. One night, the sentries posted on the walls saw -seven headless horsemen, dressed in black, keeping guard around the -city. They were dressed in black, for all Geneva was in mourning; they -were without heads, for no one could reckon upon preserving his own; and -then these Genevans fancied, in their enthusiasm, that they could defend -Geneva, even when their heads were off. The duke, having learnt that -some mysterious allies had come to the help of the city, quitted Gex, -and hurried off to Chambéry. It is probable, however, that his -conference with the three lords of Berne had more influence in arresting -the execution of his designs, than the apparition of the seven black -horsemen.[882] - -[Sidenote: GOD PREPARES GENEVA BY TRIAL.] - -The trials, the terrors, the repeated attacks that Geneva was forced to -undergo at the hands of her enemies, are the characteristics of her -history at the epoch of the Reformation. Her citizens, plundered, hunted -down, captured, thrown into the dungeons of the castles, always between -life and death, lived continually in the apprehension of an assault, and -almost every year their fears were changed into terrible realities; of -this we have seen several instances, and we shall see more. There is -probably no city of the sixteenth century which arrived at the -possession of truth and liberty through such great perils. When their -supplies failed, when their communications, with Switzerland were -interrupted, when no one could leave the city, when all around the arms -of the Savoyards were seen flashing in the rays of the sun, the citizens -no doubt displayed an heroic courage; but yet the women and the aged -men, and even men in the vigour of life, felt a mortal fear and anguish. -'Christians are not logs of wood,' it was said subsequently in this -city, and we may well apply the words to the Genevans of this epoch; -'they are not so devoid of human feeling, that they are not touched by -sorrow, that they do not fear danger, that poverty is not a burden to -them, and persecution sharp and difficult to bear. This is why they feel -sad when they are tried.'[883] Long ago in the early days of -Christianity, famines, earthquakes, plagues, persecution, and -afterwards, at the period of the invasion of the barbarians, the -devastations with which that calamity was attended, made serious souls -feel the presence of God, and led them to the cross. An earthquake which -threw down part of the city of Philippi, terrified a gaoler, until then -hardened in superstition, humbled him, and made him listen to the -teaching of the disciples which he had previously despised;[884] and, -later still, a similar calamity in Africa brought a great number of -pagans to confess the Gospel and be baptised. - -It was by such trials as these that Geneva was now prepared. God was -ploughing the field which he wished to sow. Distresses and deliverances -continually repeated revealed to thoughtful men the power of God: to -this even the Registers of the Council bear witness. Did this rough -school lead any souls further? Were there any who sought beyond the -world for life incorruptible?... The inward travail of men's minds is -generally concealed, and the chroniclers give us no information on this -point (it is not their department); but we cannot doubt that the end for -which God sent the trial was attained. Perhaps at that time there were -souls which, in the midst of the evils they saw around them, were led to -discover in themselves the supreme evil—sin; perhaps in some private -chamber humble voices were then raised to heaven; perhaps the judgments -of God, which were suspended over their heads and those of their wives -and children, induced some to dread the last judgment; and perhaps there -were many who embraced the eternal love, that inexhaustible source of -salvation, who believed in the Gospel of the Son of God and found peace -therein. We know not what took place in the secret depths of men's -hearts; but certainly the times which we are describing were times of -trial which contributed to make Geneva what it subsequently became: it -was a 'burning furnace from which came forth fine brass.'[885] If Geneva -shone out in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it was partly -because at the epoch of the Reformation it had been sorely tried, and, -if the expression be allowable, 'brightly burnished.'—'We are as it were -annealed in the furnace of God,' may be said of this city, 'and the scum -of our faith has been thus purged away.'[886] - -[Sidenote: SWISS PATRICIANS CANCEL THE ALLIANCE.] - -On the 7th of February, 1532, five ambassadors—two from Berne, and three -from Friburg—with Sebastian de Diesbach at their head, appeared at -Geneva before the Council of Two Hundred; they were the representatives -of the Swiss aristocracy, of those proud captains who figured in battles -and appeared in the courts of kings. They discharged their mission with -as little ceremony as they observed in taking cities, and demanded that -Geneva should renounce its alliance with the Swiss and put the Duke of -Savoy again in possession of his supremacy.... What will the Genevans -do? Even Friburg, which had at first appeared favourable to them, failed -them now.... Two hundred voices exclaimed: 'We will die sooner!' The -next day, when the general council was assembled, the greatest -excitement prevailed among them; everybody seemed eager to speak at -once; loud clamours arose on every side: 'All the people began to -shout,' say the minutes of this assembly. The language of Diesbach was -urgent, imperative, and threatening.... A hurricane was blowing over -Geneva; the tree must bend or break. But it neither bent nor broke. The -ambassadors, amazed and indignant, returned to their own country.[887] - -The Genevans, left alone, asked what was to be done.... The cup was -overflowing. Suddenly a happy idea crossed the minds of certain -patriots. Although the patricians and pensioners are opposed to the -rights of Geneva, will not the people, and the grand council which -represents them, be in favour of liberty? When the Reformation was -established at Berne, in 1528, the noblest resolutions were formed. The -indigent had been clothed with the church ornaments, the pensions of the -princes renounced, and the military capitulations which bound the Swiss -to the service of foreign powers abolished. Then the enthusiasm had -cooled down; the pensioners regretted the old times; they tampered with -the more influential people of the city, and exasperated them against -the alliance with Geneva which displeased their old master the duke. -'Let us make an attempt,' exclaimed some of the Genevese, 'to revive in -Berne the noble aspirations for Reform and liberty.' Robert Vandel and -two other deputies departed for the banks of the Aar. - -Vandel was well suited for this mission. Ever since the day when he saw -his aged father illegally seized by the bishop and thrown into prison, -he had given his heart to independence, as he subsequently gave it to -the Gospel. He knew that the people had retained their sympathy for -Geneva, and that if the patricians prevailed in the little council, the -citizens prevailed in the great council: he therefore appeared before -this body. He explained to them the dangers of the Genevans, their love -of independence, and their resolution to risk everything rather than -separate from the Swiss. His language moved the hearts of the Bernese, -and the good cause prevailed. 'We will maintain the alliance,' they -said; 'and, if necessary, we will march to defend your rights.' Friburg -adopted the resolutions of Berne.[888] Thus after the trial came the -deliverance; Geneva began to breathe freely. Yet another sorrow was in -store for it. - -[Sidenote: RESIGNATION AND DEATH OF HUGUES.] - -On the 20th of February, Besançon Hugues appeared before the council and -resigned all his functions. 'I am growing old,' he said (he was only -forty-five); 'I have many children, and I desire to devote myself to my -own affairs.' There is no doubt that the motives assigned by Hugues had -some part in his determination; we may, however, ask if they were the -only ones. He watched attentively the movement of men's minds in Geneva, -and, being devoted to Roman-catholicism and the bishop, he could not -help seeing that the opposite party was gaining more followers every -day. He had spared neither time, trouble, fortune, nor health to bring -about the alliance with the Swiss. Seeing that it existed no longer -solely in the parchments of the archives, but in the hearts of the -people, he thought that he had fulfilled his task, and that for the new -work Geneva ought to have new leaders. If Hugues was not old, he was -ailing; he already felt the approaches of that disease which carried him -off a few months later. He declined rapidly, and breathed his last -towards the end of the year. - -The death of Besançon Hugues did not proceed from an ordinary sickness: -he died of a broken heart. Although still a catholic, at the moment when -the Reform was about to enter his country, a crown ought to be laid upon -his grave. The continual anxiety which the perils of Geneva had caused -him; more than forty official missions; his incessant labours in the -Genevan cause; the new burdens continually imposed upon him; the -reverses which rent his heart; his precipitate flight, his dangers on -the roads and in the cities, cold, watchings, and the cares of a -family—('I commend to you my poor household,' he said sometimes in his -letters to the council); his disappointments; the reproaches he had to -endure from both parties; his struggles with the pensioners, the agents -of Savoy, the knights of the Spoon, and some of his fellow-citizens—all -these vexations contributed to his disease and death. The head of -Besançon Hugues did not fall under the sword of the executioner, like -those of Berthelier and Lévrier; but the pacific hero sank under the -weight of fatigue and sorrow. An invisible sword struck him; and it may -be said that the deaths of the three great men of Genevan emancipation -were the deaths of martyrs. - -[Footnote 876: Registres du Conseil du 11 octobre 1531.] - -[Footnote 877: 'Alii impune injuria afficiuntur.'—Zwingl. _Epp._ ii. p. -648.] - -[Footnote 878: 'Nihil pene non licet Friburgensibus in pios.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 879: 'Indicta causa, rapiuntur in carceres.'—Zwingl. _Epp._ -ii. p. 648.] - -[Footnote 880: 'Non putarim senatum Bernensem olim ita laturum levem -injuriam in nuntium sicut gravem in Evangelium perfert.'—Ibid.] - -[Footnote 881: Registres du Conseil du 2 janvier 1532.] - -[Footnote 882: Registres du Conseil des 7, 8, 9 janvier 1532. Savyon, -_Annales_.] - -[Footnote 883: Calvin on 1 Peter i. 7.] - -[Footnote 884: Acts xvi. 23, 24.] - -[Footnote 885: Revelation i. 15.] - -[Footnote 886: Calvin.] - -[Footnote 887: Registres du Conseil des 4, 7, 8 février 1532.] - -[Footnote 888: _History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century_, -bk. xv. ch. iii. Ruchat, ii. p. 83. Galiffe fils, _B. Hugues_, p. 442.] - - - - - CHAPTER XIV. - AN EMPEROR AND A SCHOOLMASTER. - (SPRING 1532.) - - -[Sidenote: THE EMPEROR'S NEW SCHEME.] - -Just as the noble citizen, who had defended with such devotedness the -independence of his country, had retired from the stage of the world, -new plots were got up against Geneva; but new strength came also to her -help. An emperor was rising against the city, and a schoolmaster was -bringing it the everlasting Word. - -The imperial court was then at Ratisbon, where the Germanic diet was to -assemble. The Duke and Duchess of Savoy, who could not make up their -minds to resign Geneva, had ordered their ambassador accredited to -Charles V. to solicit the influence of that prince in order to induce -the bishop, his partisan, to cede his temporal principality to the -duke's second son. The duchess, who appears to have been anxious to -bring about this cession, made every possible exertion to attain her -object. The emperor, who was very fond of Beatrice, answered: 'I desire -this arrangement, because of the singular love, goodwill, and affection -I feel towards my dearly beloved cousin and sister-in-law.' He added, -moreover, that he desired it also 'in the interest of the holy faith and -for the preservation of mother Church.' He undertook to persuade Pierre -de la Baume to transfer his temporality to the young prince; and, that -he might bring the negotiation to a favourable issue, he applied to the -Count of Montrevel, the head of the bishop's family. On the 14th of -April, 1532, he dictated and forwarded the following letter to that -nobleman: 'The emperor, king, duke, and count of Burgundy, to his very -dear liegeman: We require and order you very expressly, that as soon as -possible, and at the earliest opportunity and convenience, you proceed -to the Bishop of Geneva, and tell him, as you may see most fitting, the -desire we have that he should _please our said cousins_, the duke and -duchess; employing with him soft words of persuasion, according to your -accustomed prudence. He can all the easier yield to our prayer, because, -as the successor-designate of the Archbishop of Besançon, he must -necessarily leave Geneva to reside in that city.' The emperor, moreover, -used his influence with the Marshal of Burgundy, the Baron of St. -Sorlin, Pierre de la Baume's brother. The prelate was to be attacked on -every side. Charles's recommendations could hardly have been more urgent -if the safety of the German empire had been at stake.[889] - -The duke, who was delighted at these letters of the emperor, began to -take such measures as would enable him to profit by them. Since the -puissant Charles V. gives Geneva to his son, he will go in quest of the -young prince's new states. In the following month (May 1532) everything -foreboded that some new attack was preparing against Geneva. There was -great commotion in the castles; trumpets were sounding, banners flying, -and priests raising loud their voices. It might have been imagined that -they were preparing for a crusade like those which had taken place of -yore against the Albigenses or the Saracens. The Genevans, who had not a -moment's repose, mournfully told one another the news. 'In the states of -Savoy there are loud rumours of war,' they said; 'the nobles are enraged -against the evangelicals, whom they call _Lutherans_; and some of the -gentry are assembled already, and going to and fro under arms.' The -citizens did not give way to dejection; on the contrary, the knowledge -of these intrigues and preparations made them long the more earnestly -for the emancipation of Geneva. They said that from the day when the -pope had deprived the citizens of the choice of their ruler, and had -nominated creatures or members of the house of Savoy as bishops at -Geneva, there had been in the city nothing but disorders, violence, -extortion, imprisonment, confiscations, tortures, and cruel punishments. -They asked if it was not time to return to the primitive form of -Christianity, to the popular organisation of the Church; they repeated -that Geneva would never secure her independence and her liberty, except -by trusting to the great principles of the Reformation. 'Zurich,' they -said, 'has resumed the rights which Rome had taken away: it is time that -Geneva followed her example.'[890] - -[Sidenote: NEGATIVE PROTESTANTISM INSUFFICIENT.] - -The Reformation was neither a movement of liberty nor a philosophical -development, but a christian, a heavenly renewal. It sought after God, -and, having found him, restored him to man: that was its work. But, at -the same time, wherever it was established, at least under the -Calvinistic form, civil liberty followed it. We must acknowledge, -however, that the reformers, with the exception of Zwingle, did not -trouble themselves much about this. It was grace that filled them with -enthusiasm. It was the great idea of a free pardon, and not artillery, -which shattered the power of the pope. Every man was then invited to the -foot of the cross, to receive immediately from Christ, and through no -sacerdotal channel, an inestimable gift. But Christianity, which the -priesthood had monopolised, vitiated, and made a trade of during the -middle ages, became common property in the sixteenth century. It passed -from the pomps of the altar to men of humble and contrite heart, from -the gloomy and solitary cloisters to the domestic hearth, from isolated -Rome to universal society. Once more launched into the midst of the -nations, it everywhere restored to man faith, hope, and morality, light, -liberty, and life. - -[Sidenote: OLIVÉTAN ARRIVES AT GENEVA.] - -At the very time when a beautiful princess was coveting Geneva, an -ambitious duke intriguing, and courtiers agitating, and when a puissant -monarch was granting his imperial favours, a humble schoolmaster arrived -in the city. And while all those pomps and ceremonies were among the -number of things worn out and passing away, this teacher brought with -him the principles of a new life. Farel, as we have seen, ardently -desired that the Word of God should be circulated and even publicly -preached at Geneva. He thought that then only would the Reformation be -truly established and independence secured. It is probable that the -person who arrived in this city, and whom he had long known, was sent by -him; but we have no proof that such was the case. However, this man was -not, properly speaking, a preacher; he was merely a schoolmaster, and -yet he was to perform a work greater than that of the emperor. At that -time Geneva passed for protestant; but her protestantism was limited to -throwing off despotism and superstition. But it is not sufficient to -reject what is false; the truth preached by Christ and the apostles must -be believed. _Faith_ is the principle of the Reformation. There was at -Geneva, to some extent, that negative protestantism which rejects not -only the abuses of popery, but also evangelical truth itself; which can -create nothing, and which is little else than a form—and certainly one -of the least interesting forms—of philosophy. If Geneva was to be -reformed, to become a centre of light and morality, and to maintain her -political independence, she must have a positive and living -christianity; and it was this that Olivétan, Farel, and Calvin were -about to bring her. - -[Sidenote: CHARACTER OF CHAUTEMPS.] - -In the street of the Croix d'Or, not far from the Place du Molard, lived -an enlightened, wealthy, and influential citizen, Jean Chautemps, a -member of council. He was a quiet and conscientious man, yielding -unhesitatingly to his convictions. Chautemps valued learning highly, and -having sons desired to see them well educated. People spoke to him of a -Frenchman, born at Noyon, in Picardy, who, after a long residence at -Paris, had been compelled to leave France in consequence of one of the -attacks so frequently made upon the _Lutherans_ at that time. 'Besides,' -added his informant, 'he is a very learned man.' Indeed, without being -either a Reuchlin in Hebrew or a Melanchthon in Greek, he had a sound -knowledge of both languages; it was his practice to read the Holy -Scriptures in the original text, and he was fond of inserting in his -writings passages from the Old Testament, where they still appear in -beautiful Hebrew characters, in the midst of his antiquated French. His -name was Peter Robert Olivétan—the same who, during his residence in -Paris, had had the happiness of bringing to a knowledge of evangelical -truth one of his cousins and fellow-townsmen, John Calvin. Chautemps, -considering it fortunate to have such a master for his children, -received him into his house. - -Calvin's cousin boldly set to work. He taught his patron's children, -and, as it would appear, some others that had been placed with them. He -taught with love and clearness, according to 'the right mode' of -Mathurin Cordier, whom he had known at Paris. He believed, as Calvin -says, that 'roughness and servile austerity excite children to -rebellion, and extinguish in them the holy affections of love and -reverence,' and he strove 'by moderate and kind treatment to increase in -them the will and readiness to obey.'[891] - -The schoolmaster, as he is termed in the Registers of the Council of -Geneva, did not restrict himself to teaching Latin and Greek. He was -simple and modest, and calls himself, in the preface to the book which -has immortalised him (the translation of the Bible), '_the humble and -lowly translator_.' But God had kindled a divine fire in his heart. He -believed that the christian ought to carry a lighted lamp in his hand to -show others the way of life, and he never failed to do so. He sometimes -accompanied Chautemps to the churches, and was observed to be deeply -moved by the errors which he heard there; he would leave the temple in -agitation, return home, and, seated with his patron, refute by Holy -Scripture the opinions of the priests, and faithfully explain the true -Christian doctrine. The councillor, who had early sided with those who -inclined towards the Reformation, was struck with these conversations, -and, far from resisting the truth that was set before him, joyfully -yielded himself to it. He presently displayed, according to Froment's -testimony, 'if not a perfect knowledge, at least a great desire for -learning, with much love and zeal to show himself as a friend of the -Reformation.'[892] From that hour the pious councillor always came -forward whenever there was a question of upholding the evangelical cause -in Geneva. When that great missionary, Farel, arrived, Chautemps was -among the first to welcome him. When a dispute occurred with the curate -of St. Magdalen's, he was one of those who defended the teaching of the -Scriptures.[893] And subsequently he boldly declared, in full council, -that he desired to live according to the Gospel and the Word of God.[894] - -Olivétan's zeal was not confined to the house in which he lived; he -laboured to make the Gospel known to the councillor's friends, and even -to everybody whom he found accessible to the Divine Word. He exerted -himself, and overcame obstacles; by means of the Scriptures he -endeavoured to 'point out _with gentleness_' to the priests the errors -which they taught, and would not allow himself to be hindered by any -fear. Such zeal was not without danger, for the priests had still much -power in Geneva. Chautemps and his friends accordingly advised Olivétan -to be prudent, lest he should come to harm; but the schoolmaster said -like his cousin: 'It is God's will that his truth should be proclaimed, -happen what may; it must be published, even should the depths of hell -pour forth their rage against it.[895] Olivétan once reproved a priest -with so much boldness that the latter stirred up all the clergy against -him, and he was ordered (without being brought to trial) to leave the -city; but this belongs to a later time. - -Conversation did not suffice, and if any persons showed a desire to -learn the new doctrine, Olivétan explained it to them. He did not do so -before large audiences; it was generally to small parties. Yet a -document speaks of assemblies held not only in private houses, but in -public, in the open places, and in front of the churches.[896] Olivétan, -therefore, like his illustrious relative, called to mind that in the -beginning of christianity the doctrine of the Lord did not remain -'hidden as it were in little comers, and that never was thunder heard so -loud and so piercing as the sound of the preaching of the Gospel, -reverberating from one end of the world to the other.'[897] He sometimes -quitted the humble conventicle and preached the Word of truth under the -vault of heaven. Alarmed at the great disorders in which those men -indulged who were one day to bear the name of 'libertines,' he attacked -the conscience with holy intrepidity. - -[Sidenote: OLIVÉTAN'S MISSION.] - -One day, one of those 'private assemblies' was held, of which the -emperor had complained to the syndics. It was, we may suppose, in the -house of Chautemps or some other huguenot (public meetings were, I -think, rare exceptions) in the street of the Croix d'Or or of the -_Allemands_, so called because some German Switzers, friends of the -Reformation, lived in it. A few men and women, most of them known to the -master of the house, came and took their seats on the benches in front -of the evangelist. Olivétan, who saw before him souls slumbering in -false security and heedless of the Supreme Judge, 'magnificently -discharged the embassy intrusted to him' (according to Calvin's -expression). 'One day,' he said, 'when thou shalt hear the Lord calling -thee to judgment, will there be found anything in thee but fear and -trembling, flight and concealment? Look! Access to the Lord is cut off, -because of sin. With whom wilt thou take refuge? In what place wilt thou -find relief? God, the avenger of sin, from whom nothing can be hid, is -everywhere present ... and everywhere terrifies the guilty conscience.' - -Then, imagining that he saw some of those Genevans, whose morals, as -depraved as those of the monks, alienated them from the Gospel, he -exclaimed: 'The flesh excludes the Spirit, and stops the way, so that -the entrance of the heart is not opened to it. The flesh desires present -pleasures, it follows vanity, it carefully seeks after the delights of -the body, by eating and drinking, by idleness, licentious pursuits, and -other such things, in which it is entirely absorbed. Reason, illumined -by the Spirit, strives after good things, and fights against the flesh; -but the sensual man is nothing more than a brute, and gives himself up -entirely to things that belong to brutes.' - -Among those who sat on the humble benches and listened to the preacher, -were also some of those intellectual men, numerous in Geneva, who would -have liked to come to the faith, but whom the doctrine of Christ -astonished and even alarmed. 'You believe,' said the evangelist, 'and -yet you do not believe. You willingly hear the words of salvation, and -yet you are terrified at them. There is nothing that we hear from the -mouth of the Saviour which, without a mediator, should not be terrifying -to us, and the flesh is quite dismayed that it should be necessary to -possess such faith.' - -Then the schoolmaster raised the trumpet of the Gospel to his lips and -announced the great mystery of Redemption, without concealing what the -Greeks would have called its _foolishness_. 'Let us turn then,' he -exclaimed, 'to the Mediator, who has consummated the alliance and -purified us by his own blood, with which our consciences are sprinkled -and watered. The Old Covenant always depended on the blood of beasts; -the New Covenant depends on new blood. Eternal Redemption was effected -by an eternal sacrifice. The alliance is indissoluble, perpetual, and -perfect through the eternal blood which was of God.... The kingdom of -the Messiah has no end; its king must therefore be immortal; and the new -men, also immortal, are citizens of an everlasting kingdom.' - -The huguenots were fond of debating, even unseasonably. Some of those -seated in front of Olivétan were astonished at hearing this doctrine of -Christ's sacrifice set forth, and maintained that, if they were to judge -from facts, it did not do much to free man from sin. 'No doubt,' said -Olivétan, 'if the Holy Ghost does not teach us. We cannot attain true -holiness if the Holy Ghost, who is the reformer of hearts, is absent. By -the Spirit of Jesus Christ the remains of sin in us diminish little by -little. The Spirit of Christ burns gently and cleanses away the stains -of the heart.... What a profound mystery! He who was hung upon the -cross, who even ascended into heaven to finish everything, comes and -dwells in us, and there accomplishes the perfect work of eternal -Redemption.'[898] - -Thus spoke the tutor of Councillor Chautemps' children. - -Olivétan was a mysterious personage, a singular reformer. At Paris he -called Calvin to the Gospel, and gave him to Christianity as the apostle -of the new times. At Geneva, he was the forerunner of his illustrious -relative; like a pioneer in the forest, he cut down the secular trees, -and prepared the soil into which his pious and mighty successor so -copiously scattered the seed. Later, as we shall see, he gave to the -reformed French Church its first Bible, a translation which, revised by -Calvin, so greatly advanced the kingdom of God. Perhaps Olivétan, during -his residence in Geneva, may have thought that his cousin would -hereafter occupy this post. He appears in history only as the precursor -of the reformer, and Calvin had hardly set foot in this city when -Olivétan crossed the Alps, went to Italy, even to the city of the -pontiffs, as if he desired now to accomplish a new work, to come to -close quarters with the papacy, and prepare Rome for the Reformation as -he had prepared Geneva. But there he suddenly disappeared—poisoned, as -some say. There is a veil over his death as over his life. He is spoken -of no more, and scarcely any one appears to know either his work or his -name. But we must not anticipate: we shall meet him again erelong. - -Olivétan certainly played an important part in the great change which -has renewed modern society, and his name deserves to be enrolled among -those which are carved on the foundation-stones of the vast temple of -the Reformation. - -[Footnote 889: The emperor's letter to the Count of Montrevel. Galiffe -fils, _B. Hugues, Pièces Justificatives_, p. 494.] - -[Footnote 890: Zwinglii _Opp._ iii. p. 439. _Archives de Genève._ James -Fazy, _Précis de l'Histoire de la République de Genève_, pp. 183-191.] - -[Footnote 891: Calvini _Opera_.] - -[Footnote 892: Froment, _Actes et Gestes de Genève_, p. 4.] - -[Footnote 893: Registres du Conseil du 31 décembre 1532.] - -[Footnote 894: Ibid. du 8 janvier 1534.] - -[Footnote 895: Calvin, _Comm. sur les Actes_.] - -[Footnote 896: _Archives de Genève, Pièces Historiques_, nᵒ 7069, 8 -juillet 1532.] - -[Footnote 897: Calvin, on Matthew x. 36.] - -[Footnote 898: Olivétan. Introduction to his French translation of the -Bible. Fol. Neuchatel, 1535.] - - - - - CHAPTER XV. - THE PARDON OF ROME AND THE PARDON OF HEAVEN. - (JUNE AND JULY 1532.) - - -Olivétan's teaching had not been fruitless. There occurred erelong an -evangelical manifestation in Geneva, which was an important step, and -the first public act of Reform. Calvin's cousin may have been the -instrument, though Clement VII. was the proximate cause. - -[Sidenote: THE JUBILEE.] - -The pope was preparing at that time to publish, not a local pardon like -that of St. Claire, but a universal jubilee. It was the general topic of -conversation in many places, and some told how it had originated. 'On -the eve of the new year, 1300,' said a scholar, jeeringly, 'a report -spread suddenly through Rome (no one knew from whence it came) that a -plenary indulgence would be granted to all who should go next morning to -St. Peter's. A great crowd of Romans and foreigners hurried there, and -in the midst of the multitude was an aged man who, stooping and leaning -on his staff, wished also to take part in the festival. He was a hundred -and seven years old, people said. He was conducted to the pope, the -proud and daring Boniface VIII. The old man told him how, a century -before, an indulgence of a hundred years had been granted on account of -the jubilee; he remembered it well, he said. Boniface, taking advantage -of the declaration of this man, whose mind was weakened by age, decreed -that there should be a plenary indulgence every hundred years.'[899] The -great gains which were made out of it, led to the jubilee being -appointed to be held successively every fifty years, thirty-three years, -and twenty-five years. But the jubilee of the twenty-fifth year did not -always hinder that of the thirty-third.[900] - -At Geneva people were already beginning to talk much about the coming -jubilee. Olivétan and his friends were scandalised at it. The heart of -this just and upright man was distressed at seeing the pardon of God set -aside in favour of a festival of human invention, in which, in order to -obtain remission of sins, it was necessary to frequent the churches -during a fixed number of days, and perform certain works, and whose -surest effect was a large increase to the revenues of the pope. The -schoolmaster maintained that if any one sought to find repose of -conscience in such inventions, he would waste his time; his heart would -be lulled to sleep in forgetfulness of God, or be full of fear and -trembling until it had found repose in Jesus Christ. 'Christ alone is -our peace,' he said, 'and alone gives our conscience the assurance that -God is appeased and reconciled with it.' - -Men's minds were soon in a great ferment in Geneva. People met and -talked about it in the streets, and everywhere began to murmur. 'A fine -tariff is the pope's!' said the more decided of the huguenots. 'Do you -want an indulgence for a false oath? Pay 29 livres 5 sols. Do you want -an indulgence for murder? A man's life is cheaper; a murder will only -cost you 15 livres 2 sols 6 deniers.' They added, 'that the pretended -treasury of indulgences, from which the pope took the wares he sold to -every comer, was an invention of the devil.' - -[Sidenote: ENCROACHMENTS OF THE CLERGY.] - -It was thus that the christians, whom preceding ages had kept down, -began to reappear in the Church. The lay spirit was manifested in -Geneva. Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve, one of the most determined -huguenots, had frequent conversations with other good _Lutherans_, all -of whom complained of the domineering spirit of the clergy, who had -monopolised everything. Such complaints were, however, universal -throughout christendom. In the earliest times, said the people, the -_priests_ began by confiscating the rights of the laity; and erelong -these shepherds had nothing but silly _sheep_ under their crooks.... But -while the priests were engrossed in this work, another was going on -behind their backs which they did not observe. The _bishops_ did to the -priests what the priests had done to the laity; and when the inferior -functionaries of the Church had succeeded in catching the flocks in -their trap, they found in their turn that they had fallen into the -bishops' pitfall. At the Council of Cologne (A.D. 346) there were ten -priests, presbyters, or elders, in addition to the fourteen bishops; but -that was the last time. At the Councils of Poitiers, Vaison, Paris, and -Valence (all held in the latter half of the fourth century), none but -bishops were present. Subsequently, indeed, a _delegated_ priest was -found in three councils; but at last this single priest was politely -dismissed. While the bishops were busied with this conquest, another was -going on; and they had no sooner confiscated the rights of the priests -(as the priests had confiscated those of the laity), than they found -their own confiscated by the _pope_. All rights had come to an end. -Flocks, priests, bishops—all had lost their liberty. The pope was the -Church. One monster had swallowed the other, to be swallowed in its -turn. Nothing is more sad, nothing more disastrous, than this tragic -history. _Quod des devorat._[901] The Romish hierarchy devours -everything that is given to it. The Reformation was to restore that -christian society which the clerical society had put out of sight. - -[Sidenote: GOD'S PARDON.] - -And so it happened at Geneva. Their rights as christians were among the -first claimed by these Genevans, who were so enamoured of their rights -as citizens. 'If the pope _sells_ indulgences,' said they, 'the Gospel -_gives_ a free pardon. Since Rome advertises her pardon, let us -advertise that of the Lord.' These reformers, who were probably among -the number of Olivétan's hearers, drew up, conjointly, a 'heavenly -proclamation,' in simple and evangelical terms: it is possible that -Olivétan himself was the author. Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve took the -draft, hurried off with it to a printer, and ordered him to print it in -bold characters. After that, certain huguenots, the most zealous of whom -were Maison-Neuve and Goulaz, arranged their plans; and early in the -morning of the 9th of June they posted on the walls, in different parts -of the city, the _great general pardon_ _of Jesus Christ_,[902] at such -a height that every one could read it. At that time there was in front -of St. Pierre's a pillar on which the clerical notices were displayed; -Goulaz went to it, and over one of the announcements of the Roman -jubilee he fastened the proclamation of Gospel pardon. - -The sun had risen above the Alps: it was already broad daylight; the -city woke from its slumbers; windows and doors were opened, and the -people began to pass through the streets. They stared and stood still in -surprise before these proclamations.... Men and women, priests and -friars, crowded in front of the placards, and read with amazement the -following words, which sounded strange to them:— - - GOD, OUR HEAVENLY FATHER - PROMISES - A GENERAL PARDON OF ALL HIS SINS - TO EVERY ONE WHO FEELS SINCERE REPENTANCE, - AND POSSESSES - A LIVELY FAITH IN THE DEATH AND PROMISES - OF - JESUS CHRIST. - -'This cannot surely be a papal indulgence,' said certain huguenots, 'for -money is not mentioned in it. Salvation given gratuitously must -certainly come from heaven.' But the priests thought differently; they -looked upon the placard as a defiance of the pope's pardon, and their -wrath grew fiercer than ever. They insulted those whom they believed to -be the authors of the proclamation, overwhelmed them with abuse, and -attacked them not only with their fists, but with the weapons which they -had provided.[903] 'The clergy made a great uproar,' says the -pseudo-Bonivard; 'and when the priests tried to tear down the said -placards, the believers, whom they called _Lutherans_, showed themselves -and prevented them, which caused a great commotion among the -people.'[904] In a short time the parties were organised: the burghers -gathered together in groups. On one side were the citizens, who defended -the placards; on the other, the priests and their followers, who wanted -to pull them down. - -A canon, named Wernly, a native of Friburg, had remained in Geneva; he -was a stout active man, of hasty temper, a fanatical papist, who could -handle the sword as skilfully as the censer, and give a blow as readily -as he gave holy water. Having heard the tumult, he ran out of his house, -went towards the cathedral, and just as he was about to enter he caught -sight of the placard which Goulaz had fastened to the pillar. He flew -into a rage, rushed up to the paper, and tore it down with a coarse -oath. Goulaz, one of those bold spirits who brave those whom they -despise, was standing close by, watching all that took place. Seeing -what the canon had done, he went up to the pillar, and calmly put -another paper in the place of that which Wernly had pulled down. -Immediately the Friburger lost all self-control: the heretic and not the -paper was the object of his rage. He rushed at Goulaz, dealt him a -violent blow; and then, not content with this chastisement, drew his -sword (for the canons wore swords at that time), and would have struck -him. Goulaz was by no means a man of patient temper, and, seeing the -canon's sword, immediately drew his own, put himself on the defensive, -and in the struggle wounded Wernly in the arm. There was a great uproar -immediately; the partisans of the priests fell upon the audacious man -who had dared defend himself against that holy personage; the huguenots, -on their part, rallied round Goulaz, and defended him. - -[Sidenote: STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE TWO POWERS.] - -A battle between the priest and the layman, a struggle between clerical -and secular society, then occurred in Geneva. The priests had determined -that the placards should be torn down everywhere; and, accordingly, -there was a loud noise of discord and battle, not only in front of the -porch of St. Pierre's, but through great part of the city. 'Nothing -could be seen,' says a writer, 'but strife, conflicts, and drawn -swords.'[905] Two men of the priests' party were wounded in the Bourg de -Four. The magistrates, being informed of what was going on, hurried to -the spot, and separated the combatants. - -Goulaz certainly did not represent the Reform; he was merely a Genevese -patriot, and somewhat hasty; but the Romish Church could not disown a -canon; he was truly its representative, and men asked whether the Church -intended to combat the Gospel with sword and fist. During this sharp -skirmish between the ultramontanes and the huguenots, one party held -aloof and rejoiced in secret: they were the partisans of Savoy. They -imagined that since the two great Genevan parties were quarrelling, they -would be found erelong, wearied with civil discord, bending the knee to -the absolute government of his most serene highness. Division would be -their strength.[906] - -The news of this battle soon reached Friburg. People there had already -begun to talk of a certain schoolmaster who was preaching the Gospel at -Geneva, and the placard which had set all the city in commotion was -(they thought) the result of his sermons. Friburg was excited, for in -this matter there was something far more alarming than a blow dealt at a -Friburger—it was a blow aimed against the papacy. - -[Sidenote: THE INTERDICT OF THE COUNCIL.] - -On the 24th of June, Councillor Laurent Brandebourg arrived at Geneva, -and having been introduced to the council, he complained, in the name of -the catholic canton, of what had taken place, and particularly of the -books and placards which led men to 'the new law,' and threw contempt on -the authority of the bishop and the pope. 'Everybody assures us,' he -said, 'that you belong to the Lutheran party. If it be so, gentlemen, we -shall tear up the act of alliance and throw the pieces at your feet.' -These words, accompanied by a corresponding gesture, alarmed the -council. 'The Friburg alliance has never been more necessary than now,' -they whispered to one another. There were still among the Genevans many -zealous Roman-catholics; the evangelicals were the rare exceptions; a -great number, as we have said, held to a certain negative middle way. -The threats of Friburg disturbed the magistrates. 'We are not -Lutherans,' answered the premier syndic. 'Well, then,' resumed the -catholic Brandebourg, 'summon Goulaz before the ecclesiastical court.' -The council replied that the _general pardons_ had been stuck up without -their knowledge, that they disapproved of such excesses, that Goulaz had -only struck the canon in self-defence, after having received a blow and -seen him draw his sword, and that, nevertheless, he had been fined. The -council added that they would go further to satisfy Friburg. Immediately -they forbade, by sound of trumpet, any papers to be posted up without -their permission; and then, as the priests cried out louder against -Olivétan than against Goulaz, the syndics ordered that, 'for the -present, _the schoolmaster_ should discontinue preaching the -Gospel.'[907] They fancied they had thus completely rooted out the evil. -The ultramontane party, delighted at this triumph, thought the moment -had arrived for effecting a thorough reaction. The priests began to -search after the Holy Scriptures, visiting every family, and demanding -the surrender of their New Testaments. - -The people began to murmur. 'The priests want to rob us of the Gospel -of Jesus Christ,' said the huguenots, 'and in its place they will give -us ... what?... Romish fables.... We must begin again to read the stories -in the Golden Legend. Really it is quite enough to hear them at church.' -Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve and his friends urged the council to show -themselves christians. They represented that it was shameful to see -priests and monks set so little store by the gospels and epistles, and -fill the ears of their congregations with human inventions. Olivétan had -often told them that there was no intention of introducing a new -religion, but of reestablishing an old one—that of the apostles. This -idea, so simple and so true, was easily understood. The triumph of which -the priests had dreamt was changed into a triumph for the Gospel. 'The -party of the _Lutherans_,' says an ancient manuscript, 'or, as they -called themselves, of the _evangelicals_, became more numerous and -stronger every day among the magistrates and people.'[908] The friends -of the Reformation who were on the council began to speak out boldly of -the rights of the Word of God. Others who were not Lutherans were -generally honest men, and they thought it very christian-like, and even -quite catholic, to preach the Gospel, and not mere fables. They were -unwilling that it should be said of the Church to which they belonged, -that it was supported by visions and sham miracles. The council -therefore ordered (unanimously, as it would appear) the grand vicar, De -Gingins of Bonmont, 'to take measures that in every parish and convent -the Gospel should be preached _according to the truth, without any -mixture of fables_ or other human inventions.'[909] The evangelicals, in -their turn, were delighted at this order. They knew that the magistrates -did not intend abolishing the Roman worship; yet it was the first -official act in Geneva in a direction favourable to the Reformation. -They accordingly showed great respect for the syndics under whom this -decree was passed: they were Guillaume Hugues, Besançon's brother; -Claude Savoie, a man of great energy; Claude du Molard, and Ami Porral, -a clever, intelligent man, already gained to the Gospel. - -[Sidenote: NUNCIO AND ARCHBISHOP AT CHAMBÉRY.] - -Without the city, men's opinions were very different. The preachings 'in -the houses of Geneva, the _abominable Lutheran heresy_ that was taught -even in the schools,'[910] had caused a lively emotion in the catholic -provinces adjoining the city, which was increased by the _general pardon -of Jesus Christ_. At Chambéry people's minds were greatly agitated. -Some, losing all self-control, would have liked to see the thunderbolts -of heaven hurled against Geneva; others, more merciful and perhaps more -prudent, would have entreated the Genevese, even with tears, to remain -faithful to the papacy. There happened at this time to be a great crowd -of priests at the palace of the Bishop of Chambéry; a papal nuncio was -passing through that city, and the archbishop, the nuncio, and his -attendants had some conversation about Geneva, loudly deploring its -apostasy. The nuncio, a violent Romanist, would immediately have brought -the facts to the knowledge of the pope, in order that the court of Rome -should take proceedings in conformity with the severity of the -ecclesiastical laws. The archbishop checked him; he preferred making a -prior application to the council. Accordingly he wrote a letter to the -syndics, in which, after mentioning the various charges against the -Genevese, he added: 'Can it be true that such things are taking place in -a city so long renowned for its faith?... This would be so serious a -matter that we should be compelled to report it immediately to Rome.... -Put it in our power to tell the holy father that you will preserve a -perpetual confidence in the holy apostolic see.'[911] - -The syndics, who had no desire to declare either in favour of Rome or of -Wittemberg, were greatly embarrassed. One of them, however, found a way -of getting out of the difficulty. 'Let us make no reply,' he said. When -the archbishop's messenger came for their answer, the syndics called him -before them, and gave him this verbal message: 'Tell Monseigneur that we -desire to live in a christian manner, and in accordance with the law of -Christ.' The archbishop, the nuncio, and the pope might understand that -as they pleased. It was soon seen that Rome and Savoy had no intention -of permitting Geneva to live according to that _law of Christ_ which the -city had invoked. - -But if the papacy was uneasy, evangelical christians rejoiced. They -believed that an important position had been gained by the Reformation, -and, supposing the Genevese to be more advanced in the faith than they -really were, rejoiced in anticipation over the victories which these new -members of the evangelical body would win for their common standard. -'The Genevans,' said one of them, 'are true _christian knights_, who, -having no respect for men who will soon pass away, do not fear to offend -their superiors, the enemies of truth.'—'The Genevans,' said another, -'are energetic men: if they embrace the Gospel, they will know how to -propagate it elsewhere.'[912] - -The old evangelicals went further than this: they felt full of love for -the new brethren. They desired to give them a welcome, to stretch out -the hand of brotherhood to them, to receive them, with the charity of -Christ, into that small and humble Church which was to increase from -year to year and from age to age. They were not too sanguine, however: -they knew the moral state of the Genevans; they knew that the little -flock was still weak, and but just beginning to pronounce the name of -Christ and to walk in his way. These old christians desired, therefore, -to approach it as a father approaches his child, to take it by the hand, -to point out the dangers by which it was surrounded, and to conjure it -to remain firm, and to increase in that faith which it was beginning to -confess boldly. - -[Sidenote: LETTER FROM THE BRETHREN AT PAYERNE.] - -Between the Alps and the Jura, on the road leading from Lausanne to -Berne, is situated a small town, clustered ages ago round an abbey which -the famous Queen Bertha had declared exempt from all suzerainty, even -from that of the pope, and which, in 1208, had resisted the Emperor -Rodolph of Hapsburg. In one of the houses of this town of Payerne, some -pious christians assembled in June 1532, under their pastor Anthony -Saunier of Moirans, in Dauphiny, a friend of Farel. They conversed about -_the destruction of the papistical realm_, and the news they had -received from Geneva, and were full of hope that that city would -contribute erelong towards the so much desired destruction. One of them -proposed to send a letter to the Genevese. They began to write it -immediately, and here are the words which these simple-minded christians -addressed to the episcopal city:— - -'We have heard that the glory of God has visited you, of his grace, as -his elect children, and that he is now calling you with his -everlastingly saving voice. Beloved in Jesus Christ, receive the word of -the Great Shepherd, who gave himself once and was offered up a living -host (sacrifice) for the salvation of all believers. God is manifesting -to you the great riches of his glory; he invites us to forsake the -doctrine of men, and to follow that of our only Saviour Jesus Christ, -which makes us new creatures and heirs of the kingdom of God. Believe in -this doctrine with all your heart, without shame or fear of men; having -the assurance that it is good, holy, and alone able to save, and that -all others which are opposed to it are wicked and damnable. Fear not the -great number and power of your enemies; but, for the love of Jesus -Christ, who has perfected your redemption, and who has granted us -remission of all our sins, be ready not only to abandon your honour, -your goods, and your families, but even to renounce yourselves, -declaring with St. Paul, that neither glory, nor tribulation, nor death, -nor life, shall separate you from the Gospel of salvation.... - -'Now we, your brethren in the second and spiritual birth, pray the -Father of lights to complete what he has begun in you, and to illumine -the eyes of your heart by the true Gospel light, to the end that you may -know the great and inexpressible riches prepared for those who are -sanctified by the blood of Christ. Renounce, therefore, the king of this -world, and all his followers, under whose banner you and we once walked, -and acknowledge our Lord as your only master, your only God and Saviour, -who gives us the kingdom of heaven without money and without price. -Follow not what appears good and pleasant to you, but the commandment of -God our Father, adding nothing, and taking nothing away. May his grace -be written in your hearts, and may you impart it to those who are still -ignorant and weak, by means of a meek and tender teaching, so that the -flock of Jesus Christ may be increased by you daily. Our Lord God is for -you, and the whole world cannot prevail against him. Be the -standard-bearers upon earth of the colours of our Saviour, so that by -your means the Holy Gospel may be borne into many countries.' - -The council deposited the letter among the city archives, where it may -still be seen.[913] - -[Sidenote: STANDARD RAISED AT GENEVA.] - -Geneva was still far from the pure and living Christianity which -breathes in this letter. The fight between Goulaz and Wernly, the tumult -occasioned in the city by the placards of Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve -and his friends, had little resemblance (impartiality compels us to -acknowledge) to that picture, so full of gentleness, which Jesus Christ -himself drew for us, when he described the servant of God: '_He shall -not strive nor cry, neither shall any man hear his voice in the -streets._'[914] But it is only by degrees that the old man disappears -and the new man takes his place. It would have been too much, perhaps, -to expect that these energetic huguenots, who defended their liberty -with the courage of lions, should suddenly become meek as lambs. But -already there were to be found in that city souls who prized above -everything the _great pardon of Jesus Christ_. The proclamation of -salvation by grace, which we have described, marks an important epoch in -the history of the Reformation of Geneva. All human religions represent -salvation as to be gained by the works and ceremonies of man; the only -divine religion, the Gospel, declares that God gives it, that he gives -it through Jesus Christ, and that whosoever receives this assurance into -his heart becomes a new creature. Such was the standard raised in Geneva -in 1532. The servants of God, whether natives of that city or refugees, -were to be, according to the beautiful language of the letter from -Payerne, 'standard-bearers upon earth;' and, grasping the banner of the -Gospel with a firm hand, they were to be called, perhaps more than -others, in the sixteenth century 'to bear it into many countries.' - -Everything gave token that the renovation of Geneva was advancing; but -it had still numerous obstacles to overcome, and great works to achieve. -Powerful instruments were about to appear to accomplish them. - -Hitherto the breath of the Reformation has blown to Geneva from the -plains of France and the mountains of Switzerland. The men of God who -were to labour most at the transformation of this city, Farel -especially, have acted upon it from without only. But yet two months -more, and that great-hearted evangelist will enter the city of the -huguenots; others will follow him; they will be expelled from it by the -friends of Rome; but they will return with fresh determination, and -labour with indefatigable zeal, until, after long darkness, we shall at -last see the light of Jesus Christ shining in it. - -[Sidenote: GENEVA ATTACKED BY TWO PARTIES.] - -The ancient city had not at this time to contend with a single party: it -was attacked by two antagonistic bands at once, by the bishop on the one -hand, and by the reformers on the other. Which of these two armies will -conquer it?—Geneva, strange to say, rejects both. Will that city be -destined to belong neither to the Gospel nor to Rome? It could not be -so, and various symptoms appeared at this time to indicate an -approaching solution. - -The fanaticism of the Genevese clergy, the respect felt by the -magistrates for existing institutions, the energy with which one portion -of the people rejected the Reformation, seemed to show that the movement -by which Geneva was then agitated would end simply in the abolition of -the temporal authority of the bishop. - -But other signs appeared to point to another conclusion. In proportion -as the love of God's Word increased in men's hearts, respect for the -Romish religion diminished. The evangelical christians said that -salvation was a thing for eternity, while a government, even if -ecclesiastical, was only a temporal thing; that the rights of truth took -precedence of all clerical pretensions, and that the authority of -Scripture was superior to that of the pontiff. - -Moreover, a new element appeared. Ecclesiastical society had sunk into -slumber and death; in the sixteenth century the Reformation aroused it -and restored it to activity and life. Farel is one of the most -remarkable types of this christian animation; his unbounded ardour, his -indefatigable labours were, with God's help, to secure the victory. - -It is true that this new force soon turned against the Reform. The -Romish Church woke up also, and put itself in motion, particularly after -the foundation of the order of the Jesuits; but its activity differed -widely from that of the reformers. The latter descended from on high; -that of the Roman clergy came from below. At all events, popery soon -became as energetic as protestantism. There was danger in this, but -there was probably a benefit also. If its adversaries had continued to -slumber, the Reformation might have ended by falling asleep likewise. -Activity is far better than inactivity without hope. Let us not be -afraid then. By struggles the Church is purified, the christian grows -stronger, and the cause of truth and of humanity triumphs. - -[Sidenote: THE STRUGGLE IN GENEVA.] - -Geneva was about to have greater experience of such contests, and the -agitation within her walls was to become fiercer from day to day. -Combats without and combats within. The dawning Reformation and the -ancient (yet new) liberty will see arrayed against them the bishop, the -duke, the emperor, the gentry and their vassals, and the Savoyard -troops, besides veteran Italian bands, commanded by some of the ablest -captains of the age.... At the same time the battle will rage furiously -within. Popery, alarmed at seeing one of its oldest fortresses -threatened, will utter a cry of rage; all the friends of the Romish -priesthood will be aroused, will agitate, and fight; a furious -opposition will raise its angry head. There will be not only secret -councils, traitorous conspiracies, fanatical preachings, and fierce -discussions; but also riots in the streets, armed men endeavouring to -stop the preaching of the Word, cannons planted in the public squares, -assaults with the sword, the arquebuse, and the dagger, imprisonment, -exile, and poisoning.... At the sight of these violent combats and -repeated calamities, the thoughts of the historian become troubled and -confused. It appears to him that the powers of darkness are marshalling -their forces in the ancient city. He fancies he can see that mysterious -being, whom a great poet describes in his immortal verse as plotting the -ruin of the world, at the very moment when, smiling with innocence and -glory, it left the hands of the Creator—he can see Satan descending, as -he once did into Eden, and casting the immense shade of his 'sail-broad -vans' over the gigantic Alps, over their white tops, their calm clear -lakes and smiling hills, and swooping down upon the towers of the old -cathedral to fight against the counsels of the King of Heaven, and, by -scattering his wiles and fury all around, oppose the new creation of a -new world.[915] - -But to all these efforts of the powers of darkness the men of the Gospel -will oppose the resplendent army of light. They will proclaim the love -of God, they will announce the work of Christ, they will publish grace. -They will repeat with Jesus Christ that _the flesh profiteth nothing_; -that is to say, that the grandeur of the proud hierarchy of Rome, the -power of its temporal kingdom, the multitude of its servants in so many -countries and under such various uniforms, the pomps by which its -worship strives to captivate the senses, the oracles of its traditions, -sometimes adorned with the seductions of human philosophy—that all is -profitless; but that power belongs to God, that salvation is in the -foolishness of the cross, and that it is _the Spirit that quickeneth_. -And, thanks to the spiritual weapons they employ, two or three humble -instruments of the Word of God will scatter the councils of their -terrible adversary, destroy his fortresses, and humble even to the dust -the barriers he had raised against the knowledge of God. The rough -Farel, the gentle Viret, the weak Froment, will overcome the powers of -Rome in Geneva, even before Calvin, the great captain, appears. God -chooses the weak things of the world to confound the things which are -mighty, and the things which are not to bring to nought things that -are.[916] - -[Footnote 899: See the Bull _Antiquorum habet_ in the _Extravagant. -Commun._ lib. v. tit. ix. cap. 1.] - -[Footnote 900: In our time Leo XII. celebrated a jubilee in 1825, and -Gregory XVI. in 1833.] - -[Footnote 901: Plautus.] - -[Footnote 902: Roset says positively (liv. ii. chap, lxvi.) that these -placards were printed. See also Berne MSS., _Hist. Helvet._ v. p. 12.] - -[Footnote 903: 'Exarsit hic statim furor, nec verbis tantum erupit, sed -et armis.—_Geneva Restituta_, p. 37.] - -[Footnote 904: History under the name of Bonivard, Berne MSS. _Hist. -Helvet._ v. p. 12.] - -[Footnote 905: 'Hinc rixæ, conflictus, et enses utrinque expediti.'— -_Geneva Restituta_, p. 37.] - -[Footnote 906: 'Dissidiis civilibus fessa imperium acciperet.'—_Geneva -Restituta_, p. 38.] - -[Footnote 907: 'De prædicante Evangelii.'—Registres du Conseil des 24, -27, 30 juin, et du 25 juillet. Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, ii. p. 463.] - -[Footnote 908: Berne MSS. _Hist. Helvet._ v. p. 12.] - -[Footnote 909: Registres du Conseil des 30 juin, 12 juillet, 20 août. -Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, ii. pp. 464-466.] - -[Footnote 910: Archives de Genève, No. 1069.] - -[Footnote 911: Archives de Genève, No. 1069. Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, i. -p. 466. Gaberel, i. p. 110.] - -[Footnote 912: Ruchat, iii. pp. 136-140. 'Epître des amateurs de la -sainte Evangile de Payerne à ceux de Genève.' Archives de Genève, No. -1070. _France Protestante_, art. _Saunier_.] - -[Footnote 913: Archives, No. 1070. 'Epître des amateurs de la sainte -Evangile de Payerne.'] - -[Footnote 914: Matthew xii. 19.] - -[Footnote 915: - - 'He wings his way - Directly towards the new-created world, - And man there placed, with purpose to assay - If him by force he can destroy, or, worse, - By some false guile pervert.' - - _Paradise Lost_, bk. iii.] - -[Footnote 916: 1 Corinthians i. 27, 28.] - - -END OF THE SECOND VOLUME. - - -LONDON -PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. -NEW-STREET SQUARE - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of the Reformation in Europe -in the time of Calvin. Vol. 2 (of 8), by Merle d'Aubigné - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF REFORMATION IN EUROPE, VOL 2 *** - -***** This file should be named 60152-0.txt or 60152-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/0/1/5/60152/ - -Produced by Brian Wilson, David Edwards, Colin Bell, Chris -Pinfield and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive). - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - |