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| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-09 15:19:09 -0800 |
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| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-09 15:19:09 -0800 |
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+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of David Edwardes: Introduction to Anatomy 1532, by
+Charles Donald O'Malley and Kenneth Fitzpatrick Russell
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
+most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
+of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
+www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll
+have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
+this ebook.
+
+
+
+Title: David Edwardes: Introduction to Anatomy 1532
+
+Author: Charles Donald O'Malley
+ Kenneth Fitzpatrick Russell
+
+Release Date: April 25, 2019 [EBook #59357]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INTRODUCTION TO ANATOMY 1532 ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Stephen Hutcheson, Dave Morgan and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+<div id="cover" class="img">
+<img id="coverpage" src="images/cover.jpg" alt="Introduction to Anatomy" width="500" height="789" />
+</div>
+<div class="box">
+<h1><span class="smallest">DAVID EDWARDES</span>
+<br />Introduction to
+<br />Anatomy
+<br />1532</h1>
+<p class="center smaller">A FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION
+<br />WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATION AND
+<br />AN INTRODUCTORY ESSAY
+<br />ON ANATOMICAL STUDIES IN
+<br />TUDOR ENGLAND</p>
+<p class="center"><span class="smaller">BY</span>
+<br />C. D. O’MALLEY
+<br /><span class="smaller">AND</span>
+<br />K. F. RUSSELL</p>
+<p class="tbcenter">STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
+<br />Stanford, California
+<br />1961</p>
+</div>
+<p class="center small"><i>English translation and Introduction</i>
+<br />© C. D. O’Malley <i>and</i> K. F. Russell, 1961</p>
+<p class="center smaller">PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
+<br />AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD
+<br />BY VIVIAN RIDLER
+<br />PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY</p>
+<p class="tbcenter"><span class="smaller">TO THE MEMORY OF</span>
+<br />CHARLES SINGER
+<br /><span class="smaller">FRIEND AND MENTOR</span></p>
+<h2 class="center">CONTENTS</h2>
+<dl class="toc">
+<dt><a href="#c1">INTRODUCTION</a> 1</dt>
+<dt><a href="#c2">NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION</a> 25</dt>
+<dt><a href="#c3">FACSIMILE REPRODUCTION</a> 31</dt>
+<dt><a href="#c4">ENGLISH TRANSLATION</a> 53</dt>
+</dl>
+<p class="tb">Grateful acknowledgements are made for
+assistance from the National Science Foundation in the
+preparation of this work; to the British Museum for
+permission to photograph the only copy of David
+Edwardes’s <i>Introduction</i> known to be in existence; and
+to the Wellcome Trust whose help made the publication
+of this work possible.</p>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_1">1</div>
+<h2 id="c1"><span class="small">INTRODUCTION</span></h2>
+<p>On 22 August 1485 the battle of Bosworth provided
+its victor with the throne of England. Richard III
+died sword in hand and was unceremoniously
+buried in the Grey Friars at Leicester, and on that same
+day the victor, Henry Tudor, was as simply crowned and
+acclaimed by his troops as Henry VII. So began the Tudor
+dynasty in England which was to last until the death of
+Elizabeth in 1603, to be one of the most colourful periods
+of English history and to witness the arrival of the Renaissance
+in England. Later than its manifestation on the
+Continent, but thereby reaping the benefits of continental
+developments, English humanism as a result was soon to
+become no mean rival. The development of English literature
+is too well known for comment, while classical studies,
+and especially those in Greek, were to rival their continental
+counterpart by the end of the first quarter of the sixteenth
+century. Science, however, and more particularly
+medicine, were laggards.</p>
+<p>In those closing years of the fifteenth century which
+ushered in the new Tudor monarchy the art of healing
+derived from two sources, the universities of Oxford and
+Cambridge and the organizations of barbers and surgeons.
+At Oxford medical teaching was organized by the fifteenth
+century, and medicine constituted one of the four faculties
+of the university together with theology, law, and arts. Yet
+at Oxford, as at Cambridge, the medical curriculum was
+long to remain medieval.<a class="fn" id="fri_1" href="#fni_1">[1]</a> Both schools had taken their
+model from Paris, but whereas Parisian medicine had
+<span class="pb" id="Page_2">2</span>
+begun to stir and advance in the fifteenth century, the
+English universities remained somnolent. At Cambridge
+the degree of Doctor of Medicine required altogether
+twelve years of study based upon lectures and discussions
+drawn from medieval sources. While it is true that two
+years of this time were to be spent in the practice of medicine—seemingly
+a borrowing from the methods of Montpellier—there
+was no provision for human anatomical study,<a class="fn" id="fri_2" href="#fni_2">[2]</a>
+although this was recognized and demonstrated with some
+slight annual regularity to the Parisian students from the
+latter fifteenth century onward.</p>
+<p>If we turn to the other source of healing, the organizations
+of the barbers and the surgeons, in so far as anatomy
+was concerned the situation was no better and, indeed, it
+may be said to have been worse in view of the obvious
+relationship which ought to have obtained between surgery
+and anatomy. In London the fraternity of barbers existed as
+early as 1308,<a class="fn" id="fri_3" href="#fni_3">[3]</a> and the craft of surgery as a body distinct
+from that of the barbers is recorded in 1368.<a class="fn" id="fri_4" href="#fni_4">[4]</a> Both barbers
+and surgeons sought to establish rules of professional conduct
+for the members of their respective organizations as
+well as a period of time and a curriculum to be satisfied by
+aspirants to barbery or to surgery. Despite the efforts of the
+surgeons to control the practice of surgery, relegating to
+the barbers only the most simple and menial tasks, certain
+of the more ambitious barbers sought to go beyond such
+activities as beard-trimming, cutting, and phlebotomy,
+and this determination gave rise in the first quarter of the
+fifteenth century to the barber-surgeon[, no longer acting in
+the normal occupation of the barber and clearly divorced
+from his old trade.<a class="fn" id="fri_5" href="#fni_5">[5]</a></p>
+<p>Throughout the fifteenth century the barber-surgeons and
+surgeons appear to have remained on fairly amicable terms,
+<span class="pb" id="Page_3">3</span>
+presumably carrying on much the same sort of practice.
+The surgeons, who took precedence on occasions of solemnities
+and festivities, were perhaps somewhat better trained,
+but nowhere is there any record that such training required
+the study of human anatomy.<a class="fn" id="fri_6" href="#fni_6">[6]</a> One learned the trade by
+apprenticeship to a surgeon and by consulting textbooks of
+surgery. From surviving manuscripts it is possible to determine
+what these textual guides were: primarily such as
+those of the celebrated fourteenth-century surgeons, Gui de
+Chauliac and Henri de Mondeville. It is true that late
+medieval surgeons were accustomed to introduce the surgical
+subject by a short anatomical preface, medieval in character,
+the result of cursory and incomplete post-mortem examinations,
+but hardly sufficient to permit a proper grasp of
+anatomy even were that possible of attainment from literary
+sources.</p>
+<p>Hence the opening of the Tudor dynasty in England
+witnessed a medicine and a surgery lacking the essential
+and fundamental knowledge of the human structure. The
+traditions of English medicine were medieval, and medieval
+medicine had not concerned itself especially with
+anatomy. If we compare continental medicine of the same
+period the situation is found to be considerably different. In
+the course of the fifteenth century anatomy was being practised—diffidently
+to be sure, but nevertheless recognized and
+employed in Paris where the first human dissection, in the
+form of a brief autopsy, had been performed in 1407.<a class="fn" id="fri_7" href="#fni_7">[7]</a> The
+first human anatomy mentioned in the <i>Commentaries</i> of
+the Medical Faculty of Paris was performed in 1477-8 on
+the body of an executed criminal,<a class="fn" id="fri_8" href="#fni_8">[8]</a> but the incident is recorded
+without any suggestion of its being a novelty and so
+raises the possibility that there may have been other dissections
+in previous years. The practice of human anatomy
+<span class="pb" id="Page_4">4</span>
+was even earlier in Italy where there is record of an autopsy
+in 1286,<a class="fn" id="fri_9" href="#fni_9">[9]</a> and in 1316 Mundinus, called the ‘Restorer of
+Anatomy’, completed his <i>Anothomia</i> in which he describes
+his systematic dissection of the human body.
+Official decree permitted the practice of human dissection
+in many cities, especially those with medical schools, and
+such official recognition was granted at Bologna in 1405<a class="fn" id="fri_10" href="#fni_10">[10]</a>
+and at Padua in 1429.<a class="fn" id="fri_11" href="#fni_11">[11]</a> Elsewhere similar recognition of
+human dissection was obtained at Montpellier in 1340,<a class="fn" id="fri_12" href="#fni_12">[12]</a> at
+Lerida in 1391,<a class="fn" id="fri_13" href="#fni_13">[13]</a> at Vienna in 1435,<a class="fn" id="fri_14" href="#fni_14">[14]</a> and at Tübingen in
+1485.<a class="fn" id="fri_15" href="#fni_15">[15]</a> As a consequence, by the opening of the sixteenth
+century a series of anatomical texts, based in varying degrees
+upon human dissection, began to appear, such as those of
+Benedetti, Achillini, and Berengario da Carpi.</p>
+<p>The difference can be explained, at least in part, by the
+fact that on the Continent the classical revival of the Renaissance
+had caused or was causing medieval tradition to be
+replaced by that of classical antiquity. The Renaissance
+represented an effort to revive the spirit and interests of the
+classical world, and classical antiquity had been much interested
+in the structure of man. Especially important was
+the recovery of the Greek language and literature since it
+made possible the recovery of the writings of the great
+classical physicians, notably Hippocrates and Galen, for
+generally speaking classical Greece had shown more interest
+in human anatomy than had classical Rome. This recovery
+had occurred first in Italy, then moved northward
+across the Alps and only in the early sixteenth century did
+it reach England.</p>
+<p>While even earlier some Englishmen had travelled to
+Italy to study the classical revival at its source, and even to
+study the more advanced Italian medicine of Padua, it may
+be said that Thomas Grocyn was the first significant leader
+<span class="pb" id="Page_5">5</span>
+of the new classical movement in England, in particular
+the recovery of Greek. He had managed to learn some
+Greek even in England, but it was not until after a trip to
+Italy in 1488, where he spent two years, that he returned
+to instil Oxford with an enthusiasm for classical Greek
+humanism.<a class="fn" id="fri_16" href="#fni_16">[16]</a> But if Grocyn is of importance as an English
+pioneer in the recovery of Greek and Hellenic studies, of
+far greater importance for the present subject was Grocyn’s
+lifelong friend and ultimately the executor of his estate,
+Thomas Linacre.</p>
+<p>Linacre looms very large in the revival of classical medicine
+which gave a general impetus toward a better and
+more modern medicine. Born at Canterbury about 1460 he
+was led ultimately by his studies to Oxford where he became
+a fellow of All Souls College in 1484.<a class="fn" id="fri_17" href="#fni_17">[17]</a> Although by
+this time he could make some beginnings of the study of
+the revived classical literature, and even Greek, at Oxford,
+nevertheless it was still desirable if possible to pursue such
+studies in Italy, and with the opportunity offered him,
+Linacre travelled to that land about 1487, remaining at
+least until 1496,<a class="fn" id="fri_18" href="#fni_18">[18]</a> in which latter year he received the degree
+of Doctor of Medicine from the University of Padua.<a class="fn" id="fri_19" href="#fni_19">[19]</a></p>
+<p>Returned to England, Linacre taught Greek at Oxford.
+Grocyn was his friend, Sir Thomas More his pupil, and
+upon the arrival at Oxford of Erasmus, that great classical
+scholar likewise became an intimate, all of them enthusiasts
+and promoters of Greek studies.</p>
+<p>However, as a physician Linacre had a special bent toward
+the Greek medical classics. This was manifested by
+the appearance in 1517 of his translation of Galen’s book
+<i>On Hygiene</i>. In 1519 this was followed by the <i>Method of
+Treatment</i>, in 1521 by the book <i>On Temperaments</i>, and two
+years later by the <i>Natural Faculties</i> and <i>On the Use of Pulses</i>.
+<span class="pb" id="Page_6">6</span>
+In 1524 just after Linacre’s death a sixth translation, that of
+Galen’s <i>Differences of Symptoms</i> and <i>Causes of Symptoms</i>,
+appeared. As yet very few physicians in England knew
+Greek, but they all knew Latin, and these accurate translations
+into clear, straightforward Latin made a considerable
+portion of Galen’s medical writings available for the first
+time. The contrast between medieval medical writings and
+those of Galen which had now been made available
+seemed to emphasize that general Renaissance belief that
+civilization had reached its peak in classical times and that
+much could be gained by a return to classical teachings, in
+this instance the teaching of classical physicians. It is true
+that only the Galenic books on medicine had been translated,
+but they were sufficient to whet the appetite for more,
+and as the new generation of physicians arose, now trained
+in Greek, if the pattern were followed, they would turn to
+the Galenic writings on anatomy in the original language
+as well as to those of Hippocrates.<a class="fn" id="fri_20" href="#fni_20">[20]</a> The first of this younger
+generation who is recorded to have come under this Greek
+medical influence and made this possibility a reality produced
+two remarkable pioneer efforts: the first recorded dissection
+of a human body in England about 1531 and the
+first book on anatomy written in England, published in
+1532, or, reckoned according to the Gregorian calendar,
+1533.</p>
+<p>The person responsible for these two milestones was
+named David Edwardes, or, in the Latin form he employed,
+Edguardus. However, very little is known of his life and
+activities. He was admitted as a scholar to Corpus Christi
+College, Oxford, on 9 August 1517, and the register of
+admissions indicates that he was then fifteen years old and
+a native of Northamptonshire.<a class="fn" id="fri_21" href="#fni_21">[21]</a> He became Bachelor of
+Arts in 1522<a class="fn" id="fri_22" href="#fni_22">[22]</a> although for a time previous to this, in 1521,
+<span class="pb" id="Page_7">7</span>
+he appears briefly to have held the readership in Greek,
+substituting for the regular reader, Edward Wotton, then
+abroad.<a class="fn" id="fri_23" href="#fni_23">[23]</a> In 1525 Edwardes became Master of Arts,<a class="fn" id="fri_24" href="#fni_24">[24]</a> and
+thereafter received a fellowship in the college. He is further
+mentioned in the account book of the college for 1527-8 as
+receiving 38<i>s.</i> 9<i>d.</i>,<a class="fn" id="fri_25" href="#fni_25">[25]</a> presumably for further teaching of Greek.</p>
+<p>Corpus Christi College had been founded in 1515-16
+chiefly through the magnanimity of Richard Foxe, Bishop
+of Winchester, and was provided with its statutes in 1517.
+The founder, strongly interested in the newly revived
+classical learning had provided for a chair of Greek, which,
+as has been mentioned, was briefly held by Edwardes in an
+interim capacity, while the first president of the college,
+John Claymond, was likewise a strong advocate of the new
+learning.</p>
+<p>Perhaps not sufficient stress has been placed upon the
+contribution made by physicians, at least in England, to
+the revival of Greek studies, although it is sometimes difficult
+to determine which of the two disciplines, medicine or
+Greek, was the impulsion to the study of the other. Both
+Linacre and Wotton were serious students of Greek before
+they undertook medical studies, but once embarked upon
+medicine, both of them having studied at Padua, not only
+did they become especially conscious of the failings of
+medieval medicine in contrast to the classical, but the
+philosophical and literary aspects of Galen’s writings must
+have caused them to retain a concern with Greek literature
+as a whole even though their primary consideration had
+come to be a single facet of the body of that literature.
+Furthermore, the scientific nature of their interest permitted
+no equivocation in their knowledge of the language. Translations
+of Galen or Hippocrates required an exactitude
+beyond that of purely literary treatises. But whatever the
+<span class="pb" id="Page_8">8</span>
+relevancy of such remarks, it is certainly of significance that
+among the first teachers of Greek in England were Linacre,
+Clement, and Wotton, all physicians, and for our present
+purpose as it relates to David Edwardes, it should be noted
+that two of these men, Clement and Wotton, were
+associated with Corpus Christi College.</p>
+<p>In addition to the stress upon Greek studies which must
+inevitably have led Edwardes to the classical Greek writers
+upon medicine and conducted him along the pathway
+already marked out by Thomas Linacre, there were in the
+college certain possibly more direct influences towards an
+interest in medicine which have already been alluded to. In
+short, John Clement, the early lecturer of Greek<a class="fn" id="fri_26" href="#fni_26">[26]</a> was a
+physician and friend of Linacre as well as a fellow in the
+College of Physicians of London which Linacre had inaugurated
+in 1518, while still another student of medicine
+was Edward Wotton, Reader in Greek and later physician
+to Henry VIII, for whom Edwardes had briefly substituted.</p>
+<p>Still another incentive toward medical study may have
+been a requirement in chapter 25 of the original statutes. In
+accordance with this all fellows of the college who held
+the degree of Master of Arts were required to assume holy
+orders, unless deputed to the study of medicine. It has been
+suggested that recipients of this exception were originally
+expected to attend to the medical needs of the other inmates
+of the college,<a class="fn" id="fri_27" href="#fni_27">[27]</a> and it seems likely that Edwardes was one of
+these <i>medicinae deputati</i>.</p>
+<p>Our next record indicates that he had removed to the
+University of Cambridge where in 1528-9, and upon payment
+of 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i><a class="fn" id="fri_28" href="#fni_28">[28]</a> and after lecturing publicly upon Galen’s
+<i>De Differentiis Febrium</i>, he was incepted in medicine with
+recognition of ‘seven years study of medicine’, presumably
+at Oxford.<a class="fn" id="fri_29" href="#fni_29">[29]</a></p>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_9">9</div>
+<p>In his only known book, to be considered later, Edwardes
+informs us that his first practice of medicine had been ‘at
+Bristol, having left my teachers only shortly before and
+begun to swim without any support’,<a class="fn" id="fri_30" href="#fni_30">[30]</a> although it is not
+clear whether this represented a brief interlude between
+Oxford and Cambridge or after he had received his degree
+of Doctor of Medicine. Whatever the case may have been,
+the few remaining autobiographical references are to his
+practice in and around Cambridge. As a member of
+the Faculty of Medicine, it is possible that Edwardes was
+criticized for devoting an excessive amount of time to his
+private practice, since in 1530-1 permission was granted
+him to be excused from a statutory requirement of attendance
+at ‘all congregations, masses and exequies’.<a class="fn" id="fri_31" href="#fni_31">[31]</a> Nevertheless
+he participated in the examinations of at least two
+students, one in 1537-8<a class="fn" id="fri_32" href="#fni_32">[32]</a> and the other in 1540-1.<a class="fn" id="fri_33" href="#fni_33">[33]</a></p>
+<p>Edwardes’s little book, to which reference was made
+above, was published in London in 1532 [O.S.] by Robert
+Redman. It is composed of two treatises of which the first,
+entitled <i>On Symptoms and Prognostications</i> (<i>De Indiciis et
+Praecognitionibus</i>), deals with uroscopy and medical prognostication,
+and since it represents merely the continuation
+of a medieval tradition it is of little importance except, as
+has been said, for its few autobiographical details. In his
+practice of medicine Edwardes appears to have represented,
+as we might expect, a combination of the old and the new.
+While giving support to uroscopy and displaying some
+sympathy toward folk medicine, he also gave allegiance to
+Hippocrates and Galen, and like his continental colleagues
+of this period he was not averse to the introduction of a
+word or even several lines of Greek into his text, so indicating
+his enthusiasm for and his ties with the classical revival.
+Furthermore, he was certainly one of the first English
+<span class="pb" id="Page_10">10</span>
+physicians to appreciate Linacre and terms him ‘the most
+learned physician of his age’.<a class="fn" id="fri_34" href="#fni_34">[34]</a></p>
+<p>The second treatise, <i>A Brief but Excellent Introduction to
+Anatomy</i> (<i>In Anatomicen Introductio Luculenta et Brevis</i>), is, as
+has been mentioned, the first work published in England
+which was devoted solely to anatomy, and therefore despite
+its brevity it deserves some consideration in the general
+history of medicine and even greater consideration in that
+of English medicine. Turning our attention now to this
+treatise on anatomy it should be first noted that although
+printed in the same volume with the work on medical
+symptoms and sharing a common title-page with that
+work, the treatise on anatomy has a separate dedication to
+Henry Howard (1517?-1547), Earl of Surrey. It had been
+at the request of Henry VIII that this young nobleman took
+up residence at Windsor and lived there from 1530 to 1532
+as the companion of Henry’s son, the Duke of Richmond.
+Since Edwardes had dedicated the first treatise to the Duke
+of Richmond on 21 December 1532, it is not difficult to
+comprehend his choice of the duke’s companion for the
+second dedication which bears the date 1 January 1532, or,
+according to the Gregorian calendar, 1533. There is nothing
+remarkable about this latter dedication, which contains
+the usual flattery, except for the final passage. There
+the author remarked upon the ignorance of anatomy among
+physicians, sometimes with lethal results. He recognized
+that the subject of anatomy was a difficult one, hence his
+treatise has been written with brevity and clarity. Later, as
+he promised, if opportunity were to be granted to him he
+would write a more elaborate work.</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>Hereafter, if God permit, I shall compose a complete book
+of anatomy in which I shall further the opinions of all the
+learned, to which my own opinion will be added. I could have
+<span class="pb" id="Page_11">11</span>
+done this at present but not, however, with the same effort or
+with the form of an introduction preserved. It remains that this
+little book, which we have enlisted in the service of the commonwealth,
+may be pleasing to you, for it recognizes the existence
+of those very few unlearned physicians by whose mistakes
+many perish, from which this fact will be gathered, that no
+parts of the body should be unknown to physicians.</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>This promise of a more extensive work in which the author
+was to include his independent anatomical observations,
+presumably based on further human dissection, appears not
+to have been fulfilled or, at any rate, there is no record of
+any such later and more extended anatomical treatise by
+Edwardes.</p>
+<p>The text of this <i>Introduction to Anatomy</i> fills no more than
+fifteen small pages, and its very brevity must have made it
+virtually useless; even the author says that it ‘is indeed a
+slight work’. The plan of presentation is that which had
+been popularized by Mundinus and was required by the
+relative speeds with which the different parts of the body
+succumbed to putrefaction during the course of dissection.
+Thus Edwardes first describes the lower venter, that is, the
+abdomen, abdominal cavity, and pelvis, next the thorax,
+and finally the brain and nervous system. Within his very
+brief presentation no mention is made of the extremities
+while, relative to the limits of the discussion, a preponderance
+of attention has been devoted to what were considered
+the organs of nutrition and blood manufacture.</p>
+<p>The anatomical nomenclature is mildly astonishing,
+especially when one considers the time and place of composition.
+But if one considers that Edwardes was sufficiently
+learned in Greek to act as Reader in Greek at his college for
+a short period, it will not be too amazing to find him somewhat
+scornful of the terms employed by those he calls
+<span class="pb" id="Page_12">12</span>
+‘Barbarians’, that is, the European school influenced by Moslem
+medical writers, chiefly through the <i>Canon</i> of Avicenna,
+which employed an anatomical terminology drawn from
+Latin and from curious hybrid forms partly Latin, partly
+Greek, partly Arabic and in some parts from Hebrew.
+Edwardes, on the contrary, employs classical Greek terminology
+as, for example, omentum rather than the medieval <i>zirbus</i>
+and mesenteric in preference to <i>meseraic</i>. In so far as his
+description extends, his nomenclature is as ‘modern’, if not
+more so, than that of some of the more learned anatomists
+on the Continent. Yet, while his vocabulary may be more
+modern his anatomy is not. Indeed, in the introduction he
+remarked, as has been mentioned, that in the future he
+hoped to write a more extensive work ‘to which my own
+opinion will be added’. By implication, then, in this first
+brief treatise he had drawn upon earlier authorities, and
+while we might expect that this student of Greek would
+turn to Galen and Hippocrates this is true only in part. The
+liver as he describes it is medieval, the three-chambered heart
+is Aristotelian, derived from those ‘Barbarians’ he scorned.</p>
+<p>While the treatise is noteworthy as the first work written
+in England solely devoted to anatomy, the text intrinsically
+is of little further value except for one statement referring to
+the emulgent, or renal veins. ‘In the body of that one whom
+we dissected very recently the left branch had a higher place
+of origin. Very often, however, the opposite occurs, so that
+the right emulgent vein is carried higher in the body.’ Here
+we have the first reference to human dissection in England,
+in which, moreover, the anatomist observing through his
+own eyes rather than those of past authorities, noted a variation
+from the commonly given description of the emulgent
+veins, a description derived from Galen’s anatomical studies
+on animals.</p>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_13">13</div>
+<p>Little more can be said about Edwardes. He seems to
+have died about 1542,<a class="fn" id="fri_35" href="#fni_35">[35]</a> and perhaps this explains why the
+larger work was never to be published. Perhaps, had he
+remained at Oxford, he might have established an anatomical
+tradition, and so provided the influence which his
+book was not to have. Today only one copy of this little
+treatise is known, that in the library of the British Museum,
+and no consideration appears to have been paid to it from
+Edwardes’s day to the present. However, its virtual extinction
+was not the result of hard usage by students such as that
+which determined the almost complete annihilation of
+Vesalius’ <i>Tabulae Anatomicae</i>. As has been said, no contemporary
+mentioned Edwardes, despite the fact that his
+book was published in London. The edition must have
+been a small one, and copies were not likely to have been
+preserved as other and better works on anatomy began to be
+imported from the Continent.</p>
+<p>Meanwhile the universities continued their drowsy course
+so far unaffected in any way by the efforts of an alumnus of
+one of them. The barber-surgeons and surgeons appear to
+have been equally unproductive of anything new, still leaning
+upon earlier continental writers. Yet a few individuals
+recognized the need for improvement. Well before the surgeons
+of England received official encouragement for anatomical
+study the surgeons of Edinburgh had asked for
+and obtained bodies for dissection. On 1 July 1505 the
+magistrates of Edinburgh granted a Seal of Cause to the
+Guild of Surgeons and Barbers, and this was confirmed by
+James IV on 13 October 1506. Among the clauses regulating
+the practice of the barbers and the surgeons is one
+giving them the body of one felon each year for an anatomy:</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>... and that we may have anis [once] in the yeir ane condampnit
+man efter he be deid to mak antomell of, quhairthraw we
+<span class="pb" id="Page_14">14</span>
+may haif experience, ilk ane to instrict vtheris ... and that na
+barbour, maister nor seruand, within this burgh hantt [practise]
+vse nor exerce the craft of Surregenrie without he be expert and
+knaw perfytelie the thingis abouewritten.<a class="fn" id="fri_36" href="#fni_36">[36]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>Edinburgh, therefore, was the cradle of anatomical study in
+the British Isles. In England Thomas Linacre had founded
+the College of Physicians of London in 1518 with the idea
+of its being a select body of physicians to raise medical
+standards and maintain them through its power of licensing
+to practice. The need of more modern surgical texts was
+indicated by the publication in 1525 of a translation of the
+work of the late fifteenth-century German surgeon, Hieronymus
+Brunschwig, which contained a brief section on
+anatomy, but there appears to have been no attempt to produce
+a new and up-to-date surgery in England. The fact
+was that the more advanced books from continental Europe
+proceeded to smother any continuance of independent
+native efforts, and in the field of anatomy this makes the
+early appearance of David Edwardes’s little treatise an
+astonishing chronological anomaly in the history of English
+anatomical writing. The importance of anatomy was now
+to be recognized, but it would be a long time before another
+native English treatise on the subject was published.</p>
+<p>The introduction of the officially recognized, and even
+encouraged, study of human anatomy into England was the
+result of influences brought to bear from several sources: the
+desire of King Henry VIII to improve the practice of medicine
+and surgery in England and possibly, too, with
+thoughts for a higher quality of military surgery; and the
+desire, as well, of some of the more thoughtful surgeons, of
+whom Thomas Vicary was probably one. So it was that
+in 1540 the Company of Barbers was united with the
+Fraternity of Surgeons to form what was called the United
+<span class="pb" id="Page_15">15</span>
+Company of Barber-Surgeons of which Thomas Vicary
+was named Master in 1541, an event handsomely commemorated
+in a painting commissioned from Hans Holbein
+the younger.<a class="fn" id="fri_37" href="#fni_37">[37]</a></p>
+<p>In the Charter by which the union was officially sanctioned,
+a statement is to be found which was to be of
+particular importance to the advancement of anatomical
+knowledge:</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>the sayd maysters or governours of the mistery and comminaltie
+of barbours and surgeons of London, and their successours
+yerely for ever after their sad discrecions at their free liberte and
+pleasure shal and maie have and take without contradiction
+foure persons condempned adiudged and put to deathe for
+feloni by the due order of the kynges lawe of thys realme for
+anatomies without any further sute or labour to be made to the
+kynges highnes his heyres or successours for the same. And to
+make incision of the same deade bodies or otherwyse to order
+the same after their said discrecions at their pleasures for their
+further and better knowlage instruction insight learnyng and
+experience in the sayd scyence or facultie of surgery.<a class="fn" id="fri_38" href="#fni_38">[38]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>It is of interest to note that very soon after the Charter had
+been granted, Thomas Vicary approached the Lord Mayor
+and Aldermen of London to make sure that the Barber-Surgeons
+should receive the bodies of the felons for anatomical
+study. It would seem that the Court of Aldermen were
+not sure how they should direct their Sheriffs, for the
+Minutes of the Court for 14 December 1540 state:</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>... Item, Master Laxton & Master Bowes, Shreves of this
+Citye, prayed the Advyse of this howse for & concernying the
+Delyuerye ouer of one of the dedde bodyes of the Felons of late
+condempned to dethe within this Citye, And requyred of the
+seyd Master Shreves by Master Vycary & other the surgeons of
+this Citye for Annotamye, Accordyng to the fourme of an
+<span class="pb" id="Page_16">16</span>
+Acte of parlyament thereof lately made. And Agreyd that the
+same Acte be first seen & then Master Shreves to work ther
+after.<a class="fn" id="fri_39" href="#fni_39">[39]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>With human dissection material assured, the United
+Company proceeded to appoint a Reader of Anatomy, the
+first perhaps being Thomas Vicary, and although the intervening
+records of the company are not complete, it is
+known that in 1546 Dr. John Caius, lately returned from
+Padua, where he had been acquainted with and even lived
+for a time with the celebrated anatomist Andreas Vesalius,
+was appointed and held the position of Reader of Anatomy
+for the next seventeen years. In his brief autobiography
+Caius refers to these dissections which he performed ‘for
+almost twenty years’, and adds, ‘By the wish of the most
+illustrious prince Henry VIII, King of England, I performed
+them in London before the surgeons; among the
+physicians at that time there was no dissection.’<a class="fn" id="fri_40" href="#fni_40">[40]</a> It may be
+assumed, however, that by ‘physicians’ Caius was referring
+to those of London rather than to those of the universities.
+Nevertheless, his remark helps to explain the lack of anatomical
+works which might have competed with those of
+the Continent. The physicians, although better trained in
+languages than the surgeons and, we may assume, literary
+exposition, were as yet not interested in the subject of
+anatomy.</p>
+<p>Nevertheless it does seem somewhat incredible that the
+physicians were so late in taking up the practice of human
+dissection. While it is always dangerous to exceed the
+limits of evidence, this peculiar situation in regard to the
+College of Physicians of London requires that attention be
+called to a statute of the college reproduced by Munk who
+gives it the date 1569-70.<a class="fn" id="fri_41" href="#fni_41">[41]</a> According to this authority, the
+terms employed in the statute, reproduced below in translation,
+<span class="pb" id="Page_17">17</span>
+suggest that human anatomical dissection was already
+being employed by the physicians of the college at the time,
+although it seems impossible to determine whether or not
+the reference is to a period earlier than 1565 when Elizabeth
+granted them four bodies annually for anatomical purposes.<a class="fn" id="fri_42" href="#fni_42">[42]</a>
+However, it seems unlikely that the college, which was so
+concerned with the enforcement of laws concerning medicine
+would itself perform an illegal action and therefore
+that Elizabeth’s grant to the college most likely introduced
+it to human dissection. Furthermore, one wonders just how
+frequently the college employed its new right, and in this
+respect it is interesting to note that there is no reference
+either to Elizabeth’s grant or to any dissection at all in the
+<i>Annals</i> of the college as written by John Caius.<a class="fn" id="fri_43" href="#fni_43">[43]</a></p>
+<p>Although the study of human anatomy was now officially
+recognized and regularly pursued, at least in London,
+it would be incorrect to believe that native English anatomical
+writings would be forthcoming to continue the course
+modestly established by David Edwardes. The apathy or
+even hostility of physicians toward anatomical studies was
+an obstacle experienced earlier on the Continent and referred
+to by Vesalius who contributed no small share to the
+growth of anatomy’s respectability in the eyes of physicians.
+However, the time lag between the Continent and England
+had resulted in a disregard of anatomical studies by English
+physicians at the very times when continental physicians
+had begun to interest themselves in the subject and publish
+anatomical studies. As a result it was inevitable that for
+such Englishmen as were interested in anatomy it was easier
+to import the more advanced and elaborate continental
+texts, and dependence on such alien works was for long to
+be the regular pattern. But even with these advanced, contemporary
+works available, the practice continued among
+<span class="pb" id="Page_18">18</span>
+the surgeons of republishing old and obsolete anatomico-surgical
+treatises of late medieval times. If such a practice
+was dictated by an elementary knowledge, certainly the
+continuance of it would not lead to any development.</p>
+<p>In 1544 a Flemish engraver named Thomas Lambrit,
+better known under his pseudonym of Geminus, engraved
+on copper a series of anatomical figures plagiarized from
+the <i>Fabrica</i> and <i>Epitome</i> of Vesalius. Geminus displayed the
+plates, which are of considerable artistic merit, indeed,
+the first of high quality to be produced in England, to King
+Henry VIII. That monarch, aware of the need of anatomical
+books to bolster the anatomical teaching now in progress,
+urged Geminus to publish his engravings. Never one
+to scorn the chance of gain, Geminus proceeded to follow
+this royal advice in the succeeding year (1545) and added
+to his plates a dedication to the king and the text of
+Vesalius’ <i>Epitome</i>.<a class="fn" id="fri_44" href="#fni_44">[44]</a> For some peculiar reason the completely
+innocent John Caius has occasionally been blamed as the
+impetus to this plagiarized publication despite the fact that
+Geminus states plainly in his preface that Henry VIII was
+responsible for his decision to publish.</p>
+<p>While the illustrations plagiarized from Vesalius may
+have been of some pedagogical value, the text of the
+<i>Epitome</i> certainly was no anatomical manual, and the fact
+that it was in Latin, which many if not most of the surgeons
+could not read, gave it even less value.</p>
+<p>It was perhaps at least partly for these reasons that
+Thomas Vicary appears to have issued in 1548 an anatomical
+text in English entitled <i>A Profitable Treatise of the Anatomie
+of Mans Body</i>. No copy of it is known to exist today,
+and its existence is realized only through mention of it on
+the title-page of an edition published in 1577 by the surgeons
+of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital and a reference to it in
+<span class="pb" id="Page_19">19</span>
+1565 by another surgeon, John Halle, who refers to Vicary
+as ‘the firste that euer wrote a treatyse of Anatomye in
+English (to the profite of his brethren chirurgiens and the
+helpe of younge studientes) as farre as I can learne’.<a class="fn" id="fri_45" href="#fni_45">[45]</a>
+However, to refer to the ‘profite’ and ‘helpe’ to be obtained
+from Vicary’s treatise is to reveal the deplorable
+state of anatomical studies in England at the time and to
+cause one to wonder if Halle had read by way of contrast
+the continental writings of that period. It seems very likely
+that what has been termed Vicary’s anatomy was nothing
+other than a copy of a manuscript, presently in the Wellcome
+Historical Medical Library in London, dated 1392
+and merely a compilation of Lanfranc, Henri de Mondeville,
+and Gui de Chauliac, the most recent of them dead
+in 1367. Thus not only was Vicary’s work not based upon
+dissection, except for a secondhand account of crude fourteenth-century
+autopsy, but it represented a definite case of
+retrogression.</p>
+<p>The next anatomical publication in England was a new
+edition in 1553 of Geminus’s plagiarized anatomical plates,
+but this time with an English text by Nicholas Udall, best
+known as the author of the first important English comedy,
+<i>Ralph Roister Doister</i>, and utterly lacking in knowledge
+of anatomy. In consequence one may correctly hazard that
+this work, published with commercial rather than pedagogical
+motives, would not contribute much to knowledge
+of anatomy in England, even though the text was
+now in English. It is true that Vesalius’ descriptions of his
+illustrations were put into English, the first translation into
+English of any portion of the <i>Fabrica</i>, but the text which
+now replaced the <i>Epitome</i> of the earlier edition of 1545, like
+Vicary’s work, is predominantly indebted to that same
+fourteenth-century manuscript compiled from the writings
+<span class="pb" id="Page_20">20</span>
+of late medieval surgeons. Finally, the sheets of this work
+were reissued in 1559 with a new preface written by Richard
+Eden which aimed to delude the public into the belief
+that the publication had been revised.</p>
+<p>About this time, too, a small series of anatomical fugitive
+sheets with superimposed flaps made their appearance
+in England. One, at least, had two leaves of English text to
+explain the woodcut and is nearly always discovered bound
+into the 1559 reissue of Geminus’s book. The fugitive
+sheets, like their continental predecessors and followers,
+added very little to anatomical knowledge and must have
+been for popular consumption.</p>
+<p>If we turn now for a moment to give consideration to
+continental activity during the same period, there is no
+difficulty in observing the superiority of publications
+abroad. In 1543 the <i>Fabrica</i> of Vesalius was published, in
+1545 the <i>De Dissectione</i> of Rivière and Estienne, in 1555 the
+revised and much improved second edition of the <i>Fabrica</i>,
+in 1556 <i>Composicion del Cuerpo Humano</i> of Valverde, and in
+1559 the <i>De Re Anatomica</i> of Colombo. It is little wonder
+that these foreign texts overwhelmed the English market
+and prevented any initiative which might have led to the
+publication of any but the most rudimentary manuals, presuming
+that there was in England anyone who had pursued
+the study of anatomy sufficiently to be in a position
+to compete with the continental authorities. On the other
+hand, the superiority of the foreign publications owed part
+of that superiority to the fact that they were the work of
+much better educated physicians who had undertaken the
+study of anatomy, whereas in England the subject was yet
+very largely under the control of the less learned and less
+articulate surgeons who thought of anatomy more as a
+limited body of technical information required for surgery
+<span class="pb" id="Page_21">21</span>
+rather than a field of knowledge to be studied for itself and
+capable of indefinite expansion. David Edwardes had sought
+to set medicine on the right course, but to no avail. While in
+time the Faculties of Medicine in the two universities would
+pay some lip-service to anatomy, yet some considerable time
+was to pass before they became genuinely interested in the
+subject.</p>
+<p>In 1549 a royal examination of the Oxford statutes led
+to a declaration that they were ‘antiquated, semi-barbarous
+and obscure’, and new ones were substituted. In regard to
+medicine it was declared that before receiving the degree of
+Bachelor of Medicine the student must see two anatomical
+dissections, and himself perform two dissections before receiving
+his licence to practice. Before receiving the degree
+of Doctor of Medicine he was required to observe two or
+three more dissections.<a class="fn" id="fri_46" href="#fni_46">[46]</a> This, however, seems more likely
+to have been the ideal than the reality and echoes a similar
+but normally unfulfilled requirement in fifteenth-century
+Paris. It is more likely that the frequency with which anatomy
+was conducted at Oxford would have depended upon
+the particular interest of the Professor of Medicine, such as
+Walter Bayley (1529-93) who became Regius Professor of
+Medicine in 1561 and who at his death left his ‘skeleton of
+bones in Oxford’ to his successor in the chair.<a class="fn" id="fri_47" href="#fni_47">[47]</a> However,
+no Reader in Anatomy was appointed at Oxford until
+1624. Indeed, the founder of the readership, Richard Tomlins,
+recognized the situation in his grant by noting that the
+study of anatomy was</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>more particularly necessary for the faculties and Artes of
+Phisicke and Chirurgery, the perfection whereof doth much
+avayle to the safety health and comfort of the whole Commonwealth
+in the conservation of theire persons: And that there is
+as yet in neither of the Vniversities of this Kingdome (thoughe
+<span class="pb" id="Page_22">22</span>
+otherwise the most florisshing of the whole Christian world)
+any such Anatomy Lecture founded or established.<a class="fn" id="fri_48" href="#fni_48">[48]</a></p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>If we may believe John Caius, writing after the middle of
+the century, the first early enthusiasm for Greek studies had
+worn off among physicians. Caius, himself a very competent
+Grecist, wrote in advocacy of the study of Greek
+medicine in the Greek language, that</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>as each is more capable in his own tongue so he is consistent and
+always remains himself which contributes much to clarity, since
+each tongue has its own idioms and inexpressible terms which
+when translated do not retain the same emphasis or a like grace.
+In short, translators some times do not understand certain
+things, elsewhere they fall asleep, do not retain exactness of
+diction, restrain freedom, and since we are all human and so
+desirous of variety, from time to time they slip so that not only
+may there be obscurity but even ambiguity.</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>Nevertheless, wrote Caius, in his day ‘everyone turns to the
+Latin editions and no one touches the Greek’.<a class="fn" id="fri_49" href="#fni_49">[49]</a></p>
+<p>It is certainly true that after that first generation of men
+like Linacre, there was little interest in England in the
+original language of Galen and Hippocrates. The surgeons,
+certainly, knew no Greek, and the physicians were not
+interested in anatomy. There was to be little controversy,
+therefore, as to the meaning of any of Galen’s anatomical
+terms and less likelihood of investigating and disputing
+Galenic assertions. Acceptance without demur of the
+translation was a long step toward unquestioned acceptance
+of the content of the original. Hence it appears that by the
+middle of the sixteenth century the authority of Galen in
+Latin dress, or of his commentators, was not very likely to
+be opposed. On the Continent it had been instances of
+questions and opposition which had brought about anatomical
+<span class="pb" id="Page_23">23</span>
+advancement by resort to the only arbiter of doubts
+and questions, that is, the cadaver.</p>
+<p>With conditions as they have been portrayed it is no
+wonder, therefore, that little initiative was displayed in
+England. The most popular of the foreign works in England,
+as on the Continent, appears to have been the <i>De Re
+Anatomica</i> of Colombo which held its position until well
+after the opening of the seventeenth century. It was excellent
+for its time, not certainly the equal of the <i>Fabrica</i>, but on the
+other hand much cheaper to purchase, less bulky to hold,
+and not so detailed as to be confusing. It was probably this
+particular work in its several editions which more than any
+other prevented the appearance of a native English anatomical
+text.</p>
+<p>In 1578 John Banister published a book entitled <i>The
+Historie of Man, sucked from the Sappe of the most approued
+Anathomistes</i>. The title indicates the character of the work,
+drawn from continental authorities, and especially from
+Colombo, despite the fact that Banister was Reader in Anatomy
+to the United Company and therefore in a position to
+undertake independent researches. Indeed, a contemporary
+painting shows Banister in his capacity as Reader standing
+beside an open copy of Colombo’s <i>De Re Anatomica</i>.<a class="fn" id="fri_50" href="#fni_50">[50]</a></p>
+<p>It is clearly apparent that English anatomy in the Tudor
+period remained far behind that of the Continent, at least
+on the basis of such books as were published in England,
+and thereby renders that modest but early effort of David
+Edwardes all the more curious.</p>
+<p>Edwardes, it must be recalled, had presented his brief
+treatise in the same form which was being employed on the
+Continent, and we may assume that it represented his
+method. What he did was to ignore medieval writers and
+return directly to Galen, the supreme authority of that age,
+<span class="pb" id="Page_24">24</span>
+the ‘Prince of Physicians’. Coupled with this, he had begun
+to dissect, first, it may be assumed, for better comprehension
+of Galen but ultimately by Edwardes or his successors,
+discrepancies between the text of Galen and the observed
+anatomy would at once have indicated the classic error and
+the path to knowledge. Such was the course of continental
+development, but English anatomy of the period was faced
+by an insurmountable obstacle.</p>
+<p>Whereas the medical faculties of continental universities
+came to accept anatomy, such was not to be the case with
+English medicine until well into the seventeenth century.
+As a result, anatomy was not an end in itself but rather a
+limited field of knowledge learned in so far as it might be
+usefully applied in surgery.</p>
+<p>There were, of course, some Englishmen whose training
+and knowledge were superior to the quality demonstrated
+in English texts, men who had had Paduan training such
+as Caius and Harvey. But even Caius remained a Galenist
+when continental anatomy had become Vesalian, and
+Harvey, despite his thoroughly scientific attitude in respect
+to physiology, remained very conservative in his approach
+to purely anatomical problems, seeking authority not only
+in Galen but in the even more ancient Aristotle.</p>
+<p>Under these conditions it seems remarkable that such
+great contributions were made to physiology in seventeenth-century
+England. The contributions of Harvey, Boyle,
+Hooke, and Lower form an amazing contrast to the static
+and even retrograde position of anatomy in the preceding
+century. In 1565 John Halle, a distinguished surgeon, published
+his <i>Anatomy or Dissection of the Body of Man</i> which
+was largely a translation of the surgery of Guido Lanfranc
+who died in 1315, yet fifty-one years later Harvey had
+arrived at the circulation of the blood.<a class="fn" id="fri_51" href="#fni_51">[51]</a></p>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_25">25</div>
+<h2 id="c2"><span class="small">NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION</span></h2>
+<div class="fnblock">
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_1" href="#fri_1">[1]</a>Maurice Davidson, <i>Medicine in Oxford</i>, Oxford, 1953, pp. 15 ff.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_2" href="#fri_2">[2]</a>H. D. Rolleston, <i>The Cambridge Medical School</i>, Cambridge, 1932,
+pp. 1 ff.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_3" href="#fri_3">[3]</a>J. F. South, <i>Memorials of the Craft of Surgery in England</i>, ed.
+D’Arcy Power, London, 1886, pp. 14-15; Austin T. Young, <i>The
+Annals of the Barber-Surgeons of London</i>, London, 1890, p. 24.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_4" href="#fri_4">[4]</a>South, op. cit., pp. 15-18.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_5" href="#fri_5">[5]</a>Ibid., pp. 20 ff; Young, op. cit., pp. 40 ff.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_6" href="#fri_6">[6]</a>South, op. cit., pp. 81 ff.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_7" href="#fri_7">[7]</a>Ernest Wickersheimer, ‘Les premières dissections à la Faculté de
+Médecine de Paris’, <i>Bulletin de la Société de l’Histoire de Paris et de l’Ile-de-France</i>,
+1910, xxxvii. 162-3.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_8" href="#fri_8">[8]</a><i>Commentaires de la Faculté de Médecine de l’Université de Paris (1395-1516)</i>,
+Paris, 1915, p. 286.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_9" href="#fri_9">[9]</a><i>Cronica Fratris Salimbene</i> (Monumenta Germaniae Historica:
+Scriptores), Hanover, 1905-13, p. 613.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_10" href="#fri_10">[10]</a>Robert von Töply, in Puschmann, <i>Handbuch der Geschichte der
+Medizin</i>, Jena, 1903, ii. 199.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_11" href="#fri_11">[11]</a>Ibid., p. 201.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_12" href="#fri_12">[12]</a>Ibid., p. 209.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_13" href="#fri_13">[13]</a>M. Roth, <i>Andreas Vesalius Bruxellensis</i>, Berlin, 1892, p. 13.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_14" href="#fri_14">[14]</a>Töply, loc. cit., p. 212.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_15" href="#fri_15">[15]</a>Ibid.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_16" href="#fri_16">[16]</a>Montagu Burrow’s, ‘Memoir of William Grocyn’, <i>Collectanea,
+Second Series</i> (Oxford Historical Society), Oxford, 1890, pp. 332 ff.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_17" href="#fri_17">[17]</a>J. N. Johnson, <i>The Life of Thomas Linacre</i>, London, 1835,
+pp. 1-12.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_18" href="#fri_18">[18]</a>G. B. Parks, <i>The English Traveller to Italy. The Middle Ages (to
+1525)</i>, Stanford, Calif., 1955, pp. 457-60.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_19" href="#fri_19">[19]</a>R. J. Mitchell, ‘Thomas Linacre in Italy’, <i>English Historical Review</i>,
+1935, l. 696.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_20" href="#fri_20">[20]</a>This sequence was followed in Paris where in particular Guinther
+of Andernach and Jacobus Sylvius were proceeding from their study of
+Galen’s medical writings to those of an anatomical nature.</div>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_26">26</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_21" href="#fri_21">[21]</a>Thomas Fowler, <i>The History of Corpus Christi College</i>, Oxford,
+1893, p. 381; <i>Register of the University of Oxford</i>, ed. Boase, Oxford, 1885,
+ii. 128, where he is mentioned as ‘David Edwardys, disciple of the
+dyalectic art’.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_22" href="#fri_22">[22]</a>Ibid.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_23" href="#fri_23">[23]</a>Fowler, op. cit., pp. 58 and n., 85 n., 369 and n.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_24" href="#fri_24">[24]</a><i>Register</i>, p. 128.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_25" href="#fri_25">[25]</a>Fowler, op. cit., p. 370 n.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_26" href="#fri_26">[26]</a>Ibid., p. 369.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_27" href="#fri_27">[27]</a>Ibid., p. 372.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_28" href="#fri_28">[28]</a><i>Grace Book</i> Β, ed. Mary Bateson, Cambridge, 1905, pt. ii, pp. 148,
+150.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_29" href="#fri_29">[29]</a><i>Grace Book</i> Γ, ed. William George Searle, Cambridge, 1908, p. 242.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_30" href="#fri_30">[30]</a><i>De Indiciis et Praecognitionibus</i>, London, 1532, Ei<sup>r</sup>.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_31" href="#fri_31">[31]</a><i>Grace Book</i> Γ, p. 254.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_32" href="#fri_32">[32]</a>Ibid., p. 326.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_33" href="#fri_33">[33]</a>Ibid., p. 353.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_34" href="#fri_34">[34]</a><i>De Indiciis et Praecognitionibus</i>, C₃<sup>r</sup>.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_35" href="#fri_35">[35]</a>There is record of the probate of his will in that year in the Vice-Chancellor’s
+Court in the University of Cambridge with mention of his
+wife Alice. The actual will, however, appears to be no longer in existence.
+Information kindly supplied by Miss H. E. Peek, Archivist of the University
+of Cambridge.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_36" href="#fri_36">[36]</a>J. D. Comrie, <i>History of Scottish Medicine</i>, London, 1932.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_37" href="#fri_37">[37]</a><i>The Paintings of Hans Holbein</i>, ed. Ganz, London, 1956, nos. 218,
+219.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_38" href="#fri_38">[38]</a>Young, op. cit., p. 588.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_39" href="#fri_39">[39]</a>Guildhall, Repertory 10, f. 186, 14 Dec. 1540.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_40" href="#fri_40">[40]</a><i>De Libris Propriis</i>, p. 90, in <i>The Works of John Caius</i>, M.D., ed.
+Venn, Cambridge, 1912.</div>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_27">27</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_41" href="#fri_41">[41]</a>William Munk, <i>The Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of
+London</i>, London, 1878, iii. 351. The statute is cited from Goodall’s
+MS., <i>On College Affairs</i>, pp. 55-56: ‘Among our elders the Anatomical
+Lecture was considered of such importance that according to everyone’s
+recollection very few Fellows sought to be excused from that duty except
+for very grave reasons. However, lest it happen that frequent dispensations
+of that sort should become usual and customary and thence, so it was
+feared, lest such a useful institution should gradually perish, they decided
+to prevent it through the statutes, by slight penalties in the beginning and
+afterward increased and more severe according to the danger. We desiring
+to follow their prudent regulation, lest hereafter we admit Fellows into the
+Society influenced by a like hope of always declining this duty and not
+giving their attention seriously to that task: We establish and Order that
+for those refusing the duty of the ordinary anatomical lecture and wishing
+to be released wholly from that duty, the penalty of paying the College
+twenty pounds, unless because of very serious obstacles approved by the
+President and a majority of the Fellows in plenary session. In cases of
+lesser importance in which there is not sought a continuing exemption
+but a deferment from lecturing for a time, we leave to the judgment of the
+President how far this ought to be granted to the applicants; but the
+deferment granted may not exceed seven months. In which case also we
+wish that deferment from the first lecture may not be granted in favor of
+the succeeding lecturer, but that he be held to observe the time ordered for
+him by the President, as if there were no such deferment.’</div>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_28">28</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_42" href="#fri_42">[42]</a>Charles Goodall, <i>The Royal College of Physicians of London</i>,
+London, 1684, pp. 34-37: ‘Elizabeth by the grace of God, Queen of
+England, France & Ireland, defender of the faith &c. Greetings to all
+those reached by the present letter. Our father of noble memory Henry
+VIII, formerly King of England, among certain other decrees for the
+well-being and usefulness of his kingdom of England, especially watching
+over the health of his subjects, through his Letters Patent instituted in
+perpetuity a College of certain grave men of medicine who practised
+medicine publicly in his City of London and its suburbs within seven
+miles of that city. In the name of the President of the College and the
+Fellowship of the faculty of medicine of London, he incorporated them in
+the corporate and political body, and he granted to the same President and
+College of Fellowship aforesaid and to its successors diverse liberties
+and privileges. Our same father not only confirmed those Letters Patent and
+all things contained in them through his <i>Senatus Consultum</i> or Parliament
+held in the fourteenth and fifteenth years of his reign, but also he increased
+and amplified the same statute in many ways. Since our said father
+granted this pious design for the well-being of the commonwealth,
+assuredly day by day there will be manifestly great advancement if to the
+aforesaid President, College or Fellowship and their successors forever we
+grant what is especially necessary for those professing medicine, certain
+human bodies annually for dissection. Know that we, not only deservedly
+renewing the famous institution of our said father, but also considering
+the responsibility of our royal office to provide as much as possible for the
+assured health and security of our subjects, of our special grace and from
+our certain knowledge and genuine affection for our people, we grant
+presently and for our heirs and successors to the aforesaid President of the
+College or Fellowship of the aforesaid faculty of medicine of London,
+and their successors or assigns, that they may have and receive annually
+and forever in future times, at one time or at different times of the year, at
+the discretion, desire and liberty of the aforesaid President during the time
+of his existence and of his successors, one, two, three or four human bodies
+for dissection and anatomization, which have been condemned and executed
+according to the common law of this kingdom for theft, homicide
+or whatever felony, or have been condemned and executed according to
+the common law of this kingdom for theft, homicide or whatever felony
+within the County of Middlesex or within the aforesaid City of London
+or elsewhere within sixteen miles of the aforesaid City in whatever
+County.... And that it be permitted to the same President of the College
+and aforesaid Fellowship and their successors and whatever others of their
+assigns, professors or experts, to dissect and to divide the same bodies or
+otherwise according to their will and judgment, with that reverence
+which ought to be granted to human flesh, for the increment of knowledge
+of medicine and experiment of the same, and for the health of
+our liegemen without the contradiction of anyone. And this without
+rendering or paying any one any sum of money or any sums of money
+for the same. Provided always that when from time to time an anatomy
+of this sort has been undertaken and completed that the aforesaid bodies
+be given funeral and burial at the expense of the President and his
+successors....
+<span class="jr">Westminster, 24 February, in the seventh year of our reign’</span></div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_43" href="#fri_43">[43]</a>Caius was not only a confirmed Galenist, but with the passing
+years ever a more conservative and literal Galenist, and his anatomical
+lectures to the surgeons were described by Bullein in his <i>Little Dialogue</i> of
+1579 as ‘reveiling ... the hidden jewels and precious treasures of Cl.
+Galenus’. It seems likely that, whatever anatomical lectures were given in
+the College of Physicians, they must, at least for a time, have been of like
+character. In the <i>Annals</i> of the college as written by Caius we find that as
+late as the year 1559 a certain Joannes Geynes was subject to disciplinary
+action because of his assertion that Galen had been guilty of error. He was
+required to state that ‘I Joannes Geynes confess that Galen did not err
+in those things for which I criticized him’, <i>Annales a Collegio Condito</i>,
+pp. 53-54, in <i>The Works of John Caius</i>, ed. Venn, Cambridge, 1912.
+Such conservatism carried over to the study of anatomy would certainly
+have been detrimental to any advancement of knowledge.</div>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_29">29</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_44" href="#fri_44">[44]</a><i>Compendiosa totius Anatomie delineatio, aere exarata per Thomam
+Geminum.</i></div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_45" href="#fri_45">[45]</a><i>Selected Writings of Sir D’Arcy Power</i>, Oxford, 1931, p. 115.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_46" href="#fri_46">[46]</a>H. M. Sinclair and A. H. T. Robb-Smith, <i>A Short History of
+Anatomical Teaching in Oxford</i>, Oxford, 1950, p. 10.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_47" href="#fri_47">[47]</a>Ibid., p. 11.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_48" href="#fri_48">[48]</a>Ibid.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_49" href="#fri_49">[49]</a>Caius, loc. cit., p. 104.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_50" href="#fri_50">[50]</a>This portrait shows Banister giving the Visceral lecture at Barber-Surgeon’s
+Hall in 1581; of small size and painted by an unknown artist
+on two pieces of paper joined down the middle, it is nevertheless sufficiently
+detailed for us to discover that Banister is using the octavo edition of
+Colombo’s work printed in Paris in 1572. The portrait is now laid down
+in an album of anatomical drawings, also painted for Banister, which was
+formerly owned by William Hunter and is now preserved in the Hunterian
+Museum, Glasgow. The drawings consist of views of the skeleton, the
+superficial muscles, nerves and veins drawn in colour on a dark ground with
+some skill. Singer, in his <i>Evolution of Anatomy</i>, London, 1925, p. 174, suggests
+that the skeletal figures are probably the earliest prepared in England
+which were actually drawn from the bones. This could well be true, but
+Banister based his drawing of the nerves on a plate of Charles Estienne, 1545,
+and his figures of the superficial muscles and veins are possibly based on Valverde.
+Other relics of Banister can be seen at Cambridge. The University
+Library has a book-like casket containing a small ivory skeleton and the
+<i>écorché</i> figure of a man given to the library by Banister in 1591. King’s College
+Library has a copy of <i>The Historie of Man</i> presented by the author in 1596.</div>
+<div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fni_51" href="#fri_51">[51]</a>Books printed on the Continent were freely available in England,
+and it could be argued that this was one reason why so few anatomical
+texts were published in the Tudor period. It has already been noted that
+Colombo’s <i>De Re Anatomica</i> in the octavo edition of Paris, 1572, was
+used by Banister in his visceral lecture. This could well have been the text
+recommended to apprentices of Barber-Surgeon’s Hall. Such imported
+books were, of course, published in Latin and were therefore suitable to the
+students of the College of Physicians and those of Oxford or of Cambridge.
+It seems likely that the students at Barber-Surgeons’ Hall created a demand
+for more simple texts in the vernacular and this is surely the reason for the
+continued popularity of such books as Thomas Vicary’s archaic text.</div>
+</div>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_31">31</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p00.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="791" />
+</div>
+<p class="center"><span class="xxlarge">DE IN-</span>
+<br />DICIIS ET PRAE
+<br />cognitionibus, opus ap-
+<br />prime utile medicis,
+<br />Dauide Edguardo
+<br />Anglo authore.</p>
+<p class="center">EIVSDEM IN
+<br />Anatomicen introductio
+<br />luculenta et breuis.</p>
+<p class="center"><i><span class="large">1532</span></i></p>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_33">33</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p01.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="802" />
+</div>
+<p class="center"><span class="xxlarge">EXIMIO</span>
+<br />AC ILLVSTRI D. HENRICO
+<br /><span class="small">S</span>urrensi <span class="small">C</span>omiti <span class="small">D</span>a. <span class="small">E</span>dguardus
+<br />medicus <span class="small">S. D.</span></p>
+<pre><span class="small">QVOTIES MIHI</span>
+in memoriā uenit <span class="small">H</span>en-
+rice nobilium <span class="small">C</span>omitum
+decus, et quanto in ho-
+nore fuerit tuus auus a-
+pud <span class="small">A</span>nglos omneis, cū ob insignem illā
+uirtutē suam et fortunatos in rebus bel-
+licis succæssus, tum ob prudentiam suam
+minime uulgarem in administranda re
+publica, dum uiueret: et quam dextere eti-
+am his diebus quotidie gerantur res om-
+nes tuo patri præclarissimo, quæcunqꝫ ad
+nos <span class="small">A</span>nglos pertinent: non possum satis
+admirari genus istud tuum, non horum
+adeo caussa, ut quod et te in hac ætate cō-
+stitutum, uideam, supra quam dici potest</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_34">34</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p02.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="789" />
+</div>
+<pre>in multis alijs adolescentibus, ad ea quæ
+te meliorem reddant tam serio animum
+appellere. Istud quidem ego haud scio,
+naturę́ ne illius beneficio ascribere debeā
+è qua nobis editus es, an superis, qui et tu-
+is bene uertunt, et <span class="small">A</span>nglis nostris fauent.
+Vtcumqꝫ est, reipublicæ nostræ commo-
+do fore speramus, quod factum est, atqꝫ
+eo magis, quo tu diutius rebus bonis stu-
+dueris. Ita namqꝫ sequentem ætatem in-
+structior adibis, et cōsuetudo interim bo-
+na tuum animum stabiliet, ne ad peiora
+in posterum facile decidas. Quanto uero
+magis et consilio ualebis, et prudentia,
+tanto meliorem sui gubernatorem habe-
+bit <span class="small">N</span>orfolcia tuæ stirpi credita, ubi patri
+succædes hæres prædiorum, tantoq́<span>ꝫ</span> inte-
+rea utilior <span class="small">C</span>omes eris <span class="small">S</span>urrensi populo
+tuo, ac tanto demum magis <span class="small">A</span>nglis om-
+nibus expetitus, ut reipublicæ negotia
+suscipias, quæ omnia et honorum tibi in-
+cremento futura sunt et tuorum omnium</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_35">35</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p03.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="798" />
+</div>
+<pre>honestamento quæ omnia et certum est
+consequi posse te, si ut cœpisti iuuenileis
+annos transiges. Vt magnam in te spem
+reponimus, te et patris aui tui similem fu-
+turum, quòd et ingeniū tuum et morum
+grauitas talia nobis polliceātur. Ego tibi
+et maximos succæssus precor et optima-
+rum omnium rerum augmentum uber-
+rimum. Atqꝫ ut hic annus totus ab inicio
+fœlix tibi tuisq́<span>ꝫ</span> sit, iterum precor. Quo
+omine et hanc nostram in <span class="small">A</span>natomicen
+introductionem tibi dedico. Vt enim
+hæc artis medicæ pars omnibus comper-
+ta non est, sic et quod difficillima nonnul-
+la complectatur, facilem exigit instituti-
+onem, qua lectores quasi manu ducantur
+ad id, cui innitūtur. Istud opus exiguum
+quidem est, sed medicis et <span class="small">C</span>hirurgis om-
+nibus per quam utile, quod et plurima
+paucis explicat. Nihilo obscuri, nihil af-
+fectati continet, sed omnibus eorum in-
+genijs expositissimum, qui nec tardi sunt,</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_36">36</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p04.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="783" />
+</div>
+<pre>nec ad scientias inutiles. In quo, si quæ
+discrepent à communibus medicorū sen-
+tencijs, nemo miretur: quòd neqꝫ doctis-
+simi eadē his de rebus sentiant. Ego post
+hac, si deus permittet, librum condam ab-
+solutæ <span class="small">A</span>natomices, in quem doctissimo-
+rum omnium opiniones colligam, qui-
+bus et mea sententia interponetur. Potui
+et id iam facere, sed nec eodem tamen la-
+bore, neqꝫ seruato introductionis decoro.
+Superest ut hic libellus tibi gratus sit
+quem in reipublicæ commodum cōscrip-
+simus. Reddet enim pauciores indoctos
+medicos, quorum uicio plurimi intereunt
+à quo et hic fructus percipietur,
+ut nullæ corporis partes me
+dicis non sint notis-
+sime. Vale. <span class="small">C</span>an-
+tabrigiæ, <span class="small">C</span>al.
+<span class="small">I</span>anua-
+rij.</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_37">37</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p05.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="787" />
+</div>
+<p class="center"><span class="xxlarge">DAVIDIS</span>
+<br />EDGVARDI ANGLI IN
+<br /><span class="small">A</span>natomicen introductio.</p>
+<pre><span class="small">INFERIOR</span>
+uenter totus (hinc e-
+nim humani corpo-
+ris incipere dissecti-
+onem oportet, quòd
+is locus ocyssime pu-
+trescat) à prima cute ad peritonæū <span class="small">G</span>ræ-
+cis ἐπιγάστριον, <span class="small">B</span>arbaris <span class="small">M</span>irach appella-
+tur cuius quidem hæ partes sunto.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">CVTIS IN</span> superficie quæ totum oc-
+cupat corpus, sensus omnis expers. Cu-
+tis tenuissima superficiali cuti subiecta et
+subtensa, sensilis. Græci eam ὑποδερμα
+dicunt. Pinguetudo quædam totum uen-
+trem occupans, cuti sensili citra medium
+substrata.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">NERVOSA</span> et tenuis membrana</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_38">38</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p06.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="789" />
+</div>
+<pre>hæc continuo sequitur. Membrana rur-
+sus è musculis ortum habens huic statim
+subiungitur, ubi recta mox linea appa-
+ret in medio.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">MVSCVLI</span> obliqui duo descenden-
+tes uersus imum uentrem his subiacent.
+Musculis obliquis ascendentibus sub his
+locus est. Recti duo musculi uendicant lo-
+cum proximum. Atqꝫ infimi omnium
+sunt musculi transuersi. Octo igitur hi
+sunt quorum ferè singulis sunt suæ tuni-
+cæ neruosæ quibus à se inuicem discri-
+minantur.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">SVBTENDITVR</span> his aponeurωsis
+siue potius membrana quædam spissa et
+tenax quam aliqui falsò peritonæum ap-
+pellant. Hactenus de <span class="small">E</span>pigastrio et eius
+partibus.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">CERTÈ</span> peritonæum neruosa pars
+est, tactu mollis, tenacitatis mediocris, to-
+tum uentrem occupans, et aponeurωsi si-</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_39">39</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p07.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="785" />
+</div>
+<pre>ue membranæ quam dixi subsidēs. Græ-
+ci id illi nomen indiderunt. Barbari <span class="small">S</span>i-
+phacid uocant.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">ZIRBVS</span> siue omentum subperito-
+næo exporrigitur. Adipis quoddam
+genus <span class="small">Z</span>irbus est, ex neruosis filis tenu-
+iqꝫ neruorum substantia adiposa constās
+priore adipe minus crassū. Intestina plu-
+rima et imum uentriculum operit, et ali-
+menti coctionem expedit.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">INTESTINA</span> à uentriculo exori-
+untur, è quibus quod rectum et lon-
+ganon appellatur, omnium intestinorum
+infimum est, et siccum alui onus conti-
+net, et inter nates caput exerit, ut onus
+deponat. Colon illi continuatur, et in
+ascensu renem sinistrum ambit, et ad uen-
+triculi latera dextrosum cædit. Quod
+<span class="small">G</span>ræci τυφλον et μονόφθαλμον, <span class="small">R</span>omani
+cæcum intestinum et unoculum uocant,
+colo accrescit, cuius unicus est meatus, al-</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_40">40</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p08.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="802" />
+</div>
+<pre>tera enim extremitate clauditur, ut coctio-
+ni subseruiat cōmodius, uentriculi cuius-
+dam modo. Hinc igitur rei nomen. Atqꝫ
+intestina quidem crassiora tot sint.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">ILEON</span> excipit cæcum, intestinum
+in crebros intortum sinus a qua figura et
+Græci nomen illi fecerunt παρα του ἐιλεῖ-
+σθαι .i. ab inuoluendo, cuius morbus et
+iliacus dicitur. Illi ieiunum adheret. Hoc
+ieiuni nomen corporum dissectores in-
+testino dederunt ab euentu quòd semper
+inane reperiatur, et nihil continere. Iecur
+enim auulsit prius quicquid haberet in se
+ieiunum. Assurgit supra hæc intestina
+omnia, duodenum quod ieiuno inferne,
+superne Pylωro affigitur. Græcis δωδεκα
+δάκτῦλομ uocatur à duodecim digitorū
+mensura. Tria hæc substantiæ suæ ratio-
+ne appellentur gracilia intestina.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">VENTRICVLVS</span> sub transuerso
+septo locatus est, cuius os superius in</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_41">41</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p09.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="786" />
+</div>
+<pre>quod œsophagus terminatur, stoma-
+chus proprie appellatur, inferius per
+q<sub><i>uod</i></sub> intestina alimentū deriuatur πυλωρος
+dicitur.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">LIEN RARAE</span> sustantiæ uiscus,
+uentriculo adiacet ad sinistrum latus
+et iecur ad dexterum Hypochondrium,
+hoc rotundum, ac quadam tenus lunare,
+illud oblongum, ac ueluti quadratum.
+Vtriusqꝫ horum gibbosa pars ad inferio-
+res costas pertinet. Quod in alterutro cō-
+cauum est, id et uentriculo est proximum.
+Iecur sanguinē gignit. Lien eundē repur-
+gat ab atrabile. Inuaugescit Lien cū reli-
+qui corporis dispendio. Iecoris magnitu-
+do totius corporis compagi utilis est,
+quòd sanguinē et naturalē spiritū summi-
+nistret ubertim. Iecur habet suas penu-
+las quos <span class="small">G</span>ræci λοβούς nominant, inter-
+dum treis, interdum plureis, in cuius ca-
+uo et uessicula fellis prominet, qua san-</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_42">42</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p10.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="805" />
+</div>
+<pre>guis à bile defecatus et purus euadit.
+Cuius utiqꝫ uessiculæ exhalatione et tran-
+spiratu inficiuntur nonnunquam duode-
+num et ieiunum, nonnunquam et pungi
+se senciunt, si transpiratus maior sit et bi-
+lis mordacior.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">À IECORIS</span> concauo uena portæ
+oritur: multis exilibus iecoris uenis con-
+currentibus ex quibus ea una constat. <span class="small">E</span>
+diuerso rursus in innumeras eadem spar-
+gitur parteis, uenarumq́<span>ꝫ</span> immensam red-
+dit multitudinem, quæ postea passim in-
+testinis propè omnibus inseruntur, ad
+mistis unâ membranulis adiposis, ut nu-
+trimentalem substantiam iecori suppedi-
+tent in sanguinis generationem. Chilus
+namq<span>ꝫ</span> cibusq́<span>ꝫ</span> à uentriculo statim ad in-
+testina demittitur concædente exitū py-
+lωro, ubi primum accæperit uentriculus
+quantum usibus suis sufficiat, et coctio-
+nem suam perægerit qui nisi et in sangui-</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_43">43</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p11.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="784" />
+</div>
+<pre>nis naturam transmutandus sit, parum
+admodum in reliqui corporis nutricio-
+nem contulerit. Hunc ergo usum præ-
+stant numerosæ hæ uenulæ, ut optimum
+nutrimenti succū haud satis adhuc coctū
+interaneis exugant, et iecoris cauo man-
+dent, quo illic sanguis fiat. Quas nimi-
+rum uenulas et <span class="small">M</span>eseraicas, et <span class="small">M</span>esenteri-
+cas <span class="small">G</span>ræco uocabulo nominare licebit.
+Latini eas lacteis uocant. Ad harum mu-
+nimen ne per ramificationis frequentiam
+ualentiore corporis motu earum qúæuis
+distrahantur dilanientúr ue, quo firmius
+constent singulæ sibi uenulæ duodeno
+πανκρεασ adhæret, glandulosa scilicet ca-
+ro, quæ et καλλίκρεασ <span class="small">G</span>ræcis uocatur in-
+terdum.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">SANGVIS</span> meat à iecoris cōcauo, in
+quo paulo āte formatus est, ad gibbū
+iecoris, non qualis tamen omnino factus
+fuerit in cauo, sed syncerior et simplicior,</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_44">44</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p12.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="817" />
+</div>
+<pre>utrâqꝫ bile ab eo secreta, et ad concæpta-
+cula sua transmissa, ut corpori salubriter
+alendo et gignēdis spiritibus inculpatior
+sit. À gibbo uero et in totum undiqꝫ cor-
+pus porrigitur sanguis, per uenam cauā
+(<span class="small">G</span>ræcis κοιλη dicitur) et multiplices eius
+uenæ ramos. Hæc profecto uena reliquas
+omneis corporis uenas inagnitudine su-
+perat, et à iecoris oritur gibbo. À qua per
+mediam spinam descendēte unus utrinqꝫ
+ramos renes petit, alterutro ramo in pal-
+mi longitudinem protenso.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">HI CONCAVAE</span> uenæ rami ue-
+næ sunt emulgentes. Quem nouissi-
+me secuimus, illi leuus ramus in corpore
+alciorem exortus sui locum habebat. Sę-
+pissime tamen contra fit, ut emulgens
+dextera uena sublimius in corpus effera-
+tur. His emulgentibus uenis natura uti-
+tur ad deferendam sanguinis aquositatē
+et bilem à iecore ad renes. Totidem et ar-</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_45">45</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p13.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="782" />
+</div>
+<pre>teriarum ramuli, eodem situ, et á magna
+<span class="small">A</span>orta arteria cauam uenam subeunte, in
+æquam longitudinem procurrunt in re-
+nes, sub emulgentibus uenis, bile et san-
+guine aquoso cor exonerantes, quibus et
+arteriarum emulgentium nomen est.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">DESCENDVNT</span> et à sinistris e-
+mulgentibus uena et arteria in sinistræ
+partis testem. Seminales eæ sunt meatus
+sanguine et spiritu turgentes, fœminas in
+his contenta seminis materia procreat,
+quód humor sit aquosus et coctionem
+desyderet. Meatus seminales itidem arte-
+ria et uena à dexteris demittūtur in dexte-
+rum testem, uerum à uenæ cauæ et <span class="small">A</span>ortæ
+arteriæ truncis excrescentes, ac proinde
+succus in eis minus aquosus, ac probe cō-
+coctus, maribus generandis aptior est.
+In his meatibus sanguis percoquitur, qui
+póst ad glandulosam testium carnē trans-
+latus, seminis formam acquirit.</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_46">46</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p14.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="816" />
+</div>
+<pre><span class="small">RENES</span> solida et dura uiscera sunt,
+non sentientia, uis attractrix in eis pollet
+plurimum. Sanguinem ab aquositate ac
+bile purgant. Sed sanguinem retinent, ut
+quo alantur reliquum humorem expri-
+munt. <span class="small">E</span>is enim ὀυρῆτῆρες adnectūtur .i.
+urinarij meatus, candidi fistulosi, ac ten-
+siles, qualeis nimirum ad uesicam pertine-
+re dixeris et eius substantiæ confineis esse.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">SEPTVM</span> transuersū est mēbranosa
+quædam substantia, uitalia et natura-
+lia membra intercursans. <span class="small">G</span>ræcis διάφραγ-
+μα dicitur. Interraneis uim expultricem
+firmat, spiritui destinatis membris inscri-
+bitur, fumidosqꝫ uapores coërcet ne cor-
+dis, aut cerebri, uiuidos spiritus offuscent.
+Cui supernę affigitur neruosa tunica quæ
+<span class="small">T</span>horacem intrinsecus uestit, et pectoris
+costas statis intersticijs deligat, quam tu-
+nicam <span class="small">G</span>ræci πλεῦραν bona ex parte no-
+mināt, aliqnando uero ὑποζωμα ijsdem</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_47">47</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p15.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="787" />
+</div>
+<pre>uocatur. Huius inflammatione fit <span class="small">P</span>leu-
+relis, morbi nomine à tunica ducto.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">A PLEVRA</span> iuxa spinam nascitur
+et membrana pulmones et intimū
+<span class="small">T</span>horacem æquis portionibus per media
+distinguens. Mediastinum uulgo appel-
+latur, pulmonibus tanto commodo infi-
+tum ut alterius pulmonis uicium alteri fa-
+cile ex eo non communicetur. Certè pul-
+mones in medio pectoris palacio habi-
+tant, cordis et cerebri spiritus recreant, ca-
+lorem attemperant, et præfocationis peri-
+culum auertunt, quibus et suæ sunt pe-
+nulle perinde atqꝫ iocinori. Habent et cor
+perpetuo in quibusdam ueluti amplexi-
+bus blandissimarum nutricum more, et
+qualitatum quendam concentum acci-
+nunt, quo singulas corporis particulas de
+mulceant, et uegetas faciant. <span class="small">E</span> mediasti-
+ni parte illa quæ medios habet pulmo-
+nes, profert se membrana egregie spissa,</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_48">48</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p16.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="814" />
+</div>
+<pre>duraq́<span>ꝫ</span>, qua cor circumquaqꝫ integitur
+περικαρδιον <span class="small">G</span>ræcitas nominat. Hæc tue
+tur cor, ne ab aduenticijs afficiatur, nè ue
+asperginoso fomento careat, quo feruori
+suo moderetur. Hæc et uireis cordis unit,
+et halituosos illinc spiritus uehemēti mo-
+tu dissolui prohibet. Hic cor se condit
+princeps membrum, et in turbinem fasti-
+giatū uiscus, tribus intus uentriculis con-
+cauum ac assidue palpitans, cui et suæ
+sunt utrinqꝫ auriculæ in quibus superest
+quam longissime uita. In sinistro cordis
+uentriculo spiritus et exigui sanguinis se-
+des est, à qua uenalis arteria progrediens
+pulmones subit aëremq́<span>ꝫ</span> ab eis concipit
+præparatiorem, quem in cordis sinus in-
+troducat, ne importunius æstuent. Dex-
+ter uentriculus plurimū et calidissimum
+sanguinem continet. In hunc iecoris uena
+caua per mediam spinam scandit ac uita-
+lis spirtus fomitem infundit. <span class="small">À</span> quo et ue-</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_49">49</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p17.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="782" />
+</div>
+<pre>na arterialis in pulmones copiosum san-
+guinem eructat. Medio dexteri et sinistri
+uentriculo, sanguis temperatus, et quan-
+titate mediocris, inest. Ab hoc magna ar-
+teria cui <span class="small">A</span>orte nomen, nascitur uitalis spi-
+ritus uehiculum, ea susqꝫ deqꝫ perpetuo
+agitatur contrarijs motibus dilatatione
+et constrictione, ac secatur demum in ra-
+morū myriadas ut percalēteis toto corpo-
+re parteis miti flatu refocillet. De mēbris
+uitalibus huc usqꝫ sermonē produximus.</pre>
+<pre><span class="small">MEMBRANA</span> ossosum capitis or-
+bem forinsecus obducens, περικρα-
+νιον <span class="small">G</span>recis appellatur, et dura est, et spissa
+et tenax, et exteriori cerebri tunicæ, du-
+ram matrem eam uulgo uocant, in sub-
+stantia conformis. Pendet et affixa duræ
+matris tunica pericranio, sic naturæ ui-
+sum est, ne in contactu cerebro efficiat,
+subter quam et tenuis mollisq̀<span>ꝫ</span> membra-
+na, pia mater ei nomen est, cerebrum in-</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_50">50</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p18.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="798" />
+</div>
+<pre>uoluit et nutrit, crebris uenis aspersa.
+Dure matri et ipsius cerebri substantiæ
+continuatur, et cerebri uentriculos pene-
+trat. Hinc se, proxime, oculis offert ipsum
+cerebrum, et eius uentriculi, et postico ca-
+pitis inditum cerebellum, a quo et me-
+dulla spinæ in uertebras descendit. Hinc
+et plexus reticularis (rete mirabile triuia-
+libus uocatur) summo cerebello, è crebris
+uenarum ac arteriarum mutuo sese can-
+cellantibus filamentis, phantasiam sui
+præbet, in quo spiritus uitalis a corde sur-
+sum uectus per arterias dum plenius co-
+quitur rarescit, et animalis fit spiritus: sen-
+sus et motus caussa in uniuerso corpore.
+Neruorum enim fons cerebrum est ner-
+ui uero spiritus animalis sunt deferētia ua-
+sa, qui à medulla spinæ (<span class="small">N</span>ucha barbaris
+dicitur) in omneis corporis particulas di-
+geruntur. Quin et à cerebroseptem neruo-
+rum coniugationes procædunt. Bini ner-</pre>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_51">51</div>
+<div class="img">
+<img src="images/p19.png" alt="page image" width="500" height="788" />
+</div>
+<pre>ui antrorsum nareis spectant, olfactus ni
+mirum organa. Bini ad oculos feruntur,
+in itinere sese intersecantes, è quibus uidē-
+di facultas. Alij bini motum oculis, bini a
+lij linguæ motum et gustum tribuunt. E
+duobus et uentriculis sensu pollet, quo mi-
+nus appetentia illi desit, è totidem et exili-
+bus neruis sapores discernit palatum.
+Vnus postræmum neruus utrinqꝫ por-
+rectus ab uno principio, auribus largitur
+dexteræ et sinistræ, ne surditate extundan-
+tur. Hæc sunt quæ de membris animali-
+bus abs me per compendium dicta, intro-
+ductionē hanc in <span class="small">A</span>natomicen iusta pro-
+lixitate finiāt. Cætera enim quæ ad hanc
+tractationem pertinent, in alio opere pro-
+sequemur: ubi ad <span class="small">A</span>natomices omneis nu-
+meros sermonem accommodabimus.</pre>
+<p class="center">EXCVDEBAT ROB. REDMA-
+<br />nus <span class="small">L</span>ondini <span class="small">A</span>nno</p>
+<p class="center">M. D. XXXII.
+<br />CVM PRIVILEGIO.</p>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_53">53</div>
+<h3 id="c3"><i>To the Distinguished and Illustrious
+<br />Henry, Earl of Surrey.</i>
+<br /><i>David Edwardes, Physician, Sends Greetings</i></h3>
+<p>How often, Henry, I have recalled the honourable
+achievements of those noble dukes, in what
+great honour all Englishmen held your grandfather
+during his lifetime for his remarkable ability and
+happy successes in warfare, as well as his extraordinary
+prudence in the administration of civil affairs; and also at
+present how expertly everything that pertains to us English
+is daily managed by your famous father. I cannot sufficiently
+admire your family, but not so much for those reasons as
+because I see you established above what can be said for
+many other young men in this age, and turning your mind
+so seriously to those things which will render it better. I am
+by no means certain whether I ought to ascribe this to the
+benefit of that stock from which you have been brought
+forth to us, whether to the gods who through you smile
+upon and favour us English. However it may be, let us
+hope what has occurred will be to the advantage of our
+commonwealth, and that the more so since you have pursued
+worth-while things for so long a time. Thus you will
+approach the next age better prepared, and good habits will
+meanwhile strengthen your mind so that later you will not
+easily fall into worse. But the more you may be strengthened
+by counsel and prudence, with confidence placed in your
+family, so much the better guidance will Norfolk have when
+you succeed as heir to your father’s estates. Meanwhile how
+<span class="pb" id="Page_54">54</span>
+much more useful you will be to your people as Earl of Surrey,
+and finally so much the more will all Englishmen desire you
+to undertake the affairs of the commonwealth. There is no
+doubt that you can achieve all these things which will be to
+the increase of your honours and to the honour of your family.</p>
+<p>As your talent and gravity of character promise, so we
+have great hope that you will be like your father and grandfather.
+I wish you both the greatest successes and the most
+fruitful increase of all the best things. And once more I wish
+that this whole year from its beginning may be happy for you
+and yours. With this augury I dedicate to you this our introduction
+to anatomy. For as this part of the art of medicine
+is not known to all, because it is something very difficult
+to comprehend, it requires an easy arrangement by which
+readers, as if led by the hand to it, may lean upon it. This is
+indeed a slight work, but wholly useful for all physicians and
+surgeons, because it explains many things briefly. It contains
+nothing obscure, nothing elaborate, very readily accessible to
+the talents of all those who are neither dull nor ill-adapted to
+matters of knowledge. In this, if anything differs from the
+common opinions of physicians, let no one be astonished
+because the learned do not believe the same in these matters.</p>
+<p>Hereafter, if God permit, I shall compose a complete
+book of anatomy in which I shall further the opinions of
+all the learned, to which my own opinion will be added.
+I could have done this at present but not, however, with the
+same effort or with the form of an introduction preserved. It
+remains that this little book, which we have enlisted in
+the service of the commonwealth, may be pleasing to you,
+for it recognizes the existence of those very few unlearned
+physicians by whose mistakes many perish, from which this
+fact will be gathered, that no parts of the body should be
+unknown to physicians. Farewell. Cambridge. 1 January.</p>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_55">55</div>
+<h2 id="c4"><span class="small">THE INTRODUCTION TO</span>
+<br />ANATOMY OF
+<br />DAVID EDWARDES
+<br />ENGLISHMAN</h2>
+<p>The whole lower venter—for thence it is necessary to
+begin the dissection of the human body because that
+part putrefies very readily—from the outer skin to the
+peritoneum is called <span class="small">EPIGASTRION</span> by the Greeks and
+<i>mirach</i><a class="fn" id="fr_1" href="#fn_1">[1]</a> by the Barbarians, of which the following are the
+parts.</p>
+<p>The superficial skin which covers the whole body is completely
+insensitive. The skin lying and stretched under the
+very thin and superficial skin is sensitive.<a class="fn" id="fr_2" href="#fn_2">[2]</a> The Greeks call
+it <span class="small">HYPODERMA</span>. A kind of fat occupies the whole venter
+and is spread under the sensitive skin except for the middle.</p>
+<p>A sinewy and thin membrane immediately follows this.
+A membrane taking origin from the muscles is subjoined
+firmly to this where a straight line appears in the middle.<a class="fn" id="fr_3" href="#fn_3">[3]</a></p>
+<p>Two oblique descending muscles<a class="fn" id="fr_4" href="#fn_4">[4]</a> lie under these toward
+the lowest venter. The oblique ascending muscles<a class="fn" id="fr_5" href="#fn_5">[5]</a>
+are placed under these. Two rectus muscles have a close
+<span class="pb" id="Page_56">56</span>
+relationship. And lowest of all are the transverse muscles.<a class="fn" id="fr_6" href="#fn_6">[6]</a>
+Therefore there are these eight for which there are nearly
+individual sinewy coverings by which they are distinguished
+from one another.</p>
+<p>An aponeurosis, or rather a thick and firm membrane, is
+stretched under them which some falsely call the peritoneum.
+So much for the epigastrium and its parts.</p>
+<p>Certainly the peritoneum is a sinewy part, soft to the
+touch, of ordinary firmness, occupying the whole venter,
+and resting under the aponeurosis or membrane which I
+mentioned. The Greeks gave that name to it. The Barbarians
+call it <i>siphac</i>.</p>
+<p>The <i>zirbus</i> or omentum is extended under the peritoneum.
+The <i>zirbus</i> is a kind of fat derived from sinewy
+threads and the slender adipose substance of the nerves; it is
+less thick than the fat previously mentioned. It covers much
+of the intestines and the lowest part of the stomach and
+assists the coction of aliment.</p>
+<p>The intestines take origin from the stomach; of them, that
+which is called rectum and <i>longanon</i><a class="fn" id="fr_7" href="#fn_7">[7]</a> is the lowest of all the
+intestines and contains the dry burden of the bowel, and
+its head extends outward between the nates so that it may
+dispose of its burden. The colon is continuous with it and
+in its ascent goes around the left kidney, and at the sides of
+the stomach it falls away to the right.<a class="fn" id="fr_8" href="#fn_8">[8]</a> What the Greeks
+call <span class="small">TYPHLON</span> and <span class="small">MONOPHTHALMON</span>, the Romans
+the blind intestine and one-eyed,<a class="fn" id="fr_9" href="#fn_9">[9]</a> is attached to the colon,
+<span class="pb" id="Page_57">57</span>
+of which it is the only passage; for the other end is closed so
+that it may assist coction more suitably in the manner of the
+stomach. Hence the name for the thing. And such is the
+number of the thicker intestines.</p>
+<p>The caecum is continuous with the ileon,<a class="fn" id="fr_10" href="#fn_10">[10]</a> an intestine
+twisted into numerous sinuses; from its shape the Greeks
+gave it the name <span class="small">PARA TOU EILEISTHAI</span>, that is, from
+its involvement; and its disease is called <i>iliacus</i>. The jejunum
+follows it. Dissectors of bodies gave this name jejunum to
+the latter intestine because of the fact that it is always found
+empty and contains nothing. For the liver first snatches
+away whatever the jejunum might contain. Above all these
+intestines arises the duodenum which is continuous below
+with the jejunum and above with the pylorus. It is called
+<span class="small">DŌDEKA DAKTYLOM</span> by the Greeks from the measure
+of twelve fingers. These three [intestines] by reason of their
+substance are called the slender intestines.</p>
+<p>The stomach is located under the diaphragm, of which
+the upper mouth ends in the oesophagus, properly called
+<i>stomachus</i>; the lower opening through which aliment is sent
+into the intestines is called <span class="small">PYLŌROS</span>.</p>
+<p>The spleen is an organ of rare substance and lies at the
+left side of the stomach; the liver being in the right hypochondrium.
+The latter is rounded and to some degree
+lunate, the former longish and somewhat quadrate. The
+gibbous part<a class="fn" id="fr_11" href="#fn_11">[11]</a> of each of these extends toward the lower
+ribs, because there is a concavity in each of them which is
+very close to the stomach. The liver gives rise to the blood.<a class="fn" id="fr_12" href="#fn_12">[12]</a>
+The spleen purges it of black bile. The spleen increases
+with loss to the rest of the body. The size of the liver is
+useful to the whole bodily structure, because it provides
+<span class="pb" id="Page_58">58</span>
+copious blood and natural spirit. The liver has lobes which
+the Greeks call <span class="small">LOBOUS</span>, sometimes three, sometimes
+more,<a class="fn" id="fr_13" href="#fn_13">[13]</a> and in its hollow extends the gall bladder by which
+the blood is freed of bile and issues forth pure. It is especially
+by exhalation and transpiration of this bladder that the
+duodenum and jejunum are sometimes stained;<a class="fn" id="fr_14" href="#fn_14">[14]</a> sometimes
+they are irritated if there is a very large transpiration of particularly
+corrosive bile.</p>
+<p>From the hollow of the liver<a class="fn" id="fr_15" href="#fn_15">[15]</a> arises the portal vein which
+is formed from the concurrence of the many slender veins
+of the liver. On the other hand, it divides again into innumerable
+parts and gives off an immense multitude of
+veins which afterward are inserted here and there into
+almost all the intestines and to the little adipose membranes
+mixed together, so that they provide nutritional substance
+for the liver in the generation of blood. For chyle and food
+are sent down from the stomach directly to the intestines;
+the pylorus yields an exit as soon as the stomach has received
+as much as suffices for its uses and has accomplished
+its coction. Unless it be transmuted into the nature of blood
+[this food] contributes very little toward the nourishment of
+the rest of the body. Therefore these numerous venules serve
+to draw out from the intestines the best juice of the nutriment
+as yet not sufficiently concocted, and deliver it to the
+hollow of the liver where the blood is made. Doubtless
+those venules can be called meseraics, or by the Greek word
+mesenterics. The Latins call them milk veins.<a class="fn" id="fr_16" href="#fn_16">[16]</a> For their
+protection, lest in their numerous ramifications some of
+them be torn apart or rent by a more vigorous motion of the
+<span class="pb" id="Page_59">59</span>
+body, the <span class="small">PANKREAS</span>, that is, glandular flesh which is
+sometimes called <span class="small">KALLIKREAS</span> by the Greeks, attaches
+to the duodenum so that the venules may individually be
+more firmly supported.</p>
+<p>The blood passes from the hollow of the liver, in which it
+was formed a little earlier, to the gibbosity<a class="fn" id="fr_17" href="#fn_17">[17]</a> of the liver;
+however, it is not the same kind as was made in the hollow
+but more pure and simple, since both biles have been
+strained from it and transmitted to their receptacles so that
+the blood may be more unsullied for nourishing the body
+wholesomely and for producing spirits. From the gibbosity
+the blood is extended throughout the whole body through
+the vena cava—called <span class="small">KOILĒ</span> by the Greeks—and by the
+many branches of that vein. This vein surpasses all the rest
+of the veins of the body in size and arises from the gibbosity
+of the liver. Descending from this through the middle of
+the spine, one [branch] on each side seeks the kidneys, each
+branch extending a palm’s length.</p>
+<p>These branches of the vena cava are the emulgent veins.<a class="fn" id="fr_18" href="#fn_18">[18]</a>
+In the body of that one whom we dissected very recently the
+left branch had a higher place of origin.<a class="fn" id="fr_19" href="#fn_19">[19]</a> Very often, however,
+the opposite occurs, so that the right emulgent vein is
+carried higher in the body. Nature employs these emulgent
+veins for carrying down the watery part and bile of the
+blood from the liver to the kidneys. A like number of little
+branches of arteries in the same site, from the great aorta
+artery going under the vena cava, run an equal length into
+the kidneys under the emulgent veins, unburdening the heart
+<span class="pb" id="Page_60">60</span>
+of bile and watery blood; these have the name of emulgent
+arteries.</p>
+<p>A vein and artery descend from the left emulgents into
+the testis of the left side. They are the seminal passages
+swollen with blood and spirit; the seminal matter contained
+in them procreates females, because their humour is watery
+and requires coction. Seminal passages, likewise an artery
+and vein, are extended downward from the right [emulgents]
+into the right testis; but having arisen from the
+trunks of the vena cava and aorta artery, therefore the juice
+in them is less watery, and properly concocted is more
+suited for the generation of males. In these passages blood
+is concocted, and afterward transferred to the glandular flesh
+of the testes it acquires the form of semen.<a class="fn" id="fr_20" href="#fn_20">[20]</a></p>
+<p>The kidneys are solid and hard organs, not sentient, and
+the attractive force in them is very powerful. They purge the
+blood of its watery part and bile, but they retain [some of]
+the blood so that they may be nourished by it and expel the
+rest of the humour. For the <span class="small">OURĒTĒRES</span> are attached to
+them,<a class="fn" id="fr_21" href="#fn_21">[21]</a> that is, the urinary passages, whitish, reed-like and
+tensile which it may be said extend to the bladder and are
+similar to its substance.</p>
+<p>The diaphragm is a membranous substance, running
+between the vital and natural members. It is called
+<span class="small">DIAPHRAGMA</span> by the Greeks. It strengthens the expulsive
+force in the intestines, it is assigned to the members selected
+for spirit, and it curbs the smoky vapours lest they blacken
+the vigorous spirits of the heart and brain. Above, there is
+affixed to it a sinewy covering<a class="fn" id="fr_22" href="#fn_22">[22]</a> which clothes the thorax
+<span class="pb" id="Page_61">61</span>
+inwardly and binds the pectoral ribs to the interstitial
+spaces, which covering the Greeks in good part name
+<span class="small">PLEURA</span>, but sometimes it is called <span class="small">HYPOZŌMA</span><a class="fn" id="fr_23" href="#fn_23">[23]</a> by
+them. By its inflammation pleurisy occurs, the name taken
+from the covering.</p>
+<p>From the pleura near the spine arises a membrane separating
+the lungs and lower thorax into equal parts through
+the middle. It is commonly called the mediastinum, and is
+so well adapted to the lungs that a defect of one lung is not
+easily communicated to the other.<a class="fn" id="fr_24" href="#fn_24">[24]</a> Certainly the lungs inhabit
+the middle palace of the chest, invigorate the spirits
+of the heart and brain, temper the heat and avert the danger
+of suffocation, and have lobes like the liver. They hold the
+heart constantly in a kind of embrace in the manner of very
+caressing nurses and sing a harmony of qualities by which
+they soothe the individual parts of the body and make them
+vigorous. From that part of the mediastinum which holds
+the middle of the lungs, a thick and hard membrane
+appears which completely covers the heart,<a class="fn" id="fr_25" href="#fn_25">[25]</a> called in Greek
+<span class="small">PERIKARDION</span>. This protects the heart lest it be afflicted
+by accidental things; and lest it lack the moistening fomentation
+by which its heat is moderated. It unites the forces of
+the heart and prevents the exhaled spirits from being dispersed
+by vehement motion. Here the heart establishes itself,
+prince of members<a class="fn" id="fr_26" href="#fn_26">[26]</a> and an organ sharpened into [the
+shape of] a top; hollow within; continuously palpitating
+by its three ventricles,<a class="fn" id="fr_27" href="#fn_27">[27]</a> with an auricle on each side in
+<span class="pb" id="Page_62">62</span>
+which life remains the longest.<a class="fn" id="fr_28" href="#fn_28">[28]</a> The seat of the spirit and
+a small amount of blood is in the left ventricle of the heart,
+from which the pulmonary vein advances and enters the
+lungs to receive better-prepared air from them;<a class="fn" id="fr_29" href="#fn_29">[29]</a> this it introduces
+into the ventricles of the heart lest they become
+unduly heated. The right ventricle contains more and very
+hot blood. The vena cava rises into this<a class="fn" id="fr_30" href="#fn_30">[30]</a> through the middle
+of the spine and pours in the tinder of the vital spirit from
+the liver. From this the pulmonary artery belches much
+blood into the lungs. In the ventricle between the right
+and left there is tempered blood of slight quantity. From
+this ventricle the large artery called the aorta arises, the
+vehicle of the vital spirits; it is constantly agitated up and
+down by the contrary motions of dilatation and constriction,
+and finally it is divided into myriads of branches so that it
+revivifies the living parts in the whole body by a gentle
+flatus. This is the end of the account of the vital members.</p>
+<p>The membrane covering the bony roundness of the head
+outwardly is called <span class="small">PERIKRANION</span> by the Greeks, and it
+is hard, thick and firm, and conforms in substance to the
+exterior covering of the brain which is commonly called
+the dura mater. The covering of the dura mater hangs
+affixed to the pericranium, so it seemed to nature, lest in
+contact it have an effect on the brain; under this covering
+<span class="pb" id="Page_63">63</span>
+a thin and soft membrane, which is called the pia mater,
+sprinkled with numerous veins, envelops and nourishes
+the brain. It is continuous to the dura mater and the substance
+of the brain, and it penetrates the ventricles of the
+brain. Hence the brain displays itself very clearly to the eyes,
+both its ventricles and the cerebellum placed at the rear of
+the head from which the medulla descends into the vertebrae
+of the spine. Here the reticular plexus (commonly
+called the <i>rete mirabile</i>), woven together from numerous
+slender threads of veins and arteries at the summit of the
+cerebellum, displays its <i>phantasia</i>; in it the vital spirit carried
+upward from the heart through the arteries, having been
+fully concocted and rarefied, becomes animal spirit, the
+cause of sensation and motion in the whole body. For
+the brain is the source of the nerves, but the nerves are the
+vessels which distribute animal spirit;<a class="fn" id="fr_31" href="#fn_31">[31]</a> from the medulla of
+the spine (it is called <i>nucha</i> by the Barbarians) they are distributed
+to all parts of the body. Furthermore, there extend
+from the brain seven pairs of nerves.<a class="fn" id="fr_32" href="#fn_32">[32]</a> Two nerves look forward
+to the nares,<a class="fn" id="fr_33" href="#fn_33">[33]</a> the olfactory organs. Two are carried to
+<span class="pb" id="Page_64">64</span>
+the eyes,<a class="fn" id="fr_34" href="#fn_34">[34]</a> intersecting in their course, from whence comes
+the faculty of vision. Another two [carry] motion to the
+eyes,<a class="fn" id="fr_35" href="#fn_35">[35]</a> another two give motion and taste to the tongue.<a class="fn" id="fr_36" href="#fn_36">[36]</a>
+From two the stomach acquires sensation<a class="fn" id="fr_37" href="#fn_37">[37]</a> so that appetite
+may not be lacking to it, and from as many slender nerves the
+palate distinguishes flavours.<a class="fn" id="fr_38" href="#fn_38">[38]</a> Finally, from a single origin
+one nerve is extended on each side, provided for the right
+and for the left ear lest they be struck by deafness.<a class="fn" id="fr_39" href="#fn_39">[39]</a> These
+things which have been said by me briefly regarding the
+animal members, within the proposed limits, end this introduction
+to anatomy. Other matters which pertain to this
+subject I shall discuss in another work where we shall adapt
+the discourse to all aspects of anatomy.</p>
+<p class="tbcenter">Printed by Rob. Redman in London
+<br />M.D.XXXII
+<br />With Privilege</p>
+<div class="pb" id="Page_65">65</div>
+<h2 id="c5"><span class="small">Footnotes</span></h2>
+<div class="fnblock"><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_1" href="#fr_1">[1]</a>The term <i>mirach</i> means the anterior abdominal wall, but here Edwardes
+refers to the abdominal wall as venter. Lower venter proper means the abdomen
+or abdominal cavity together with the pelvis.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_2" href="#fr_2">[2]</a>There is confusion here for, of course, the skin of the body is most sensitive.
+The subcutaneous tissues, on the other hand, are relatively insensitive.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_3" href="#fr_3">[3]</a>He refers to the aponeurosis of the external oblique muscle. It joins with its
+fellow of the opposite side in the mid-line at the linea alba.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_4" href="#fr_4">[4]</a>External oblique muscles.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_5" href="#fr_5">[5]</a>Internal oblique muscles.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_6" href="#fr_6">[6]</a>Transversus abdominis.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_7" href="#fr_7">[7]</a><i>Longanon</i> is the medieval Latin term for rectum. In the text which follows it
+will be noted that Edwardes describes the intestines from below upwards.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_8" href="#fr_8">[8]</a>The hepatic flexure of the colon.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_9" href="#fr_9">[9]</a>The caecum was termed the <i>monoculus</i> by medieval anatomists. There is no
+mention of the appendix; this was first described in 1523 by Berengario da
+Carpi.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_10" href="#fr_10">[10]</a>The ileum.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_11" href="#fr_11">[11]</a>The curved surface.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_12" href="#fr_12">[12]</a>Galen maintained that the major veins had their origin in the liver.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_13" href="#fr_13">[13]</a>Multiple lobes to the liver was another teaching of Galen derived from
+comparative anatomy.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_14" href="#fr_14">[14]</a>Post-mortem staining of the viscera with bile is very common.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_15" href="#fr_15">[15]</a>The porta hepatis.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_16" href="#fr_16">[16]</a>This is a good account of the function of the lymphatic vessels.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_17" href="#fr_17">[17]</a>The gibbosity of the liver is its curved, upper surface.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_18" href="#fr_18">[18]</a>The emulgent veins are the renal veins.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_19" href="#fr_19">[19]</a>This is normal in man but in some animals the right renal vessels arise
+higher than the left. It will be noted that he speaks from his own experience. It is
+a pity that he qualifies this statement in the next sentence with a reference to the
+then current teaching, derived from Galen.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_20" href="#fr_20">[20]</a>The fallacious idea of the testis filtering off the sperm from the blood brought
+down to it by the testicular artery lasted a long time. Note too the old fallacy of
+the left testis producing a female foetus and the right producing a male.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_21" href="#fr_21">[21]</a>The ureters.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_22" href="#fr_22">[22]</a>The pleura.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_23" href="#fr_23">[23]</a>Either Edwardes or the printer was at fault in the form of the Greek script,
+while the word has more the meaning of diaphragm than of pleura.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_24" href="#fr_24">[24]</a>Edwardes is obviously aware of the individuality of each pleural sac.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_25" href="#fr_25">[25]</a>The pericardium.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_26" href="#fr_26">[26]</a>Note that the heart is the most important organ of the body.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_27" href="#fr_27">[27]</a>The three-ventricled heart was a myth which remained entrenched in
+anatomy until Niccolò Massa (1536) and Vesalius. Leonardo da Vinci showed
+that there were only two ventricles but his drawings were not seen by his contemporaries.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_28" href="#fr_28">[28]</a>Edwardes is to a degree correct when he says that life remains longest in the
+auricles. Slow contraction of the auricles can be seen for a short time after contraction
+of the ventricles has ceased. This passage could suggest that he practised
+vivisection.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_29" href="#fr_29">[29]</a>Note the persistence of the old idea that the left ventricle contains air.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_30" href="#fr_30">[30]</a>The medieval anatomists regarded the right and left atria as part of the
+corresponding ventricle, hence they stated that the venae cavae opened into the
+right ventricle. Edwardes’s acceptance of the old theory is interesting for just
+above this in the text he mentions the auricles as separate chambers.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_31" href="#fr_31">[31]</a>Galen taught that the nerves were hollow and carried the animal spirit from
+the brain to the periphery. The vital spirit (air) was carried by the arteries to the
+brain where, in the <i>rete mirabile</i> it was transformed into the animal spirit.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_32" href="#fr_32">[32]</a>The ancient idea that there were seven pairs of nerves did not disappear
+from anatomical teaching until Thomas Willis in 1664 increased the number to
+nine and Samuel Thomas Soemmerring in 1778 established the modern order
+of numbering the nerves into twelve pairs. In the account which follows
+Edwardes does not follow the ancient description of the cranial nerves. According
+to Galen, and indeed Vesalius, the olfactory nerves were not regarded as
+separate entities; moreover the glossopharyngeal, vagus, and accessory nerves
+were part of a single nerve. Edwardes does not describe the trigeminal or facial
+nerves nor the trochlear or abducent. The trochlear nerve had been described by
+Alessandro Achillini in 1520. The abducent nerve was to be described later by
+Eustachius.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_33" href="#fr_33">[33]</a>Olfactory nerves. That Edwardes regarded them as functional units is
+worthy of note.
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_34" href="#fr_34">[34]</a>Optic nerves (the ancient first pair).
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_35" href="#fr_35">[35]</a>Oculomotor nerves (the ancient second pair).
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_36" href="#fr_36">[36]</a>A combination of the modern hypoglossal and trigeminal nerves (the
+seventh and third pairs).
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_37" href="#fr_37">[37]</a>Vagus nerves (part of the sixth pair).
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_38" href="#fr_38">[38]</a>Glossopharyngeal nerves (part of the sixth pair).
+</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_39" href="#fr_39">[39]</a>Auditory nerves (part of the fifth pair).
+</div>
+</div>
+<h2>Transcriber’s Notes</h2>
+<ul>
+<li>Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook is public-domain in the country of publication.</li>
+<li>Corrected a few palpable typos.</li>
+<li>In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by _underscores_.</li>
+</ul>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of David Edwardes: Introduction to
+Anatomy 1532, by Charles Donald O'Malley and Kenneth Fitzpatrick Russell
+
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