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      The Project Gutenberg eBook of Memoir of the Life and Services of Vice-Admiral Sir Jahleel Brenton, Baronet, K.C.B, by The Rev. Henry Raikes.
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<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 58746 ***</div>


<p class="transnote">Transcriber’s Note: Evident printing errors have been changed in the
English. In the passages in French, accents have been added/removed where
necessary, but otherwise the spelling, complete with errors, is as printed.</p>

<p class="titlepage">MEMOIR<br />
<span class="smaller">OF THE</span><br />
LIFE AND SERVICES OF VICE-ADMIRAL<br />
<span class="larger">SIR JAHLEEL BRENTON,<br />
<span class="smaller">BARONET, K. C. B.</span></span></p>

<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">EDITED BY</span><br />
THE REV. HENRY RAIKES,<br />
<span class="smaller">CHANCELLOR OF THE DIOCESE OF CHESTER.</span></p>

<p class="titlepage">LONDON:<br />
HATCHARD AND SON, PICCADILLY;<br />
<span class="smaller">SEACOME AND PRICHARD, CHESTER.<br />
1846.</span></p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[i]</a></span></p>

<h2>Dedication.</h2>

<p class="center larger">TO LADY BRENTON.</p>

<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Dear Lady Brenton</span>,</p>

<p>In dedicating to you the Memoir of which I have
been permitted to be the Editor, I cannot but feel how inadequate
the portrait, which I have been endeavouring to sketch, must
appear to you, to whom it now is offered.</p>

<p>I undertook the work indeed, chiefly from a sense of public
duty; though without much hope that I should satisfy myself,
or those by whom the charge was entrusted to me. It seemed
fit and proper, that the world should be made acquainted with a
character of such rare and peculiar excellence as that of your husband;
and I felt that it was due to the naval service generally, and
in particular to the younger members of it, that they should see
how qualities of a very different kind might be combined in one
man; and might render him, who was the ornament of his profession,
a model of what man ought to be in every relation of life.
My desire therefore was to do good to others, rather than to do
justice to my subject; and instead of dwelling, as to you might
seem natural and proper; on those various graces which endeared
him to all, and to those most, who knew him best; I have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[ii]</a></span>
endeavoured to shew what he was, by describing his behaviour
under the several trials of his eventful life; and to extend the
benefit of his example by making it more generally known.</p>

<p>I dare not suppose, therefore, that the offer of the following
Memoir should have any other value in your eyes, than as a
token of the affectionate remembrance, with which I dwell upon
the character of your much loved husband. In this respect,
had I attempted more, I should not have succeeded better;
for language never satisfies the requirements of the heart; and
you would still have felt, that the half was yet unsaid; after I
had written all that I could, in endeavouring to express my
admiration and regard.</p>

<p>My chief anxiety is, that the volume may be in some degree
acceptable to those, whose benefit has been always contemplated
during its preparation; and that the navy may not lose the
benefit, which the example of Sir Jahleel Brenton is so well calculated
to give. In my solicitude to secure this object, I have
retained as much as possible of the language of the original
memorial, which forms the basis of the narrative. I have
sacrificed all attempt at forming a regular biography, that I
might preserve its originality. I have allowed inequalities of
style to remain, which may offend fastidious minds, that I might
not weaken the effect of particular expressions; and the little
that I have ventured to add, has chiefly been done for the
purpose of enabling readers to draw those inferences from the
events recorded, which he, writing with another object in view,
and regarding what was written as merely a memorial addressed
to his children, naturally assumed as certain to be drawn by
those for whom he wrote, and did not think it necessary to add.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[iii]</a></span></p>

<p>In these respects I have endeavoured to speak with the
reserve, which should be felt when professional questions are
discussed by one, who is a stranger to them; and trust, that I
have only said, what he would have wished to have added under
similar circumstances. It is satisfactory to me, however, to think,
that whatever may be the deficiencies of the Memoir, it will at
least draw attention to the man, while his qualities still linger
in the recollection of his friends and his associates; for if the
narrative does but lead to enquiry as to the character of the
subject, I feel that there is no doubt as to the result that may
be expected.</p>

<p>Though I feel it necessary therefore to apologize to you for
the very inadequate portrait that is now presented, I am not
without hope, that under God’s blessing, the exhibition of such
a life may be beneficial to the world; and if this be the case,
I trust that you will merge private disappointment in the
consideration of general good, and be satisfied with what is
done, in the hope it may do good to others. As for the comfort
to be derived from such a memorial, I know you need it not;
and would not seek it in such monuments as man can raise.
Your consolation under loss is drawn from higher sources, and
needs not the support of human praise bestowed on him, who
was dearer to you than life itself. The recollection of his holy,
humble walk, of his work of faith, his labour of love, his cheerful
submission to pain, his forgetfulness of self, and his zeal for
the good of others, forms for you a source of comfort, which no
human honour can equal, and no earthly possession rival. This
is your real consolation, and to the convictions on which this
rests, the opinion of the world can add nothing.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[iv]</a></span></p>

<p>But though you do not look to such a memorial as this for
the comfort that you need; I am willing to hope, that if it should
be the means of doing good; if it should make the memory
of him you loved, as beneficial as his example was, it may be
acceptable. The great and the good live not for their own
generation only, but for those that follow. They bequeath their
characters to mankind; and it seems an act of justice to them
to collect, and to offer to public notice, the record of efforts
which may awaken the emulation, or strengthen the faith of
others; and lead them to excellence by the knowledge of the
victories achieved by those who went before them.</p>

<p>If it should please God, then, to make this imperfect notice
of Sir Jahleel Brenton’s course useful to that service of which
he was so bright an ornament while living; you will forgive
the insufficiency of the representation which meets your eye;
and I shall be thankful, if in paying this tribute of respect to
the memory of a friend whom I revered and loved, I can
communicate any of his feelings to that profession, to which
the country owes so large a debt of gratitude.</p>

<p>Believe me to remain,</p>

<p class="center">Most truly and faithfully your’s,</p>

<p class="right">H. RAIKES.</p>

<p class="smaller"><span class="smcap">Chester, Sept.</span> 30th.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>

<h2>CONTENTS.</h2>

<table summary="Contents" class="contents">
  <tr>
    <td><span class="smcap">Introduction.</span></td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INTRODUCTION">1</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER I.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Settlement of the Brenton family in America,—and descent.—Birth of the
        subject of the memoir.—Breaking out of the war and removal to England.—Education
        and introduction to Naval Service, in the Dido.—Passes for
        Lieutenant, and accepts an invitation to serve in the Swedish Fleet.—Adventures
        on way to join, and conclusion of service.—Appointed as
        Lieutenant to the Assurance.—Transferred to the Speedy, and sent in
        command of the Trepassey to Newfoundland.—Return to England and
        appointed to the Sybil.—Voyage homewards in the Cleopatra, and in a
        Spanish man of war from Cadiz.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">34</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER II.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Service in the Sybil.—Story of the Corfields.—Severe winter at sea.—Story
        of John Iceberg.—Invalided and comes ashore.—Applies for employment,
        and appointed to the Alliance.—Feelings on the subject.—Goes out to the
        Mediterranean.—Made known to Sir John Jervis, and appointed to the
        Gibraltar.—Storm and extreme danger of the ship.—Made First Lieutenant
        of the Aigle.—The Aigle being lost, he remains First Lieutenant to
        the Barfleur.—Interview with Lord St. Vincent and the subsequent
        decision.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">55</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER III.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Service in the Speedy.—Action with gun boats off Gibraltar.—Sent to Penon
        de Velez.—Action on the coast, and with gun boats.—His brother’s death
        from wounds received in action in the Peterel.—Letter to his father.—Made
        Post, and appointed to the temporary command of the Genereux at
        Port Mahon.—Sails to Genoa.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">75</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span>CHAPTER IV.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Disappointment of promotion.—Applies to Lord St. Vincent, and through him
        appointed Captain to the Cæsar, under Sir James Saumarez.—Battle at
        Algesiras.—Exertions of Captain Brenton in refitting the Cæsar, and
        subsequent victory.—Tempting offer of going to England with dispatches
        declined.—Definitive treaty of peace signed.—Squadron at Gibraltar.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">102</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER V.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Returns to England.—Recollections on the Cæsar and the Chaplain.—Married
        to Miss Stewart.—Reflections on this event, made after her death.—Hostilities
        recommenced in 1801, and appointment to the command of the
        Minerve.—Dangerous accident and injury during the fitting out the frigate.—Sails
        for the coast of France.—The ship strikes off Cherbourg, and
        after a gallant defence is surrendered, July 3.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">123</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER VI.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Commencement of captivity.—Journey from Cherbourg.—Kindness of M.
        Dubois.—Arrival at Epinal.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">151</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER VII.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Removal from Epinal to Phalsburg, and thence to Verdun.—Sufferings of the
        people on the march, and efforts made for their relief and improvement.—The
        Rev. Robert Wolfe offers his services and assistance.—Mrs. Brenton’s
        arrival at Verdun.—Residence at Charni.—Illness, and permission
        granted to reside at Tours.—Conduct of the French Government towards
        the English prisoners of war.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">172</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER VIII.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>The Rev. Mr. Wolfe one of the detenus—hears of the state of the prisoners at
        Givet, and resolves on going to reside among them.—Extract from his work
        entitled the “British Prisoners in France.”.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">218</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER IX.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Journey to Tours, incidents on the road and residence there.—Circumstances
        attending his exchange, and return to England.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">255</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span>CHAPTER X.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Arrival in England, and application to the Admiralty.—Kindness of the First
        Lord of the Admiralty, Mr. Grenville.—Court martial, acquittal and
        appointment to the Spartan.—Sails to the Mediterranean.—Escape from
        capture.—Boat action with its unfortunate result, and court of enquiry
        ordered by Lord Collingwood.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">289</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER XI.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Cruize off Toulon.—Refits at Malta.—Storm off Sardinia.—Joins Lord
        Collingwood’s fleet.—Disaster.—Falls in with the French Fleet at sea.—Exertions
        to convey intelligence and to watch the enemy.—Returns to
        Toulon.—Service on the coast of Italy in company with Lord Cochrane.—Reflections.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">319</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER XII.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Removal from the Toulon station to the Mediterranean.—Cruize off Candia,
        and in the Adriatic.—Action at Pesaro; and official letters.—Co-operation
        with the Austrians in the Adriatic.—Letters from Lord Collingwood
        expressive of his entire satisfaction.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">343</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER XIII.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Return to Malta to refit.—Sudden offer of joining the expedition against the
        Ionian Islands as suddenly accepted.—Capture of Zante, Cephalonia, and
        Cerigo.—Approbation of Lord Collingwood.—Cruize on the coast of
        Italy.—Action off Naples, victory, and severe wound; carried to Palermo
        and Malta.—Letters on the subject, and extract from his personal memoranda.—Sails
        for England.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">375</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER XIV.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Joined by his family.—Slow recovery from his wound.—Fresh trials from
        the failure of his agents, and actions threatened by neutrals detained.—Friendly
        interference of Mr. Abbott.—Applies to the Admiralty for
        employment, and appointed to the Stirling Castle, 1812.—Compelled by
        the state of his wound to resign the command.—Made Baronet.—Appointed
        Naval Commissioner at Minorca.—Residence there.—Failure
        of Lady Brenton’s health.—The establishment at Minorca broken up on
        the conclusion of the war.—Return to England, and appointment to the
        Dorset Yacht.—Made Naval Commissioner at the Cape.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">404</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span>CHAPTER XV.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Residence at the Cape.—Remarks on the advantages of Simon’s Bay as a
        Naval station.—Plans for the improvement of the liberated Negroes.—Rapid
        failure of Lady Brenton’s health and her death.—Reflections on it
        extracted from his private journal.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">430</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER XVI.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Reflections on the death of Lady Brenton.—Extracts from the private
        memoranda.—Sufferings from his wound, and remarks on the subject.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">471</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER XVII.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Narrative of a journey to the Mouth of the Knyzna, and remarks on the
        advantages of the Cape as a Colony.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">491</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">CHAPTER XVIII.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Benevolent exertions in favour of the Negro and Hottentot population.—Captain
        Edward Brenton’s plan for the restoration of juvenile delinquents.—Its
        connection with the Cape, and failure.—The establishment at Simon’s
        Town broken up at the death of Buonaparte.—Return to England.—Temporary
        appointment to the Royal Charlotte Yacht.—Marriage.—Made
        Colonel of Marines.—Appointment to the Donegal.—Appointment
        as Lieutenant Governor of Greenwich Hospital,—resigns the situation,—residence
        at Casterton,—at Elford.—Sickness and death.</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">611</a></td>
  </tr>
</table>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>

<h1 id="INTRODUCTION">MEMOIR<br />
<span class="smaller">OF</span><br />
VICE ADMIRAL SIR JAHLEEL BRENTON, K. C. B.<br />
<span class="smaller">BARONET.</span></h1>

<p>It may appear presumptuous in one not connected
with the naval service, to attempt the biography of
an officer so distinguished as Sir Jahleel Brenton;
and it may appear a graver, a less excusable offence,
that one belonging to another profession, and that a
profession, which requires the devotion of the whole
mind to its own peculiar objects, should be undertaking
an office so foreign from his usual employment and
proper duties. I have, therefore, no hesitation in
saying, that if Sir Jahleel Brenton had merely been
the man, whom the world knew through the medium
of gazettes, and the record of public services, and
looked up to as a gallant and distinguished officer;
whatever might have been my feelings towards him
as a personal friend, whatever my admiration of him
as a public character, I never should have undertaken
the office, which I am now attempting to discharge.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>
I must also add, that under other circumstances I
must have shrunk from the duty, as involving enquiries
which I had neither leisure nor means to prosecute;
if its labours had not been so far anticipated by documents
drawn up by his own hand, and left to his
family; that little more seemed left to his biographer,
than to arrange that which was already written; and
to select out of a memorial designed for the benefit and
instruction of his own children, those parts which might
be offered to the public, without trespassing on the
sacredness of a private, a domestic record.</p>

<p>I must again mention, that I was aware that even
this portion of my duty was anticipated, and would be
performed in my behalf by one, who, with a single
exception, might be regarded as most identified in
feelings, views, and mind, with the subject of the
memoir.</p>

<p>The delicate and difficult task of selecting from a
long and confidential memoir, written with all the
fulness of a father’s heart, and intended to be perused
as a sort of sacred record by his children; oftentimes
too minute or too particular for publication; and still
exhibiting in general so much of the character that it
was desired to pourtray, that it was difficult to know
how to resist insertion; this task was, I say, undertaken
by another, who has discharged it with as much fidelity
as discretion; and who left nothing to me, but to
peruse and confirm that, which had been thus arranged
and prepared for the press.</p>

<p>But even these advantages; assisted and increased
as they are by the affectionate recollections of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>
members of his own family; while they promised to
render the labour of the undertaking easy, would have
been insufficient to determine me to attempt a work for
which I was so incompetent, if I had proposed to
offer to the public a memoir of the professional life,
and of the naval achievements of the man whom it was
impossible to know without honouring or loving him.
But this seemed unnecessary to be done, and certainly
was not to be done by me. His public services, both
as a seaman and an officer, have been long known and
fully appreciated by the public, and thus have had their
appropriate record in the naval histories of the last
war. His professional character still lives in the recollection
of the service. It therefore is not necessary
that naval events should be narrated here, which have
been better told in other places; nor that exploits should
be dwelt upon, which though they never can be heard
without emotion, it may be sufficient for all present
purposes to refer to, rather than to repeat.</p>

<p>I would, therefore, beg leave to state at once, that
the only aim I venture to propose to myself, is one
which differs essentially from that, which has been
generally followed by the writers of similar memoirs.</p>

<p>I am not anxious to describe the subject of my
narrative, in the form in which he was known and
honoured by the world; but in that in which he was
known to those who lived with him, and served
with him; to his family and his friends; to the men
who shared his hardships and dangers, as well as his
successes and triumphs. I am not attempting to
represent him as the man of courage, enterprise and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>
decision, formed for the hour of peril and contest,
fitted to lead and direct the energies of his service, and
carrying every heart with him, from the enthusiasm
which his example inspired; but I am desirous to shew
that those qualities, for which the world would easily
give him credit, were united with elements of which the
world knew little, and perhaps thought less; but which
had their effect in forming the general character of the
man, and made him what he was in the different
relations of life. I feel it due to him, and still more
to those who may be profited by his example, to trace
the peculiar qualities of his character to their source,
and to shew the principles from which they flowed;
so that if there be in his life any thing lovely and
of good report; and this there is no one who ever
knew him that can doubt; it may be referred to its
proper cause, and be ascribed to that, which he himself
knew, and felt to be the origin.</p>

<p>It will be my aim, therefore, in these pages, chiefly
to dwell on those features of mind, which though seen
by few and observed by few, gave to his whole character
its peculiar dignity and grace. I shall endeavour to
shew, that the courage and enterprise, the firmness
and self-resource which rendered him while he lived
the ornament of his profession, were accompanied by
qualities, not generally found in combination with these,
but which enhanced their value, and contributed to
their excellence; with patience, with meekness, with
the tenderest consideration for others, and the most unbounded
benevolence. I wish to shew, that the
brilliancy of his public life was equalled by the purity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>
and correctness of his private life: that he was as
amiable in every domestic relation, as he was admirable
in all official duties: and still knew how to keep the
warmth of his affections, in such subordination, that
the call which summoned him from that home, where
all his happiness was centered, was obeyed without a
question or a doubt, whenever the interests of his
country and the service required it. Above all, I wish
to shew, that the secret, but the only cause of this
unusual combination of qualities, not often found in his
profession, and sometimes considered as incompatible
with it; was that instinctive subjection of the heart
to God, which growing as he grew, and gaining strength
and expansion by the trials of his life, raised him from
the state of a conscientious and upright man, to that
of a mature and confirmed Christian; which sustained
him under the various difficulties and burdens of his
lot, by teaching him to look to God in all emergencies,
and to cast himself on His mercy under every doubt;
which finally regulated the enquiries which it prompted,
and realizing the divine promises, “that the meek shall
He guide in judgment,” “that God giveth grace to the
humble,” brought him through all the conflict of religious
opinions, to that simple child-like faith, which
formed the substance of his happiness in life, as well
as of his hope in decay.</p>

<p>The description of a character such as this, together
with a narrative of the events under which it was
formed and perfected, may, under God’s blessing, be
made profitable to many; and as the circumstances of
his story are such as must interest every reader, it is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>
to be hoped that the memoir of such a man may be
offered without presumption to the world at large, as
including much that may be generally useful as well as
amusing. But there is one class of readers to whose
attention it may be more particularly recommended,
and to whose improvement and welfare it is specifically
dedicated. I mean the young aspirants to honour and
distinction in the navy, the rising members of that
profession, of which Sir Jahleel was so fine a specimen;
and for whom he always felt and expressed so strong
and so paternal an interest. I could wish, that they
who are taught to emulate his character as an officer,
and who are animated by hearing of the gallantry of his
actions, should know more of the man whom they are
led to admire, than can be learnt from gazettes or naval
histories; and that they should be made acquainted
with the real secret of the excellence which is held up
to them as a model for imitation. I wish that they
should know from his example, that the most brilliant
courage, the greatest firmness in action, and the most
perfect self-possession in the moment of danger, are not
only compatible with deep religious impressions, and
personal piety; but that they never can be looked for
with so much confidence, nor will ever be found so
largely developed, as when combined with these as the
habitual principles of the life. And as example is
generally more conclusive than theory, it seems expedient
that they should above all others be reminded,
that the man, who in his day, was the model of all we
wish to imagine in a British officer, and a British
seaman; the man whose daring courage made him<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>
at one time the chosen associate and friend of Sir
Sidney Smith; who was afterwards selected by that
acute and discriminating judge of character, Lord St.
Vincent, out of the number of eminent and gallant
officers around him; and appointed to situations which
required all the combination of naval skill and firmness;
was, and avowed himself to be, in the full sense of the
word, a Christian; confessed Christ and His words in
every situation, and under every circumstance with
uncompromising firmness; and still maintained his
profession of religion with such gentleness and dignity,
that those who differed from him never failed to respect
and to love him; and could not help venerating the
man, even while they felt that his principles condemned
their practice.</p>

<p>In this point, indeed, a memoir of Sir Jahleel
Brenton seems an important opportunity for bringing
the example of such a man before the younger
members of his profession as a model for imitation;
and an office which might have been urged upon me,
as due to the memory of a deceased friend; and might
still have been urged in vain, to one so occupied and
pledged to other duties; may be viewed in a different
way, when it is considered in reference to those who
may be benefited by acquaintance with his character,
and are not likely to know from other sources what
were its peculiar and distinctive qualities.</p>

<p>The name and profession of the editor will, therefore,
it is hoped preclude the possibility of disappointment
to those, who having been attracted by the title of this
memoir, may take up the volume as a subject of mere<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>
professional interest, a record of naval struggles or
naval triumphs. The achievements of Sir Jahleel
Brenton have been already appropriately recorded, and
may be read elsewhere by those who wish to enquire
into his services It is proposed to give to the public
now, that which the public has not hitherto known,
but which may be profitable to general readers; and
which must be full of value to those of his own
profession; the narrative of a life not unmarked with
trial, not devoid of the interest arising from great
dangers undergone, and great qualities of mind and
heart evinced in meeting them; but exhibiting in the
midst of these, and of other circumstances not less
perplexing or less afflicting; that consistency of moral
conduct, that steady persevering patience, that cheerful
hope, and child-like submission to the will of God,
and above all, that uniform and prevailing benevolence
of spirit, which belong to the Christian character, and
which flow from the one single principle of Christian
faith. That the union of these qualities may be
seen in many individuals at present in the royal navy,
I am thankful to believe and know; but their occurrence
is not so general as to render example useless;
while we also know, that men are more easily led to
imitate the practice of one, who has taken his place
in the annals of his country, than that of contemporaries;
and that no line of conduct can be so safely
recommended for adoption, as that which has already
won the esteem and admiration of the world. I trust,
therefore, that the memoir of such an officer as Sir
Jahleel Brenton may be no unacceptable offering to a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>
service, which must ever be regarded with the deepest
gratitude and interest, as the instrument of God’s
protecting providence to this country, and as the
means of enlarging its beneficial influence; and I hope
that the hours, withdrawn from other duties and given
to this, have been transferred rather than stolen, and
transferred to purposes of wider usefulness and more
extensive good, than those which belong to ordinary
employment.</p>

<p>In my own profession, the biography of pious and
devoted men has long been regarded as one of the
most profitable lines of reading. It has been felt that
the knowledge of truth is likely to be most effective
when combined with its application, and exhibited in
practice; and as example is generally admitted to
be more powerful than precept, and men are more
easily led to imitate than to obey; the memorials of
those who have been eminent for zeal and holiness
in the work of the ministry, have been multiplied
largely of late years, and are recommended with
confidence as among the most effectual means of raising
the tone of feeling and determining the line of practice
among the clergy. In this respect, every year adds
to the resources of the church. Those who are removed
from this field of labour testify to the living.
One generation contributes the encouragement of its
experience to the other; and each pious, faithful, and
zealous minister, whose labour and self-devotion are
commemorated in this way, leaves in the record of his
example that which may strengthen the faith, or stimulate
the energies of those who are to follow him.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span></p>

<p>But while the church as a profession, is receiving
this increasing advantage, and sees its means of improvement
enlarged by the recollections of those who
are removed from their field of suffering or of labour;
there is reason to presume that other professions are
not equally benefited by the biographies of their distinguished
members. They also have their memorials.
The world is anxious to learn the particulars of their
early life and education, as well as of their subsequent
achievements; and those who are called to imitate
their example or to rival their exertions, are naturally
desirous to study the secret of their excellence in the
causes which conduced to it. But in cases such as
these, in the narratives of men who have been distinguished
in the naval and military services, or even
in the profession of law or medicine, it is natural that
professional excellence should form the chief object of
attention to those who write, as it is probable it will
be the chief object of interest to those who read. The
soldier and the sailor, the lawyer and the physician
are described, rather than the man; and the qualities
which raised the individual to distinction, are in these
cases so separate from those, which formed his value
as a man, that it is possible the latter may be wholly
lost sight of, while every effort is being made to do
justice to the former. There is danger, therefore,
in all such memorials, that much that is great and
good in the individual, may be merged in the merits
of the officer, or in the brilliancy of the career pursued
in practice; and that private excellence, that which
constitutes the real foundation of the man’s value, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>
makes his life most profitable as an example, may be
lost sight of, while justice is being done to that which
only made him an ornament to his profession, or an
instrument of national advancement.</p>

<p>In a clergyman on the contrary, the chief if not
the only claim that he can possess on the recollection
of others, the only sense in which his life can be
held up as an example to those of his own profession,
consists in his personal piety; in the remembrance of
that eminence to which the grace of God had raised
him, as a holy, humble-minded, faithful man; and that
is, therefore, told of him, and that is dwelt upon in
him, which it is most useful for other men to know,
but which is equally and alike useful to all of every
profession and of every rank. The world estimates its
heroes by a different rule, and looks in consequence to
qualities of a different kind. It dwells on that which
is professional to the exclusion of that which is personal.
It dwells on those things which catch the eye, and fill
the ear, and arrest the imagination; while that which
passes within, that which constitutes moral eminence,
and which renders a man a model for a Christian to
follow, is overlooked in the more exciting narrative
of contests for distinction, as irrelevant to the character
which is being exhibited; and thus, the benefit of
example, in cases such as these, is lost to men, because
men are more interested in results, than in causes;
in the things that have been done, than in the principles
of those who did them; and regard the subjects of
biography as successful candidates for the world’s
applause, rather than as models for private imitation.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span></p>

<p>It has also sometimes happened, that religious feelings,
when strongly developed, have led a man to
withdraw from the active duties of his profession,
either in the army or navy; and have made his
example less profitable to others, by making it less
peculiar, less specific than it would have been, if he
had continued where he was; and thus, these professions
have lost a benefit, which seemed to be their
right, by losing those individuals whose moral character
would have reflected additional lustre on their public
services. It is impossible, indeed, to deny that the
first impulse of strong religious conviction, must lead
a man to wish to withdraw from every thing that
separates him from God; and to live to Him alone,
whom he has now found to be alone worth living for.
It is equally certain, that the fear of falling back,
the dread of being entangled again in sins, which the
soul has learnt to hate, may reasonably lead a man to
fly from associations, which he knows from experience
to be dangerous; and to endeavour to secure his own
weakness by saving it from exposure. Excellent men
are continually found arguing and acting in this
manner; and where the grounds are so reasonable,
and the object at stake of such incalculable importance,
it is not easy to resist or to controvert their plea.
But if some feel it necessary to quit the field, and
to withdraw from a contest they are unfit to meet, or
in which they see reason to distrust their means of
standing firm; the greater must be our gratitude for
those who venture to remain, and who dare to be
strong in the Lord, and in the power of His might.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>
The testimony that they then bear, is one of peculiar
value; and we may venture to hope, that where the
danger is considered before it is braved, and man only
exposes himself from the conviction of duty, and
under the confidence of support from heaven, he will
not be allowed to fail. As his days are, so shall
his strength be; and we may trust that God, who
sees the principle on which the man continues at the
post of danger, will not forsake His faithful sentinel,
but will make His grace sufficient for his trial, and
cause his own strength to be perfected in the weakness
of His servant.</p>

<p>On this principle we cannot doubt, that the determination
to which Colonel Gardiner came, and in which
he was encouraged by the excellent Doddridge, to
continue in his original calling, and not to quit the
army when he came under deep convictions of religion,
has rendered him a far greater blessing to the world,
than he could have been, had he yielded to his first
impressions, and left the service. His memoir would
in that case have remained a record of the unspeakable
goodness of God. He might have edified the world
by the piety of his life, and he might have been named
to succeeding generations as a monument of Divine
Grace, rescuing man from the bondage of sin, and
plucking him like a brand out of the fire. But the
memoir, as it now stands, is rendered still more
valuable by the testimony of his later life, and by
the evidence it contains to that faith by which he
lived; and the power of the grace of God is manifested
more signally in upholding him amidst the opposition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>
which he at one time thought himself incapable of
meeting, than in enabling him to fly from it at first.
Whatever might have been thought then of Colonel
Gardiner’s determination at the time, there can be
no doubt, that Christ was more nobly confessed in the
midst of a sinful and adulterous generation, than He
could have been in the retirement of religious life;
and that the doctrine of the gospel was more visibly
adorned by the example of one, who lived in the world
without belonging to the world, than it could have been
by the piety which withdrew its subject from general
observation, and led him to seek security by withdrawing
from the scene of temptation. But it is obvious that
the value of such memoirs is enhanced by their rarity.
Probably from the causes which have been enumerated,
the narratives which exhibit the moral and religious
character of men belonging to the army or navy are
comparatively few; and those professions in consequence
lack the benefit, which example and experience offer in
other cases.</p>

<p>But the loss is not confined to them. There are
reasons why it may be regarded as a general, a public
loss; and why all may have cause to regret that which
seems to be a professional want. Whether it be that the
character of these two professions, whether it be that
the familiarity with danger, the necessity for energetic
action and quick decision, carries into the religion they
profess, something of its own nature, and leaves its
own particular stamp and impress on its qualities; it
seems admitted, that the men who have been called
by the grace of God to a profession of religion, under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>
such circumstances, have been, generally speaking,
marked and decided Christians. It was a centurion
of the Roman army to whom Christ bore that noble
testimony, that He had not found so great faith,
no not in Israel; and we may reasonably think that
that power of grace which sets the soul at liberty in
cases such as his, and enables it to break the ties by
which it has been bound, may go on and carry
it to higher attainments than are accessible to other
men. But it may be also confidently asserted,
that if the testimony which is there borne to truth,
is not more clear and decided than in common instances,
it is more unquestioned and more unquestionable.
The statement that comes from one, born
and bred under the influence of religion, is always
liable to suspicion. It probably may bear upon its
surface some traces of the work of man, in the tone
which education has given to the habits of the mind,
to the language and opinions; and in that respect,
it may seem to want the simplicity which belongs to
the works of God, and which shews the source from
which the impressions spring. But let the tone of
religion be what it may, it carries a sort of professional
stamp upon it, and is less appreciated than it ought
to be, whenever men think that it is the effect of
circumstances, the result of care, and that it could
not have been otherwise. On the other hand, whenever
it happens that conviction is effected under
different circumstances, when religion is found growing
where it was least expected, and where it is obvious
that there was nothing to favour or encourage it;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>
when it is found taking its stand in the midst of
opposition and rebuke; overcoming the world by a
power which is not of the world, and which the world
cannot understand; and enabling a man to resist the
persecution of which the world is most sensitive, the
persecution of ridicule and contempt, exercised by
associates or superiors, and applied with little consideration
or regard for feeling; when this is seen
to be the case, then we cannot be surprised, if the
world is convinced that an influence more than human
is at work; while it sees that done, which seems to
be impossible to man; and men are compelled to feel
that it is the power of God by which the change
is effected, while they see a change accomplished, which
to them, and according to their own views and feelings,
is nothing less than miraculous. The unwillingness of
the heart to admit a truth which involves its own
condemnation, will naturally induce men to suppress
the acknowledgement of what they feel on such occasions.
But the conviction may be deep, though
no confession follows. The testimony which is borne
to truth under circumstances such as these, will possess
an authority and weight which nothing else can give,
from a sacred and unuttered reverence of the power
that has produced it; and the results may be perceived
at distant times and in distant places, when the facts
had been forgotten by all, except the persons who had
appeared at first most opposed or most indifferent.</p>

<p>But beyond these reasons, which may shew the
value of the memoirs of men belonging to the naval
and military professions, it cannot be denied that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>
situations in which such men are placed, and those
qualities which may be called their professional qualities,
must add an interest to the narrative; and make their
examples more profitable, in proportion as their lives
have been more interesting. The narrative of hardships
endured, of dangers braved, has always been one
of the most legitimate sources of delight. The description
of man rising superior to the fear which overcomes
and subjugates others; daring things, from which
other men shrink; and making a way through difficulties
which seemed insuperable; has ever possessed
a charm which no other narrative could rival; and
while human nature remains what it is, and the world
is constituted as it is, the qualities of courage, energy,
and activity, will give an interest to the character with
general readers, which the higher graces of humility,
patience, and love might be incapable of imparting.
But as it is important that truth should be presented in
the form most likely to secure its acceptance, no opportunity
should be lost which offers religion to the eyes of
the world in the history of those, whom it respects and
admires for excellencies of another kind; and whenever
religion is combined with these, it is little less than an
absolute duty to give publicity to the character, and to
admit the world to benefit by the example.</p>

<p>Whatever then be the quality which excites admiration,
whether it be professional talent, or intellectual
superiority; or whether it be simply that energy of
mind which enables man to overcome difficulties and to
struggle through trials; the certainty that the exhibition
of such a character will be read with interest,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>
makes it valuable as a vehicle for truth; and renders it
desirable that such a vehicle should be improved. But
we must also feel that of all the various qualities which
have this effect, and which may in consequence be turned
to such a purpose, there is hardly one which arrests attention
so generally, and carries so much interest with it
to common readers, as boldness or contempt of danger.
All men cannot appreciate the higher qualities of
mind, the powers of reasoning or imagination, which
lead to literary or political eminence; but all seem
capable of understanding the value of that sort of firmness
which enables man to bear hardships, or to rise
superior to fear. It thus has happened, that in all
works of fiction, courage has been the principal feature
of the character held up to admiration, and cowardice
has always been regarded as the reverse; while we
know that in real life, no narratives have been so
acceptable to general readers, as those which described
dangers and hardships met and overcome by the firmness
and energy of those, who were exposed to them.</p>

<p>There need therefore be no hesitation in saying, that
as every thing which raises man above the weaknesses
of his nature, adds dignity to his character; the contempt
of danger must always entitle him to respect;
and this feeling which adds a sort of grandeur to the
bad, gives a sort of heroic magnificence to the good.</p>

<p>But while we believe that this admiration of courage
is inherent in our very nature, and is felt even by those
who are unwilling to confess it; we cannot be surprised
if the admiration which is due to courage, comes gradually
to be limited to such courage as a Christian is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>
capable of exercising. The boldness which shuts its
eye on danger, and rushes on destruction, may astonish,
but it cannot continue to interest the mind, because it
does not satisfy the reason. Men gradually cool on
their impressions, and begin to calculate instead of
wondering. They examine the principle of the action
which is set before them. They compare the risk run
with the advantage to be gained; and if they find the
risk infinitely exceeding the value of the prize, or perceive
that it was braved under the mere impulse of
passion, in defiance of reason rather than in subordination
to reason; they learn to separate the courage of
the animal from that of the man, and expect that the
boldness of the latter should be regulated by that which
is the glory of his nature; and that even his daring
should be reasonable in order that it should be honoured.
In this way the world distinguishes the frenzy of the
drunkard, or that recklessness of life which is found
in the infuriated savage, from the well ordered deliberate
firmness, with which a disciplined mind meets
every emergency of trial; and refuses the very name
of courage to the madness, which rushes on death,
from the mere impulse of excited passion.</p>

<p>But under circumstances which seem more favourable;
after the first comparison has been made between
the object sought and the danger run; and there has
been found reason enough to justify the exposure
according to the world’s principles; another comparison
is apt to follow, which is conducted on Christian principles,
and subjects courage, or contempt of death, to
a different analysis. To a Christian mind death is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span>
invariably connected with the judgment that is to
follow. Viewed as the end of the present state of
being, it is necessarily considered as the entrance to
that which must succeed it; and an event which puts a
close to the concerns of time, carries the mind, by an
inference which cannot be resisted, to the contemplation
of eternity. But he, who has allowed his imagination
to dwell on the secrets of that unexplored abyss, which
commences when life ceases; and has weighed calmly
and deliberately the value of things that are infinite and
eternal; turns back to life with a conviction which cannot
be uttered of the vanity and nothingness of temporal
objects, when once compared with those which are to
come hereafter. To him, the eagerness with which the
world is pursuing the various prizes of gain, honour,
pleasure, wealth, seems nothing less than madness;
and all that is called good, and all that is called evil
among men, will shrink into nothing, in comparison with
the good and evil with which he has been conversant in
meditating on the prospects of eternity.</p>

<p>To such a man, death appears in a very different
character from that in which it is viewed by the savage,
or by man, when his moral state resembles that of the
savage. Death thenceforth may be braved, but it
cannot be despised. At the call of duty it will be met
without hesitation; but it will not be met with indifference
or carelessness. The man who meets it will know
what cause there is to fear it; though he may be able
to rise above the sense of fear, and despise it. But the
victory which he thus gains over fear, the principle by
which he overcomes the terrors with which he has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>
become acquainted, must be the result of very different
elements from those which he acted on before; and
must be formed in a very different manner from that
which constituted courage in a less enlightened state
of mind.</p>

<p>Now, that there are means of doing this; that the
gospel offers to man, what may be called the whole
armour of God; that the power of meeting and overcoming
him, who is called the King of Terrors, may be
possessed, and has been, and is continually exercised by
those who seem the weakest of our race, is happily a
subject of such general notoriety, that it does not
require a proof or explanation. But till this power
is acquired; until these means of victory are possessed;
the contingency, the inevitable contingency, in every
case where life is risked, involves such awful consequences;
that the mind may be justified in shrinking
from the prospect of danger, where the loss of life must
be followed by the destruction of the soul; and even the
narrative of perils becomes too painful to be a source of
pleasure to the reader. Courage under such circumstances
may be an object of wonder, but it cannot be a
legitimate object of admiration; and the reader must
shudder while contemplating results, on which men
rushed without thought or preparation; and dangers,
which were boldly braved, merely because they were
not understood.</p>

<p>The impression made is widely different, when self-possession
and calmness in the midst of danger, are
regarded as the effects of faith; and man is seen rising
superior to the fear of death, because he feels that he is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>
raised above its power. This is Christian heroism; and
compared with this, all other heroism sinks into feelings
which cannot be reconciled with reason, or be recommended
for imitation.</p>

<p>I admit that it may be thought the interest of States
to encourage and foment a courage of another and a lower
kind, even that animal courage which rushes upon danger
without consideration, and shuts its eyes on the real
nature of the evil that is braved. The pride of men
may be gratified by the imagination of superiority
above other men, which this indifference to danger
gives them; or by the distinctions to which it leads;
and the world may concur in admiring that which
feeds or flatters the imagination. But reason, sooner
or later, must be heard; and reason will gradually
make itself heard, in a voice which cannot be resisted;
and reason must refuse its sanction to a judgment
which teaches men to throw away eternity for a temporal
advantage; and encourages the exposure of the
soul to consequences, the amount of which cannot be
calculated.</p>

<p>And yet, let it not be supposed, that courage loses its
real character, because the occasion for its display is
mistaken by the world at large; or that the effect of
religion is to make men cowards. So far from this
being the case, courage, even courage of the highest
kind, is not only indirectly inculcated, but is absolutely
commanded in the gospel; commanded by Him whose
word is truth, and who alone can enable his servants to
do that, which He in His wisdom sees fit to command.
The only difference is, that the courage which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>
gospel teaches is reasonable in its exercise; a courage,
which has reason on its side, and aims at nothing which
cannot be justified; which only despises death, because
it has seen that death need not be feared; and only
defies suffering, from the conviction that it is to be
borne as submission to the will of God.</p>

<p>Acting under these principles the Christian hears
his blessed Master say, “Fear not them who can kill
the body, and after that have no more that they can
do;” and feels his heart respond to the exhortation.
He reads the experience of the Psalmist, “Though I
walk through the valley of the shadow of death I will
fear no evil, for Thou art with me;” and he rejoices to
think, that he can anticipate the same support in corresponding
circumstances. He hears the apostle say,
“Add to your faith, courage;” and the faith by which
he walks, and by which he overcomes the world, raises
him above the power of the world’s disturbances: and
thus, in those things which are, and must be the causes
of alarm and terror to men in general, he feels himself a
conqueror, and more than a conqueror, through Him
that loved him. With him then it is no struggle to
rise superior to the fear of death, for it is habitual to
him to despise it. The sting is taken out, its terrors
are gone; and Christ, who commands him not to fear
death, has delivered him from its power.</p>

<p>If the Christian, therefore, is not only encouraged
against fear, but is actually commanded not to fear; if
he is taught to regard courage as a duty; and to glorify
the Master whom he serves, by the firmness with
which he overcomes that, from which other men are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>
shrinking; we see that it is not without reason that he
is daring; and that he is bold in the midst of danger,
only because he is superior to it.</p>

<p>High as the standard is, which the gospel proposes;
and much as it exceeds all the bearings of the mind in
general, it is as reasonable as it is lofty. The grounds
on which the duty is enforced are unquestionable and
undeniable; and man cannot dare too much when he
only dares according to this direction.</p>

<p>One great advantage therefore with biographies like
the present, consists in the exhibition which they offer
of courage, based on Christian principles, and regulated
by Christian feeling; and there are special reasons why
this connexion between courage and Christian principle
should be traced and noticed. It is hardly possible to
doubt, that the first effect of religious impressions on a
mind previously untouched and unenlightened, will be
to awaken such a sense of the importance of things
spiritual and eternal, as will overpower all other feelings,
and overwhelm the mind with the discoveries
which have been made. The soul then, for the first
time perhaps, becomes an object of anxiety to the man,
who previously had never given it a serious thought.
The vague inexplicable fear of death, of which he had
been always conscious, grows then into a firm and
settled conviction, that of all objects, death is the most
tremendous; since it is obvious that its consequences
may be the most awful. He feels that with such a
subject it is madness to trifle, and folly to be indifferent.
His former carelessness is regarded with wonder
and astonishment; and the mind is lost and bewildered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>
in endeavouring to comprehend the truths which have
thus suddenly burst upon it, and which seem too
tremendous to be contemplated.</p>

<p>In fact, such is the character of those truths which
religion includes, and which, on such an occasion, we
suppose to be suddenly and powerfully revealed, that it
would seem probable that the equilibrium of the mind
should be disturbed by their discovery; and that every
consideration should be lost sight of, in comparison with
the one great question, “What shall I do to be saved.”
That such should be the effect seems natural, reasonable,
and probable; and if it did not generally happen,
that a fresh and livelier sense of duty is awakened at the
same moment, when these impressions are produced;
and that conscience becomes more active, as a sense of
responsibility is formed; it might have seemed inevitable,
that the first burst of religious feeling should
weaken and unnerve the man, and lead him to fly from
an exposure which he had learnt to fear, without
consideration of the consequences that might follow.
Whatever may be the causes which regulate the first
impulse of these religious feelings, it is satisfactory to
know from experience, that this excessive and violent
action is seldom exhibited. The moral character is
generally strengthened in proportion as the conscience
is awakened; and the faith is strengthened, and the man
gains firmness in the perception of every relative duty,
in the same degree in which he is brought under the influence
of religion. To this it must also be added, that
the impressions which the gospel forms, are not those of
fear alone, even when the conscience is most strongly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>
touched; and that terror, in a Christian’s view, is never
so entirely separated from hope, as to justify any desperate
or violent departures from ordinary practice.
“We have not received the spirit of bondage again to
fear, but we have received the spirit of adoption,
whereby we cry Abba Father:” and this, which forms
the comfort of the advanced Christian, is not without
its effect in mitigating the first agonies of conviction
in the convert. Duties are recognized, while every
thing else is forgotten; and men feel that whatever
may be their anxiety about their souls, their salvation
will not be forwarded by the neglect of that which
they see and know they ought to do.</p>

<p>There is in truth a sort of general conviction in men,
that if religion merely taught them what they had to
fear, and did not combine with that the knowledge of
what they have to hope; if it awakened us to a sense
of our responsibility, without shewing how the claims of
that responsibility had been met, it would have been a
gift of very questionable value; for in that case it
would have darkened all the present scene of trial,
without shewing an horizon on which a better light
was falling. It thus happens, that though the
effect of first impressions may be to awaken fear;
the effect which follows, when these impressions
are retained and improved, is to relieve or remove fear;
and every subsequent advance in knowledge, has a
direct tendency to cast out fear, to substitute love as
the principle of action, and to make hope the character
of the mind, until hope rises to the very level of
assurance.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span></p>

<p>Those therefore, who think that religion is likely to
unnerve the man, and to unfit him for the hour of
danger, by making him aware of the reason there is for
fearing death: betray their ignorance of the subject;
and shew how little they are acquainted with the principle
they are traducing. All men know enough to
make them afraid of death. Independent of any
sufferings which the body may undergo, there is a
shrinking from extinction, which belongs to our very
nature; and is found acting with almost equal influence
in every member of the human race; except in the few
and rare cases where man has sunk himself to the level
of the brute; and thus it is evident that man needs not
the light which religion gives, in order to fly from that
which human nature dreads. But this feeling, the fear
of death, which religion does not create, she can regulate,
control, and conquer; and while all men in their
hearts feel the fear of death, and are obliged to close
their eyes against their own convictions, or to harden
their hearts by habitual submission to other principles,
while pretending to despise it; the Christian alone is
capable of looking forward to death with calmness, and
of exercising a deliberate and rational contempt of it.</p>

<p>So long then as the present state of things exists; so
long as the blessings of peace are to be preserved by
war; and the security and the comforts of the many
are to be purchased by the exposure of the few; there
must be professions where the call of duty may imply
the risk of life, and where courage must be the
character of the men who belong to them. Courage
will then become a duty; and men must be found by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>
whom death shall be braved without hesitation, whenever
the interests of the service require it.</p>

<p>But a Christian community, while it admits this painful
necessity, and tracing the origin of wars and fightings
to the lusts which war in our members, sees in them the
marks of the universal corruption of our nature; and
looks on war as the disgrace rather than the glory of
man; must still feel anxious, that the courage which
it cherishes and honours as the means of national
security, should be the courage formed on those bright
and lofty principles, which shall discharge its duty to
the public most effectually, without any unjustifiable
risk to the individual. There is an obvious necessity
that the public peace should be protected; but there still
may be a question, whether this protection may not be
too dearly purchased; if a limited measure of temporal
advantages were to occasion the loss of an eternity of
happiness to those by whom it is preserved.</p>

<p>It is surely no idle refinement, no morbid spirit of argument,
which compares an infinite loss occurring to an
individual, with a definite and limited loss occasioned to
the community of which he forms a part. Men have
not hesitated to say, that the security of property
would be purchased at a price too dear, if it was to be
maintained by capital punishment; and if political wisdom
condescends to note the value of an individual life,
can it, with any consistency, deny the value of an
individual soul?</p>

<p>A Christian community is, therefore, not only
justified in taking every measure, which may raise the
moral character of those employed in its defence, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>
may make them bold and courageous upon principle; but
it is also bound to use every means which may render
those whom it exposes, as superior to the power of
death, as they are, or endeavour to be, to its terrors.</p>

<p>It is easy to state the almost insuperable difficulties
which here at once present themselves. The habits of
life, which have rendered the military and naval
professions proverbial, and which seem inseparable
from their position in society; the withdrawal from
domestic ties, and from all the usual restraints of the
tendencies of men; these may be named at once, as
rendering the attempt at such a moral improvement
chimerical; and these will long continue to render its
accomplishment difficult. In the meantime the world
at large, either indifferent to the consequences, or
despairing of a cure, have found it a much cheaper, and
a much more compendious way, to teach their defenders
to forget death, than to endeavour to prepare them to
despise it; and lamentable as it is to say, grave men,
and men who were thought wise men, have argued as
if it was necessary that men should be immoral in
order that they might be brave; and have tried to
shew that it was expedient that thousands should be
eternally miserable, in order that some temporary
advantage might be achieved by their exertions.</p>

<p>But the difficulty of a work does not imply that it is
impracticable. Something may be done, if all cannot
be accomplished: and wherever any great and undeniable
evil exists in society, it is so obviously the will of
God, that it should be abated or removed; that man
ought to think of nothing, but the means of attempting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>
that, which he may leave to the power of God to
perform.</p>

<p>It is therefore manifestly expedient that men engaged
in those professions, where life is of necessity
most exposed, should be prepared to meet death with
firmness. The world has its nostrums for effecting this
object, and these it is always ready to supply. It has
a sense of honour for the high-minded and noble. It
has levity and carelessness for the unthinking. It has
brutish indifference for the multitude. With one or
other of these, it drugs the men, who are to be the protectors
of their country’s welfare; and sends them forth
to danger, like those who are blinded and intoxicated.
We admit the efficacy of the means, but we are compelled
to feel that the remedy is worse than the disease:
and we dare not purchase courage for our soldiers
and sailors, at a price which compromises all the highest
hopes of man.</p>

<p>Without dwelling at present on other resources for
accomplishing this important end; on resources, which
might be made to act directly on the habits of these
professions; it seems that example might in some
respect be more beneficial than precept; and that the
narrative of one, who exhibited, in his public life and
conduct the model of what a British officer should be,
while he was, at the same time, in the full sense of
the word, a Christian; of one, who might have been
described through life as “<i lang="fr">sans peur et sans reproche</i>;”
and who became the ornament of his service, while
living in close communion with his God; might be
useful to others, as shewing that religious principles and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>
professional excellence are not incompatible; and might
encourage the young to pursue a course which should
make them all that their profession implies, and all
that their country can require, without forfeiting that
inward peace, and that future hope, which belong to
the true Christian, and make up the sum of his privileges,
as well as the substance of his character.</p>

<p>To those who knew Sir Jahleel Brenton, or who can
now recall the singular combination of qualities which
formed his character; qualities which impressed respect
while they conciliated the affection of every one around
him; it is unnecessary to dwell upon features not likely
to be forgotten. But it still may be useful to remind
others, and especially those who may be tempted, in
running over the following pages, to smile at the tone in
which this great and good man speaks, when occupied
with questions of a religious nature; that there have been
few men, whom an Englishman would have been more
desirous, on any occasion of importance, to put forward,
as the representative of his country, than the subject of
this memoir. The description which the great historian
of Rome applied to the man whose merits he has
immortalized by his biography, might have been with
equal justice applied to him, “<i lang="la">Bonum virum facile crederes,
magnum libenter</i>.” Goodness seemed to belong
to him; and it sate so easily on him, that it coloured
every word, and look, and gesture. No one ever met
him, without feeling convinced that the qualities which
conciliated and pleased, were in his case not the incidental
expression of a courtesy assumed to serve a particular
purpose; but that they were qualities on which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>
dependence might be placed, as exhibiting the real feelings
of the man; dignified, and yet kind; indulgent to
others, and yet firm in principle; as playful in the hour
of repose, as decided and energetic in the time of peril.
Carrying with him, in the stores of a well disciplined
mind, and a refined taste, ample resources for profitable
conversation, he was fitted to take his place in any form
of society, and would have done justice to any situation
to which his country could have called him; while his
country might also have felt, that the man selected to
represent her character, and to maintain her claims,
would have also been what few could be; would have
been the Christian representative of a Christian people;
and would have shewn the lustre which consistent
religion spreads over that which is admirable in
man, by the effect produced on his own life and
conversation.</p>

<p>To prolong the memory of such a man seems nothing
less than a duty. To extend the knowledge of his
excellence; and before that knowledge is effaced by
the competition of other claimants for distinction, to
shew the secret springs of the excellence which is
admired; to trace to its real source, all that in him was
distinctive and peculiar; to shew that it was to the
grace of God, and to that alone, he owed the combination
of qualities so rarely met with as united, and so much
heightened in value by combination; to encourage
imitation by example; and to hold up to the future
defenders of our country, one, whom they may be
proud to follow in the course of service, and whom it
will be their happiness to imitate in private life; this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>
seems a debt, which every one who feels the blessings of
security he owes to their exertions, and who glories in
his country’s honour, should endeavour to discharge.</p>

<p>Conscious of my own inadequacy for the office, which
I am describing, I am still sustained by the hope that
the reader will afterwards learn what the writer cannot
teach; that inferences will be drawn, and conclusions
formed from the narrative, which shall realize the purpose
with which it has been undertaken; and that the
familiar acquaintance that may be gained by admission
to the private thoughts and feelings of so good and
great a man as Sir Jahleel Brenton, may lead many a
mind to adopt the sentiments which are here recorded,
and that many a high-spirited and gallant youth may
be induced by his example to follow the steps of one
who never forgot his God, while engaged in his country’s
service; and was as faithful to his Saviour as he was
obedient to the call of duty.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>SETTLEMENT OF THE BRENTON FAMILY IN AMERICA,—AND DESCENT.—BIRTH OF
THE SUBJECT OF THE MEMOIR.—BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR AND REMOVAL TO
ENGLAND.—EDUCATION AND INTRODUCTION TO NAVAL SERVICE, IN THE DIDO.—PASSES
FOR LIEUTENANT, AND ACCEPTS AN INVITATION TO SERVE IN THE
SWEDISH FLEET.—ADVENTURES ON WAY TO JOIN, AND CONCLUSION OF SERVICE.—APPOINTED
AS LIEUTENANT TO THE ASSURANCE.—TRANSFERRED TO
THE SPEEDY, AND SENT ON COMMAND OF THE TREPASSEY TO NEWFOUNDLAND.—RETURN
TO ENGLAND AND APPOINTED TO THE SYBIL.—VOYAGE HOMEWARDS
IN THE CLEOPATRA, AND IN A SPANISH MAN OF WAR FROM
CADIZ.</p>

</div>


<p>Sir Jahleel Brenton was the eldest son of Rear
Admiral Brenton, a native of Rhode Island. The
family appear to have emigrated to America in the
early part of the reign of Charles the First, probably
from apprehension of the coming troubles of the times.
William Brenton, who settled as a merchant at Boston,
in Massachusets, about the year 1634, came from Hammersmith,
in England. He must have been a person of
some wealth and consideration, as he became a freeman,
and a select man of the Colony, the same year;
and in the following year, 1635, was chosen a deputy
of the general court. He afterwards removed to
Rhode Island, and then returned to England, from
whence he finally removed from Hammersmith, with
his whole family, consisting of three sons, Jahleel, William,
and John, and settled at Newport, in Rhode<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>
Island. In 1663 he became Deputy Governor of
the Colony of Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations
in New England, under the charter granted to
that Colony by Charles the Second, in the fourteenth
year of his reign. In 1667-8 he became Governor
of the Colony, and died in the year 1674.</p>

<p>Jahleel, his eldest son, resided in Newport, Rhode
Island. A great part of his father’s property was
bequeathed to him; and in the year 1691 he was
appointed by commission, in the second year of William
and Mary, Collector, Surveyor, and Searcher of the
Customs within the Colonies of New England.</p>

<p>William, the second son, great grandfather to the subject
of the present memoir, took up his residence either
at Taunton in Massachusets, or at Bristol in Rhode
Island, though some doubts exist as to which of these
places became his home. He married Martha Church,
by whom he had three sons, Jahleel (grandfather to
the Baronet), Ebenezer, and Benjamin.</p>

<p>Of John Brenton, the third son of William, nothing
farther is known except that he went to a settlement
called Bellevoir, in New England; and was not afterwards
heard of.</p>

<p>Jahleel, the collector, died at Newport unmarried,
about the year 1732, and bequeathed the greater part
of his large estates in New England to his nephew
Jahleel, who had married in the year 1714-15, Frances,
daughter of Samuel Cranstoun, who was Governor of
the Colony, and who died in 1727, aged 68 years. He
was the son of John Cranstoun, the former Governor of
the Colony, who was lineally descended from the Scottish<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>
Baron, James Lord Cranstoun, as appears by the
inscription on his tombstone in the churchyard at
Newport, in Rhode Island.</p>

<p>Of the brothers of this Jahleel, Ebenezer and Benjamin,
nothing has been recorded, though Jahleel, the
Collector above-mentioned, made several bequests to
them. Where they resided, or whether they left any
descendants does not appear. Jahleel, the grandfather
of the Baronet, had by his first wife, Frances Cranstoun,
fifteen children—eight sons and seven daughters.
Jahleel, his fourth son, the father of our present
subject, was born October 22nd, (O.S.) 1729, died 29th
January, 1802. He married in December 29th, 1765,
Henrietta Cowley, daughter and coheiress of Joseph
Cowley, Esq. formerly of Worcestershire, in England,
and Penelope his wife, who was the daughter of ——
Pelham of Laughton, Esq.; whose ancestors had removed
to Rhode Island during the civil wars in the
reign of Charles the First.</p>

<p>Jahleel, the subject of this memoir, and the eldest
son of Jahleel and Henrietta, was born the 22nd of
August, 1770. There were besides four sons and five
daughters; of the latter, all are still living; of the
former two died in their infancy; the other two, with
their eldest brother, followed the profession of their
father, who had very early in life entered the British
Navy. Edward Pelham was born the 29th of July,
1774. Of his active and useful life a sketch has
already been given to the public, from the pen of his
affectionate surviving brother. James Wallis lived to
be a Lieutenant in the British Navy, and was killed in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>
action when First Lieutenant of H.M.S. Peterel, in
the command of a boat expedition in chase of an
enemy’s vessel near Barcelona.</p>

<p>The seven elder children, were born in America, on
the patrimonial property at Rhode Island; but the circumstance
that the father of Sir Jahleel belonged to the
service of Great Britain obliged him to relinquish his
home, and the place of his nativity, at the time of the
civil war, which ended in the separation of the colonies
from the mother country. Urgent entreaties were used
on the part of the Americans to induce Mr. Brenton to
join their cause. He was even offered the highest
naval rank which the Republic could bestow; though
he was at that time only a Lieutenant in His Majesty’s
service; but that inflexible loyalty, which was always a
strong feature in his character, rendered him alike
insensible to bribery and persecution. That he might
take an active part in the cause of his king, he was
obliged to escape clandestinely from Rhode Island,
where he left his wife and infant family, exposed to
considerable hardships and difficulties; from which
they were however soon happily relieved by the efforts
of the British cruisers stationed on the coast.</p>

<p>The whole family were removed to England in the
year 1780, when the young Jahleel was placed in a
school at Enfield, in Middlesex. In the year 1781 he
embarked as a Midshipman in the Queen, armed ship,
commanded by his father, who had been promoted to
the rank of Commander; and whom he shortly after
followed into the Termagant, then a post ship; from
which it may be reasonably inferred that the additional<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span>
rank of Post Captain had been bestowed upon this
loyal subject as soon as possible.</p>

<p>At the conclusion of the war in 1783, the young
sailor had time to resume his studies on shore, and for
that purpose was sent to the maritime school at Chelsea,
where, for the space of two years, he successfully
pursued those branches of learning more particularly
suited to the profession he had chosen. He always
retained a grateful recollection of the advantages he
had derived from this establishment, where the best
education was afforded on the most reasonable terms to
the sons of naval officers, who, from their limited income,
might have found it impossible to procure the same advantages
for their children in any other academy.</p>

<p>In the year 1785 he was removed to France, where
his family then resided, as the acquisition of the
French language was thought an important point.
He has left a remark upon record which will exhibit
the state of his mind at this time. “To shew,” he
says, “what an important influence the most trifling
circumstances may have upon a man’s life, I may mention
that, whilst living at St. Omers, in 1786, I was
considered to be in very feeble health from the return
of an ague, first experienced in the preceding year at
St. Vincents; and having at the drawing school
evinced a strong inclination for painting, my parents
thought of sending me to Italy, with a view of making
that my profession, a plan which I eagerly caught at
for the moment; but thinking it over in my own room,
where my sword was suspended over the chimney, my
eye no sooner rested upon it, than old associations and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>
prospects instantly crowded in upon me, and induced
me at once to reject the tempting offer of a journey to
Rome, and renewed my determination to go to sea.”</p>

<p>In 1787 his father returned with his family to
England; and the Dutch armament having taken
place, Jahleel set off for Portsmouth to join the
Perseverance, commanded by Captain, afterwards Admiral,
Sir William Young, a valued friend of his father.
This ship was however paid off soon after his arrival,
in consequence of the restoration of tranquillity; and
Jahleel embarked on board the Dido, Captain Sandys,
who constantly employed him in sounding and surveying
different bays and harbours on the coast of Nova
Scotia. It was at this early age that his affections
were bestowed upon one, who was well worthy of
them; and of the rise and growth of this attachment,
as romantic in its commencement as happy in its
results, he has left some touching and affecting records
in three manuscript volumes addressed to his children.
A few extracts from these, to exhibit the character of
the writer, without encroaching on the sacredness
belonging to a domestic memorial of such a kind, will
be introduced in the present notice.</p>

<p>In the year 1789, the time then allotted for the
service of a midshipman having nearly expired, he
returned to England, and joined the Bellona, commanded
by Captain, afterwards Sir Francis Hartwell.
In the month of March, 1790, he passed his examination
for a Lieutenant; and foreseeing no chance,
either of promotion or active employment during the
profound peace, then subsisting between Great Britain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>
and her neighbours, he, with a view of gaining experience
in his profession, accepted a Lieutenant’s commission
in the Swedish navy, then engaged in active
operations against the Russians in the gulf of Finland.
Of his later and better thoughts on this subject he has
left a valuable record in the manuscript before alluded
to. He there says, speaking of the period in question,
“In after life, when better acquainted with my religious
duties, I have felt and acknowledged the guilt of
this step, for such it was; but I was led away by the
idea of acquiring distinction and eminence, so natural
in youthful minds, and so powerfully excited by the
biography of those whom the world holds up to
admiration for their conduct in arms, without any
reference to the cause which alone can render war
justifiable.”</p>

<p>Leaving England for this purpose, he did not reach
Carlscrona until the fleet had sailed; and before he
could join them in the gulf of Finland, it was already
blocked up in the bay of Wyborg, by the Russians.
The vessel on board of which he was embarked was
lying in the port of Lowisa, when the action took place
off its mouth on the 3rd of July, which nearly annihilated
the Swedish fleet, by depriving them of seven sail
of the line out of twenty-one, while the remainder with
difficulty reached Helsingfors. Hither Mr. Brenton
proceeded, and undismayed by this mortifying defeat
of the power which he came to serve, presented his
commission to the Duke of Sudermania, then commander
in chief; and was immediately appointed Lieutenant
of the Konig Adolf Frederic, bearing the flag of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>
Vice Admiral Modée. He, at the same time, received
orders to introduce the British system of discipline
among the men, for which purpose he was fully supported
by the Vice Admiral and Captain.</p>

<p>Of this period the following record has been left
in his own hand, “On arriving at Gottenburg, I found
a carriage there waiting for Sir Sidney Smith, who had
also volunteered his services in the same cause, and was
expected from England. It had been sent there by
the Duke of Sudermania; and as Sir Sidney was
known to have taken another route, General Toll, the
governor of Gottenburg, offered it to me; and he, at
the same time, requested me to superintend a convoy of
British sailors, provided it would not delay me too
much. The number of these men amounted to twenty
or thirty; each had a horse and cart for the conveyance
of himself, and chest, and hammock; and in each
of these was a Swedish driver, in many instances this
was a female.</p>

<p>“This cavalcade had, previously to starting, been
drawn up in a line in the market-place; and this line
the sailors had arranged in three divisions, naming an
admiral in each, and hoisting a handkerchief for a flag.
The procession was very orderly while passing through
the streets; but we had no sooner got upon the broad
road than there were evident attempts made to try the
respective <em>rates of sailing</em>; and at length the signal
was made for a general chase. The Swedes, and particularly
the women, soon lost all controul; the most
prudent jumped off; and in the course of a short time
many of the carts were upset, some in the ditches<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>
on each side of the road, and there were but few to
which some disaster had not happened.</p>

<p>“But little progress was made in the course of this
day; and fearing I might not reach Carlscrona before
the fleet should sail, I left my countrymen to the
Swedish officers, and proceeded without stopping day
and night. I was however too late. The fleet had
sailed, and I was obliged to wait for the Hecte, a
Swedish frigate then preparing for sea; and at length,
with the English sailors who arrived in the course of a
week, I embarked in her, and proceeded to Helsingfors.
Here I was put on board the Hussar, a <em>two decked brig</em>
carrying twenty twelve-pounders on the lower deck,
and fourteen four-pounders on the upper; or as Johnny
facetiously said, ‘My eye, here is a craft; a two-decked
brig, the quarter deck got forward, and the captain’s
cabin under the forecastle.’ The fact was, that the upper
deck came no further aft than the mainmast, and was
rather a prolonged forecastle; the captain’s cabin was
under the deck, and next to the galley or cook’s
room.”</p>

<p>On the 9th of July the battle of Swinkasund took
place between the Swedish and Russian Galley fleets,
when the skill and gallantry of the British officers
serving in the latter made the fortune of the day for a
long time doubtful. That of Sir Sidney Smith and
his followers however, on the side of the Swedes, was
more successful, by whose exertions a brilliant victory
was gained. This circumstance convinced his Majesty
Gustavus the Third, that none were so fit to oppose
Englishmen as Englishmen; and he accordingly directed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>
that all the British officers should be immediately sent
from the grand to the galley fleet. They arrived there
a few days after the action, and were distributed amongst
the flat bottomed frigates. Mr. Brenton was appointed
to the Sturkollen. The following is the record he has left
of some circumstances belonging to this period.</p>

<p>“On reaching Swinkasund, the English officers were
presented to the king of Sweden, Gustavus the third,
on board his yacht, the Amphisis, where his Majesty’s
flag was flying. Their reception was most
cordial. I was the only officer who spoke French, and
therefore became the organ of communication. The
bay at this time was covered with the wreck of the late
battle. The wrecks of two fine frigates were lying on
the beach, besides those of other vessels. Three
frigates, a fifty gun praam, and innumerable gallies
and gun boats had been sunk. The masts of the
larger vessels were out of the water; and many of
those of the smaller ones, according to the depth of
water where they had sunk. All were abandoned as
irretrievably lost; whereas, had the victors been
English instead of Swedish, it is not too much to
say that nearly all, if not the whole, of these vessels
would have been weighed. One frigate in particular
had received but little damage. She was on shore, and
lying with her starboard gunwale in the water; her
masts had been cut away by the Swedes, who never
thought of attempting to get her off. The Englishmen
regretting to see so beautiful a vessel consigned to
destruction, waited upon the king, and volunteered to
save her, at which he was greatly pleased, and ordered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>
every assistance and material they required to be
given to them. They accordingly set to work with
all the ardour and confidence of their profession;
cleared the vessel of whatever could be got at, and
laid out anchors and purchases in such a manner as to
give every hope of success; expecting, on the following
day, to have their triumph. In the course of the night
however, the gear they had prepared was cut away, and
carried off by boats sent from the Swedish ships; the
officers alleging that they were ordered to collect whatever
blocks or ropes could be found amongst the
wrecked vessels; but there was reason to ascribe this
conduct to the jealousy of the Swedish officers; a
jealousy easier to be accounted for than excused. It
must at the same time be allowed that the king was
imprudent in the partiality he evinced towards foreign
followers; and as those in question were all young and
thoughtless, and arrogant, neither concealing their
fancied superiority over the Swedes, nor using any
endeavours to conciliate them, it is only providential
that more serious events did not occur. All hopes of
getting off the frigate were now abandoned, and the
Englishmen were sent to their respective ships.”</p>

<p>From this time there was no active service, peace
being proclaimed in a few weeks. His Swedish Majesty
invited the British officers to continue in his service;
but as there was every probability of Great
Britain being involved in a war with Spain at that
period, Mr. Brenton preferred returning to England.
Of this time he has also left a record. He says, “In
the month of August the peace was proclaimed at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>
Kymena. The king assembled the British officers on
board his yacht, and addressed them in the most flattering
manner; telling them that he was well assured
how greatly they would have distinguished themselves
had an opportunity offered; and that if they would
remain in his service he would insure their advancement.
Four out of the eight accepted his offer; but
three besides myself declared our intentions of returning
to England, and expressed our anxiety to have
means provided for our return as soon as possible; as
we had every reason to believe that our country was
upon the eve of a war. The Spanish armament having
taken place, the king recommended us to the care of
the Commander of the Galley fleet, with directions that
we should be immediately paid, and have a conveyance
to such place as might enable us to procure a passage
to England.</p>

<p>“His Majesty had no sooner gone than the British
officers were embarked in a galley, with orders to proceed
to Helsingfors, the great naval seaport in the gulf
of Finland, where we were told we should receive our
pay. On entering the bay, the galley hauled into the
rocks; and having landed the Englishmen upon them,
proceeded in execution of other orders, leaving us to
get to Helsingfors as we best could.</p>

<p>“On reaching the town, we were told by the authorities
that no order had been received for our payment, but
that we must proceed to Stockholm, a journey of many
miles, besides having to cross the gulf of Bothnia. One
of our party having a sum of money in hand, generously
assisted us; we must otherwise have been greatly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>
delayed. We set out from Helsingfors through Finland,
in the common cart of the country, which consists
merely of a pair of wheels, and two small spars lashed
to the axletree, forming the shafts, and at the same
time the only body of the carriage; upon these the
chest and cot of the travellers were secured, making a
very comfortable seat. We took our provisions for the
journey, which consisted of hard bread, a ham, and a
bottle of spirits. We could depend upon no supply on
the road except a few eggs.</p>

<p>“In this manner we began our journey through Finland,
not knowing a word of the language: we at
length reached Abo, and procured an open boat to
cross the gulf of Bothnia. The weather had become
very tempestuous, and we were obliged to take shelter
for a day or two on a small island in the gulf.</p>

<p>“At length we reached Gustihamnan, and from thence
proceeded to Stockholm. Here we were obliged to wait
for some days; the Swedish ambassador in England, it
was said, had sent no account of the terms on which
the British officers had been engaged. It was at length
determined to give them a sum on account, leaving the
ambassador in England to make a final settlement.
The sum was twenty pounds to each; but one half of
this was given in a bill on Copenhagen, done evidently
with a view of getting the Englishmen out of the
country as soon as possible, lest they might appeal to
the king. We accordingly sailed for Copenhagen in
an English merchant ship, landed at Elsineur, and had
to proceed from thence to Copenhagen, where we remained
a week, and left it at that time with but little<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>
more of the twenty pounds than would enable us to pay
our passage to England, where we arrived about the
middle of November.</p>

<p>“By this time the Ambassador was changed, and
his successor pleaded ignorance of our concerns; nor
was it till the year 1796 that any settlement was
made. This only amounted to twelve pounds, making
in all thirty-two pounds to each officer, instead of more
than seventy-two pounds which had been promised.”</p>

<p>On the 22nd of this month, Mr. Brenton was promoted
to the rank of Lieutenant in the British Navy,
through the interest of Lord Hood. Of this period
he speaks thus:—“My first appointment of Lieutenant
was second of the ‘Assurance,’ a troop ship, ordered
to take troops to Halifax, a station of all others I
should have chosen, having numerous friends and
relations at that place; but particularly, from having
formed an early attachment there. I was, however,
destined not to perform this voyage, nor to see the
object of my affections for the next ten years. I had
been sent on shore at Rochester, in the pursuit of some
deserters from my ship, when I was surrounded by
a mob, and arrested by the civil power, on a charge of
impressing within the limits of the city of Rochester.
The Mayor, upon this vague charge, and without
taking any evidence in support of it, committed me
and four midshipmen to Bridewell. It was pointed
out to the Mayor that an infuriated mob was waiting
at the door, with the intention of attacking the officers
on their way to prison; regardless of the warning,
he sent us under a few constables. I was immediately<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>
knocked down, dragged through the streets, and narrowly
escaped with life, losing nearly all my clothes.
We were liberated the next morning, and a representation
having been made at the Admiralty, their
Solicitor was ordered to enter a prosecution against
the Mayor of Rochester; and I was superseded from
the Assurance, and appointed second of the Speedy
Sloop of fourteen guns, on the home station, that I might
be at hand to attend the trial. This did not take
place till many months afterwards, when it came on at
Maidstone. The Mayor suffered judgment to go against
him by default, and in consequence paid the penalty of
seven hundred and fifty pounds, which sum no doubt
was supplied by the corporation. I continued for some
time second of the Speedy, and was at length made first
Lieutenant. I was generally kept in the command of the
boats cruizing after smugglers. The Speedy was paid
off in the autumn of 1791.”</p>

<p>Having remained from this period till the summer
of 1792 upon half-pay, Mr. Brenton was then appointed
to command the Trepassey, a small cutter at
Newfoundland. The only personal recollections which
have been found of Newfoundland, are contained in
the following anecdote.—“In an excursion made in
the winter of 1792-3, from St. John’s to the Bay
of Bulls, Captain, the late General, Skinner forming
one of our party, we had, on our return, to cross a
large lake over the ice, some miles in extent. When
about the middle, Captain Skinner informed me that
he had long been severely pinched by the cold, and
found an irresistible drowsy fit coming on. I urged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>
him to exertion, representing the fatal consequences of
giving way to this feeling, and pointing out the state
in which his wife and family would be found, should
the party arrive at St. John’s without him. These
thoughts roused him to exertion for some time; but
when we had reached the margin of the lake, he gave
way, and declared he was utterly unable to struggle
farther, delivering at the same time what he considered
his dying message to his family. As there were some
bushes near the spot, I broke off a branch, and began
to thrash my fellow-traveller with it; at first without
much apparent effect, but at length I was delighted to
find that my patient winced under my blows, and at
length grew angry. I continued the application of the
stick, until he made an effort to get up and retaliate. He
was soon relieved from the torpor; and as we were
now but a few miles from St. John’s, I pushed on before
the party, leaving the captain under their especial
care. I left also the stick, with strong injunctions that
it should be smartly applied in the event of the drowsiness
returning. I soon reached the town, and having
had some warm porter with spice prepared against the
arrival of my friends; with this and considerable friction
he was enabled to proceed home, where he arrived perfectly
recovered. He himself related the story at
the Earl of St. Vincent’s table at Gibraltar, many years
afterwards; expressing, at the same time, much gratitude
for the beating he had received.”</p>

<p>In the early part of 1794 Mr. Brenton returned to England,
and was appointed second of the Sybil, of twenty-eight
guns, in which situation he remained for a few<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>
months and then became first lieutenant of that ship; but
with regard to the intermediate steps, by which he rose to
this command, his own pen must supply the narrative.
He says, “I was appointed, in the summer of 1792,
to the command of the Trepassey cutter, at Newfoundland,
a very small vessel, and facetiously termed by
naval men, a machine for making officers. There were
two cutters built, it might be said for this very purpose,
on an understanding that a lieutenant should be made
into each, every year; one from Admiralty patronage,
and the other by the commander in chief for the
time being. The first two were Lieutenants Rowley
and Halket; the next pair Caithen and Gilbert; then
Herbert and Holme. I name these officers that the
regularity of the system may appear. The lieutenant
at the end of the year, or just previously to the sailing
of the Admiral for England, (for he never wintered on
the station) went through a nominal invaliding; and
their successors were appointed from the cockpit of the
Admiral’s ship.</p>

<p>“At length, in the year 1792, the Admiralty decided
upon putting an end to this certainly most exceptionable
method of patronage, and ordered two lieutenants
out from England to command these cutters. I was
one of these, and arrived at Newfoundland in September.
I found the Trepassey a very extraordinary
description of a man of war. She was only forty-two
tons; something about the size of one of the Gravesend
boats, previously to the adoption of steam vessels upon
the Thames. Her crew consisted of <em>five</em> men, and a
pilot, who performed the functions of every class of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>
officer below the commander. She had four swivels
mounted; and was employed in going along the coast
to protect the fisheries, and to enquire into abuses. On
the last appointment the Admiral added two midshipmen
to each cutter, making the whole number of each
complement eight. These vessels lay in the harbour of
St. John’s during the winter, and were fitted out in the
spring, to be in readiness to visit the different ports on
their station, as soon as the harbour was clear from ice.</p>

<p>“In the month of March, 1793, a small vessel arrived
under a flag of truce from the island of St. Pierre, with
a letter from the Governor, requesting to know what
news had arrived from Europe. It was addressed to
the Admiral, and contained evidently an indirect offer
of surrender of the islands to his Britannic Majesty,
made with a view of putting them under our protection,
and of saving them from the sanguinary republicans,
who had begun to shew themselves amongst the
population. The Admiral was of course in England;
and the question was, who should open the letter.
There was a military force of one company of the
fourth regiment, and another of artillery; and the naval
force consisted of the two cutters, Placentia and Trepassey,
commanded by Lieutenant Tucker and myself.
The dispatches of course were received by Mr. Tucker,
who forthwith called upon the captains of the army to
consult as to what steps should be taken.</p>

<p>“At this meeting the question arose as to who was
the representative of the Governor. The commission
of the Governor stated, that in case of his <em>death</em>, the
government was to devolve upon the senior officer of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>
the navy; and it was maintained that the provision
made against death, must be equally applicable to his
absence. This was denied on the part of the military
officers; and until this point was settled no consultation
could take place. Mr. Tucker acted for himself,
and proceeded to collect a body of volunteers on the
island, with which he contemplated sailing for St.
Pierre, as soon as a sufficient number could be got
together. In the meantime he sent me in the Trepassey,
with a flag of truce, to give the information to the
Governor of St. Pierre, and to prepare him for the
event, that he might be in readiness to act in concert.</p>

<p>“On my arrival I found that the island had been
taken possession of the day before, by a detachment
from Halifax; and the Alligator frigate, which had
brought them, was then lying in the harbour. The
Trepassey was immediately dispatched to take possession
of Miguelon. On the return of the Trepassey to St.
John’s I found the Pluto, sloop of war, had arrived, having
captured a French corvette from Martinique. News
also from Europe had reached us, with an account of
the murder of the French king, and the commencement
of the war. The action of the Boston and the Ambuscade
soon after took place. The Admiral (Sir Richard
King) reached his station in July; and having received
a letter which informed me, that it was the wish of my
friend, Captain E. Pakenham, to have me as his first
lieutenant in the Resistance, of forty-four guns, I procured
the Admiral’s permission to go to England,
taking my passage in the Cleopatra, with that most
amiable and distinguished character, Sir Alexander<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>
Ball; a circumstance invaluable to me from its being
the means of my acquiring the friendship of such a
man.</p>

<p>“We took a convoy to Cadiz, and while waiting
there to collect one for England, it was understood that
a Spanish seventy-four was upon the point of sailing
for Falmouth with money; as an indemnification of the
Nootka Sound affair, in 1790. I eagerly caught at the
opportunity of seeing the system of the Spanish navy;
and my wish being made known to the Spanish commander,
he immediately invited me to take my passage
to England with him, in the St. Elmo, where I was
treated with the greatest hospitality, and marked attention.
We sailed for Ferrol on the following day, and
from that port the 24th December, and arrived at Falmouth
early in January.</p>

<p>“This ship had been selected as one in the best state
of discipline in the Spanish navy, to be sent to England.
She was commanded by Don Lorenzo Goycochca, a
gallant seaman, who had commanded one of the junk
ships destroyed before Gibraltar, in 1781. I had
during this voyage an opportunity of appreciating
Spanish management at sea. When the ship was
brought under double reefed topsails, it was considered
superfluous to lay the cloth for dinner; and when I
remonstrated, I was told by the captain, that not one
officer would be able to sit at table, being all sea-sick;
but that he had directed dinner to be got in his own
cabin for himself and me. It was the custom in the
Spanish navy for the captain and all the officers to mess
together in the wardroom, which was appropriated to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>
this purpose. We had henceforth a very comfortable
meal together, whenever the weather prevented a
general meeting.</p>

<p>“As the safe arrival of this ship was deemed of great
importance, an English pilot from Falmouth was sent
into Ferrol, for the purpose of enabling her to approach
the coast of England with safety. A few nights before
our arrival at Falmouth, the ship having whole sails
and topping sails, was taken aback in a heavy squall
from the N.E. and I was awoke by the English pilot
knocking at my cabin door, calling out, ‘Mr. Brenton,
Mr. Brenton, rouse out, Sir; here is the ship running
away with these Spaniards.’ When I got upon deck,
I found this was literally the case. She was running
away at the rate of twelve knots, and every thing
in confusion: she was indeed, to use the ludicrous
simile of a naval captain, ‘all adrift like a French post-chaise.’
It required some hours to get things to rights,
and the wind having moderated and become fair, we
then resumed our course, and safely reached Falmouth.
The Spanish Inns, (the Posadas) are proverbially bad,
wretched in the extreme; and great was the astonishment
of the officers of the St. Elmo on reaching Williams’s
Hotel at Falmouth, by no means at that time a first
rate inn. Still, such was the effect produced by the
carpet, the fire, and the furniture in general, that it was
some time before they could be persuaded that I had
not conducted them to some nobleman’s house, in
return for their hospitality to me; the <em>bill</em> however
dispelled this pleasant delusion.”</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>SERVICE IN THE SYBIL.—STORY OF THE CORFIELDS.—SEVERE WINTER AT SEA.—STORY
OF JOHN ICEBERG.—INVALIDED AND COMES ASHORE.—APPLIES FOR
EMPLOYMENT, AND APPOINTED TO THE ALLIANCE.—FEELINGS ON THE SUBJECT.—GOES
OUT TO THE MEDITERRANEAN.—MADE KNOWN TO SIR JOHN JERVIS,
AND APPOINTED TO THE GIBRALTAR.—STORM AND EXTREME DANGER OF THE
SHIP.—MADE FIRST LIEUTENANT OF THE AIGLE.—BUT THE AIGLE BEING
LOST, HE REMAINS FIRST LIEUTENANT OF THE BARFLEUR.—INTERVIEW WITH
LORD ST. VINCENT AND THE SUBSEQUENT DECISION.</p>

</div>


<p>Soon after his arrival in England, Mr. Brenton was
appointed Second Lieutenant to the Sybil; and while
the ship was lying at Gravesend, and previous to her
quitting the river, an interesting little event occurred,
which is so descriptive of the warm-hearted and affectionate
character of the Irish, that it seems due to our
countrymen of the sister isle to mention it, as related
in the journal.</p>

<p>“A boat full of men was seen proceeding to an
East Indiaman, and I, who was at the time walking
the deck with the captain, was ordered to take a
boat and examine them. I found them sheltered
under a regular protection signed by the Lords of the
Admiralty, and stated to be in force for three days
from its date. The date had been omitted, perhaps
purposely; and the paper had probably been procured
by a crimp, in order to cover the men he was in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>
habit of sending down to the ships at Gravesend. The
boat therefore was brought alongside the Sybil; and the
captain, not finding any prime seamen amongst them,
was satisfied with taking two healthy looking Irish lads,
Mike and Pat Corfield by name, one about twenty
years old, and the other under nineteen. The lads
were greatly distressed at being put on board a man of
war, of which they had undoubtedly heard many
terrible things. It was however past twelve o’clock
when they arrived, and the pipe had been just given
for dinner. The young Irishmen were accordingly
supplied with their portion of bread, soup, and meat;
when Pat smiling through his tears said, “Mike, let us
send for mother.”</p>

<p>This little speech, so original, and so full of affectionate
expression, was related to the amusement of the
officers for the moment, and was soon forgotten; but
many weeks afterwards, when the ship was at Spithead;
a boat came off, in which were not only the mother but
also the little brother of the Corfields. Their meeting
was, as may be supposed, affecting in the extreme, and
seemed to interest every one in their favour. The
whole family were of course to live, while they
remained together, upon the allowance of the two
sailors; but the officers having interceded with the
captain; little Edmund, the younger brother, about
ten years of age, was put on the books, which gave a
third allowance; in the mean time the two elder had
procured and slung a hammock for the mother, and
another for the little fellow, and every accommodation
was given them by their shipmates to whom this conduct<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>
had endeared them. The mother by washing
more than furnished her quota for the mess; and the
whole were kept by her care so clean and tidy that
they were noticed for their good appearance.”</p>

<p>In the course of the autumn of this year, 1794, the
Sybil formed part of the squadron under Rear Admiral
Harvey, and was lying many weeks in the Scheldt, for
the protection of Flushing; the French being in possession
of the isle of Cadsand, and menacing that fortress.
This service was at once harassing and mortifying;
having none of the excitement or prospect of advantage
which a cruize invariably holds out; while it was in no
ordinary degree exposed to anxiety and hardship.</p>

<p>The Sybil was at length ordered to cruize on the
Flemish bank, between the coast of Holland and the
Goodwin Sands; and was kept on this duty during the
whole of that very severe winter of 1794-5, occasionally
calling at Sheerness, to refit and complete provisions.
Mr. Brenton was appointed First Lieutenant of the
ship in the October of this year. In the month of
January, 1795, the ice extended far beyond the great
Haze, and the Sybil was for many days frozen in at the
little Haze, without any communication either with the
shore or other ships. The squadron, under Commodore
Payne, consisting of the Jupiter, Royal Yacht, and
other ships, were lying at Sheerness at this time, waiting
for the ice to break up, that they might proceed to
the Elbe, in order to bring over the Princess Caroline,
afterwards Princess of Wales, and of so much notoriety
in this country. Of this period of service the following
notices are given:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span></p>

<p>“In February the Sybil was sent to the Weser, to
assist in bringing away the British army, after their
disastrous retreat through Holland in that awful winter.
The sufferings of the troops had been dreadful during
the march. They were embarked as they reached
Bremer Lee, and sailed in detachments for England.
The Sybil and her convoy were to take off the rear,
and remained in consequence until the latter end of
March. Colonels Barnes and Boardman, the first of
the Guards, and the latter of the Oxford Blues, were
embarked in the Sybil. About this time an extraordinary
species of disease had begun to manifest itself
among the marines of the Sybil; and as the discovery
of its cause, and the means of its cure, must be ascribed
to the acuteness of the latter of these two gentlemen,
it may be regarded as a subject of thankfulness that
they were passengers. Many of the men were afflicted
with an ossification, or hardening of the knee joint;
and this had proceeded to such an extent in several
cases, that the men were lame for life. The surgeon,
who was himself afflicted in the same way, and had
been lame from childhood, was at a loss as to the cause
of the malady; but Colonel Boardman at once threw a
light upon the subject by a remark not unlikely to suggest
itself to the mind of a military man. He had
observed that the marines, when dressed, had thick
woollen breeches, and long worsted stockings, so that
during the day time, when on their post, the men had
the knees doubly covered. After sunset, when off
guard, the parade dress was laid aside, and canvas
trowsers substituted, leaving the knee with little protection<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>
from the cold air of the night; and he inferred
that the mischief in the joint arose from the sudden
and violent change in the temperature maintained
around it. The result proved the justness of his conjecture
as to the cause of the malady; for on taking
proper precautions to maintain the warmth by clothing,
no further cases occurred; and the surgeon himself
recollected, what it is singular he should ever have forgotten,
that his own crippled state had been occasioned
by exposure to cold. Trifling as this matter may seem,
it is not without use to point out the benefit that may
be derived from the observation of intelligent men,
even of a different profession.</p>

<p>“One amusing circumstance occurred also at this
time aboard the Sybil, which it may not be improper to
add, as evincing great readiness of resource in a sailor,
though in a case of much less importance than the preceding.
One of the quarter-masters, familiarly called
by everybody, “Old John Iceberg, a Swede,” had a
favourite cat, which, contrary to the reputed character
of those animals, evinced as much attachment to her
master as a dog is used to do. It slept in his hammock,
and when he had the watch on deck amused
itself with playing in the rigging, leaping from it to the
spanker boom, and from thence to the boat which hung
over the stern. It happened one night that the boat
having been kept on shore by bad weather, and puss
not being aware of its absence, in the course of her
gambols she went overboard, to the utter despair of
poor Iceberg. He however soon recollected himself;
threw the captain’s dog overboard, and reporting to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>
officer on watch that the dog was in the water, volunteered
his services to go after it. While in the boat it
may naturally be supposed that the first object of his
care was the cat, and having picked her up, he proceeded
at his leisure to the relief of Echo.”</p>

<p>Ill health, the natural consequence of a service so
fatiguing, and so exposed to extremities of cold, rendered
it necessary for Mr. Brenton to come on shore,
in the latter end of 1795. On his recovery, and application
to the Admiralty for employment, he found
himself appointed Second Lieutenant to the Alliance
store ship, under orders for the Mediterranean, a situation
but ill according with the feelings of an officer,
ambitious of rising in the service, and who depended
solely on his own exertions, and the opportunities that
might offer for distinguishing himself. Of this illness,
and the results to which it led, Mr. Brenton speaks
thus in his private memoranda, “I became very unwell,
and was recommended to go ashore for the winter of
1795-6, which I the more regretted from the circumstance
of Captain Douglas, now Admiral John Erskine
Douglas, having been appointed to command the Sybil,
an officer of distinguished merit, and great abilities,
and from whom I felt that I should learn much. I
proceeded immediately to Edinburgh, where my father
was regulating captain. I was put under the care of
Dr. Munro, by whose judicious treatment I was soon in
a state of convalescence. But the idea of being out of
employment during an active war, preyed upon my
mind. I wrote to the Admiralty in the middle of
December, stating my ability to serve again, and requesting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>
an appointment. Not receiving an early
answer, my impatience to be afloat again induced me,
contrary to the advice of my physician, to set off for
London. On my arrival I had the mortification to
find that I was appointed Second Lieutenant of the
Alliance store ship, a station that I at once considered
disgraceful and degrading to an officer, who had been
for some time First Lieutenant of a frigate. I went to
the Admiralty, and laid my case before Admiral Young,
then one of the board, by whom I was kindly received.
Having heard my story, he acknowledged that the
Admiralty had resolved to discountenance any officer
going to sick quarters. He admitted that in many
cases the innocent would suffer with the guilty; he
believed my case to be one of this description, and
recommended me to join my ship, in the expectation
that I should soon receive something better. I went
away, deeply depressed by what I had heard. I felt
that all my prospects of promotion and distinction had
vanished; and was only supported by the conviction
that the disgrace, for such I considered it to be, was
unjustly inflicted; that it was contrary to my wish that
I had left my ship, but that my physician had declared
that my life was endangered by remaining.”</p>

<p>In order to explain the violence of the feelings produced
in Mr. Brenton’s mind by this appointment, it
may be necessary to state his own remark. “It had
been then for some time the practice, impolitic in every
point of view, to appoint officers who had fallen under
the censure of a court martial to these store ships. This
had been done in forgetfulness of the value of these<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span>
vessels, of the very great importance of their cargoes to
the fleets and arsenals in foreign stations, and of the
small number of officers allowed to them; which seemed
to require that the few in command should be men of
experience, and men on whose character reliance might
be placed. The officer who had been appointed first of
the Alliance refused to join her. One who had been
just dismissed from his ship, by a court martial, for
intemperance, was appointed second; and I was finally
appointed first of this store ship. Captain Cumming
(late Rear Admiral) commanded her, and did me
ample justice by bearing testimony to my conduct, and
giving full credit to my exertions under circumstances
so discouraging and humiliating.</p>

<p>“The ship was fitted out and sailed in the latter end
of March, with a convoy of more than 300 sail for
different parts of the world, which were to separate at
Cape Finisterre for the several places to which they
were bound.</p>

<p>“When crossing the Bay of Biscay a letter was
sent from the Admiral’s ship, which had been probably
forgotten in England, by which I was informed
that I was to be appointed First Lieutenant of the
Diamond, of thirty-eight guns, under the command of
my friend, Sir Sidney Smith, who had commenced his
career in the navy under my father, in the Tortoise
store ship; and who, while we were together in
Sweden had evinced much regard for me. Hence this
intended appointment.</p>

<p>“It is hardly necessary to add, that had this appointment
taken place, which but for the singular oversight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>
that led to the delay of the letter, most certainly would
have been the case, I certainly should have followed
the fortunes of Sir Sidney Smith, and should probably
have shared his long and perilous captivity in France;
while I must have forfeited the benefits arising from
the patronage of my constant friend, Earl St. Vincent,
who, from the moment he first became acquainted with
me, lost no opportunity of forwarding my interests,
and of placing me in important posts.”</p>

<p>On receiving the letter Mr. Brenton says, “I shewed
it to my captain, requesting permission to return to
England, some vessel probably leaving the fleet, being
bound thither at the time. Captain Cumming kindly
appealed to me, whether, knowing the state of the ship,
and the utter incapacity of the other Lieutenant to do
the duty, he could possibly accede to my request. The
argument was but too well grounded, and I was under
the necessity of submitting. And here we have a
striking instance, that the most gloomy and unpromising
circumstances may eventually lead to the completion
of our most sanguine expectations; whilst the
gratification of our immediate wishes might only end
in disappointment. I have often felt that the hand of
a kind providence was peculiarly manifested in my
favour upon this occasion. The Diamond was sent to
cruize off the coast of France, and Sir Sidney Smith
soon after was taken prisoner, having landed near
Havre in an enterprize against the enemy. He was
confined for a long time in the Temple. If I had not
accompanied my chivalrous friend on this occasion,
which it is not improbable might have been the case, I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>
should at all events have lost the benefit of his influence,
and have had very little chance of promotion; whereas
by proceeding to the Mediterranean in the Alliance, I
was placed in the way of success, and in a short time
attained what I had hitherto hardly ventured to hope.</p>

<p>“On the arrival of the Alliance at St. Fiorenzo I
addressed a letter to the Commander in chief, Sir John
Jervis, detailing the circumstances of my present
appointment; and requesting that he would not attribute
it to misconduct on my part; referring him to the
different captains with whom I had sailed for my
character and abilities. To my great delight, in a
short time I received an appointment to the Gibraltar,
of eighty guns, a situation most highly gratifying, and
beyond my most sanguine wishes. The Alliance being
ordered with supplies of stores to the fleet off Toulon, I
had an immediate opportunity of joining the Gibraltar;
having first waited on the Commander in chief, to
thank him for the appointment. Sir John Jervis
received me in the kindest manner, saying he considered
the sons of officers as children of the service, and
that he felt it his duty to provide for them.</p>

<p>“On joining the Gibraltar I found the ship had been
in a most unpleasant state in consequence of a litigious
spirit, which had crept in among the officers, and
which had led to numerous courts martial; so that the
captain and officers were not upon friendly terms.
Captain Pakenham however came forward upon this
occasion in the handsomest manner, saying to the
officers whom he assembled for the purpose, ‘Come,
gentlemen, let us now give the new First Lieutenant a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>
fair chance. Let us bury the hatchet and be friends.’
The greatest cordiality and comfort ensued; and consequently
the discipline of the ship was rapidly improved.
This the Admiral attributed to my exertions, while it
was the natural result of restored harmony between the
Captain and those under his command.</p>

<p>“The summer was passed in blockading Toulon. In
the course of this season evident indications appeared
of hostile intentions on the part of the Spaniards, who
had a very powerful fleet in the Mediterranean. Sir
John Jervis felt it necessary to concentrate his force as
much as possible; and for this purpose repaired with
the fleet to Fiorenzo bay, in Corsica, leaving a small
but active force off Toulon, to watch the movements of
the French in that port.</p>

<p>“In the latter part of October, it was found necessary
to evacuate Corsica; and the Smyrna convoy
having arrived there, the Admiral sailed with fifteen
sail of the line for Gibraltar, in the beginning of November;
each ship of the line with a Smyrna man in
tow. The weather was very bad, and the winds generally
shifting, adverse, and squally, so as to render the
towing of the convoy a service of difficulty and danger;
two of them were lost in consequence, being run down.
The fleet arrived at Gibraltar early in December. The
Spaniards had by that time declared war; and there was
no longer any impediment to their forming a junction
with the French fleet, which would make their force
exceed forty-three sail of the line. Sir John Jervis,
that he might be in readiness to sustain the attack of
the enemy, moored his ships in the form of a crescent,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>
extending from the Ragged staff to Rosia bay; the
sternmost ship of the weather line lying off the former
place; and the last of the sea line, the Gibraltar, being
off Rosia bay, in a most exposed situation, with scarcely
any hold for her anchors from the steepness of the bank.
Here, on the 10th of December, a most tremendous
gale of wind from the E.S.E. came on, at first in heavy
squalls with long intervals. The Gibraltar brought her
anchors home, and great exertions were made during
the lulls to lay them out again. As the night approached
the wind increased to a hurricane. I stated my
opinion to the captain that the ship could not hold on
during the night; he appeared to be of the same opinion,
and expressed his intention, should the ship drive,
to cut, and make sail at once, so as to keep the straits
open. A very heavy sea was at the time breaking
round Europa point, and against the Spanish shore on
the lee side of the bay. The captain recommended me
to retire to my cot, and get a little repose, as I was
evidently unwell. I had hardly gone down, when a tremendous
squall came on, and the ship began to drive.
I ran upon deck as soon as possible; but before I
reached it, I heard the sheet cable running out, the
anchor having been let go by the captain’s order. This
change of mind is to be accounted for only by the
apprehension the captain was under of the Admiral’s
displeasure; and the hope he entertained, however
feeble, that the ship might be brought up; but of this it
soon appeared there was no prospect. She was off the
bank in a few minutes, with her three anchors hanging
to her bows.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span></p>

<p>“The cables were immediately cut, and sail made upon
the ship; but as the topsails had been furled double
reefed, it became necessary to close reef them before
they could be set. The foresail was set at once, and
the main-tack got on board; but in hauling aft the sheet,
it was found to have got a round turn, round the main
top gallant yard, in the lee rigging; nor could any efforts
clear it from the shaking of the sail, the violence of the
wind, and the darkness of the night. The yard was cut
away from the main chains, and flew out to leeward,
still confined by both parts of the sheet round it, and it
was found impossible to get the sheet aft for some time.
In the meantime, the topsails split, as they were loosed
from the yards; the ship had now lost the shelter of the
rock of Gibraltar, and felt the full force of the heavy
sea rolling into the bay. It was also seen breaking to
a fearful height over the Pearl rock off Cabritta point,
which was under our lee; and in order to run her out
clear of it, the jib was set; thus co-operating with
a deep pitch in a heavy sea, carried away the foretopmast.
She now rapidly approached the rock; was
soon in the foam occasioned by the breakers; and in
another moment struck upon the rock with a dreadful
crash, and was thrown nearly on her beam ends; but
most providentially this latter circumstance, by decreasing
for the moment her draught of water, was the
means of carrying her over the rock, when she righted
without striking again.</p>

<p>“The panic was great as may easily be conceived,
and a general cry of ‘Cut away the masts’ was heard
from every part of the ship. The captain having been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>
carried into the cabin severely hurt from a fall, just
before the ship struck, the command had devolved
upon me. I prevented the masts from being cut away,
not from any prospect of saving the ship, but in the
hope of being able to run her into a sandy bay, near
Cabritta point. The first order I gave was to sound
the well; when, to my great surprise, it was reported
that there was no water in it. I therefore ordered the
ship to be kept away, under her tattered sail, so as to
give her fresh way, and hauling up, gradually succeeded
in getting her into the Gut, and free from any danger
of the land; when we proceeded to clear the wreck, to
shift the sails, and to bend a cable to the spare anchor.
It happened providentially that there were on board
two anchors belonging to the Censeur, a French seventy-four,
a prize which had been burnt by accident in Fiorenzo
bay, and which were to have been landed at
Lisbon, when the fleet should have arrived there.
These anchors were immediately got up from the main
hatchway, where they had been stowed; and after being
stocked, had cables bent to them.</p>

<p>“The gale continued during the remainder of the night,
and through the following morning. In the afternoon
it became quite moderate, and the Zealous, commanded
by Captain Hood, was seen standing out of Tangier
bay, and approaching the Gibraltar. A boat came on
board, bringing information to Captain Pakenham that
Captain Hood had slipped the cable, by which the
Zealous was riding in Tangier bay, and had left a buoy
on the cable, with a boat fast to it, in order that the
Gibraltar might run in and take advantage of it, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>
natural expectation that she must have lost her anchors
in driving out of the bay.</p>

<p>“This was a most judicious measure, and quite
characteristic of the excellent officer who suggested it.
The Gibraltar availed herself of it; and having got to
snug anchorage in smooth water, was soon able to get
the anchors which had been stocked, over the bows;
which it would not only have been difficult, but dangerous
to do while exposed to a heavy sea.”</p>

<p>The perilous situation of the Gibraltar, in this awful
night, has furnished an interesting subject for Captain
Brenton’s pencil; when in a leisure hour, many years
afterwards, he made a drawing from recollection of the
ship during the most critical moment, and it may perhaps
assist the reader to form a notion of the extreme
peril to which the ship was exposed, when the circumstances
are named, which, under providence, seem to
have been the means of her preservation.</p>

<p>The Gibraltar was a Spanish built ship, and on
examining the injuries done to the vessel, when docked
for repairing; it was found that the whole of the lower
part of the ship was a solid mass of mahogany. No
other fabric could have stood the violence of the shock
when she struck on the reef; and enabled her to float
after she was righted.</p>

<p>Captain Pakenham having spoken very highly to the
Commander in chief of Mr. Brenton’s conduct on this
trying occasion, he was pleased to express himself most
favourably towards him; and as the Gibraltar, on being
surveyed at Lisbon, was found to have sustained so
much damage that it was necessary to send her to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>
England; Sir John Jervis sent for Lieutenant Brenton,
and informing him of the Gibraltar’s destination, asked
him at the same time whether he had any objections
to remaining in the fleet; adding, that if such was his
wish, he could give him the choice of two ships, the
Diadem, of sixty-four guns, or the Aigle frigate of
forty, to either of which he might be appointed First
Lieutenant. After some hesitation, and not a little
reluctance to quit the Gibraltar, to which ship he had
become much attached; he chose the Aigle, in the hope
that in a cruizing ship, he might have the means of distinguishing
himself; and obtaining promotion; at least,
greater means than could be expected in a ship of the
line. Sir John Jervis entirely approved of his choice,
and gave him a commission as First Lieutenant of the
Aigle, then up the Mediterranean; and placed him <i lang="la">pro
tempore</i> in the Barfleur, at the request of Vice Admiral
Waldegrave, whose flag was flying in that ship. In
this situation he was present at the battle of the 14th
of February, off Cape St. Vincent; but being now a
junior officer, he consequently derived no promotion
from the circumstance.</p>

<p>The Aigle was about this time lost off Cape
Farina; and Admiral Waldegrave having shifted his
flag from the Barfleur to take the command at Newfoundland,
Mr. Brenton, from seniority, became First
Lieutenant under the command of Captain Dacres.
The events of this summer were confined to the bombardment
of Cadiz. At one of these attacks Mr.
Brenton volunteered his services, and was engaged in
the command of the Barfleur’s boats. In the month<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>
of August he was removed into the Ville de Paris,
bearing the flag of Earl St. Vincent; and the fleet
soon after sailed for Lisbon.</p>

<p>On the subject of this appointment the following
particulars are mentioned by Lieutenant Brenton, “In
the month of August, Earl St. Vincent sent for me,
and informed me that it had long been his intention
to have taken me into the Ville de Paris, as one of his
Lieutenants. He said there was now a vacancy; but
observed at the same time that he scarcely thought it
worth my while to quit the Barfleur (where he understood
I was very happy) for he was firmly convinced
that peace with France was at that moment signed;
(this was the period of Lord Malmesbury’s having been
sent to Lille to negociate). In proof that he held this
opinion, his Lordship added that he had just laid a
wager to this effect with Sir James Saumarez of one
hundred guineas. Under these circumstances I declined
the appointment, and returned to my ship.</p>

<p>“On communicating to my excellent friend, Captain
Dacres, the result of this interview with the Earl, I
found him quite of a different opinion. He expressed
great regret at my decision, which he considered as
ruinous to my prospects, convinced as he was that there
was no prospect of peace.</p>

<p>“Captain Dacres was to dine with the Admiral on that
day, when he took an opportunity of requesting him to
renew the offer, pledging himself that it would be accepted.
The Earl, who had not yet filled up the vacancy,
ordered a commission to be made out, appointing me to
the Ville de Paris, which he gave to Captain Dacres,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>
who, on coming on board presented it to me, saying,
‘There, I have now turned you out of my ship, an act for
which you will undoubtedly thank me some of these days.’
I certainly did leave the Barfleur with a heavy heart,
for I highly respected and loved my captain, and the
regard was mutual. I was also much attached to my
brother officers, and had every reason to believe I
carried with me the good wishes of all the ship’s company.
The Barfleur might have emphatically been
called a happy ship.”</p>

<p>During the winter of 1797-8 Mr. Brenton was employed
by his lordship in sounding the Tagus, between
Lisbon and Salvatierra, for the purpose of facilitating
the passage of the transports up the river to procure
water. Mr. Brenton was also sent in the Thalia, commanded
by Lord Harry Paulet to survey Jeremie Bay,
in order to ascertain whether there existed any good
anchorage for the fleet. In the following spring the
fleet resumed the blockade of Cadiz. The Vengeance,
French frigate, was lying there ready for sea, and was
expected to take advantage of the first opportunity
which should offer of making her escape. In order to
watch her movements narrowly during the night, two
boats belonging to each ship were ordered to rendezvous
every evening off the light house, under the command
of a Lieutenant of the Ville de Paris. This command
was latterly confined to two of the Lieutenants, of
whom Mr. Brenton was one, and Mr. Melhuish the
other. The guard boats were frequently attacked by
the enemy’s gun boats; and upon one of these occasions
Mr. Brenton had an opportunity of distinguishing himself,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span>
so as to gain the approbation of the Commander in
chief, and to induce his lordship to promote him to the
command of the Speedy, the same in which he had
already served as a lieutenant. Adverting to this
period, Mr. Brenton says, “This was a service of much
animation, and even of enjoyment. The officers in
general managed to carry with them some good things,
of which the midshipmen were invited to partake, nor
were the boat’s crew forgotten. In calm weather their
voices and their mirth were distinctly heard by the
Spanish troops on the batteries; but the noble-minded
Spaniard, who commanded in Cadiz, would not on any
account allow them to be fired at. He however
requested the Spanish Admiral to send off a flag of
truce, informing the Earl how completely his boats
were exposed to destruction, and requesting that they
might not be permitted to persevere in behaviour,
which the garrison considered as insulting. The Commander
in chief immediately made known this communication
to me, as it was my turn to command the
boats that night, desiring it might be attended to; but
he did it in these words, ‘Allow no noise to be made,
Sir, by your people; but go still nearer in.’”</p>

<p>Captain Brenton says, relative to his appointment to
the Speedy, “It was a singular circumstance that I
had already served in the Speedy, both as second and
first lieutenant; and while talking over expected promotion
with my messmates, who were naming the
favourite sloops to which they should prefer being appointed,
I always named the Speedy.”</p>

<p>Captain Brenton took his passage in the Blenheim,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>
which was bound to Lisbon; but the day after leaving
the fleet, the Blenheim having put into Lagos bay, he
decided upon going to Lisbon by land, which he did,
accompanied by Mr. Jephson, Judge of the Admiralty,
and afterwards Sir —— Jephson, Bart. They had a
most agreeable and interesting journey; and in a few
days after their arrival at Lisbon the Speedy entered
the Tagus, and her new commander joined her. From
this period (the beginning of September) until the
month of February following, the sloop, of which he
had taken the command, was kept cruizing off Oporto,
for the protection of the wine trade.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>SERVICE IN THE SPEEDY.—ACTION WITH GUN BOATS OFF GIBRALTAR.—SENT TO
PENON DE VELEZ.—ACTION ON THE COAST, AND WITH GUN BOATS.—HIS
BROTHER’S DEATH FROM WOUNDS RECEIVED IN ACTION IN THE PETEREL.—LETTER
TO HIS FATHER.—MADE POST, AND APPOINTED TO THE TEMPORARY
COMMAND OF THE GENEREUX AT PORT MAHON.—SAILS TO GENOA.</p>

</div>


<p>In the month of February, 1799, Captain Brenton was
charged with a valuable convoy of victuallers from Lisbon,
to supply the fleet off Cadiz. The latter had by
stress of weather been driven up the straits, and great
apprehensions were entertained for the safety of the
convoy under so weak an escort. They were attacked
in the bay of Gibraltar, by twenty-three gun boats, and
Captain Brenton had the satisfaction of receiving the
thanks of the Earl of St. Vincent (who was an eye
witness) for the manner in which he had defended his
charge. It is fit that on this occasion he should be
his own historian, and that the account of the action
should be given from his own pen.</p>

<p>“Early in February, I was sent with a convoy of victuallers
to the fleet blockading Cadiz; and on my approach
towards San Lucar, not seeing any of the look-out
ships, which were usually stationed far to the westward,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span>
I suspected that in the preceding very heavy gales
from the westward, the fleet might have been driven
through the straits, and I felt a considerable anxiety
for the fate of my convoy. I in consequence made the
signal for them to make all sail for Cape Trafalgar,
whilst I proceeded towards Cadiz, taking my station on
the foretop gallant yard, with my spy glass, to be in
readiness to communicate the earliest information of
danger to the convoy, which were not likely to be out
of sight, before I should have a full view of Cadiz. I
found my expectations respecting our fleet were realized,
but the Spaniards were still in port. I then rejoined
my convoy, and made all sail for Gibraltar.</p>

<p>“By the repeated signals flying along the coast, I
was well aware that the Spanish gun boats were prepared
to attack the convoy, and I accordingly formed
them into two very clear and compact lines, directing
them to preserve this order of sailing by every effort in
their power. On passing Cabritta point, I observed
the whole of the Spanish gun boats lying under it,
evidently waiting for the convoy. They immediately
pushed out with sails and oars, and began the attack.
The Speedy wore round ahead of the convoy, in order to
close up the lee line, which seemed disposed to straggle;
and then taking our station on their larboard quarter, we
brought to ahead of the gun boats, which immediately
desisted from their attack on the convoy, and seemed to
unite their efforts upon the Speedy. As soon however
as the convoy was so far advanced as to ensure their
getting under the guns of Gibraltar, the Speedy followed
them. There was but one ship of war in the bay, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>
was the Montague, with the flag of Lord St. Vincent; and
a boat came off from her, with orders for me to take my
convoy over to Tetuan bay; where I was informed
the fleet was lying under the command of Lord Keith.
I accordingly proceeded thither, and found my arrival
had been most anxiously looked for; as the fleet had
been on short allowance of some species of provisions,
and greatly in want of all to enable them to resume
their blockade off Cadiz.</p>

<p>“When the signals were made by the Spaniards, the
garrison of Gibraltar, to whom these signals were
known, felt great uneasiness at the imminent danger
to which the supplies for the fleet were exposed, upon
which so much depended. This feeling was very
strong in the breast of Lord St. Vincent, who had no
means of increasing the force of the convoy; and he
was in proportion relieved and gratified by the safe
arrival of the convoy. He expressed his warmest approbation
to Captain Brenton on his return from
Tetuan, as did the Governor and principal officers of
the garrison. But little injury was done to the Speedy,
or any of her convoy.”</p>

<p>It is a subject of regret that the official letter, giving
the account of this spirited, and well conducted action,
does not appear in the public records of the day.</p>

<p>Early in March Captain Brenton says, “The Speedy
was ordered to cruize off Penon de Velez; and my
orders, when delivered by Earl St. Vincent were accompanied
by the following observation, ‘You are to understand
that the Spaniards have a garrison at Penon de
Velez—that they have no communication whatever<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>
with any part of the coast on which this place is
situated—that they get their food, their raiment, and
even the water they require, from Malaga, which are
carried over to them by vessels under convoy of two
rascally brigs—just like your own. Now, Sir, be off;
I hope you will fall in with them.’”</p>

<p>Having returned from this duty (the wished-for rencounter,
as it appears, not having taken place); Captain
Brenton continues, “The Speedy was ordered to proceed
to Oran, in order to bring down some prizes,
which had been taken in there to wait for a convoy to
Gibraltar. The wind, during March and April, blew
almost a continued heavy gale from the westward.
I made various attempts to get down to Gibraltar with
my convoy, but without success, bearing up again for
Oran.</p>

<p>“On one occasion, having been joined by the Espoir
sloop of sixteen guns, I had got as far as Cape de
Gatte, and observing a very suspicious looking brig
come out from under the land, I made the signal for
the Espoir to chase. Both vessels made all the sail
they could carry; and towards evening a very heavy
squall coming on with thick weather, the chase and the
chaser were both lost sight of. Towards evening the
latter came down, not having been able to keep sight of
the stranger, and apprehensive of losing the convoy.
A heavy gale came on from the westward in the course
of the night; and on the following evening, as there
was no appearance of its abating, I made the signal to
bear up for Oran, where we arrived on the next day; but
the gale continuing, no boat was sent on shore. On<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>
the second day after we anchored in Oran, some seamen
in blue jackets were seen coming over the hills;
and as no boats from any of the convoy had reached
the shore, I was anxious to know from whence these
seamen could have come, concluding some wreck had
taken place upon the coast. By great exertion a boat
was got on shore, and soon returned with the captain
and five seamen of the brig which had been chased off
Cape de Gatte, by the Espoir; and which, as I have
mentioned, was lost sight of in the squall. The fact is,
that in that squall the unfortunate brig was upset; and
as she went down, the captain, boatswain, and five
men jumped into the boat, and cutting the lashings,
were left on the surface as the vessel sank. There was
neither oar nor rudder in the boat, but providentially
the rudder of the boat was found, amidst other things
washed out of the vessel, and a couple of oars. On the
following morning, in the height of the gale, the weather
being clear, they distinctly saw the convoy, and endeavoured
to make signals to them, but without effect, from
the sea running so high. When the convoy bore up in
the evening for Oran, the captain, finding it impossible,
from the direction of the wind, to approach the Spanish
shore, kept before the sea, spreading shirts upon the oars
for sails, and endeavoured to find shelter in some of the
bays of the coast of Africa. Providentially they reached
a little cove with a sandy beach, just to the westward of
Oran; and having caught a hawk’s bill turtle as they
approached the shore, by devouring it raw, they acquired
sufficient strength to land in a heavy surf, and to beach
their boat. The boatswain, who was a strong powerful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>
man, sank under exhaustion before they reached the
land. They were received on board the Speedy; and
by the judicious conduct of the surgeon, were soon
restored to perfect health.</p>

<p>“The vessel lost was an American brig from Baltimore.
Her commander’s name was Brand, and twelve
men were lost in her. Mr. Brand’s escape was the
more providential, as he was asleep below when she
upset; and being thrown out of his bed, by the sudden
movement, was enabled to get up the ladder, before the
hatchway was filled with water.”</p>

<p>A few days after the convoy had reached Oran,
the gale continuing to blow with great violence at
times, but at others more moderately; the Terpsichore
frigate commanded by Captain Gage, entered
the bay of Oran with her convoy from Minorca, bound
to Gibraltar also; and about a week later, at the close
of a day on which there had been almost a hurricane,
a Spanish line of battle ship, with only her foremast
standing, and her mainmast lying buried on the poop,
came into the bay, and let go her anchor about half
a mile from the Speedy, which happened to be the
farthest out.</p>

<p>Captain Gage directed Captain B. to watch the
motions of the Spaniard, expressing his intentions to
attack him, should he move beyond the limits of neutrality.
At daylight the Spaniard was seen to cut his
cable, and put to sea: the wind had greatly moderated,
but a heavy sea continued. The Terpsichore and
Speedy slipped their cables, and were immediately in
pursuit. The Spanish ship was rolling her main deck ports<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>
in the water; the weather was very thick; the Speedy
had approached nearly within gun-shot, and was preparing
to open her fire, with her four pounders, into the
stern of the enemy, whilst the Terpsichore’s fire, which
would soon have followed, would, without doubt, have
insured the surrender of the helpless Spaniard; when
at the moment, the fog cleared away, and shewed the
Spanish fleet of eighteen sail of the line in the offing,
and at a very short distance. The expected prize at
once vanished, and it became necessary for the English
vessels to seek their own safety. The Terpsichore returned
to Oran, and the Speedy running close in shore
got to the westward of the bay.</p>

<p>Of the Spaniards six sail had lost their lower masts,
and many their topmasts. The Spaniards availing
themselves of a strong S.W. wind shaped their course
for Carthagena. On the following morning, the Speedy
fell in with a British squadron of five sail of the line,
under Admiral Whitshed; who, on being informed by
Captain Brenton of the crippled state of the Spaniards,
made sail in pursuit of them; and the Speedy returned
to Oran, where, having joined the two convoys, they
proceeded together to Gibraltar, where they arrived
early in May. The Speedy was then sent to resume
her station off Oporto, but in the month of July was
again detached to take the English mail from Lisbon
to Gibraltar. Here upon examining her defects, she
was found in such a state as to render it necessary to
heave her down.</p>

<p>Earl St. Vincent having given up the command of
the fleet to Lord Keith, was at this time at Gibraltar,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>
with his flag in the Argo, waiting for wind to sail to
England. The Channel fleet, under Sir Alan Gardner,
had formed a junction with the Mediterranean fleet,
and had gone up the Mediterranean in pursuit of the
combined fleets of France and Spain.</p>

<p>While the Speedy was undergoing repair, and was keel
out; the combined fleet was seen approaching the straits
from the eastward; and a cutter sent out to reconnoitre,
was captured by them, in consequence of a partial
breeze favouring a Spanish frigate while the cutter was
becalmed. Earl St. Vincent ordered the Speedy to be
immediately righted, and to prepare for sea. Copper was
nailed over the defective parts; and by the assistance
of the Argo, she was ready to proceed on the following
evening, with orders to look for Lord Keith, and to
communicate to him the information, that the enemy
had left the Mediterranean. He fell in with his lordship
off Cabrera, in the course of a very few days, after
leaving Gibraltar. He had already received the
intelligence from some merchant vessel, that the
combined fleet had been seen near the straits,
steering to the westward, and was in pursuit of
them. The day was beautiful when the Speedy
fell in with the Admiral; and the immense fleet
of thirty-two sail of the line sailing in two divisions,
formed a most magnificent spectacle. Lord Keith sent
the Speedy to Minorca with dispatches, with orders to
resume her station off Oporto on her return. He continued
his pursuit; but the enemy had got far too much
start of him, and reached Brest, long before the British
fleet could get up with them.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span></p>

<p>The following letter from Captain Brenton to his
father may here be introduced as carrying on the
narrative.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Speedy, off Cape de Gatte</span>, <span class="smcap">July</span> 17th, 1799.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My dear Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“Since my last off Lisbon no opportunity whatever
occurred for my writing, I had scarcely time to reach
Oporto, Lisbon, and Gibraltar, before our quarantine expired;
we were ordered instantly into the mole, to heave down. On
Sunday, the 8th, the Speedy was keel out, having her copper
repaired, and on Tuesday was at sea, on her passage to join Lord
Keith, with the intelligence of the Spanish fleet, in conjunction
with the French, having passed the straits of Gibraltar to the
westward; the particulars you will have, long before you receive
this, as the Haarlem, and other vessels, were instantly dispatched
for England.</p>

<p>“The Haarlem had but just time to clear the Gut, when the
van of the enemy’s fleet appeared in sight, and the rear of them
had only passed the rock, when the Speedy came out; but by
favour of the night we escaped a rencounter with the gun boats,
who were waiting behind Europa, to intercept any vessels going
to the eastward. We fell in with Lord Keith yesterday, but have
not yet spoke him; his lordship has, as yet, only received the
intelligence of the enemy being off Gibraltar, and is in full cry
with thirty-two sail of the line, we are however coming up hand
over hand with him, owing to light winds and smooth water. I
expect to be on board the Queen Charlotte in two hours; and as
there is a strong probability of my being ordered to part company
instantly, I shall have this letter ready to dispatch, and take
another opportunity of being particular. I have the mail on
board and passengers for Minorca, by which means I hope to see
Wallace, who is in that neighbourhood.</p>

<p>“Lord St. Vincent arrived at Gibraltar a few days before we
left it. His lordship is not well. This unexpected event has been
of no service to him. His behaviour to me, has (if possible) been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span>
kinder than ever; he appeared pleased with our exertions, and
has, I believe, given me some good recommendations to his successor,
Lord Keith. I believe I may deem his lordship one of
the best friends I ever met with, and should he become premier at
the Admiralty, which is by no means impossible, I hope we shall
all feel the good effects of his patronage.</p>

<p>“Remember me most affectionately to my mother; I will give
her the earliest information of our destiny and late proceedings.
If Captain Berkeley of the 90th regiment, should call upon you
at Edinburgh, may I request you will deem him a welcome
guest. I have much esteem for him, and he deserves it. He is
but slowly recovering from a fit of illness, which had for some
time deprived him of the use of one side. I was to have given him
a letter, but was prevented by his sudden departure.</p>

<p>“Adieu, my dear Sir; I beg my best love to the girls, and to
be considered as your ever dutiful and affectionate son,</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p>“7 <span class="smcap">p.m.</span> Just spoke Lord Keith, and have received orders to
proceed to Minorca.</p>

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Jahleel Brenton, Esq.<br />
Regulating Captain, Edinburgh.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>After remaining a few days at Port Mahon, the
Speedy directed her course for Gibraltar; and when off
Cape de Gatte gave chase to three large armed Xebecs,
which ran in and anchored in a close line, in a sandy
bay to the westward of the cape. The Speedy immediately
attacked them under sail, and was joined by
the Defender, a brig privateer, belonging to Gibraltar,
of twelve guns. Captain Brenton finding he could not
keep up an effectual fire under weigh, pushed in, in
hopes of finding soundings, which he at length did
within pistol shot of the enemy, and let go his anchor.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>
The engagement continued for more than half an hour,
when the Spaniards took to their boats, and their vessels
were captured and brought off by the Speedy and
Defender. The largest mounted twelve, the second
ten, and the third six guns; and in a few days with
the Speedy arrived at Gibraltar.</p>

<p>The Speedy again visited Oporto, and was again
dispatched from Lisbon to Gibraltar with the mail.
On her way back from the rock to Oporto, she chased
three Spanish vessels, and drove them on shore; but
the surf was so heavy they could not be got off.</p>

<p>The following official letters describe some of the
actions in which the Speedy was engaged, and the
opinions pronounced on her commander by his
superiors.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">From the Gazette, Admiralty Office, 21st September, 1799.</p>

<p>Copy of a letter from Earl St. Vincent, K.B. Admiral of the
White, &amp;c. to Evan Nepean, Esq. dated 17th Sept. 1799.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I enclose for the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty,
a letter I have received from Captain Brenton, of His
Majesty’s Sloop Speedy, giving an account of the capture of three
Spanish armed vessels.</p>

<p class="right">“ST. VINCENT.”</p>

</div>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Speedy, Gibraltar</span>, <span class="smcap">August</span> 21st, 1799.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,</p>

<p>“I have the honour to inform your lordship, that
on the 9th inst., in company with the Defender, British Privateer
of Gibraltar, of fourteen guns, we captured the Spanish armed
vessels, as per margin, after an action of two hours and a half.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span>
Upon seeing us they ran into a small sandy bay, five leagues to
the eastward of Cape de Gatte, and moored in a close line, within
a boat’s length of the beach; we engaged them an hour and three
quarters under sail, before we could gain soundings, although not
more than a cable’s length distant from the rocks; but finding the
enemy had much the advantage, from our constant change of position,
I determined to push for an anchorage, and was fortunate enough
to effect one within pistol shot of the centre vessel. After three
quarters of an hour close action, the Spaniards took to their boats,
cutting the cables of two of the vessels which drove on shore;
they were, however, all brought off by our boats, under a constant
fire of musketry from the hills. The privateer, having but twenty-two
men, was obliged to stand out, to procure assistance from a
boat she had in the offing, and could not reach the anchorage, till
the conclusion of the action. The conduct of her commander was
highly meritorious throughout, and must have considerably accelerated
the event. The officers and men under my command
behaved in such a manner as would have ensured our success
against a more formidable enemy. The Speedy had but two men
wounded, the Defender one, neither dangerous. We found two
men dead on board the Spaniards; the remainder of the crews
escaped on shore.</p>

<p class="right">“JAHLEEL BRENTON.”</p>

<p>Ships mentioned in the margin:</p>

<p>“Santo Christo de Garcia, eight guns, six and nine pounders.</p>

<p>“Name unknown, ten guns, six and nine pounders.</p>

<p>“Name unknown, four guns, sixes.”</p>

</div>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Admiralty Office</span>, <span class="smcap">October</span> 26, 1799.</p>

<p>Copy of a letter from Rear Admiral Duckworth to Evan Nepean,
Esq., dated Leviathan, off Lisbon, the 13th inst.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“You will be pleased to lay before my Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty the copy of a letter from Captain
Brenton, of the Speedy, relating the destruction of three Spanish<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>
vessels he chased on the 3rd inst.; it is but justice to this officer to
observe, that his exertions and gallantry at all opportunities do
him the highest honour.</p>

<p class="center">“I have the honour to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. J. DUCKWORTH.”</p>

</div>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Speedy, at Sea, October 4, 1799.</span></p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have the honour to inform you, that yesterday,
whilst running through the gut of Gibraltar, in sight of the
British convoy, I observed a number of small vessels, coming out
of Algesiras, and concluded they were Spanish gun boats, endeavouring
to cut off some of the merchant ships; I therefore steered
for them, in order to keep them as far as possible from the body
of the fleet; but upon our near approach, perceiving they were
Spanish coasters, eight in number, under the protection of a cutter
and schooner, made all sail in chase, and soon separated the two
sternmost from the body; they ran under the guns of a castle,
which opened a fire upon us, and prevented our bringing them
off. We continued the pursuit of the others, passing under the
shot from Tariffa castle; and at four p.m. came up with four
more in a bay to the eastward of Cape Trafalgar: one immediately
anchored near a fort, and the other three under a castle which
had one gun mounted; as it blew very heavy from the eastward,
and being on a lee shore, we could not go as near them as I could
wish, but anchored within four cables’ length, and bringing our
guns to bear upon the castle (which appeared to be in a very
ruinous state, and did not return our fire,) and the vessels; we in
a short time, compelled the Spaniards to abandon them all, first
cutting their cables, by which means they drove on shore. I then
sent Lieutenant Parker to endeavour to bring them off, and
shortly after Mr. Marshall to assist; or if that was not practicable
to set them on fire; neither of which could be effected from the
heavy surf breaking entirely over them, and rendering our
approach dangerous to the boats. They however boarded them,
brought away some of their fire arms, threw the remainder overboard,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>
leaving them full of water, and complete wrecks. One
vessel was laden with brandy and paper; one with English manufacture
(cutlery, hardware, &amp;c.); and the third in ballast. I beg
leave to express the high satisfaction I received from the conduct
of Lieutenant Parker, in boarding the vessel under the walls of
the castle, while exposed to musketry from the beach; also of Mr.
Ricketts, the purser, who was a volunteer upon that service.
The attention of Mr. Marshall, the master, to the anchoring his
Majesty’s sloop, and the able assistance I have received from him
on former occasions, renders him worthy of the fullest confidence.</p>

<p class="center">“I have the honour to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To Rear Admiral Duckworth</span>,” &amp;c.</p>

</div>

<p>Early in November of this year, the Speedy was
again sent from Lisbon, with a convoy to Gibraltar;
and on entering the bay was attacked by twelve gun
boats, and a ten gun French privateer. They came
down in the most determined manner; and surrounded
the Speedy off Europa point, with the intention of
boarding; which Captain Brenton observing, directed
the guns to be loaded with grape as far as it could be
done with safety; and reserved the fire until the
Spaniards rose to board, when the Speedy’s fire was so
destructive as to induce the Spaniards to sheer off, and
run to leeward with great precipitation. The convoy
in the meantime got safe into Gibraltar, and the
Speedy was endeavouring to follow them; but it was
soon found she had received so much damage, below
the water line on the starboard side, from the enemy’s
shot, that she was filled with water to the lower deck.
It became necessary immediately to veer her: and by
carrying as much sail as her wounded rigging would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>
bear on the starboard tack, the leak was got out of the
water. But to keep her in this position it became indispensible
to stand across the straits, and run for shelter
into Tetuan bay; which they reached late in the evening;
and having repaired their damages, sailed early
the next morning for Gibraltar. The Speedy had two
men killed upon this occasion.</p>

<p>It was a subject of universal astonishment, that the
Spaniards should have made so daring an attempt, as
to attack the Speedy under the batteries of Gibraltar,
actually within hail, as conversation passed between
Captain Mottley (the resident agent for transports at
Gibraltar) and Captain Brenton before the Spaniards
surrounded the Speedy.</p>

<p>Upon Captain Brenton’s return to Gibraltar, he
received the thanks and congratulations of Governor
O’Hara, and the garrison. “Speedy” was given out
that evening for the parole, and “Brenton” for the
countersign. Perhaps the full force of this flattering
testimony can only be felt by those connected with the
military profession.</p>

<p>On arriving at the rock, Captain Brenton waited upon
the Governor, to remonstrate upon so extraordinary a
circumstance; but the Governor, General O’Hara, anticipated
his complaint, by explaining that in consequence
of the Spanish authorities having threatened to bombard
Gibraltar from Fort St. Phillip, on account of some
fishing-boats having been fired at from the batteries
by mistake, having been taken for row boat privateers,
he (the Governor) had been obliged to prohibit all discretional
firing; directing that no gun should be fired<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>
without his express permission. He added, however,
that the events of the preceding day convinced him that
such a regulation could not be persevered in; that he
had that morning issued orders that a most vigilant
look out should in future be kept from the batteries;
and a signal made when any privateer was seen under
weigh, when she was to be fired at on her approach.</p>

<p>Rear Admiral Duckworth was at this time lying in
the bay of Gibraltar; and reported Captain Brenton’s
conduct to the Admiralty, in a manner most
flattering to his feelings, as did the Governor, and
the Commissioner. The Governor’s letter was addressed
to Earl St. Vincent, then in England; and his lordship
happened to be with Sir Evan Nepean, at the Admiralty,
when it arrived. He had no sooner read the
forcible appeal made by General O’Hara in favour of
Captain Brenton, than he went to Lord Spencer, and
laying the letter before him, said, “My lord, I will not
leave your room until the request contained in that letter
is complied with;” and Lord Spencer immediately
wrote an order for Captain Brenton to be put into
the first Post vacancy, that should occur in the Mediterranean.</p>

<p>It may perhaps be allowable to introduce here the
description of this gallant action as given in the Naval
Chronicle; and to add the official letter addressed to
Admiral Duckworth.</p>

<p>“It is somewhat astonishing that the following remarkable
instance of naval gallantry should never yet have
been published; we therefore consider ourselves exceedingly
obliged by being enabled to bring before our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>
readers such particulars, as must be read with the greatest
admiration of the distinguished prowess they describe,
and which so eminently redound to the credit of the officers
and crews, who so ably and bravely defended themselves
against such a very superior force. We have also
subjoined the official letter sent by Captain Brenton<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> to
Admiral Duckworth, on the occasion; documents which
will prove completely illustrative of the whole transaction.
The action certainly merits every commemoration,
and the annexed plate is taken from a drawing
representing the most interesting period of it.</p>

<p>“On the evening of the 6th of November, 1799, His
Majesty’s sloop, Speedy, commanded by Captain Jahleel
Brenton, and her convoy, consisting of a ship
(transport) laden with wine for the fleet, and a merchant
brig bound to Trieste, were attacked upon their
entering Gibraltar bay, by twelve Spanish gun boats;
two of which were schooners, carrying two twenty-four
pounders each, and fifty men; and the other, one
twenty-four pounder and forty men; besides a Xebec,
French privateer of eight guns. They first attempted
the ship, and were prevented from carrying her by the
Speedy passing between them, which enabled her to
reach her anchorage in safety: their efforts were then
united against the brig, when the Speedy bore up
through the centre of them, and in three quarters of an
hour obliged them to run for shelter under the guns of
Fort Barbary.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span></p>

<p>“The crippled state of the Speedy’s rigging, masts,
and hull, and especially as the water was up to the
lower deck, from shot received below, prevented Captain
Brenton from pursuing the advantage he had gained.
She had two men killed, and one wounded. The transport
was most ably managed by her master, and
worked round Europa Point through a very galling
fire; the brig took advantage of a strong westerly wind,
which sprung up after dark, and continued her voyage
to Trieste. The Speedy was under the necessity of
running for Tetuan bay, to stop the leaks; which being
done, she returned to Gibraltar the following day.</p>

<p>“The Spanish gun boats, after remaining under Fort
Barbary for three days, bore up for Malaga, and did
not return to Algesiras for two months, leaving the trade
unmolested in the Gut of Gibraltar. The Spaniards
acknowledged they lost eleven men; four of their boats
were seen to strike to the Speedy during the contest,
by the inhabitants of Gibraltar, and the report was corroborated
by a Danish brig from Malaga a few days
after.”</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Speedy, Gibraltar, November 21, 1799.</span></p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have the honour to inform you, that on the 6th
instant, coming into Gibraltar, with two vessels under convoy, a
ship and a brig, we were attacked by twelve of the Spanish gun
boats from Algesiras. Having a commanding breeze, we were soon
enabled to rescue the ship. The gun boats then united their efforts
upon the brig, but bearing up upon their line with a well directed
fire, we in a short time obliged them to relinquish their design
also; and take shelter under the guns of Fort Barbary. The
situation of the Speedy prevented my pursuing the advantage we
had gained, having most of our running rigging cut away, our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>
main top sail yards shot through, and our fore rigging much cut,
besides the water being up to the lower deck, from shot received
below the water line. Not being able to carry sail upon the larboard
tack, I was under the necessity of running for Tetuan Bay,
to stop the leaks, and arrived here the day following. I cannot
say too much in praise of Lieutenant Parker, Mr. Marshall, the
master, and the remainder of the officers and men under my command,
from their spirited exertions, and strict attention to their
duty, we were enabled to save our convoy and His Majesty’s
sloop.</p>

<p>“I beg leave to enclose a return of our killed and wounded,
and at the same time to add, that much praise is due to Mr.
George Robinson, master of the transport Unity, for the manner
he worked his ship during a very galling fire.</p>

<p>“I have the honour to be, Sir,</p>

<p class="center">“Your very obedient servant,</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p>“Patrick Blake and Wm. Pring, seamen killed.</p>

<p>“Thomas Riley, seaman wounded.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To Admiral Duckworth</span>,” &amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

</div>

<p>A few days after the action, Admiral Duckworth sent
for Captain Brenton, and gave him the painful intelligence,
that his brother, Lieutenant Brenton, of the
Peterel, had been dangerously wounded in the boat of
that ship, in capturing a Spanish privateer, and had
been taken to the hospital at Port Mahon. He kindly
ordered the Speedy to proceed thither with dispatches;
and held out the hope that the wound might not be
mortal. This flattering expectation was unhappily
not realized, for upon the arrival of the Speedy at Port
Mahon, Captain Brenton found that his brother had
died a week previously, and had been buried with the
honours of war. The amiable character, and gallant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>
conduct, of this promising young man had excited an
universal interest.</p>

<p>The letter which Sir Jahleel Brenton wrote to his
father on this occasion may be justly inserted, as exhibiting
the simple and affectionate feelings which lived
within the breast of one so distinguished for daring
enterprise. In later years those feelings would have
assumed a different form, and been expressed in a
different manner; but it is the object of the memoir
to present the man as he was, and the change that
was effected will be most completely understood, by
comparing what he was at different periods of his life.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>… “Accustomed hitherto to receive only the most
pleasing accounts from your sons, I feel an additional pang at the
cruel necessity I am under, of destroying that happiness I had long
indulged the idea, would last the remainder of your days. You will
naturally conceive the nature of this melancholy event; but will
at the same time, I trust, derive comfort and consolation from the
circumstances attending it, and assist my dear mother in bearing
her loss with resignation. Poor Wallace is no more; he died of
his wounds the 15th of last month. He died as he lived, a hero;
and a pattern to every young man both in public and private life,
universally regretted and esteemed. The loss is only on our side.
His amiable conduct through life has ensured him felicity for
ever: and as a time must arrive when we must quit all who are
dear to us, I can conceive no greater alleviation to our grief, than
the object having fallen in his country’s service, whilst nobly distinguishing
himself, which was the case with my dear brother, who
had already acquired a high reputation with his brother officers.
I shall not attempt to offer consolation; besides feeling the want
of it myself, I am convinced your own reflections will have more
effect than all I could say on the subject.</p>

<p>“I was in some measure prepared for the melancholy event.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>
Admiral Duckworth’s account alarmed me, though it left me
hopes which I suffered myself to indulge when I wrote you from
Gibraltar. The Admiral with the goodness of heart for which he
is distinguished, sent me here in hopes of our meeting; a circumstance
I shall ever remember. But whilst I am on the subject of
gratitude, let me take the earliest opportunity of saying, how
much we are all indebted to Lieutenant W. Pemberton, and his
amiable wife, for their unwearied care of the poor fellow during his
illness. To them he owed much of the comfort of his last moments.
Pemberton seldom left him; and his wife was ever studying what
was most grateful to his taste, and that in a country where the
common necessaries of life were scarcely to be procured. Through
their friendship, and the general interest every one took in his
welfare, he wanted for nothing. I have long been in habits of
intimacy with this worthy couple; they are now endeared to me;
and I trust, some day, to have it in my power to acknowledge
their kindness.</p>

<p>“I arrived here late last night, and shall sail immediately for
Palermo, with dispatches for Lord Nelson. L’Alceste sails
directly for England; by her you must receive the distressing
intelligence. I shall avail myself of the same conveyance to suggest
the steps which are likely to be of any service to Edward.
Captain Western was promoted to Commander, from his brother
having fallen, before Wallace did, and Edward has the same
claim. I don’t see how Lord Spencer can refuse it, when you
apply to him. Let me request, my dear Sir, that you will use all
your interest in his favour with Admiral Young, Lord Hood, or
any one you think can serve him. I have fortunately had opportunities
of acquiring myself friends, who I hope will enable me to
go on by myself, and in some measure compensate for your loss.
I mean in taking care of my sisters; in other respects I never
can. I have a power of attorney to receive my brother’s pay and
prize money, which he wished to have laid out, either in an
annuity for his sisters, or in a purchase, the interest of which
might be for them, and the principal their property. I think it
will be something considerable, and shall inform you as soon as
possible, and request your advice upon the subject. In the meantime,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>
my ever dear Sir, let me entreat you to remember, you have
still two sons, whose only wishes are your happiness, and that of
their dear mother and sisters. May my next be of a more cheerful
nature, and that you may see many happy days, is the sincere
wish of</p>

<p>“Dear Sir,</p>

<p class="center">“Your ever dutiful and affectionate Son,</p>

<p class="right">“JAHLEEL BRENTON.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">January</span> 19th, 1800.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Editor is happy in being allowed to add
from the recently published Nelson Dispatches, a letter
from Lord Nelson, as characteristic of that great
and gallant man as it is honourable to the subject of
this memoir.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Palermo, December, 7th, 1799.</span></p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“Captain Brenton, of Her Majesty’s sloop the
Speedy, having on the 6th of November, with a convoy from
the coast of Portugal, when attacked in the Straits by twelve
Spanish gun boats, displayed uncommon skill and gallantry, in
saving the sloop under his command, and all his convoy; I beg
leave to recommend him to their lordship’s notice; and if the
merits of a Brother may be allowed to have any weight, I have
the sorrow to tell you, that he (the brother James Wallace
Brenton) lost his life, when Lieutenant of the Peterel, attempting,
with great bravery, to bring off a vessel which the sloop had run
ashore. He died of his wounds a few days ago at Minorca
Hospital.</p>

<p>“I have the honour to be, Sir,</p>

<p class="center">“Your most obedient servant,</p>

<p class="right">“BRONTE NELSON.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Speedy again returned to Gibraltar, and was
immediately sent off again with dispatches to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>
Commander in chief, then supposed to be off Malta;
but on her arrival at St. Paul’s bay, Captain Brenton
found Nelson with his flag in the Foudroyant, and a
squadron, co-operating with the land forces employed
in the siege of Valetta. His lordship had recently
had the satisfaction of seeing another of the French
fleet, which he had so nearly annihilated in Aboukir
bay, captured by the Northumberland and Success
frigate. This was the Genereux. She had been sent
to Minorca; and Lord Nelson, after warmly applauding
Captain Brenton for his conduct, in his late encounter
with the gun boats at Gibraltar, congratulated him
upon his being made Post, from information which he
had received from Lord Keith. The arrangement, by
which this promotion took place, was that Captain
Dixon, of the Lion, (the late Admiral Sir Manley
Dixon) should be removed to the Genereux; that Lord
William Stuart commanding the Souverein (the Sheer
hulk at Gibraltar, which ship at the time was commanded
by a Post Captain, and had charge of the
general duties of the port of Gibraltar) should succeed
to the Lion, and Captain Brenton to take command of
the Souverein, to be succeeded in the Speedy by Lord
Cochrane, who was made Commander.</p>

<p>The Speedy proceeded through the Phare of Messina
on her way to Leghorn, where Captain Brenton was
informed he would find the Commander in chief. He
arrived there on the 18th of March, but saw no ship of
war in the road. He soon however received the melancholy
information that the Queen Charlotte, the flag
ship, had taken fire on the preceding day, and had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>
blown up; scarcely two hundred men having been
saved out of a complement of nearly eight hundred.
The cause of this dreadful event arose from a quantity
of hay being taken on board, and placed under the half
deck, in readiness to be pressed; an operation that was
then generally performed by having a strong wooden
case placed in the after hatchway, to which a screw was
applied, and a bag fitted to receive the hay, when it was
brought into a portable compass. This was always a
most dangerous operation, and should never be permitted;
as the hay when purchased might be pressed
on shore. In the present instance, the hay being
brought on board loose, was carelessly thrown under
the half-deck, between the guns. A match tub with a
lighted match had been left there in readiness for a
signal gun, and being unobserved by the man who
carried the first truss of hay, it was covered over by it,
and the whole space soon filled. The hay must have
been a long time ignited, but no one coming to it, the fire
did not shew itself until the moment when the ship getting
under weigh, the wind rushed in through the weather
ports, and caused it to break out in a fearful volume of
flames, which catching the mainsail was soon at the mast
head. Captain Todd, who commanded the ship, with admirable
presence of mind, caused the anchors to be immediately
let go, which brought the ship head to wind,
and gave all who could get forward, a chance of saving
their lives. Numerous boats pushed off from Leghorn, as
soon as the ship was discovered to be on fire, but as
they approached her, her guns becoming heated and
being shotted, the Italians were alarmed and could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>
not be persuaded to approach her. Her own boats, such
as could be got into the water, or were already out,
were soon filled; and some from the English shipping
in the harbour, getting under her bows, enabled the
few who escaped to save their lives. The ship at
length blew up. Captain Brenton met the few survivors
of the officers at the Admiral’s table at Leghorn
on his arrival. It was a melancholy party, where
mixed feelings were evident, and highly contrasted;
gratitude for their own escape, being mingled with grief
at the loss of so many friends and companions.</p>

<p>Lord Keith presented Captain Brenton with his Post
commission, and an order to assume the temporary
command of the Genereux at Port Mahon; until
Captain Dixon, then employed in the Lion, at the
siege of Malta, should be relieved by Lord William
Stuart. The Speedy sailed immediately for Minorca,
and Captain Brenton took command of the Genereux
on the 19th April, 1800; giving up the Speedy to Lord
Cochrane, who was in charge of the Genereux, having
brought her in after her capture.</p>

<p>The Genereux was lying at the dock yard dismantled,
and with every thing taken out of her, guns included.
Her crew consisted of two men sent from every ship in
the fleet, of course not the best; and two hundred and
seventy Maltese; but the latter were invaluable; and by
their steadiness and exertion Captain Brenton was
enabled to get the ship in readiness for sea, and to join
the Admiral off Genoa, in the month of May.</p>

<p>Genoa had been invested by the Austrian army for
nearly six months, and so closely blockaded by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>
British squadron, that very few vessels could get into
it. It was obstinately defended by Massena, but reduced
to the greatest extremities, for want of provisions.
On the 4th of June it capitulated; but such
favourable terms were granted to it, by the Austrian
General, that the French were great gainers, by its
surrender; as it gave freedom to the army shut up
within its walls, and enabled them to contribute greatly
to the issue of the battle of Marengo, which occurred ten
days afterwards. It has too often been the fate of England
to be involved in these short-sighted treaties, by
which all the advantage has been forfeited that valour
and enterprize had gained.</p>

<p>By the terms of this capitulation British transports
were to convey the French troops to Nice, with all
their military baggage; and while receiving it on
board, a bale, marked military clothing, burst while
hoisting in, and displayed some beautiful Genoa
velvet. This occasioned an examination of all the
packages already on board, and led to the discovery
of an immense quantity of similar plunder. Massena
was exceedingly angry at this detection, and accused
the English of a breach in the terms of the capitulation,
although it had been acted upon, up to that moment
to the very letter; but the fact was, that it deprived
him of much, which he had expected to carry off with
impunity.</p>

<p>About 12 o’clock on the 4th of June the squadron
entered the harbour of Genoa, and at once fired a royal
salute in honour of the birth-day of their sovereign.
The scene was truly beautiful; presenting as it did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>
that superb city, rising above the shores of the bay, and
its harbour covered with boats, with splendidly decorated
flags, and filled with gaily dressed people of both
sexes. These boats thronged round the British ships,
and shewed but too plainly the misery that had been
endured by the wretched inhabitants. The countenances
of the company, ghastly with famine and disease,
but ill accorded with their gay, and often rich costume.
Many were too feeble to mount the side of the ships;
and men as well as women were happy to have the aid
of the chair for that purpose. The declared object of
the visit was to pay respect to the British flag; but the
real one was to obtain food at the earliest possible
period. They were gladly received. The cabin, the
ward room, and in short every part of the ship was
filled by them, and a succession of meals brought upon
every table, as one party was succeeded by another.
But the most delightful circumstance connected with
this day, was to see the British seamen, handing out of
the ports, their own rations of provisions to the starving
multitude who could not get on board. On their
landing, the English officers observed the streets on
each side strewed with the dead and dying; and
although on the opening of the gates, immediately after
the surrender, an abundance of provisions was poured in,
it was long before the people again enjoyed the blessings
of plenty; disease invariably accompanying famine, and
shortening life, when the means of supporting it were
restored.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>DISAPPOINTMENT OF PROMOTION.—APPLIES TO LORD ST. VINCENT, AND THROUGH
HIM APPOINTED CAPTAIN TO THE CÆSAR, UNDER SIR JAMES SAUMAREZ.—BATTLE
AT ALGESIRAS.—EXERTIONS OF CAPTAIN BRENTON IN REFITTING THE
CÆSAR, AND SUBSEQUENT VICTORY.—TEMPTING OFFER OF GOING TO ENGLAND
WITH DISPATCHES DECLINED.—DEFINITIVE TREATY OF PEACE SIGNED.—SQUADRON
AT GIBRALTAR.</p>

</div>


<p>On the 14th of June Captain Brenton being superseded
by Captain Dixon, left Genoa in the Culloden for
Minorca, on his way to join his ship at Gibraltar, and
from Mahon proceeded to Gibraltar in the Mondovi.
On his arrival at Gibraltar he had the mortification to
find the Souverein had been paid off, in consequence of
an altercation between Lord Wm. Stuart and the Commissioner;
and he received orders to return to England
on half pay. The disappointment was the more severe,
as Captain Brenton had been assured by Lord Keith,
that the Souverein was to be considered as a stepping
stone to Post rank; and that every vacancy in a Post
ship was to be filled up from her, consequently that the
last made Post Captain would always have that appointment.
He was also well aware of the difficulty which
existed in England of getting employed from half pay;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span>
that it was only those that were in the stream that
were carried along with it; whilst many officers, who
had gained their promotion by a succession of gallant
achievements, were passing their days in helpless indolence.
They had got into the eddy, and had the mortification
of seeing those whom they had left far behind,
bringing up the breeze, and passing by them.</p>

<p>This was particularly the case with the greater part
of the first lieutenants of line of battle-ships, promoted
after general actions. They had received the rank of
Commander with the delight so natural to the attainment
of such a step: but wanting interest to obtain a
command, they were soon forgotten; and many had to
regret that they had gained their promotion.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton embarked in the Anson from
Gibraltar, in July; and in crossing the Bay of Biscay
they fell in with the Louisa, armed brig, on her way to
join Earl St. Vincent, who had now the command of
the channel fleet, and was cruizing off Brest, with his
flag in the Royal George. Captain Brenton availed
himself of this opportunity of seeing his kind-hearted
and noble chief again, to whom he was so truly indebted
for relieving him from a situation, in which he felt himself
disgraced; and for bringing him on, step by step, to
that situation in his profession, from which he could
only rise farther by seniority. He accordingly left the
Anson, and in a few days after came in sight of the
fleet. He was received by Earl St. Vincent with the
warmest regard, who not only sincerely congratulated
him upon his promotion, of which indeed he had himself
been the cause, but thanked him in the most flattering<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>
terms for the conduct which had led to it. He
then said, “I will now give you a letter to Lord Spencer,
requesting him to give you a ship, and should he not do
so immediately, I desire you to join me in Torbay
without loss of time. I shall be there in the course of
a week, when I shall expect to see you, unless you
receive an appointment.” He then wrote to Lord
Spencer in the strongest terms, recommending Captain
Brenton for immediate employment; adverting to
the circumstance of his having gained both his Commander’s
and his Post commission in action with the
enemy.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton arrived the following day at Plymouth,
and proceeded to London, where he delivered his
letter to Lord Spencer. His lordship holding out no
hopes of immediate employment, Captain Brenton set
out for Portsmouth, with the intention of proceeding to
Torbay by the first ship going thither. He accordingly
went on board the Prince of Wales, Sir Robert
Calder’s flag ship; and soon found himself on board the
Ville de Paris, with his noble patron. His situation
here was of an extraordinary description, and not without
some degree of unpleasantness. The officers were,
many of them, those who had been his messmates in
the same ship, previously to his being made a commander
out of her into the Speedy. They considered,
and justly, that he had already had his share of promotion;
and were apprehensive that his coming back to
serve as a volunteer, might interfere with some vacancy
to which they might be looking. This was a feeling
very naturally to be expected, and for which every<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>
allowance should be made; whilst even as regarded the
captain of the fleet, and the captain of the ship, he did
not feel quite certain that they might approve a nondescript
officer, although in their conduct they shewed
only the kindest attention.</p>

<p>With these feelings upon his mind, Captain Brenton
walking the deck one morning with the Admiral, said
to him, “My lord, I do not like this kind of life; I
have no business of my own to do.” His lordship
answered, “I have been thinking you would not—and
it has struck me that I might give you the Joseph cutter,
commanded by Lieutenant Lapenotiere; that you
might visit the in-shore squadron; and so give you an
introduction to Sir James Saumarez, the commodore.
You might there amuse yourself by making observations
on the French coast; and when tired of your
excursion, you may rejoin me either here or off Ushant,
or in Torbay as it may be; as I mean to bear up for
that place, with the first westerly gale.”</p>

<p>Captain Brenton was delighted with the plan, and
joyfully accepted it. It was not only agreeable in
every point of view at the time, but in the end it led to
the most beneficial results, as regarded his professional
life, by leading to his appointment as the flag captain
of that great and good man, the late Lord de Saumarez.
He was received with the utmost kindness by Sir
James; and having passed some days in the squadron,
landing occasionally upon the islands off Brest; he
returned to the Ville de Paris, just as a gale of wind
was springing up, and on the following day the fleet
anchored in Torbay.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span></p>

<p>Lord St. Vincent always resided while on shore at Torr
Abbey, and having introduced Captain Brenton to Mr.
Carey, the hospitable master of the mansion, he became
one of the family for some weeks. A great naval promotion
being at this time expected, Lord St. Vincent made
it a particular request, that Sir James Saumarez should be
included in it, and have his flag flying in the Cæsar, as
one of the junior admirals in the channel fleet. He at
the same time wrote to Sir James, informing him of his
having made this application; and requesting, in the
event of its being successful, that he would have Captain
Brenton appointed as his captain. This Sir James most
kindly and readily granted; and on the 1st January,
1800, Captain Brenton received his commission for the
Cæsar, and joined her at Spithead a few days after.</p>

<p>In February they proceeded to Torbay, and from
thence Sir James resumed his station off Brest. This
was a most arduous service in winter time, when the
gales from the westward came on so suddenly, and with
so much violence, that it was scarcely possible to clear
the land. The Black Rocks however lost much of their
terrors upon Sir James Saumarez resorting to the
anchorage in Douanenez bay, which he did in the preceding
November; convinced that the enemy would
not dare to attack him there, from the apprehension
that the British fleet might come over from the opposite
coast, either during or after the attack; in which case
the whole of their attacking force, with whatever ships
they might have captured, would fall into our hands.
It is true it required much nerve to run for the Cul de Sac
in a heavy gale, with mortar batteries crossing each other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>
from the Bec du Rez, and the Bec du Chevre; and with
a shoal in the centre of the entrance. The master of the
Cæsar however was a very skilful man, and an excellent
pilot. He unhesitatingly took the charge, and anchored
the squadron in the eastern part of the bay, just without
the range of the shells from the batteries, and with
only one point of the compass open to the sea. Upon
the last occasion the squadron consisted of six sail of the
line, and a frigate. The gale lasted three days, and
upon its subsiding, Sir James left his anchorage, and
resumed his station off the Black Rocks, having his ships
and crews refreshed by the repose he had procured
them, instead of being crippled and exhausted by being
continually exposed to a heavy sea.</p>

<p>In the month of April a cutter joined the fleet, bringing
a weekly newspaper of extraordinary importance, in
which was included Lord Nelson’s destruction of the
Danish block ships at Copenhagen, and the landing of
the British army in Egypt, with the subsequent
victories. The Admiral directed that it should be
read to the ship’s company, who were accordingly
assembled for the purpose, and gave three hearty
cheers on hearing the news.</p>

<p>In the latter end of May Sir James was ordered into
Plymouth, to take the command of a squadron about to
assemble there for a particular service; to the great joy
of every officer and man on board the Cæsar, who were
heartily tired of the blockade of Brest; and who were
elated with the hope, of at length seeing more active
service. The squadron assembled in Cawsand bay,
consisting of the Cæsar and Pompée of eighty guns,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>
with the Hannibal, Audacious, and Spencer of seventy-four
guns each. They sailed from Plymouth on the
15th of June, and reached Lisbon four days afterwards;
and having sent in despatches to the British
ambassador, continued their course for Cadiz, where
they arrived in the latter end of June. On the 5th
of July the first battle of Algesiras took place, as
detailed in the following official letter.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">London Gazette, August 1st, 1801.</p>

<p>Copy of a letter from Rear Admiral Sir James Saumarez to Evan
Nepean, Esq. dated on board H.M.S. Cæsar, at Gibraltar,
6th July.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have to request you will be pleased to inform
my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that conformably to
my letter of yesterday’s date, I stood through the straits, with his
Majesty’s squadron under my orders, with the intention of attacking
three French line of battle ships, and a frigate that I had
received information of being at anchor off Algesiras. On opening
Cabritta point, I found the ships lay at a considerable distance
from the enemy’s batteries, and having a leading wind up to them,
afforded every reasonable hope of success in the attack. I had
previously directed Captain Hood, in the Venerable, from his
experience, and knowledge of the anchorage, to lead the squadron,
which he executed with his accustomed gallantry; and although
it was not intended that he should anchor, he found himself under
the necessity so to do, from the wind failing, (a circumstance so
much to be apprehended in this country) to which circumstance, I
have to regret the want of success, in this well intended enterprize.
Captain Stirling anchored opposite to the inner ship of the enemy,
and brought the Pompée to action, in the most spirited and gallant
manner, which was followed by the commanders of every ship in
the squadron. Captains Darby and Ferris, owing to light winds<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>
were prevented, for a considerable time from coming into action;
at length, the Hannibal getting a breeze, Captain Ferris had the
most favourable prospect of being alongside one of the enemy’s
ships, when the Hannibal unfortunately took the ground, and I
am extremely concerned to acquaint their Lordships, that, after
having made every possible effort, with this ship and the Audacious,
to cover her from the enemy, I was under the necessity to
make sail, being at the time only three cables length from one of
the enemy’s batteries.</p>

<p>“My thanks are particularly due to all the captains, officers, and
men under my orders; and although their endeavours have not
been crowned with success, I trust the thousands of spectators
from his Majesty’s garrison, and also the surrounding coast, will
do justice to their valour and intrepidity, which were not to be
checked from the numerous batteries (however formidable) that
surround Algesiras.</p>

<p>“I feel it incumbent on me to state to their Lordships the great
merits of Captain Brenton of the Cæsar, whose cool judgment,
and intrepid conduct, I will venture to pronounce were never surpassed.
I also beg leave to recommend to their Lordships’ notice,
my flag lieutenant, Mr. Phillip Dumaresq, who has served with
me from the commencement of this war, and is a most deserving
officer; Mr. Lansborne, and the other lieutenants, are also entitled
to great praise; as well as Captain Maxwell, of the marines, and
the officers of his corps, serving on board the Cæsar.</p>

<p>“The enemy’s ships consisted of two of eighty-four guns, and one
of seventy-four, with a large frigate; two of the former are
aground, and the whole are rendered totally unserviceable. I
cannot close this letter without rendering the most ample justice
to the great bravery of Captain Ferris. The loss in his ship must
have been very considerable, both in officers and men; but I have
the satisfaction to be informed that his Majesty has not lost so
valuable an officer.</p>

<p class="center">“I have the honour to be, &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“JAMES SAUMAREZ.</p>

<p>“P.S. The Honourable Captain Dundas, of his Majesty’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>
Polacre the Calpe, made his vessel as useful as possible, and kept
up a spirited fire on one of the enemy’s batteries; I have also to
express my approbation of Lieutenant Janverin, commander of
the gun boats, who having joined me with intelligence, served as a
volunteer on board the Cæsar.”</p>

</div>

<p>The manner in which the interval between this action
and that which succeeded it within a week’s distance,
was passed, must be described by the subject of this
Memoir himself. He says, “On the Cæsar anchoring
at Gibraltar after this disastrous affair, the Admiral
sent me on shore, to communicate with the Governor,
(General O’Hara), who expressed much regret at the
fate of the day, but was truly sensible of the efforts
that had been made to ensure success.</p>

<p>“Before my return on board, the Admiral had retired
to his cot, and in a state of mind which may be
easily conceived by those to whom his character was
known; so sensitive, and at the same time so devoted,
to his country. He felt most keenly the apprehension
that the important service, for which he had been
despatched from England, might be frustrated by the
unfortunate, and totally unexpected termination of the
attack. On the following morning, he sent me with a
flag of truce to the French Admiral at Algesiras, who
on my boat coming within range of his guns, threw a
shot over us. I immediately laid upon my oars, as a boat
with a corresponding flag of truce was seen pulling
towards me. On coming within hail, the French officer
demanded what was the object of my mission; but I
declined delivering it to any but Admiral Linois himself.
I was then requested to wait until the officer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span>
could obtain further orders. He soon returned with
directions for the Cæsar’s boat to follow to the Formidable,
the French flag ship. Here I was received by a
guard, forming a double line from the gangway to the
cabin door; and when in the cabin, I was enclosed in a
circle of officers, in the centre of which stood the Admiral.
I then delivered my message from the British
Admiral; which was, that an exchange of prisoners
might immediately take place, which M. Linois declined;
on the ground of requiring authority for such a measure
from the Minister of marine, at Paris. I then requested
that the officers of the Hannibal should be sent over on
parole, which was acceded to, and I withdrew; the
French Admiral conducting me to the gangway, in the
same manner as I had entered the ship; begging that
I would request the Admiral, that on any further communication
he might have to make to him, it should not be
by an officer of rank, but by a ‘petit midshipman.’ It
was evident that M. Linois was unwilling that the crippled
state of his ship should be too minutely observed;
and hence the arrangement of the guard and officers,
which effectually screened the internal state of the ship
from observation; but I was amply indemnified by seeing
the outward damages, which could not be concealed.</p>

<p>“On my return the Cæsar had warped into the Mole,
and was proceeding to strike the masts. Both mainmast
and foremast had been severely wounded, the former so
much so, as to be unfit for service; and the foremast
required extensive fishing. All the wounded were sent
to the hospital; and the killed in the squadron sent on
shore for burial. The funeral of the officers—the masters<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>
of the Cæsar and Pompée, and a midshipman of
the latter, who were buried with the honours of war,
formed a most imposing and affecting spectacle, from
the great number of troops drawn out upon the occasion,
and from the whole population of the rock being
spectators.”</p>

<p>On the 9th day of July, three days after the battle
of Algesiras, the Superb, and Thames, were seen under
a crowd of sail, steering through the straits of Gibraltar;
and soon after the Spanish squadron of six sail of the
line, was observed in pursuit of them. The British
ships anchored in Gibraltar bay, and the enemy hauled
their wind for Algesiras, where they anchored with the
French squadron, evidently with a view of conveying
them round to Cadiz. Sir James Saumarez convinced
that such was the intention, at once decided upon
attacking them with four ships, as it was considered
utterly impossible for either the Pompée or Cæsar to be
in readiness. He sent for Captain Brenton into his
cabin, and informing him of the resolution he had come
to, directed that his flag should forthwith be shifted
into the Audacious, and that the crews of the Cæsar
and Pompée should be distributed amongst the other
ships. Captain Brenton acknowledged the expediency
of the flag being shifted, and the probability that the
Cæsar would not be refitted in time to receive it again,
before the enemy left Algesiras; but requested the Admiral
to permit him to make the effort, by keeping his
people on board, until the enemy were seen to be getting
under sail, to which Sir James consented.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton turning the hands up, informed the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>
crew of the Admiral’s intention, and called upon them
to use every exertion to put their ship in a state to bear
their Admiral’s flag again into battle, should the enemy
give them an opportunity. An universal cry was heard
of all hands, “All night and all day.” This however
Captain Brenton would not permit; but he employed the
whole ship’s company, from four in the morning until
eight in the evening; of the remaining eight hours, each
watch was alternately allowed four of repose. He alone
slept not, for his active mind, and ardent disposition,
were wound up to the highest pitch of excitement; and
he has been heard himself to describe, the overwhelming
sense of sleep and weariness, by which he was overcome,
when these exertions were happily terminated.</p>

<p>By the most strenuous efforts of every individual
concerned, on the morning of the 12th the new mainmast
had been got in and rigged, and the other damages
in some measure repaired. We extract a few more
particulars from Captain Brenton’s note, “A great,
though not a visible progress,” he says, “was soon
made; indeed the latter circumstance was avoided as
much as possible, in order to prevent the enemy supposing
that any attack was intended. The following
day was an arduous one, and on Saturday the 11th, so
much appeared yet to be done, that the Admiral, who
had never been very sanguine in the hope of having the
Cæsar ready, again urged me to send the people away,
lest they should suffer so much from fatigue, that they
might become unfit for the exertions, they would be
called upon to make, in the action about to take place.
He added, “you now have done all in your power;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span>
you must make up your mind to the disappointment.”
I replied, “you are now going on shore to dine at
the Governor’s; excuse my attending you, and if, when
you return on board in the evening, the ship is not
ready, I promise to have the people all ready for distribution,
when you give the orders.” To this the Admiral
consented, and went on shore. It became now
necessary rather to shew progress, than to conceal it;
the top gallant yards were accordingly got up, and the
yards crossed, and sails bent, before the different parts
of the rigging were in the order necessary for getting
under weigh. The Admiral on his return was delighted
at what he saw, and relinquished all idea of removing
into the Audacious.”</p>

<p>The enemy at the same time were in movement in
Algesiras bay. By two o’clock p.m. the Cæsar warped
out of the Mole, and was at the same time employed in
bending sails, setting up rigging, filling powder, receiving
stores of every description from boats alongside,
and preparing for battle; the band on the poop playing,
“Cheer up my lads,” which was answered by a
regimental band on the Mole, with “Britons, strike
home.” The animation of this scene cannot be described,
but the recollection of it must have continued
vivid in the breast of the chief mover of these heroic
exertions. The scene no doubt was peculiar, and the
impressions left by it can be more easily conceived
than described, when the two squadrons, occupying
their respective sides of a small bay, separated from
each other by a distance of only four miles, were
mutually engaged in preparations for combat. Thousands<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>
of spectators, occupied the surrounding hills and
shores; the sea was covered with the numerous boats
employed by the ships of war. And the general
excitement which every where reigned, can only be
imagined; as well as the feelings of Captain Brenton,
when he made the signal of being ready for service,
and again received the flag of his respected and gallant
Admiral.</p>

<p>It was almost one of the latest efforts of Captain
Brenton’s pencil to recall the triumphant moment of the
Cæsar warping out of the Mole, under the circumstances
which have been described. He has often expressed the
powerful excitement, which even the recollection of this
period occasioned; and he never could give the narrative,
even to the latest period of his life, without the most
thrilling sensation. The particulars of the action will
be found in the following official dispatch, and the
results which followed these exertions must be given
in the language of the letter in which Sir James
Saumarez communicated his victory.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Cæsar, off Cape Trafalgar, July 13, 1801.</span></p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“It has pleased the Almighty to crown the exertions
of this squadron, with the most decisive success over the enemies of
their country. The three French line of battle ships, disabled in
the action of the 6th instant, off Algesiras, were on the 8th reinforced
by a squadron of five Spanish line of battle ships, under the
command of Don Juan Joaquin de Marino, and a French ship of
seventy-four guns, bearing a broad pendant, besides three frigates,
and an incredible number of gun boats, and other vessels, and got<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span>
under sail yesterday morning, together with his Majesty’s ship
Hannibal, which they had succeeded in getting off the shoal on
which she struck. I almost despaired of having a sufficient force
in readiness to oppose such numbers, but through the great exertions
of Captain Brenton, the officers, and men belonging to the
Cæsar, the ship was in readiness to warp out of the Mole yesterday
morning, and got under weigh immediately after with all the
squadron, except the Pompée, which ship had not time to get in
her masts.</p>

<p>“Confiding in the zeal and intrepidity of the officers and the
men I had the happiness to serve with, I determined, if possible,
to obstruct the passage of this very powerful force to Cadiz. Late
in the evening I observed the enemy’s ships to have cleared Cabritta
point; and at eight I bore up with the squadron, to stand
after them; his Majesty’s ship, Superb, being stationed ahead of
the Cæsar. I directed Captain Keats to make sail, and attack the
sternmost ships in the enemy’s rear, using his endeavours to keep
in shore of them. At eleven the Superb opened her fire close to
the enemy’s ships; and on the Cæsar coming up, and preparing to
engage a three decker, that had hauled her wind, she was perceived
to have taken fire, and the flames having communicated to a ship
to leeward of her, both were seen in a blaze, and presented a most
awful sight. No possibility existing of offering the least assistance
in so distressing a situation; the Cæsar passed to close with the
ship engaged by the Superb, but by the cool and determined fire
kept upon her, which must ever reflect the highest credit on that
ship, the enemy’s ship was completely silenced, and soon after
hauled down her colours.</p>

<p>“The Venerable and Spencer having at this time come up, I
bore up after the enemy, who were carrying a press of sail, standing
out of the straits, and lost sight of them during the night. It
blew excessively hard until daylight; and in the morning the only
ships in company were the Venerable and Thames, ahead of the
Cæsar, and one of the French ships at some distance from them,
standing towards the shoal of Conil, besides the Spencer astern,
coming up.</p>

<p>“All the ships immediately made sail, with a fresh breeze; but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>
as we approached, the wind suddenly failing, the Venerable was
alone able to bring her into action, which Captain Hood did in the
most gallant manner, and had nearly silenced the French ship
when his mainmast (which had been before wounded) was unfortunately
shot away, and it coming nearly calm, the enemy’s ship
was enabled to get off, without any possibility of following her.</p>

<p>“The highest praise is due to Captain Hood, the officers, and
men of the Venerable, for their spirit and gallantry in the action,
which entitled them to better success. The French ship was an
eighty-four, with additional guns on the gunwale.</p>

<p>“This action was so near the shore that the Venerable struck on
one of the shoals, but was soon after got off, and taken in tow by
the Thames, but with the loss of her masts. The enemy’s ships are
now in sight, to the westward, standing in for Cadiz. The Superb
and Audacious, with the captured ship, are also in sight, with the
Carlotta, Portuguese frigate, commanded by Captain Crawford
Duncan, who very handsomely came out with the squadron, and
has been of the greatest assistance to Captain Keats, in staying by
the enemy’s ship, captured by the Superb.</p>

<p>“I am proceeding with the squadron for Rosier bay, and shall
proceed the moment the ships are refitted, to resume my station.
No praises that I can bestow are adequate to the merits of the
officers and ships’ companies of all the squadron; particularly for
their unremitted exertions in refitting the ships at Gibraltar, to
which, in a great degree, is to be ascribed the success of the
squadron against the enemy.</p>

<p>“Although the Spencer and Audacious had not the good fortune
to partake of this action, I have no doubt of their exertions, had
they come up in time, to close with the enemy’s ships. My thanks
are also due to Captain Holles, of the Thames, and to the
Honourable Captain Dundas, of the Calpe, whose assistance was
particularly useful to Captain Keats, in securing the enemy’s ship,
and enabling the Superb to stand after the squadron, in case of
being able to renew the action.</p>

<p class="center">I have the honour to be, &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. SAUMAREZ.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Evan Nepean, Esq.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span></p>

<p>The following circumstances not being mentioned in
the official dispatch are taken from Captain Brenton’s
notes. “At eight o’clock the Venerable made the
signal for being on a shoal, and her foremast was seen
to go over her side. Sir James ordered me to proceed
to her in my gig; and to give directions to Captain
Hood, not to run any risk of losing his men, but to
abandon the ship, and burn her if necessary; as the
whole remaining ships of the enemy were approaching
from the westward, whilst the Superb, Spencer, and
Audacious were still at a considerable distance to the
southward. The Thames frigate was at the same time
ordered to close with the Venerable, to be in readiness
to receive her men. As I approached, her mizen mast
fell, and she was still striking hard upon the shoal, completely
dismasted. On reaching the quarter deck, I
found Captain Hood sitting upon a gun, surrounded by
his little midshipmen, who were looking earnestly at the
gallant Captain, with a view of ascertaining how he
would act in the extremity in which he was placed.
Having heard my message, he said, ‘I hope the Venerable
is not so far gone yet, but we may save her; but
tell the Admiral to let the Thames stay by me, and I
will take care she does not get into the enemy’s hands.’
The Venerable was got off by the great exertions of
Captain Hood.”</p>

<p>Captain Brenton again speaks for himself, he says,
“The Admiral informed me that it was his intention to
commit the dispatches of this glorious victory to my
charge, to be conveyed to England, and directed me to
prepare for my immediate departure; but I was impressed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span>
with a very strong expectation, that the
struggle was not yet over, but that Gantheaume might
be hourly expected through the straits, and consequently
that another action might ensue. I therefore
resisted the temptation, which this most flattering mission
held out to me, and requested that I might be
permitted to remain in charge of my ship. The Admiral
in consequence sent home his flag lieutenant with
the account of the action, and the squadron proceeded
to Gibraltar to repair their damages, and to be again
in readiness for an action which few doubted would
take place.” The whole merit, and self denial, and
patriotism of this decision, can only be made evident
when the fact is stated, that the object of Captain
Brenton’s early and constant affections, was at this
precise time expected in England with her brother. It
is a singular circumstance that the first news Miss
Stewart heard upon her arrival in England related
to the battles of Algesiras.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton’s memoirs referring to this period,
continues to be full of interesting details. “The rock of
Gibraltar had as picturesque an appearance on the
return of the little squadron, as it shewed on the day of
their departure. Every battery, or pinnacle of rock,
which overhung the bay, was crowded with spectators,
all cheering and waving hats and handkerchiefs. The
acclamations mingled with a royal salute from the batteries
(congratulatory to majesty) re-echoed over the
bay, and the Admiral’s landing was most triumphant.
He was received, as was most justly his due, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>
most distinguished, I may add, the most affectionate
manner. All who had witnessed his gallantry and
devoted conduct in the preceding week, and felt for
his misfortune, now sincerely rejoiced in the change.
They considered that defeat had never existed; but that
the action began on the 6th, and had been kept up,
with inexhaustible energy through the week, terminating
on the 13th with complete success. The ships
were soon refitted, as none but the Venerable had
received much damage.</p>

<p>“On visiting the hospital on my tour of duty a few
days after the battle, I observed a poor fellow, belonging
to the Audacious, who had lost both his arms,
above the elbow. He was quite cheerful, and evidently
rapidly recovering. I asked what were his wishes for
the future; whether to be sent to Greenwich Hospital,
or to have a pension for life, in the place of his nativity.
He replied, ‘I hope, your honour, it is not so bad with
me yet; I know the cook of the ——; he has lost both
his arms; but there is not a handier fellow in the fleet.’</p>

<p>“On the day on which the Cæsar left the Mole, as I
have mentioned, for the purpose of attacking the combined
squadron, and while lying to, off Europa point; a
small boat was seen, with two men in white dresses,
pulling off to the ship; and on coming alongside they
proved to be two of the Cæsar’s crew, who had been
wounded at Algesiras, and sent to the hospital. Having
applied to the surgeon for permission to return on
board; and being refused on account of their wounds
being still under cure, they actually ran away in their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>
hospital garb, and finding a boat on the beach, took
possession, and pulled off to join their Commander.”</p>

<p>When a ship’s company was actuated by such a
spirit, it was hardly possible to doubt of the success
that would attend them; but it may be well to bear
in mind, that the spirit which secured this victory
was formed previous to the crisis in which it was
needed, and the hour of action in which it was exhibited;
and that attachment to the individuals by whom
they were led, and confidence in their commanders,
added this extraordinary character of vigor to the
natural energy and courage of the men.</p>

<p>Officers who would wish to have around them, in the
day of action, or in the hour of great exertions, a crew
like that of the Cæsar, must be known among their
people as Sir James De Saumarez and Captain Brenton
were; must secure affection by shewing it, and by
kindness and attention must win the hearts of those
who are to be the means of their success, or the instruments
of their preservation.</p>

<p>In the latter end of August Sir James Saumarez
resumed the blockade of Cadiz, but was soon after
superseded in his command by Vice Admiral Sir
Charles Pole, to whom he became second in command.
Thus he remained until the news arrived of the
definitive treaty of peace having been signed; when
Sir Charles returned to England; and the squadron
again under Sir James Saumarez took up their anchorage
for the winter at Gibraltar. They had
frequent intercourse with the Spaniards at this time,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>
and Captain Brenton took an early opportunity of
enquiring after his gallant antagonist, Captain Suadeville,
who commanded the gun boats in their attack
upon the Speedy, in November, 1799, which, if
his conduct had been as faithfully supported by others
as it shewed enterprize on his part, might have been
attended with other results. The Governor sent for
him, and a cordial meeting was the consequence.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>RETURNS TO ENGLAND.—RECOLLECTIONS OF THE CÆSAR AND THE CHAPLAIN.—MARRIED
TO MISS STEWART.—REFLECTIONS ON THIS EVENT, MADE AFTER
HER DEATH.—HOSTILITIES RECOMMENCED IN 1801, AND APPOINTED TO THE
COMMAND OF THE MINERVE.—DANGEROUS ACCIDENT AND INJURY DURING
THE FITTING OUT THE FRIGATE.—SAILS FOR THE COAST OF FRANCE.—THE
SHIP STRIKES OFF CHERBOURG, AND AFTER A GALLANT DEFENCE IS
SURRENDERED, JULY 3.</p>

</div>


<p>Early in February Captain Brenton received an
account of his father’s death; and as peace had now
taken place, he was urged to return to England
at the earliest opportunity. This, however, was a
measure which he could not reconcile himself to, until
the definitive treaty had been signed, or a general
recall of the squadron had taken place. In the
beginning of March, orders arrived from England that
a part of the squadron, left under the command of Sir
James Saumarez, should be sent immediately to the
West Indies, to watch the motions of a detachment of
French ships of the line, about to proceed to that part
of the world, with the expressed intention of recovering
the island of St. Domingo from the empire of the blacks.
But under such a ruler as Buonaparte, the French were
not to be trusted with a very large force, in the
immediate vicinity of some of our richest possessions.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span></p>

<p>On the first arrival of the news of the preliminary
treaty being signed, the crews of the squadron off Cadiz
testified the most extraordinary manifestations of joy
and delight. They flew to the rigging and cheered
loudly; many of them actually throwing their hats up
in the air, to the almost certainty of losing them, and
even kicking their shoes overboard: this was particularly
the case in the St. George.</p>

<p>But when the order was given out for the detachment
to proceed from Gibraltar to the West Indies, a general
murmur of disappointment and discontent was heard
throughout the ships selected; and the crews of some actually
refused to weigh the anchor. The Admiral with his
Captain went on board these ships; and it was only by his
authority, backed by the steadiness of the faithful marines,
that the men could be induced to return to their duty.
Captain Brenton says, “This ill humour shewed itself in
other ships, and the cables were hove in with a very
snail-like movement, until all at once a French squadron
of several sail of the line appeared off Europa point
under a crowd of sail, on their way from Toulon to
St. Domingo. No arguments were then needed. The
capstans flew round like lightning; all was alacrity
and energy, and the British sailor was himself again.
Every ship was under weigh, and every sail spread,
before the French could get far off; and they proceeded
in company to the West Indies. There are
fine traits in the character of the true British seamen.
They never fail in the time of need. Give them your
confidence, and depend upon them. Steadiness and
consistency of discipline will always control them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>
Irritated as they had been by the severity of their
disappointment, they now saw that there was a reason
sufficient for it, and obeyed with alacrity; and I have
no doubt they secretly regretted the pain they had
given the Admiral, for want of knowing what, he could
not, consistently with his duty, communicate to them.”</p>

<p>In the middle of March, definitive arrangements
having been made for the reduction of the squadron,
Captain Brenton, anxious to return to England, requested
Sir James Saumarez to permit him to exchange
with Captain Downman into the Santa Dorothea frigate,
then under orders for England. The Admiral having
consented, the Captain quitted the Cæsar, but not
without great regret, from having enjoyed so much
happiness in her, and seen so much brilliant service
under his warm friend, his kind-hearted and gallant
Admiral.</p>

<p>“Perhaps no ship in the British navy had ever enjoyed
more comfort and harmony than the Cæsar; and much
of this was undoubtedly owing to the conduct of the
Chaplain, the Reverend Evan Holiday, who was indefatigable
in every part of his duty. And as it is important
to shew, how far benefit may arise to a ship’s company
from the Chaplain’s influence, independent of the
weekly instruction, to which he is bound by the articles
of war on the Sabbath, it may not be amiss to describe
Mr. H.’s system. In the first place his conduct was so
correct, and so accordant with his sacred functions, in his
intercourse with his messmates, that the same guarded
and decorous manners, were preserved by them, whilst
he was present in the ward-room, as though a lady<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>
had been present; and that alone was a great point
where so many young and high-spirited men were collected
together, in all the thoughtlessness and buoyancy
of early life; whilst at the same time he never assumed
authority, or discouraged innocent mirth; and on the
contrary, was upon the kindest and most intimate terms
with all. His public duties were most carefully and
religiously performed. It was thought, and perhaps
correctly, that his preaching was too exclusively moral;
but it was according to the light he had acquired; and
was most conscienciously given, as the best instruction
he had to impart. His sermons were generally, it might
almost be said always, applicable to existing circumstances,
and had reference to some event, or some person,
which it seemed expedient to advert to. He was most
successful also in preventing the infliction of punishment,
as well as in preventing the crimes which called
for it. No sooner was a man put into the master at
arms list as a culprit, than Mr. H. was in communication
with him; got at his character, his motives, and the
circumstances which had led him to commit the fault.
It thus often happened, that he found out such favourable
points, as enabled him to recommend the culprit to
mercy, and to induce the Captain to pardon him, on
such recommendation coming from such a quarter;
when otherwise he could not have done it without
wounding the feelings of the officer, who had made
the complaint; and doing injury to the discipline of the
ship. One very remarkable instance of the success
of this benevolent exercise of his duty may be
named as an exhibition of his general practice. One<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>
of the seamen of the Cæsar, who had been on
shore on liberty at Gibraltar, was brought off under a
military guard, charged with robbing his messmate in
the guard house, whilst lying asleep there in the course
of the preceding night. Captain Brenton knowing the
man accused, to be one of the most correct characters in
the ship, as well as one of the best seamen, was greatly
surprised at the charge; and expressed his astonishment
to the man himself, that he, of all others, should be so
inculpated. The man strenuously denied being guilty, but
the evidence against him was so clear and so consistent
that it was not possible to disregard it. Addressing the
prisoner therefore he said, “Lewis, I cannot think you
guilty, nor will I take it upon my own responsibility to
act upon so awful an occasion: think well upon what has
passed, for if you adhere to the protestation of your
innocence, I must write for a court martial to be held
upon you.” The accused replied, in the most respectful
manner, “Sir, I never can acknowledge being guilty of
a crime, of which you may well suppose me incapable;
but as I have no witness to bring forward in my own
behalf, and that of the soldiers is so strong, and so
positive against me, I fear I must be condemned by a
court martial; and therefore I request you will cause me
to be punished on board my own ship; as I feel convinced
my punishment will then be less severe, than what
would be awarded by a court martial.” The Captain
replied, that he would never take upon himself the risk
of punishing an innocent man, and again urged his
confession of guilt; and then consigning him to an arrest
wrote the letter; and before presenting it to the Admiral,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>
shewed it to the accused, who however persisted in
maintaining the charge to be false. The chaplain who
had attended this examination, requested to speak to
the captain in private; when he said, “Sir, there is
something so very extraordinary in this affair, particularly
as it involves such a man as Lewis, that I take
the liberty of requesting that you will withhold the letter
for the court martial, until I can investigate the
affair; and if you will allow me, I will immediately go
on shore for the purpose.” He accordingly went, and
came off the following day in triumph, having detected
a most abominable combination, amongst some of the
soldiers of the guard, by whom the charge had been
fabricated, and who had themselves robbed the sleeping
sailor. This was clearly proved to the entire satisfaction
of the officers of the regiment. The real culprits
were punished, and poor Lewis resumed the high
character he had formerly borne, to the great joy of
every one in the ship, and to none more than to Mr.
Holiday. Much has a really religious active minded
chaplain in his power.”</p>

<p>The Editor cannot but be reminded at this period in
the memoir, of frequent conversations which passed on
the subject; and of the manner in which the effects of
Mr. Holiday’s ministrations were appreciated by the
captain of the Cæsar. It appeared as if the Chaplain
in that ship exercised a kind of moral influence, which
formed by itself no inefficient system of discipline; and
certainly gave to the real and proper discipline a correctness
and precision which can be seldom attained.
The moral character of each delinquent was known, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span>
degree in which it might be safe to remit punishment
was understood beforehand; and it was seldom allowed
to fall where any nobler principles existed, on which it
might be possible to work through other means. The
benefit of the system pursued was still more distinctly
seen when the state of things was altered. Mr. Holiday
was succeeded by a man of a different character, by
one, who satisfied himself with the performance of
duties which were absolutely required, and aimed at
nothing more. The change was soon perceptible in
the way in which discipline was maintained; and both
officers and crew felt the difference arising from the
new chaplain’s conduct. Hints were given, advice
was tendered, but nothing produced any effect; and
the Chaplain contented with the formal discharge of his
Sunday’s duties, took no interest in the moral condition
of the men, and as he knew nothing about their state,
was never able to advocate their cause effectually or to
befriend them.</p>

<p>On his leaving the ship, Captain Brenton entered into
a long and faithful exposition of the deficiencies in his
conduct, and pointed out the consequences which had
ensued from the negligent mode in which he had fulfilled
his office. He stated to him again the course
that had been pursued by Mr. Holiday; and added
his conviction, that three-fourths of the punishments
inflicted during the term of his chaplainship might
have been avoided, had the same paternal practice
been maintained.</p>

<p>In the month of March Captain Brenton exchanged
with Captain Downman into the Santa Dorothea, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>
proceeded in that ship to England. The definitive
treaty having been signed, she was paid off upon her
arrival, and Captain Brenton was soon after married to
the object of his early and constant affections, Miss
Isabella Stewart, daughter of Anthony Stewart, Esq.
of Maryland in Virginia, and sister to the Solicitor-General
of Nova Scotia, who, with his family was at
this time in England. Of the happiness of this union,
the pen of the bereaved husband has left the most
affectionate testimony in the records which have been
before mentioned, and which he began to arrange after
the death of his wife, which took place in the year
1817.</p>

<p>It may perhaps be permitted to the Editor to
mention here the occasion which led to the commencement
of these records, as it is from them the principal
materials of the present memoir has been drawn. Sir
Jahleel Brenton had found amongst the papers of
his departed wife, notes and memoranda written on
particular occasions, which he felt a melancholy pleasure
in transcribing for the benefit of his surviving
children. Death had deprived him, by a most sudden
and unexpected stroke of his eldest son, within a very
short time of the death of his wife. Neither mother
nor son were permitted to mourn for each other; and
the sorrowing widower and father was comforted by
this thought, as will appear from many of his reflections
at the time. In alluding to the memoranda and papers
he had been copying, he says, “The employment of
transcribing and collecting them into one series, is to
me, not only a source of comfort and consolation, but of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>
happiness. It appears to prolong to me the blessing of
her dear society; and I humbly trust it will excite me
to follow her delightful example; and to offer up my
most sincere and fervent gratitude for all the blessings
which have been so bountifully bestowed upon me in
this world; above all, for that greatest of earthly blessings,
a virtuous and affectionate wife, who was not only
a source of happiness to me, whilst I was permitted to
possess her; but whose bright example, and endearing
counsels, have been, by the mercy of God, instrumental
in enabling me to elevate my soul to that blessed hope
of eternal life, which He has given us in our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ; the sum of all blessings and of all
mercies. It is now a source of indescribable comfort to
me, that I have never been insensible of her value; nor
have I neglected for many years, night and morning, to
offer up my sincere thanks to Almighty God, for having
blessed me with such a companion.</p>

<p>“When I first began to arrange these dear affecting
notes, my intention was only to copy them, according
to their dates, and without comment, leaving intervals
between them, for such further fragments as I might
have the happiness of finding. This I accordingly did;
but after searching every place for papers, very few
were to be found, so few indeed as to occupy a very
small portion of the space which had been reserved for
them. I then thought of filling up these spaces from
recollection, with a relation of such circumstances in our
eventful lives, as must be inexpressibly dear to our
beloved children, when both their parents shall have
long quitted this stage; and how many a proof of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>
recorded love instantly suggests itself to my remembrance.
I only regret that this idea did not sooner
occur to me, that I might have begun at the very
earliest period of our acquaintance. This I may yet
be enabled to do, should I be spared long enough. I
shall, however, in the first place, endeavour to fulfil my
original intention of merely connecting the dear journals;
and of thus shewing you, my dear children, how sincere,
how tender, how increasing was the affection, which
united your parents; how earnestly they had devoted
themselves to the happiness and welfare of those, for
whom all their solicitude was excited, both as to their
temporal and eternal welfare.</p>

<p>“I know that it had been, for many years previous
to our marriage, the practice of my beloved Isabella, to
commit from time to time her reflections to writing;
but I have not been able to discover any of an earlier
date than that which begins this collection. You will,
I am certain, my darling children, be deeply impressed
with the strain of fervent gratitude, and humble trust
in a continuance of the goodness of God, which pervades
it. It will I hope elevate your hearts to those
principles also, from which your inestimable mother
derived her comfort and support in all her trials.”</p>

<p>Towards the conclusion of these records we find the
original intention carried out. In the sketch of his first
acquaintance with Miss Stewart, he says, “In reviewing
the events of my past life, I have long felt a deep
sense, and I hope a sincere gratitude, for the innumerable
blessings, which a most kind, bounteous, and merciful
Creator has so constantly showered down upon me;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span>
but there is none in this countless catalogue, which
appears to call so loudly for every effort by which I
can shew the sense of them, as the inestimable treasure
which he graciously vouchsafed to me in my beloved
wife.</p>

<p>“The parents of your inestimable mother had long
been settled in America, and she was born at Annapolis
in Maryland, the 22nd of February, 1771, (on
which day I was exactly six months old, being born the
22nd of August, 1770). There was a considerable
analogy in the fortunes of our early days; her father as
well as mine having lost the greater part of his property
in the American war, in consequence of his attachment
and loyalty to his sovereign, and being obliged to take
refuge under the protection of the British arms. Mr.
Stewart went with a part of his family to Nova Scotia.
He had then recently lost a most amiable and affectionate
wife; one, whom your angelic mother was thought
greatly to resemble in person and mind. She accompanied
her father, and was indeed the solace of his
sufferings (he had for some time been deprived of the use
of one side by a paralytic stroke). At the same time she
was the delight of all who knew her, from the peculiar
sweetness of her disposition, and the animated expression
of her countenance; which though by no means composed
of what the world considers fine features, had in it
‘something than beauty dearer,’ indeed it was indescribably
so.</p>

<p>“In the year 1787 I embarked on board the Dido
as a midshipman; and early in the following year went
out in her to Halifax; an event that I shall ever consider<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>
the most providential in my life, as it has had so strong
and so material an influence upon every succeeding
part of it. I then became acquainted with your inestimable
mother. She had just completed her seventeenth
year, and I was still in my eighteenth. I felt from the
first day of our meeting a delight in her society, and a
wish to be in the constant enjoyment of it, to a degree
which was quite unusual with me. Our situations in
life were too distant from each other for me to form
any hope of gaining her affections. Young women take
their place in society, so early in life, in comparison
with what is customary with the other sex, that I saw
her placed in a situation far above mine. She was
already in the best society the place could afford;
whilst I was beginning the world, in the humble though
honourable station of a midshipman. She might have
been justified in looking forward to an alliance with the
highest individual in the colony; whilst I had still a
long servitude to perform, and a very remote prospect
of ever being able to gain that rank in my profession,
which could authorize me to look up to the possession
of her; even were it possible for me to gain an interest
in her heart. That I did love her is most certain; but
(I thought) it was a love arising from gratitude. I
was naturally shy and diffident in society. She seemed
to pity me, and to endeavour by every act of kind
attention to give me comfort, and to promote my happiness.
That I did frequently indulge visionary schemes
of future felicity, in which she always occupied the
front ground, is very true; but they were views which
I thought it impossible ever to be realized. She was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>
however, even at that early period, constantly associated
with every prospect that presented itself, as I
looked forward to success in my profession; and so
powerful was the attraction which her sweetness of disposition,
and engaging kindness had over me, that
although in the midst of kind relations, I sought her
house in preference to all others, and passed every hour
I could get on shore, either there, or where I knew she was
to be found. In the course of the next year, we were
separated by my going to Quebec with my ship; and
on my return to Halifax in the autumn I found, to my
great disappointment, that Mr. Stewart had taken his
family back to Maryland. This prevented my feeling any
regret from my father’s recalling me from the station;
which he did shortly after, in order to have me in a
ship where I could be rated midshipman; no vacancy
having occurred in the Dido. I carried home with me
a sincere, a tender, and an indelible recollection of
the happiness I had enjoyed in the society of my
inestimable friend; an impression that no future event,
changes, or circumstances could ever efface or weaken;
although for many years I dared not indulge a hope of
her ever becoming mine. Indeed I considered it almost
impossible, that with such a mind as she possessed—so
cherished as she was by all, who had the happiness of
knowing her, that she could long remain single; and
when I had attained to manhood, and had established
in my mind the firm conviction, that this beloved and
amiable creature was of all others the most likely to
ensure my happiness; I did not allow myself to make
an effort to obtain her affections, lest I might never<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>
have it in my power to place her in such a situation as
might be worthy of her; and lest it might prevent her
acceptance of the offer of some person more capable of
making her happy, than myself.</p>

<p>“During the course of eleven years from this period
of our separation, in all the varieties of service, situation,
and society, in which I was placed, these sentiments
never quitted me. It was not until I rose to the rank
of Commander, that I thought myself justified in looking
to her, as the object of my ambition. I had, during
the course of this time, in a correspondence with my
dear cousin, made our mutual friend the subject of the
greater part of our letters; but with little hope or prospect
that my wishes could ever be realized. My
beloved Isabella however became acquainted, by means
of these, with the steadiness of my attachment to her;
and it produced, as may be imagined, a reciprocal
affection.</p>

<p>“After having been more than a year in the command
of the Speedy, and during that period having had
the happiness to obtain, in several instances, the approbation
of my Commander in chief, my prospects in the
navy seemed so flattering, that although I had not been
successful in a pecuniary point of view, I felt myself
justified in endeavouring to excite an interest in the
affections of her, who had so long possessed mine; and
wrote to her accordingly. But after writing the letter,
in order firmly to establish in my own mind, that I was
acting from the deliberate conviction that I was in
search of real happiness; that I was not carried away by
such visionary schemes of felicity, as too often haunt the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>
imagination of those, who from the nature of their profession,
are debarred from general society; I kept the
letter by me. I had given my father a promise that I
would never marry until I had attained the rank of
Post Captain, when I knew I should have his perfect
consent and approbation with regard to the object I
had in view. I was therefore resolved not to take so
important a step, until I should feel perfectly justified
in doing so. I frequently read over the letter, and
found that my sentiments, instead of experiencing the
slightest or the most momentary change, were daily
strengthened; that no alteration was made either by
increase of rank, which I soon after met with; by professional
success, which was the cause of it; or by my
more intimate acquaintance with the higher classes of
society, to which, through the friendship and kindness of
my excellent friend and patron, Lord St. Vincent, I was
soon after introduced. On the contrary, the rank and
honours acquired an additional value from the hope
that they would be acceptable to my beloved Isabella;
whilst her sweetness of disposition, and consistency of
character, constantly rose in my estimation, by contrasting
them with what I met with; however superior many
of her sex might have been in beauty of person, and in
the advantages of rank and fortune.</p>

<p>“Upon my arrival in England, in September, 1800,
having been made Post in the preceding month of February;
I dispatched the letter; and remained in anxious
expectation of the result for some weeks. At length
the answer arrived; and delightful as the contents were
to me, in assuring me that I had long been the object<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>
of her affections, the ideas of happiness which it excited
in my mind, were not to be compared to the real felicity
which I subsequently enjoyed, during the whole course
of our union. At length, after a separation of fourteen
years, I met your beloved mother, and found her all
that my most sanguine imagination had painted.”</p>

<p>It is hardly necessary for the Editor to dwell on the
exquisite delicacy and self command exhibited in this
touching and simple narrative of an affection as romantic
as it is reasonable. He would merely say, that if
ever the intrusion on private memorials is justifiable,
it is when features of character such as these, so peculiar
and yet so beautiful, are to be brought to light. In
other cases, where the gratification of curiosity is the
chief end to be answered, doubts may be felt whether
the advantage gained is any compensation for the
breach of confidence that has been committed. But in
this, it seems due to the subject of the memoir to shew
to the world what was not seen by the world; and to
exhibit the real value of his services by stating the
sacrifices they cost him. It is also due to those who
may be benefited by his example, to let them see the
power which may be given to principle, when principle is
founded on religion; and the degree in which the tenderness
of affection may be combined with firmness, when the
whole mind is brought under the influence of the gospel.</p>

<p>The following extract from the pen of Mrs. Brenton,
seems important as illustrative of the domestic character
of the husband, as well as the wife. It is dated, Greenwich,
January 1st, 1801. “To Thee, Almighty God, I
return my most hearty and humble thanks, for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>
blessings I have, through Thy divine mercy, been permitted
to enjoy during the past year, and also for the
prospect of happiness on my entrance into the coming one.
Grant, I beseech Thee, that I may so conduct myself as
to merit a continuance of Thy goodness; and that as a
wife and mother I may render myself worthy of Thy protection;
and in the performance of my duty as a Christian,
become more deserving of Thy divine favour, through
the mediation of our blessed Saviour, Jesus Christ.”</p>

<p>The above prayer is inserted, not as being a model of
what prayer should be, for in that respect the discernment
of a religious mind will see its deficiency; but
rather because it is considered valuable as exhibiting
the mild, gentle, and affectionate spirit from which it
proceeded, and as filling up the portraiture of her
character. At the same time, and to reply at once to
similar remarks, the Editor would beg leave to say, that if
this prayer seems incorrect in expression, or in any sense
to ask amiss; it must not be forgotten that there are
seasons and cases when the heart anticipates the head,
and when the warmth of feeling and simple piety supply
what is wanting in theological knowledge. At this
period of their lives, neither the subject of this memoir,
nor his partner, saw things as they saw them afterwards;
but they were faithful to the light they had,
and they walked according to it; and though that light
was as yet but dim, it was sufficient to guide those into
the way of truth who were willing to be led. Thus
proceeding, they saw more, they knew more, as they
went forward. Truth was revealed, in proportion as
they advanced; and in them both we may believe that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>
the promise was verified which says, “The path of the
righteous is as the shining light, which shineth more
and more until the perfect day.”</p>

<p>To the wife’s memoranda the husband subsequently
added; “This first year, or rather part of it, had indeed
been a period of happiness to us. In the early part of
April I returned from the Mediterranean. On the 14th I
saw my inestimable Isabella, after a separation of thirteen
years. And on the 19th our union took place; in which
I received the utmost reward to which I had ever
allowed myself to look forward—one that amply recompensed
me for all my exertions, or rather which appeared
a blessing bestowed upon me by my bountiful Creator,
far beyond what I could have dared to hope for. We
enjoyed at Bath a few months of such happiness as
seldom falls to the lot of human nature; but I felt it
my duty to follow up my profession, and in the pursuance
of that object we quitted our happy home.”</p>

<p>In the autumn of 1800 the political horizon beginning
to wear a lowering aspect, Captain Brenton had solicited
employment, and had obtained the command of the
Minerve, of thirty-eight guns; which at the date of the
previous extracts, he was fitting out at Greenwich. On
the 19th of January, 1801, he became a father, and gave
to his first born son, whose subsequent death has already
been mentioned, the name he so justly loved and respected
of the Earl of St. Vincent, John Jervis.</p>

<p>In the month of March he sailed for Spithead, where
he arrived on the very day that orders were given to
prepare for war; and on that same day he met with a
serious accident, by a block falling on his head, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>
occasioned a severe wound, and a concussion of the brain.
Of this event, the following record has been found from
the pen of Captain Brenton, written a few days after this
period; when his wife had mentioned the christening
of his son. “The ship being ready for sea, I was
obliged to leave my beloved Isabella and her darling
infant, in order to proceed to Portsmouth, to fit for
foreign service. She was to join me there as soon as
she should be able to travel. The weather was extremely
severe; a succession of gales rendered our passage a
very long one. It was the 12th of March before I
reached Spithead; and on that day a severe trial befel
my inestimable wife, by a wound which I received on
the head, by a block falling on me. The accident was
considered so serious as to be reported to the Admiralty
by telegraph; and a Captain was immediately appointed
to act for me; the ship being required on the coast of
Holland, in consequence of an armament taking place
in that quarter. To prevent any alarming reports reaching
my beloved Isabella, I sent off a midshipman to
give her an account of what had happened. Her feelings
received a severe shock, but her resolution was soon
formed, and in a few hours she was with me at Portsmouth,—my
tender nurse—my inestimable companion—and
this she continued to be during the whole course of her
invaluable life; the soother of all my cares and sufferings;
making adversity itself a period marked by bright
gleams of happiness. With her dear society, and that
of her sweet infant, my mind was soon at rest. The
wound though severe, and apparently dangerous, was
soon in a favourable state; and every serious symptom<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span>
vanished, through the kind and protecting care of
divine providence.</p>

<p>“When I saw the Minerve get under weigh, it
occurred to me that I should derive great benefit, as
well as happiness, by proceeding by easy stages to
Bath, and remaining quietly in my own house, until
sufficiently recovered to rejoin my ship. I had no
sooner suggested the idea than my darling Bella’s eyes
sparkled with delight. That home had indeed been an
abode of real felicity to us; but which she had consented
to quit from the noblest principles, that of accompanying
me to any part of the world, to which my professional
duties should lead me. She now enjoyed the pleasing
prospect of our remaining there for some time. All
the comforts of our home were doubly appreciated in
her estimation, as they would so materially contribute
to my welfare; and immediate preparations were made
for our journey. Our sweet infant was by no means
well, and his beloved mother seriously ill, before we
reached Southampton; but a great and merciful God
spared and protected us. We reached Bath on the
third day, all in a state of convalescence. The tranquility
I enjoyed in my happy home soon restored me
to apparent health; my wound healed, and I thought
myself perfectly recovered.</p>

<p>“My ship was on the coast of Holland, one of a
squadron under Admiral Thornborough, watching an
armament fitting out in the Texel and Scheldt. War
was considered to be inevitable, and I became restless,
and impatient to rejoin the Minerve. My inestimable
friend saw the state of my mind; and though deeply<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>
suffering from anxiety on account of my health, added
to the painful idea of separation, she piously acquiesced
in the necessity, and resigned herself and all dear to
her to the will of heaven.</p>

<p>“I joined my ship on the coast of Holland, but I
was soon convinced that I was not fit for active service.
I told the Admiral of my wish to go on shore again.
He kindly sent my ship in with me, and another
captain was appointed to act for me. I proceeded to
London to consult Sir Walter Farquhar; who, considering
the wound to have occasioned a severe concussion
of the brain, recommended the utmost tranquility of
body and mind. Could I have remained undisturbed
with the idea of approaching hostilities, I had at Bath
every requisite for the most perfect happiness.</p>

<p>“I reached Bath on the 13th of May: and on the
18th hostilities began with France, my own ship having
on that day made many captures in the channel.
It is needless to describe the state of my mind. It was
by no means such as to promise much benefit from
remaining on shore. Applications were also making
for my ship, under the impression I should not be able
to join her. I immediately formed my resolution to
return to her; the exhilarating prospects of my profession
bore me up.”</p>

<p>Captain Brenton preferred the certainty of suffering
to the anxiety attached to retirement, and again resumed
the command of the Minerve, employed in the
blockade of Cherbourg; where several of the French
flotilla had been collected, and were watching an opportunity
to proceed to Boulogne. On the first of July a detachment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>
succeeded in getting into Barfleur, at an early
hour in the morning, although chased by the Topaze
and Minerve. In order to prevent the escape of any
more, Captain Brenton determined to keep as near
Cherbourg as possible. During the afternoon of the
second a thick fog obscured the harbour, but by standing
in under little sail, he succeeded in getting sight of
what both the pilot and himself supposed to be the Isle
Pelée, at the eastern extremity of the harbour, distant
about a mile. The ship was then wore to stand off
under easy sail for a short time. She had scarcely
come to the wind, when a number of small vessels were
discovered under the land, supposed to be the flotilla;
and the Minerve again wore immediately to pursue them.
A cast of the lead having been obtained, the pilot
declared that the ship might run into the centre of the
flotilla without danger, which was instantly done; and
when in the moment of bringing the guns to bear upon
them, she grounded upon a shoal, and the tide ebbing fast,
left no hopes of her being extricated until its return. In
less than half an hour the fog dispersed, and the moon
shewed them the perilous situation in which they were
placed. What they had imagined to be Isle Pelée was
Fort de la Liberté, at the western side of the harbour.
The shoal upon which the Minerve had grounded was no
other than one of the cones by which the port was formed;
and the supposed flotilla, the small vessels employed in
carrying stones to those works. At the same time a heavy
fire was opened from Fort de la Liberté, and Isle Pelée,
as well as from two intermediate small batteries, and
two gun brigs lying in the harbour.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span></p>

<p>Such a situation demanded the utmost energy from
every one, and certainly more could not have been
shewn than was exhibited. The boats were immediately
hoisted out, and Mr. Walpole,<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> the third lieutenant,
was directed to proceed in the first that
reached the water, to endeavour to cut out from the
interior of the harbour some vessel large enough to
carry out a bower anchor. As Captain Brenton foresaw
that he should require the launch, with her carronade
to operate a diversion upon the gun brigs; the
barge was to have been sent to the assistance of Lieutenant
Walpole; but this gallant young officer pushed
forward, without waiting for reinforcements, and boarding
a lugger under the batteries, towed her out with his
single boat, under a tremendous fire of great guns, and
musketry, alongside the ship. She was laden with stores
to the water’s edge, consequently was incapable of bearing
any addition to her burden. A new difficulty here
occurred; to discharge her alongside was to increase the
shoal; it was therefore necessary to veer her astern to
the extent of a hawser, and to throw her cargo overboard,
before she could be of any service. The fire from the
batteries was very galling, and the ship began to suffer
severely under it, both in her crew, and her rigging,
and hull. The launch was sent with the second lieutenant,
Mr. Fitzgerald, to call off the attention of the
gun brigs, and had the desired effect of slackening their
fire upon the ship. At midnight the lugger was hauled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>
under the bows to receive the anchor, but was repeatedly
hulled by shot, so as to render it necessary for
carpenters to be continually repairing her. Whilst this
tedious and laborious operation was being performed the
anchor was at last placed in her, but the hawser from
the kedge, which had been laid out for the purpose of
warping the lugger, being shot away, it became necessary
to employ the boats in towing her, a circumstance
Captain Brenton would gladly have avoided, as it
exposed the boats’ crews, and took too many people
from the ship. The line of boats soon attracted the
notice, and consequently the fire of the batteries, and
gun brigs, which now became tremendous; but every
discharge was answered by the most animated cheers
from the boats’ crews, who gallantly succeeded in placing
the anchor in its destined direction.</p>

<p>Every exertion was in the mean time made on board
to lighten the ship abaft; as her stern hung upon a
broken part of the cone, and there were six fathoms under
her bows. The guns, useless under such circumstances,
were all got under the forecastle, and every other
weight from abaft; the two forecastle guns alone being
employed against the gun brigs. At two o’clock the
situation of the Minerve was so hopeless, from the wind
having died away entirely, and some rise having taken
place in the tide, that Captain Brenton had it in contemplation
to burn the ship, taking the crew away with the
assistance of the lugger and the boats. For this purpose
the lugger was brought alongside; the wounded
ordered to be placed in her, and every preparation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>
made to set fire to the ship, when all other resources
should fail. The capstan was however manned, and
they continued heaving as the tide rose.</p>

<p>The day broke at three o’clock, and the batteries
increased their fire with surer aim, whilst the gun brigs,
finding themselves within range of grape shot, annoyed
the ship exceedingly. Many of the people at the capstan
were killed or wounded, but their places were immediately
supplied; and the men encouraged by their
officers continued the most persevering efforts. At half
past four the ship floated; the cable was cut, and such
sail as could be made, trimmed amidst the cheers of the
ship’s company, who now considered their danger and
labours at an end. The wind however again failed
them, and the ship was set by the last drain of the tide
upon another part of a broken cone, where she lay with
only two fathoms and a quarter under her main chains.
The lugger, upon which the crew depended for their
escape was dismasted, and in a sinking state; (the
wounded had been returned to the cockpit, as the hopes
of getting the ship off had increased); she was also cut
adrift, as was the launch by the enemy’s shot; no boat
remained, capable of carrying out an anchor; and deprived
of every hope of saving the ship; Captain Brenton
to prevent the further effusion of blood, at half-past five
A.M. surrendered her to the enemy, after a most anxious
struggle of nine hours.</p>

<p>The Minerve had eleven killed and sixteen wounded.
The prisoners were landed at Cherbourg, to await
orders from the First Consul, relative to their future
disposal. These arrived in a few days, and directed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>
them to be marched to Epinal, the capital of the
department of the Vosges, a distance of nearly five
hundred miles: intelligence not very welcome to the
unfortunate captives, as they had flattered themselves
with the hope of being soon exchanged, and kept near
the coast for that purpose. Of this event Captain
Brenton speaks thus, “This was one of the most trying
periods of my life, but one, in which I felt, in a peculiar
degree, the benefit of a reliance on Divine Providence.
When fully aware of the situation in which the ship was
placed shortly after her taking the ground, by the fog
clearing away, and the batteries opening their fire upon
us, I remember walking aft, and leaning over the taffrail,
I offered a short and humble prayer to the Almighty
for my beloved wife and child. The effect appeared to
be instantaneous. In no period of my life do I remember
to have ever been more composed than at that
moment, nor did my tranquility ever forsake me during
the whole of that trying night.”</p>

<p>The concluding particulars of the loss of the Minerve,
may be here inserted as given by Captain Brenton. “At
length I put the question to my officers, whether any
hope remained: all answered in the negative, and
recommended surrender. The painful alternative was
adopted; and the colours being hauled down, shouts
of triumph resounded from the shore. I then went
into my cabin, and having destroyed my private
signals, proceeded to collect such things as might be
most immediately necessary, threw them into my cot,
which, though unoccupied through the dreadful night,
was hanging up in my cabin. In this I had my<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>
plate, and such of my clothes as I could the more
easily get at, lashed up and given to my servant.
Whilst thus occupied, the master of the French vessel,
which had been taken in the preceding evening,
and who had been kept below during the night, hearing
that the ship had surrendered, made the best of his way
to my cabin, and began to console me, ‘Songez mon
brave Capitaine, que vous êtes distingué; que vous vous
êtes défendu en brave homme; que vous avez seulement
subis le sort de la guerre; que les Français sont
de braves gens.’ At this moment the batteries renewed
their fire, and the panegyrist immediately took to his
heels for his place of security, crying out, ‘O les coquins,
les marauds,’ and such other terms as seemed at the
moment most appropriate for this attack upon a fallen
enemy. I then went on deck, and standing up upon
the taffrail, waved a white flag, calling out at the same
time, ‘Nous, nous sommes rendus.’ The gun brigs also
repeated this information, ‘Ils se sont rendus.’</p>

<p>“It was some time before the firing ceased, but providentially
no one was hurt by it. The reason subsequently
alleged for the continuance of hostilities was,
that the Minerve had not lowered her sails; but had the
Commandant known of how little importance this circumstance
was in our situation, he would not have
incurred the risk of an useless effusion of blood.
Under existing circumstances, he only added to the
injury already done to a ship in his possession. A boat
from the senior officer of the gun brigs soon after came
alongside; and after making himself very certain that
the ship had indeed surrendered, received my sword,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>
which he imagined he had gained by his own valour;
and retained it, notwithstanding the less doubtful claim
of the military commander. But the same idea, which
this Commander of the gun brig had taken up, was
adopted by Buonaparte himself; who, having received
the dispatch announcing the capture of the Minerve,
whilst in the theatre at Brussels, immediately arose,
and said, ‘Messieurs et Dames, la guerre navale a commencée
sous les plus heureuses auspices. Une superbe
frégate de l’ennemi, vient de se rendre à deux de nos
bâtimens cannoniers,’ not saying a word of the batteries,
or the shoal.”</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>JOURNEY PROM CHERBOURG.—KINDNESS OF M. DUBOIS.—AND ARRIVAL
AT EPINAL.</p>

</div>


<p>A circumstance occurred previous to the prisoners
beginning their march, which cannot be too generally
known; as it does great honour to an individual amongst
our enemies, and is one of the many acts of kindness
shewn by the inhabitants of France, to the prisoners
passing through the country, where the general feeling
was by no means so hostile to the English, as is too
frequently supposed. Hostility to this country was
almost entirely confined to the military in France.</p>

<p>The length of the journey they had to perform, rendered
the prisoners very solicitous about their pecuniary
concerns, particularly as no person at Cherbourg would
discount their bills. Captain Brenton, in order to increase
his stock, offered his watch for sale at a watchmaker’s,
who would give him only five guineas for it,
though the watch was made by a first rate maker,
and was of gold. He consequently left the spot with
some indignation. Whilst standing at the door of the
Auberge a little while after, he was addressed by a person
who wished to know, if he had not a watch to dispose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>
of. Captain Brenton expecting a similar offer to the last,
answered, “Yes, but you will not buy it.” The stranger
replied, “That is more than you know, let me see it.”
Upon examining the watch, he asked the original price
of it, and being told thirty-one guineas; he said, “Were
I to buy your watch, I would only give fifteen guineas;
but as I only mean to take it in pledge, I will let you
have twenty-five.” Captain Brenton, surprised at so
novel a mode of making a bargain, said laughing, “You
are an honester fellow than I took you for; give me the
money, and take the watch.” The stranger’s name was
M. Dubois, a merchant of L’Orient. He came back in
a few minutes, saying, “Sir, I shall never forgive myself
for having accepted a pledge from an officer suffering
from the fortune of war. Take back the watch and give
me your note of hand.” This being done with due
acknowledgments on the part of Captain Brenton, M.
Dubois again left him, and in a short time again returned
with twenty-five louis more, saying, that he had been
examining his purse, and found that he had that sum
more than was necessary to carry him to L’Orient, and
begging that he would accept of that also. He then
deposited it on the table, destroying the former note of
hand; and requesting that another might be made out to
include both sums. Captain Brenton in his additional
remarks on the subject of the watch, says, “Each time
that M. Dubois, the kind merchant returned, he
exclaimed, “Monsieur, ma conscience me pique,” striking
his breast; and the last time exclaiming, “Ma conscience
me pique encore.” I observed that it must be a
most unreasonable conscience, not to be satisfied with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>
what he had done; but he rejoined, “No, Sir, I ought
not to have taken any security from you.” Captain
Brenton adds, “I am happy to say that in the course of
this war very many instances occurred of great benevolence
shewn towards the British prisoners in France;
and in those cases where they experienced harsh or
cruel treatment, it almost always arose from military
power having been obtained by men, whose only recommendation
was their bravery, and who had no kind
feelings to temper it; but these instances were rare.”</p>

<p>It seems due to this excellent man, M. Dubois,
whose singular kindness and generosity alleviated the
first bitternesses of captivity for the captain and crew of
the Minerve, to add a letter, which proves that the act
in question was not the sudden impulse of excited feeling
on contemplating their unhappy lot; but that it
was part of a character in which tenderness and sympathy
with suffering predominated habitually.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">L’Orient, 6 Pluviose, An. 12.<br />
27 Janvier, 1804.</span></p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Mon Cher Ami</span>,</p>

<p>A mon retour d’une petite absence, on me
remit votre lettre obligeante et amicale; et Je suis empressé d’y
repondre. Il seroit en vain que j’entreprendrois de vous rendre
le plaisir qu’elle m’a fait. Il n’y a, que des cœurs aimants
capables de s’en faire une idée.</p>

<p>“Je vous croyais depuis long temps échangé, et je vois avec
peine qu’il n’en est rien. Combien je partage les chagrins que vous
devez éprouver, de l’incertitude continuelle de votre sort, depuis
votre départ de Cherbourg; c’est de mon avis la situation la plus
pénible à supporter pour l’homme dont le caractère ferme et
décidé, est au dessus de tous les événemens.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span></p>

<p>“Vous êtes donc encore mon bien bon ami dans l’attente de votre
échange, et vous me faites entendre que vous ne la prevoyez pas
prochaine. Ah! Je sens combien votre situation est cruelle;
vous êtes depuis long temps éloigné de parens et amis qui vous
sont chers, et à qui sans doute vous l’êtes aussi, et c’est ce qui
augmente vos peines. Combien je désirerois qu’ il fut en mon
pouvoir de les alléger. Mais comment? nous sommes loin l’un
de l’autre. Si du moins le lieu de votre exil étoit L’Orient, aidé
par mon épouse et ma petite famille, nous vous offririons les
consolations de la plus tendre amitié, et si nous ne parvenions pas
à dissiper entièrement vos chagrins, au moins réunis nous les
partagerions. N’en doutez pas mon bien bon ami, car nous
sommes sincèrement affectés de vos peines, et mon épouse (qui
brule d’envie de vous connoitre, sur tout depuis votre agréable
lettre) sent aussi vivement que moi, les regrets cuisants que vous
éprouvez à’ être aussi long temps privé du plaisir de revoir tout ce
que vous aimez chez vous. Espérons ensemble que ce moment
si naturellement désiré de vous, n’est pas éloigné, et qu’au
premier instant vous jouirez enfin des tendres embrassemens de
tout ce qui vous est cher.</p>

<p>“Etes vous au moins à Verdun d’une manière agréable? Vous
laisse t’on la liberté de former quelque société, qui pourrait
vous distraire de vos ennuis? je le désire bien ardemment. Je ne
connais personne dans cette ville, mais si vous aviez la faculté
d’aller et venir dans son enceinte je ferais mes efforts pour me
procurer de divers amis quelques lettres de recommendation pour
vous.</p>

<p>“Le Mandat que vous nous aviez remis á été parfaitement acquitté
depuis plus de 3 mois; ainsi point d’inquiétude de votre part à
ce sujet; et quand il ne l’eut pas été aussi promptement, ce n’aurait
pas été un motif d’en avoir d’avantage; vous meritez à ce sujet
que je vous gronde un peu; il ne devait plus être question entre
nous de nouveaux remerciemens (m’en aviez vous pas deja
trop fait?) c’était un arrêté pris avant mon départ, et vous y
contrevenez; que ce soit au moins pour la dernière fois, car
penseriez vous mon cher ami que le plaisir étoit pour vous seul?
comptez au contraire pour beaucoup celui que j’ai en faisant la<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>
connoissance d’un galant homme comme vous, et de qui, je
continue à recevoir des marques d’un obligeant attachement. Ne
regardez point ceci comme un froid compliment, ma plume n’est
jamais que l’interpréte de mon cœur.</p>

<p>“Vous me faites l’offre obligeante de votre crédit pour moi,
et mes amis, que le sort de la guerre rendrait malheureux en
Angleterre. Je vous aime, et vous estime assez pour l’accepter
avec franchise au besoin, mais toujours avec la circonspection
que l’on doit au bon cœur d’un ami.</p>

<p>“Vous dire mon cher Capitaine avec quel plaisir je recevrai
de vos nouvelles toutes les fois que vous pourrez m’en donner,
ne serait rien vous apprendre de nouveau; puisque vous ne doutez
surement pas de l’attachement que je vous porte: ainsi obligez
moi de m’en donner le plus souvent possible, et sur tout l’avis de
votre échange quand il aura lieu.</p>

<p>“Je crois mon cher ami n’ avoir pas besoin de vous rappeller
que vous devez toujours librement et franchement disposer de moi
dans toutes les occasions; faites moi le plaisir de vous en bien
souvenir, et de croire de loin comme de pres, qui si les vœux que je
formerai toujours pour votre bonheur sont exaucés, il ne vous
restera rien a désirer.</p>

<p>“Il faut que je finisse mon Epitre. On ne s’ennuye pas quand
on cause avec de bons amis. Il ne faut cependant pas les fatiguer,
vous ne m’accuserez pas J’espére de Laconisme. Je trouverais au
surplus mon excuse dans le plaisir que j’ai á m’entretenir avec
vous.</p>

<p>“Agréez par continuation mon cher ami l’assurance des sentimens
d’estime et d’attachment avec lesquels je serai toujours votre
tout dévoué bon ami,</p>

<p class="right">“L. DUBOIS.</p>

<p>“P. S. Rappeliez moi s’il vous plait au souvenir de Monsieur
Fenwick et de vos autres officiers dont je me souviens toujours
avec plaisir, et veuillez leur dire mille choses obligeantes de ma
part; ainsi qu’au cher fier Docteur que Je salue par trois fois
trois.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span></p>

<p>“Je viens aussi de recevoir une lettre de Monsieur Black,
il a fidélement rempli vos intentions près de moi, et je l’en
remercierai par ma prémiére.”</p>

</div>

<p>The seamen and marines of the Minerve began their
march for Epinal on the 8th of July; and the officers on
the following day. The sufferings of the former, unprotected
by their officers during this long march, were extreme;
assailed as they were by fatigue, hunger, and every
privation. The officers upon leaving the coast were
accompanied only by three gens d’armes, who treated
them with every respect. They received notice of the
place which should terminate the day’s march, and
made parties for performing the journey without any
restraint from their guards. They, at the same time,
shewed themselves deserving of such confidence by the
strictest compliance with the directions they had
received, and the utmost regularity of conduct.</p>

<p>On the third day they reached St. Lo, a military
arrondisement, commanded by General Dellegorgue, an
officer who had served in Egypt, and who fully appreciated
British valour and British honour. He treated
the prisoners with the most marked attention; and
indeed the hospitality evinced by the inhabitants of St.
Lo was such as to merit particular notice.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton’s notes have left some further particulars
of this march, and of the two days at St. Lo. He
says, “All was now preparation for the march, which
was to commence on the 8th of July. The youngsters
were all animation and glow; their spirits were buoyant;
and feeling convinced that their detention would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>
be short, they had made up their minds to enjoy the
events of the day, without care and without regret.
They knew that their term of service would go on in
the same manner as though they were at sea; and they
looked forward to the time, when they might return to
their profession with much to relate, and the advantage
of having acquired at least some portion of the French
language. Early on the ninth we left Cherbourg, and
having ascended the hill, took our last farewell of the
poor old Minerve, lying dismantled in the harbour.
The first day’s march brought us to Valogne, a distance
of fifteen miles. The weather was beautiful, as was the
scenery; and we quite enjoyed the release from the
confinement of the Auberge. The ship’s company had
gone on the preceding day; and subsequently during the
whole course of the march to our ulterior destination,
the officers arrived in the evening at the place which the
seamen and marines had left in the morning. On the
second day we reached Carentan; and on the third
came in sight of St. Lo, a beautiful little town on the
slope of a hill. This place, we had been given to understand,
was to be our residence, and we rejoiced to find it
possessed of so many advantages.</p>

<p>“On entering the town I was conducted by the gens
d’armes to the General, and was received by him with
all the urbanity and kindness possible. He invited me
to dine with him, and to bring my first lieutenant.
This officer being unwell, the second took his place.
We had an elegant little repast, and every possible attention
shewn us. At the commencement of the dinner
I observed my lieutenant to evince a slight sign of disgust.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>
I asked the reason; and he replied, ‘They are
frogs, Sir.’ The General asked what the officer said, and
on being told, was much amused at the idea so prevalent
among Englishmen, and especially English sailors, that
much of the French diet consists of frogs. In the course
of our conversation, I expressed my gratification that St.
Lo should have been made the place of our confinement.
The General replied, that he regretted much that there
should be any disappointment, but that he had received
orders for the prisoners to march on to Epinal; and
that a military escort had been sent to conduct them to
Caen, the capital of Calvados, the department we were
then in: and that we were to proceed on our route the
next day but one. On the 14th of July the prisoners
were assembled, and consigned to the custody of an
officer of cavalry. General Dellegorgue was present on
this occasion, and when the prisoners were ready to march,
he came up to me, and embraced me in the warmest
manner; wishing me a speedy release from this captivity,
and health, and happiness. This interview was highly
amusing to the young midshipmen, who had never before
witnessed such a demonstration of cordiality. One of
them was heard to exclaim, ‘See, the French General
kissing our skipper;’ the familiar name by which the
Captain is designated when spoken of by the youngsters.</p>

<p>“According to the regulations of the march, the
prisoners were billeted separately upon the houses of
the inhabitants. Upon repairing thither to their beds
at night, they found a supper prepared, and the friends
of the family invited to assist in entertaining the captive
guest: nor did it end here. The following day was to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>
one of repose, and the march was postponed until the
next. A dinner and supper was provided in the same
manner; and on the morning of departure, at sunrise,
breakfasts were prepared; nor could these worthy people
be prevailed upon to receive any indemnification for the
trouble and expence they had incurred. From St. Lo
the escort was strengthened by the addition of a party
of cavalry, and the prisoners were marched in ranks,
from which none were suffered to deviate; an inconvenience
greatly felt, when compared with the indulgence
they had received at first; the more so, as it confined
them to the middle of the road, covered them with
dust from the horses, and kept them on too quick a
pace for such a march, and in so sultry a season.”</p>

<p>On arriving at Caen, Captain Brenton complained to
the General of such restriction being imposed on officers,
who had given their parole of honour. This General
was the very reverse of the last; and he replied in a
brutal manner, “Je me moque de votre parole d’honneur.
Je ne sais pas ce que c’est, moi.” Captain Brenton
replied, “I will describe it to you. It is (with a
British officer) stronger than any prison you have in
France.” The General threatened to take from them
their parole, but he did not put his threat in execution.
After leaving Caen the restrictions gradually increased,
and at length the prisoners, upon arriving at Bernay,
were shut up in one room, with sentinels at the door;
the commander of the escort, at the same time, offering
to order every accommodation the inn could afford to
be brought to them; an offer which was disclaimed with
disdain, unless they should be treated differently. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>
commanding officer of the party then shewed Captain
Brenton his instructions from General ——; which
were to guard his prisoners with the utmost severity
and vigilance, as well on the march as in the towns
where they should stop; and to grant them no indulgences
on his peril. He however said he felt so strongly
the injustice that had been done them, that, if Captain
Brenton would be responsible for their conduct, they
should enjoy the same indulgence as when they began
their march. This was a condition he gladly accepted,
and which was productive of all the comfort of which their
situation was susceptible. The worthy man who thus promoted
the comfort of the poor prisoners is now no more,
and consequently is out of the reach of the resentment
of his General. The remainder of their journey was
performed with ease; and they reached Epinal on the
12th of August, where they found their unfortunate
shipmates, who had arrived the preceding day. Some
were in the hospital, and the remainder in rags, and
starving from the small quantity and bad quality of their
provisions. It is due to the liberality of M. M. Peregaux
to observe here, that in reply to a letter from
Captain Brenton, written from Pontoise, requesting
them to send his drafts, and those of his officers, to England
for acceptance, and when honoured to remit the
amount to Epinal; that those gentlemen sent three hundred
louis d’or to Captain Brenton at St. Denis,
and an order for four hundred more upon Epinal; with
offers of as much as they wished to draw for under
Captain Brenton’s endorsement.</p>

<p>Some additional particulars of this journey may<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>
be given from Captain Brenton’s private notes.
“Having heard of an English lady residing at
Caen, I called upon her. She immediately offered
me all the assistance in her power, and amongst other
acts of kindness, made me a tender of her credit with a
banker, which I thankfully accepted, and procured fifty
louis. This was a very timely supply, as the fifty louis
of M. Dubois were not expected to last long amongst
so many.”</p>

<p>“We were just seated at dinner at St. Denis, when
a gentleman from M. Peregaux was announced, who
brought me three hundred louis in gold, and a letter of
credit for four hundred more upon M. Doublat, at
Epinal, with an assurance that any bills endorsed by
me should be immediately honoured. This conduct
was truly noble, and a high compliment to the British
navy. No sooner was this act of liberality made known,
than there was a general cheer amongst the midshipmen,
and indeed amongst all hands. ‘I will walk no
more,’ cried one; and ‘I will have a carriage and drive
myself,’ said another. In short, each one had some scheme
of future proceeding, and all were determined to be
indemnified for past fatigue. On the following day
every description of carriage was put in requisition, and
the whole of the prisoners were provided for; but when
they found that all the carriages must be kept together,
and go ‘au pas,’ in order to keep with the infantry, a
portion of which formed a part of the escort; the luxury
of being carried ceased to have its charms; and nearly
the whole body returned to marching on foot, to which
they had got so much accustomed.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span></p>

<p>Of his own feelings during this journey Captain
Brenton speaks thus in his notes, “I performed nearly
the whole of the march on foot, and in the heat of
summer; yet I never remember to have enjoyed better
health. Indeed, under all my trials, I have experienced
the same mercy and goodness from Divine providence;
and this has convinced me, that under all my depressions
of spirits, and despondencies, from which I have so
often derived unhappiness, it has been from want of
exertion, and from gloomy forebodings, in which I was
most culpably indulging.”</p>

<p>Those who best knew him, would consider this to be
more the language of humility than of truth; but they
must also feel convinced that it was dictated by
sincere conviction, and self-abasement. Again, adverting
to the period immediately following his arrival at
Epinal, he writes, “From the time of our arriving here
I had frequent communication with England by letters;
and our hopes were constantly excited, or depressed, by
the various and contradictory reports which reached us:
but I had one source of comfort which never failed me—it
was the contemplation of the goodness of God
towards me. I often contrasted my situation at that
time, trying as it was, with what it would have been,
had I been united to a woman, who would not have
shared in my lot, as my beloved Isabella did. Her
fond affection would have prompted her to have flown
to me instantly, but for the prospect of my being immediately
released. What advantages of beauty, or splendour
of fortune, can be put in competition with such a
heart as she possessed? with what lustre did she shine<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>
in the hour of trial. It was at this time also, whilst living
in peaceful retirement at Epinal, where we certainly
enjoyed tranquility, and with very few exceptions
experienced the greatest kindness from the French;
that I began to consider more attentively the nature of
the religion I professed; and I soon found that I had
hitherto been a nominal Christian only. Since that
period I humbly trust every succeeding year has
brought some little increase in the knowledge of my
duty; although I am still at an awful distance from
what I ought to be. My subsequent life has however
been greatly influenced by the reflections I then made.
Sweet are the uses of adversity.”</p>

<p>He adds these remarks on his first arriving at Epinal.
“The hopes of an immediate exchange having now vanished,
I considered it my duty to take the most prompt
measures to render our captivity as advantageous, and as
little galling as possible, particularly to the young
people, and to the ship’s company. My first care was
to have the young people, who had been placed under
my particular charge, put <i lang="fr">en pension</i> with respectable
French families; where they might have the advantage
of regular hours, and be enabled to learn the language
with greater facility; instead of living together, where
nothing but English would have been spoken, and much
of their time passed in idleness. Here they had the
advantage of such masters as the place afforded. The
early hours of the French families greatly contributed
to the health and comfort of those intrusted to their
care; whilst the very moderate terms paid for their
board and lodging, as well as for their instruction,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>
enabled them to obtain great advantages at a very low
price. In fact the misfortune of having fallen into the
enemy’s hand, bid fair to be of the most essential benefit
to some, who had been sent to sea very little advanced
in education, particularly as their time of servitude went
on as well as their pay, in the same manner, as though
they had actually continued afloat. The officers and
myself had of course each our private lodgings in the
town; but we formed a mess at the principal inn, where
we had an excellent dinner and supper, with wine included,
for the very small sum of fifty francs each per
month, less than one shilling and sixpence sterling per
day.</p>

<p>“At (I believe) Gondrecourt, the march having been
finished early in the day, I had laid down, and had
fallen asleep, when I was awakened by English cheering
under the windows; and looking out to ascertain the
cause of this unusual circumstance, was told that a
courier from Paris to Epinal had just passed, and had
given the joyful information that he was the bearer of
orders for an exchange of prisoners, and that we might
expect to be marched back to the coast, even before we
should reach Epinal. This was so probable, that it was
easily believed, and we proceeded to Epinal, in the full
persuasion that our stay there would be very short. It
is likely the report was well founded, for at this time
the British government had offered to exchange Captain
Jurieu, taken in the Franchise, for me; but it was refused
by the first consul.”</p>

<p>Having thus seen the Captain and crew of the
Minerve arrived at the end of their journey; the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>
Editor feels that he is justified in calling the attention
of his readers, to the circumstances under which the
subject of this memoir was then placed.</p>

<p>We have seen him in the previous narrative, slowly
and gradually, amidst various trials and disappointments,
winning his way to that point in his profession,
which a just and reasonable ambition led him to desire.
We have seen him emerging out of difficulties which
were likely to have overwhelmed a man who was supported
by no family or private interest, and who was to
rise, if he rose at all, by personal exertions. We have
seen him obtaining promotion, rank, and honour, and
finally in gaining the object of his early and persevering
attachment, we have seen him realizing all that he
had hoped for or desired. And now at the commencement
of a new career, the career which to an ardent
and energetic spirit like his, must have seemed the
most brilliant and full of promise; in command of one
of the finest frigates in the navy, at the beginning of a
war which seemed likely to be a struggle for life and
death between two mighty empires, when everything
that his profession could offer was before him; when
rank and fortune, and what was dearer than both to
a mind like his, were apparently within his reach,
and might have been reasonably anticipated; he is
doomed to open the campaign with a disaster, which
was not only in itself most afflicting, and likely to affect
his professional character; but which immediately involved
a captivity of interminable duration; a captivity
to be rendered more intolerable while it lasted, by hearing
of what was done by others; and which might be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>
extended to such a length, as to mar all future prospect
of promotion or distinctions. It is only necessary
for the reader to place himself in such circumstances,
and the imagination can easily supply the pictures
which might have presented themselves to Captain
Brenton’s mind on the occasion; and, notwithstanding
this, we find him in the hour of misfortune, calm if
dejected; resigned to a lot which seemed to involve the
loss of all he had been seeking; and sustained under
defeat by the consciousness of having endeavoured to
do his duty. Something may be ascribed to temperament;
something may be ascribed to the buoyant
character of a profession, which being cast in the midst
of dangers, lives by surmounting them, and grows
habitually indifferent to circumstances, by successfully
struggling against them. But while we cede much to
causes like these, we need not cede more than is due.
Many officers no doubt shared the same hard destiny
with him, and bore with more or less equanimity the
trial of captivity. No comparison is drawn, nor attempted
to be drawn, between their behaviour and his.
Our object is not to raise Captain Brenton on this occasion
above others; but to shew him as he was, and to
describe how he felt and how he acted. It is not
essential that a model should be superior to every thing
else of the kind; but we feel that it is sufficient for the
purpose, if it has qualities that should be imitated, and
that may be imitated; and we know that that example
is sometimes found to be the most beneficial, which
comes nearest to the level of him who is to be encouraged
or directed by its contemplation.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span></p>

<p>It is more than probable that Captain Brenton was
but one of many in his cheerful submission to his lot, as
he was but one of many who experienced the same misfortune
during the war; and that the same discipline of
mind led to the same patience under trial in cases of
which we know nothing. But his circumstances it will
be admitted were peculiar; and it seems unquestionable
that some higher influence than that of the causes
referred to, is necessary in order to account for the
calmness of mind he exhibited during the action, and
for the cheerfulness which he displayed at the commencement
of his captivity. Temperament might have
done much, but in naming temperament, it seems fit to
remind the reader of the shock which his bodily system
had experienced by the accident that occurred, while
the Minerve was fitting out. Concussion of the brain too
often leaves long and melancholy marks of the injury
sustained by that most delicate of all the elements
which form the body. His professional zeal we have
seen had led him to anticipate the moment of recovery,
and to go to sea before he was capable of enduring the
fatigues of service. Reluctantly, and under a conviction
of the absolute necessity of repose, he had once left his
ship and gone ashore; and when at last he resumed his
command, and sailed from Portsmouth for the coast of
France, it is obvious that he could hardly have been fit
for service: and that it was the spirit of the man which
at that moment raised him above the infirmities of the
body. That in such a state of health he should have
undergone the trial of such a night, as that on which
the Minerve was lost; that he should have developed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>
such a variety of resources for the purpose of rescuing
the ship from the position into which she had run; that he
should have met each crisis in the action, with such
firmness and self-possession, is sufficiently wonderful.
It is equally surprising, that after the excitement of the
defence was over, he should have borne the fatigues
and humiliations of the march without sinking under
them; and I can not but think, that any one who takes
all into consideration, will come to the conclusion, that
much which seems admirable, much of that which seems
surprising in his conduct; cannot be accounted for
through temperament or natural energy. I believe it
must be referred to that habitual reliance on God, which
had been instilled into his mind in childhood, which had
been retained through all the trials of his youth; which if
it had not grown, as it might have done, had never been
obliterated or lost; but which lived to be called into activity
under peculiar circumstances; and which finally,
through the mercy and longsuffering of God, became that
faith which works by love; and made him capable of
doing all things through Christ that strengthened him.</p>

<p>But the conclusion renders the example more valuable
because it makes it more accessible. If all was to
be ascribed to natural causes, to firmness of temperament
and qualities peculiar to the individual, the portrait
might be admirable, but it could not be generally
profitable. The many, who make no pretence to such
powers, would consider themselves released from all
duty of imitating an excellence which they could not
attain to; and all might feel that they were invited to
follow a path, which it was uncertain whether they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>
should be able to accomplish. But when we not only
see an excellence described, which excites our admiration;
but also see the sources and springs from which it is
derived laid open; when we are allowed to feel, that many
may attain to the eminence which is held up as our
example, if they will but follow the course, and adopt
the means that were made use of by those whom we
admire; the advantage then is multiplied, or rather an
advantage is realised which before was little more than
problematical; and all will be encouraged to strive when
there is a hope that all may be successful.</p>

<p>The casual note in the private journal of the subject
of this memoir as to the uses of adversity, shews that he
was conscious of the change that was gradually moving
forward within him, and of the need in which he stood
of strength and assistance from above. The life of
excitement which he had hitherto led, was not favourable
to the developement or growth of religious sentiment.
The grace of God had kept alive the spark,
that early education had kindled; and He, who will
not bruise the broken reed, nor quench the smoking
flax, had mercifully preserved him from the grosser
contagion of the world, through the influence of that
romantic attachment which added dignity to his youthful
feelings, and that thirst for glory which accompanied it.
But the process which protected him from what was
evil, was not equally adapted to foster the growth of
what is good. The activity of service, the absorbing
interest connected with his profession in the time of
war, saved him no doubt from the evil inseparable from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>
a life of ease; but his situation as an officer offered no
advantages of a religious kind, nothing to encourage
serious thought or reflection. In continual movement
he had no leisure for reading, no access to those means
which are usually thought essential to moral improvement;
no opportunity of knowing how other men feel
and think on matters of a spiritual nature. In all these
respects, repose was necessary; and we may perhaps
now be allowed to trace the hand of providence in an
event, which, afflictive as it was in itself, gave him that
interval of rest, which he never would have consented
to seek, or to accept if offered; and sent him for a time
to meditate in the retirement of captivity, on the state
of his own soul, and the real end and object of man’s
being upon earth.</p>

<p>There can be no doubt that in a moral sense this
calamity, for such it seemed, and such it doubtless was for
a time considered by himself, was singularly beneficial.
He then found leisure, and for the first time probably in
his life, to review his own principles, to consider his own
state, and to examine himself whether he was in the faith.
It was a blessed opportunity, but it was well that he was
prepared to improve it. Other men had it, but it is
feared that few used it to the same purpose. If the
root of the matter had not been in him; if religion had
not been long known and truly honoured; if it had not
already secured a hold on his heart and affections; the
leisure which was given would have been employed as
leisure too frequently is, by those who pass suddenly
from the excitement of active life, in indolence or folly.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span>
His time would in that case have been wasted, the
opportunity would have been lost, and the gracious purpose
of God would have been frustrated as to the effect
it seemed calculated to produce.</p>

<p>Happily for him, his mind was prepared for the
trial. That habit of realising God in everything that
happened, and of cheerful submission to his will, which
formed a chief feature in his character, led in this case
to resignation. Conscious that as an officer he had
done his duty, he submitted to his lot with calmness;
and instead of giving way to regret and despondency
as if all was lost because he had been once unfortunate;
he turned at once to the duties that were before him,
and endeavoured to be the protector and benefactor of
those, whom he might have been otherwise leading to
victory as their commander. With this wholesome
occupation the mind had no leisure to prey upon itself,
and to destroy its own energies by comparing what
might have been his state with that which was. Captivity
ceased to be irksome. The future was no longer
gloomy, while the present moment was profitably employed.
The withdrawal from the anxieties and fatigues
of actual service was salutary, and he felt its beneficial
effects in mind as well as in body; and through the
influence of religious feelings on a mind prepared to
admit them, an interval which might have been past in
murmurings and unprofitable recollections, became, as
we shall see in the subsequent pages of the memoir, a
season of calm enjoyment and of real permanent improvement.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>REMOVED FROM EPINAL TO PHALSBURG, AND THENCE TO VERDUN.—SUFFERINGS
OF THE PEOPLE ON THE MARCH, AND EFFORTS MADE FOR THEIR RELIEF AND
IMPROVEMENT.—THE REV. ROBERT WOLFE OFFERS HIS SERVICES AND ASSISTANCE.—MRS.
BRENTON’S ARRIVAL AT VERDUN.—RESIDENCE AT CHARNI.—ILLNESS,
AND PERMISSION GRANTED TO RESIDE AT TOURS.—CONDUCT OF
THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT TOWARDS THE ENGLISH PRISONERS OF WAR.</p>

</div>


<p>The arrangements which have been mentioned, placed
the officers and midshipmen in a state of comparative
comfort; but it was otherwise with the crew. Upon the
approach of winter, the seamen and marines being unprovided
with clothes or bedding, and placed upon very
slender diet, began to suffer severely. A little addition
was made to their food by subscription amongst the
officers, when they met as they did every week, at Captain
Brenton’s lodgings, for divine service; and through
the same fund a quantity of old tapestry, from some of
the ruined houses in the neighbourhood, belonging to
the ci-devant nobility, was purchased, as a covering for
them at night.</p>

<p>Again we have access to Captain Brenton’s journal.
“In the middle of November the negociation for an exchange
of prisoners having failed, we were ordered to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>
march to Phalsburg, a small fortress in the Vosges
mountains, which was considered a more secure place
for confining the prisoners than the open town of Epinal.
We had however scarcely established ourselves in lodging
there, before we were again removed, and sent to
Verdun, now established as a general depôt. As this
place appeared to be nearer the line of our probable
march to the coast for embarkation; we persuaded ourselves
that this sudden removal certainly indicated an
approaching exchange; and our spirits were buoyed up
with the hopes, which cheered us under a very severe
season. Upon our arrival, however, every prospect of
release seemed to have vanished, and the dispositions
that were made for the regulation of the prisoners, were
evidently such as foreboded the establishment being a
permanent one. We had however the comfort of a regular
intercourse by letter with England; and those
which I received at this time were full of affection, of
piety, fortitude, and resignation. My captivity, your
beloved mother viewed as the greatest blessing. She
had been greatly alarmed at the state of my health,
when I rejoined the Minerve the last time, and attributed
my recovery to my having quitted active service,
which no other event perhaps could have been the means
of my doing. She also derived comfort from the idea
that I was sheltered from the dangers of my profession,
and from the hope of our being soon restored to each
other.”</p>

<p>In describing the state of his sailors on this march to
Phalsburg, Captain Brenton says, “The weather was
very severe, and numbers of the poor destitute prisoners<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>
must have perished, but for the assistance afforded to
them by their officers, to which the captains of the merchant
vessels very liberally contributed.</p>

<p>“After marching during the whole of a tempestuous
day, they reached Rem, where they were to remain for
the night, and were shut up in a ruined roofless chapel.
A small quantity of straw thrown upon a broken pavement,
was in a short time soaked with rain; and each
man having received his three sols, had no other means
of procuring food than purchasing it at the door, from
persons who flocked there with wretched spirituous
liquors, and boiled liver. The spirits were of course
preferred, and the money intended for their supper was
expended in the purchase, leaving the wretched prisoners
no other support than their allowance of bread. To
alleviate as much as possible this distress, on the following
day, I requested the officer of the escort to put into
my hands the daily allowance of three sols for each
prisoner, to which I added a sum out of the subscription
purse; and giving it to one of the gens d’armes, he was
sent forward to Luneville, where it was laid out in meat
and vegetables, which were cooked in the house of a bourgeois;
who, as well as the messenger was remunerated for
his trouble; and thus upon the arrival of the prisoners,
they found at least a comfortable meal; and being confined
in barracks had less cause to complain of their
lodgings. So orderly and well behaved were these poor
fellows, and so obediently respectful in their march, even
to the youngest midshipman, as well as to their conductors,
that upon their arrival at Sarrebourg, they were
allowed to be billeted and quartered among the inhabitants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>
in small parties, taking with them their respective
portions of meat and vegetables, the inhabitants cheerfully
finding them fire to cook it.</p>

<p>“At Phalsbourg the men had excellent barracks, but
they were now in a most deplorable state from want of
clothes, and lame from performing such a march barefoot.
To supply the place of shoes, a number of sabots, or
wooden shoes, in value about three pence per pair were
sent in; but it was not until stern necessity rendered it
necessary, that the sailors could be induced to put them on.
One, actually with tears in his eyes, exclaimed with an
expletive, ‘Who would have thought I should come to
this:’ so inseparable was the association between misery,
slavery, and wooden shoes in his mind. M. Parmentier,
the Mayor, treated them with the utmost humanity and
benevolence. He filled the hospitals with them, that
they might enjoy the comfort of good beds, and nourishing
food; and used every exertion in his power to procure
them supplies of clothing, but without success. A
slender provision of old blankets had been made, but they
were some that had been used by the army of the Meuse,
and had been kept in depôt since that time. I previously
had written to the Admiralty, stating the distresses of the
prisoners, and requesting permission to procure them
necessaries, and advance to them a small daily sum, to
enable them to live. The answer reached me at Phalsbourg,
approving of my suggestion, and sending me a
credit of £2000 for the purpose. It arrived most opportunely,
for the prisoners were again ordered to march.
Verdun was their destination, as the journal transcribed
has already shewn. The order to move was peremptory,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>
although the commandant was unprovided with funds to
pay either the arrears due to the prisoners, or their daily
allowance of money; and but for the remittance above-mentioned,
they must have subsisted until their arrival
at Nancy (three days) upon their allowance of bread only.
The prisoners now amounted to four hundred, and were
formed into three divisions, following each other on
three successive days. With the first were all the
officers, and nearly one hundred seamen. They began
their march in the early part of December. On their
arrival at Sarrebourg, the people were again confined in
a place similar to that they had been put into at Rem;
but such was the severity of the weather that few of
them could have survived the night had they remained
there. However, the commander of the escort declared
he had neither authority, or means, to give them any other
accommodation. It was in vain that I observed to him,
that in that very town, only three weeks before, the men
had been billeted amongst the inhabitants, and had
shewn themselves worthy of such indulgence by their
good conduct. I earnestly requested that application
might be made to the municipality for permission
for the people to be again billeted amongst the inhabitants;
but this was objected to, from there being no
security against their escape.</p>

<p>“However, on our way to consult a magistrate,
I observed in the street a house to let; and it occurred
to me that this house, a capacious one, might
be hired for the night; and application being made to
the owner, he consented to my proposal for a very small
sum, about fifty francs. The officer of the escort also<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>
consented, on the condition of a further sum being given
for the soldiers, for the additional duty of a night guard;
I giving my parole at the same time for the prisoners
not attempting to escape. The number of people to be
accommodated in this house was about one hundred and
fifty; two remaining divisions being expected on the two
following days. The supplies of food for the people
were immediately ordered to be got ready; and in the
meantime a quantity of firewood was sent in, and large
fires made in every room. Heaps of straw were also
provided, and the meat and soup were brought in in tubs,
according to the number of inmates destined for each
room. By the time all was completely prepared, the
prisoners arrived, and were immediately distributed
according to the previous arrangement. As no communication
had been made to them, from the time I left
them in their prison, their joy and delight at the sight
of so much unexpected comfort, may be better conceived
than described; tired, and perishing with cold and hunger,
their food, their fire, and their straw, were indeed
luxuries, which it requires a person to be in their situation
thoroughly to appreciate. This they certainly did
do, nor was their loyalty to their beneficent sovereign
and grateful country forgotten, in their expressions of
enjoyment. Fires under a proper watch were kept
throughout the night; and day-break found the poor men
refreshed, and grateful, ready to resume their march, in
the most contented and willing state of discipline. The
good effect produced by this arrangement led me to
request of the magistrate, that the two following divisions
might have the benefit of the house in the same<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span>
manner; to which he at once assented. A sum was
accordingly left in his hands for the payment of the
rent, and the provision of food and fuel; and each division
enjoyed the unexpected treat that awaited them.
My officers and myself, with the first division, marched
on successively to Sarrebourg, Luneville, Nancy, and
St. Michel to Verdun, where we arrived on the 17th of
December, and were joined by the other two divisions.
Here the people were allowed to repose for some days,
previous to their continuing their march to their destined
depôt, Givet, on the banks of the Meuse; and this time
was taken advantage of, in clothing the prisoners from
head to foot, in a warm substantial manner, and in providing
them with blankets. In the course of a week
they proceeded on their route, but having none of the
officers to superintend their conduct, and watch over
them; they were soon again involved in misery; and
a large part of their clothes were disposed of for the
merest trifle to provide for their wants. So true it is,
that seamen even of experience, and of sterling abilities
in the exercise of their profession, are but children
of a larger growth when on shore; and hence arises
the necessity for that rigorous superintendence, so
much blamed by those who are ignorant of the
sailor’s character. Hence also it is that officers whilst
their men are under their command on board ship, are
obliged to keep lists of every article of their clothing,
and to call them to a rigid account, when any of
them are missing. The consequence of the separation
of those men from their officers in this case was, that
when they arrived at Givet, after a march of five or six<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>
days from Verdun, they were again in a state of
destitution. The barracks at Givet not being in readiness
to receive them; they were marched up to the
fortress of Charlemont, and there confined in a souterrain,
with all the old system of suttlers, and wet
straw, and want of clothing renewed; and this in the
last days of December, in that inclement climate.”</p>

<p>The officers in the mean time were permanently
settled at Verdun, to which place all the English
detenus, from every part of France, were assembled;
forming perhaps one of the most extraordinary groupes
of character, that had ever been collected in the same
spot. There were many highly respectable, and exemplary
persons; some of whom had been travelling
in France for their pleasure, some for the purpose of
educating their children, and some for economy. There
were others, whose sole object was curiosity, or dissipation.
There were many skilful artificers, who had
brought their talent to a French market, and were
engaged in setting up manufactures, that might rival
or surpass their own country. There were many, who
from seditious conduct, and republican principles, had
found it necessary to take shelter in France. There
were fraudulent bankrupts, and broken tradesmen.
There were many who had fled from their creditors,
and even some who had fled from the gallows. With
this motley assemblage the prisoners of war were
involved, enveloped in one measure, subject to the
same proscription, and the same parole. The amalgamation
was not very favourable to the latter, particularly
the younger branches of the service. Much good<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span>
was done, and some striking instances of conduct highly
honourable to Great Britain occurred; but all know the
influence of bad example, and how easily it captivates
the unwary. This very soon became evident. Gaming
houses were set up by the French government’s
authority, and a notice was stuck up against the door,
that “They were exclusively for the English; and that
the French were forbidden to frequent them.”</p>

<p>Captain Brenton received a letter early in January
from one of the prisoners at Charlemont, informing
him of the situation to which they were again reduced,
and imploring him to visit them if possible. He immediately
waited upon the General commanding at
Verdun, and requested and obtained permission, on
condition that he would take a gens d’armes with him
in the carriage, and consider himself for the time in
his custody. To this he readily agreed, and proceeded
to Givet, through Stenay, Sedan, Rocroy, and the
Ardennes. On reaching the place he immediately went
to Charlemont, and found that the statement he had
received was not in the least exaggerated. It was a
complete recurrence of the worst days, and all was to be
done over again. It is but justice however to the French
Military Authority to say, that every facility was given
to Captain Brenton for the purpose of carrying out the
object of his journey. The barracks, very spacious buildings
on the banks of the Meuse, were now ready. The
rooms were large, and capable of containing twenty men
in each: and the following letter from Captain Brenton
to the Transport Board, will best explain the measures
taken for the comfort of the prisoners.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Verdun, January 25, 1804.</span></p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span>,</p>

<p>“The British seamen, prisoners of war, having
been sent to Charlemont, in the department of Ardennes, I judged
it necessary to apply to the French government for permission to
go there, that I might see them properly clothed, and supplied
with what might be indispensibly necessary for their comfort.
This indulgence was instantly granted, and I have just returned
from thence. I beg leave to lay before you an account of the
measures, which I have thought proper to take for the present,
until I receive your orders for my future guidance. The prisoners
are allowed, by the French government, three sols per day, one
pound and a half of bread, a bundle of straw, and a small quantity
of wood. The latter is by no means sufficient to dress their victuals,
and a part of it has always been stopped to pay for the hire of
kettles to dress their meat, and earthen pans to put it in when
cooked.</p>

<p>“Upon my arrival at Charlemont, I found orders had been
received there for the prisoners to be removed to the great barracks
at Givet, upon the banks of the Meuse, in a healthy good situation.
They are divided into rooms containing twenty men each,
with brick floors. The rooms are however comfortable, spacious,
well shaped, perfectly clean, with a good chimney in each. As no
furniture of any kind is allowed them, I have hired ten bedsteads
for each room. The bedstead with a palliasse is sufficient for two
men. For the bedstead and palliasse I pay ten sols each per
month. The prisoners are allowed a blanket by the French
government, in addition to which I have furnished them with
others, as I stated in my letter of the first. I considered this
arrangement as better than purchasing bedding, which would
create a great expense; and in the event of the depôt being
changed, be impossible to carry. In order to prevent the stoppage
taking place in the quantity of fuel, I have also hired a
kettle, jug, and two earthen pans for each room, which costs thirty
sols a month. Well aware that by putting any sum into the hands
of the seamen, it might, in many instances, occasion intoxication
and improper conduct; and that by supplying clothing only, without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>
adding to their allowance of provisions, I should have defeated his
Majesty’s most gracious intentions of succouring his distressed
subjects, as their clothes would have been sold to supply their
wants; I have judged it necessary, till I have received your
directions, to continue their daily allowance, as mentioned in my
last, viz. six sols to the people belonging to his Majesty’s vessels
and packets; four sols to those belonging to merchants’ service;
and three sols to boys. I have contracted with a butcher at Givet,
to supply them with half a pound of good meat a day, at two sous
per pound below the market price, which is brought to them every
morning at nine o’clock, and distributed to the several rooms.
The chiefs of the several rooms receive the payment due to their
companions, from the French government, a certain part of which
is appropriated to the purchase of vegetables, and the remainder
distributed for the purpose of supplying their inferior wants. I
have directed that the care of their clothes should be indispensibly
necessary to their receiving a continuation of indulgence; that
they should be regularly mustered every week; and that whosoever
shall be found deficient, his allowance shall be stopped until
the article missing can be purchased and committed to his charge.</p>

<p>“In order to insure obedience to these regulations, regularity in
the payment, and good order in general, I have placed Mr. W. T.
Bradshaw, acting clerk of the Minerve, a young man of excellent
character, as superintendent, who will pay particular attention to
the comfort and good order of the people, and have allowed him,
until I can receive your directions on the subject, two shillings per
day, and sixpence per league travelling expences from Verdun to
Charlemont, as he belonged to this depôt, until removed by my
application.</p>

<p>“I feel it a pleasing duty to say, that the prisoners are treated
with the utmost kindness and attention by the French officer,
charged with their superintendence; from whom I have received
every possible assistance, and indulgence, in the performance of my
duty; and it is with the most heartfelt satisfaction, I can state,
that his Majesty’s most gracious bounty has been attended with
the happiest effects; and that I left my countrymen on the 16th
instant, cheerful, contented, and grateful in the highest degree.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span></p>

<p>“Upon my return to Verdun I found that Captain Gower and
his officers had arrived there. Captain Gower, wishing to see the
wants of his own ship’s company supplied, immediately set out for
Valenciennes, where they are. I have in consequence given him
a letter of credit on Messrs. Peregaux for £400 for the purpose.</p>

<p>“We have a depôt here of nearly one hundred men, provided
for, as those at Givet; there is also a depôt of prisoners at Bitche,
who have as yet received very little assistance, for which purpose
I mean to set out for that place on the 30th instant, having procured
permission. I have also clothed fifty men, left in the hospital
at Phalsbourg, through the assistance of the municipality.
The clothes are of a higher price than those I have purchased,
but at the same time of a much better quality, as I have observed
by some of the people passing through this place, on their way to
Givet, the prices vary very much at the different places. I have
endeavoured to unite comfort with economy. I beg leave to annex
the different prices. There are here a few commissioned and petty
officers, who have been passed from Toulon, and having had no
opportunity of procuring supplies from England, are consequently
for the moment in great distress. I flatter myself that I have only
anticipated your wishes, in giving to each a small sum on account
of their pay, viz. to a lieutenant £10, and to a midshipman £5. I
must request you will be pleased to grant me a further supply of
money, as what now remains, must in a few weeks be exhausted.</p>

<p>“Having met with ten masters of merchantmen in the forest of
Ardenne, on their way to Verdun, totally destitute of money, having
only three sols a day, and in the most wretched apparel, I gave
to each of them a small sum of money for their present necessities,
amounting to forty-four livres and four sols; and since my return
to Verdun, have extended the like aid to several other masters in
the same predicament. There is a number of men to whom such
assistance would be highly useful, and who I really believe do
not possess the means of procuring relief for themselves; but as
they are allowed twenty-nine livres per month by the French
government, I could not take upon myself to act in their favour,
without your instructions for that purpose.—I have, &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">(<span class="smcap">Signed</span>) “JAHLEEL BRENTON.”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span></p>

<p>Captain Brenton says, “On my return to Verdun,
I found dissipation and extravagance the order of the
day. The gaming tables were in full career, and frequented
by the greater part of the prisoners, who
could collect a stake whereby to try their fortune.
The result was, as might have been expected, extensive
misery and wretchedness, with many acts of gross
misconduct. The studies of the young people were
greatly interrupted, and a gloomy prospect presented
itself for the remainder of the captivity.” On another
occasion, it appears to have been on a visit to the
depôts and hospitals of Bitche, Captain Brenton says,
“I set off on the day appointed, visiting on my way
the hospitals of Metz, Nancy, Luneville, Blemont and
Phalsbourg, in each of which I found many English
prisoners. I was accompanied in this journey by the
Rev. Lancelot Charles Lee, an English Clergyman,
who having been travelling in France, at the period of
the war breaking out, was included in the general
arrest, and sent to Verdun. This gentleman, who
devoted all his time and property to the relief of his
fellow sufferers, volunteered accompanying me, in the
expectation of finding many of his fellow detenus in
the different prisons and hospitals, we were likely to
visit; nor was he disappointed; for many were found,
and all were relieved to the utmost extent of his power.
The society of this amiable man was a source of much
enjoyment to me; and the foundation of a friendship
was laid at this time, which lasted during the remainder
of Mr. Lee’s life.” He died at his living near
Oxford in the year 1842 or 1843. A singular instance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span>
of the ability of the persons employed in the
charge of prisoners, and their fitness for the office they
had to fill, occurred upon the occasion of their journey.
“The gens d’armes who had been sent with me to Givet,
upon my first visit there, appeared very anxious to learn
English; enquiring the name of every article which presented
itself in that language, and making awkward
attempts to pronounce it. He at the same time gave
some not obscure hints, as to his feelings respecting the
situation of prisoners; shewing that he considered those
who had left families at home, as almost justified, in any
effort they might make to effect their escape. This at
once put me on my guard, as to the treachery I might
expect from my companion, if I were to give him the
slightest advantage, even in common conversation; and
I consequently avoided the subject of the prisoners
with the greatest care, keeping my escort at as great a
distance as circumstances would admit. But as it was
customary for all prisoners who were placed under the
particular custody of gens d’armes to admit them to
their table; a custom I felt obliged to follow, as much
of the good I hoped to do for the prisoners, would
depend on my being on friendly terms with this man.
This rendered my situation the more dangerous.
The journey however was performed, and no effort
made by the gens d’armes at mischief. On my next
journey I was told that the same guard would attend
me. He persevered in his apparent efforts to pick up
a little English. Convinced as Mr. Lee and myself
were of this man’s utter ignorance of the English
language, we felt under no restraint before him, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>
indulged ourselves in talking freely upon every subject
which presented itself. The French Government, the
first Consul, the treatment of the prisoners, and even
the conduct of this man himself, whose gluttony, and
egregious vanity, and boasting, made him a very prominent
subject for remark, and ridicule, were all very
freely handled; but all this passed before him without
producing the slightest effect upon the muscles of his
countenance; and yet upon our return to Verdun, it
was discovered that this very man spoke English as
well as French; and had been five years in the Irish
Brigade under General Stack, in the French service.
This information was given to me by the General himself.
That no mischief was done by this person, can
only be accounted for, on the supposition, that the object
of his espionage was to detect, if possible, the existence
of any plan of importance, either respecting the escape
of prisoners, or as connected with some of the diplomatic
secrets at that time carried on by Mr. Drake, at Munich,
whom Buonaparte considered as involved in the conspiracies
of Georges, and his accomplices. Nothing having
transpired that could have been brought to bear upon
this subject, silence was imposed upon the spy, on
every other point, as no good could result from the
disclosure.</p>

<p>“Whilst changing horses on the road to Givet, a beggar
came to the carriage to whom I gave a sol; which my
companion, the gens d’armes, observing, said, ‘Monsieur,
voila un de mes defants. Je suis trop charitable. Je ne
vois jamais la misère, sans que les larmes me viennent
aux yeux.’ None were however observable on this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>
occasion, nor did he give any other testimony of his
being ‘trop charitable.’ On our arriving in the evening
at Rocroix, where we were to sleep, another gens
d’armes presented himself, who being a brother Brigadier
to my escort, was invited to join the dinner party;
and the prowess of the French troops became naturally
a subject of conversation. The charitable gens d’armes
then observed to me, ‘Ah, Monsieur, voila un autre de
mes defants. Je suis, trop brave o si vous pourriez
me voir marcher contre une redonte—ah, vraiment c’est
une chose a voir.’</p>

<p>“On our arrival at Phalsbourg we found nearly fifty
men still in the hospital, of those who had been left
there on the breaking up of the depôt in December;
and it is but justice to that worthy man, Monsieur
Parmentier, the mayor, (whose kindness to the prisoners
I before mentioned) to say, that it is impossible
any people could have been treated with more kindness,
and real benevolence, than these people were;
much praise is also due to M. Geville, the surgeon of
the hospital. I mentioned in my official letter to the
Transport Board, the conduct of M. Parmentier, and
stated that he had a relation, M. Leopold Liot, who
had been taken prisoner at St. Domingo; and requested
that he might be liberated, as an expression of
gratitude to M. Parmentier, and I have the impression
on my mind that this was granted. From Phalsbourg
we proceeded to Bitche, where we found forty men
confined in a souterrain. These were generally persons
who had been detected in an attempt to make
their escape, and were sent here as a punishment, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>
at the same time for greater security. On our return
we visited Nancy and Metz, relieving the prisoners in
the hospitals at those places; and reached Verdun in
the early part of March.”</p>

<p>Soon after the prisoners had assembled at Verdun,
the Rev. Robert B. Wolfe, a Clergyman of the Church
of England, who was a detenu, arrested while living at
Fontainbleau, made an offer of his services for the
performance of divine worship. Applications were in
consequence made to the General, for the use of a
Government building, then vacant, which had formerly
been the chapel of a convent: and this being granted,
the service was regularly performed every Sunday, to a
congregation consisting of by far the greater part of
the prisoners, and amounting to more than one hundred
persons. Mr. Wolfe received frequent assistance
from the Rev. W. Gordon, another very amiable young
clergyman, amongst the detenus. A school was at the
same time established for the children of the prisoners,
and for the boys taken in the vessels of war, and
merchant vessels; all of whom under a certain age had
been permitted to remain at Verdun. These boys
having been clothed uniformly in neat jackets and
trowsers, were marched to church on the Sunday, but
the display proved to be unwise. The French authorities
took umbrage at it, and an order was soon
received from Paris, that the whole of these children
should be sent off to Sarrelibre, to a new depôt which
had been formed at that place, to the great detriment
of these young people, indeed it may be said, to the
utter ruin of many.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span></p>

<p>In the course of the spring a very great increase
had been made in the number of prisoners. The officers
of several ships of war, of Indiamen, and other vessels,
had arrived, as well as detenus from the more remote
parts of France. Verdun began to lose the appearance
of a French town; and many shops with English signs
and English designations were seen, such as “Anderson,
grocer and tea dealer, from London; Stuckey, tailor
and ladies’ habit maker, from London, &amp;c. &amp;c.” The
Rue Moselle, the principal street in Verdun, got the
nom de guerre of Bond Street, and was often called by
the French themselves, “Bon Street.” Races were
established, and a race course hired, and fitted up,
near the village of Charni, with distance posts, stewards’
box, &amp;c. &amp;c. A pack of beagles was procured,
which was hunted regularly three times a week, and
became a very favourite amusement. A motley groupe
followed them, consisting entirely of prisoners, with
horses of every description; sometimes as many as
forty horsemen being seen in the field; but it was an
amusement eagerly followed up, and seemed to break
the monotony of the prisoner’s life, being something to
look forward to.</p>

<p>The General in allowing the exercise of hunting,
granted a Rayon of two leagues on each side of
Verdun; but this was qualified by the necessity each
prisoner was under of signing his name in a book kept
for the purpose in an office at Verdun, twice in the
course of the day; viz., once between eight and ten in
the morning, and again between two and four in the
afternoon. Those who wished to hunt therefore, took<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>
care to sign as early as they could in the morning, and
provided they could ensure returning before four, they
felt secure as to their last signature. It was necessary
in consequence that the hunt should begin early, and
it was seldom of long duration. This necessity of
appearing twice a day was felt by the superior officers,
who had been taken in arms, as a great indignity,
and forcibly remonstrated against by them in the
following letter.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“We feel it a duty we owe to ourselves, and the
rank we hold in the British Navy, to remonstrate against the
treatment we receive as prisoners of war. When under the necessity
of surrendering the ships we commanded to the arms of the
French republic, we considered ourselves under its protection.
We were taken in the performance of our duty, which in all ages,
and in every part of the world, has been considered as the most
noble either in public or in private life; that of supporting the
cause of our country in open and honourable warfare. No exertions
could save us from captivity under the circumstances attending
our ships; no honour was consequently lost, and misfortune
ought to strengthen our claims to hospitality. The fate of war has
placed us in the hands of the French republic, and from it, Sir, we
have a right to demand that respect, which the customs of all
civilized nations accord to officers of our rank, who have not forfeited
their titles to it by improper conduct. Ours has been invariably
regulated by a sacred attention to the word of honour exacted
from us upon landing in France, nor can we recollect having given
the slightest cause of complaint. We are now placed on a level
with the lowest description of prisoner, and enjoy no distinction
whatever above them. Notwithstanding we have pledged our
honour not to leave Verdun without permission, we are ordered
to present ourselves twice in each day, to verify our keeping it.
The Captains of the French ships Carrieré, St. Nicholas, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span>
Success, taken by the ships we commanded in the late war, can
testify how differently they were treated whilst our prisoners.</p>

<p>“You must naturally expect, Sir, that under such circumstances
we should feel and act as we do in laying a statement of these facts
before you.</p>

<p class="center">“We are, Sir, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">E. L. GOWER,<br />
JAHLEEL BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To His Excellency
The Minister of Marine.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>No answer was returned to this letter; the cause
probably was, that it was referred to the Bureau of the
Minister of war, who was charged with the control of
the prisoners, for from the invariable kindness of Mons.
Decrês, the Minister of Marine, there can be but little
doubt of his readiness to attend to so just a complaint.
In the course of a few weeks, however, an indulgence
was granted to the officers of rank to sign only every
fifth day, and the same privilege was extended to the
principal of the detenus.</p>

<p>It is proper to mention here a fact, which occurred at
this period of Captain Brenton’s confinement, which is
not only interesting in itself, but which eventually may
have led to some important consequences to him and
his associates in captivity. He was visiting at the
house of a French gentleman in Verdun, and was struck
by a large picture hanging up in the room, in which a
person strikingly resembling the master of the house
was painted, in the act of giving charity to a ragged
little boy; and on enquiring what the picture was
intended to represent, he received the following affecting
little narrative from M. Godard, the gentleman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>
himself. “During the reign of terror,” he stated that
“both Madame Godard and himself were arrested, and
confined in prison, in the hourly expectation of being
sent to the guillotine; while their family, consisting of
six young children, were left totally unprotected. After
some days passed under the most dreadful anxiety,
Robespierre having been put to death, the prisoners
were released, and flying to their home found all their
children but one; and after the most indefatigable
search, they could obtain no information respecting
him. It was supposed that he must have perished in
some of the conflicts which were of daily occurrence in
Paris; and he was accordingly given up and mourned
over as dead. Three or four years afterwards M.
Godard, having business in Holland, went to Rotterdam,
and was accosted in the streets by a boy in rags,
begging. The child’s accent was evidently French,
and attracted M. Godard’s notice. On asking his
country, he said that it was France, and that his name
was Romain. And what besides, asked the gentleman
with great agitation? The boy replied, Romain Godard.
In fact it was the missing child. The father’s
joy may be easily conceived. He found that the child
expecting to be put to death at Paris, had contrived to
join a party going to Holland, where he had long subsisted
upon charity. He was of course soon returned
to the bosom of his family, and received as one from
the dead by his afflicted mother.”</p>

<p>On Captain Brenton’s continuing his enquiries respecting
the youth, he was told that he had been sent
out to St. Domingo on employment; and on that island<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>
being evacuated by General Rochambeau, in 1803, Romain
had embarked in a merchant vessel for France;
but he was taken on the passage by an English
cruizer; and was at that time actually on board the
Sultan, prison ship, in Portsmouth harbour.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton immediately wrote to the Transport
Board, stating all the circumstances of this most affecting
case, and suggesting that as M. Godard was very
much respected at Verdun, the indulgence of his son’s
release might have a happy effect upon the welfare of
the British prisoners in that depôt. The Transport
Board immediately obtained the sanction of the Admiralty
to his being liberated; and in a few weeks he
arrived once more in the paternal dwelling.</p>

<p>No comment need be made on this simple but affecting
story. It shews how wonderfully, and yet how
mysteriously, the purposes of Providence are accomplished;
but it also shews how various are the opportunities
of doing good, which are placed within the
reach of those who are diligent in seeking for them.</p>

<p>Much real good probably did arise from this conversation.
The young Godard was delivered from a very
miserable and protracted captivity, and his family were
made happy by his restoration. But beyond this, we cannot
doubt that a kindly feeling was generated towards
the English prisoners by the interference which led to
his release; the bitter feelings which war has a tendency
to produce in hostile nations were mitigated, and an
interchange of kindness must have reminded the parties
concerned, that the real happiness of man is the making
others happy.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span></p>

<p>But while these were the apparent occupations of
Captain Brenton, while he was thus busily employed in
relieving the distresses and promoting the welfare of all
around him, there was much passing within his own
mind of which the world knew nothing; and his labours
for the good of others were secretly promoting his own.
Light broke in on his own mind, while he was endeavouring
to enlighten others. His work and labour of
love were made the means of awakening his mind
to truths which had hitherto been partially considered
and imperfectly felt; and these benevolent employments
which withdrew him from the ordinary dissipations
of the world led him to meditate more deeply
and seriously on the real interests of man, on his own
state before God, and his future final prospects.</p>

<p>“At this time,” his private journal says, “I began to
reflect seriously upon my religious opinions. I had
indeed long been in the habit of attending to the form
of religion, particularly from the period of my having
served under that exemplary character, Sir James Saumarez.
It had been habitual to me on the approach of
danger or battle, to offer up a mental prayer for support;
but upon a more deliberate examination I came to the
conclusion, that <em>christianity made no part of my religion</em>;
that it was almost entirely confined to the first sentence
in the Prayer book, ‘When the wicked man turneth
away from his wickedness,’ &amp;c. I had always felt
some indefinite purpose of doing this, and of amending
my life; but then it was only done in trying myself by
the letter of the commandment; and when there was not
a decided breach of duty, I felt perfectly satisfied. With<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>
regard to the New Testament, it hardly appeared to me
as of any importance; it was seldom read, and less meditated
upon. I was scrupulous in performing a certain
round of duties, in the cold and heartless manner which
may be supposed; but they were all tasks performed in
fear, and none in love. The only light which seemed to
break through the thick mist of utter darkness, arose
from occasional glimpses of the working of Divine Providence.
I had very long been in the habit of attributing
my successes, and my preservation from danger, to
Omnipotence, and not to second causes; but this is the
utmost amount of religious feeling to which at that
period I could lay any claim. The same merciful and
long-suffering Being, who had spared and prospered
me, still continued his divine and wonderful forbearance;
and I may have been made, even under these
appalling circumstances of ignorance and error, an
instrument in keeping up among those around me,
some faint recollection of spiritual things, so far at
least as shewing the worship of God to be a duty, if it
were lost sight of as a privilege.”</p>

<p>It may be profitable that the reader’s attention
should be drawn to these expressions; and that he
should trace the progress of light in the mind of the
subject of this memoir, by considering the way in
which he here viewed and judged himself. That the
journal contains a simple artless narrative of his own
experience, must be evident to every one who reads it.
It was designed for the perusal of those who knew
him best, to whom his heart was always open with all
its workings, and who were in consequence capable of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span>
interpreting its language, and understanding its meaning;
and that the writer could have wished to impose
on them a notion which did not exist in his own mind,
or in any degree to disguise or exaggerate his own
feelings, is impossible to be believed. Still we must
be surprised at hearing the language which he uses
concerning his own state, and in particular the description
here given of his religious feelings. At the
period spoken of, he was not only a moral character,
but an exemplary man. The world had not only
known him as a distinguished officer, but had seen him
discharging accurately and fully all the relative duties
of society, as a son, as a brother, as a husband, as a
friend. In the circle at Verdun, the humanity and
kindness which he had exhibited towards the poorer
prisoners, and the exertions and self-denial he was
submitting to in their service, had probably caused
him to be considered as a model of benevolence and
charity; while the regularity with which he attended
to his religious duties, and the efforts which he made
for the moral improvement of the people, led them to
regard him as a man of piety.</p>

<p>We cannot be surprised at this having been the
conclusion which was drawn by others from what was
seen; but we may with reason be surprised at the
confession which we read, and at the acknowledgment
thus recorded, by the object of the world’s admiration,
that he was at the moment so far from what they
thought him. Some allowance must be made for the
humility with which a man, once awakened to the
real state of his heart, will speak of his own attainments;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span>
some further allowance must be made for the
circumstances of dejection under which he first drew up
this memorial; but it still may be expedient to state
the causes which may have occasioned this remarkable
difference between the apparent character, and that
which he considered to be the truth, and which raised
him in appearance, so high above that which he knew
and felt to be his real condition. Those who had the
advantage of knowing Sir Jahleel Brenton personally,
can bear witness to what may be stated of the singular
amenity of his character. His natural affections were
so strong, his tastes so refined, his manners so gentle,
his kindness so consistent; that much of what the
world calls goodness, seemed to grow up in him spontaneously,
and cost him nothing. He was amiable
without an effort, benevolent without reflection; and
habitually thinking more of others than himself, he
exhibited from his earliest years much of that love
which is the fulfilling of the law, as a rule of life,
without feeling that love which supersedes the law as a
ground of hope. The active habits of his profession,
a high sense of the character that he was to maintain
as a British officer, and that thirst for glory, but too
justly described as the last infirmity of noble minds;
conspired to give vigour and animation to his moral
feelings, and to raise him above all that was base or
degrading. To these high toned principles of action,
his early and persevering attachment added delicacy
and tenderness of sentiment; and it is not impossible to
trace the effect which these united and combined circumstances
must have had, in producing as fine a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span>
substitute for that, which in reality is the work of grace
on the heart, as can well be conceived. Under the influence
of these impressions he was in the fullest sense
what the world thought him. He was excellent in all
social relations; he was brave, kind, generous, and forgiving;
but he was not what he had flattered himself
with being, a real Christian. Acquaintance with himself,
the result of leisure, meditation, trial, all used by the
Holy Spirit, and employed for the purpose of awakening
his conscience, and enlightening his mind, enabled him
to see the source from which these qualities proceeded,
and thus to understand their real nature. He then saw,
that through life he had been striving to obtain the
favour of man rather than that of God. He saw that
the love of men, and the praise of men had been
desired, and not the praise of God. He felt that he
had been touched by the love which his fellow creatures
bore to him, while strange to say, he had been
indifferent to the love which he believed that his
Redeemer had evinced towards him. He saw that his
own glory, not the glory of God had been the object
of his ambition; and that though his life had been led
in a very different way from that in which it was spent
by others, it had not been lived to God as in duty
it ought to have been. He thus learnt, that that
which was highly esteemed among men, might be an
abomination to God; and the twilight of his former
state seemed nothing less than darkness, when compared
with the brightness of the truth which burst on
his mind as revealed in the Gospel. Those qualities
which had won him the affections of his family and his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>
friends, that warm and disinterested benevolence which
had made him the instrument of mercy to so many
in distress, were considered in a very different way,
when their principles were analysed, and their real
nature ascertained; and he no doubt was astonished
at finding how far it was possible to go in what seemed
to be the ways of God, without having really known the
motives by which he was actuated. Other men less
happily constituted, would have been in less danger
of self deception. The evil that was in them, lay
nearer to the surface, and would have germinated and
shewn itself sooner. His danger arose from that
which seemed to be his security; and the man whom
all the world was agreeing to admire and to love,
was likely to be lost, because nothing occurred to
awaken his anxiety, or to lead him to suspect himself.</p>

<p>Adverting to the time that the British seamen remained
at Epinal, during the first months of their captivity,
from August to the commencement of December,
Captain Brenton says, “Their conduct in general was
such as to procure them the respect of the inhabitants.
Some of them remarked to me, that their town had in
the previous war, been made a general depôt for prisoners;
that they had had Austrians, Poles, Russians, and in
short men of all nations in Europe confined there; and
that the consequence was, that the whole district was infested
by beggars; but that although the British seamen
were evidently worse off than any who had preceded them,
there was no instance of any of them being seen begging.
Another circumstance very creditable to the
British sailor was, that the inhabitants of Epinal were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span>
anxious to get the prisoners to do labouring work
for them; but none accepted this employment without
my permission. I gladly consented to their having such
advantage, under one only restriction, the necessity of
which was obvious; that they should not engage in any
of the public works usually performed by French soldiers;
lest having taken the place of these men, the
soldiers might be sent to the army. To these conditions
they invariably adhered, in spite of threats and
coercion.”</p>

<p>On the establishment of the depôt at Sarrelibre, Captain
Brenton says, “I applied for permission to visit
the prisoners who were confined there, but my request
was refused. An evident feeling of jealousy began
at this time to manifest itself, with regard to the
influence the British officers exercised over their
countrymen; and all communication was forbidden
between them. In the course of the autumn I obtained
permission to reside at Etain, a little village
about twelve miles from Verdun. General Abercrombie
was my companion, he was the son of Sir Ralph, and
had been arrested at Calais, just as he was stepping into
the packet for England, previous to the commencement
of the war. We were enjoying with great relish this
little change in our captivity, when a detenu of rank
thought proper to make his escape; and having succeeded,
he wrote to the French government, defending
his conduct; and adding that no detenu considered his
promise to be binding. In consequence of this conduct
all the prisoners were instantly recalled to Verdun.
The gates were shut, and all passports taken away;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span>
nor could the prisoners under such circumstances justly
complain of the severity exercised towards them. The
officers taken in active service again remonstrated,
but for a time without effect. The measures of restraint
however were soon again relaxed, and they returned
to their former state.”</p>

<p>Relative to this period the journal supplies the
following entry, as made from a paper left by Mrs.
Brenton. July 3rd, 1804, she writes, “Grant O
most merciful God, that my beloved husband may this
day be reflecting with gratitude on his escape from
the perils of this day year, and returning humble
thanks to Thee for his preservation. Continue to
protect him, O heavenly Father, and if it be according
to Thy all wise decree, grant that he may soon return
in health and safety.” To this simple and touching
prayer the husband has subjoined, “I earnestly hope that
I did fulfil your beloved mother’s most pious wishes
in offering up on that day, my grateful recollection and
praises to the Almighty, for the protection He had
been pleased to vouchsafe me on the day of my
capture.” I have for many years endeavoured to
retain the impression upon my mind, by making it
a part of my daily prayer: “O Almighty God, father
of all mercies,” he adds, “from my earliest infancy
Thou hast blessed and protected me. Thou didst bless
my dearest parents, and make us their children, the
instruments of their welfare. O Lord, in the hour of
danger, and in the day of battle, on the bed of sickness,
how constantly Thou hast protected me. O merciful
Creator, Thou hast preserved unto me for a series<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>
of years, the greatest of earthly blessings, a virtuous
and affectionate wife. Thou hast supported her in the
hour of trial, Thou hast enabled her to bear her afflictions.
Thou hast softened the miseries of my captivity,
by the protection of my wife and child.” “Although
(he continues) we had not at this time been united much
more than two years, I considered that my wife had
been preserved unto me, from the earliest period of
my fixing my affections upon her, more than thirteen
years previous to our marriage.” On Sunday, 29th
July, 1804, Mrs. Brenton writes again; “I have had the
pleasure of conversing with Mr. Forbes and his family
about my invaluable husband, and listened with delight
to the praises bestowed upon him. Continue to preserve
him, O merciful God, if it be according to Thy
divine will, and Thy all wise decrees. Grant that he
may soon return in health and safety: this I beg
through Jesus Christ our Lord.”</p>

<p>Captain Brenton remarks, “Mr. Forbes had been
detained as a prisoner in France, with many more of his
countrymen, whilst on his travels; but he was liberated
at the instance of Sir Joseph Bankes, to whom he was
known. Buonaparte wishing to be considered the
friend and patron of literary men, and this gentleman
being known to have collected materials for a very
considerable work upon India, which has since been
published, he was glad to take the opportunity of evincing
his respect for science by granting to Sir Joseph Bankes,
and in favour of a man of letters, what he would have
yielded to no other application.</p>

<p>“Mr. Forbes was a worthy pious man, who took<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span>
much delight in relieving the sufferings of his poor
countrymen, who were in captivity with him. Upon
his liberation, we formed the most sanguine hopes that
our own would speedily follow. He shewed great kindness
in charging himself with letters and presents for
our dear friends in England: and promised to deliver
them in person; a promise which he most punctually performed.
It was indeed a great source of comfort to both
of us, that this opportunity of corresponding was granted.
Under any other circumstances, I should be guilty of
unpardonable vanity, in transcribing the observations
contained in the memoranda of this day; but, you
my beloved children will read them, as coming warm
from the heart of your angelic mother; dictated by
that ardent affection, which was, if possible, increasing
in both of us, during the whole of our union.” “A considerable
period,” he adds, “elapses from this time, in
which I can find no journal. It may have been lost,
as in many other instances; or probably was not written,
from the state of suspense in which we were
constantly kept on both sides respecting an exchange.
Alternate hopes and fears were excited by the rumours
of the day. I had carried on a correspondence upon
the subject, with the Minister of Marine, M. Decrés,
who expressed in his letter a wish for the establishment
of a cartel, which seemed to be retarded, more from
punctilio than from any real obstacle. Buonaparte
himself appeared by this time to have considered the
measure of making hostages of the travellers, in a much
less advantageous light than it had presented itself to
his mind at first.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span></p>

<p>“Under these impressions I indulged the hope that
were any considerable effort made in England, by
persons in power, it might be attended with success.
I therefore urged my beloved Isabella to write to the first
Lord of the Admiralty in her own name, and her own
words, and to urge a further official application. This
she did, doubtful, and as it appears almost despairing of
success, but anxious to leave nothing undone, which it
was in her power to do, particularly when it had been
suggested by me. But in this, as in every other act of
her exemplary life, she recommended her cause to the
power and protection of the Almighty, and with the
most delightful resignation, placed all her hopes in him.
The application was unavailing. Buonaparte tenaciously
insisted upon the Hanoverians, and detenus being first
exchanged, against the French prisoners taken in the
beginning of the war. This sacrifice we could not
expect our country to make, and the preservation of its
dignity, even reconciled us to a further captivity. We
felt, and appreciated the motive.”</p>

<p>Referring to the memoranda of October the 29th,
1804, Captain Brenton writes, “The apprehensions of
our kind friends made them too solicitous respecting the
consequences, to allow them to excite any sanguine
hopes on either side. They rather seemed to recommend
resignation, and acquiescence in what seemed to
be unavoidable; and my hopes by this time had entirely
vanished. From the tenor of my last letter from the
Minister of Marine, I had been convinced that all prospect
of an exchange of prisoners, had now become
more remote than ever; and I immediately turned my<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>
thoughts towards making my captivity as light as possible,
by associating with it what was dearest to me in the
world. I determined to call for my beloved wife and child,
and to take advantage of those blessings, which a most
bountiful Providence had bestowed upon me; to enjoy
them with gratitude; to resign myself to the Divine will;
and to remain in peaceful expectation of the hour, when
God might be pleased to liberate me. This plan had often
suggested itself to me, but I deferred acting upon it,
until I should be justified by having made every effort
to procure my liberty. Having failed in these, M.
Decrés, the Minister, had the kindness to forward my
wishes to the utmost of his power, by sending me not
only a passport for my family, but letters of recommendation
for my beloved wife to wait her arrival at Rotterdam.
Having once allowed such a prospect of happiness to present
itself to my mind, I no longer gave captivity a moment’s
consideration; but counted the days to the return
of spring, when I might recommend my darling Isabella
to begin her journey. I had travelled sufficiently as a
prisoner to know that there was neither risk nor difficulty
in the undertaking; and I depended upon that benignant
and merciful Power, who had so often supported us, to
continue His gracious mercy and protection to my beloved
wife and child.”</p>

<p>That this meeting between the husband and the wife
who came to share his captivity, was happily effected,
is recorded in the note, affixed to the memoranda of
New Year’s Day, 1806. “We were permitted to meet
early in this year; and to pass it, I may almost say, in
perfect happiness. Such at least it appears, although we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span>
had great trials in consequence of the ill health of our darling
child, as well as from my own indisposition. I was
attacked, in the course of the summer with a complaint
upon the lungs, which to me wore a most threatening
aspect. I however concealed from my dear suffering
and anxious companion the most serious symptom,
which was spitting of blood; and I believe she never
knew it for many years afterwards, nor until I had
regained perfect health, and till her’s, still more valuable
to me, was menaced by the same alarming indication.
I then gladly told my secret, as well to comfort
my beloved invalide, as to excite my own hopes. Our dear
boy also was attacked, whilst travelling with us towards
Tours, with a dropsical complaint, which for some time
threatened his life. How little did I think that I should
have lived to weep over them both. In one short month
they were both taken from me.”</p>

<p>Captain Brenton has left some details of his wife’s
journey, which as being made through an enemy’s
country, under such very peculiar circumstances, are
not without interest. He says, “The vigour and energy
of mind displayed by my angelic wife, were the theme
of praise to all who knew her. Naturally timid
and fond of retirement, her habits of life were but
ill adapted to the exertion and resolution, which this
journey, performed under such formidable circumstances,
required. But prompted by her affection
for me, and by a sense of duty, she placed herself
under the care of her Divine Protector, and was immovably
fixed in her purpose, incapable of being
deterred by any consideration of personal risk or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>
suffering. Even in her anxiety for her beloved child,
she was supported by the same sense of piety, and
confidence in the blessing of God upon her virtuous
efforts; and the blessing of God attended her through
life in all she did.</p>

<p>“My brother was at this time commanding the
Amarantha, and most providentially lying at the
Nore. He had been alarmingly ill, and was still in a
state of great weakness; but he was all activity for
the comfort and assistance of my beloved Isabella;
who with her boy, and your dear aunt Mary, had
embarked in a small Prussian vessel, which was hired
to take them to Rotterdam. There they were most kindly
received by the respectable persons to whom letters
of credit and introduction had been sent, and they
there also received assurances of my welfare. In your
dear Aunt Mary your beloved mother had a most
affectionate and active companion, as her knowledge of
the French language, and the energy of her mind
rendered her peculiarly well qualified for such a journey.
The fears that had been excited in England, at the
necessity of travelling through hostile armies, vanished
entirely as the ladies proceeded; and they found the
road even better protected in consequence of the vicinity
of the great French army, and of the number of gens
d’armes patrolling in every direction to prevent desertion.
Let this part of your beloved mother’s character, which
stimulated her to so much exertion, in what she considered
the cause of affection and duty, be treasured
up, my darling children, for your imitation. Pay a due<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>
regard to the advice of your friends, but at the same
time bring your own judgment into exercise. Compare
the probabilities which may threaten you, with the
nature of the duty you have to perform. Pray ardently
to God that He would be pleased to direct you
in your decision; and then, should the object you have
in view appear to be sanctioned by duty, let no circumstance
arising from other considerations shake
your resolution. ‘Reflect, ponder, and resolve.’ Let
this be your motto, and be inflexible in every good
purpose. How much happiness should we mutually
have lost, had my beloved companion been deviated
from her purpose, by an apprehension of danger, which
she afterwards found did not exist, or had she possessed
less confidence in her Heavenly Protector. In reviewing
the different events of our lives, we shall always
find cause to regret having allowed the consideration
of present convenience and comfort to preponderate,
against what conscience had placed before us, as a
duty. The same principle of resolution which your
exemplary mother evinced, in the exercise of her
affection for me, would on greater occasions lead to
the most heroic, or the most splendid actions. These
always, and only originate in right motives, inflexibly
acted upon, to the utter exclusion of all minor considerations.
But at the same time, you must never
forget, that the object thus unremittingly pursued,
should be paramount to all others, and be sanctioned by
religious, as well as moral obligations.”</p>

<p>I regret that the only memoranda I have found of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span>
this interesting journey, are merely the names of the
places, with the period of arriving at each. They are
as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Thursday, April 16th, sailed from England for
Holland.</p>

<p>“18th, arrived at Rotterdam after a passage of fifty-two
hours.</p>

<p>“20th, left Rotterdam, took a carriage from thence to
Antwerp, crossed to Williamstadt, slept at Breda.</p>

<p>“21st, arrived at Antwerp.</p>

<p>“22nd, arrived at Brussels.</p>

<p>“23rd, left Brussels for Namur.</p>

<p>“24th, arrived at Namur.</p>

<p>“25th, left Dinant, passed through Givet, and the
forest of Ardennes, and arrived at Mezieres. Friday,
April 26th, hired another carriage to take us to Sedan,
or to Verdun, in case of not meeting my beloved
Brenton; but heaven allowed me to enjoy that supreme
happiness, and I thought no more of the fatigues
of the journey. Grant, O most merciful God, that I
may never cease to feel a proper sense of Thy goodness,
however impossible it must be for me to express
half the gratitude I feel for Thy continued proofs of
mercy, and favour, to myself and all dear to me.</p>

<p>“Saturday, the 27th, slept at Stenay, and arrived at
Verdun on Sunday the 28th.”</p>

</div>

<p>These memoranda may appear unimportant, and
irrelevant to the subject of our present biography;
but yet they seem to justify Captain Brenton in having
planned a journey, which, by those less deeply interested,
might have been condemned as being too full of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>
peril, and involving too much hardship to the object
of his affection. His wife’s example may also serve
to animate some drooping spirits placed under similar
circumstances; and if it be true, as no member of the
Church of England will deny, that matrimony was
ordained for the mutual society, help, and comfort,
that the one ought to have of the other, both in prosperity
and adversity; we cannot but feel that the
purposes of this merciful ordinance were singularly
realised in the case before us. His own grateful reflections
on the subject, are thus further expressed. “Our
meeting was indeed one of pure, and unmixed felicity.
My beloved wife forgot in a moment all her fatigue, and
anxieties; and the recollection of captivity itself was
instantly banished from my thoughts, or if I remembered
it at all, it was as a blessing which brought me
the happiness I enjoyed. I had been long impatiently
expecting this joyful event, and the evening before
had received a letter from my beloved wife, informing
me of her arrival at Rotterdam. I was then living
in the little village of Clermont, a few miles distant
from Verdun. On this notice reaching me, I requested
permission of the General to go as far as Sedan, to
meet my family, which was kindly granted. On my
road I was most anxiously examining every carriage
as it approached. At sunset I had got within three
miles of Sedan, and had begun to give up all hopes
of seeing the object of my wishes; when I espied a
travelling carriage, I felt a presentiment that it contained
all I held most dear in the world, and was soon
convinced of it.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span></p>

<p>“We only stopped one day at Verdun, and then
removed to Clermont, where we passed some days in
perfect happiness. The distance however from Clermont
to Verdun was too great for convenience, as the
village afforded but few requisites for a family, and I
was also frequently called upon in behalf of the prisoners.
I therefore procured a lodging at Charni, a little
village on the Meuse, about two miles from Verdun, in
a most commodious house, with a very respectable
family.” Of the events of the following year, which
was passed in captivity, we can only find any account
by referring to the memoranda and notes, out of which
the following extracts have been taken.</p>

<p>In reference to Charni, Captain Brenton says, “Our
retreat here was a most delightful one, in a spacious
mansion belonging to Monsieur de Beaumont, who was
of an ancient and noble family. We had an excellent
suite of apartments, and the use of an extensive garden.
The season of the year was particularly delightful;
and every thing for some time conspired to make
us enjoy as much felicity as human nature is capable of
doing. If I had not entirely forgotten that I was a
prisoner, I ceased to feel the pressure of captivity, and
was resigned to my lot. An anxious thought of being deprived
of the active exercise of my profession would
now and then intrude, but it was soon dispelled in the
recollection of the happiness I enjoyed. This however
received some interruption a short time afterwards,
from my health being seriously attacked. I had caught
a cold, which in the month of June brought on spitting
of blood. I hope the precaution I took of concealing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span>
this alarming symptom from my beloved companion,
rendered her apprehensions less dreadful to her; but I
allowed my own mind to be extremely depressed. I
considered a rapid decline to be the inevitable consequence;
and the thoughts of my dear and helpless
family, left unprovided for, and unprotected, in a foreign
land, and in an enemy’s country, preyed upon my
spirits with a force that I cannot describe. It is
unknown to all but myself, how many hours of dreadful
anxiety I suffered on this account, and indeed on my
own; for these very feelings prove that I was not
prepared for death; that I was but a nominal christian.
So blind, and worldly minded I was, that I derived
no comfort from the assurances given in every part
of scripture, of the mercy and goodness of God. I
could not then comfort myself by resigning all I held
dear into the hands of that Bountiful Creator, who
gave them to me. I felt as though their happiness
depended upon my sole exertions; and that without
me they must be destitute. It is this way of thinking,
this practical want of faith, disguise it as we may,
which is the cause of all our anxiety, and even of all
the misery we meet with. It could not exist, were we as
sensible, as we persuade ourselves we are, of the Omnipotence,
and the Omnipresence, and the merciful goodness
of God. Often have I tried to reason myself into this
firm trust and confidence in the Divine mercy, but the
sick bed, the dear disconsolate widow, and the unprotected
infant were objects, which with all my efforts, I could
not look beyond; and yet, I should have thought the
greatest injustice had been done me, if any one at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span>
time had called in question the sincerity of my religious
profession. I felt as though I were living in a general,
if not a constant practice of its duties. How little do
we know ourselves, till the day of trial comes. I could
read treatises upon patience and resignation with the
most cordial concurrence in every argument; and even
wonder that they were not universally efficacious; but
when called upon to practice what they prescribed, I
found I was indeed living without God in the world.
I did not dare to impart these wretched feelings to
my beloved and inestimable wife, in the apprehension
of affecting her, and thus I lost the balm of her affectionate
counsels.</p>

<p>“The attack which I experienced, would, I am now
convinced, have been of little importance, but for the
effect I allowed it to have upon my mind. This aggravated
its force, and it soon assumed so serious an appearance
as threatened to realize all my apprehensions.
What a lesson is this for you, my dear children, to
teach you the folly as well as the wickedness of worldly
anxiety. How often do the evils we dread never reach
us; whilst the blow which humbles us comes from a
quarter where we least expected it. Even the events,
which seem to menace us with some serious calamity,
frequently become instruments of good to us. Nearly
thirteen years have now elapsed since this period; and
instead of the evil I foreboded, my health has probably
been strengthened and preserved, by the care and precaution
which that illness rendered necessary. It was
the cause of my removing from Verdun to the interior
of France, to the most delightful climate, where I soon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span>
nearly recovered. All my apprehensions were groundless.
I was mercifully preserved to those so justly dear
to me, and preserved by a gracious Providence to be
the humble instrument of their future welfare.</p>

<p>“It was impossible to enjoy greater advantages than
we possessed, in the retired village of Charni, during the
summer months; and I avoided the bustle and constant
interruption, which I met with at Verdun from various
quarters. We had some excellent and valuable friends,
in whose society we found much gratification; their
habits were similar to our own; with them we lived on
terms of the kindest intimacy, and avoided, by having
this residence, the necessity of keeping up an intercourse
with others who found enjoyment only in society of a
very different description. As the autumn however
approached, we thought it necessary to remove into
Verdun, as Charni was too low for a winter residence.
We continued to live in retirement, as my health was
too weak to admit of my entering into evening parties,
and it was with great difficulty that I could prevail
upon my beloved and excellent companion to leave me
only for a few hours. Even the change from Charni to
Verdun was beneficial to me. The progress I made
towards recovery was very apparent, and my mind
being consequently relieved, I was in a great measure
restored to happiness. The mercy and goodness of
God has visited me through life, in a very remarkable
manner; and this ought to excite the warmest gratitude,
and the most entire resignation to all He should in
future require of me.</p>

<p>“One other circumstance at this period occurred most<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span>
providentially, which relieved me from much anxiety.
My pecuniary circumstances had always been far
from affluent. The loss of my ship just fitted out;
the necessity of keeping two houses; and the other
unavoidable expences of my situation, had exhausted
the little which I had made in the late war. At
this time I received two sums most opportunely, namely
£468, prize money from Genoa, of which I had
given up all hopes; and nearly £400 as a remuneration
from the Admiralty for the charge I had taken of the
prisoners. This materially increased our comforts; but
the circumstance derived its chief value in the estimation
of my angelic wife, from the effect it produced in
tranquillizing my mind. To please and obey her God;
to share in, or contribute to the happiness of those dear
to her, was the great and invariable object of her life.
She thus gave additional charms to prosperity itself,
by the delight she took in the joy of all around her:
but how often have I felt her sweet influence of still
greater value in cheering me under the pressure of
adversity.</p>

<p>“In order to re-establish my health entirely, I was
anxious to remove into a milder climate; I was also
very desirous of procuring a residence for my family,
at a distance from the general depôt, where much of
the society was very exceptionable, and where we were
constantly unsettled, by the multitude of reports daily
in circulation, suggested without any foundation by the
hopes and fears of our fellow prisoners, or from mere
idleness. With this view I solicited permission to pass
the winter at Tours. The Minister of Marine, M.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span>
Decrés again stood my friend, and after some delay,
in consequence of Buonaparte being at Berlin, he at
length succeeded, and informed me in the kindest
manner of my request being granted. We made our
preparations with almost as much pleasure, as though
it had been for a journey to England. I employed
myself during the remainder of our stay at Verdun,
in concluding all my affairs relative to the prisoners
at that depôt. The French government had recently
forbidden any further supplies being given to the
British prisoners, by their own country; declaring that
each nation should support its own prisoners. The
fact was, that whilst the Englishmen were so liberally
provided for by their own government, there was no
hope of inducing them to desert; and all intrigues
carried on by the French to seduce them from their
allegiance proved fruitless. In consequence of this new
arrangement, my presence was no longer necessary at
Verdun. I settled all my affairs relative to the prisoners,
and this was rendered less complicated by an order recently
issued by the French Government, that all supplies
sent from England to her people should cease, and
each nation support their own prisoners. I had nothing
therefore now to do, but to close my accounts previous
to my departure. The situation of the prisoners of
inferior rank, became in consequence wretched in the
extreme. They were now deprived of the comforts
to which they had been accustomed; they neither saw
nor heard of their officers; they knew nothing of the
continued solicitude of their truly paternal government,
and of the efforts it had made in their behalf. All<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span>
hopes of exchange had died away, and complete despair
seemed to have taken possession of the sufferers.
Numbers attempted to make their escape, and some
few succeeded; but many were intercepted and cruelly
treated; whilst additional measures of severity were
adopted to prevent further attempts at desertion. All
who were taken at this time, were sent off, as close
prisoners to the fortress of Bitche, and confined in
the dark and gloomy souterrain. It was at this time
that Mr. Wolfe, finding that the principal objects of
his solicitude, the children, were all removed to the
distant depôts, and that none would be permitted to
reside at Verdun, came forward in a manner most
creditable to himself, as a volunteer to reside at Givet,
a depôt in which there were twelve hundred prisoners,
but no officers. He was aware that he must deprive
his family of all the advantages they possessed of comfort
and society at Verdun, and subject them to many
privations; but this excellent man did not hesitate,
whatever sufferings or inconveniences might await him,
to put in execution a resolution which was made in
the hope of being instrumental to the temporal and
eternal welfare of his suffering countrymen.”</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>THE REV. MR. WOLFE, ONE OF THE DETENUS.—HEARS OF THE STATE OF THE
PRISONERS AT GIVET, AND RESOLVES ON GOING TO RESIDE AMONG THEM.—EXTRACTS
FROM HIS WORK ENTITLED THE “BRITISH PRISONERS IN FRANCE.”</p>

</div>


<p>The name of Mr. Wolfe having been thus introduced, I
feel it due to the memory of that faithful and devoted
man, to leave for a moment the subject of the present
memoir, in order to turn to the labours in which he was
associated, and to a work which he voluntarily undertook,
in conjunction with his friend, Captain Brenton.
Mr. Wolfe, as has been stated, was arrested at Fontainbleau,
where he was making a short stay in a tour
subsequent to his marriage: and from thence was
consigned with the other detenus to the depôt at
Verdun. His situation there admitted many alleviations
in the captivity to which he was doomed. He
found several valuable and agreeable men, the associates
of his confinement. He had, as we have seen, opportunities
for exercising his ministry; and he must have
felt, that though the situation was not one which he
would have chosen, it was still one in which he perhaps<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span>
had less to regret, than the greater part of those
around him. But while he was thus residing at
Verdun, the reports which he continually received of
the state of the British seamen who were confined at
Givet, awoke such feelings of pity in Mr. Wolfe’s mind,
that he determined in a spirit of self-devotion, as rare
as it is admirable, to move with his family to Givet,
to take up his residence among them, and to try to
forward the means of their improvement by personal
exertions. This sacrifice can hardly be appreciated
as it ought to be, by those who are ignorant of the
condition to which the men were reduced, through their
own vices, and the oppression to which they were at the
time subjected. Mr. Wolfe’s friends remonstrated with
him seriously on the danger to which he was exposing
himself, and the partner of his exile, by taking up his
permanent abode among men, whom despair and suffering
had rendered almost ferocious; and whose sole
relief seemed to be, making others more wretched than
themselves. But he had seen the need to which they
were reduced. He had counted the cost, and he decided
on a step, which if it involved great personal
privation, and some personal danger, was followed by
such an amount of blessing as few have been permitted
to witness.</p>

<p>On first removing to Givet, he found his countrymen
sunk in every kind of abomination, half starved by
the dishonesty of the French Commissaries, destitute
of every comfort, and in a state of mind which aggravated
all their external sufferings. The cruel, and
unfeeling policy of the French government at the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span>
time, led them to make the condition of the prisoners
as wretched as possible, that they might be the more
easily tempted, by the agents employed to seduce
them from their allegiance; and the evils of captivity
were studiously aggravated by the want of necessary
food and covering, that the seamen might be induced
to enlist in the French service. This species of treatment
falling on minds ill prepared to resist it, had
led to a degree of frightful demoralization. Some
few were drawn away by the offers made to them,
and justified their desertion by the cold and hunger
they had suffered. The rest seeing no prospect of
release, without employment, and without resource,
sought for momentary forgetfulness in intoxication,
when liquor could be procured; and then sunk into
despondency, and sullen discontent. A more fearful
exhibition of human nature it is hardly possible to
conceive; and yet into this scene Mr. Wolfe resolved to
throw himself; and among men, such as these, he
asked, and with some difficulty obtained permission to
reside. The result of this noble enterprise of Christian
benevolence, of this work and labour of love,
should only be given in his own words, and having
asked, and obtained the kind permission of her who
was his partner in this act of self-devotion, to make
this use of his publication, I do not hesitate at borrowing
from the work which Mr. Wolfe published in
1830, entitled the “British Prisoners in France,” the
narrative of the experiment he made, and which from
that moment connected him, while life lasted, in affectionate
regard with the subject of the present
memoir.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span></p>

<p>“On my arrival at Givet,” writes Mr. Wolfe, “I soon
discovered that I had undertaken a task of much more
difficulty and danger, than I had at all been willing to
believe. I found the depôt in the most deplorable state.
Both in a moral and physical point of view, it would
be difficult to conceive anything more degraded and
miserable. And as regards religion, every appearance
of it was confined to some twenty methodists, who
were the objects of the most painful persecution, and
often the innocent cause of the most dreadful blasphemies.
For, not content with abusing, and sometimes
ill-treating them, the drunken and vicious, more
effectually to distress and grieve them, would blaspheme
that sacred name by which we are called, and utter
their contempt in the most extravagant, and offensive
mockery. The bodily privations of the prisoners, and
their want of the comforts, and common necessaries
of life was equally distressing. The barracks were
situated in a narrow pass, between the perpendicular
rock of the fortress of Charlemont on the one side,
and the river Meuse on the other; and all the space
the men had for exercise, was between the building
itself and the river, along the side of which was a wall.
This slip of ground, not more than ten paces in width,
and exposed to the southern sun, was in the heat of
summer a complete oven. Yet here they were obliged
to walk, except they should stay in a hot room, with
sixteen persons crowded into it all the day. In the
hospital, the sick were mixed with those of the
prisoners of other nations, and were in a shocking
state of neglect, and covered with vermin. Not a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span>
single prisoner was allowed to go out into the town;
and even the interpreter was accompanied by a gens
d’armes. It was almost impossible for any of them to
get any thing from their friends, for there was no one
to receive it for them; and the little that did come,
was subjected to a deduction of five per cent by the
marechal des logis. And so great was their distress at
that moment, that unable to satisfy the cravings of
hunger, they were seen to pick up the potato peelings
that were thrown out into the court, and devour them.</p>

<p>“It appears to be the natural tendency of misery
and want, to foster vice, and encourage the worst feelings
of the human heart; and that effect, in its fullest
sense, was produced on this occasion. The little money
that was received by the prisoners, instead of being
applied to the relief of their wants, and to make them
more comfortable in food and clothing, was spent in
riot and excess. On these occasions, sailors are, of all
other men, most ready to communicate, and never
think of to-morrow. And, left, as they were, entirely
to themselves, no one caring for their souls, no one
having the desire, or the power to restrain them, either
by force or by persuasion, in the midst of the real
distress which they experienced, the depôt of Givet
was, perhaps, at that moment, the most reprobate spot
that can be imagined.</p>

<p>“In addition to these discouragements, connected with
the field of labour which I had undertaken; I now
found, that there were difficulties in my own situation,
which would probably involve me in personal danger,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span>
of a very serious nature; or at least, cause me to be
sent away to the dungeons of Bitche.</p>

<p>“The Commandant, and those that were under his
orders, from the time I arrived at the depôt, viewed
me with a very evil eye. They had all a share in the
spoil of the poor prisoners; and my interference on
their behalf, and the opportunities which I had of
detecting their extortions, enraged them exceedingly
against me. Whenever I made an attempt, as I
frequently did, to put a stop to the exactions upon the
money which was sent in to the men; or when any
complaint was made of the meat, or the bread, these
officers were loud in their threats of denunciations,
and of sending me off to Bitche. And for the first two
years of my stay in that place, I never went to bed,
without the impression upon my mind, that, ere the
morning, I might probably be thus suddenly marched
off.</p>

<p>“Before I left Verdun, I had been cautioned not to
pay any money to the prisoners, which might be remitted
to me, either from their friends in England, or
from the charitable fund at Verdun, without express
permission from the Commandant, a caution which
proved most salutary. For, even though I obtained
this permission, the marechal des logis came to me
the next morning, in a great rage, reproached me with
taking away his honest gains, and required me in
future to send in the money through him. I complained
to the Commandant, who inveighed against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>
the avarice of this man; but I found that he was
either unwilling, or afraid to redress this shameful
abuse. And, although I subsequently made many
attempts to pay the men their money without this
abominable drawback, it was always without effect,
and at the risk of being denounced, and sent away
from the depôt.</p>

<p>“The exertions which were made, during the long-continued
detention of the English prisoners in France,
for the relief of such among them as were in want,
are known to every one. The sums so raised were
contributed by benevolent individuals in London; to
whom the collections made throughout the country,
for the same charitable purpose, were also forwarded;
and by them committed to the care of some of the
most respectable persons in the depôt of Verdun, who
had formed themselves into a committee for that effect.
These gentlemen, who were themselves liberal contributors,
dispensed to the necessitous, and sent to the
different depôts such relief, as the exigencies of each
required. And sometimes, in the hope of more effectually
relieving the sufferings of those confined in distant
places, individuals from this chief depôt, went to visit
them, and even took up their temporary or permanent
abode among them.</p>

<p>“At the time these charitable contributions were received
at Givet, and the payment to each prisoner was
small, though the whole amount was considerable, I
went to the commandant, and represented to him the
charitable object of the money that was to be distributed;
and said, I hoped he would not allow any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span>
deduction to be made from trifling sums, arising from
such a source. He said, it would be altogether shameful,
willingly gave me the permission to pay it, and
granted my further request, that a certain number of
the prisoners should be permitted to come into the
town once a week, to lay out the money more advantageously,
in necessaries for themselves and their fellow
prisoners. This was very joyful to the poor men; but,
unfortunately, they could not contain their triumph,
and boasted, in not very measured terms, that they
had at length overcome the marechal des logis. This
was sufficient; the Commandant took this excuse for
withdrawing the permission; and, before the next
weekly pay-day arrived, I received a message from
him, that he had a particular reason for desiring that I
would not again pay the money myself. I said, that
in that case, I would not pay it at all. And for a
considerable time I resisted. But surrounded as I was
with spies, I could not explain what I was doing to
the men. And even if I had, the Commandant knew
well, they were too impatient to receive their money,
not to submit to the sacrifice, even of the half, if it were
required, rather than wait.</p>

<p>“He, also, had his hired friends, not only among the
gens d’armes, but among the men themselves, who
insinuated to them that it was all my fault that it was
not paid.<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> They sent in a specific message to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span>
Commandant, that they were willing to pay the deduction
as usual; and after resisting for, I think, two
pay-days, I at length felt that it was wrong any longer
to deprive the poor men of a charitable relief so necessary
for them, and again submitted to this iniquitous
tax.</p>

<p>“The great difficulty of my situation arose from hence.
I knew that if I were found, directly or indirectly,
opposing, or interfering with the business of the depôt,
otherwise than with the consent of the Commandant,
and as I was able to work upon his moral feeling, or
regard to his character, I should be immediately sent
away. I was permitted to go there only as chaplain;
and it was evident, from every one else, who could
have done anything for the prisoners, having been sent
away, that I should not be allowed to stay in any other
capacity. Traps were constantly laid for me,<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span>
I knew, by examples before my eyes, that if they could
find any such interfering to allege against me, they
would say to me, as they always did, that the thing
I complained of was a shameful abuse. But they
would have denounced me, as one of the Commandants
afterwards did, as having done something, which they
knew the minister of war, without any inquiry would
punish by sending me away from the depôt. And as
they would be very angry, and their accusation be
of a kind which he would consider serious, an order
would come down, be put in execution, perhaps in the
middle of the night; and without any explanation,
or, probably, any one knowing it, till the following
morning, I should have been marched from brigade to
brigade, to the fortress of Bitche, subject to join company
with deserters and criminals, and tied, it might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span>
be, hand to hand with them.<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> This might have been
risked; but in what state would the poor fellows have
been left? They would have been reduced to the
same miserable condition in which I found them, with
the additional oppression which would arise from the
angry feeling left upon the minds of the officers who
had charge of them. And thus, sound policy, and a
conscientious regard to the object for which I was
permitted to be at the depôt, the religious instruction
and consolation of the prisoners, perfectly coincided.
Under any circumstances, I could not have thought a
disingenuous conduct right, and must have given up
any advantage, or even usefulness, rather than resort
to it. But I found that a plain and straightforward
course enabled me to be more serviceable to the prisoners.
And though, sometimes, I could not help
making strong representations to the Commandant, I
never worked indirectly, or endeavoured to set the
men’s minds against him. My general resource was
persuasion, and a direct appeal to his conscience, and
his <i lang="fr">amour propre</i>, which was particularly his weak side.
And with the aid of a very kind and influential French
officer in the Engineers, who was always ready to
assist me, and favour the prisoners, I was enabled to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span>
accomplish more, by this open conduct, than I could
have done by means of a more indirect and inimical
nature. But it will readily be conceived, that circumstanced
as I was, this would often subject me to misrepresentation,
and render extreme circumspection
necessary.</p>

<p>“In the impossibility of knowing who were in the
interest of the Commandant, even among the men
themselves, I had but one resource, I suspected nobody,
and I trusted nobody. I never explained my views
or intentions to any one, and said nothing that required
the least secrecy. At one time, therefore, the men,
when they could not have what they wished, suspected
all was not right; at another when they complained
of tyranny and knavery, the agents and subalterns
of the Commandant declared, that I was at the bottom
of it, and they would soon have me at the dungeons
of Bitche; and, at a third, the Commandant himself
would be influenced by his people, and suspect me of
underhand dealing.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span></p>

<p>“In the end, however, what was done spoke for itself.
The men saw that every means in the power of prisoners,
like themselves, were used to prevent them from
being oppressed. The Commandant felt that my being
there was a great check upon the rapacity and avarice
of his people; and they, and often he himself, were
excessively enraged. But the moral and religious feeling
which was manifested among the men, rendered
them so much more peaceful and sober, more satisfied,
and even cheerful in their conduct, and so much more
faithful to their word and engagements, that I really
think he felt it a sort of personal security to himself,
and upon the whole, an advantage.</p>

<p>“Thus exposed to many difficulties and personal dangers,
as to the temporal wants of the poor men; in
their spiritual concerns, and those immediately connected
with them, I had abundant cause of thankfulness.
On my first application for a place of worship,
the Commandant expressed his readiness to do every
thing in his power. But he had no place at his
disposal larger than the ordinary sized room, which
would not hold more than two hundred persons. This
I obtained for the moment. But the Colonel-director
of engineers was then with the army in Germany; and
the grenier, the only place sufficiently large for the
purpose, could only be obtained by a direct application
to him. For the present, therefore, a room perhaps
a little larger than the others, where was an oven for
the purpose of baking bread for the barracks, was
converted into a chapel. A small plain desk was made
by one of the men, which served also for a pulpit; and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span>
the clerk made use of a common table and stool.
What was wanting however in accommodation, was
abundantly made up by the spirit which soon was
manifested among the prisoners; and the Lord wrought
powerfully among them. The place was crowded to
excess, and the oven, which reached so near the top of
the room, that the men could not sit upright upon it,
was always covered with them, lying in a most painful
position from want of room.</p>

<p>“The Schools were also immediately established; and
though the funds for all these objects were, at that
early period of our captivity, but scantily, and with
great difficulty obtained, we were yet able to carry on
a system of education, which, for extent, usefulness,
and the rapid progress made by those that were instructed,
has perhaps seldom been equalled. It is
indeed wonderful, at how small an expence, a number
of persons, generally amounting to between four and
five hundred, were taught to read, write, go through
the highest rules in arithmetic, navigation in all its
most difficult branches, construct charts and maps,
and work at the practical part of their profession, as
far as it can be learned from the form of a vessel,
which had been admirably rigged for that purpose.
Yet the small sums given to those among them, who
were capable of instructing their fellow prisoners, as
masters or assistants, were very useful.</p>

<p>“The immediate results arising from this employment
of their time, were beneficial, in a degree, at least
equal to the professional advantages, which they might
hope to experience in their future prospects. While<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span>
they were thus receiving instruction and edification,
their thoughts were diverted from dwelling upon those
misfortunes, which had the most pernicious effect and
influence upon their minds, not only in a moral and
religious point of view, but, often as it regarded their
health and spirits. And thus the fear of God, and
the influence of moral duty and instruction, even in
those who were not decidedly religious, reciprocally
acted upon their minds; preserved them from that
mental debasement, and those habits of depravity and
vice, which are ever contracted and induced by ignorance
and want of employment.</p>

<p>“And in the midst of these useful occupations, the
Lord opened the hearts of many, to receive that
heavenly wisdom, the merchandize of which is better
than silver, and the gain thereof than fine gold; without
which, all our attainments are nothing worth, and
with which all the things we can desire, are not to be
compared. The number of boys was comparatively
small; the greater number were men grown; and
some of those that were advanced in years, were
anxious not to lose this opportunity of learning to read,
at least, their bibles; to be able to study for themselves
those oracles of eternal truth, which are ‘able to make
men wise unto salvation, through faith that is in Christ
Jesus.’</p>

<p>“The hospital was another object of my immediate
attention. It is remarkable that this abode of sickness
and misery, was also the most abandoned portion of the
depôt. In this respect, the remark which I have
before made is completely borne out. And here,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span>
where it might have been hoped that the afflicting
hand of God, and the constant view of death, would
have brought the most wicked to tremble at the
thought of judgment, hardened impenitence kept pace
with outward misery. And even after their wants
were supplied, and every comfort was promised for
them, which affliction is susceptible of, the hospital
continued to be, with some exceptions, much less under
the influence of religious improvement, than any other
part of the depôt.</p>

<p>“My first object was to obtain for my countrymen
a ward to themselves, separate from the prisoners of
other nations. One of the prisoners had already been
employed in the joint capacity of interpreter and nurse.
He was by birth a Portuguese, but had been many
years in the English navy, and spoke English nearly
as well as a native. He was however a person in
whom I had not the least confidence, was hardened
in all the callous and profligate practices of the French
nurses, and was evidently in the pay of the Commandant.
For the same reason, however, I knew it would
be impossible for me to displace him. And, after a
vain attempt to do so, I endeavoured to make him as
useful as possible; and contented myself with employing
another person, and a third, as they were wanted,
whom I found best suited to attend the sick, and
administer to their comforts.</p>

<p>“It was my anxious wish to find a pious person, who
was fit for this affair, and was willing to take the
charge, in which there were so many opportunities
of usefulness. And at length I succeeded in obtaining<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>
the appointment of one, who would at all times be
ready to speak a word in season, to those who might
be induced to hear. From this time the poor men
were as comfortable as in an English hospital. Extreme
cleanliness succeeded to the state of filth in which I
had found them; and as wine, and many other things
of a cordial, or a nutritious nature, were there abundant,
and very reasonable, they had even greater
comforts than would have been provided for them at
home. And the consequence was, that we had a
smaller proportion of deaths, compared with the number
of persons present, than is scarcely ever known.</p>

<p>“A better spirit also began to be manifested among
the men. The absence of the French nurses, hackneyed
in every vice, and hardened amidst the most
appalling scenes of sickness, misery, and death, contributed
to prevent, in some measure, the abandoned
carelessness and unconcern which had been shewn,
when those who perhaps had less reason to expect it
than themselves, were called before them, to give an
account of the things done in the body. At least, they
whose sufferings God had sanctified, were not interrupted,
as they had been, by the riot and blasphemy of
the wicked and impenitent.</p>

<p>“In the mean time, a great sensation was created in
the prison; and, as in old time, some mocked, while
others, for the first time, saw before them an invisible
and eternal world, compared with which all the things
they could desire were less than nothing and vanity,
where were many among them already, whose hearts
the Lord opened, to attend to the things which have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span>
been declared by prophets, and apostles, and confirmed
by God, manifest in the flesh. Many were enquiring
into the things which accompany salvation; and in
many the word of truth took deep root, and they
continued seeking the grace of Christ. Nor have I
the least reason to doubt, that the Lord fulfilled to
many his gracious promise, ‘Seek and ye shall find,’
and that even now, some have entered into the rest
that remaineth for the people of God; and others are
still so running that they may obtain.</p>

<p>“The methodist congregation were regular attendants
on the service of the Church, and had their
meetings night and morning.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> They were very useful
in the work of God; and now their numbers increased.
And soon after my arrival another meeting was formed,
of those who from time to time were under the influence
of conviction, arising out of, and more immediately
connected with the congregation of the Church. As
my own views, at the period of my arrival at Givet,
were by no means clear, it will readily be understood,
that these persons did not see at once all the riches of
the grace of God. Still their hearts were opened,
and they ‘followed on to know the Lord.’</p>

<p>“There were, as might be expected, discussions and
disputes between the two classes, and among each
other. These I endeavoured to allay, and encourage
among them a single eye to Christ. The work of God
proceeded more rapidly than my most sanguine hopes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span>
could have anticipated. And one or other of the men
were frequently receiving letters from their fellow-prisoners
in other depôts, saying, that they heard the
Lord was among them, and expressing a hope that the
influence might be felt amongst themselves. The
change was also soon visible in the lives and moral
conduct of the men; and was recognized, as I have observed,
by the Commandant and all who had to do with
them. Formerly they could only be restrained by force,
and bolts and bars were the only means of keeping
them safely; and they constantly broke through them;
but now, bolts and bars were unnecessary. The Commandant
was persuaded, and acted entirely upon that
persuasion, that the only thing that could bind them,
was the moral obligation of their word; which, whether
given or implied, they never broke, in any instance that
came to my knowledge.</p>

<p>“Nor was this confined to them that feared God.
The moral influence of Christianity spread through the
whole body, and the most striking instances of faithfulness
to their word, and a sense of the obligation of it,
were given by the prisoners. And it was not officers or
people of education who thus distinguished themselves;
but common sailors, and youngsters, who might have
been expected to view the breach of their parole only
as a joke. So that it was considered as a national
feeling, and raised the character of the English in that
country extremely.<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span></p>

<p>“This conduct had also the happiest effect upon the
comfort of the men. Previous to my arrival they had
by degrees been all confined to the prison; those who
had been permitted to come out, having conducted
themselves ill, or run away. And at length, not one
prisoner, without excepting even the interpreter, was
permitted to come out without a guard, under any
pretext.</p>

<p>“I began by getting one out, and then a second,
and a third person, for my own service, and as interpreter;
then some others in whom I had most
confidence. The good behaviour of these men, encouraged
the Commandant to give liberty to others.
The number of those who had permission to reside in
the town, or to work and walk out of the prison,
increased daily; and at length, so complete was his
confidence in them, that he allowed many of them to
walk out into the country; and there were often as
many as two hundred out of the prison at a time.</p>

<p>“And now, the director of engineers, who had also
the fortifications under his direction, returned from the
German campaign. I made immediate application to
him for what was wanted for the comfort and accommodation
of the depôt; and on this occasion, as on all
others, he willingly listened to our wishes, and did
more than we asked.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span></p>

<p>“There was a part of the court which surrounded the
barracks, about the size of that which lay between the
building and the river. This was on the north side
of the prison, and was comparatively cool, from the
shade afforded by the building; when, on the other
side, the heat from the southern sun, and the reflection
from the walls, was almost intolerable. But there was
no palisade, on the side of the road to prevent the
escape of the prisoners. There was a sufficient
number of these for the purpose, among the stores
belonging to the fortification; and I offered, out of the
funds sent me by the committee at Verdun, having
previously consulted them, to defray an expence so
essential to the health and comfort of the men, which
was estimated at fifteen pounds.</p>

<p>“This proposal the director immediately forwarded
to the Bureau de la guerre, and received an immediate
permission to grant us this accommodation; which he
lost no time in completing. But when I came to pay
the expence, I was agreeably surprised to find, that he
had represented to the minister the inconsistency that
there would be in allowing this expence to be borne by
individuals; and he would not hear of my paying a
farthing. I then applied to him for a large grenier,
which was the only place sufficiently capacious for the
purpose of divine worship. This again required some
expense, and was attended with some difficulties. The
colonel, however, made none. He gave immediate
orders to the person who supplied bread for the barracks,
to whom he had given this place as a storehouse,
to empty it of the stores which he had laid up in it,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span>
and give up the key. And now the only fault that we
had to find, was the reverse of that which we had
before complained of. The place would have held
several thousand persons; and being very low and
unceiled, the heat in the summer was excessive, and
the winter’s cold was not less severe. The men, however,
did not complain; they were seeking the glory
that shall be revealed, to which the light afflictions of
the present, which are but for a moment, are not to be
compared.</p>

<p>“We were now enabled to meet together in as large
numbers as would; and as many as were so inclined,
had full power of seeking, in the ordinances of God, and
the hearing of the word, the grace which bringeth salvation.
And they were not backward in availing themselves
of the means which were thus offered to them.
I was very anxious that they should not come there
under any feeling of constraint, or for filthy lucre’s sake;
that they should understand that it would be no advantage
to them, as to the loaves and fishes. Yet the congregation
increased; and there were few instances of
those that had begun to run well, looking back, or
returning into the way of carelessness and sin.</p>

<p>“Some of those who had never been received by
baptism into the church of Christ, were anxious to
receive this pledge of their profession. It was an
affecting sight, to see the jetty natives of the East
desiring, like the Ethiopian convert of old, to profess
their faith in a crucified Saviour; and while they manifested
already in their lives the grace that sanctifieth,
receiving with desire of heart, the outward sign and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span>
pledge of the faith that was in them. But the Lord’s
Supper was a still more joyful proof and evidence of the
work which He was carrying on amongst these people.
I shall never forget the first sacrament, which I
administered in the barracks. The number of communicants
was about fourteen, most of them old men.
The greater part had never before attended at the holy
table. Some, perhaps, had never been in a place of
worship in their lives, until my arrival at the depôt.
They could not contain their feelings, and most of them
were in tears the whole of the time. It was a godly
sorrow, working repentance unto salvation, not to be
repented of.</p>

<p>“But the number of communicants did not long
continue so small. It increased daily, as a sense of
religion prevailed, and the seed of grace took root in
their hearts. The spirit of enquiry was general, and
hundreds were seeking. The table of the Lord was
more numerously attended every month; and I was
enabled there to attend to the instructions of the rubric
in a way that is scarcely practicable in a large parish
at home. In cases of baptism the sponsors were persons
of decided piety.</p>

<p>“The persons who attended the Lord’s table, in the
latter part of my stay at the depôt, amounted to above
two hundred; and it cannot but be supposed, that
amongst so many, there were some who, to say the
least of it, must be considered very weak christians.
But they were all professing to be serious; and there
were none among them, as I believed, of that formal
description so common among the communicants in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span>
England, who attend this sacrament because they think
it decent, or that they are doing some good thing, that
they may have everlasting life.</p>

<p>“Still there are, no doubt, those who have flying convictions,
even of a very lively description, for a moment;
many of whom, when they have heard the word, immediately
receive it with gladness, and when temptation
or affliction cometh, are as immediately offended, and
have no part nor lot with them that shall be saved. I
therefore required them to give in their names beforehand,
that I might enquire into the consistency of their
lives, if there were any whom I did not know; and
exhort those whom I had any doubt of, or refuse them,
if I thought them altogether unfit.</p>

<p>“There was but a single instance of one coming, who
had not given this previous notice. I observed the man
amongst the rest, and was surprised. I had seen him
very constant at church, but I had had no direct intimation
of his seriousness, and was in doubt of him: I
therefore went up to him, to ascertain, at least, whether
he was prepared to receive the sacrament with consciousness,
of the body and blood of Christ. He was
a man of extreme simplicity of mind and manners; but
answered in such a way, as immediately to convince
me, that he was not only desirous of shewing the
Lord’s death until he come, but instantly serving God
day and night. And from that time, I know not that
he was ever absent from any of the appointed means
of grace, whether on the Lord’s day or any other; and
in life, as in profession, was a decided and consistent
Christian.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span></p>

<p>“Such was the state of this Christian community,
and so changed in a few short months was this numerous
depôt, in which there were, sometimes, as many as
1500 prisoners. Formerly there was not a room, out
of a number, sometimes exceeding ninety, where a man
could have gone down on his knees to prayer. The consequences
to him of such an attempt would have been
profane abuse, or even serious personal violence. Now
there was not one room, in which there were not pious
men; and quiet and peace prevailed towards them,
even on the part of those who did not themselves profess
the truth.</p>

<p>“I remember an observation from Mr. Lee, when he
went with me through the barracks, and into all or most
of the rooms. ‘This,’ said he, ‘is a most extraordinary
thing. I have been through a depôt of 1500 sailors,
and not seen one drunken man!’ And the influence
of their example was felt more or less, in a religious
point of view, throughout all the depôts, in all which
one or other of them had friends, with whom they were
in habits of correspondence.</p>

<p>“But it may well be supposed that Satan did not
view these things with indifference. The tares were
soon sown among the wheat, and in time they grew up
together. The first instrument in the hand of the
enemy, was a defection among the men, by going over
to the French; in which, however, those that professed
religion distinguished themselves in a very honourable
manner. I had found, that on two or three occasions,
an Irish officer, who was in the French service, (whose
name I do not mention, in the hope that he may have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span>
repented of a course so disgraceful, and that it may have
been overlooked by a generous country,) had been in the
prison; and by bribery, and by giving them liquor, had
each time induced some of the men to go with him into
the French service. To have interfered personally in
this matter, it may well be supposed, would have been a
sure way of my being removed from the depôt. I, however,
spoke to the Commandant on the subject of the
youngsters; and, appealing to him as a father, requested
that he would not allow any of them to take a step
which would be their ruin; however much they might
wish it, in order to recover their liberty. And this he
readily promised, and shewed indeed a desire to do.</p>

<p>“Some time after this, I was preparing to go into the
neighbourhood of Sedan, where Colonel D’Ivory, who
commanded the engineers in the English army in Portugal,
was then residing. I was very desirous of visiting
a congregation of French Protestants in that town;
and accepted an invitation from the Colonel to stay a
few days with him. Before I set off I found that the
Franco Irish officer had again appeared at the depôt,
and prevailed upon two or three of the men to go with
him. I, therefore, went to the Commandant and said,
that I waited upon him again, before I set off, to remind
him of his promise respecting the youngsters. He
assured me that none of them should go; and said,
that there was not much to be apprehended, for the
men took his liquor and laughed at him.</p>

<p>“My journey was not satisfactory, except as regarded
the extreme hospitality and kindness of my
host, and the pious and almost protestant conversation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span>
of Madame D’Ivory. Her health was exceedingly
delicate, and she was unequal to exertion. And she
spent her time in religious exercises and prayer; while
she administered to the wants, and her maid even
dressed the wounds of the poor around her. I could
not but exclaim, ‘O si sic omnia!’ and lament the
errors of her faith, and the almost ridiculous, if they
had not been destructive, superstitions of persons about
her.<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>

<p>“How different was the case where I hoped to find
religion in its purest simplicity! At the protestant
temple I found the scriptures being read to literally
empty benches; there was not one person present.
At length the congregation began to come in, and the
clergyman arrived. He preached a moral discourse;
and seeing I was a stranger, and a minister, he very
kindly asked me to dinner. I accepted, in hope of
hearing something better in the evening. But the
work of God was ended. I waited impatiently for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span>
evening service, but at length I found, that that rich
and rather numerous congregation, was left to spend
the rest of the Lord’s day in eating, drinking, and
being merry. And I returned much disappointed and
grieved.</p>

<p>“My kind host indeed had spoken slightly of this
minister, and as the day was extremely bad, and the
rain incessant, earnestly dissuaded me from riding four
miles through very bad roads to Church. But I had
attributed this partly to prejudice, and was determined
at least to judge for myself. He however made particular
enquiry, and afterwards wrote me word, that
he thought it necessary to caution me against this
minister, as he had had positive information, that he
was deeply implicated in the revolution. I am indeed
compelled to confess, that more than one of the protestant
ministers whom I had met with, were not without
some imputation, from the part they acted during that
unhappy period. And a very general spirit of Socinianism,
to say the least of it, prevailed at that time
among the protestants of France. I have heard with
much pleasure, that a great revival of religion has since
taken place amongst them; and have been rejoiced to
hear the decided sentiments which have been expressed
by some of their ministers, at public meetings in this
country.</p>

<p>“Returning to Givet, I was very much astonished
to meet on the way, two or three considerable parties
of our men. They passed me with downcast looks,
and shame was strongly painted in their countenances;
and I dared not speak to them, not doubting of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span>
fact, and knowing that the consequence could only
have been evil, without the least hope of good. When
I arrived, I found that the men were so bent upon
going into the French service, that it seemed as if a
sort of infatuation had taken possession of them. And
although I was persuaded that the object of the greater
part of them was, to run away, and get home; yet
they were in the mean time becoming traitors to their
country, and exposing themselves, if they were taken,
to capital punishment.</p>

<p>“In every point of view, therefore, it was most
earnestly to be desired that this might be put a stop
to. But how it was to be done was a far more difficult
question. There were many reasons, both of right and
policy, which engaged me to look on, as if I were
totally indifferent; and the consequence of my not
doing so, would probably have been, my being sent
away; as a clergyman had already been, from one of
the depôts, for only speaking to the men on the subject.
I however thought that this was a case in which every
thing was to be risked. This officer, I found, had
taken lodgings in the town, had got many men every
day, and had declared, that Christmas was coming on,
and he should then have half the barracks. I went up,
therefore, the next morning, to church as usual; and
after the service I spoke to the people on the subject.
It was a remarkable thing, that not one of those who
professed religion had thought of going, with the exception
of one man; who, when I spoke to him, said,
‘that he was not an Englishman but an American;’ and
though he would not do any thing inconsistent with his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span>
profession, he could not think that he was bound to
remain in prison, for a cause which was not that of his
country.</p>

<p>“I told them, therefore, that I had not the least
apprehension of any of them entering into the service
of the enemy; but that they were called to use their
influence with their fellow prisoners, and it was their
duty to employ every possible means to prevent others
from doing a thing so wicked, and disgraceful to them
as Englishmen. They said, that they had not only
used persuasion, but force; but that the madness was
so great, that whilst a party of them were standing at
the gate to prevent desertion, one at a time would take
the opportunity, when any one was coming in, and run
past them, before they could stop them. They all,
however, set to work in earnest; and from this time
there were not more than one a day, for the two or
three days before Christmas; and I believe two or
three of the loose ones on Christmas day; and immediately
after this the officer went away.<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span></p>

<p>“On this occasion, I ought to make honourable mention
of the midshipmen who were at the depôt. A
number of them were sent thither some time previous
to this circumstance; and they shewed an extraordinary
zeal to prevent the men from betraying their
country. Mr. B. then a youngster, about seventeen,
full of zeal for the service in which he was engaged,
copied, and put up in the prison, in spite of gens
d’armes and spies, a dialogue which I wrote out,
shewing them in their own quaint expressions, what
they might expect from the enemy, into whose service
they were enlisting; and the rest were very active and
useful in preventing this defection. Of these young
gentlemen I can say nothing in a religious point of
view; except it be of Mr. T., who was very peculiar
in his manner; but, I trusted, and yet believe, was
decidedly serious. But their conduct, as regarded
their service and profession, was so distinguished, and
reflected so much credit upon them, that it ought not
to pass unnoticed.</p>

<p>“They were so anxious to get home, and so ingenious
and bold in facing every danger and difficulty,
which stood in their way, that every expedient to
prevent them was in vain. It was for this cause that
some of them were sent from Verdun to Givet; and the
Commandant took every precaution that he could think
of, to inform himself of their plans, so as to prevent
their escape. Amongst other things, he opened all their
letters before he allowed them to be sent into the
prison, where they were closely confined; while numbers
of the common men had the liberty of the town.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span>
After eight of them had escaped, and been retaken;
and at the moment when he was most alarmed, and
on the <i lang="fr">qui vive</i>; a letter arrived for Mr. B. from his
mother. The Commandant had no doubt, from the
natural affection of a mother, that it was to urge him
to get home; and perhaps to point out and furnish
him with the means, for himself at least, if not for
others also. But when it was read to him, he could
not contain his astonishment and admiration, and spoke
of it to every body.</p>

<p>“Lady B., though I have not the honour of knowing
her, and am ignorant if she be in this militant state,
I have some reason to believe, was a person of decided
piety. But however that be, for I did not myself see
her letter, it shewed a strength of mind and principle,
not common to the gentle nature and indulgent feelings
of a mother. She had heard that in some of the
depôts, there had been midshipmen who had broken
their parole, and come home. And she entreated her
son not to let any personal suffering, or ill treatment, or
example induce him to do what would disgrace himself,
distress his family beyond measure, and cast a reflection
upon his country. Young as he was however,
no officer grown old in the career of British service,
had less need of the pious and self-denying counsel
of such a mother. He and some others afterwards
escaped, in the most honourable manner, after having
been once re-taken; though he himself might perhaps
even then have succeeded, but that he would not leave
behind him, a brother midshipman, who had lamed
himself on the journey; and thus, after two attempts,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>
and through dangers and difficulties which might have
overcome the courage even of a British sailor, they
arrived at home.</p>

<p>“But this letter, together with the strict observance
of a given or even implied parole, on the part of all
the prisoners, even to the lowest amongst them, so
raised the character of the English at Givet, that the
Commandant was quite persuaded, that they were most
in safety when they were most in the enjoyment of
liberty. Many of the men therefore were permitted to
work in the town, and were much sought after by those
who wanted workmen or servants; and a great number
walked out into the town, and even into the country
every day. But though they were constantly escaping
from the prison, they never betrayed the confidence
placed in them. The midshipmen were now all allowed
their parole; and shewed themselves as worthy of it,
as established officers.</p>

<p>“One circumstance, indeed, of a very lamentable
description, ought not perhaps to be passed over. Two
of these young gentlemen, Mr. H. and Mr. G. went
out, accompanied by one of the gens d’armes, before
they obtained their parole; and while the soldier
was occupied, they got away and escaped. They were
hid during the whole day in the souterrain of a fortified
mountain, on the other side of the river. In the evening
however they became alarmed. They thought they
heard something like the noise of a horse shaking
himself; and immediately after the name of Mr. H.
called out loudly; and this repeated three times.
They left the place, and in their fears wished, perhaps,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span>
rather to be retaken than not. An unhappy Englishman,
in the pay of the Commandant, saw them coming
down the hill, and instantly informed the gens d’armes
from whom they had escaped. This man had been
drinking all day; and setting out after them, filled
with rage, he soon overtook them, and cut down
Mr. H. who died immediately, and wounded Mr. G.</p>

<p>“This murder was savagely exulted in by the General,
and shamelessly excused by the Commandant.
The latter, however, was there only for a short time;
but this circumstance, as may be supposed, made much
ill feeling in the depôt. The midshipmen wrote a
spirited note to the Commandant. The prisoners
would have taken summary vengeance upon the spy,
had he not been taken out of their hands, and kept
out of prison. I thought it my duty to withhold from
him every assistance given to the rest of the prisoners.
The Commandant insisted on its being paid, but I
refused. He then denounced me to the Minister of
War, as assisting the midshipmen to escape; but at
that period, I was not unknown by character to the
Minister, and it happened providentially, that the
former Commandant, was at that moment in Paris,
returning to Givet; and thought it for his interest,
knowing that I was now zealously supported by Colonel
Flayelle, and some other persons of influence, to assist
me; and our treacherous Commandant was, to our
great gratification, soon removed.</p>

<p>“Even here there was no breach of parole. But
shortly after the return of the Commandant, three of
the young gentlemen gave a proof of adherence to that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span>
pledge, which would reflect credit upon officers even
of rank in the army or navy. Their friends had now
been some time gone away, and had arrived at home,
and they began to regret that they had not gone with
them. They came to me, to ask me to give them
money for their bills upon their friends, which I did,
asking them of course no questions. The same evening
they conducted themselves in such a manner, as, they
were persuaded, would cause the Commandant to take
away their parole. But he suspected what they were
meditating, and refused to put them in prison. The
next night they made a more determined attempt;
but still in vain, he would not take away their parole.
Precisely at that moment, as if to try their faith to
the utmost, an order arrived from the Minister of War
to send all the Midshipmen, under a double escort of
gens d’armes, to Verdun. But in spite of this positive
order, the Commandant took upon himself to send
them upon their parole. And they walked all the day
to that place without the least idea of escaping;
although all the soldiers in France would scarcely have
prevented them from making the attempt.</p>

<p>“We had now done with the midshipmen. On
some occasions they gave us considerable anxiety, as
might readily be expected by those who know what
young persons of that age are, even under the restriction
of a school. They were ready on every occasion
to crowd every sail, which the ebullition of animal spirits,
and elevated national feeling, and exalted notions of
the British navy could give them, without the ballast
of matured judgment and experience; when they felt<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span>
that their enemies exulted over them, or oppressed the
poor fellows. And their interference in behalf of the
men was often calculated to do harm instead of good.
But I feel it incumbent upon me to give this testimony
to the distinguished conduct of these young persons in
a point of view, in which they raised the British character
in that place; and that they did what they
could, to stir up in the minds of the men that sense
of allegiance to their king and country, which time
and absence had begun to extinguish.</p>

<p>“The sufferings which some of the midshipmen endured
in their successful attempts to return and fight
the battles of their country, have in some instances
been published; but in many they might almost seem
incredible, if we did not know what high professional
feelings may effect, when combined with the ardor and
enterprize of youth.</p>

<p>“It would give me exquisite pleasure, if I should hear
that any of these young men who dared so much, and
bore so much, to regain the opportunity of distinguishing
themselves in their country’s cause, are now fighting
with equal boldness the good fight of faith in the
service of the Kings of Kings. In that case they will
not go without their reward.</p>

<p>“I would not forego the hope, that though little
notion can be formed on this side of the water of the
situation of the prisoners in France; particularly when
their sufferings were embittered by the sense that
they were cut off from all opportunities of distinguishing
themselves in their country’s service; many may
have received marks of favor, specially on account<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>
of what they had to bear in their captivity. Of this
however I am ignorant, as with the exception of a
short letter of greeting from Mr. B. some time ago, and
one from Mr. H. after his return, I have lost sight of
these young men ever since they left the depôt.”</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>JOURNEY TO TOURS, INCIDENTS ON THE ROAD AND RESIDENCE THERE.</p>

</div>


<p>I feel that no apology need be made to the readers of
this Memoir for the length of the digression which
occupied the last Chapter. The history of Sir Jahleel
Brenton is identified with the service of his country;
and a very inadequate idea would be formed of the perils
undergone, and the hardships endured in that service,
if the storm and the battle were the only circumstances
recounted; and the sickening length of a dreary captivity,
embittered by ill treatment, and hardly cheered
by hope, was not to be named among the evils that
were braved and borne by the navy during the last
war.</p>

<p>Had the excellent friend, from whose deeply interesting
narrative I have extracted this notice of the state
of things at Givet, been spared; I might have calculated
with equal confidence on his indulgence, when the
character of Sir Jahleel Brenton, and the interests of
his family were to be asserted; and it is a source of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span>
satisfaction to myself to be able to draw attention to
one of the most touching and affecting memorials of
God’s mercy to men, which have been recently published.</p>

<p>From causes which it is not easy to explain, the narrative
which bears the title of the “British Prisoners in
France,” never seems to have met with the acceptance
which it deserves; for of all the cases where the grace
of God has been exhibited in a large and general measure,
where it seems to have descended as in showers,
none seem to have exceeded this in the simplicity of
the means used, and in the extent of the blessing vouchsafed.
The depôt which Mr. Wolfe found like a howling
wilderness, he left like a garden of the Lord; but
few persons can conceive the difficulties with which he
had to struggle, or the value of the assistance which he
derived from Sir Jahleel Brenton’s co-operation.</p>

<p>The object which he had in view was accomplished.
His labour was not in vain in the Lord; but it is painful
and yet salutary to hear of the way in which these
disinterested exertions and self devotion were acknowledged
at home. The moral influence which was exercised
on the people at Givet prevented desertion, and
probably preserved hundreds of valuable seamen for the
service of their country. The schools, which were
established at the same time for the boys, rescued them
from the evils of ignorance, and prepared them to resume
their place in the navy, instructed in the theory and
practice of navigation. Had this not been done, all the
prisoners, both old and young, would have returned from
their captivity unfit for employment, and burdens to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span>
country which received them; and the nation owed to
Mr. Wolfe and his companion in labour, a debt which
might have justified any mark of public gratitude. An
effort was made to obtain for him the amount of a chaplain’s
pay during the period of his residence at Givet;
and after long delay and many applications this was
granted. It is happy for those who labour for the
public good, to look to a different remuneration than
that which man affords. There is one Master who
knows what his servants do, and who never allowed the
least or lowest effort to go without its reward; and he
who labours in faith feels it his privilege to think little
of the recompense he may receive from men.</p>

<p>The Memoir may now be continued in Sir Jahleel’s
own words, and he thus describes the journey to Tours.
“On the 31st of October we began our journey, having
our route marked out upon my passport, by which we
were prohibited from passing through Paris, but
ordered to turn off to the left at Meaux, and to proceed
by Melun, and Fontainebleau, thence on the right
bank of the Loire from Orleans to Tours.”</p>

<p>At Melun it appears that Captain Brenton met Lord
Elgin, to whose character he gives the following pleasing
tribute. “It is but justice to Lord Elgin to mention
in this place, that during the whole of his captivity
he was most liberal and active in relieving his poor
countrymen, as they passed near the places of his residence,
and by sending sums of money to Verdun for
their use. Whilst he was at Orleans, numbers of seamen
on their way from the coast to the interior, passed
through; in particular the officers and crew of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span>
Wolverine, who all spoke in the highest terms of his
Lordship’s humanity and benevolence.”</p>

<p>It was from Lord Elgin at Melun that Captain
Brenton had the gratification of receiving confirmed
and authentic accounts of the battle of Trafalgar. At
Orleans, November, 1805, Sir Jahleel has preserved
the following recollections of his journey. “This was
one of the finest and most charming days we had experienced;
the country gradually improving in fertility,
and cultivation, as we approached the Loire, which in
its passage by Orleans, with the numerous villas on its
banks as far as the eye could reach, formed as fine a
picture as can be imagined. At Epernay, the chief
depôt for the wine of Champagne, I called upon Mons.
Moet, the great proprietor of this wine. We were all
most hospitably received and entertained by this gentleman.
In conversation at table respecting the use of
Champagne in cookery, Madame Moet observed, that
she believed there was not a dish in the first course, in
which this wine was not an ingredient, that the ham
was boiled in it, and every other dish had its portion.
At breakfast the following morning I observed that
Champagne was not forgotten even in this meal. The
Lady replied that she believed it was in every thing
but the coffee. This was of course a Déjeuner a la
fourchette, and a very sumptuous one. By the time
breakfast was over, the carriage was at the door for us
to resume our journey; but M. Moet requested me
to pay a visit to his cellar, before I left Epernay; and
the sight amply rewarded me for the detention. It
was of immense extent, the wine entirely in bottle, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span>
the amount I believe of some hundreds of thousands,
beautifully arranged in tiers, with marble conductors,
leading to reservoirs of the same material, to carry off
and receive the wine from the bottles which burst,
a circumstance of very frequent recurrence. On returning
from the cellar I found the ladies were already
in the carriage, and it was with difficulty I could find
a place for myself, in consequence of the packages of
the very best champagne which M. Moet had caused
to be placed there. We left Epernay with a very
strong impression of the kindness and hospitality we
had received. In the afternoon we reached Meaux,
where we were to pass the night; and on going down
to order dinner, my host received me with a broad
grin, and the following sentence: “Ah monsieur, vous
venez de nous rosser un peu sur mer, d’après les
nouvelles.” Captain—“Cela se peut bien.” Landlord—“Oui,
mais vous nous avez pris 21 Vaisseaux de ligne.”
Captain—“Bah! vous voulez dire 21 bâtimens marchands.”
Landlord—“Non Monsieur. Vingt et un
vaisseaux de ligne, bien comptés—mais vous avez perdu
Nelson. Il est tué.” This was the first intelligence
I had received of the battle of Trafalgar, which however
had taken place only on the 21st of October, and
this was on the 4th of November. I did not altogether
credit mine host’s news, and left Meaux the following
morning. On my arriving at Melun, about two o’clock,
I met Lord Elgin, who was then residing there as a
detenu, who confirmed the news of a great naval victory
having been gained, and the report that Lord
Nelson had fallen; “but,” added his lordship, “I am in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span>
hourly expectation of news from Paris, and as you only
go as far as Fontainebleau to night; I will, as soon as I
get my letter, ride over, and dine with you;” an offer
that I gladly accepted. Accordingly his lordship came
by five o’clock, with every particular of the action, at
least as far as the French account went, which was
surprisingly accurate. It was an account sent by merchants
at Cadiz, through Bourdeaux to Paris. A
very different statement was soon after concocted for
the information of the French nation, in the columns
of the Moniteur. One of Mr. Moet’s best bottles was
opened for Lord Elgin upon this occasion, and our
spirits felt all the triumph of our country. I copied an
account of this battle from the Journal de Paris 16
Frimaire An. xiv. 7 Dec. 1805, which my brother has
inserted in his naval history.</p>

<p>“From Fontainebleau we proceeded through Pithivier
to Orleans. At this place I was amused at the inscription
over the inn where we alighted;</p>

<p class="center">ICI L’ON DONNE A BOIRE ET A MANGER<br />
AUX ANGES<br />
A PIED ET A CHEVAL,</p>

<p class="noindent">and it was at this inn that I determined to give up a
practice, which every Frenchman, and by far the
greater part of the English travellers considered as indispensable;
that of making a bargain with the landlord
previous to getting out of the carriage. The
instant the question was put to mine host at Pithivier,
his manners changed at once, and he sulkily replied,
“c’est suivant comme vous voulez être servis.” A hard<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[261]</a></span>
bargain was made accordingly, for the dinner, ‘la
chambre,’ the beds, the fuel, and the wine. The treaty
being concluded, we took possession of our apartments.
A fire was made of light brushwood, which was soon
consumed, and on application for more, we were told
that they had given the stipulated allowance. The
dinner was bad, scanty, and ill dressed, the bed rooms
were uncomfortable, and the wine of the most indifferent
description, but there was no redress. We
arrived early on the following day at Orleans, and
having no preliminary discussion we were cordially
received, had the best accommodation, and fare in
abundance, and of the best quality; while the difference
in the bill the following morning was only six
francs amongst four people.</p>

<p>“We remained here during Sunday, and met some of
our fellow prisoners from Verdun, the family of Mr.
Aufrere. From this gentleman I procured further
details of the battle of Trafalgar, even to a list of the
killed and wounded on both sides. The intelligence
had been brought from Cadiz, through Madrid and
Bayonne, in a mercantile correspondence, but was
carefully concealed from the public in general. It
is certain that the respectable classes of people in
France, by no means took that lively degree of interest
in their national successes, or felt that mortification for
the unsuccessful results of their engagements with the
enemy, which have been ascribed to them at this
period; and the reason is, that under so ambitious a
leader, they were aware that every victory excited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[262]</a></span>
some new object for achievement, in consequence of
which new conscriptions were called out, as well to
supply recent losses, as to form additional corps. They
consoled themselves under a defeat, in the hope that
it might lead to a peace.”</p>

<p>Among his recollections of Tours, Captain Brenton
says, “we here found an excellent and worthy
friend and physician, in Dr. Morgan, who had been
our fellow prisoner at Verdun. He with his amiable
wife and little boy, had been permitted to reside
here. From his skill, and the kindness and attention
of his family we derived the greatest comfort
and benefit. The illness of our darling boy (he had
been taken ill on the road) continued for some days to
be very alarming; but was at length permitted by a
merciful Providence to give way to the remedies which
were administered to him, and he began to shew
symptoms of returning health.”</p>

<p>In addition to the services of Dr. Morgan, it appears
that Captain Brenton had also great advantages in the
skill of Dr. now Sir Thomas Grey. “Under his tender
care,” he says, “I had been while at Verdun, and this
gentleman, with his wife and daughter, were amongst
the number of the detenus, and whilst at Verdun our
families had become much attached to each other. I
candidly detailed these circumstances in a letter to the
Minister of Marine, expressing how much I should
feel gratified, if this family might also be permitted to
reside at Tours; as I knew this to be their wish. This
request was kindly and readily granted, and in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[263]</a></span>
course of a few weeks our two families were again
united at Tours, and no day passed, without our enjoying
each other’s society.</p>

<p>“An occasional gloom would sometimes take possession
of me, as I considered myself shut out from my
profession, for which, ever since my first entrance into it,
I had felt an inexpressible ardour. One evening, when
walking the room with Dr. Grey, I said, I felt a conviction
that I was a prisoner for the remainder of the war,
and that my naval career was at an end. He replied,
‘Don’t give way to such feelings; how do you know,
but that you may be exchanged, have the command of
a fine frigate, and take a prize before another year is
over.’ I answered smiling, ‘if that should be the
case, Doctor, I promise to give you the Encyclopedia
Britannica.’ And impossible as it seemed to be at the
moment, the Doctor did get that work upon these
conditions before the year expired.</p>

<p>“We had procured most comfortable lodgings in the
principal street of Tours, and began to enjoy the happiness
we had promised ourselves. We had perfect
tranquillity, no annoyance from the police, or the department
for the controul of prisoners of war. I was
only expected to present myself before the General
once in three weeks, and had unrestrained access to
every part of the province. Another attack, however,
similar to what I had experienced at Charni, again
filled me with anxiety, and by having recourse to low
diet, I became extremely reduced. The mercy and
forbearance of God, notwithstanding my ungrateful
repining, nevertheless brought me through this illness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[264]</a></span>
also. How often have my apprehensions thus proved
vain; and, in how many instances had perfect happiness
been my lot, but for my own groundless fears,
which prevented my enjoyment of it. What a lesson
for the remainder of my days! May they at least be
devoted unreservedly, and with the most entire and
perfect confidence to God, in resignation to the Divine
will; and let us, my darling children, in all our worldly
anxieties, remember the following beautiful lines in
Young:—</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="verse">‘What can preserve my life, or what destroy?</div>
<div class="verse">An angel’s arm can’t snatch me from the grave,</div>
<div class="verse">Legions of angels can’t confine me there.’</div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="noindent">O, that this blessed, this most inestimable truth, could
but be for ever on our minds! To what state of happiness
should we be instantly transported, and upon how
sure a foundation it would stand! We should smile
at the worst efforts of the world, and we should weep
with delight, as well as grief, at the translation of those
dear to us, to a region of everlasting happiness. The
measure of human faith is probably seldom suffered to
arrive at such a height, lest it should deprive us of all
interest in the world, and fill us with impatience for the
next.”</p>

<p>On the 16th of January, 1806, Mrs. Brenton gave
birth to a daughter, the one who is so constantly
addressed in these notes. Of this period the following
record is preserved. “By the blessing of God, my
beloved companion’s health was soon restored, and the
sweet addition to our little family, was a new source of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[265]</a></span>
gratitude, and happiness. How familiar to my recollection
are the scenes of that delightful period. My
own anxieties were now fast wearing away, or only
intruded themselves as the unfavourable symptoms of
ill health recurred, which was very seldom. The confirmed
health of our darling boy was more apparent
every day, and he now became peculiarly engaging,
and interesting. Although but three years old, he
gave evident signs of great capacity, and we rather
checked, than stimulated the inclination towards learning,
which he very decidedly possessed even at that
early age.</p>

<p>“Tours lying on the great road from Bordeaux,
Passage, and Rochefort, to the depôt of the prisoners,
we had frequent detachments of our unfortunate countrymen
marching through. Early in the year the
officers and crews of H. M. ships the Calcutta, and
Ranger, together with those of the Belle Packet, which
had been captured by the Rochefort squadron, under
Admiral Allemande, arrived at Tours, on their march
to the depôt of Verdun and Arras, to which they were
destined. They were all confined in the common
prison, as they had been indiscriminately marched
under the same escort, without any respect being paid
to the rank of the officers, however high. The landlord
of the principal inn at Tours, called upon me late in
the evening, to inform me they had just reached the
prison, concluding that I would make an application
for the officers to be liberated on their parole. That
<i lang="fr">mon hôte</i> was not entirely disinterested, came out, upon
our way to the General’s house together. ‘Monsieur,’<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[266]</a></span>
said he, ‘il ne faut pas seulement penser a soi. Il y’a
d’autres Aubergistes à Tours, qui voudroient avoir de vos
Messieurs chez eux. Je vous prie donc de me consigner
<em>vingt des</em> plus riches, et que les autres soient partagés
parmi mes confrères.’ The General immediately at my
request gave an order to liberate the officers on parole.
Joy resounded at once through the prison, nor were
the seamen and marines without their share of it, as
they were immediately supplied with a hot supper, and
had their regular meals during the remainder of their
stay at Tours. Although relief could not be officially
given, in consequence of the prohibition of the French
government, this was done by private contribution,
and the expence attending it was subsequently defrayed
by the Admiralty; and the liberality of their
country by the remittances made for their relief,
enabled us to procure for them many comforts at
this dreary season of the year, during a winter that
was felt very severely, even in that mild region. This
was an additional alleviation to the sense of our
captivity.”</p>

<p>On the 9th of April, 1806, Captain Brenton and his
family removed to a country house near Tours, of which
he thus speaks. “This was, indeed a little paradise to
us; a most beautiful situation, on the right bank of the
Loire, very near the bridge of Tours. The house was,
in fact, an excavation made in the solid rock, upon a
considerable elevation, the face and roof only being built
with masonry. The approach to it was by a long
flight of steps, ascending through four terraces, on each
of which was a beautiful garden, and on the uppermost<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[267]</a></span>
level, contiguous to the house, a delightful grove of
trees; surrounding a spacious saloon distinct from the
house. This singular and delightful retreat was called
‘Les petits Capucins.’ Nothing but the idea of captivity,
and that restless anxiety for worldly prosperity, or to
speak more plainly, that forgetfulness of the inexhaustible
goodness of Divine Providence, and want of
confidence in our Heavenly Father, could have prevented
my enjoying perfect felicity there. But ungrateful,
and impatient as I was, I can now recollect
with feelings bordering on delight, the many instances
in which I acknowledged my sense of the happiness I
enjoyed. We were now most comfortably fixed in our
delightful habitation, but our peaceful enjoyment was
soon unsettled by the prospect of an exchange of prisoners.
The death of Mr. Pitt, which had taken place
in January, and the coalition of parties which had been
the consequence, now excited in the breast of Buonaparte
sanguine hopes of being able to negociate a
peace, through the influence of Mr. Fox. For notwithstanding
his rancorous hostility against Great Britain,
this had long been his most anxious wish. England
was the only enemy he dreaded. In order to conciliate
Mr. Fox, such of <em>his</em> friends as were prisoners in
France, were immediately released, as well as those,
whose liberation was thought likely to be agreeable to
him. Of this number were Lord Elgin, General Abercrombie,
Captain Gower, and some others; and at the
same time I received a letter from Captain Jurieu, a
French captain in the navy, who had been sent over
from England, three years before, in exchange for me,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[268]</a></span>
recommending me to make every possible effort to get
this exchange ratified, which he had been unable to do,
nor could he procure permission to return to his captivity
in England agreeable to the pledge he had given.
I of course followed his advice, but without success.”
On the 11th of June, Captain Coote quitted Tours
for England, and “this event,” Captain Brenton says,
“we considered of very great importance. Captain
Coote being a commander, and recently captured, I had
every reason to be sanguine, in the hope that my own
liberty was at hand.” On the 23rd of July, he says,
“The fluctuations of hope and fear respecting our
liberation from captivity, had now in a great measure
subsided. The departure of Captain Coote, for England,
who had so recently been made a prisoner, convinced
me that the measure was not meant to be
general, for had that been the case, priority of capture
would have given me the preference.” Captain Brenton
says, “It was even reported that Buonaparte had
declared he would not consent to my exchange, which
was probably the case. The people of France were
as clamorous for peace as they dared to be, and when
the municipality, in grand costume, were parading the
streets, with military music, to announce some of the
great victories gained in Germany, they would exclaim,
‘Eh! voila une autre victoire, et cela nous donnera une
autre conscription.’ When the news of Lord Lauderdale’s
departure from France reached Tours, it was
announced in the theatre; when a person was heard
distinctly to say, ‘Cette maudite guerre done ne finira
jamais.’ Such, I believe, was a very general feeling<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[269]</a></span>
amongst the inhabitants of France. An increased
degree of economy was manifested by the French
Government. The Milan and Berlin decrees were
issued for the prohibition of all trade with Great
Britain, and bankers were even forbidden to discount
the prisoners’ bills. Messrs. Peregaux wrote to me
with their usual liberality, informing me of this inhuman
order; but they added, that although they could no
longer discount my bills, yet they begged I would not
scruple to draw upon them for whatever money I might
require; and that they should be quite satisfied, that
their account should be settled at the end of the war.
The victory gained by Sir John Duckworth off San
Domingo, in which he captured and destroyed the
whole of the French squadron, did not at all contribute
to allay the irritable feelings of the Emperor.</p>

<p>“I therefore felt convinced, from the selection that
had been made of prisoners to be liberated, that
Buonaparte had a particular object in view; that he
was courting a party, instead of endeavouring to conciliate
the British Government. This soon proved to
be the case. The negociation was broken off, and the
acrimony shewn towards the British prisoners was
greater than ever; all communication with England,
even the transfer of bills, was positively forbidden.”
These restrictions do not seem to have extended to the
prisoners at Tours, for, on the 6th of September Captain
Brenton says, “This day was passed in great
delight in rambling over the beautiful grounds of
Chanteloup, and visiting the castle of Amboise. Our
darling children were in high health, and my own<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[270]</a></span>
health in a great measure restored. We were in possession
of every thing to make us happy and grateful.
The autumn was delightful, and we were under no
restraint as prisoners, but permitted to make excursions
to every part of the district. Our society was small
but friendly. We had an addition to our friends by
the arrival of Mr. Forbes (probably brother to the one
before mentioned) and Sir H. Titchbourne, with their
families, and had established a social intercourse, which
was productive of much comfort and cheerfulness. In
the beginning of November the approach of winter
induced us to change our residence, from the beautiful
place we inhabited, to a more commodious house in the
city of Tours, where we had made up our minds to
pass the winter contentedly. All hopes of an exchange
had now subsided; mine were now directed towards a
continuance of the indulgence of being allowed to live
at a distance from a depôt; and from the increased
ill humour of Buonaparte towards England, I had
serious apprehensions of more vigorous measures being
resorted to respecting the prisoners. I was under the
influence of these feelings, when one morning returning
home I found my beloved Isabella in tears, and much
agitated; she told me a gens d’armes had been in
pursuit of me, requiring my immediate attendance
before the General. The visit of a gens d’armes rarely
boded any thing favourable towards a prisoner. I
however endeavoured to preserve my tranquillity, and
soothe the anxiety of your dear mother. I hastened
to the General expecting some unpleasant communication,
but to my great surprize and joy, was received<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[271]</a></span>
with great cordiality, and these unexpected words,
‘Monsieur, vous n’êtes plus prisonnier—Je vous en
félicite.’ You may easily imagine the effect this
information produced upon me. I ran home in an
ecstacy of joy, which I concluded would have been
equally great on the part of my darling companion.
Joy did for a moment glisten in her eyes, for she
always shared in my feelings. She felt a gleam of
happiness because she saw me happy; but a moment’s
reflection shewed her the certainty of our being separated
upon our reaching England, by my being
employed afloat. She immediately contrasted the
felicity she had enjoyed in France, with the probability
of a long absence from each other, and all its fertile
sources of anxiety and misery. But she was too good
and too grateful to our merciful Benefactor to indulge
these feelings long. She soon became herself again,
and sympathized sincerely in my joy. Of her own
feelings on this occasion, the record left by her own
pen seems worthy of insertion.”</p>

<p>“Monday, 25th December, 1806, Morlaix. Left
Tours after a truly happy residence of twelve months.
In the course of that time I had the satisfaction to
observe the restoration of the health of two of the
objects dearest to me in the world, and we have been
surrounded with every comfort and blessing but liberty.
I failed not to offer up my thanks to Almighty God
daily, for the mercies he so bountifully bestowed upon
me; and now, O heavenly Father, Thou hast called
forth my gratitude on a new subject, by thy merciful
goodness, for all good belongeth unto Thee alone. We<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[272]</a></span>
have at length obtained the object we so much wished
for. Our captivity has ceased, and through Thy mercy
and protection, we have been enabled to perform a
journey of upwards of two hundred miles, without the
smallest accident or delay. My beloved husband and
children have arrived in perfect health, and for myself
I can truly say, that I never enjoyed a greater share.
Now, then, O great and merciful Father, I implore
again Thy protection, in the voyage we are about to
take at the present season of the year. Great must
be the perils and dangers, but under Thy Almighty
care, I humbly hope and trust we shall be preserved
from them all, and be enabled to reach our own
country in health and safety, and once more enjoy
the blessing of finding our friends in health and happiness.
This I beg through Jesus Christ our blessed
Lord and Saviour. Amen.” To this memorandum, Sir
Jahleel Brenton subjoins, “Here my beloved children,
is an example of pious gratitude and firm confidence
in the protection of the same Almighty Being, who had
always watched over us. To a common mind the idea
of crossing the channel under all the circumstances
in which she was placed, would have been full of terror,
a few weeks only before your birth my dear Charles,
in the depth of winter, and in a small French vessel of
only eighty tons. But your mother never forgot in
whose care she was placed. We had a most favourable
journey from Tours to Morlaix, a constant succession
of fine weather, and every comfort in our own possession
to make up for the inconveniences on the road,
which were sometimes very great. On our arrival at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[273]</a></span>
Morlaix we hired a small French brig for sixty louis
d’ors to take us over. Many delays and difficulties
occurred before we could embark, and when this point
was gained, and we had reached the mouth of the
Port, six miles from Morlaix, a foul wind was likely to
detain us. But what seemed to promise an additional
vexation, was a French privateer lying in readiness
to take advantage of the first change; and had she
sailed, we should not have been permitted to follow for
the next twenty-four hours, lest we might convey
intelligence respecting her. This circumstance gave
me much anxiety, which I now feel to have been
inexcusable considering the blessings I enjoyed. It
kept me frequently on deck during the night; the
wind having suddenly changed, we weighed at dawn
of day, and were at sea before the privateer made any
movement. I then considered myself out of captivity,
and I humbly hope I felt the gratitude I so deeply
owed to the Almighty, for His merciful protection of
me and mine, during that part of my life, particularly
when I was a prisoner; ‘Let them give thanks whom
the Lord hath redeemed, and delivered them out of the
hands of the enemy.’ Ps. cvii. I felt it worthy of
recollection in every subsequent year, that this delightful
Psalm should have been the first which I was called
upon to read to my ship’s company, a very few weeks
after my release, on the first Sunday after my appointment
to the Spartan.”</p>

<p>Further particulars of the journey to Morlaix from
Captain Brenton’s notes may here be added.</p>

<p>“Dr. and Mrs. Grey, and their daughter, were included<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[274]</a></span>
with my own family in my passport (see the
annexed letter from M. Decrés).<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> This most peculiar
instance of kind attention and good feeling, was procured
through the indulgence of the Minister of
Marine: through whose kindness Dr. Grey’s family
had been permitted to join us at Tours. Messrs.
Peregaux also availed themselves of this opportunity, to
shew that the kindness and liberality which had been
so strikingly evinced at the early part of my captivity,
were unabated. With my passport came a letter from
those gentlemen, containing their warmest congratulations;
and stating that in order to prevent any possibility
of delay, they had sent me one hundred pounds
for the expences of my journey, and wishing me all
happiness and success.</p>

<p>“On the 20th December our two happy and united
families left Tours for Morlaix, which we reached on
the 27th, passing through La Fleche, Rennes, Lamballe
and St. Brieux. At Lamballe, which we reached
late in the evening, I was informed that a detachment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[275]</a></span>
of English prisoners had arrived, and were in the
prison, and that I might see them, if I went early in
the morning, when they were to resume their march
for the interior. At the dawn of day, I was at the
prison door, and as the sailor was opening it, called out
in the professional phrase, ‘Yo ho! shipmates.’ No
sooner was the well known expression heard, than one
of the unfortunate inmates exclaimed, ‘If I did not
dream I was just drinking a pot of porter!’ This of
course he considered prophetic of his obtaining some
relief; nor was he disappointed, for the hundred
pounds sent by the kind M. Peregaux enabled me to
give to each a sum which might have been a source of
comfort for some days; but it is probable, that it was
soon swallowed up by extortion and excess. The money
was of course given on government account.</p>

<p>“On leaving Lamballe, on the road to St. Brieux, I
had got out of the carriage for the purpose of walking
up a very steep hill, and on reaching the top I had lost
sight of the carriage, owing to the winding of the road;
I here saw another detachment of unfortunate blue
jackets, under the escort of gens d’armes marching for
Lamballe. I hailed them, and having ascertained to
what ship they belonged, I gave to each man the sum
of money I thought I could spare; the escort all this
time preserved rather an unaccountable silence, but
when the distribution was over, accosted me with,
‘A present Monsieur, il faut savoir qui vous êtes; ou est
votre passport?’ This had soon occurred to me, and I
recollected that it was not about me, but in the carriage,
which now appeared on the summit of the hill.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[276]</a></span>
This however set all to rights, and the poor sailors gave
three cheers to their countrymen, and pursued their
melancholy journey.</p>

<p>“In the course of a few hours, as we approached
St. Brieux, we had from the top of a very high hill,
a view of the deep blue sea, of the English channel.
The effect of this sight upon persons in our situation
may be easier conceived than described; after being
shut up for three years and a half in the interior of
France, a far longer period than I had ever before
been separated from my favourite element. Cheers from
each denoted the general joy of the little party at
again beholding what we all regarded as our country’s
own domain. On our arrival at St. Brieux, we met
another detachment of English prisoners, but they were
officers on parole. The two parties, the one on their
way home, the other beginning captivity, met together
at the table d’hôte; and notwithstanding these adverse
circumstances on the one side, the meeting was gratifying
to both. I was again enabled through Messrs.
Peregaux to supply each officer with the means of
performing his long journey with comparative comfort.</p>

<p>“As we left the land the wind freshened, and a
heavy sea got up. The French sailors who had been
very earnest in offering their services to the ladies, and
had even given their respective names, that they might
be called upon when wanted, were the first to be
prostrated by sea sickness, the whole eleven men without
exception. The Captain alone was unaffected by
the motion of his vessel; and on my suggesting to him
the necessity of the topsail being reefed, as the wind<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[277]</a></span>
increased, he shrugged his shoulders with the usual
phrase of ‘impossible.’ He however admitted the necessity
of something being done, and having requested
me to take the helm, he managed to lower the topsails
on the cap, and as the wind was well aft, the vessel
was able to bear it, and we two shared the helm
between us for that day. In the middle of the ensuing
night we had got over under the Start point, and the
wind having got more to the westward, we found
shelter there until daylight; when a beautiful day
broke upon us, and enabled us to reach Dartmouth by
eight o’clock in the morning. Thus ended our captivity
on the 29th of December, 1806, having commenced
on the 3rd July, 1803.</p>

<p>“The retrospect gave me much thankfulness in every
point of view. It was a singular circumstance, that on
my journey from Bath to Portsmouth, in June, 1803,
one of my companions on the coach was the late Sir
Matthew Blakiston, who mentioned a report (an unfounded
one) that the Hazard Sloop of war, commanded
by Captain Neave, had been taken, and carried into
a French Port. I immediately expressed my opinion,
that I could hardly conceive a greater misfortune
befalling a professional man; and that it would be
one of the most difficult to support. In less than a
month from that time, I was actually in the very
dreaded situation; and lost by it the command of one
of the finest frigates in the Navy, with all the bright
prospects attendant upon such a position, at the first
breaking out of a war, when the ocean is covered by
the enemy’s vessels, and few Captains with such commands<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[278]</a></span>
fail in making fortunes. But the wind is tempered
to the shorn lamb—the blow to me was, indeed,
a severe one, but I was enabled to support it; and I
have since been led to reflect upon the merciful dispensation
which attended the event. It is very possible,
that the effect of the concussion of the brain,
which I had so recently received in the Minerve
previously to her capture, might have disabled me, for
the arduous duty attending on the command of a
cruising frigate; and as I had already been indulged by
having two acting Captains appointed to my ship, I
could not have expected that a third would have been
allowed; and had I been obliged then to retire on half
pay, with the little interest I possessed, and the deeds
of the new war, throwing into shade the achievements
of the last; it is very probable that I might never have
succeeded in getting a ship; but must have remained,
like many of my brother officers, on half pay for the remainder
of my days. I landed as a prisoner in France
with the comforting recollection that no honour had
been lost with my ship; that it was one of the unavoidable
occurrences to which all are exposed in the profession
of arms. With these feelings, and gratitude for
my protection, under a fire of such duration, and of so
complicated a nature, my mind was kept in perfect
peace.”</p>

<p>At this point of the narrative it may not be irrelevant
to introduce some remarks, which occur in the private
memoir, on the state of the British prisoners in France;
in order to place, in its proper point of view, the general
situation of the prisoners, and to consider how far the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[279]</a></span>
charges against the French Government for neglect and
cruelty are made out. “It is an accusation which has
been frequently made, and as I have often given my
opinion, not only in conversation, but officially upon the
subject, and as the latter stands upon record, it may be
right in this place to give the sentiments, which I have
frequently and deliberately expressed. But to do complete
justice to this subject, and indeed to the French
nation, it is necessary to distinguish between the conduct
of individuals, and the official measures of the
French government. In doing this—under the first
head we have a most gratifying task, so numerous are
the instances of benevolence, kindness, and the best of
feelings, manifested towards our suffering countrymen.</p>

<p>“I have already adverted to the singularly generous
conduct of M. Dubois at Cherbourg, of Messrs Perregaux,
the bankers, to the benevolence of Monsieur
Parmentier, the Mayor of Phalsbourg, and the kindness
and ready assistance of the French military authorities,
at the different depôts; and I am decidedly of
opinion, that had such conduct been sanctioned and
encouraged by the Government itself, there is little
doubt but the situation of the prisoners would have
been very different from what they experienced during
the greater part of the war. It will hence be seen that
the French people as a people, were by no means implicated
in the sufferings of our countrymen; but on the
contrary, there are very many instances in which they
shewed the kindest feelings towards them; received
them into their houses, when found lame or sick on the
road, and incapable of continuing their march; and when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[280]</a></span>
they informed the nearest brigade of gens d’armes of the
circumstance, at once to vindicate themselves from the
charge of harbouring deserters, and to procure permission
for the sufferer to remain undisturbed, until able
to continue his journey. This is the bright side of the
picture. The other is of a very different description.
It will be seen that the government allowance for the
support of a prisoner was quite inadequate to the purpose—and
that when administered as it was to them individually
in prison, with no means of purchasing food, but
through the abominable suttler, famine and disease were
the unavoidable consequences. Then again, the arrangement
made by the minister of war for the supply of
clothes, shoes, and bedding, were tardy, neglectful, and
insufficient; and but for the exertions of their own
officers, many of the prisoners would undoubtedly have
perished in the course of the winter. The places also
allotted for their confinement, were, as has been shewn,
quite unfit for the purpose; often without roofs, containing
mud and pools of water, where their straw was to be
deposited for their beds; and with additional abuse
attending the straw, which instead of being delivered
fresh from the sheaf, was in some instances only fit for
the dunghill.</p>

<p>“The manner in which prisoners were also marched
from the most distant parts, such as Toulon, and Bourdeaux,
and even in many instances from Genoa, and the
ports of the Adriatic, was highly reprehensible in the
government of a civilized country. It is known that
the whole of France, during the late wars, and I
believe its dependencies in Europe, were divided into<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[281]</a></span>
squares about two leagues each way; and at the intersection
of all the lines forming these squares, or as
nearly as possible, a brigade of gens d’armes was
stationed. If a small detachment of prisoners, not
exceeding eight or ten, were to be sent from Toulon for
instance, to Givet in the Ardennes, they were put under
escort of two mounted gens d’armes; were generally
handcuffed in pairs, and sometimes in addition were made
fast to each other by a rope, and conducted to the nearest
brigade, in the line of the destined march; and by
this forwarded to the next, in the same manner. At
whatever town or village they were to pass the night,
they were generally locked up in the common prison;
from whence they continued the route with the next
brigade the following morning. Left solely to the gens
d’armes, it may naturally be supposed, that the treatment
was not always the most humane; although as
has been shewn in the course of these pages, there
were many instances of real kindness and feeling,
evinced by these men. But it was too often the case, that
the prisoners being without shoes became so lame as to be
incapable of marching; they were then for some time
driven on at the point of the sabre; sometimes dragged
along by being attached to the horse; and at length, when
utterly incapable of proceeding, they were deposited in
the next prison until able to march. These instances,
unhappily, were but too numerous, as the straggling
parties of a few individuals were, from time to time,
passed on from the coast to the interior. One consisting
of a Captain in the navy, an officer of marines, and
a private gentleman, who had been taken, coming home<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[282]</a></span>
passengers from America, is too remarkable to be passed
over. Their names are, Captain Lyall of the navy, Major
Stanser of the marines, and Mr. Palmer, a private gentleman
of Bermuda. They were landed at one of the
ports of the western coast of France; and notwithstanding
their rank in life, were marched in the same
manner as common seamen, from brigade to brigade,
and like them confined in the common prison of the
place, where they halted for the night; and upon one
occasion, after being placed in the Cachot, and shewn
the straw upon which they had to pass the night, a
fierce mastiff was brought into the place, and the prisoners
were told that if they lay perfectly quiet during
the night they would not be molested; but if they
attempted to get up the dog would seize them; and as
a proof of this not being only mentioned to alarm them,
whenever they rustled the straw, the dog began to
growl. The situation of the prisoners, during the long
night, may be imagined. Complaint was made of this
treatment by these gentlemen on their arrival at Verdun,
but no redress was granted them.</p>

<p>“No sooner had the prisoners in general been deprived
of the assistance and countenance of their
officers, than the old system of suttlers and wretchedness
was renewed, and this state of things, aggravated
by hopelessness, was the lot of the increasing numbers
added to the depôts by successive captures, from 1805
to the end of the war in 1814.”</p>

<p>In committing this record to paper, Captain Brenton
states that he considered he was in the performance of
an imperative duty; and, whilst he expressed the grateful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[283]</a></span>
sense of the many acts of kindness, received from individuals,
he felt called upon to substantiate the statement
he has already made, respecting the sufferings of the
prisoners, from the inadequacy of the supplies granted,
and the measures adopted by the French government
for the maintenance of those whom the fate of war had
thrown into their hands. It is also much to be wished,
that if there were any just causes of complaint with regard
to the treatment experienced by the French prisoners
in England, the charges should be brought forward in
a tangible shape, that they also might be enquired into,
and a remedy applied when necessary. But these must
not be such wretched garbled statements as those of
General Pillet, to whose own countrymen an appeal
might be safely made, with the most perfect assurance
of their pronouncing the whole work to be totally untrue.
I have endeavoured to view the question in such
a manner, that a judgment might be formed, as to all
its bearings, and I now leave it, in the sanguine hope
that many, many years may elapse, before the two
nations are again placed in relations of hostility against
each other; and that should such an event unhappily
recur, they both may have a watchful eye over their
prisoners, considering their honour as well as their
conscience pledged to protect those who can have no
other protection.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton, as to the particular cause of his
own unexpected release from captivity, gives in his
private memoranda the following account. “A nephew
of Marshal Massena, Captain L’Infernet, had been taken
in the battle of Trafalgar, in the command of the French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[284]</a></span>
ship of the line, L’Intrepide. Massena had been
making great efforts to procure his exchange; but the
Admiralty, whilst they expressed their readiness to
accede to this exchange, stated their determination to
accept of no other officer but myself, whom they considered
from the priority of my capture, to be unjustifiably
detained in France, whilst other officers had
been liberated, and that without any reason having
been assigned for it. Buonaparte having no reason to
believe that our government would relax from this
determination, ordered my passport to be sent to me.
It soon appeared by letters from France, that I had
had a very narrow escape of being detained even at
Morlaix. A small package containing copies of official
correspondence, which I had with me in the carriage,
and which was kept uppermost in order to prevent any
suspicion, that they were intended to be concealed;
was by accident either dropped from the carriage,
or left at some inn on the road. It was found and
forwarded to the Capital of the Department; where the
principal authority, as a provisional measure, sent off
an express to Morlaix to detain me; whilst the papers
were forwarded to the Bureau de la guerre at Paris,
where the order for detention was confirmed. We had
however got beyond the Castle of Morlaix before the
order arrived, and had no sooner passed it, than we
felt ourselves safe within the limits of the British
Empire.”</p>

<p>This period of the narrative then which includes his
captivity in France is thus closed, and if some details
which seem irrelevant, and some particulars which seem<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[285]</a></span>
trivial have been introduced, the Editor still feels that
their insertion is justified by the degree in which they
exhibit the character of the subject of the memoir, or
unfold the process by which that character was formed.
There can be no doubt, that both to mind and body,
this period of detention was eminently useful; and
this recollection may have a tendency to reconcile
others, who, in the course of war, may be exposed to a
similar calamity, to the present privations of their lot,
by considering its general consequences, and its final
effects. In the case of Sir Jahleel Brenton it is but
too probable, that if this long interval of forced repose
had not occurred, his constitution would never have
recovered from the effects of the accident he suffered,
while fitting out the Minerve; and that the excitement
of active service would have destroyed a system so shattered
as his was. It is still more probable, that active
employment in his profession, whether successful or
unsuccessful, would have prevented much of that moral
improvement, that growth in grace and knowledge of
the Lord Jesus, which we have seen going on silently
and gradually in the retirement of his captivity.</p>

<p>That he would have been under other circumstances,
a man whom the world would have admired, a noble
minded, liberal, benevolent and gallant officer, is certain;
but that he would have grown into the reality
of the Christian character, that he would have learnt
the state of his own heart, and his need of a Saviour;
that he would have felt the real value of the Gospel,
and known it to be the power of God unto salvation in
them that believe, is more than questionable. We<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[286]</a></span>
may therefore admit, that God in mercy withdrew him
from labours for which he was unfit, and from delusions
which could not have been resisted; and placed him
for a time in a situation, where body and mind were to
regain their healthy tone; and where the means for
more extensive usefulness were to be acquired.</p>

<p>But captivity is a bitter trial to an ardent and
ambitious spirit; and we cannot doubt that there were
moments, when the iron entered into his soul, and the
necessity of submitting to a lot which extinguished all
his hopes, was a severe burden to a faith as yet but
imperfectly developed. In many instances likewise we
have seen that the bitterness of captivity was aggravated
by the treatment the prisoners were exposed to,
and the oppression they suffered; and each of these
cases must have provoked the indignant feelings of
officers, who were conscious of deserving the respect
even of their enemies.</p>

<p>There were however bright exceptions, and these
exceptions deserve the more notice as they occurred in
decided opposition to the spirit of the government, and
probably would have provoked the displeasure of the
Emperor, if he had become acquainted with them;
and his displeasure generally found prompt and ample
means for exhibiting itself.</p>

<p>Among the individuals to be named with respect on
this account is M. Decrés, the Minister of Marine.
Intimately associated as he was with the government,
he always seems to have attended to the representations
made by Captain Brenton, and to have made
every exertion in his favour that could have been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[287]</a></span>
expected. M. Decrés at the moment probably yielded
to the sympathy which one brave man has for
another, and gladly alleviated, according to his opportunities,
the sufferings of an officer whose gallantry entitled
him to respect; but he did not foresee that the
kindness he shewed to a British officer, was to be the
occasion of multiplied kindnesses to his own countrymen;
and that many a French heart was to be gladdened by
the consolations he procured for a single English one.</p>

<p>The Editor therefore feels great pleasure in inserting
here extracts from some familiar letters written at a
later period, which shew how the circumstances of this
captivity were remembered, and the way in which the
courtesies of M. Decrés were requited.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off Toulon, Nov. 3, 1807.</span></p>

<p>“… You may remember how determined I was
to wreak my vengeance upon the whole nation. At Malta I was
senior officer, and I found a number of French prisoners. I did
not exactly order them to the Appel twice a day, as used to be the
case with us at Verdun. A colonel had been taken with all his
family a few days before, and had lost his wife at sea, leaving him
with three dear little infants. You may stare, but I gave him
leave to return to France with his family and his physician. This
I meant as a small token of remembrance to M. Decrés, but firmly
resolved that all the others should remain until all our friends at
Verdun were liberated; but like other good resolutions this was
not a lasting one. A deputation of captive ladies waited upon me.
‘Messieurs les Anglais, sont des gens pleins d’honneur, qui ne
font jamais la guerre aux femmes ni aux enfans.’ ‘Eh de grace,
Mesdames retournez dens votre patrie, je ne vous empêche pas.’
‘Hélas, mon Commandant, sans mon Mari? Le deserterai je
dans le malheur? Que deviendrai’ je, s’il succombe sous le poids<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[288]</a></span>
de l’adversité? Sa Santé est chancelante, et Monsieur n’ignore pas
la douceur d’être dans le sein de sa famille.’ ‘Madame, je me
rends, a vos raisons, partez vous et votre mari.’ ‘Et le mien aussi
Monsieur? Vite, vite; allez, allez!’ In this manner I was coaxed
out of a dozen; they all set out vowing eternal gratitude,” &amp;c.</p>

</div>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off Toulon, August 8.</span></p>

<p>“… On Friday we had one of the prettiest sporting
days I ever remember. A frigate came out of Toulon with a convoy,
and we gave chase to her. She ran between the Hieres Islands,
round Cape Taillet, and into the gulf of Grimaud, where
she anchored under the citadel of St. Tropez, and escaped. We
however cut off two of her convoy, and were very near getting
hold of a man of war brig, but the breezes failed us. I landed all
my prisoners with their property, charmed as they said, ‘De
l’honnêteté de M. le Commandant de la frégate, et qu’ils ne manqueroient
pas d’en faire une mention honourable au préfet maritime
de l’arrondissement.’ I told them they might thank M. Decrés
for it, for his attention to me, and I hope he will hear of it, as I
shall never forget his kindness.”</p>

</div>

<p>War no doubt is a great evil, but when war is carried
on in this spirit it loses something of its sufferings, and
much of its horrors; and one may be forgiven for dwelling
with pleasure on those gleams of light which kindness
of heart and liberality cast across the dark and
melancholy period of those protracted hostilities.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[289]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND, AND APPLICATION TO THE ADMIRALTY.—KINDNESS OF THE
FIRST LORD OF THE ADMIRALTY, MR. GRENVILLE.—COURT MARTIAL, ACQUITTAL,
AND APPOINTMENT TO THE SPARTAN.—SAILS TO THE MEDITERRANEAN.—ESCAPE
FROM CAPTURE.—BOAT ACTION WITH ITS UNFORTUNATE RESULT, AND
COURT OF ENQUIRY ORDERED BY LORD COLLINGWOOD.</p>

</div>


<p>“The day after our arrival at Dartmouth, as my beloved
Isabella required repose, after the fatigue and anxiety
she had so long been exposed to, I left her at Upton,
near Brixham, with our kind and hospitable friend, Mrs.
Cutler;<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> and proceeded to London, in order to make
my appearance at the Admiralty as soon as possible.
Mr. Thomas Grenville, then first Lord, received me in
the most cordial manner, and asked me under existing
circumstances how the Admiralty could best shew their
sympathy for my misfortunes, and their approbation of
my conduct. I replied that I was not aware of any
thing their Lordships could do, until my court martial
for the loss of the Minerve, should have taken place.
Mr. Grenville replied, this had also been his apprehension,
but he was at a loss to know how the court martial<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[290]</a></span>
could be held, since the officers being all prisoners in
France, no adequate witnesses could be found. I observed,
that I knew many of the seamen and marines
had made their escape, and might probably be found
serving in some of His Majesty’s ships. A doubt still
remained, whether the evidence of these men without
that of any officer, would be deemed sufficient. Mr.
Grenville however placed me in the hands of the
clerk of the Record office, desiring I should have access
to any documents I might wish to examine. After travelling
through many folios, I discovered the case of
Captain Craycroft, who in the preceding war had been
captured by the French, and whose witnesses upon his
court martial were, the surgeon and a midshipman.
I immediately communicated this, by a message, to Mr.
Grenville. His answer was, ‘Good, try again:’ and
soon after, the case of Captain Brey, of the Hound, on
whose trial a midshipman and a boatswain’s mate only
appeared, was deemed conclusive by Mr. Grenville.
An order was immediately issued by the Admiralty to
all the commanders in chief on the home stations for an
enquiry to be made in the ships under their respective
commands, for any men who had been captured in the
Minerve, and might have made their escape from France;
and that in the event of any such being found, they
should be immediately sent to the flag ship, at Portsmouth,
and their names be reported to the Admiralty.
In the course of a few days, six were reported, two
boatswain’s mates, and four seamen, and marines.”
The order was immediately issued for the court martial
on Captain Brenton, to be held on board the Gladiator,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[291]</a></span>
in Portsmouth Harbour; and it is hardly necessary to
add, that the sentence of the court was the honourable
acquittal of the Captain of the Minerve.</p>

<p>Immediately after the conclusion of the court martial,
Captain Brenton having obtained a copy of the
sentence, proceeded forthwith to London, and waited
upon Mr. Grenville, who most kindly said, “We have
been quite prepared for the nature of the sentence, and
I have been only waiting to receive it officially, before
I should attend to rather an extraordinary request,
made by a brother officer of yours, who has begged
that he may be permitted to resign the command of a
fine frigate, just built and fitted out, and full manned.
I can now grant his request, and make you the offer
of becoming his successor.” Captain Brenton’s joy may
be imagined at this most gratifying instance of the
First Lord’s approbation. He certainly did look forward
to employment, at no very distant period; but the
utmost he could expect was to have a frigate to fit out.
Here was one of a superior description, all ready for
immediate service. He lost no time in taking command,
having joined her on the 10th February; the
Spartan being then under orders to sail the moment the
wind would permit, with the East India convoy.</p>

<p>In his private journal he says, “I left my beloved
Isabella only five days before your birth, my dear
Charles. I should most gladly have waited till that
anxious period was over; but my ship was under sailing
orders, and I left your mother under the care of
the merciful Providence of Him, who never deserted
her while on earth, and to whom we may now humbly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[292]</a></span>
and firmly hope she has gone. I had soon the happiness
of knowing she was well, and thankful for
this additional blessing bestowed upon us, I sailed to
the Mediterranean, without one legitimate subject of
anxiety; on the contrary, nothing but happiness in the
retrospect, and the most cheerful prospects before me.”
He adds; “A few days after I joined the Spartan, my
convoy was transferred to the charge of another Captain;
and the Commissioner’s yacht came alongside
my ship with £700,000 in cash; and orders for me
to take it immediately to Malta. Here was another
act of kindness on the part of Mr. Grenville. He found
in this commission an opportunity of indemnifying me
for my losses and expenses in France, of which he immediately
availed himself. For some time all payments
to the Captains of ships of war for carrying cash had
been discontinued, but it was thought proper to resume
it at this period; and the Admiralty recommended to
the Treasurer, this as a fit occasion. The sum of half
per cent. was in consequence allowed for the future,
and this gave me £1100.”</p>

<p>Contrary winds detained Captain Brenton at Spithead
till the 2nd of March, when he sailed with a
strong N.E. wind, in company with Sir Thomas Lavie,
in the Blanche. The latter, being under orders to
cruize on the coast of France, kept close in with the
French shore, and was unfortunately wrecked the same
night in the bight of Abervrach. Sir Thomas was a
member of Captain Brenton’s court martial, and little
thought at that time, how soon it would be his turn to
succeed him as a prisoner in France. The Spartan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[293]</a></span>
necessarily keeping the channel course, was not exposed
to this danger. She was off Lisbon on the 7th
day, having orders to call off that place, but having
carried away her main yard in a heavy squall, off the
bar, bore up for Lisbon, sending the Lively, Captain
Mackinlay, who was cruising off the coast of Portugal,
to communicate with the British Minister. The
Spartan had under convoy one transport laden with
arms and ammunition for Sicily; the master of which,
notwithstanding the most positive orders not to part
company with the Spartan, bore up in the night,
whilst they were laying to, waiting for daylight, off
the mouth of the Tagus, and on the following night ran
on shore off San Lucar, near Cadiz, although having a
fair wind for Gibraltar, which was the place of rendezvous,
in case of parting company by accident. The ship
was soon taken possession of by the Spaniards; but before
they could get even a small portion of her cargo out of
her, she was boarded by the boats of the Malta, commanded
by Captain Buller, and burnt. The Spartan
arrived in two days after at Gibraltar, and having got
a new main yard, and taken on board a small additional
sum of money for Malta, proceeded to Messina, where
she arrived about the middle of March. From thence
she proceeded to Malta to deliver the money destined
for that place, but did not go into the harbour, remaining
off only a few hours, and then made sail for
Palermo. At the very moment of her departure an
awful event occurred at Malta. A corps, which had
been raised in the Morea, and generally called the
Spartan corps (the coincidence was much remarked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[294]</a></span>
upon as very singular) mutinied; and having got possession
of the Fort Ricasoli, determined upon resistance,
until such time as what they called their
grievances were redressed. These were that they
should be allowed to retain the lower part of their
Greek dress, instead of wearing the tight trowsers so
abhorrent to a Greek. They had no objection to the
jacket, but they could not endure the labour of cleaning
their arms, or pipe-claying their belts, &amp;c. A Greek will
be as active as any one while on actual duty, but when
that is over, he considers the time his own, and is more
disposed to pass it sleeping in the sun than in any
other manner. These men, having seized the Fort
Ricasoli, were not only determined to defend themselves,
but became the assailants, and turning the
mortars of the fortress towards La Valette, began throwing
shells into it. Providentially having no knowledge
themselves of this branch of warfare, they were obliged
to compel some artillery officers whom they had made
prisoners in the fortress to direct the bombardment;
and these officers under the pretence of intimidation,
gladly availed themselves of the opportunity of throwing
the shells over the city into the quarantine harbour,
which from the knowledge of the scale of the fortifications
they were enabled to do with great accuracy.
The shells consequently fell harmless. When the
mutineers saw that such measures were taken by the
General, as must insure the reduction of the fortress in
a few hours, they came to the desperate resolution of
drawing lots who should blow up the magazine, and who
should stand at the entrance, to convey the last signal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[295]</a></span>
of the explosion, both of whom must necessarily perish.
Those who drew the lots took their stations accordingly,
and the remainder of the Greeks having taken such
measures as they deemed best to enable them to get
over the wall; the signal was given, and a most tremendous
explosion took place, doing considerable
damage to the dockyard, and parts adjacent. In the
confusion occasioned by this unexpected event, nearly
the whole of the mutineers succeeded in getting out of
the fortress, and dispersed themselves over the island,
in the hope of being able to procure boats and to escape;
but precautions had been too effectually taken to allow
of this; every point was guarded, and in the course of a
few hours every man was taken. A court martial was
instantly assembled, and a great number were condemned
to death; many were executed, and the remainder
sent back to the Morea. It is much to be
lamented that the national feelings of these people
had been so unnecessarily outraged. They maintained
to the last that they enlisted under the express condition,
that their costume should not be interfered with,
and that they should not be obliged to clean and polish
accoutrements. When however the usual manœuvres
of a recruiting serjeant are taken into consideration,
it is not improbable that even greater exemptions than
these might have been promised; but a Greek is not
a man to be tampered with any more than a Malay.</p>

<p>The Spartan found a squadron lying at Palermo, consisting
of the Windsor Castle, and four other ships of
the line, which had been sent there at the request of the
king of Sicily, and were under the command of Captain,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[296]</a></span>
afterwards Rear Admiral Boyle. A gale of wind of
most extraordinary violence came on, whilst the Spartan
was with them. The wind was from the southward,
and therefore directly off the land, from which the
squadron were not a mile distant. In consequence of
this, the sea had no space to get up in; but notwithstanding
that a dense spray was lifted up from the water,
called by seamen, “a spoon drift,” which lay along the
surface as even as though it were a sheet of snow.
Whilst walking the deck Captain Brenton was surprised
by a sharp sound like a mast going, and looking forward,
saw the jib fly up the stay like lightning, and immediately
shiver to atoms. By some accident the down
haul had not been made fast in the forecastle, and the
wind getting into the head of the jib, carried it up like
lightning. No other damage however was done, although
the Eagle was for some time in danger, having been
close under Monte Pelegrino. The gale was of short
duration, and in a few hours was succeeded by fine
weather.</p>

<p>On the 16th of April the Spartan sailed for Toulon,
where she was ordered to watch the motions of the
French fleet; and the wind being from the westward
Captain Brenton ran along the coast of Italy. When
just between the east coast of Corsica and the Italian
shore, he fell in with an American ship, the Urania,
Hector Coffin, master, and Greene of Rhode Island
supercargo. Captain Brenton, on sending a boat to
examine this neutral ship, gave particular directions to
the lieutenant charged with this duty, to pay every possible
attention to the feelings of the people, and to avoid<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[297]</a></span>
giving offence to the master or crew. The search took
place, and as there was some deviation from the regulations
laid down for the conduct of Neutrals by his
Majesty’s orders in council, Captain Brenton sent for
the master on board the Spartan, requesting he would
bring his log book with him. On his coming on board
Captain Brenton explained to him the necessity of this
measure; with which the master and supercargo expressed
themselves perfectly satisfied, as well as with
the kindness and delicacy with which they had been
treated by the visiting officer. It was at this time
nearly calm, so that no detention took place; and when
the breeze sprang up, the American voluntarily steered
for some time the same course with the Spartan. This
was on the 27th of April.</p>

<p>On the 8th of May the Spartan again fell in with the
same ship, between Sardinia and the Island of Ponza;
and her being so near the spot where she had been
eleven days before having excited surprise, she was
again examined; and on looking over her log book to
ascertain the cause of her having made so little progress,
being hardly forty leagues from where she had been
first seen, Captain Brenton was surprised to find a
detail of her having been boarded, on the 27th of April,
by the Spartan, worked up to the most rancorous pitch
of exaggeration; stating that on that day they were
boarded by the English frigate Spartan, had been
forced out of their course, that the master was dragged
on board with his papers, and that the hatches were
broken open, &amp;c. On Captain Brenton remonstrating<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[298]</a></span>
with the master and supercargo, upon the unmanliness
of inserting such falsehoods in the ship’s book, for no
other purpose than that of exciting enmity between the
two countries, whose mutual interests led them to the
cultivation of peace; and reminding them of the declaration
they had both made in the cabin of the Spartan on
the day alluded to, as to the kindness and civility with
which they had been treated by the lieutenant of that
ship, who had boarded them; they both appeared overwhelmed
with confusion, acknowledged the justice of
Captain Brenton’s observation, laid the blame upon the
mate, whom they charged with having inserted the offensive
passage without their knowledge, and promised
that it should not be made public in America. It is not
likely that a Neutral trading amongst belligerents should
pay so little attention to a document of such vital importance
as the log; and that neither master nor supercargo
should inspect it. This affair was the subject of
an official communication from Captain Brenton to his
senior officer, and of another to the Secretary of Lloyd’s
Coffee house.</p>

<p>On the 23rd of April the Spartan captured a small
French xebec, on the coast of Italy. The year had not
expired since the conversation which has been related
took place between Captain Brenton and Dr. Grey, at
Tours. Dr. Grey had been appointed surgeon of the
Spartan, at Captain Brenton’s request, and he received
in consequence the promised Encyclopedia. Captain
Brenton says, “Shortly after this I was again preserved
from captivity by a merciful Providence, which rescued<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[299]</a></span>
us from the enemy’s squadron, when every hope of success
seemed to have left us.” The particulars of this
escape are contained in the following letter.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off Toulon, May, 1807.</span></p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have the honour to inform you, that at noon
on the 27th ultimo, the westward end of Elba, bearing N.E. we
made sail in chase of four vessels to the southward, which at half-past
five we observed to be ships of war, and made the private
signal, which was not answered; and wishing to ascertain exactly
what they were, I continued standing towards them until half-past
six, when they bore up by signal in chase of us. We could at
this time see their hulls from the deck, and perceived one to be of
the line, two frigates, and a corvette. We tacked, and stood from
them, but they gained fast upon us, as they had a fresh breeze
from the westward: at eight, it fell nearly calm, and continued so
all night. At day-break we saw the enemy bearing W. by N.
about six miles. The south end of Capraia being at the same time
W.S.W. about four miles. Upon a light breeze, springing up from
the eastward, I made sail to the northward, in the hope of being
able to escape round the island, which the frigates and corvette
endeavoured to prevent, by running to leeward of Capraia, whilst
the ship of the line hauled round the south end in chase of us. We
had light and partial breezes until noon, when one frigate and the
corvette bore west, about two miles from us, with a fresh breeze
from the southward; the other frigate further off in the S.W. and
the line of battle ship off the south end of Capraia, bringing up the
rear. She had a very light air from the southward, but I saw the
necessity of making every effort to get to the westward, as the only
chance of escaping, and hauled immediately athwart the headmost
frigate: upon our near approach the breeze appeared to fail her.</p>

<p>“At twenty minutes after twelve she opened her fire, and continued
it for an hour and ten minutes. As I observed that the light
breeze she had was destroyed by her firing, we did not return a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[300]</a></span>
gun,<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> but kept a steady course until we had brought the enemy to
bear south, when we bore up north, leaving him the choice of
yawing to continue his fire, or to confine it to his bow guns. He
preferred the former, by which means he lost so much way, that
we were soon out of gun shot; the other frigate could not approach,
and the corvette avoided us.</p>

<p>“Providentially we received no damage, although exposed for
a considerable time to a point blank fire, scarcely going two knots;
but few shot struck us. I have the greatest reason to be pleased
with the steadiness and good conduct of the officers and people under
my command.</p>

<p>“At half-past five, having a fresh breeze from the S.W. we had
gained so far upon the enemy that they left off chase by signal;
the Commodore shortening sail, and hauling round the north end
of Capraia.</p>

<p>“From a Neapolitan pilot I had on board I learn that this is a
French squadron from Genoa, as he says, he knows of ships of this
description, viz. one of the line, two frigates, and four corvettes,
being fitted out there. We chased one corvette off the island of
Piglio, on the 26th ultimo; and the other two, I was informed by
an American, are employed with convoys between Genoa and
Toulon.</p>

<p class="center">“I have the honour to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“JAHLEEL BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Charles Rowley, Esq.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>On the return of the French squadron to Toulon the
Captain of one of the frigates was broke for his conduct;
but it is not known whether this was the Captain of the
Pomone, who lost the opportunity of bringing the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[301]</a></span>
British frigate to close action, or the Commander of the
Incorruptible for not joining in the attack upon her.</p>

<p>After this narrow escape, the Spartan proceeded off
Toulon in pursuance of her orders. Captain Brenton’s
object was to have reconnoitred that port, in order to
ascertain correctly the enemy’s force, ready for sea, or
under equipment; but he was chased off by a French
line of battle ship. He returned the next day, and
made out that there were only four ships of war in the
outer road, two of which were of the line, with several
fitting in the inner road. He considered it of importance
that the senior officer at Palermo should be informed
of the state of the enemy’s squadron in Toulon;
and therefore availing himself of a strong westerly wind
bore up for that place, running through the straits of
Bonifacio, where he fell in with the Sirius. Captain
Prouse proceeded to Palermo with the information, and
the Spartan directed her course to Ponza, with an
account of the French squadron being at sea; in order
to put the garrison on that island, and the island of
Capri, on their guard. Captain Brenton says, “The
Spartan now proceeded on her return to Toulon; but
on the following day met with a disaster, which, in my
estimation, far exceeded in severity any that had ever
befallen me, in the whole course of my professional
career. When off Nice, in the morning of the 14th of
May, we gave chase to a polacre ship, which we continued
with light and variable winds until near sunset,
when it became perfectly calm; the chase being still at
the distance of six or seven miles, but the weather so
clear that she was distinctly made out to be a merchant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[302]</a></span>
vessel. The officers entreated me to send the
boats, which I was unwilling to do, in consequence of a
recent order from the Commander in chief, not to send
any boats where they could not be protected by their
ship; an order that was clearly pointed as an injurious
practice, which had crept in amongst the cruisers,
of sending away boats to a considerable distance, to
conceal themselves on points of the coast, in order to
capture the trading vessels, whilst their own ships were
out of sight of the land. Upon this occasion the distance
of the chase was not an hour’s pulling; and I
determined to send such a force as I considered would
put all resistance out of the question, and ensure the
return of the boats early in the morning. I accordingly
ordered out the barge, launch, and two other boats under
the command of first and second lieutenants, and manned
by volunteers, consequently by the best men in the
ship. A light breeze having sprung up before the boats
came up with the polacre, she had availed herself of it,
to get close in with the land near Nice; and upon approaching
they discovered that she had a tier of guns.
I had given the most positive orders to the first lieutenant
not to attack her, should she prove a vessel of force;
but this gallant young man, considering she could not
be viewed in this light, when the number of his men
and boats was calculated, at once decided upon making
a dash, and ordering the second lieutenant with one boat
to board on the larboard side, he, with the others, immediately
pulled up on the starboard, and commenced
the attack. They were received with the utmost coolness
by the enemy, who poured such a destructive fire<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[303]</a></span>
into the boats, that crowded as they were, it produced a
most disastrous effect, and prevented them effectually
from boarding. Both the lieutenants fell at the first fire,
covered with wounds; the second, with his midshipman
and many of the boat’s crew, were killed upon the spot,
as were many in the first lieutenant’s division, and
indeed each boat was filled with killed and wounded.
The survivors made a gallant but ineffectual attempt to
board; but they were too much reduced in number to succeed;
and the boats on both sides letting go their hold,
the polacre passed on a-head with a light breeze, keeping
up a continued fire of musketry while within reach.</p>

<p>“From the very heavy fire which was opened upon
the boats on their getting alongside, and laying their
oars in, for the purpose of boarding; a fire, which had
been judiciously reserved for that critical moment; it
was concluded that assistance must have been sent to
them from the coast, as it was scarcely possible that the
crew of a merchant vessel could have composed such an
effective volley. The vessel was some months after captured
by Lord Cochrane, in the Imperieuse. The people
denied having received any assistance on this occasion;
and we are therefore bound to give them full credit for
their most gallant defence.</p>

<p>“All eyes from the Spartan were of course directed
to the quarter in which the boats were chasing; and it
was not until one minute past ten that a slight scintillation
of firing was observed, without any report. This
soon after ceased, and not a doubt existed in the mind
of any one on board the Spartan, that the attack had
been successful. We had now got the breeze, and were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[304]</a></span>
steering for the scene of action, every one expecting to
see the polacre approaching with the boats accompanying
her, but a most melancholy disappointment awaited
us. The oars of a boat were at length heard. When
within reach of the boat she was hailed; and the answer
told the melancholy tale of their defeat, and that the
boats were all on their return filled with the dead and
dying. The following was the sad list of sufferers:—Killed,
one lieutenant, two midshipmen, twenty-four
seamen: wounded, one lieutenant (mortally), and thirty-seven
seamen; scarcely ten men out of about seventy
being untouched. The dead were laid side by side
on the main deck, in order to be prepared for burial,
being sewed up in hammocks. The wounded were
carried into my cabin, the only part of the ship where
there was sufficient space for their accommodation in
dressing their wounds; and while this was doing, which
took up the greater part of the night, the lower deck
was prepared for their reception; all the hammocks,
mess tables, and chests being removed for the purpose;
a measure which became absolutely necessary in that
warm climate, lest the air below, infected by the
numbers wounded, should have generated disease
amongst the healthy part of the ship’s company. The
number of these was so much diminished by this fatal
event, that there was little difficulty in finding accommodation
for them under the half deck and forecastle;
so that the whole extent of the Spartan’s ’tween decks
became a most convenient and well ventilated hospital.
On the following morning the dead were brought up
for burial, and arranged along the starboard waste<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[305]</a></span>
hammocks, with a man to each, for the purpose of
launching the body overboard at the proper time; the
bodies of the second lieutenant and his midshipman
were in coffins at the gangway. I could with difficulty
get through the mournful service, and at the words
‘commit their bodies to the deep,’ when the whole were
launched into the ocean, an universal sensation was
experienced by the ship’s company. The effect may be
imagined, but it cannot be described. Four and twenty
active young men in the prime of life, in all the energy
of the seaman’s character, buoyant with spirits and
health only a few hours before, now gone to their awful
account. This was indeed an awakening scene, and
undoubtedly left a deep, although perhaps but a transitory
impression on all who witnessed it.”</p>

<p>To keep the sea under such circumstances was out
of the question. Captain Brenton, however, did not
quit his station until he had made another effort to get
off Toulon, where he hoped to have fallen in with the
British squadron under Captain Rowley, and also that
he might carry the latest intelligence of the state of
the enemy’s ships in that part. But on the 17th the
Spartan was again chased off from Cape Sicie by a
French ship of the line, and two frigates, but as she
considerably out-sailed them, they hauled their wind in
for the land; and Captain Brenton made the best of
his way for Malta, where he arrived on the 24th, having
providentially very fine weather, smooth water, and
light breezes, so that the wounded were under as
favourable circumstances as possible. They were
enabled to keep the scuttles on the lower deck constantly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[306]</a></span>
open; and the value of this ventilation may be
estimated when it is stated, that such were the effluvia
coming from the lower deck in consequence of the
wounds, that it was found most unpleasant to all who
were looking over the gangway.</p>

<p>“The severe fatigue and anxiety experienced by Dr.
Grey, the surgeon, upon this occasion, had such an
effect upon his health, that he was under the necessity
of leaving the Spartan, and retiring from the navy.”</p>

<p>There are two circumstances connected with this
melancholy catastrophe, which are too interesting to
be passed over in silence. One relates to the midshipman
who was killed in the boat, with the Second Lieutenant,
(Mr. Williams.) He was the son of Admiral
Christie, and had been placed under the particular care
of Captain Brenton. On the 23rd of April, when the
boats were sent in, to cut out a vessel, young Christie requested
he might be of the party, to which Captain Brenton
readily assented, as it was his practice to give every
youngster, however young, an opportunity of shewing
what he was made of, (according to the professional
phrase); and having done this, he seldom allowed them
to be exposed in the boats again, until they had attained
the age of sixteen, when they took their turn with the
others. Christie conducted himself upon this occasion
like a fine gallant boy, and gave great promise of future
distinction. On his coming on board the Captain expressed
himself well satisfied with his conduct, and said,
“Now Christie, as you have established your character,
do not ask me again to let you go on any more boat
expeditions, until you are more than sixteen; for I shall<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[307]</a></span>
certainly refuse you.” Notwithstanding this warning,
when the boats were preparing to go after the polacre,
Christie came up, and begged he might be of the party;
but was decidedly refused. It appeared afterwards
that the Second Lieutenant, (Mr. Williams) an officer
of great merit, and for whom Captain Brenton entertained
the highest regard, thoughtlessly suggested to
the poor boy that he should run forward, and get into
the boat unseen by the Captain, under the bows; promising
to receive him into his own boat, and accordingly
he did so. The consequence was, that the Lieutenant
and his young friend both fell together at the
first fire from the polacre. Captain Brenton suffered
great affliction upon this occasion, but thoughtless and
inexcusable as poor Williams’s conduct was, it never
weakened his regard for his memory; attributing it
to the motive by which he was undoubtedly influenced,
a warm admiration for the display of gallantry in one
so young, and the feeling that this very gallantry would
be the boy’s apology for disobedience.</p>

<p>The other circumstance is of a very romantic description,
and is given in Captain Brenton’s own words.
“The coxswain of the barge, reported among the
killed and wounded, was a very fine active young man,
and had been indulged with the permission to bring
his wife on board the ship. She was very young at this
period, and the attachment between the couple was very
remarkable, as well as the respect they obtained from all
on board from the correctness of their conduct, which was
in every respect exemplary. On the boats returning,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[308]</a></span>
and the report of Bodie’s death, (for such was his
name,) his poor little wife was frantic with grief, and
flew from one part of the ship to another, with the
most agonizing shrieks. When the dead were placed
on the main deck, she flew to them, uncovering their
faces, and calling out for her husband. She then ran
up, and took her seat on the coxswain’s box, in the
barge, which had now been hoisted in, calling for her
husband; and from thence to the Captain on the quarter
deck, imploring him to let her see the body. Calling
for some of the people who were in the barge, upon
whom the greatest dependence could be placed, I
desired to know how Bodie had been killed; when one
of them said, ‘Sir, we were boarding the vessel together
on the starboard side, and were getting into the main
chains, when I was wounded and fell into the boat, and
Bodie at the same time was killed, and fell between the
boat and the ship.’” The wife was present at this detail,
and at length seemed convinced of her dreadful loss.
The greatest attention was paid to her by all on board,
to alleviate as much as possible her sufferings; and on
the arrival of the Spartan at Malta she was received, by
Captain Brenton’s recommendation, into the protection
of a very respectable family. Her situation excited the
most lively interest at Malta; a subscription amounting
to £80, was made for her; and she soon after sailed for
England in a Transport, with a letter to Mrs. Brenton
at Bath, by whom she was received, and remained with
her for some time, previous to her departure for Ireland,
where her mother was living. Captain Brenton also<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[309]</a></span>
gave her a recommendation to the Committee of the
Patriotic fund, which obtained for her £50.</p>

<p>“The Spartan having landed her wounded, and refitted,
proceeded to Messina, in the hopes of procuring a few
men from the Trade and Transports there. She then continued
her course for Toulon; and on approaching the
Hieres Islands, in the middle of June, we boarded a merchant
vessel from Genoa, from which we received the following
intelligence. “A polacre, it was said, had arrived
there some weeks previous, which had been attacked by
the boats of an English frigate, and had succeeded in beating
them off. When the firing had ceased, the cries of
a man were heard under the stern, and an English
sailor was found hanging on by the rudder chains,
and wounded. On taking him on board he proved to be
the coxswain of the frigate’s barge; he stated that he had
been severely wounded in endeavouring to board the
polacre, and had fallen between the ship and the boat,
but as he passed a-stern he had caught hold of the rudder
chains, and hung on until the action was over. The
story added, that on the vessel’s arrival at Genoa, the
man was sent to the hospital; and on his wound being
cured, had been marched into France.” No doubt now
existed as to the correctness of this statement, and I immediately
wrote to Verdun, requesting my friends would
make enquiries as to the depôt to which Bodie was
sent; and on ascertaining his safety, that information
might be immediately sent to Mrs. Brenton, at Bath, in
order to her communicating the joyful news to the supposed
widow. In a very few weeks a letter reached<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[310]</a></span>
Mrs. Brenton from the Rev. L. C. Lee, at Verdun,
informing her that Bodie had reached that depôt, and
was no sooner known to have been Captain Brenton’s
coxswain, than the greatest interest was manifest in his
behalf, and permission was procured for him to remain
there, where every care would be taken of him, and
that he had quite recovered from his wounds. These
joyful tidings were soon in the hands of Mrs. Bodie, at
Cork, whose happiness may be easily imagined.”</p>

<p>On the 18th of June the Spartan resumed her station
off Toulon, and found the enemy’s force considerably
increased since that port was last reconnoitred; when
four sail of the line were ready for sea, but this force was
now rapidly augmenting. The Spartan was for some
time the only ship employed in watching the movements
of this squadron, and was frequently chased off
the land by them; but as the French were uncertain
as to the position of the British Squadron, and concluded
they were cruizing out of sight of the coast,
they seldom ran farther than six or eight leagues from
Cape Sicie.</p>

<p>On the commander in chief, Lord Collingwood,
having received Captain Brenton’s account of the disastrous
attack upon the polacre, he gave directions for
a court of enquiry to be held upon Captain Brenton
for this affair, consisting of Captains Boyle, Rowley,
and Fayerman; he directed them also to enquire into
the circumstances attending the loss of the Transport,
which came out of England under convoy of the
Spartan, and which as has been stated, parted company<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[311]</a></span>
with, that ship off Lisbon, and ran on shore near San
Lucar, where she was taken possession of by the
Spaniards, but burnt by the boats of the Malta. The
following are the reports made by the Courts of Enquiry—“Present,</p>

<ul>
<li>CAPTAIN CHARLES BOYLES,</li>
<li><span class="ditto">”</span> FRANCIS FAYERMAN,</li>
<li><span class="ditto">”</span> CHARLES ROWLEY.</li>
</ul>

<p>“The Court, pursuant to an order from Edward
Thornborough, Esq., Vice Admiral of the Blue, &amp;c.
dated the 6th day of October, 1807, repaired on board
H.M.S. Spartan, and there made a strict enquiry
into the unfortunate result of an attack made by the
boats of the said ship on a Polacre ship, on the night
of the 14th of May, and the Court is of opinion that
the Commander in chief’s order of the 16th of June,
1806, on the subject of sending armed boats from the
ships, has not been deviated from in this instance;
as far as their judgment is capable of forming an
opinion, from the narrative received from Captain
Jahleel Brenton, and corroborated by the examination
of the officers that were called before them; who had
heard the orders given to the officer commanding the
detached boats, and who assert that the chase appeared
to be a merchant vessel, quite becalmed, about five or
six miles distant, and not near any fort.</p>

<ul>
<li>Signed, C. BOYLES,</li>
<li><span class="ditto">”</span> F. FAYERMAN,</li>
<li><span class="ditto">”</span> C. ROWLEY.”</li>
</ul>

<p>Then follows the enquiry respecting the Transport—</p>

<p>“At a Court of enquiry held on board <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[312]</a></span>H.M.S.
Spartan, in Palermo Bay, Wednesday, 7th of October,
1807,—Present,</p>

<ul>
<li>CAPTAIN C. BOYLES,</li>
<li><span class="ditto">”</span> F. FAYERMAN,</li>
<li><span class="ditto">”</span> C. ROWLEY.</li>
</ul>

<p>“The Court, pursuant to an order from Edward
Thornborough, Esq., Vice Admiral of the Blue, &amp;c.
dated 6th October, 1807, being in pursuance of an
order from the Right Honourable Cuthbert Lord
Collingwood, dated 29th of May last, repaired on
board H.M.S. Spartan, and calling before the Court
the commander and officers of the said ship, made a
strict enquiry and investigation into the cause and
circumstances of the Mary, Ordnance Transport Ship,
parting company with the Spartan, when the Captain was
charged with her safety, and taking into consideration
the great value, and still greater importance of the
vessel’s cargo. The Court is of opinion, from the
examination and strict enquiry made of Captain Jahleel
Brenton, the master, master’s mate, the boatswain and
gunner, the only officers called, two of the Lieutenants
being dead, and the other Lieutenant at the time in
his bed, where he had been for some time; that every
thing was done on the part of Captain Jahleel Brenton
to insure the safety of the Mary Ordnance Transport;
and the circumstance of the said Transport separating
from the Spartan, was caused by the carelessness,
negligence, and bad conduct of the Master of the Mary,
Ordnance Transport Ship.</p>

<ul>
<li>Signed, C. BOYLES,</li>
<li><span class="ditto">”</span> F. FAYERMAN,</li>
<li><span class="ditto">”</span> C. ROWLEY.”</li>
</ul>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[313]</a></span></p>

<p>This affair being thus settled the Spartan resumed her
station off Toulon, and soon after the fleet, under the Commander
in chief, Lord Collingwood, arrived off that port.
On Captain Brenton’s going on board the Ocean, his lordship
received him very coolly, and said, “Sir, I am not at
all satisfied with the report of the Captains who composed
the Court of Enquiry into your conduct.” Captain
Brenton replied, “and I, my Lord, am not satisfied
with the nature of the tribunal, before which it took
place, as I should have preferred a court martial; and
I have to request you will be pleased to order one to
assemble now for the purpose of trying me.” His
Lordship replied, “No Sir, that is discretional with
me, and enough has already been said upon the subject
of both; but,” continued he, “I have another cause of
complaint to bring against you. How came you, while
senior officer at Malta, to permit a French Colonel,
a prisoner of war, to return to France on his parole:”
adding, “they did not treat you so when you were a
prisoner.” Captain Brenton could not help being
amused with the gravity of the charge, and the commentary
upon it. He explained that the Colonel in
question was taken by His Majesty’s sloop the Weazle,
on his passage from the coast of Italy for Corfu in a
small trabacolo; that the colonel’s wife, then on the
point of being confined, and two very young children
were with him; that on the Weazle firing to bring
the vessel to, the lady was so much alarmed, that she
was taken in labour, and after giving birth to an infant,
died: that the three children were with the colonel at
Malta, and that on a strong recommendation from Sir<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[314]</a></span>
Alexander Ball, the civil commissioner, he, Captain
Brenton, had taken upon himself to allow the colonel
to go to Naples on parole, on condition that having
placed his children in safety, he should return, unless
exchanged. “Such were my reasons,” added Captain
Brenton, “and in acting as I did, I thought I was
only doing, what I am convinced your Lordship would
have done, had you been there.” This could not draw
from his Lordship any sign of approbation, although it
was perfectly true; for his Lordship, with all his dryness
of manner, and roughness of exterior, had a kind
and feeling heart, and was a warm and sincere friend.
His prejudices, it is true, were strong, and not easily
subdued. He was notwithstanding accessible to conviction,
and ready to acknowledge the efforts of those
officers, whom he knew to have the good of the service
at heart, however he might differ with them on some
points.</p>

<p>As the editor feels that he has undertaken a narrative
of trials and struggles, which, generally speaking,
pass unobserved and unnoticed by the world, he does
not deem it irrelevant to call the attention of his
readers to the peculiar trials which were included in
the first periods of this service in the mediterranean.
Of Lord Collingwood it is hardly possible to say too
much, whether he be considered as an officer or as
a man; and the very circumstance, that differing as
he did so widely from Lord Nelson in qualities and
character, he succeeded in securing to so high a degree
the regard and confidence of that distinguished commander,
proves what the opinion must have been which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[315]</a></span>
Lord Nelson formed of his talents and courage. But
the character of Lord Collingwood as an admiral was
just that which must have led him to pass a severe
judgment on this unfortunate affair with the Polacre.
His courage was that of a firm well disciplined mind,
which had been accustomed to view danger with indifference,
when it came in the way of duty, but which
saw no necessity to go out and brave it, when there
was no adequate cause. His professional life had been
chiefly passed in ships of the line, as forming parts of
great fleets, and engaged in great movements; and he
had therefore less sympathy with that spirit of adventurous
daring, which suited the commander of a cruising
frigate; and he was disposed to look with jealousy,
if not disapprobation, at the risks which were continually
run for the sake of captures of very little intrinsic
value. At this period also, age had added something
of severity to his judgment, and he was not likely to
admit any extenuation of an error, which had cost the
lives of so many valuable men, and which seemed to
have been incurred by acting in opposition to an
express order of his own.</p>

<p>The former disaster in Captain Brenton’s naval
career might also have existed some prejudice against
him in the mind of the Admiral. The unfortunate are
seldom regarded as wholly clear of blame. The loss of
the Minerve had been justified by the sentence of a
Court Martial; but an old and cautious commander
might have suspected that the commander of the
frigate had been rash and indiscreet, if not absolutely
in fault; and might have thought that this unhappy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[316]</a></span>
attack on the Polacre was part of the same conduct,
another act of a daring, but inconsiderate and injudicious
officer.</p>

<p>The Captain of the Spartan had therefore to support
a prejudice existing against the Captain of the Minerve,
and had much to bear and much to do, before he
overcame the impression which this untoward attack
had made on Lord Collingwood’s mind. That he did
succeed in removing it; that he did succeed in satisfying
his Admiral’s judgment, and did conciliate his
good will and approbation, may be an encouragement
to others, who under similar circumstances, think all is
lost because a single error has been committed; and
give up and cease to strive to please, because they feel
that they have to work against a strong and perhaps
unreasonable prejudice in a Commander.</p>

<p>The private memoranda afford no information as to
the struggles which this afflicting circumstance must
have occasioned; but the reader has already seen and
known enough of the mind and feelings of the subject
of this memoir, to doubt what must have been his
resource. We cannot doubt, that the defeat he had
sustained, and the sad and sorrowful tokens of it in the
loss of his gallant people, sent him in tears and
humiliation to the throne of grace; that he there
mourned deeply and sincerely over the rashness of the
attempt, and his own imprudence in permitting it;
that he considered himself as guilty in some degree
of the deaths of those, whom he had allowed to expose
themselves; and that many and earnest were his supplications
for mercy and forgiveness.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[317]</a></span></p>

<p>But it may also be certain that this humiliation before
God—this severity of self-enquiry and self-condemnation,
prepared him in a peculiar manner for the
trial, he was to meet from men. The Admiral, naturally,
reasonably offended at this, which seemed a wanton
waste of life, found him so humbled, that his resentment
was disarmed. The censure that he might have felt
himself bound to pass, on the point of discipline, was, he
saw, anticipated. He could not strike one who was
down. He could not reprove one whose self-reproof
was manifest. He was obliged to feel for the man,
whose own feelings had been so acute; and he saw that
it was unnecessary for the interests of the service, to
say anything where so much had been already done
within. “Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit
the earth;” and many are the causes of offence in every
service, which would come to nothing, if they were not
raised into importance by the pride of those who endeavour
to defend their error, instead of acknowledging
and condemning it themselves.</p>

<p>We shall have occasion to remark a similar trial in
the following Chapter, where an accident occurred, which
appeared to arise from want of care in the management
of the ship; and which for a moment again put the
character of the Captain of the Spartan in jeopardy
with an Admiral of such correctness as Lord Collingwood.
The affair in that case was capable of explanation,
and the circumstances under which it happened,
exonerated the Commander of the ship from blame; but
those, whose daily lives are not exposed to such contingencies
as belong to active service, will do well to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[318]</a></span>
remember how trifling are the causes which may lead to
consequences so serious, and in this way learn to feel
for those whose forgetfulness or momentary inattention
may be visited with such severity.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[319]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>CRUIZE OFF TOULON.—REFITS AT MALTA.—STORM OFF SARDINIA.—JOINS LORD
COLLINGWOOD’S FLEET.—DISASTER.—FALLS IN WITH THE FRENCH FLEET AT
SEA.—EXERTIONS TO CONVEY INTELLIGENCE AND TO WATCH THE ENEMY.—RETURNS
TO TOULON.—SERVICE ON THE COAST OF ITALY IN COMPANY WITH
LORD COCHRANE.—REFLECTIONS.</p>

</div>


<p>The Spartan was employed for the remainder of the
year in watching the port of Toulon. The service was
at first very arduous, and one of constant anxiety, and
solicitude, especially as the French squadron in the
outer roads had increased greatly, and it became
necessary to reconnoitre them with increased vigilance.
Lord Collingwood returned to his station off Cadiz;
and the duty of watching Toulon devolved upon two
frigates, the Sirius and Spartan in the first instance.
On the former being called away, she was relieved
by the Apollo; but there was seldom more than one
of these frigates off Toulon at a time, the other being
absent for the purpose of refitting, or procuring water
and provisions. Early in January, 1808, the Spartan
went to Malta, to refit, having suffered much from the
constant gales off Cape Scicie, and from the necessity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[320]</a></span>
of carrying sail to keep in with the land against the
heavy N.W. winds, which blow so frequently, and
with so much violence on that part of the coast. And as
it was with this wind that the enemy would leave their
port it became an indispensable necessity that the
frigates employed in watching them, should keep as
close to the land as possible, that they might have a
look out upon them night and day.</p>

<p>On the wind increasing from that quarter, it was
therefore imperative upon the frigates to carry as much
low sail as possible, and they were obliged to set their
courses with close reefed topsails, as long as they could
be borne in safety; by this means, they generally
managed to keep in smooth water, under the land;
but the greatest vigilance was required, lest in some
of the heavy squalls coming down through the valleys,
the lower yards might be carried away, and the ship
crippled in sight of a powerful enemy, who would only
have to slip, and take possession of the disabled ship.
Admiral Thornborough who commanded the squadron,
which in the latter part of the Spartan’s station off Toulon,
remained cruizing from fifteen to twenty leagues off
the coast, was full of anxiety respecting the frigates;
and on Captain Brenton going on board the Royal
Sovereign bearing his flag, to make his report of the
ships in Toulon, he said to him, “My dear Brenton, I
expected to have seen you worne to a skeleton from
anxiety; I can scarcely sleep for thinking of you. I
dread particularly the treacherous calms off Cape Sicie,
whilst the ships in the outer roads of Toulon have a
fresh breeze off the land, which might bring them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[321]</a></span>
alongside of you in a few minutes.” This indeed was
a source of very serious apprehension, and the Spartan
was more than once placed in a situation of great
danger from it; the line of calm was however generally
visible upon the water, and it was important to observe
great caution in not approaching too near this line.
There are few circumstances however which do not
lose their power to alarm by familiarity with the
danger connected with them, and so it proved in this
case. On his being first employed in the service,
Captain Brenton felt the full amount of his responsibility,
and the danger to which he was exposed; but
after being frequently chased off the land by squadrons
of ships of the line, and finding that they invariably
left off chase by the time they had got seven or eight
leagues from the port; and finding also that they
seldom gained much if any thing upon the Spartan
during that run; he became so accustomed to being
chased, that it was considered a matter of common
occurrence, and was unaccompanied by any anxiety.
Upon one occasion, when about four miles from Cape
Sepet, the entrance to the inner road of Toulon,
blowing fresh from the N.W. several ships of the line
were seen coming out, and the Spartan of course bore
up; at this time, an unfortunate boy fell overboard, and
it became necessary to lower a boat down to endeavour
to save him, and the time thus occupied was one of the
greatest possible anxiety, it was however employed in
letting out reefs, and in every preparation to make
sail. The boy had sunk, and by the time the boat had
returned, the enemy were out of the roads, clear of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[322]</a></span>
Cape Sepet, and steering for the Spartan, scarcely
more than a league distant; but no sooner was the boat
out of the water, than the helm was up, and the ship
under a cloud of sail; from this moment all anxiety
vanished, and the enemy having run to the length of
their tether, hauled their wind as usual.</p>

<p>It was upon one of these occasions that Captain
Brenton, sitting in his cabin, watching the enemy in
chase of him with his spy glass, was informed by the
first Lieutenant that a strange sail was seen on the
starboard bow. “Steer for her,” said the Captain,
“these fellows will leave off chase before we get up
with her, and we may as well chase in our turn.” As
he expected, the enemy gave up the pursuit, and the
Spartan continuing her course for the stranger, came
up with her in the course of the afternoon, and took
her; she proved to be a very good prize.</p>

<p>The Spartan having refitted in January at Malta,
was returning to her station off Toulon, and the wind
being strong from the westward, the Commander
as usual ran to the eastward of Sardinia and Corsica.
When on the east side of Corsica, the weather
being remarkably fine and clear, they were keeping
as close to the shore as possible, in order to have
the advantage of smooth water, and Captain Brenton
and his First Lieutenant, both very unwell, were
sitting together over the stove in the Captain’s cabin.
The people were at dinner, when in a moment a
heavy squall came on. The ship was taken aback,
and was laid over with her guns in the water, and
before the sail could be taken in, the fore yard was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[323]</a></span>
gone, and the ship on a dead lee shore. The Captain
and First Lieutenant were soon on deck, and every
exertion made to get the ship into safety; but the
proximity of the land rendered her situation for many
hours one of extreme peril. She was got under a snug
sail, and a maintopsail yard was substituted for a fore yard.
The wind however continued to increase after the
sun went down, and blew with great violence, whilst a
heavy sea got up. The ship was wore, as the wind
veered a point or two each way, but at ten o’clock it
was evident that they could not be far from the S.E.
coast of Corsica. Captain Brenton’s chief object in
wearing as he did, was to keep the Straits of Bonifacio
open; but even this was a most forlorn hope, for the
innumerable rocks which abound in every part of these
straits, render it a most dangerous passage. His intention
was only to avail himself of it, in the event of
being so near the coast as to leave no alternative but
either going on shore, or attempting to run through the
straits; in the latter case their safety depended on
steering by the breakers—a fearful resource when the
sea was running so high, that the whole surface of the
water was broken. Every eye was directed to leeward,
and every moment the order was expected to put the
helm up; when by the interposition of a kind providence,
the wind which had been nearly at east, flew
round six points, and enabled the ship to clear the
land, and by daylight she had such an offing as enabled
the Captain to keep her away for Palermo, where the
Spartan arrived on the following day, and to the great
surprise of all on board, found Sir Richard Strahan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[324]</a></span>
with his squadron lying in the bay, having run up the
Mediterranean in chase of the Rochefort squadron.
It became necessary that the Spartan should proceed
with the utmost dispatch off Toulon, and application
having been made to the Sicilian Commodore for
assistance, he was pleased to supply the ship with a fore
yard from one of his frigates, and the Lavinia, one of
Sir Richard Strahan’s squadron, having been put under
Captain Brenton’s orders, they made sail for their destination.
The wind being perseveringly from the west
and north westward, the ships endeavoured to beat up
under the lee of Sardinia, but gained but little ground.
At length, the wind getting round to the N.E., and
blowing very hard, Captain Brenton determined upon
bearing up, and running along the south coast of Sardinia,
to endeavour to get to Toulon by a western
route. On arriving, however, off Cagliari, he spoke an
English Privateer, from which he obtained the information,
that on the 1st of March, a frigate which had
been cruising off Toulon, had arrived in the road of
Pulla, near Cagliari, with an account of the French
squadron, having got out of Toulon; and from the cross
examination which Captain Brenton entered into, he
felt convinced that this frigate must be his consort, the
Apollo, which he had left off Toulon. The privateer
captain further added, that on the following day he was
boarded by the Wizard, sloop of war, and had the
same intelligence from her, with the additional news
that five French sail of the line, and a frigate had
lately entered the Mediterranean. This was the
squadron which Sir Richard Strahan had pursued.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[325]</a></span>
With such important information, Captain Brenton felt
himself justified in dispatching Captain Hancock in
the Lavinia to Admiral Thornborough at Palermo;
and he then stood with the Spartan into the bay of
Cagliari, which he reached on the 4th of March, and
received from the British Minister a confirmation of
the report respecting the French squadron. He proceeded
in search of Vice-Admiral Thornborough, but
fell in with Lord Collingwood and the fleet off Maretimo;
who having heard of the movements of the
enemy, was in pursuit of them. All the other frigates
and small vessels having been detained in different
directions in quest of the enemy, the Spartan was kept
with the fleet, and every morning, as soon as a flag
could be distinguished, was ordered to look out in a
given direction, as far as signals could be made out;
and was recalled in the evening.</p>

<p>It seemed as though a fatality attended Captain
Brenton, and that some circumstance or another should
always arise to prevent his acquiring the approbation of
the Commander in chief. Having been thus employed
in looking out till the morning of the 13th of March,
when particularly anxious to be in readiness to take his
station on the look out, he was up at three o’clock, and
as soon as daylight appeared, made sail in the quarter
pointed out, and was as usual recalled in the evening.
In the course of the first watch the wind had become
very light, and the Spartan, at ten o’clock, was yet at a
very considerable distance from the body of the fleet,
which was on the Spartan’s lee bow; he therefore
directed the officer of the watch to let him know when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[326]</a></span>
he should approach within a couple of miles of the
fleet, and lest there might be any misunderstanding,
he also gave this order in writing. The Spartan at this
time had all sail set on the starboard tack; Captain
Brenton soon fell asleep, and to his utter astonishment
and dismay, was awoke by hearing a crash, and running
on deck, found the ship had run on board the
Malta of 80 guns, and that the Spartan’s main yard was
carried away. This indeed was a most serious disaster,
his ship being the only frigate in the fleet, and at such
a juncture. However as there was no sea running,
the ships instantly separated, and the Spartan having
got round on the other tack, kept her main-top-sails set
by bringing the sheets below; and keeping her royals set,
was enabled to get up into her station on the weather
beam of the Commander in chief, to whom Captain
Brenton sent an officer informing him of the accident,
and expressing his hope that the ship would be
effective again in a few hours. His Lordship’s feelings
may be easily imagined by those who knew
him. He instantly sent his carpenter on board, with
armourers and every other assistance that could be
devised, but before these artificers were in readiness
to work, there was but little left for them to do,
the main yard was down and fished, and the hoops
only remained to be put down, which were then preparing
at the forge; and before eleven o’clock the yard
was again up, and the Spartan as efficient as she had
been the preceding day. The Admiral was appeased,
and the affair had no other consequence than that of an
order to try the unfortunate Lieutenant by a Court<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[327]</a></span>
martial. It may not be useless to explain how this
neglect happened, as it may prove a warning to
thoughtless young men, who in every other respect are
most anxious and zealous to do their duty to the
utmost. It is well known to be the custom of the service
for an officer coming up to take charge of the deck,
to be accosted by his messmates in the following manner,
“Here you have her,” describing the sail she is
under, and repeating any orders he may have received
from the Captain. Upon this occasion, to the “Here
you have her,” was added, “and you will find the
captain’s order in the order book in the Binnacle
drawer.” The young officer, who took charge of the
deck, probably intended looking into the book for these
orders, but forgot it. He now approached the fleet, and
all at once alarmed for his responsibility, and hesitating
on which side of the ship approaching him he should
go, it ended as all these cases of indecision generally
do, by running on board of her. The Commander in
chief soon after this, having gained intelligence that
the enemy had been seen off the mouth of the Adriatic,
made all sail in pursuit of them, dispatching the Spartan
to Rear Admiral Martin, at Palermo, with the information;
and the Rear Admiral immediately directed
Captain Brenton to proceed without loss of time to the
Bay of Tunis, and not gaining any tidings of the
enemy there, to cruize between the south coast of
Sardinia and the coast of Africa, in order to prevent if
possible the enemy passing to the westward, from the
Adriatic, without being seen.</p>

<p>The Spartan had not been long on this service, when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[328]</a></span>
on the 1st of April, 1808, the weather being hazy, and
a fresh breeze from the north west, a fleet was descried
to the southward, amounting to ten sail of the line, and
four frigates. Captain Brenton felt so certain that this
was Lord Collingwood, not having heard of the junction
of the French squadrons, that he did not at first even
make the private signals, but was satisfied with shewing
his number. As they ran down under their topsails,
the Captain, and the first Lieutenant, looking at them
through their glasses, the former said, “Who is that old
fashioned fellow who carries his mizen topmast stay-sail,
<em>under</em> the main top?” The first Lieutenant immediately
replied, “There are three of them that have it.”
Then said the Captain, “It is the enemy’s fleet. Haul
your wind at once.” They did so, and then made the
private signal, and no sooner had the Spartan made
this change in her course, than every ship to leeward
made all the sail she could carry upon a wind. The
Spartan set her coursers, jib, and driver, and Captain
Brenton, finding the enemy did not gain much ground
upon him, felt satisfied with this addition, and was rather
desirous that they should get a little nearer to him
before night, when he felt that he could always get from
them. Captain Brenton was now anxious to communicate
the position of the French squadron to Rear
Admiral Martin, at Palermo, and also to Sir Alexander
Ball, at Malta; but he felt it to be his imperative duty
to remain with the French fleet himself, and to dog
them wherever they might be bound. He at once
decided upon putting a canvass deck upon the launch;
and applying for beams the rough pieces, which at that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[329]</a></span>
time it was the custom to issue from the dock-yard for
boat oars, to be made up on board when required;
the launch being thus provided with a deck, and being
furnished with a carronade, signal flags, ammunition,
provisions, and water, became a very serviceable, and
efficient dispatch boat. When it became quite dark the
launch was hoisted out and equipped, but some delay in
sending her away occurred, in consequence of the
French squadron having gone on the larboard tack, by
which means they were exactly in her track for Trapani.
The Lieutenant was directed to proceed by land to
Palermo, with his dispatches for Rear Admiral Martin;
and the Master’s mate, who accompanied him in the
launch, was to proceed with her to Malta with the same
intelligence for Rear Admiral, Sir Alexander Ball.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, Cape Tolazo</span>, 5 p.m. <span class="smcap">April</span> 1st, 1808.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“We are now in company with the enemy’s squadron,
consisting of ten sail of the line (two of which are three deckers),
four frigates and a brig. We fell in with them this morning
at ten o’clock, Galita then bearing S.S.E. distant thirty-eight
miles; they were then steering about West, with the wind apparently
at E.N.E. (we had it all North). I immediately bore up to
reconnoitre them; upon the wind drawing round to the westward,
and blowing fresh (which it did shortly after) they wore by signal,
and hauled their wind on the larboard tack. When near enough to
distinguish flags, I made the private signal, which was not answered,
and we have since been keeping a station about six or seven miles
in the wind’s eye of them. At dark I mean to send away the
launch, having fitted her up with a temporary deck for the occasion,
and put her under the command of Lieutenant Coffin, third
Lieutenant, to whom I beg leave to refer you for particulars. He
is a most excellent young officer, and has in my opinion added to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[330]</a></span>
his merit, by the very handsome manner in which he has volunteered
his services on this occasion. It is my intention to use
every endeavour to keep sight of the enemy, and having ascertained
their destination, to take the earliest opportunity of sending
information of it; watching them myself till I have reason to believe
the Commander in chief, or some of his squadrons are acquainted
with their situation.</p>

<p class="center">“I have the honour to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“JAHLEEL BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Rear Admiral Martin</span>, &amp;c. <span class="smcap">Palermo.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>When the French fleet had got sufficiently to the
northward, to offer a prospect of the launch pursuing
her course unobserved, she was ordered to shove off; but
she had scarcely got a mile from the ship, when, to Captain
Brenton’s great dismay, the enemy were seen on the
starboard tack, and there was the greatest probability
that the poor launch would have fallen into their hands.
The officer however on seeing them approach, most judiciously
lowered his sails; by which means, they passed
without seeing him, although as he said, one of the ships
was so near him, that he thought his capture inevitable.
He was most providentially preserved, and the Spartan
kept her station on the weather beam of the French
Admiral during the night, and as day approached made
sail on the opposite tack, by which she was soon out of
danger of pursuit, and preserved that distance until the
evening, when she again bore down and took her station
for the night. On the morning of the 2nd, just before
daylight, the enemy were still on the starboard tack, on
which they had been the whole night. The Spartan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[331]</a></span>
was put about, and Captain Brenton, who had been on
deck nearly the whole night, left orders to stand on the
larboard tack, until the topsails only of the French
squadron could be seen from the deck, when the ship
was again to be put in stays, and bear the same tack
with the enemy. He had not long however been asleep,
when he was called by the officer of the watch, and
informed that the French squadron had tacked and lay
up for the Spartan; that they had a fresh breeze
whilst the Spartan was nearly becalmed. The enemy
approached rapidly, and had got within four or five miles,
when their wind also failed them, and a most anxious
day was passed by all on board the Spartan. The sails
were sometimes trimmed for one tack, and sometimes
for the other, and their steering sails, a-low and
a-loft, and all in the course of an hour or two, as the
wind veered round the compass. In the afternoon
the wind set in again, and blew steady from its old
quarter, the N.W.; and the French Admiral determined
to avail himself of every change, in the hope of
catching the British frigate, divided his squadron into
two parts, and put one on each tack; but the Spartan
having the breeze strong and steady had the heels of
them, and had got so far to windward before dark,
that when the squadron again united, and got upon the
starboard tack, which they always did at night, she
was again under the necessity of bearing down, in
order to ensure keeping sight of them during the
night. On the evening of the 3rd the wind having
got round to the Northward, the French Admiral was
observed to keep away, (about west) and a frigate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[332]</a></span>
went along the line, apparently speaking every ship;
which movement Captain Brenton interpreted in the
following manner. “The French Admiral finding he
cannot shake off the British frigate, or get hold of her,
is determined to pursue his course to the westward;
it may be for the straits of Gibraltar, on his way to
Cadiz; or it may be, that with the expectation of the
wind getting into its prevailing quarter, S.W., he
wishes to take advantage of it to get to Toulon, and
probably taking Minorca in his way, and joining the
Spanish squadron of six sail of the line known to be
there. At all events,” said Captain Brenton to his
officers, “we must endeavour to accompany him;” and
in his turn, in order to puzzle the French Admiral
with regard to the Spartan’s movements, he continued
close hauled until he had lost sight of the French
squadron, then keeping away upon the same course,
they were last seen steering, and setting the courses,
he expected soon to be again abreast of them, and to
resume his position for watching them on the following
day. Gantheaume, who commanded the French squadron,
evidently had laid a trap for him, and expected
this movement, for after dark he must have hauled his
wind expecting to get to windward of the Spartan.
As the night was dark, great anxiety was felt to get
sight of the enemy again, and an eager look out kept
on the lee bow. All at once the junior marine officer
who was on the lee gangway called out, “here they are
Sir, close to us on the lee quarter;” and there indeed
they were, not much more than a mile distant. As
the Spartan was off the wind and going at a great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[333]</a></span>
rate, with all hands on deck, Captain Brenton decided
upon at once wearing her, and getting on the other
tack, as far preferable to keeping his enemy astern,
and so near him, or running the risk of any accident
which might happen in the stays. He accordingly
ordered the helm to be immediately put up, and the
ship flew round with rapidity, and was round on the
other tack under the mainsail in a few moments. She
was evidently within gun shot of the leading ship of
the French squadron, but only for a very few minutes,
and they were probably deterred from firing, lest it
might attract the attention of other cruizers. The
French squadron soon after wore, which they did very
deliberately; the signal having been first made by the
Admiral, and when repeated by his second astern,
hauled down in his ship, and so on throughout the line,
only one ship having the signal up at a time, and no
guns being fired upon any occasion; this clearly betrayed
a desire not to attract notice. The Spartan
continued carrying a press of sail all night, and soon
got over on the coast of Sardinia; when she went
again upon the starboard tack, and at daylight saw the
enemy’s squadron upon the larboard tack, broad on
her lee bow. On the evening of this day the weather
was very squally, and wind so variable, as sometimes to
bring the enemy to windward, a position most unfavourable
to the Spartan, though there was no apprehension
whatever of any ship of the enemy gaining
upon her on a wind, although many might have done so
while going large. Captain Brenton, to avoid these disadvantageous
circumstances, stood well over to the coast<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[334]</a></span>
of Sardinia, in the expectation of again crossing upon the
French squadron in the morning, but he saw no
more of them. They had undoubtedly availed themselves
of the changes of wind, favourable to their getting
to the N.N.W. as they were known to have
reached Toulon in a few days after.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton was now under considerable anxiety,
as to the steps he should next take. From the conduct
of the enemy during four days, there was every reason
to believe that their object was to get to the westward,
but whether to the straits of Gibraltar, or Minorca,
or Toulon, he could not determine. Depending upon
his launch having carried all the information to Sicily
and Malta, he resolved to steer for Minorca, under the
probability that M. Gantheaume might have gone
thither for the Spanish ships, as has already been
suggested. He also thought, that on this course with
the perpetual changes of wind so frequently experienced
in the spring in the Mediterranean, he might
again fall in with them, whether their destination was
to either of the places above mentioned.</p>

<p>From the evening of the 5th to the morning of the
7th, the Spartan was nearly becalmed the whole time,
but a fresh breeze then springing up from the S.W.
the Spartan stretched over for Minorca, and made that
island on the evening of the 8th. Captain Brenton
was in the hope of being able to reconnoitre port
Mahon in the morning, but in the course of the night
it came on to blow very hard from the northward; and
to have attempted to have worked up to the island
would have expended too much valuable time. All that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[335]</a></span>
remained in his power now was to endeavour to secure
Admiral Purvis, who commanded the British squadron
off Cadiz, against surprise. He accordingly made all
sail for Gibraltar; he arrived off the rock on the evening
of the 10th, and brought to off Cabrita, whilst he sent
a boat on shore for intelligence; and on its return
proceeded through the straits under bare poles, in
order not to miss the squadron under Admiral Purvis,
which he saw at day-light, and communicated his
intelligence by telegraph.</p>

<p>The Admiral immediately made the signal for his
squadron to clear and prepare for battle. He gave
Captain Brenton great credit for his conduct upon this
occasion, as did Lord Collingwood on his rejoining
him. Having remained with the squadron off Cadiz,
as long as any probability remained of the French
squadron coming down, the Spartan was again ordered
to Palermo, to rejoin Rear Admiral Martin; and on
his arrival there, Captain Brenton was directed to
resume his station off Toulon; where he was informed
he should find the Commander in chief, which was the
case. Lord Collingwood expressed himself highly
pleased with all the measures he had pursued under
these trying and difficult circumstances; and said he
had been greatly relieved, on hearing of the Spartan’s
safety, as a report had reached him, that the French
squadron was seen going into Toulon, with an English
frigate their prize; and little doubt was entertained
in the fleet, as to the correctness of the report, or, as
to the Spartan being the ship taken. His Lordship
was heard to exclaim when he heard the news, “That<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[336]</a></span>
poor Brenton was the child of misfortune.” Captain
Brenton was now again upon his old post, but had the
comfort of another frigate, the Lavinia, being put under
his orders. There were at this time six sail of the
line in Toulon, and four frigates ready for sea; and
six men of war, with two frigates refitting. The enemy
frequently came out as usual, chasing off our frigates
and returning into port again.</p>

<p>On the 1st of August, Captain Brenton having
observed a frigate and convoy getting under weigh
in Toulon, and suspecting they were destined for
Corsica with troops, where he had been informed some
disturbances had taken place, recalled the Lavinia by
signal from Cape de L’Aigle; and directing Captain
Hancock to occupy the Spartan’s post off Toulon,
made sail himself in chase of the frigate, and gained
very fast upon her, in consequence of which she hauled
into the bay of St. Tropaz, and anchored under the
citadel. The Spartan succeeded in taking two of her
convoy, and was very near taking a man of war brig,
having got within gun shot of her; but being becalmed,
the Frenchman got away with his sweeps. The Spartan
had three men wounded by a shot from one of the
batteries, but only slightly.</p>

<p>In the beginning of September, the Spartan was
ordered to cruize in the gulf of Rosas, to prevent the
enemy’s vessels from collecting on the coast between
Cape Creux and Cape Couronne. On the 7th, Captain
Brenton fell in with the Imperieuse, commanded by
Lord Cochrane, and joined him in an attack he was
making upon some merchant vessels near Cape Mejean;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[337]</a></span>
one of which they burned, and captured two, which not
being worth sending into port for adjudication, they
destroyed. The Imperieuse had one man killed upon
this occasion, and the Spartan one wounded.</p>

<p>On the 8th, the boats from the two ships landed and
destroyed the signal post and telegraph in the bay of
Saintes Maries; from thence they proceeded to attack
three batteries upon the Isthmus of Leucate, where a
number of vessels were lying hauled up on the beach.
Lord Cochrane had reconnoitred this part of the coast
some days previously, and had landed and spiked one
of the guns on the southern battery. On the 10th, at
daylight, the boats landed and completed the destruction
of that battery; whilst the ships protected them
by their fire, from the troops which were assembled.
At one p.m. the boats were formed in two divisions,
the first made a feint of landing near the village
of Caunet, by which means the troops were all drawn
to that point, and the ships running in attacked the
centre battery near the village of St. Lauren, and the
second division of boats proceeded under cover of the
Imperieuse, and carried the northernmost battery. A
beautiful instance of ready seamanship was displayed
by Lord Cochrane upon this occasion. Having already
reconnoitred the coast, he requested he might be
permitted to lead upon the occasion. The Spartan
was following the Imperieuse, at less than a cable’s
length distance, the ships going about three knots;
when the Imperieuse was observed suddenly to swing
round, with much more rapidity than any action of the
helm could have produced. The fact was, that Lord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[338]</a></span>
Cochrane from the mast head saw a squadron of the
enemy’s cavalry galloping towards a gorge on the coast,
which had they passed, they would have cut off the
retreat of our people, who were employed in spiking
the guns. His Lordship immediately ordered the ship’s
anchor to be let go, and the swinging round brought
her starboard broadside to enfilade this gorge, by which
the cavalry were instantly turned. The boats were
then again landed, when one vessel was blown up, and
another burnt, the others considerably injured by the
fire from the frigates; but the enemy having collected
in considerable force with field pieces, the boats were
recalled. The Spartan had two wounded upon the
occasion, and the Imperieuse one.</p>

<p>On the following day the two ships anchored off
Cette, and endeavoured to burn the shipping in the
harbour, by throwing congreve rockets amongst them;
but without effect, probably owing to the defective
state of the rockets.</p>

<p>On the 12th they again landed, burnt a custom-house,
near Mont Julien, two pontons on the canal,
and some guard houses, bringing away a number of
small arms.</p>

<p>On the 13th they chased nine sail of merchant
vessels off Point de Tigne, and captured six of them,
viz., one ship, three brigs, a xebec, and a bombard;
these vessels had run on shore, with the wind blowing
hard from the N.W. The Spartan and the Imperieuse
anchoring near them, and heaving them off, they were
no sooner afloat and anchored near the frigates, than
a gale of wind came on, directly on shore, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[339]</a></span>
obliged the ships to remain there till the 16th, in
hourly expectation of the enemy bringing down guns,
as they were within shot of the beach. Captain Brenton
in his official letters states the conduct of Lord
Cochrane to have been above all praise; and that it was
throughout an animating example of intrepidity, zeal,
professional skill, and resources which he trusted would
be treasured up in the memory of all who witnessed it.</p>

<p>The Editor may be allowed to add as a tribute due
to the distinguished officer thus casually introduced to
notice from connection with the subject of the Memoir,
that he has frequently heard Sir Jahleel Brenton mention,
that he admired nothing more in Lord Cochrane,
than the care he took of the preservation of his people.
Bold and adventurous as he was, no unnecessary exposure
of life was ever permitted under his command.
Every circumstance was anticipated, every precaution
against surprise was taken, every provision for success
was made; and in this way he was enabled to accomplish
the most daring enterprises, with comparatively
little danger, and still less of actual loss.</p>

<p>The public who heard of his unceasing activity and
dauntless courage, regarded him as one only ambitious
of the character of a successful commander, and little
knew that he never risked an attack of which he had
not calculated all the probable contingencies, and compared
most jealously the loss he might himself sustain,
with the injury to be done to the enemy.</p>

<p>Lord Collingwood in acknowledging Captain Brenton’s
official account of these affairs expressed much
approbation. The service performed was in itself trivial,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[340]</a></span>
but the effect upon the enemy important; as these perpetual
attacks made on different parts of the coast
were very harrassing to them, and kept their cavalry,
as well as other descriptions of force, constantly in
motion; whilst they at the same time paralyzed their
trade, which at this period of the war was confined
entirely to the coasting department. It became necessary
also for the enemy to keep a much larger military
force in their maritime departments, than they would
otherwise have done, and the amount of troops sent to
the army was consequently diminished.</p>

<p>The coasters were at length so apprehensive of falling
into the hands of the English cruizers, that they
seldom dared to quit the shelter of a port, until signals
had been made from the different stations on the coast,
that no enemy was near.</p>

<p>While such was the perilous and anxious tenor of
Captain Brenton’s days, some light may be reflected on
his personal character, by introducing a short extract
from that domestic memoir, to which reference has
previously been made, as exhibiting the feelings that
were passing in his mind, while occupied in this active
service. The thread of the narrative, it is true, will be
broken; the thrilling interest connected with these
critical moments must be suspended; but it is well
that the reader should see the character of the man in
whose dangers he is led to share, and should learn even
through the interruption of the story, that the duties
of the service may be discharged in the most exemplary
manner, whilst the heart retains all the warmth and
tenderness of well regulated affection. Speaking of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[341]</a></span>
this period of his life to his children, he says, “This
was a time of great anxiety, which to a heart formed
like your dear mother’s, was perhaps rendered more
severe, by the struggle between her religious convictions
and her worldly affections, between her
wish to repose entire confidence in God, and those
feelings, which although given us for our happiness,
we are not able to controul, when we have reason to
fear that those we love are suffering, or in danger.
The enemy’s squadron had escaped from Rochefort,
and got into the Mediterranean, where they formed a
junction with that of Toulon, and an action with our
fleet was consequently expected. My beloved Isabella
knew I was cruizing off Toulon, and was naturally full
of apprehension. I had been relieved in the early part
of the year, in order that I might go to Malta and
refit, and upon my return having fallen in with Lord
Collingwood, I was detached in quest of the enemy,
which I fell in with, the beginning of April, off Sardinia.
I lost sight of them on the fourth day, and concluding
from the course they had steered, whilst I was with
them, that they were going either to Minorca or Cadiz,
I went successively to those places, giving the alarm
to our Commander in chief, who was blockading the
latter. I had the satisfaction of receiving Lord Collingwood’s
entire approbation of my conduct; and what
was not less gratifying, a letter, whilst off Cadiz, from
your beloved mother, which had been written but little
more than a fortnight. I was also enabled to send her
accounts of my welfare, which from the nature of the
service upon which I had been engaged, she could not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[342]</a></span>
otherwise have received for a considerable time; whilst
reports of our having fallen into the hands of the
enemy were circulated throughout the Mediterranean,
and generally believed.” This circumstance seems to
have called forth the following expression of gratitude
from the anxious wife.</p>

<p>Bath 1808.—“Just received letters from my beloved
Brenton, which have more than ever given me cause for
gratitude to the All wise disposer of events. Oh!
merciful God, how is it possible for me to express the
gratitude due to Thee, upon this occasion particularly
whilst every hour of my life is marked by some of thy
bountiful mercies. But thy late preservation of my
husband, both from the enemy, and the perils and
dangers of the sea, call for more than usual gratitude.”
Captain Brenton adds, “Whilst so many are habitually
congratulating themselves upon the instances of what
they call ‘good fortune,’ or their ‘lucky escapes,’ or
pluming themselves upon their own success as the
necessary consequences of their own judgment or merit;
let us, my darling children, follow the example of your
angelic mother, and refer all we meet with to the merciful
and watchful care of a benign and superintending
Providence—let us pay our gratitude where it is due;
and in all our trials remember what He has done for us.
Let us resign ourselves to His divine will, and assure
ourselves that were it not good for us to be afflicted,
adversity would never reach us.”</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[343]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>REMOVED FROM THE TOULON STATION TO THE MEDITERRANEAN.—CRUIZE OFF
CANDIA, AND IN THE ADRIATIC.—ACTION AT PESARO; AND OFFICIAL LETTERS.—CO-OPERATION
WITH THE AUSTRIANS IN THE ADRIATIC.—LETTERS
FROM LORD COLLINGWOOD EXPRESSIVE OF HIS ENTIRE SATISFACTION.</p>

</div>


<p>The Spartan having resumed her station off Toulon,
discovered on the morning of the 2nd of October, that
five frigates and a store ship had got out during the
preceding night in a heavy gale from the N.W. Captain
Brenton concluded they were gone to Corsica, as
the store ship was constantly employed in bringing
timber from that Island.</p>

<p>The Spartan was now released from this arduous
duty by the Proserpine, and Captain Brenton was
ordered to put himself under the orders of Rear
Admiral Martin, on the coast of Sicily, and to cruize
between the Faro of Messina, and the entrance of the
Adriatic. On this head, Captain Brenton’s own notes
may be used.</p>

<p>“Upon my arrival in the Mediterranean in the
spring of 1807, I had been stationed to watch the
enemy’s fleet in Toulon, and I was continued in that
arduous service till the latter end of 1808, when I was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[344]</a></span>
relieved at the joint intercession of the junior flag
officers, who had represented to the Commander in
chief (though unsolicited by me) the hardship of one
person being confined to such severe service, for so
long a period. My stay there had, I believe, been
protracted in the first instance, by a little prejudice on
the part of the Admiral, in consequence of my
having lost so many men, on the unfortunate occasion
of the expedition of the boats; and latterly from the
expediency of keeping an officer on so important a
station, who had the advantage of local knowledge,
gained by the experience of so many months, as well
of the coasts, as of the operations of the enemy.</p>

<p>“I was at length removed to the coast of Calabria,
and stationed between the Island of Sicily, and the
mouth of the Adriatic, with a gratifying acknowledgement
from Lord Collingwood of my having fulfilled the
duties of my last post to his satisfaction. I had still
less chance of success on this coast, than in the neighbourhood
of Toulon, but the duty was not so harassing,
or the responsibility so great, and I looked for something
better.</p>

<p>“In the spring of 1809 I was sent to cruize on the
coast of Syria and Egypt, when I took two prizes, only
one of which, however, got into port. On my return to
Malta, my excellent and warm friend, Sir Alexander
Ball, sent me to take the command of the little squadron
in the Adriatic. No situation in the Navy could
have been more agreeable to my wishes, particularly
with such officers and friends under my command, as
Captains Hoste, Duncan and Waldegrave.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[345]</a></span></p>

<p>Early in January, 1809, intelligence had been received
that Murat, then king of Naples, had resolved upon
making a descent upon Sicily in the month of February.
Great vigilance was consequently required to
prevent any collection of troops or vessels on any point
of the coast. The Spartan was kept upon the service
during the greater part of 1808-9. Captain Brenton received
a letter from Rear Admiral Martin, dated 19th
January, 1809, informing him that an attack was confidently
expected to be made by Murat, in the course of a
short time, and that it was possible the Russian squadron
at Trieste would co-operate in it, recommending the
utmost vigilance for the protection of the eastern coast.
He received at the same time another letter from
General Sir John Stuart, confirming the expectation of
Murat’s intended invasion.</p>

<p>Early in February the Commander in chief (then at
Malta) having reason to believe that no attack was
likely to be made upon Sicily, ordered Captain Brenton
to join him there in the Spartan, where he arrived on
the 6th. An incident occurred at this time, which
shews in a strong point of view the superstition of the
British sailors. When the Spartan was at Malta in the
early part of January, a corporal of marines had been
sent on shore to bring off one of his party, who had
gone on shore without leave. A scuffle ensued with
some drunken men, and the corporal in self-defence
having drawn his bayonet, the marine was killed. The
parties were immediately taken up, and the following
day after a minute examination into all circumstances by
the magistrates, the corporal was acquitted of all blame,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[346]</a></span>
and sent off to his ship, which sailed in the course of a day
or two. The weather became very boisterous, a succession
of gales of wind was experienced, and not one
prize taken during the cruize. All this bad luck as it
was called, was visited upon the corporal, who was
supposed to be the Jonas, having been guilty of murder;
and it was an opinion frequently expressed by the people,
that no more good fortune would attend the ship, as long
as corporal Mantle was in her. This was frequently
mentioned to the Captain, who paid no attention to it.
But on his arrival at Malta he mentioned the circumstance
to Lord Collingwood, suggesting that the man
should be tried by a court martial, as his acquittal was
certain, and would be the means of whitewashing him
in the eyes of his shipmates. His Lordship quite
approved of this. The court was ordered and assembled
accordingly, and the corporal fully acquitted. The
spell was then broken—fine weather ensued—a prize was
taken, and the corporal was himself again. On relating
this story a few days afterwards to Captain Stewart of
the Seahorse, he assured Captain Brenton that the
early part of his last cruize had been particularly
unsuccessful; but that while on the coast of Italy, it was
discovered that a black cat was on board, which at once
accounted for fortune having deserted the Seahorse.
What was to be done? To throw the cat overboard was
increasing the bad omen, and aggravating the case.
Captain Stewart decided at once that he would run
over to the coast of Sardinia, where pussy was landed
with every proper respect and attention, and a prize
soon after set the question at rest. The Captain was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[347]</a></span>
a wise man, he took the only method of restoring good
humour to his people, and was rewarded for it. It
often requires as much judgment to deal with the
weaknesses as with the vices of mankind.</p>

<p>In the early part of February Lord Collingwood
told Captain Brenton, that in consequence of the
length of time the Spartan had been kept off Toulon,
it was his intention to give him a cruize off Egypt and
Syria; where he forthwith proceeded, remaining about
six weeks, and returning at the end of that time,
having taken one prize, and lost another of considerable
value on the rocks on the east end of Candia. As
there was something singular attending the capture of
both these vessels, it may not be amiss to mention it
in a few words. When the Spartan was in chase of
the first off Cape Derne, night came on, when the
chase was still seven or eight miles from the Spartan,
and she was lost sight of. Captain Brenton said to his
officers, “if I were now master of that vessel, I should
keep away two points for some time, and then two
more, and in the course of three or four hours, I would
then bear up before the wind, and run for eight or ten
leagues, and I think he will do so. I mean therefore
to bear up at once, and run ten leagues to leeward, and
then haul to the wind, as the best chance of seeing
him in the morning”; he did so, and the following day
at noon, when standing in for the African shore, the
identical vessel was discovered coming out from the
land, and by five o’clock was in possession of the
Spartan. The master acknowledged that he had done
just as Captain Brenton had imagined.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[348]</a></span></p>

<p>A few days afterwards a similar chase took place off
the south coast of Candia, and the vessel being lost
sight of at dark, the Spartan ran 10 leagues to leeward
again, and furling all her sails waited for daylight,
when the unfortunate Frenchman was seen coming
down before the wind, and on seeing the Spartan,
hauled round the S.E. point of the island. A long
chase ensued; at length, the chase ran in near some
broken rocks, and let go her anchor. She was immediately
boarded by the Spartan’s boats, while driving
among the breakers; and delay having taken place in
cutting the cable, she struck upon the point of a rock,
and instantly sunk in deep water, giving the boats’
crews barely time to escape. This was a serious loss, as
the vessel had a valuable cargo from Marseilles to the
Levant, and it was owing to the neglect of the boarding
officer, who was ordered to take with him a <em>carpenter’s</em>
axe, to cut the cable with, as the sharpest; but he
forgot to take <em>any</em>, and whilst hacking at the cable
with a cutlass, the vessel struck, and was lost. The
accident suggested to Captain Brenton the idea of
having a chest fitted up for every boat in the ship, which
should contain all things that might be required, in
case of being separated from the ship; pistols, ammunition,
carpenter’s tools, provisions, candles, matches,
sail needles, twine, compasses, &amp;c., &amp;c.</p>

<p>On the return of the Spartan to Malta, she was
necessarily placed under quarantine; and Sir Alexander
Ball, the port Admiral, having directed Captain Brenton
to meet him at the quarantine office, asked him
“how long he required to be ready for sea.” The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[349]</a></span>
answer was, “Not an hour, after provisions and water
were sent on board.” These were ordered immediately,
and in the course of the day, the baggage of the British
Ambassador, (the unfortunate Mr. Bathurst who was
afterwards supposed to have been murdered near Ratisbon,)
and that of Don L. Bardaxi, the Spanish Ambassador
both going to the Court of Vienna, were sent on board.
The Spanish Ambassador was accompanied by his
lady, and a numerous suite; with these the Spartan
sailed on the following day, and reached Trieste on the
18th of April, where the Ambassadors were landed;
and Captain Brenton, in pursuance of the orders he
had received, took the squadron consisting of the
Amphion, Captain Hoste (afterwards Sir William);
the Mercury, Captain The Honourable Henry Duncan
(afterwards Sir Henry); and the Thames, Captain
The Honourable W. Waldegrave, now Lord Radstock,
under his orders.</p>

<p>From Captain Hoste who had recently reconnoitred
the enemy’s ports on the coast of Italy, Captain
Brenton received much valuable information. At
Ancona there were two French, and one Venetian
frigates; at Venice, one frigate ready for sea, and
another which had just hauled out of the basin, with
three brigs; the object of this force when united was
supposed to relieve Marmont, at this time shut up in
Dalmatia, and whose view was suspected to be to make
his escape to Ancona. On the 23rd April, observing
a number of vessels collected together in the port of
Pesaro, he resolved to attack them; and the following is
a copy of his official letter upon this occasion.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[350]</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, Trieste</span>, 27th <span class="smcap">April</span>.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,</p>

<p>“I have the honour to inform your Lordship, that
being with the Amphion and Mercury off the town of Pesaro,
on the 23rd instant, I observed a number of vessels lying in the
mole, and thought it practicable to take possession of them; for
which purpose, the ships were anchored with springs upon their
cables, within half a mile of the town. The boats formed in two
divisions, the first consisting of launches with carronades, and
other boats carrying field pieces, under the orders of Lieutenant
Phillott, first of the Amphion, took a station to the northward of
the town; and the second division consisting of rocket boats, under
the orders of lieutenant Baumgardt, second of the Spartan; both
divisions being commanded by Lieutenant George Willes, first of
the Spartan. As soon as these arrangements were made, I sent a
flag of truce on shore to demand the surrender of all the vessels,
adding, that should any resistance be made, the Governor must
be answerable for the consequences, and I gave him half an hour
to deliberate.</p>

<p>“At half-past eleven, a.m. the officer returned with a message
that in half an hour I should receive his answer. I waited
thirty-five minutes, from the time the boat came alongside, when
observing a flag of truce on shore, but that troops were assembling
in considerable numbers in the streets, and on the quays,
and that the inhabitants were busily employed in dismantling the
vessels; I hauled down the flag of truce, and fired one shot over
the town to give warning to the women and children; and shortly
after made the signal to commence firing, which was instantly
obeyed by the ships and boats. At thirty-two minutes after
twelve, observing several flags of truce hung out in the town, I
made the signal to cease firing, and Lieutenant Willes pushed
into the harbour with the boats, when he was informed that
the Commander had made his escape with all the military.</p>

<p>“I considered the place as surrendered at discretion, and gave
orders for the boats to be employed in bringing out the vessels,
and the marines to be landed to protect them. Lieutenant Willes
made the most judicious arrangements to carry this into execution.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[351]</a></span>
The marines were drawn up under Lieutenant Moore, senior Lieutenant
of Marines of the Amphion; the launches stationed in such
a manner as to enfilade the principal streets; and the other boats’
crews were employed in rigging the vessels, and laying out warps
to haul them off with, as soon as the tide should flow. About
two, p.m. I received a letter from the Commandant, dated half-past
one, demanding another hour for deliberation. I refused
him another moment, and told him that in case of resistance, I
should destroy the town. By half-past six thirteen vessels deeply
laden as per enclosed list were brought off; several others had
been scuttled by the inhabitants, and sunk; some were still
aground dismantled, there were besides a few in ballast, and a
number of fishing vessels. I should have burned the merchant
vessels but for the apprehension of setting fire to the town, and
destroying the fishing boats. I therefore directed Lieutenant
Willes to blow up the castle at the entrance of the harbour, and
to bring off his people; this he did at seven o’clock.</p>

<p>“I am happy to say we did not hear of any lives being lost in
the town, although many of the houses were much damaged.
One man was killed by the explosion of the castle. After the
match had been lighted, and our people had retreated, he approached
it; a musket was fired over him to drive him away,
but he sought refuge under the castle, and was buried in its
ruins. As the enemy made no active resistance, I can only
express my admiration at the zeal and promptitude with which
Captain Hoste, and the Honourable Henry Duncan executed the
orders which they received, and the manner in which they placed
their ships. Lieutenant Willes upon this, as upon every other
occasion, displayed the greatest energy, skill, and judgment; the
arrangements he made for the defence of his party whilst in the
harbour, and the expedition in sending out the prizes, do him the
highest credit. Lieutenant Phillott and Lieutenant Baumgardt
in the command of their respective divisions, and Lieutenant
Moore in that of the Marines, were also exemplary.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To Vice Admiral Lord Collingwood.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[352]</a></span></p>

<p class="center">LIST OF VESSELS TAKEN.</p>

<table summary="List of vessels taken, and their cargo and the weight of the cargo">
  <tr>
    <td>San Nicholas</td>
    <td class="tdr">38</td>
    <td>tons</td>
    <td>Cargo,</td>
    <td>Oil and Almonds.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>San Pratico</td>
    <td class="tdr">90</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Oil.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>L’azzardo fortunato</td>
    <td class="tdr">54</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Oil.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Name unknown</td>
    <td class="tdr">130</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Hides, oil and almonds.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Ditto, ditto</td>
    <td class="tdr">90</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Oil and hemp.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>San Antonio</td>
    <td class="tdr">120</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Oil.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>San Antonio</td>
    <td class="tdr">100</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Plank and spars.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>San Nio</td>
    <td class="tdr">56</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Morocco leather, hides, bees’ wax, &amp;c.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Name unknown</td>
    <td class="tdr">30</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Oil and hides.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Carlotta fortunata</td>
    <td class="tdr">56</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Oil.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Name unknown</td>
    <td class="tdr">50</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Oil.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Ditto, ditto</td>
    <td class="tdr">60</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Oil, almonds, figs, candles, &amp;c.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Providenza</td>
    <td class="tdr">30</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>Oil.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="tdr">Total</td>
    <td class="tdr total">904</td>
    <td>tons.</td>
    <td></td>
    <td></td>
  </tr>
</table>

<p>As the oil was all sweet oil for Gallipoli, these cargoes
were very valuable, and could not be worth less
than £10,000, the value put upon them by Sir W.
Hoste in his letter to his father.—See Hoste’s Memoirs,
vol. 1. p. 340.</p>

<p>In consequence of intelligence received from Trieste,
and the urgent demands of the Austrian Commander
in chief for the co-operation of a frigate, Captain
Brenton was under the necessity of detaching the
Amphion to the gulf of Fiume, a measure that he
regretted the necessity for extremely; as he depended
much upon the assistance he should receive from such
an officer, as Captain Hoste, in his intended operations
on the coast of Italy, which he hoped to keep in a
perpetual state of alarm, and thus to prevent as much
as possible any troops being detached to the army opposed
to the Arch-duke John. Captain Duncan was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[353]</a></span>
however still with him, and was also a most valuable
coadjutor.</p>

<p>On the 2nd of May, the Spartan and Mercury
attacked the port of Cesenatico, as detailed in the
following letter.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off Rovigno</span>, 5th <span class="smcap">May</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,</p>

<p>“On the 2nd instant, the Spartan and Mercury
chased two vessels into the port of Cesenatico, the entrance to
which is very narrow, and defended by a battery of two guns
(twenty-four pounders) and a castle. Observing at the same time
several other vessels laying there, I determined to take possession
of them if possible. The coast is so shoal that we had only five
fathoms, considerably out of gun shot of the town; I was therefore
under the necessity of sending the boats a-head, and on each
bow, with directions to make a signal when in three fathoms.</p>

<p>“We were by these means enabled to anchor by noon in a
quarter three within range of grape of the battery, and very soon
silenced it, when Lieutenant Willes, first of the Spartan, pushed
in and took possession of it, turning the guns upon the castle and
town, which were soon after deserted. We captured in the port
twelve vessels, some laden with corn for Venice, and the others
being in ballast, we filled them with iron and hemp out of the
magazines for these articles, which were upon the quay, and in
which the sails and rudders of some of their vessels were concealed.
Another large vessel laden with iron, which lay at the
entrance of the harbour, scuttled, we burned; and after blowing
up the castle and magazine, destroying the battery and spiking
the guns, we came off, I am happy to say, without the loss of a
man, or any person being wounded, although much exposed to
the fire of the battery, as well as musketry; nor was any damage
done to the ships.</p>

<p>“The Mercury, from Captain Duncan’s anxiety to place her
as near the town as possible, took the ground, but in so favourable
a position, as gave the fullest effect to her fire. She was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[354]</a></span>
however, hove off by 5 p.m. without having sustained any
damage.</p>

<p>“I never witnessed more zeal and energy than was evinced by
Captain Duncan upon this occasion. Lieutenant Willes displayed
great gallantry in taking possession of the battery the moment the
ships had ceased firing, and in the expedition with which he turned
the guns against the place; his exertion also in bringing out the
vessels was very great. Much credit is also due to the officers
and men of both ships for their activity.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Right Honourable Vice Admiral Lord Collingwood</span>.”</p>

</div>

<p>Captain Brenton dispatched the Mercury to convey
the prizes to Trieste, and on the following day came
up with them off Rovigno. But having been joined
by the Thames, with orders for the Mercury to be sent
to Trieste, and from thence with the British Minister’s
dispatches to Malta, he was under the necessity of
sending the captured vessels into Rovigno, a port on
the coast of Istria. The following letter to Lord
Collingwood will shew the state of affairs at this time
in the upper part of the Adriatic, and of the necessity
for every exertion being made by the little squadron.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off Rovigno</span>, 5th <span class="smcap">May</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,</p>

<p>“The Thames joined us last night, and I shall
in consequence dispatch the Mercury immediately to Trieste for
Mr. Stuart’s dispatches, and direct her Captain to proceed to
Malta with them.</p>

<p>“I trust your Lordship will approve of my having kept that
ship hitherto, as it was necessary to watch both sides of the
Adriatic, as well to prevent the evacuation of Dalmatia by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[355]</a></span>
General Marmont’s corps—as to prevent supplies getting into
Venice; both of which purposes I hope have in a great measure
been effected.</p>

<p>“I have sent the Amphion to watch the motions of the French
army in Dalmatia, and to co-operate with the Austrians under
General Strokowitz. With the Spartan and Mercury I have
been on the coast of Romagna, at the express desire of His
Imperial highness the Arch-duke John, in order to cut off the
communication between its forts and Venice. I beg leave to
refer your Lordship to my letter of this day for a detail of our
proceedings on the 2nd instant, and enclose a duplicate of that
of the 27th ultimo.</p>

<p>“I have this moment received a letter from General L’Epine,
in which is the following passage. ‘General Marmont has given
very severe orders to arm the inhabitants of Veglia and Pago,
under the direction of some of his troops, which are expected
there, in order to oppose the Austrians; the whole population of
these islands are very averse to the project, and have the most
eager desire to see our troops take possession of their country,
therefore I have given orders immediately that a couple of companies
should be embarked in the neighbourhood from Fiume to
attack these islands, and take possession of them before the
arrival of the French. I advise you of that disposition, that you
may be in the case to assist our troops in the enterprize, and I
have no doubt that you will be disposed to do it.’</p>

<p>“This letter was addressed to Captain Hoste, in consequence
of my having sent him off Zara; but in order to effect the object
of it, I shall proceed instantly off those islands in the Spartan,
adding our force to that of the Amphion, and I shall send the
Thames to blockade Venice.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Vice Admiral Lord Collingwood.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>A letter of the 29th April had been sent from Mr.
Baird, the British Agent at Fiume, to Mr. Jackson,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[356]</a></span>
the Charge’ des affaires at Trieste, requesting he would
inform the British Commander, by the earliest opportunity,
that the Austrians had entered Trau, on the
coast of Dalmatia, without finding any French there;
that eighteen vessels had gone from Zara to Pago with
troops, and that it was believed General Marmont and
his staff were with them, and that his intention was
probably to get to Ancona.</p>

<p>About the same time, the following letter reached
Captain Brenton, from Mr. Bathurst, the British Ambassador,
whom he had brought to Trieste in the
Spartan, dated Vienna, 27th April, 1809.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“I have been unable from illness to apply to any business
whatever since my arrival here, you must therefore not be surprised
at my silence.</p>

<p>“The turn which the war has taken upon the Danube is not
altogether favourable. The enclosed bulletin will put you <i lang="fr">au
fait</i> of the operations of the two armies. The Arch-duke Charles
has since been separated from General Hiller, and has fallen back
to the frontiers of Bohemia. General Hiller was expected at
Braunau yesterday, and will probably retire towards Saltzburg,
and the Tyrol. In this situation the Capital is left open, but it is
not imagined that the French will risk advancing with an
Austrian army on each flank.</p>

<p>“The Emperor is still in the vicinity of Enns.</p>

<p>“In every other direction the war has taken a favourable
turn, and the dispositions of the different powers of Europe seem
favourable to the Austrian cause; even Russia indicates no
desire of becoming hostile.</p>

<p>“The firmness of the government is not shaken, though the
first opening of the campaign has not answered their expectation.
Pray let me recommend to you the most cordial co-operation
with the Austrian army in Italy. It is probable the Arch-duke<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[357]</a></span>
John will for the present remain upon the defensive in the
Venetian States, your station will therefore become of the greatest
importance.</p>

<p class="center">“Believe me, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“R. BATHURST.”</p>

</div>

<p>On the 7th of May, General L’Epine writes from
Trieste as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“Captain Flanegan, who will deliver this letter, is
appointed to have the command of the various Austrian armed
vessels, which are employed in the blockade of Venice, and is
ordered to follow your directions, as long as you intend to remain
before that place. I beg therefore you may be so good as to
concert with him such dispositions as you may think most
proper to attain the intended purpose, which is to prevent the
enemy from receiving supplies.</p>

<p>“By the same opportunity I have the honour to acquaint you
that I have received a dispatch from the Arch-duke John, in
which he mentions his most earnest desire, that the whole force
under your command should go as soon as possible to the coast of
Dalmatia, and particularly towards Zara, where he wishes that an
attempt might be made by the British men of war, firing against
that place, or in any other way, that might draw the attention of
the enemy, and operate a diversion, giving at the same time a
signal for the insurrection of the inhabitants to break out, who
expect nothing else than the occasion; whilst our troops will
make a resolute attack against the province on the other side.
I lose no time to let you know this intention of the Arch-duke,
being persuaded, after the disposition you have been pleased to
exert, and which are used to direct your motions, that every
exertion will be employed from your part to answer the above
proposition.</p>

<p class="center">“I have the honour, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">L’EPINE, Major General</span>.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Commodore Brenton, Commander of H. B. M. Forces, Adriatic.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[358]</a></span></p>

<p>This letter was accompanied by another, containing a
list of the Austrian flotilla, with which Captain Brenton
was desired to co-operate, consisting of two brigs of war,
and a tartane stationed between Goro and Malamoco,
with three gun boats, and five patrolling boats in the
neighbourhood of Cortelazzo. The vessels were especially
intended to prevent any supplies getting into
Venice coastwise. It then added,</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“In Venice the enemy have at this time 7800 men: French,
Italian, and militia. They have also</p>

<table summary="The naval strength of the enemy">
  <tr>
    <td class="nw">In the Lagune</td>
    <td>4 gun boats, and 3 floating batteries.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="nw">At Malamoco</td>
    <td>3 brigs, 3 gun boats, 3 floating batteries.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="nw">&nbsp;”&nbsp;&nbsp;Lido</td>
    <td>2 brigs, 2 <span class="ditto">”</span></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="nw">&nbsp;”&nbsp;&nbsp;Treporte</td>
    <td>1 gun boat, 1 gun pirogue.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="nw">&nbsp;”&nbsp;&nbsp;Venice</td>
    <td>1 forty gun frigate, loaded with arms and ammunition, not intended to go out,</td>
  </tr>
</table>

<p class="noindent">and fifty-nine gun pirogues disposed in the remainder of the
Lagune. The Arch-duke John had got as far as Verona, but will
not probably advance further till the Arch-duke Charles shall
again take the offensive.</p>

<p class="center">“Signed,</p>

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">L’EPINE, Major General</span>.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Commodore Brenton</span>, &amp;c. &amp;c.”</p>

</div>

<p>In consequence of the state of things as detailed in
the preceding correspondence, Captain Brenton felt
much solicitude to comply, as far as his very limited
means would enable him, with the wishes of the Arch-duke
John, both as regarded the preventing supplies
reaching Venice from the coast of Romagna, as well
as to give every possible annoyance to the French
army in Dalmatia. In order to effect the latter object
he had detached the Amphion to cruize between Zara<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[359]</a></span>
and Fiume, and the Thames was ordered to proceed off
Punto Maestro, to stop all vessels attempting to get
into Venice. And as the French had seized a number
of fishing boats on the coast of Romagna, which they
had laden with provisions, with a view of their not being
examined by the British cruizers; Captain Waldegrave
was directed to take all vessels of that description, and
to destroy all such as were so employed, and to warn
all fishermen against such acts of hostility, lest they
should forfeit the indulgence they had hitherto received
as peaceable industrious people. Captain Waldegrave
was also ordered to take the Austrian flotilla off Cortelazzo
under his command.</p>

<p>Having made these arrangements, Captain Brenton
proceeded in the Spartan to the gulf of Fiume, with the
intention of protecting the islands on the coast of Croatia,
still under the Austrian government, and driving the
French out of the others. The following letter to Lord
Collingwood will at once give the official detail of his
operations to the 12th of May:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off Lussin Piccolo</span>, 12th <span class="smcap">May</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,</p>

<p>“In my letter of the 6th instant I had the honour
to inform your Lordship of my intention to assist the Austrians
in getting possession of the islands on the coast of Croatia. On
approaching Veglia on the 7th, I was told that it had surrendered
the day before, and that the Austrians had gone on to Cherso.
I received at the same time information of a French garrison
consisting of 200 men, having fortified the Island of Lussin, with
a determination to hold out till relieved. I proceeded directly for
the port of Cherso, where the imperial troops arrived a few hours
before us. I proposed to their Commandant, Lieutenant Colonel<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[360]</a></span>
Baron Peharnick, that a detachment should be embarked on
board the Spartan, and an attack be immediately made upon
Lussin, to which he assented, and came on board with one hundred
and eighty men. We sailed from Cherso at daylight, on
the 9th, accompanied by three trabacolos for the purpose of
landing the troops. At two p.m. we arrived off the port of Lussin,
and found the enemy prepared to receive us, having a battery on
each side of the entrance of the bay, which is not more than two
cables length across. From thence the bay runs to the S.E.
about three miles in length, and in no part more than a quarter of
a mile over. The shore on both sides high and rocky. At the
extremity of the bay, the town is situated, and immediately above
it, the citadel, a large stone building defended by eleven pieces of
cannon.</p>

<p>“Our dispositions for the attack were immediately made,
Baron Peharnick with fifty men in the boats of the Spartan,
under the command of Lieutenant Willes, was to land to the
southward of the western battery. Lieutenant Fagan commanding
the royal marines of this ship, with his own party, and a
detachment of Austrians embarked in two of the trabacolos for
the purpose of attacking the eastern battery, whilst the ship was
to run in and engage both of them.</p>

<p>“This plan was put in execution at three p.m. and both batteries
carried after a very short resistance, the enemy retreating to the
citadel.</p>

<p>“Baron Peharnick and myself having reconnoitred the town
from an eminence, we were of opinion that the place might be
taken by an immediate attack. Accordingly the imperial troops
which were landed on the peninsula moved forward. Lieutenant
Willes in the boats, accompanied by Lieutenant Fagan’s detachment
in the trabacolos, ran up the bay accompanied by the ship.
Upon approaching the town I sent a flag of truce forward, to
summon it to surrender, but it was fired upon from the quay and
houses. Lieutenant Willes instantly pushed forward in the most
gallant manner with his boats, and found an anchorage for the
ship, within pistol shot of the town, of which I availed myself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[361]</a></span>
immediately. One of the trabacolos with the marines and imperialists
was at this moment sunk by the fire from the citadel,
happily no lives were lost, and the troops landed to the left of the
town, from whence they dislodged a party of the enemy that
opposed them, the ship opening her fire upon the citadel.</p>

<p>“At twenty-two minutes past five a flag of truce was hoisted
at the citadel, and the firing ceased. An officer came off to
apologize for the flag of truce being fired at by mistake, and to
know what terms we would grant. Our answer was, that the
garrison should surrender at discretion, and an hour given for
deliberation; at the expiration of which time a peremptory refusal
was returned, and the firing recommenced on both sides;
the remainder of the troops were landed, and the heights occupied
to the right and left of the town. At half-past eight, finding the
citadel silenced, I ceased firing, to give the troops an opportunity
of advancing to surround it, or to storm it if practicable, and sent
a field piece to Lieutenant Willes to cover them. At eleven, a
sharp fire of musketry took place between the advance posts and
the enemy. I immediately ordered Lieutenant Baumgardt to move
forward with a twelve pounder carronade, and place it on an eminence
to the right of the citadel. I sent another to Lieutenant
Willes on the left, with directions for the troops to fall back upon
their guns, that the ship might renew her fire. By three a.m. the
batteries were erected within three hundred yards to the right and
left of the citadel, and Baron Peharnick sent me word that the
troops had retreated into the rear of them. A heavy fire commenced
immediately, which was returned from the citadel. At four,
a flag of truce came off with proposals to surrender, on condition
of the garrison being sent to Italy: this I positively refused, and
continued firing till five minutes after six, when they surrendered
at discretion.</p>

<p>“I feel particularly grateful to Lieutenant Colonel Baron
Peharnick for his active and cordial co-operation; the ability
with which he posted his troops during the night, and his unwearied
exertions do him the greatest honour. He speaks in
high terms of the officers and men belonging to H.M.S. under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[362]</a></span>
my command. It is with much satisfaction I corroborate his
testimony, and add mine to the good conduct of the Imperial
officers and troops. The Chasseurs particularly distinguished
themselves.</p>

<p>“I have had frequent opportunities to observe the merit of
Lieutenant Willes first of the Spartan, and I do assure your Lordship,
that in every part of his duty it is truly conspicuous. I am
at a loss which to admire most, his intrepidity, zeal, or judgment.</p>

<p>“The conduct of Lieutenant Baumgardt, second lieutenant, is
equally meritorious upon this occasion; both these officers had
very considerable difficulties to encounter in getting their guns
upon the height, and the activity with which this service was
performed was a subject of admiration to our allies, and of surprise
to our enemies, who deemed it impracticable.</p>

<p>“From Mr. Slinner, the master, I experienced the greatest
assistance, as well in working and placing the ship, as in directing
the guns, having given him the command of the main deck in the
absence of the other officers.</p>

<p>“The Royal Marines under Lieutenants Fagan and Fotterell
distinguished themselves so much by their steadiness and gallantry,
that Baron Peharnick gave them the advanced post
during the night within pistol shot of the enemy. It is but just
to the petty officers and ship’s company to say, that their coolness
and cheerful exertions during such a variety of service, entitle
them to my warmest approbation. They seemed to vie with
each other in supporting the honour of their country, and fully
succeeded.</p>

<p>“I am happy to say that we have lost no one, only two Imperialists
and one English wounded. The ship has suffered very
little, having taken such a position as to be below the range of the
enemy’s guns, while the citadel was exposed to our fire, and
nearly destroyed. The enemy had two killed and one wounded.</p>

<p>“A number of merchant vessels were found in the port, but as
it did not appear that they had ever navigated under the enemy’s
flag, and are in general the property of the inhabitants, we have
given them up; two only, being Italians, were made prize of.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[363]</a></span></p>

<p>“The prisoners are to proceed to Fiume, under the escort of
the Imperial troops, excepting the officers, who are on board the
Spartan to be landed at Trieste.</p>

<p>“I have the honour to enclose a list of the garrison, guns, &amp;c.
and of the killed and wounded.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To Vice-Admiral Lord Collingwood.</span>”</p>

<p class="center"><i>List of Garrison, guns, military stores, &amp;c. found in the Citadel and
Batteries of Lussin, 10th May, 1809.</i></p>

<table summary="Garrison of the Citadel">
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><i>Infantry.</i></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>Captain</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>Lieutenant</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>2nd ditto</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">5</td>
    <td>Serjeants</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">7</td>
    <td>Corporals</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">2</td>
    <td>Drummers</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">90</td>
    <td>Rank and File</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><i>Rifle Corps.</i></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>Captain</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>2nd Lieutenant</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">2</td>
    <td>Serjeants</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">2</td>
    <td>Corporals</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">41</td>
    <td>Rank and File</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2"><i>Artillery.</i></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>Captain</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>Serjeant Major</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>Serjeant</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>Bombardier</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>Corporal</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">14</td>
    <td>Artillery men</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="center" colspan="2">Total—173.</td>
  </tr>
</table>

<table summary="Guns and military stores found">
  <tr>
    <td>Iron Guns</td>
    <td class="tdr">24</td>
    <td>pounders</td>
    <td class="tdr">6</td>
    <td></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="tdr">6</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="tdr">7</td>
    <td></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="tdr">4</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="tdr">2</td>
    <td></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="tdr">2</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Brass Guns</td>
    <td class="tdr">4</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="tdr">2</td>
    <td></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td colspan="3">Total</td>
    <td class="tdr total">18</td>
    <td></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td colspan="3">Muskets</td>
    <td class="tdr">568</td>
    <td></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td colspan="3">Blunderbusses</td>
    <td class="tdr">3</td>
    <td></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td colspan="3">Powder</td>
    <td class="tdr">30</td>
    <td>barrels.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td colspan="5">A quantity of shot of every description.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td colspan="5">Forge for heating shot apparatus complete.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td colspan="5">Provisions for garrison for 3 months.</td>
  </tr>
</table>

<p class="center">Killed and wounded—</p>

<table summary="Allies killed and wounded in the battle">
  <tr>
    <td>British wounded</td>
    <td class="tdr">2</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Austrian</td>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
  </tr>
</table>

<p class="center">French killed—</p>

<table summary="Enemy killed and wounded in the battle">
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">2</td>
    <td>Rank and File.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>Ditto Wounded.</td>
  </tr>
</table>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

</div>

<p>The nature and variety of the service in getting possession
of Lussin, and the imperative duty of giving due
credit to the Austrians for the share they had in the
affair, unavoidably extended this letter to a great length.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[364]</a></span>
It may now, in justice to the officers and men engaged
in the expeditions, which followed each other with so
much rapidity between the 23rd of April and the 9th
of May, be considered excusable to lay before the reader,
Lord Collingwood’s letter acknowledging the official
communication.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Ville de Paris, off Toulon</span>, 10th <span class="smcap">June</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have received your letter of the 27th April,
and two of the 5th May. The first informing me of an attack
made by the Spartan, Amphion, and Mercury, upon the town of
Pesaro, on the 23rd April, and the capture of all the vessels in
that port; the latter describing your operations which were
equally successful at the port of Cesenatico on the 2nd May.</p>

<p>“The dexterity and skill with which these two important
services were performed, are exceedingly satisfactory to me; and
the success with which they were attended, is an ample proof of
the judicious arrangements made, and the ability with which the
whole was conducted, and terminated without injury to the
assailants. In Captains Hoste and Duncan you had able assistants,
and the judicious conduct of Lieutenant Willes deserves the
highest commendation.</p>

<p>“I recommend you to have made a number of small iron
wedges, about three inches long, for the purpose of bursting guns
which you wish to destroy. Those spiked are soon restored to
service again; the wedge seldom fails to disable them entirely.
The gun must be fired with a bit of slow match, to give time to
remove out of the reach of explosion.</p>

<p class="center">“I am, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“Signed, COLLINGWOOD.”</p>

</div>

<p>On the 4th of July his Lordship gives the following
answer to the official account of the capture of Lussin.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[365]</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Ville de Paris, off Toulon</span>, 4th <span class="smcap">July</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have received your letter of the 12th May,
informing me of your having attacked and taken the citadel and
defences of the Island of Lussin, in which service Lieutenant
Colonel Baron Peharnick and one hundred and eighty Austrians
had co-operated.</p>

<p>“The testimony you give of the zeal, enterprize, and good
judgment of Lieutenant Willes on the occasion, and the meritorious
exertions of the other officers and men of the Spartan
employed on this service, is exceedingly gratifying to me.</p>

<p>“Could anything add to the satisfaction at the annoyance
which you have given to the enemy, and the credit which has
attached to His Majesty’s arms, in the present instance, it would
be the assurance you give of the active and cordial co-operation
afforded by the Commander and troops of His Imperial Majesty.</p>

<p class="center">“I am, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“COLLINGWOOD.”</p>

</div>

<p>In a letter from his Lordship to Lord Mulgrave, then
First Lord of the Admiralty, he thus adverts to this
affair. “I cannot say too much to your Lordship of
the zeal and talent of Captain Brenton; of these he
gives proof whenever he is employed, and he seems to
be everywhere. At Lussin he undertook and accomplished
a service which would have established a reputation,
had he never had another opportunity; and now at
Cerigo his conduct has not been less distinguished.”<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p>

<p>From Lussino the Spartan being joined by the Amphion,
Captain Brenton pushed for Trieste, and on his
reaching the bay, received intelligence that the French
army having crossed the Lizonzo, on the 13th, were in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[366]</a></span>
possession of the heights of Optehina, commanding
Trieste; and while off Peran, on the 18th, they had the
mortification to see them enter Trieste. The prizes
which the little squadron had taken at Pesaro, were all
in that port, about six of the most valuable were seen
coming out, and by the greatest exertion of the young
midshipmen who had the charge of them, succeeded in
getting under the guns of their own ships; the others of
course fell into the hands of the French, as did all those
which had been taken at Cesenatico, and had been sent
into Rovigno. As the vessels which escaped were not
in a state to be sent to Malta, the two captains with the
consent of their officers and people chartered two Greek
polacre ships, on board of which they shipped their cargoes,
and sent them to Malta; whilst they remained on
the coast of Istria in readiness to act in any manner in
which they could best afford assistance to the Austrian
towns, now rapidly falling into the hands of the French.
The following letter to Captain Brisbane, off Corfu, contains
a detail of affairs at the time in the Adriatic.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off Peran</span>, 19th <span class="smcap">May</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“A corps of the French army, under General Miolis,
passed the Lizonzo on the 13th; and on the 17th, occupied the
heights of Optehina, when a skirmish took place between the
advanced posts and the Austrians.</p>

<p>“It was reported that the enemy were prevented from entering
Trieste by the vicinity of the Austrian General Giulai, who was
at Laybach with 15,000 men, whilst General Zach, with a detachment
was in possession of the pass of Prevolt. Yesterday,
however, the enemy entered Trieste at ten a.m. from which
circumstance I fear they are no longer under apprehensions of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[367]</a></span>
being attacked by the Austrian army, and that they will form
their junction with General Marmont in Dalmatia. They have
also sent another corps to take possession of Fiume.</p>

<p>“I think it of the highest importance that this intelligence
should reach you as soon as possible, that you may forward it to
Malta; and at the same time stop any vessels that may be on
their way to Trieste or Fiume. I cannot spare a ship, having
only the Amphion with me. I therefore send this by a trabacolo.</p>

<p>“The Thames is off Venice, I have sent a vessel to recall her,
and upon her joining, I trust we shall be able to prevent the
Russians<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> from going to Ancona, which (in the event of the
French having only taken possession of this country for the
purpose of pillage, and with the intention of falling back again)
I think it likely they may be obliged to attempt.</p>

<p>“If there are only the two French frigates at Corfu, and you
have received no further information, since your last by the
Thames, you will immediately send what sloops of war you may
have under your orders to join me between Lussino and Ancona.</p>

<p>“The Island of Lussin, captured by His Majesty’s ship under
my command, and two companies of Imperial troops, on the 10th
instant, proves to be at this moment a most valuable acquisition.
Thither all the vessels and merchants from Istria have repaired,
and it affords a port for the Austrian flotilla. Should there be
no hopes of the Austrians regaining possession of the coast, they
will all proceed to Malta, or Sicily, for which purpose I am
particularly anxious to have some disposable vessels of war.</p>

<p class="center">“I am, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To Captain Brisbane</span>, (Or the Captain of any of H.M.S. off Corfu.)”</p>

</div>

<p>Captain Brenton was fully aware of his very great
responsibility in thus continuing in the Adriatic, notwithstanding
the order he had received from Lord Collingwood,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[368]</a></span>
to leave that station; and he also well knew
how rigid his Lordship was in exacting the most implicit
obedience to his commands. He felt however that
an imperative duty called upon him to give all the aid
in his power to the Austrians, with whose precise situation
the Admiral could not be acquainted. He therefore
wrote the following letter to account for his conduct.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off Lussin</span>, 26th <span class="smcap">May</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,</p>

<p>“The Redwing has just joined me with your Lordship’s
orders of the 18th April, which I should have put into
immediate execution, but from the important and unexpected
events which have taken place in the vicinity, since they were
written.</p>

<p>“The success of the Arch-duke Charles on the 21st ult. was
followed by a reverse; the left wing of the Austrian army being
defeated. The Arch-duke was in consequence obliged to retreat
towards Vienna, and the Arch-duke John, who had advanced as
far as Verona, was under the necessity of falling back first to
Cornegliano, and afterwards to Villach. The French under
General Miolis, taking advantage of this movement, passed the
Lizonzo on the 13th with the intention of taking possession of
Trieste, which occasioned a general panic in that city, and induced
many of the merchants and inhabitants to fly with their property
on board of such vessels as they could procure in the port.</p>

<p>“The capture made by H.M.S. under my command, assisted
by two companies of Croatian troops, on the 10th instant, off the
Island of Lussin, (a detail of which I have the honour to enclose
for your Lordship’s information) has become of much importance
in affording them a safe harbour.</p>

<p>“The Spartan and Amphion arrived off Trieste on the 16th,
and found the heights of Optehina occupied by the enemy. The
Austrian flotilla consisting of two brigs, and nine gun boats under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[369]</a></span>
sail in the bay, and a number of vessels of every description in a
state of utmost distress and confusion from the precipitate departure.</p>

<p>“The Russian squadron was at the same time ready for sea.
The Imperial vessels anchored on the 17th in the bay of Peran
in order to complete their equipment. The French marched into
Trieste on the same day. On the 18th the Spartan and Amphion
anchored in Peran. I had dispatched the Imperial brig to recall
the Thames, which arrived on the 19th. The Imperial convoy
sailed on the 20th for Lussin, and on the 21st His Majesty’s ships
left the bay.</p>

<p>“Under the idea that a junction might be formed between
the Russian squadron, and that of the French in Ancona, it was
my intention to have endeavoured to burn the latter with rockets,
and accordingly directed our course towards the latter place,
but calms prevented our getting further than Rimini before last
night, when anxious lest H. M. ships might be wanted on the
coast of Dalmatia, and the wind coming to the southward, I
pushed for the place where we have just arrived, the convoy
having anchored only a few hours before us.</p>

<p>“The latest accounts we can procure are as follow, that the
French still occupy Trieste, and that they are hourly expected at
Fiume, which the Austrian troops and gun vessels have quitted and
gone to Segna: that General Meydick is still successful in Dalmatia,
and that General Marmont is shut up in Zara, from whence it is
probable he will, (if not relieved by the army from Istria,)
endeavour to make his escape. Colonel Meydick commanding
the Imperial flotilla at Segna, is very urgent for the co-operation
of the British frigates.</p>

<p>“The vessels which have taken refuge in Lussin, as well as the
island itself, are in great distress from the want of provisions, &amp;c.
and from the state in which we left them, the batteries are very
defenceless.</p>

<p>“Having seriously considered all these circumstances, and the
effect which might at such a moment be produced upon the mind
of the inhabitants by that force being weakened, which they are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[370]</a></span>
so accustomed to look up to for protection; I trust I shall only
anticipate your Lordship’s wishes by remaining on the coast,
until the senior officer off Corfu can be informed of the situation
of affairs.</p>

<p>“I wrote to Captain Brisbane on the subject, on the 19th, by
an Austrian brig, but am informed that she has only sailed for
Corfu this morning. I shall therefore dispatch the Redwing with
this, and with the Amphion and Thames use our utmost efforts in
assisting the Austrian army in fortifying the island, and facilitating
(if necessary) the evacuation of Fiume and Segna.</p>

<p>“Several reports corresponding in general with each other,
particularly as to dates, have lately reached us of a battle having
taken place near Schoenbrun, and that the Imperialists had beaten
the French, but little confidence is placed in them. The pass of
Prevalt is however believed to be still in possession of General
Giulai with 15,000 Croatians, which accounts for the French
not having advanced more rapidly in that quarter.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To Vice-Admiral Lord Collingwood.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>On the 28th May, while off Lussin with the Spartan
and Amphion, Captain Brenton fell in with a squadron
of line of battle ships under Captain Hargood, consisting
of the Northumberland, Excellent, and Montagu;
and no sooner had the Commander received Captain
Brenton’s report of the state of Trieste, than he decided
upon making an immediate attack upon the Russian
squadron in that port, and made all sail for it, sending
the Spartan and Amphion a-head. The squadron got
into the bay at day-light on the 29th, and had the
wind continued, would undoubtedly have succeeded in
their object without much loss; but the line of battle
ships were first becalmed on the south shore, and afterwards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[371]</a></span>
involved in one of those extraordinary currents so
common in the Adriatic, that although apparently having
sufficient way for steerage, yet with every sail full,
neither helm or sails had any power over the ships,
which were to use the common phrase among seamen,
completely in irons; whilst at the same time, the Spartan
and Amphion, not a league to the northward, were perfectly
free.</p>

<p>This most mortifying detention continued until five
o’clock in the evening, when the sea breeze set in, and
the influence of the current was no longer felt; but the
Russians and the French had made good use of their
time. They had from four o’clock in the morning a
conviction that an attack was intended; and the Russian
ships were hauled close into shore, and moored head
and stern with their broadsides commanding the entrance
of the harbour. Their inside guns were landed,
and batteries made with them all along the Eastern,
and Northern shores of the bay, manned with French
troops; they had also forges for heating shot, and every
preparation for a vigorous defence, which fourteen hours
could give them, assisted as they were by several thousands
of French troops. These preparations passed
under the immediate notice of Captain Brenton and
Captain Hoste, who were together the whole day, and
could see all the operations of the enemy through their
spy-glasses, frequently going together on board the
Commodore to make their report during the day. Both
agreed that in the early part of the day, success to the
British Squadron might be considered as certain; but
they were also both of opinion that as the day declined,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[372]</a></span>
the prospect was clouded over; and long before six
o’clock they had expressed their conviction to the Commodore
that an attack would be hopeless. At this hour
when the sea breeze set in, the Commodore taking Captain
Brenton into his cabin, requested he would give a
decided official opinion as to the expediency of making
an attempt upon the Russian ships. To which Captain
Brenton answered, “Were I in your place commanding
this squadron, I certainly would not make the attempt;
the enemy are now too strong, and the hazard to the
British squadron would be too great.” The Commodore
requested the first Lieutenant might be sent for to
hear this opinion, when Captain Brenton said, “If you
will turn the hands up on the quarter deck, I will repeat
what I have said, before the whole ship’s company.”
This was deemed conclusive, and the signal
was made immediately for the squadron to haul their
wind. Some dissatisfaction was manifested at this decision,
and expressed to the great annoyance of the Commodore;
but a moment’s consideration would have convinced
the most ardent and intrepid officer in the navy,
that not only all chance of success was out of the question,
but that the retreat of the British Squadron from
the port would have been very doubtful, if possible. The
sea breeze had set in fresh at six o’clock, and would, in
all probability, have lasted till midnight. Under such
circumstances how was a crippled ship to have made
her retreat? and what must have been the situation of
the squadron, exposed to the fire of three line of battle
ships, converted into floating batteries, their guns from
the side next the shore all landed and become heavy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[373]</a></span>
batteries, manned with French troops, and at least 5000
of these occupying Trieste? Captain Brenton and
Captain Hoste never ceased to congratulate themselves
as having been the means of saving the squadron
from the most severe loss, if not from destruction.</p>

<p>The Squadron now proceeded to the coast of Romagna,
and another attack was made upon the town
of Pesaro. Captains Brenton and Hoste landed in the
command of the Marines, but troops arriving from all
parts, the Commodore found it expedient to call off the
attacking party. (Note in the Life of Sir Wm. Hoste,
Vol. 1. p. 341.)</p>

<p>On the 5th of June the Spartan was ordered to proceed
to Malta to refit, and complete her stores and provisions,
and from thence to go to Messina, and form a
part of Rear Admiral Martin’s squadron for the defence
of Sicily. In the latter end of June she left Malta;
proceeded to Messina, and was from thence ordered off
Naples to join the Squadron employed under Rear Admiral
Martin, in co-operating with the British forces
under Major General Stuart, which had taken possession
of the Islands of Ischia and Procida.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton shortly after received the following
letter from Lord Collingwood, dated,—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Ville de Paris, off Toulon</span>, 30th <span class="smcap">July</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have received your letter of the 26th May, stating
to me your reasons for remaining in the Adriatic, after the
receipt of my order of the 18th of April, and detailing your proceedings.
Under the circumstances you have represented, I fully
approve of your having continued in that sea, until Captain Harwood<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[374]</a></span>
joined, and I feel much satisfaction, Sir, in this opportunity
of signifying the high sense I entertain of your judicious measures,
and active services, both in aid of the Austrians, and for the annoyance
of the enemy, while you were in the Adriatic sea; but
there were more ships in that quarter, than the state of the fleet
would admit of, which obliged me to recall the Spartan.</p>

<p class="center">“I am, Sir, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“COLLINGWOOD.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Captain Brenton</span>, <span class="smcap">H.M.S. Spartan</span>.”</p>

</div>

<p>Captain Brenton’s mind was completely set at rest
by this letter, which not only conveyed approbation of
the responsibility he had incurred, but expressed high
commendation for his conduct, and even as it were
apologized for recalling him from the Adriatic, which to
those who know Lord Collingwood, will appear as a
very strong testimony of his approval. This testimony
was subsequently confirmed by the following letter.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Ville de Paris, at Sea</span>, 5th <span class="smcap">Nov.</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“Having transmitted to the Secretary of the Admiralty
your letter describing the particulars of the attack made
on the fort, and defences of the Island of Lussin, and of the surrounding
Islands, I am commanded by their Lordships to convey
their sentiments of admiration at the intrepidity, zeal, and judgment
so eminently displayed on that occasion, and I beg you will
please to communicate the same to the officers, seamen, and marines,
employed under your orders on that service.</p>

<p class="center">“I am, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“COLLINGWOOD.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Captain Brenton, H.M.S. Spartan.</span>”</p>

</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[375]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>RETURN TO MALTA TO REFIT.—SUDDEN OFFER OF JOINING THE EXPEDITION
AGAINST THE IONIAN ISLANDS AS SUDDENLY ACCEPTED.—CAPTURE OF
ZANTE, CEPHALONIA, AND CERIGO.—APPROBATION OF LORD COLLINGWOOD.—CRUIZE
ON THE COAST OF ITALY.—ACTION OFF NAPLES, VICTORY, AND
SEVERE WOUND; CARRIED TO PALERMO AND MALTA.—LETTERS ON THE
SUBJECT, AND EXTRACT FROM HIS PERSONAL MEMORANDA.—SAILS FOR
ENGLAND.</p>

</div>


<p>After the evacuation of these Islands, the Spartan was
sent to convey the Sicilian troops to Palermo, and from
thence was ordered to Messina. It was at this time that
her Captain first heard, in a conversation with the
Commander of the Forces, Sir John Stuart, and Captain
Spranger, the senior Captain of that Port, of an intended
attack upon the Ionian Islands, when Captain
Spranger mentioned that the Spartan was to be one of
the squadron for that expedition. The ship however
having been ordered subsequently to Malta to refit,
was sent from thence to Palermo; but having met
with bad weather off Pantellaria, and received much
injury in the foremast, they were under the necessity
of bearing up again for Malta, and the ship
was hauled under the shear for the purpose of
having the mast taken out. Whilst undergoing this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[376]</a></span>
repair in the latter end of September, Captain Brenton
was dining with Sir Alexander Ball, the Port Admiral
at Sant Antonio, and after dinner Sir Alexander took
him aside, and communicated to him a letter which he
had just received from Captain Spranger at Messina,
informing him that the expedition against the Ionian
Islands was on the point of sailing, but no mention
was made of the Spartan, as that ship was considered
as detached, or on other service. Captain Brenton
repeated to Sir Alexander the conversation above
alluded to with Captain Spranger respecting the expedition;
and requested, as the service upon which he
had been recently employed, was not of very great importance,
that he might be dispatched to Zante, the first
Island to be attacked, where he might yet be in time.
Sir Alexander expressed his apprehension that from the
state in which the Spartan then was, she could not be
ready for some days, and that it would be consequently
too late. Captain Brenton urged that he might be permitted
to make the trial; and having received the sanction
of his kind friend, immediately set off for Valletta.
By the time he could get on board the ship at the dock
yard it was nearly nine o’clock, and the people were all
in their hammocks; but the hands were at once turned
up, and no sooner was the cause known, than all was
joy and alacrity. The foremast had been got in that
evening, but the rigging was on shore. The keys of the
dock-yard, with the attendance of the officers was forthwith
procured; the spars for making the topsail yards
were got upon the quarter-deck, and the carpenters of
the ship employed in making them. Before daylight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[377]</a></span>
great progress was made in rigging the ship. The artificers
of the dock-yard now came on board, and caulking
and other repairs went on rapidly. By five o’clock
in the evening the ship began to warp down to the entrance
of the harbour, and as no powder could be received
on board while in the dockyard, the launch was
sent to receive it at the magazine; and to wait in Bizzy
Bay for the ship. At six o’clock the artificers were put
into their boats, leaving much of their work undone, and
even the caulking stages hanging over the side. The
ship made sail with a fair wind out of the harbour, and
picking up the launch, ran clear of the port, when the
powder was taken on board, the boats hoisted in, and
all sail made for Zante, where they arrived on the
morning of the 8th, but no ships were seen there. Captain
Brenton immediately proceeded to make his observations
as to the batteries and landing, with whatever
other remarks which might be useful in making the attack;
and having passed the day in this service, the
next morning when running round the N.E. end of the
Island, he had the pleasure of seeing the Warrior, Belle
Poule, Philomel, and transports. He was on board the
Warrior at seven, to the great surprize of Captain
Spranger, who was much gratified by the information
Captain Brenton had brought him, and on which the
General (Oswald) and the Commander immediately
began to form the plan of attack. The troops landed
the following morning under cover of the Spartan and
Belle Poule’s guns, and after a very little resistance a
flag of truce was hung out from the fortress, and in the
course of the evening the Island surrendered.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[378]</a></span></p>

<p>On the 10th the Commodore proceeded next to attack
Cephalonia, the Commandant of which surrendered
without resistance, on the squadron entering the bay;
and as soon as it was taken possession of, Captain Spranger
detached Captain Brenton in the Spartan, with two
companies of the 35th regiment to attack Cerigo; permitting
him to call on his way off Zante, and to take
one of the prizes captured there with the Island, a beautiful
brigantine, which he was to man from the Spartan,
and with a portion of the 35th to accompany him in attacking
Cerigo. The Spartan arrived off Cerigo, and as
Captain Spranger’s orders were positive as to running
no risk of losing men, in the event of the enemy being
found in force, and as a large body of troops were seen
in the castle of Capsali, a very strong fortress, and a
detachment at the port in the Bay of Capsali; some
doubt was entertained by Captain Brenton and Major
Clarke commanding the detachment of the 35th, as to
the propriety of making the attack. Captain Brenton
quoted Lord Nelson’s sentiments upon such a case.
“Whenever there is a doubt,” said the hero, “always
fight; the public will bear you out, whatever may be
the consequences;” and this at once decided the question.—The
following letter gives the particulars of the
result of this conclusion.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off the Island of Cerigo</span>,<br />
13th <span class="smcap">October</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“In my last from Zante I expressed a hope that we
might be able to reduce the Island of Cerigo, without any further
reinforcement; this idea was strengthened by papers found upon
the Governor of the Island, made prisoner at Zante.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[379]</a></span></p>

<p>“Major Clarke and myself decided upon making the first
attack upon the forts and harbour of Arlemmino, in order to
prevent the escape of any vessels which might be there. The
forts are those of San Nicholas and San Joaquim. The first is a
stone building mounting nine guns, the latter an embrasure battery
of four guns. At four p.m. on the 9th, we ran into the bay,
the forts opened upon us, but were both silenced in a few minutes
by the ship and tender, whilst the troops under Major Clarke
landing, made several prisoners; the enemy had one killed and
one wounded upon this occasion; one man of the 35th was
wounded on our side.</p>

<p>“At day-light on the 10th, we weighed with the intention of
immediately attacking the castle of Capsali, in the bay of Cerigo;
but variable winds prevented our getting round.</p>

<p>“At two p.m. the troops and marines were landed in a small
cove in the bay of San Nicholas, and marched forward towards
the castle, one watch of the Spartan following with three field
pieces.</p>

<p>“I landed with the troops that I might be enabled to command
the resources of the ship by signal, without the delay of sending
messages; foreseeing that she could not be brought to act against
the castle, while the wind continued southerly.</p>

<p>“The nature of the country rendered our approach to the castle
extremely difficult, particularly for the guns which did not arrive
till ten o’clock on the 11th instant, at the position which the
troops occupied; a height on a level with the castle and within four
hundred yards of it. A fire commenced on both sides with guns
and musketry, which continued the greater part of the day. In
the evening some rockets were landed from the ship, and in the
course of the night some of them were thrown at the citadel. At
daylight I ordered two twelve pounders to be landed from the
ship, but before they could be got on shore, a flag of truce came
out, with an offer of surrendering, provided the garrison were
allowed to retire to Corfu. This was refused, and after some
deliberation, the Commandant surrendered on the same terms as
were granted to Zante and Cephalonia.</p>

<p>“At ten o’clock our troops took possession of the castle.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[380]</a></span></p>

<p>“It is to the zeal and ability of Major Clarke, and the judicious
arrangements he made of the force under his command, that the
speedy reduction of this strong fort is to be attributed. The
enemy were cut off from any prospect of relief or escape, and
were convinced that our means of offence were hourly increasing.</p>

<p>“I cannot speak too highly of the officers and men of both
services, as well in respect to their cheerful perseverance under
fatigue, as to their gallantry when opposed to the enemy.</p>

<p>“I am happy to say that our loss has been much less than
might have been expected; one bombardier of the Royal Artillery
killed, two privates of the 35th wounded.</p>

<p>“I cannot in justice to Lieutenant Willes, first of the Spartan,
close this letter without saying, that fort San Joaquim of two
eighteen, and two nine pounders, was completely silenced by the
gallant manner in which he attacked it in the tender, with a party
of the 35th Regiment on board.</p>

<p>“The inhabitants of the island received us with demonstrations
of joy. I have sent Lieutenant Willes in the tender with the
dispatches, and I shall remain off this place till I receive your
further directions.</p>

<p>“I enclose for your information the articles of capitulation,
together with a list of artillery, &amp;c. &amp;c. found on the island.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Captain Spranger</span>, &amp;c. &amp;c. <span class="smcap">Warrior.</span>”</p>

<p class="center"><i>Prisoners.</i></p>

<table summary="Prisoners taken">
  <tr>
    <td>Officers</td>
    <td class="tdr">9</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Non-commissioned ditto</td>
    <td class="tdr">6</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Rank and file</td>
    <td class="tdr">89</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="tdr total">104</td>
  </tr>
</table>

<p class="center"><i>Guns taken.</i></p>

<table summary="Guns taken">
  <tr>
    <td>Twenty-four pounders</td>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Eighteen ditto</td>
    <td class="tdr">3</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Fifteen ditto</td>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Fourteen ditto</td>
    <td class="tdr">4</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Nine ditto</td>
    <td class="tdr">21</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Six ditto</td>
    <td class="tdr">4</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Two ditto</td>
    <td class="tdr">2</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>One ditto</td>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Eighteen ditto Carronades</td>
    <td class="tdr">2</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="tdr total">39</td>
  </tr>
</table>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[381]</a></span></p>

<p>It is stated in the official letter respecting the capture
of Cerigo, that the Governor of this Island was
made a prisoner on the taking of Zante, and that papers
containing much useful information had been found upon
him. Amongst others, was the copy of a letter from
him to the Governor of Corfu, stating that some Mainotes
(natives of the Morea) having landed on the Island
of Cerigo, he had endeavoured in vain to drive
them off again, but not succeeding by his arguments—he
added,—“Enfin je me suis avise de leur fair empoisoner
les eaux, et par ce moyen quelques uns de ces
misérables ont péri, et les autres s’enfuirent.” Appalling
as such an acknowledgment may be, and evidently
given to the Governor of Corfu as a happy stratagem,
for which the abominable perpetrator took credit, it
had quite escaped the recollection of Captain Brenton;
and his whole party might have become the victims of
this unheard of system of treachery, but for the advice
of a Greek Priest, who came to the British officers in
the night, whilst on their march to attack the Castle of
Capsali, and recommended that they should immediately
place sentinels on the stream from which they
took their water, and accurately examine it, if possible,
to its source. He then repeated the story of poisoning
the Mainotes, and explained how it had been done. A
vast quantity of arsenic had been put into the body of
a dead hog, and placed in the stream, above the spot
where these people had encamped, and the water filtering
through it became a deadly poison. On taking
possession of the castle, Captain Brenton asked the
Governor’s housekeeper whether the story was true;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[382]</a></span>
her answer was quite in character with the establishment
to which she belonged, “E vero,” said she, “ma
non cattivo.”</p>

<p>After the capture of the Ionian Islands, the squadron
under Captain Spranger with the troops returned to
Sicily, and Captain Brenton was left to cruize off the
Islands, in order to be in readiness to give any assistance
that might be required.</p>

<p>The following are Captain Brenton’s own reflections
at this period of his life.</p>

<p>“After the capture of Cerigo all active service ceased
for the remainder of the year. I had the gratifying
experience of having entirely gained the good opinion
and confidence of the Commander in Chief. You will
not fail, my darling children, to observe, and I hope with
sincere gratitude, the blessings bestowed upon your
father by a kind providence, which made the most untoward
and unpromising circumstances turn out to his
advantage; which preserved his life from the violence
of the enemy, and the danger of the seas; and strengthened
his health under every trial. ‘O! that men
would therefore praise the Lord for his goodness, and
the wonders that he doth to the children of men.’ This
delightful verse ought never to be absent from our
minds, when we contemplate the numerous blessings
we have received.”</p>

<p>While thus employed, he was naturally anxious to
become acquainted with the resources of these Islands,
and to learn the dispositions of the inhabitants towards
their new allies; for in that light only could the English
be considered; as they had, on hauling down the French<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[383]</a></span>
flag, not hoisted their own, but that of the Septinsular
Republic. The following letter to Lord Collingwood,
will give in a condensed form, the substance of the information
he had obtained.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, Harbour of Argostoli, Cephalonia</span>,<br />
17th <span class="smcap">November</span>, 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,</p>

<p>“I beg leave to enclose for your Lordship’s information
a statistical account of this Island which Colonel Lowe<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>
of the Corsican Rangers, Commandant of the Island, has had the
goodness to procure for me, with the addition of his own remarks.
I also enclose a table of the exports as well as the imports of the
years 1793, 1800, and 1808.</p>

<p>“I selected these periods in order to ascertain the comparative
state of commerce under the Venetians, Russians, and French. I
send also a list of the shipping belonging to Cephalonia for this
year. I am under great obligations to Colonel Lowe for obtaining
every part of this information for me.</p>

<p>“The inhabitants seem very solicitous to enter into commercial
speculations, but appear at the same time to be restrained by
timidity, and want of confidence in themselves, from prosecuting
them to any great extent. This I conclude will soon wear off.</p>

<p>“They have applied for permission to navigate under the
British flag, but as that could not be granted, they have requested
to be allowed a convoy to Malta. I have assured them of your
Lordship’s wish to promote as much as possible the prosperity of
the Island, and have directed them to get their vessels in readiness
for any convoy that might offer. Several have already
arrived here from Zante in consequence.</p>

<p>“The Spider has arrived here from Messina with two transports,
and with orders to take back five others to that place,
which are required for the service of the army in Sicily: she will
at the same time escort the prisoners taken at Cerigo. I shall<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[384]</a></span>
direct her commander to give protection to such Septinsular vessels,
as their owners may think proper to send, and having seen
the transports safe into Messina, to convoy the trade to Malta,
to which place he is directed to return by his original orders.</p>

<p>“Should your Lordship think proper to allow this port to be a
rendezvous for the convoy hitherto sent to Patras, it is admirably
situated for the purpose; and by this island becoming a depôt for
British manufactures and colonial produce, it would insure not
only to Cephalonia, but to Zante also, abundant supplies of corn
and cattle by the vessels coming from the Morea, and the Islands
of the Archipelago. The want of corn begins to be already felt,
so much so that speculations are talked of, for procuring it even
from Malta.</p>

<p>“From what I can judge of the island, by the little I have had
an opportunity of seeing, it appears to me, that by industry and
confidence, its produce in most instances would be greatly augmented
in a very short time. The soil is excellent, and scarcely
a tenth part of the island is cultivated.</p>

<p>“I went a few miles inland with Colonel Lowe, in order to
examine the nature of the forest, but was prevented by the
weather from effecting my intentions. From all I can learn,
many valuable spars may be procured here, and some timber at a
cheap rate. The woods are all in the hands of the government,
which would gladly enter into a contract to bring the timber to
the water side. Colonel Lowe is endeavouring to procure an
exact description of the trees, and the price they would probably
fetch when ready for embarkation, which I shall forward to your
Lordship by the earliest conveyance. I enclose also a survey of
this harbour taken by Mr. Glen, the master of the Warrior.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Vice Admiral Lord Collingwood.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>Captain Brenton soon after received the following
gratifying letter from the Commander in chief upon the
subject of the attack upon Cerigo.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[385]</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Ville de Paris, at Sea</span>, 1st <span class="smcap">Nov.</span> 1809.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have received from Rear Admiral Martin your
letter of the 13th ult. with its enclosures directed to Captain
Spranger of the Warrior, detailing your proceedings in the Spartan
with a detachment of troops in the reduction of the island of
Cerigo.</p>

<p>“It affords me great satisfaction in having again to express my
warmest approbation of that zeal and ability, which have so
eminently distinguished your services, particularly within the
last six months, to the great annoyance of the enemy. And the
speedy reduction of so strong a fort as Cerigo, with so small
a loss, bespeaks that judicious management which commands
success.</p>

<p>“Your report of the gallantry and good conduct of Lieutenant
Willes is highly creditable to that officer, and I have not failed to
point out his merits in this and former cases to the Lords of the
Admiralty.</p>

<p class="center">“I am, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“COLLINGWOOD.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To Captain Brenton, H.M.S. Spartan.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>This letter was followed by another in the month of
January, 1810.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Ville de Paris, at Sea</span>, 16th <span class="smcap">Jan.</span> 1810.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“Having communicated to the Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty your proceedings at Cerigo when that island
was reduced, I have great pleasure in informing you, Sir, that
their Lordships have been pleased to express their great satisfaction
at the ability with which you conducted that service, and the
spirit with which it was executed by the officers and ship’s company
of the Spartan.</p>

<p class="center">“I am, Sir, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“COLLINGWOOD.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Captain Brenton, Spartan.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[386]</a></span></p>

<p>Early in December the Spartan was ordered to
proceed to Malta and refit, and in the beginning of
January she sailed for Messina, and resumed her
station under the command of Rear Admiral Martin,
by whom Captain Brenton was sent off to Naples, in
order to watch the movements of Murat, and his army
intended for the invasion of Sicily. During the month
of March he remained by the Rear Admiral’s directions
in the port of Messina, to direct the movements
of the frigates and small vessels under the Rear Admiral’s
command, and to render all the assistance in
his power to the British army charged with the defence
of Sicily. Early in April he sailed for Naples, and
continued cruising between that place, and the Island
of Sicily, but without any material circumstance occurring
until the 25th; when on that morning, being off
Terracina with the Success and Espoir in company,
several vessels were observed coming along shore, to
which the British squadron immediately gave chase.
The enemy ran for Terracina, and anchored in a small
bay near the town, defended by two batteries, the
following is Captain Brenton’s official letter to Rear
Admiral Martin.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, Gulf of Gaeta</span>, 25th <span class="smcap">April</span>, 1810.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“This morning, at nine a.m. we observed several
sail of merchant vessels between Monte Circello and Terracina,
and immediately gave chase to them in company with the Success
and Espoir. The enemy reached Terracina, and anchored in a
small bay within pistol shot of the town, under the protection of
two batteries and a number of troops which occupied an extensive<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[387]</a></span>
range of buildings. The crews of the vessels, one of which had
guns, remaining on board for the purpose of defending them; the
vessels were moored to the shore. I made the signal to prepare
for anchoring, directing the Espoir to stand in and sound. She
found twelve fathoms within half a mile of the batteries, a position
which the Spartan and Success immediately occupied, and opened
their fire upon the batteries; the armed boats of the two frigates
covered by the Espoir then pushed in, boarded the ships (as per
margin) and brought them out under an incessant fire of musketry
from the store houses; the batteries being nearly silenced
by the ships and sloop. Four or five small vessels had taken
refuge under the town, but were hauled so near the shore, that I
would not run the risk of exposing the people to a destructive
fire, for an object of no importance, and made the signal to
weigh.</p>

<p>“The firing began at thirty-six minutes past twelve, and continued
till twenty minutes past one. I am happy to say we had
a very small loss. I feel much indebted to Captain Ayscough of
the Success, for the assistance received from him, and particularly
to Captain Milford of the Espoir. From the light draught of
water of the brig, I directed her to cover the boats, which was
done in a most gallant and judicious manner, running close in
shore and annoying the enemy with grape.</p>

<p>“The armed boats were under the command of Lieutenant
Baumgardt, second of the Spartan, and the manner in which he
led them to the attack was such, as to gain the admiration of all
who witnessed it. He speaks in high terms of Lieutenant Sartorious,
commanding the boats of the Success. Lieutenant Willes,
first of the Spartan, of whose gallant conduct, I have had such
frequent occasion to speak, was prevented by illness from taking
this service upon himself as usual, but gave every possible assistance
on board.</p>

<p>“Captain George Hoste of the Royal Engineers, accompanied
me on this cruize, for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy’s
batteries on the coast; his exertions were extremely useful in
supplying the place of the absent officers at the guns.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[388]</a></span></p>

<p>“I never witnessed more zeal and good conduct than was
displayed by all classes upon this occasion.</p>

<p class="center">LIST OF VESSELS TAKEN.</p>

<table summary="List of vessels taken, and their cargo and the weight of the cargo">
  <tr>
    <td>1</td>
    <td>Santa Rosalia</td>
    <td>ship</td>
    <td>six guns</td>
    <td>wine, lead and ore</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>2</td>
    <td>Name unknown</td>
    <td>barque</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>lead ore</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>3</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>lead ore</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>4</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td class="center">”</td>
    <td>lead ore</td>
  </tr>
</table>

<p class="center">“I have the honour to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Rear Admiral Martin</span>, &amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.”</p>

</div>

<p>The little squadron continued cruizing off the bay of
Naples until the 30th of April, when the Espoir was
detached with the usual report of the enemy’s vessels
to the Rear Admiral.</p>

<p>In the midst of this trying, stirring, anxious life, it
may be well to introduce an extract from a letter
written home at this period, which shews that the
energy and firmness of professional character were not
incompatible with those softer feelings which form the
happiness of domestic life; but that one principle
suggested and supplied the elements of each.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off Trepani</span>, 12th <span class="smcap">April</span>, 1810.</p>

<p>“Four years from this time, if my memory is correct,
we had just taken up our residence at that earthly paradise, the
Petits Capucins; and how little did we then think, that in
the course of such a period as has elapsed, so many events would
have occurred; that I should have had my liberty, and have
passed three years on a foreign station.</p>

<p>“I know not what at this moment gave rise to these reflections;
but this I know, that the retrospect excites gratitude, and that I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[389]</a></span>
feel the fullest confidence for the future. From the same causes,
perhaps at the end of the next four years, we may all be assembled,
and offering up together our thanks for the innumerable
blessings we have received. —— will perhaps say I am
psalm-singing again; but be it so; I take peculiar pleasure in
recurring to the past, and often think there are very few who
have had so much prosperity with so little ground to hope for it.</p>

<p>“Many have been more fortunate, but multitudes less so; and
as to my captivity; I would not part with the remembrance of it
for five thousand pounds. It was the happiest part of my life,
and is always present to my recollection. The test of real happiness
is to be sensible of it at the time; and that I recollect was
my case, particularly when walking in the little avenue above the
alcove. A fine moonlight evening, and having nothing to do,
have turned my thoughts that way, and I felt inclined to put them
on paper for your benefit.”</p>

</div>

<p>On the 1st of May, the Spartan and Success having
been a little to the northward of Ischia, Captain
Brenton on re-entering the bay of Naples in the afternoon
of that day, was not a little surprised to find the
enemy’s squadron so far out in the bay, as to give him
a very reasonable prospect of bringing them to action,
before they could regain the mole; and every sail was
instantly set, and every effort made by both ships for
this purpose; but the unsteadiness of the wind favoured
them, and they were under shelter of the guns of Naples,
before the two frigates could get within gun shot.
This was felt by every one as a severe disappointment,
and particularly by Captain Brenton, to whom this
appeared as a golden opportunity snatched from him.
The two frigates remained in the bay all the following
day, the weather being squally, and the wind all round<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[390]</a></span>
the compass. Captain Brenton having given up all
hopes that the enemy would venture out, as long as the
Success was in company, made the signal for her
Captain, and gave him orders to proceed ten leagues
S.W. of the Island of Capri, thinking it probable that
if only one frigate were in sight of the signal posts in
the morning, the enemy would not hesitate with
their superior force, consisting of a frigate of forty
guns, a corvette of twenty-eight, a cutter of ten, and
eight heavy gun boats, to attack her; especially should
she be near their own batteries, under which they
might retreat in case of being crippled.</p>

<p>In this he was not disappointed, for at six o’clock in
the morning the whole squadron was seen coming out
of the mole, and steering directly for the Spartan. The
following is the official account of this, the last action
in which Captain Brenton was engaged; as the wound
received upon this occasion prevented his serving afloat
for any length of time.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Spartan, off the Bay of Naples</span>, 3rd <span class="smcap">May</span>, 1810.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“On the 1st instant, His Majesty’s ships Spartan
and Success chased the French squadron, consisting of one
frigate of forty-two guns and three hundred and fifty men, one
corvette of twenty-eight guns and two hundred and sixty men,
one brig of eight guns and ninety-eight men, one cutter of ten
guns and eighty men. They succeeded in getting into the mole
of Naples, favoured by light and partial breezes.</p>

<p>“As I was sensible they would never leave that place of refuge,
while two British frigates were in the bay, I directed Captain
Ayscough to remain in the Success on my rendezvous, from five<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[391]</a></span>
to ten leagues S.W. of the island of Capri, continuing with the
Spartan in the bay of Naples.</p>

<p>“At day-light this morning we had the pleasure of seeing the
enemy’s squadron as before mentioned, reinforced by eight gun
boats, standing towards us in close line. The action began at
fifty-six minutes after seven, exchanging broadsides when within
pistol shot, passing along their line, and cutting off the cutter and
gun boats. The enemy were under the necessity of wearing to
renew their junction with them; but were prevented by the
Spartan taking her station on their weather beam. A close and
obstinate contest ensued; light and variable winds led us near
the batteries of Baia, the enemy’s frigate making all sail, to take
advantage of their shelter. The crippled state of the Spartan not
allowing her to follow, we bore up raking the frigate and corvette
as we passed them, and succeeded in cutting off the brig. The
corvette having lost her foretopmast effected her escape with the
assistance of the gun boats. The latter had during the action
galled us excessively, by laying on our quarter, and the severity
of our loss, ten killed and twenty wounded, may in some measure
be attributed to this circumstance.</p>

<p>“I was wounded myself about the middle of the action, which
lasted two hours, but my place was most ably supplied by Mr.
Willes, the first Lieutenant, whose merit becomes more brilliant
by every opportunity he has of shewing it. He is without exception
one of the best and most gallant officers I ever met with.
To Lieutenants Baumgardt and Bourne I feel equally indebted
for their exemplary conduct and gallantry.</p>

<p>“Captain Hoste, of the Royal Engineers, had been sent with
me for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy’s position on the
coast. Upon this occasion I requested him to take the command
of the quarter deck guns, foreseeing that the whole attention of
the first Lieutenant and myself would be required in manœuvering
the ship, during the variety of service we were likely to expect.
His conduct was truly worthy of the relationship he bears to my
distinguished friend Captain Hoste of the Amphion.</p>

<p>“The intrepidity and zeal of Mr. Slenner, the master, was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[392]</a></span>
very conspicuous; nor must I forget Mr. Dunn, the purser, who
took charge of a division of guns on the main deck in place of
their officer, absent in a prize with eighteen men, (which reduced
our number to two hundred and fifty eight at the commencement
of the action) he displayed the greatest gallantry.
Much praise is also due to Lieutenants Fegan and Fotterell, of
the Royal Marines, whose conduct was truly deserving of admiration.</p>

<p>“The Warrant, petty officers, and ship’s company evinced a
degree of enthusiasm that assured me of success at the earliest
period of the action.</p>

<p>“To the light and fluctuating winds, to the enemy’s being so
near their own shores which are lined with batteries, they are
indebted for the safety of their whole squadron, which at a greater
distance from the shore, I do not hesitate to say, must have fallen
into our hands.</p>

<p>“Among the killed we have to regret the loss of Mr. Robson,
the master’s mate, a young man of great promise.</p>

<p>“I enclose a list of killed and wounded, with the damage we
have otherwise sustained.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Rear Admiral Martin.</span>”</p>

<p class="center">LIST OF THE ENEMY’S SHIPS, &amp;c. ENGAGED.</p>

<table summary="LIST OF THE ENEMY’S SHIPS, &amp;c. ENGAGED.">
  <tr>
    <td class="nw">Ceres, frigate</td>
    <td class="tdr">42</td>
    <td>guns</td>
    <td class="tdr">350</td>
    <td>men, severely crippled, escaped under the batteries</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="nw">Fama, corvette</td>
    <td class="tdr">28</td>
    <td>guns</td>
    <td class="tdr">260</td>
    <td>men, lost her foretopmast, do. do.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="nw">Sparviere, brig</td>
    <td class="tdr">8</td>
    <td>guns</td>
    <td class="tdr">98</td>
    <td>men taken</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="nw">Hannibal, cutter</td>
    <td class="tdr">10</td>
    <td>guns</td>
    <td class="tdr">80</td>
    <td>men, escaped</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="nw">Eight gun boats</td>
    <td class="tdr">1</td>
    <td>twenty-four pounder each</td>
    <td class="tdr">40</td>
    <td>men each, escaped.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Total,</td>
    <td class="tdr">96</td>
    <td>guns, and</td>
    <td class="tdr">1108</td>
    <td>men.</td>
  </tr>
</table>

<p class="right">“J. B.”</p>

</div>

<p>In addition to these, it was afterwards known that
Murat had in the morning embarked four hundred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[393]</a></span>
Swiss troops in the different vessels, in order to make
sure of carrying the Spartan by boarding. They were
dressed in red like English marines, and extended the
whole length of the vessels in which they were embarked,
with their muskets; a dreadful carnage must
have been made amongst them.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton was wounded whilst standing on
the capstan, the only place from whence he could see
his numerous opponents. It was by a grape shot
striking him on the left hip bone. As he did not at
first feel the blow to be very severe, he concluded it to
have been given by some of the ropes, which were
falling in great numbers from aloft, as cut away by the
shot. He jumped from the capstan, and came down on
his right leg, but the left could not support him, and he
fell; and then blood was seen to issue from his back.
He instantly thought of Lord Nelson’s wound in the
spine, and concluded from the little pain experienced,
that his must have been the same. He was carried
below, and on cutting out the shot, the surgeon discovered
that the wound was not mortal.</p>

<p>When the action was over, the brig that had been
captured was taken in tow, and proved to be Murat’s
royal yacht, sent out for the purpose of strengthening
the squadron. On the sea breeze setting in, Mr.
Willes, the first Lieutenant, who had also been
wounded, paraded the prize before the mole of Naples,
and then made sail out of the bay. On the following
morning the Success and Espoir joined, and their
surgeons were found most welcome assistants to the
surgeon of the Spartan, who had none of his own.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[394]</a></span>
His conduct indeed was most meritorious, and for the
first week he was continually, night and day, passing
from the sick bay to the Captain’s cabin, hardly known
to take either rest or food.</p>

<p>The Spartan proceeded to Palermo, on her way to
Malta; and the prize under Lieutenant Baumgardt was
sent to Messina, in order to take Captain Hoste to
head quarters, and from thence to proceed to Malta.</p>

<p>On the arrival of the Spartan at Palermo, an extraordinary
order had been given that all vessels, from
whatever place, should be put under quarantine, until
liberated by order of the prime minister. This was the
first instance since the Spartan had been upon the
station. No sooner was the Admiral informed of the
circumstance, than he sent off an express to the court,
then at some distance in the country.</p>

<p>In the mean time Lord Amherst, the British Ambassador,
embarked with the Admiral in his barge, and
came off to the Spartan; and as they were prevented
by the quarantine laws from coming on board, they
both mounted the stern ladders as high as the cabin
windows, where Captain Brenton having ordered his
cot to be hung near them, had an opportunity of conversing
with his kind friends. Such an instance as an
Ambassador and an Admiral suspended on two rope
ladders, hanging over the stern of a ship, was probably
never seen before, nor is it likely to recur. It is only
mentioned here, to shew their kind solicitude to afford
comfort to their suffering countrymen, for this was
their object; and as soon as they knew what means
were the most likely to supply this, they returned on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[395]</a></span>
shore, and boats were sent off, not only with fresh
meat, fruit, and vegetables, but with every delicacy
from the Ambassador’s splendid table, for the use of
the wounded. No pratique having been obtained that
evening, Captain Brenton directed the first Lieutenant
to weigh before day-light the following morning, and
on the 10th they reached Malta, and were received in
the most enthusiastic manner by all classes of persons,
who seemed to vie with each other in testifying every
possible act of kindness.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton was immediately taken on shore,
to the house of his kind friend, Dr. Allen, the surgeon
of the naval hospital, from whom, and his amiable
family, he received the most unwearied attention. But
as the situation of Dr. Allen’s house had not the advantage
of air and space which the Admiralty house
possessed, the Commander in chief of the forces, Sir
Hildebrand Oakes, in whose charge the house then
was, requested Captain Brenton might be carried
thither, and here he remained whilst his ship was refitting,
with every possible advantage that the island or
climate could offer. The wounded of the ship having
of course been sent to the naval hospital; Mr. Williamson,
the surgeon of the Spartan, most kindly and
most affectionately devoted himself to his Captain,
whom he seldom quitted but to procure accounts from
his wounded shipmates, or to obtain for him some
luxury which he thought might be acceptable. Of
these there was no want, for the General, and indeed
almost all the principal families were continually sending<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[396]</a></span>
whatever they thought might afford nutriment in
the feeble state of the patient.</p>

<p>Soon after his arrival at Malta, Captain Brenton
received the following letter from his excellent friend
the Rear Admiral.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Canopus, Palermo</span>, 10th <span class="smcap">May</span>, 1810.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have great pleasure in sending to you the order
of St. Ferdinand and of Merit, which I have this day received
from His Majesty the King of the two Sicilies for that purpose,
together with a copy of the letter that accompanied it.</p>

<p>“You are already, Sir, so fully acquainted with my sentiments,
both public and private as far as relate to you, that I have only
to say, that I hope you will soon be in a situation to serve your
country with the same zeal, gallantry and judgment, which have
marked your conduct.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“GEORGE MARTIN,<br />
“<span class="smcap">Rear Admiral</span>.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Captain Brenton, H.M.S. Spartan</span>.”</p>

<p>Copy of a letter from Marquis Circello, inclosed in the above to
Admiral Martin.</p>

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Palermo</span>, 10th <span class="smcap">Mai</span>, 1810.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Monsieur L’Amiral</span>,</p>

<p>“Le Roi mon auguste maître vous a exprimé de
vive voix, ses sensible regrets sur la situation du brave Capitaine
Brenton, qui dans une des actions les plus glorieuses á la marine
de la Grande Bretagne a été si dangereusement blesse. Mais sa
Majesté toujours occupé de ce brave homme m’ordonne de vous
parler encore, et de vous dire combien elle est affectée de la
circonstance, et d’attribuer a’ une ordre générale existante et à l’absence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[397]</a></span>
de sa Majesté de Palermo, qui a retardé l’ordre d’admettre
sans délai á la pratique la frégate le Spartan. Que sa
Majesté aime a se flatter, que le Capitaine Brenton guérira de sa
blessure; qu’un tel héros sera conservé a’ la marine anglaise, et a’
la bonne cause; et que sa Majesté aura la satisfaction de le voir
décoré de la croix de Commandeur de son Ordre de Mérité,
que J’ai l’honneur de vous envoyer jointe a cette lettre, avec
prière de la faire passer a ce brave Capitaine avec la plus grande
promptitude; vu qu’il tarde a sa Majesté qu’il reçoive ce témoignage
des sentimens, que lui inspire son incomparable conduite;
et que le publique y voit l’empressement de sa Majesté a reconnoitre
le mérité des brave officiers de son auguste et fidèle allié,
qui exposent si courageusement leurs vies pour les intérêts communs,
autant que pour ceux que sont personnels à sa Majesté.</p>

<p>“Le Roi ne doute pas, qu’en envoyant l’ordre au Capitaine
Brenton, vous lui donnerez connaissance de cette lettre. Ainsi il
ne me reste Mons. L’Amiral, que de vous réitérer l’assurance de
la haute considération avec laquelle J’ai l’honneur d’être.</p>

<p class="center">“MONS. L’AMIRAL, &amp;c. &amp;c. &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Marquis de Circello.</span>”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">A son Excellence L’Amiral Martin</span>.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Rear Admiral had, indeed, as he observes in his
letter, most fully expressed his sentiments, public and
private, as far as related to Captain Brenton, in his
interview with him at the cabin windows of the Spartan,
and they were of the most flattering, the most
gratifying, and the most affectionate description. He
said upon that occasion, “My dear Brenton, this is a
bad climate for wounds, I am anxious you should be at
home. If you wish it, I will take the responsibility
upon myself, and order the Spartan to England. I am
sure the Commander in chief will approve of my doing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[398]</a></span>
so. A frigate will be required to take Mr. Arbuthnot,
our minister, from Constantinople to England, and I
will appoint the Spartan for that purpose. He may be
expected at Malta every day.” This Captain Brenton
joyfully accepted, as he felt that a long time must
elapse before he could again be fit for active service;
and his only wish now was to be restored as soon as
possible to his family, where he knew happiness awaited
him, if any where in this world.</p>

<p>His friend, for well he might call him so, Lord
Collingwood, was now no more, having sunk under the
disease, against which he had long struggled. For the
last year of his life his feeling and his regard for
Captain Brenton had become very warm, as may be
seen by his official letters; and he undoubtedly left a
strong recommendation of him to his successor, as one
of the first acts of Sir Charles Cotton was to appoint
Captain Brenton to the command of the squadron in
the Adriatic, a situation which had long been the
object of his wishes. It now however came when he
could no longer avail himself of it. It reached him the
day after he was wounded.</p>

<p>The last letter he received from Lord Collingwood
was one so peculiarly his own, and so comprehensive
in a short space, that it may not be amiss to insert it.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Ville de Paris</span>, <span class="smcap">January</span> 30th, 1810.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have received your letter of November, and am
very much obliged to you for the statistical account of Cephalonia,
and other returns shewing the strength and ability of that Island,
and the plans of the excellent ports in it.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[399]</a></span></p>

<p>“The population of the country is not great, but by the adoption
of wise measures it may rapidly increase. The republican spirits
in Corfu may seek a refuge there from the oppression they suffer
under the French. One, and perhaps the first object of the
government ought to be, to increase the means of subsistence of
the inhabitants, and attend to foreign commerce no further, than,
as it is necessary to take off those articles which are exceeding the
consumption of the Island; but I fear that foreign commerce will
be too attractive not to engage them more deeply in it, than its
profits will maintain protection for; and although it may enrich
individuals, it will confine wealth to a few, and will prevent the
increase of population; so that upon this principle I would not
encourage them in the beginning of their independence to send
many ships to sea, but rather to cultivate the land, and to prepare
at home a commerce for foreigners who will come to them.</p>

<p>“The woods may become of considerable importance. They
were represented to me two years since to contain much fine
timber, both fir and oak, which the French cut down, and shipped
at an anchorage on the S.E. point of the island.</p>

<p>“I have ordered that convoys shall occasionally be sent for the
protection of the trade from Argostoli, but it cannot be done at
regular stated periods, as General Oswald requests; nor is the
trade of that extent that would make it necessary.</p>

<p>“I have received from Malta the copy of a letter, which you
wrote to Sir Alexander Ball from Cerigo, in which is related the
circumstance of the former Governor of that place, having removed
his apprehensions of some people who passed over from
the continent, by poisoning the waters where they inhabited, and
by that means putting many of them to death. In that letter
there are extracts from two of the Frenchman’s letters, but his
name is not mentioned. I would be glad if you would furnish
me with copies of these two letters, with the address they bore,
(viz.) that which informs his chief of the Albanians coming to the
island, and that which relates to the means by which he got rid of
them.</p>

<p>“If any of his letters give any account of Crete, the port, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[400]</a></span>
fortification, I would beg the favour of you to inform me what he
says of them. In one of his letters he says, he has been over to
Candia, and that he has not been idle. A Frenchman seldom is,
where any mischief is to be done.</p>

<p>“As to the Cephalonians navigating under the British flag, it
cannot be done, but by an authority from His Majesty; but I
have written to the Consuls of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, to
inform them, that these islands being under the protection of
England, it is expected their flag will be respected.</p>

<p>“It would be very convenient for the convoys to assemble
there, but I apprehend that the vessels to come from Patrass,
would require a convoy to the place of assembling, and Cephalonia
being neutral, there must always be a certain force for their
protection while assembling, so that two convoys would always
be requisite instead of one.</p>

<p class="center">“I am, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“COLLINGWOOD.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To Captain Brenton, H.M.S. Spartan.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>Further accounts of the 3rd May from Captain
Brenton’s notes to his children.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“In the beginning of the year 1810, I was sent to
resume my station on the coast of Italy. Naples was
now made the principal point of my observation, in
consequence of the enemy having increased their little
squadron, by the addition of numerous gun boats, and
threatening Sicily with invasion by crossing the straits
of Messina. As it was of the utmost importance to
keep this squadron blockaded up in Naples, I was
ordered on this service, and on the 3rd of May, the
action took place in which I was wounded; the details
of which you will find in their place in my letter book.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[401]</a></span>
There are some however that I could only communicate
to those as nearly interested in them, as you are
my dear children; and even to you, perhaps, I should
not have mentioned them, but to shew you the efficacy
and comfort of a humble trust in God. I know you
will be deeply interested in everything I write, and as
this book is only intended for your perusal, I shall not
risk censure for egotism. In going down to the enemy
I put up a short but fervent prayer to the Almighty,
that he would receive your beloved mother and yourselves
under his holy protection, and bless you, and that
he would enable me to do my duty to my country. At
no one period of my life do I ever remember to have
been more serene and tranquil; and when my excellent
friend Williamson, the surgeon, as he left the deck
to go to his station, said in a low voice, as I shook him
by the hand, “Now sir, here is victory or Westminster
Abbey for you,” I experienced a feeling of animation
which is not usual with me on common occasions.<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> As<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[402]</a></span>
I have in this book given you many instances in which
your beloved mother derived strength and comfort
under trials, by her trust and confidence in God; I
wish to shew you how much in unison our feelings
were, on this, as on all other subjects; and I am most
anxious to impress upon your minds, my darling children,
a habit of putting your cause into the hands of
your Creator, in every event of your lives. He will be
a tower of strength to you, and whether you fail in
your worldly expectations, or that they are crowned
with success, it will equally tend to your ultimate and
your eternal happiness.”</p>

<p>With the action of the 3rd of May, Captain
Brenton’s service in the Mediterranean concluded.
“The day after the action,” he adds, “I received
dispatches from Admiral Martin, containing my orders
to proceed to the Adriatic, for the purpose of taking
the command of the squadron there, but I was no
longer in a situation to avail myself of it. On the
following day we arrived at Palermo, but were put
under quarantine. The Ambassador and the Admiral
kindly came off to see me, but could not come on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[403]</a></span>
board. The Admiral was anxious to know my wishes,
and instantly complied with my request, that the
Spartan might be sent to England. It appeared to be
the only means of giving me a chance of recovery. I
was accordingly ordered to Malta to refit, and to take
home Mr. Adair, the British minister, from Constantinople.
We had a most favourable passage to Malta,
to the great comfort and advantage of the wounded.
Should it ever be in your power, my dear children, to
shew kindness to the family of my excellent friend,
Dr. Allen, do not neglect to do it. To his kindness
and hospitality I am greatly indebted, under
Providence, for my life. I was for some time so
extremely exhausted in consequence of my wound, that
my recovery was almost despaired of. I seldom felt
any great apprehensions myself, with the exception of
one day, when from extreme pain and languor, I had
reason to suppose my end approaching. I remember
with humble gratitude the tranquil and resigned feeling
I experienced, and the comfort I enjoyed from a recollection
of the indescribable affection which had united
your beloved mother and myself. The dangerous
symptoms however soon abated. I was carried to my
ship, and sailed on the 10th June with a convoy for
England.”</p>

</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[404]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>JOINED BY HIS FAMILY.—SLOW RECOVERY FROM HIS WOUND.—FRESH TRIALS
FROM THE FAILURE OF HIS AGENTS, AND ACTIONS THREATENED BY NEUTRALS
DETAINED.—FRIENDLY INTERFERENCE OF MR. ABBOTT.—APPLIES TO THE
ADMIRALTY FOR EMPLOYMENT, AND APPOINTED TO THE STIRLING CASTLE.
1812.—COMPELLED BY THE STATE OF HIS WOUND TO RESIGN THE COMMAND.—MADE
BARONET.—APPOINTED NAVAL COMMISSIONER AT MINORCA.—RESIDENCE
THERE.—FAILURE OF LADY BRENTON’S HEALTH.—THE ESTABLISHMENT AT
MINORCA BROKEN UP ON THE CONCLUSION OF THE WAR.—RETURN TO ENGLAND,
AND APPOINTMENT TO THE DORSET YACHT.—MADE NAVAL COMMISSIONER AT
THE CAPE.</p>

</div>


<p>“The manner in which the intelligence of my being
wounded reached your beloved mother was peculiarly
trying to her affectionate heart. That excellent and
amiable character, the Earl of Dartmouth, then Lord
Lewisham, was at Malta when I was landed there.
He paid me frequent visits; and particularly on the
eve of his departure for England, that he might carry
the latest intelligence respecting me. Upon his arrival,
he hastened to Bath, that he might be himself the
bearer of what he considered the most favourable
accounts. He accordingly called upon your dear
mother, and concluding that she must long have been
in possession of the news of the action, proceeded to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[405]</a></span>
tell her that my wound was doing well. This was the
first intimation she had received of the event, and it was
too much for her agitated feelings. She fainted, and Lord
Lewisham was in the greatest distress, at having been
the innocent cause of her suffering. Her peculiar strength
of mind however soon enabled her to depend upon that
power for support which had never deserted her. Lord
Lewisham knowing I had written by the same ship in
which he had been a passenger, flew to the post office,
and did not quit it, till the expected letter was put
into his hands, and ran with the utmost eagerness to
deliver it. I had taken the precaution of sending home
a minute surgical description of the wound, which
being shewn to a medical friend at Bath, he pronounced
to my dear suffering companion that the wound was
not a dangerous one. This tranquillized her, and
enabled her to look forward with hope to the period of
our meeting. At the latter end of the month my letter
from Gibraltar arrived with further encouraging accounts.
Your mother with her three darlings flew to
Portsmouth, and extraordinary as it may appear,
almost at the same moment that she alighted at the
inn, I anchored at the Motherbank. As she travelled
from Southampton to Portsmouth, the Spartan was
running through the Needles, and must have been an
attractive object to the dear travellers, who little
thought we were so near each other. It is customary
for ships from the Mediterranean to be kept in quarantine
till the return of the post, which communicates
their arrival; but the Lords of the Admiralty in kind
consideration of my state, ordered the ship to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[406]</a></span>
released by telegraph, and I landed the following
morning, experiencing in the meeting with all I held
dearest to me in the world, sensations of delight which
amply repaid me for all the sufferings and fatigue, both
of body and mind, to which I had been exposed since
my separation from them. It is scarcely possible for
me to look back upon this period, which was one of
pure, and almost unmixed felicity. Of pain I was no
longer sensible, acute as it had been during the passage.
My sufferings had indeed been so great till this period,
that the latter hours of the day were passed in looking
at the movements of my watch, impatiently waiting for
the appointed hour, when I was to receive my accustomed
dose of laudanum, from which I could expect a
temporary suspension of pain. Now I no longer required
laudanum; my spirits were composed and
happy, and although incapable of moving, I was insensible
of confinement. Fearful of agitating me too
much in my weak state, your mother had come into
my room alone, but she was soon followed by my sweet
cherubs, full of health and joy. We had the comfort
of procuring the same house at Alverstoke, near Haslar
hospital, where we had formerly lived; and happy as
those early days of our marriage had been, they were
not so much so, as the time which we now passed there;
although I was so weak as to be confined to my bed,
or my chair, walking a few steps occasionally with my
crutches. Whenever I look back upon the past events
of my life, this period always starts forward as pre-eminent
in happiness. My mind was entirely free
from care; all was peace, and I hope gratitude. I had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[407]</a></span>
received the most flattering testimonies of the approbation
of the Admiralty, particularly in that most delightful
instance of it, the appointment of my brother to
succeed me in the command of the Spartan. The joy
and affection which beamed from the eyes of my
beloved Isabella, during her unremitting attendance
upon me, would in itself have been a source of the most
perfect happiness. She felt, as she has since informed
me, the deepest anxiety from my dangerous situation,
but she never allowed me to perceive it. To her
tenderness and care, under the blessing of Providence,
I owe my recovery. Her society had before changed
captivity into happiness; she now dispelled all the
weariness attendant upon languor and confinement.”<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[408]</a></span></p>

<p>Captain Brenton remained with his family at Alverstoke
till the beginning of October, when having gained
sufficient strength to be moved, he proceeded to London,
which he reached in two days. He received from
the Admiralty an assurance of His Majesty’s approbation
of his conduct, and a promise that in due time his
name should be added to the list of Baronets; in the
mean time a pension was granted him of £300 per
annum, his wound being considered by the members
of the college of physicians equivalent to the loss of a
limb. This proved a very welcome addition to his
income, and he considered it a most providential circumstance;
for he had been but a few months in
England, when he was informed by his agents that
they had failed, with all the prize money belonging to
the Spartan in their hands. This circumstance was
the more unexpected, and the more inexcusable, as
Captain Brenton had given them positive orders, when
the proceeds of neutral vessels were remitted to them
from abroad, to cause the money to be immediately
funded, in order to await the result of any appeal
that might be made, but this was not done. As<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[409]</a></span>
misfortunes are said seldom to come alone, so it was
on this occasion. The Spartan had taken two American
ships in 1807, bound from Sicily to Copenhagen, laden
with sulphur; but captured, actually running into Marseilles;
and one of the Captains confessed that the
destination in the papers was a false one. Captain
Brenton under these circumstances, and from a conviction
that the sulphur was intended to make gunpowder
for the fleet at Toulon, did not hesitate to send them
for adjudication to Malta; where they were condemned
as the most flagrant breaches of neutrality that
had ever come before that court. The proceeds were
accordingly remitted, with the positive injunction
before mentioned; but being retained by the agents,
were involved in their bankruptcy, and by the same
post, which informed him of the failure of his agents,
Captain Brenton received information, that the appeal
for these ships having at length come on, the sentence
was reversed, and that he was called upon to pay the
amount, a sum of £3000. This was indeed a heavy
blow, and one for which he was not prepared either in
mind or purse. He says, “the failure of my agents
was the more unexpected, as upon my arrival in
England, the agents had immediately written to say,
that they had a considerable sum of prize money in
their hands; and actually did pay a share a short time
before their failure, which took place in the spring of
the year 1811. With respect to the result of the
appeal, this was a matter of still greater astonishment
to me, considering the nature of the cases, the acknowledgment
of the American masters, and the opinion<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[410]</a></span>
given by the judge who tried the vessels at Malta.
But the Admiralty Court is a political one, and is often
governed by expediency, as well as maritime law and
usages.”</p>

<p>Government was at this time very anxious to ward
off a war with America, and in order to conciliate that
jealous power as far as possible, many of the sentences
of condemnation, even in the strongest cases were set
aside, and the vessels returned, to the great injury of
the captors; who were as much bound by duty to
capture these vessels, as they were to take those of the
enemy. It may well be supposed that this severe
blow did not tend to accelerate Captain Brenton’s
recovery. He was at once obliged to give up his
comfortable house at Bath; to sell off his furniture,
and to remove to the vicinity of London; not only for
the purposes of economy, but to attend to the intricate
and perplexing business arising from the bankruptcy.
The following are his remarks upon this
period, in his notes to his children.</p>

<p>“This was one of those events which are peculiarly
trying, but are often most salutary in awakening us
from a state of dangerous security and worldly mindedness;
and which also shew in its true light the value
of attachments founded upon virtue, and the inestimable
blessing of a mutual, cordial, and sincere affection,
enabling us to support the pressure of misfortune. By
the failure of my agents, the whole of the little
property I had collected during the war, was swept
away; and I was, in addition, called upon to refund
£3000 for the American sulphur vessels. I now consider<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[411]</a></span>
these two seeming misfortunes coming together,
a most providential circumstance; as it enabled me to
meet all my difficulties at once, and with the blessing
of God to subdue them. The distress in which we
were involved was great, but a kind Providence supported
us under it. Could you have been sensible of
the conduct of your beloved mother upon this occasion,
you would have pronounced her an angel indeed. She
suffered it is true, but not on her own account, or from
any undue anxiety on yours; for she depended upon a
bountiful Creator supplying all your wants, as he had
ever done. Her affliction was on my account. She
knew how deeply I felt the loss of all I had to depend
upon for the support of my darling family, particularly
at a period when I was precluded from active exertion,
by the effects of my wound; and the almost hopeless
prospect of my being able to procure so large a sum as
that which was demanded of me. But here my dear children
let us pause, and view with gratitude, with fervent
and sincere gratitude, the dispensations of a benign Providence
in our favour. A few weeks before the event,
His Majesty had been pleased to bestow upon me a
pension of £300 per annum, in consequence of my
wound; this, with my pay, now became our support;
and a most kind friend (Mr. Henry Abbott) generously
stepped forward, and supplied the sum necessary to
pay off the claims of the neutrals; taking his chance of
remuneration from the produce of the bankrupts’
estates. I hope through life you will preserve a grateful
recollection of this friendship. Even here (in a
small lodging at Paddington) we passed a cheerful and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[412]</a></span>
tranquil season. It was the piety, and resignation, and
sweetness, that beamed from your dear mother’s expressive
features, which, under the blessing of heaven,
shed this felicity over our little society; and rendered
this period of trial one of those, that in the retrospect
of my life presents itself also as a period of peculiar
happiness.</p>

<p>“In the course of the year my wound began to
make a visible progress towards recovery, under the
kind and skilful care of Mr. Cline. During the period
of our stay at Paddington, we had indeed much to be
grateful for. My mother’s health which had been very
precarious, appeared entirely re-established, and she
evidently derived much happiness from our being so
near her. Your uncle Edward arrived at Portsmouth
in June in the Spartan, and I could not resist the
inclination to visit my old shipmates. I was accompanied
of course by your mother; our reception was
not only gratifying but affecting; to the expressions of
attachment from the officers and ship’s company, was
added the affectionate kindness of your dear uncle.
He caused the colours to be hoisted under which we
had fought on the 3rd May, and by every possible
arrangement studied to gratify my feelings. This
little narrative is intended for you alone my dear
children, and you can appreciate my reasons for writing
it. Your dear uncle requires no additional claim to
your affection, but I know this trait of his character
will delight you.”</p>

<p>Soon after this visit to Portsmouth, Jervis, the eldest
son, was attacked by scarlet fever; his recovery occasioned<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[413]</a></span>
the following reflections recorded by his father.
“A kind and merciful Providence soon restored your
dear brother to health. These trials which so frequently
occur in the course of even the most prosperous
life, ought to teach us to repose more upon God, and
to indulge less in anxiety, which generally results from
a forgetfulness of His divine providence. How often
does it happen that when bereft of hope, and abandoned
to despair, a sudden change has dispelled the gloom,
and restored us to happiness; whilst at others, when
we have been indulging in the most flattering prospects,
when every thing seemed to smile around us, when
to-morrow promised to be in joy, ‘as this day, and
more abundant;’ a blow from an unexpected quarter
comes, and lays us prostrate. These circumstances
and experiences should teach us temperance in the
enjoyment of the blessings of this world, and in the
measure of our attachment to them; should teach us
to form no long view of such short lived felicity; to
receive with gratitude that share which is so abundantly
bestowed upon us; and when we are threatened
with the loss of what we consider so essential to our
happiness, to consider that we are in the hands of Him
who has our eternal interests in view, and who knows
what is good for us, better than we do ourselves. This
is true philosophy, but what is still more, this is true
religion.”</p>

<p>It has been the wish of the Editor to allow the narrative
to proceed with as little interruption as possible
from himself, and chiefly in the words supplied by the
subject of the memoir himself. The language made<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[414]</a></span>
use of being sometimes that of a report of his own
actions, and sometimes a comment upon them addressed
to his children, sometimes drawn up in the third person,
sometimes in the first, has involved a variety of manner
which may probably have given offence to readers;
but which it still seemed desirable to retain, as conveying
the words and expressions of the individual mind,
which it is the object of the memoir to present to
public observation. Unwilling to do more than was
absolutely necessary, and being chiefly anxious that the
portrait exhibited might be as true to life as possible,
he has risked the consequences of substituting a broken
and disjointed narrative, for one more continuous and
regular, that he might allow his readers to see for
themselves and to judge for themselves, a character
which is calculated to be beneficial to all. Instead of
assuming the office of biographer, he has wished that
the subject of the memoir should be made to tell his
own story; and he has chiefly limited his own endeavours
to pointing out traits of character brought to
light by the circumstances in which the man was
placed, and which it was desirable that his readers
should notice. From time to time he has ventured to
do this, and in gratifying his own feelings by thus
dwelling on the features of a friend whom he never
recollects without admiration, he hopes that he may
have been useful in directing the attention of others to
qualities which might have escaped observation, from
the simplicity of mind with which the trials that draw
them forth are related. On this account he must
trespass for a moment on the patience of his readers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[415]</a></span>
and call their attention to the peculiar trial which awaited
Sir Jahleel Brenton at this period of his career.</p>

<p>His character as an officer was now completely
established. The prejudice entertained against him by
Lord Collingwood had been overcome, and converted
into confidence and regard. His services in the Mediterranean
had secured the admiration of the navy; and
the brilliant valour and good conduct exhibited in the
action off Naples, had placed him on a pinnacle of glory,
which few perhaps can at present appreciate, who
do not remember the enthusiastic spirit of that period
of the war, and the excitement which pervaded every
rank of society on the subject of naval successes.</p>

<p>At that period, and under those circumstances; with
the consciousness of having served his country with
a fidelity and earnestness beyond what is due to any
human tie; with the shouts and triumphs of a Mediterranean
population still ringing in his ears, and with a
spirit raised above the excruciating torture of his
wound by a sense of the glory he had won; this intoxicating
dream is dissipated by the intelligence of
pecuniary losses, which threaten destitution to his
family, and by the notice of a prosecution on the
part of the neutrals, whom he had felt it his duty to
detain; which might have consigned him to a debtor’s
prison for the rest of his days.</p>

<p>Life, if considered as a state of discipline, must be a
state of trial. Character is to be developed by circumstances;
and God is to be glorified by the evidence
thus given by his servants of their adoption and
renewal. Under this conviction we acquiesce in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[416]</a></span>
assertion that, “whom the Lord loveth He chasteneth;”
and can see the purpose for which the affliction is
sent in the character which is gradually evolved; but
the fulness of this assurance does not invalidate the
severity of the trial, and we must feel for man while
he is in the crucible, though we may be confident as
to the effect that it will finally produce.</p>

<p>I feel it, therefore, due to the character of Sir Jahleel
Brenton, to dwell on this point of his story, because it
includes circumstances of trial which cannot be generally
appreciated, and because it involves that species
of trial which has been commonly found the hardest to
endure. Oppression, we are told, maketh a wise man
mad. Ingratitude, man’s ingratitude is continually
named as the bitterness of life. The great men of
heathen times are found quitting their country in the
decline of life, disgusted at the treatment they met
with; and we cannot wonder if self-love on one side
was dissatisfied with that return, which self-love expected
or self-love offered on the other.</p>

<p>The shock which was inflicted on Sir Jahleel Brenton
by this sudden change of circumstances must have
been most severe. To have a triumph succeeded by
poverty; the glory of successful command by the prospect
of a jail; and to feel that his country’s courts
crushed him, for having done what his country’s
interests required, and his country’s voice had commanded;
and that thus having risked life and incurred
sufferings in its service, he was now to be made a
victim of political expediency, and to be sacrificed
to the jealousy of a hostile state; this was, to say the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[417]</a></span>
least a sharp trial for man to bear, and a trial which
few have borne with so much calmness. In truth if
heroism is to be tested by what a man bears rather
than by what a man does, and a very brief consideration
may lead us to adopt this view, we may venture
to say that Sir Jahleel Brenton may be contemplated
with more admiration while reconciling himself to
poverty and sufferings, in the testimony of a good
conscience and in submission to the will of God; than
while directing the movements of his frigate through
the fleet which enveloped him, while Murat and his
court were watching the defeat of their little armada
by the energies of his single ship.</p>

<p>Let the reader of these pages then dwell most on
that which most deserves consideration. He may learn
from the narrative, what vicissitudes of trial life may
include; and he may distrust the exultation inseparable
from moments of success by calling to mind its uncertain
tenure, and the reverse that may be immediately
at hand. But above all let him remember, that he
who labours for man, must be prepared to meet with
ingratitude, or at least neglect; and that from the very
nature of society, the sacrifices that are made for the
public good can seldom be properly appreciated, or
justly recompensed by the public, for whom they are
performed. A higher principle must be infused into
the heart of him who wishes to serve his country, than
was found among the heroes of antiquity; or self-devotion
and patriotism will be doomed to experience the
same melancholy disappointment that they did in their
cases. God must be honoured; his favour, his blessing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[418]</a></span>
must be the objects of pursuit; if man wishes to be
certain of obtaining a just recompense of reward;
and sad and bitter will be the result of dangers braved
and labours borne, if the favour of a fickle world has
been the object of ambition, and the only return looked
for has been that which men can give.</p>

<p>“A haughty spirit,” it is said, “goeth before a fall.”
Had such been the spirit of Sir Jahleel Brenton, it is
easy to imagine how it would have been inflated and
increased by the admiration and excitement occasioned
by his victory; and it is as easy to conceive, that on a
mind in such a state, the sudden shock of adversity
would have come with an overwhelming force. Happily
for him, he had long before learned in a better school
than that of the world, the nature of the things by
which he was surrounded. He knew what he was
justified in seeking, but he also knew the limits under
which it was to be sought. Thankful for what God
had been pleased to give, he was ready to resign what
God was pleased to recall; and while the hand of God
was seen in everything, he saw no injustice in the
treatment he was exposed to, no public ingratitude in
the circumstances which marred his prospects; but
only behold another trial in a change of condition; and
blessed God for the consolations with which that trial
was to be accompanied.</p>

<p>The narrative may be resumed from Sir Jahleel’s
own notes. He says, “my wound now continued to
make a gradual progress, and at the end of the year
(1811) Mr. Clive considered all exfoliation at an end.
I had now put aside my crutches, and could walk with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[419]</a></span>
tolerable facility with two sticks. I therefore began to
look forward once more to active service. Your dear
mother used all the arguments which tenderness and
affection could suggest to dissuade me from it; but the
same feeling towards her, and my beloved children,
stimulated me to exertion, and would have deprived me
of my own approbation and peace of mind, had I
remained in a state of inactivity longer than was absolutely
necessary. I accordingly applied for a ship.
Mr. Yorke, then first Lord of the Admiralty, in the
most friendly and earnest terms, requested me not to
run the risk of a relapse, by going again to sea; having
however persisted in my application, he appointed me
to the Stirling Castle, a new ship of seventy-four guns,
then at Chatham, intended at my own request to be sent
to the Mediterranean. In the middle of March 1812,
I took command of this ship, and removed with my
family to Brompton, near Chatham, and here another
period of happiness occurs, which will frequently present
itself to my recollection, unsolicited from the
association with my professional duties. My profession
had ever been my delight from the very early period of
my life at which I entered it, and no circumstance,
however happy, had as yet possessed the power to
tranquillize my mind on shore, whilst I considered
myself capable of active service.”</p>

<p>As Captain Brenton had reason to suppose that his
ship would at least for some time be attached to the
channel fleet, he removed his family to Plymouth, and
took this opportunity of initiating his eldest son into
the profession, which it was at that time supposed he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[420]</a></span>
would have chosen. He says, “As our dear boy had
from his infancy expressed a wish to follow my profession,
and had appeared confirmed in the resolution,
upon my return home in the Spartan, your mother and
myself considering the advantages which might attend
from his constitution being early inured to the profession,
decided upon his going with me. It was
rather intended at the same time, as giving him an
opportunity of judging for himself, whether under all
circumstances, his preference for the navy might continue,
and as I was informed of the appointment of an
exemplary clergyman to the ship, who had been head
usher at Hertford school, and who was to superintend
the education of the youngsters on board, we had less
hesitation in taking your brother from the school at
which he had been nearly a year, (Dr. Crombie’s, at
Greenwich.) Our kind friend Mr. Williamson, whom
I was again happy in having with me as surgeon,
kindly went for him in a tender, which I sent for the
purpose.</p>

<p>“June 6th, we arrived in Cawsand Bay; the weather
in the preceding night had become thick and squally,
but we reached our port with great ease by noon.”</p>

<p>Thursday the 11th, Mrs. Brenton mentions having
passed a delightful day on board the Stirling Castle.
Captain Brenton adds, “This was I believe the last
visit your mother ever paid to the Stirling Castle,
where from the sweetness of her disposition, and the
kindness of her manner, she had gained the regard of
all on board. On this occasion we were accompanied
by one of my best and earliest friends. Mr. Tucker<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[421]</a></span>
and myself became acquainted in the year 1792, when
he was purser of the Assistance, and when I commanded
the Trepassey on the Newfoundland station, in the year
1799. He had, after progressive elevation, acquired
through his own conduct and talents, become Secretary
to the Earl of St. Vincent, with whom I had recently
served as Lieutenant, and who had promoted me to the
command of the Speedy. Mr. Tucker and myself then
renewed our former intimacy, he had power to shew
the strength of his regard, and exerted it to the utmost.
I had little in my power but the expressions of gratitude,
and the feelings of friendship. Whenever an
opportunity offered of forwarding my interests, he
never lost sight of it, and proved himself a most steady
friend. It is to his active zeal we are indebted for
much of the comfort our family received after the death
of my father. Lord St. Vincent was under Providence
the instrument of their welfare; Mr. Tucker, the kind
and judicious friend, who pointed out the most effectual
means of serving them. Upon all the subsequent trials
and events which have befallen me, he has been
invariably the same, always identifying himself with
my interests, and those of all my family; and I feel
delighted in having it in my power to record such
instances of disinterested attachment, as an object for
your future gratitude and regard. Lose no opportunity,
my dearest children, in shewing your sense of his
kindness to me, whenever it may be in your power,
either towards himself or any of his family.”<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[422]</a></span></p>

<p>Referring to a memorandum written on the 23rd of
September, 1812, Captain Brenton says, “I had sometime
before this period experienced an attack of inflammation
in the wound, but I had now recovered from
it, and it remained in the same state as when I came
to sea. As the winter approached, I felt this inconvenience
of being lame more sensibly, as it increased
my anxiety respecting the duty of the ship, from a
conviction that I could not use the same activity I
had formerly possessed; and I began to feel the conviction
that some employment on shore, was better
suited to the actual state of my health.</p>

<p>“I thought seriously of endeavouring to gain some
appointment on shore. I had in the Spring been
offered the Commissionership of Bombay, but declined
from preference to active service. I therefore wrote to
Lord Melville (then First Lord of the Admiralty,) and
told him the state of my health, requesting to be
remembered in the event of a vacancy happening;
this he promised to do, and conceiving I wished
immediately to come on shore, he appointed Captain
Brine to succeed me in the Stirling Castle. Those
alone whose minds are ardently devoted to the sea
service, can enter into my feelings after dispatching my
letter to Lord Melville. It appeared to me as soon as
it was gone beyond recall, that the sacrifice was unnecessary,
that the pain and inflammation of the wound<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[423]</a></span>
had ceased, and that with a little patience I might
have weathered the winter, and have had another
summer before me, in which I might have recruited.
I felt my attachment to the ship, and everything
connected with active service increase, as I was on the
point of being removed from it. These, however, were
but temporary feelings; the wound soon resumed a
very serious character, and I had no sooner joined my
family at Plymouth on the 26th of October, than I felt
I had much reason to rejoice in my decision. As soon as
I was superseded by Captain Brine, I proceeded to my
favourite residence at Bath. Here I had the advantage
of one of the most skilful surgeons, the late Mr.
Grant. I had several very severe attacks of inflammation,
attended by exfoliation, which must have rendered
it impossible for me to have remained afloat. I was,
however, evidently regaining my health, and having
my mind at ease from the conviction that I had not
willingly relinquished employment afloat.”</p>

<p>Early in November Captain Brenton received an
official communication from the Admiralty, notifying
his having been created a Baronet. In the year 1813,
Sir Jahleel writes, “It was in this year that my darling
Jervis formed that choice of a profession, to which it
was ever our wish he should be devoted, but which we
did not press upon him, lest we should put a restraint
upon his inclinations. He had from his infancy expressed
a wish for the navy, and the preference was
natural, and likely to strengthen with his years. It was
therefore encouraged; and I considered him so decided
in his choice, that I should have taken him with me in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[424]</a></span>
the Stirling Castle. Whilst instructing him in the
rudiments of astronomy and navigation, I took every
opportunity of associating in his mind the truths of
revealed religion, with the wonders of creation. His
mind was sufficiently enlarged to admit and combine
them with facility, even at this early age; though
he had not completed his tenth year, when we were
at sea together. His memory was very retentive,
our conversation frequently turned upon Religion, and
the duty of its ministers; and I endeavoured to
describe to him, the character and conduct requisite
for the sacred office, as well as the influence each would
have upon the happiness, not only of this life, but of
the next. These delightful conversations (for such
they were to this dear boy, as well as to myself, for he
frequently began them) insensibly gave a change to
his ideas, and induced him to prefer the tranquillity
and retirement of a clerical life, to the more brilliant
prospects which the navy might have held out to him.
What a claim for the most fervent gratitude has this
circumstance upon my heart at this moment, and what
a source of comfort and consolation under the loss of
such a child. I have now the blessed and well founded
hope, that he is in the enjoyment of everlasting felicity.</p>

<p>“At the close of this year, Lord Melville, who had
been long anxious to serve me, but unable from the want
of a vacancy, at last found the means by the establishment
of a resident Commissioner at Minorca. He
made me the offer of the appointment. I accepted it
with alacrity, and prepared for our immediate departure.
I was at the time of receiving it, confined to my<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[425]</a></span>
bed, by the opening of my wound; but was soon in a
situation to travel, and by the unremitted care and
energy of my affectionate companion, every fatigue and
exertion was spared me. We left our delightful abode
at Bath on the 10th January, and embarked on board
the Blenheim for Minorca on the 20th. We had been
exposed during the greater part of our voyage, till we
reached Cape St. Vincent, to a continual gale from the
S.W., but at this period the weather was remarkably
fine, and you may easily imagine the interest with
which your mother viewed the theatre of the great
action, fought by our noble friend, and the first in
which I had been engaged.</p>

<p>“As we proceeded, every point we passed excited
some recollection of strong interest, but particularly
Gibraltar Bay. These feelings I hope were not unaccompanied,
by sincere and ardent gratitude to the
Almighty, for the merciful preservation which I had
so often experienced. On the 3rd of February we
passed along the coasts of Andalusia and Grenada,
mountains covered with snow, with the town of Malaga
below them. Our voyage was at this period delightful,
and had all the appearance of being a very short one.
We were most happily situated with the best and
kindest friend in the Captain of the ship, Captain
Samuel Warren, with every attention and accommodation
we could possibly desire, but a voyage to passengers
must ever be tedious. The wind now changed and
blew constantly from the eastward, making our passage
longer between Ivica and Minorca, than from England
to Ivica. On the 19th, Majorca was in view, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[426]</a></span>
weather extremely cold, and the hills covered with
snow. Nothing could be more wretched than the sight
which Cabrera offered to us through our glasses: we
could see hundreds of naked and starving French
prisoners, crawling about the rocks, without any other
habitation, than the caverns they found amongst them,
and we heard they were almost without food. When
however, the wanton atrocities committed by the
French in Spain are taken into consideration, we
cannot wonder at the conduct of the Spaniards in this
instance, however inexcuseable it may seem. We
reached Port Mahon on the 25th of February, and
had some difficulty in procuring lodgings. Many
wretched habitations were offered to us, but we were
soon provided with an excellent house, in a delightful
situation, though it afterwards proved damp, from
having been recently built. For some time my health
was in an alarming state, whilst that of my beloved
Isabella appeared to be perfectly restored, with the
exception of a little hoarseness, which then gave us no
uneasiness, as I only considered it as the continuation
of a cold, caught in England; but which was disease
silently working on the lungs. The climate, although
very changeable, appeared to agree remarkably well
with every one of the family except myself; and my
own health experienced a rapid improvement with the
return of the warm weather. We began to enjoy
happiness, and to be reconciled to the Island, forming
plans for a long residence on it. At this time we had
the gratification of having the Duchess of Orleans,
mother of Louis Phillippe, as our occasional guest.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[427]</a></span>
She was dining with us on the day that the first report
reached Minorca, that the white flag had been hoisted
in France. The news was not credited at first, but I
was convinced in my own mind that it was true, and
therefore communicated it to my royal guest, who was
quite overwhelmed with the intelligence. The following
morning I had the pleasure of carrying the
confirmation of this joyful intelligence to the Duchess.
This excellent Lady soon resumed her place at Paris,
at the head of a splendid establishment, and was
unremitting in her efforts to testify her gratitude to
every English person who approached her; for the
hospitality she acknowledged to have received from
their country. In the course of the month of May
your beloved mother’s cough had increased, and in
June she broke a blood vessel. We were advised to
try country air, and M. Mercudel, a Minorquine gentleman,
had the goodness to lend us his house at
Bingot, pleasantly situated on the road to Alegero.
The air of this place appeared for some time to have the
most salutary effect; thus the summer passed away
with no other occurrence than my having been brought
into intimate communication and friendship with that
best of sea officers, Sir Benjamin Hallowell, afterwards
Carew, who was left in command of the squadron in
the Mediterranean, and who took his station at Minorca,
in order to superintend the disposal of the stores, &amp;c.
The peace taking place early in Autumn, the fleet was
ordered home, and consequently there no longer existed
the necessity for a dockyard at Mahon. I was directed
to send all the stores to England, and to return home;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[428]</a></span>
Lord Melville in the mean time having most kindly appointed
me to the Dorset Yacht. Your mother’s health
was so precarious, that it became necessary for us to
accept the kind offer of my friend, Captain Bathurst,<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>
to take home my family in the Fame, and to his care I
consigned them, under the protection of that benign
Providence which never forsook us. I was unable to
accompany them from the remaining duties I had to
perform. They embarked on the 7th of August. A
few days after they had sailed, I left Minorca in the
Castor, for Marseilles, and from thence proceeded to
Paris. There I enjoyed the kind hospitality of the
Duchess of Orleans for a few days, returning to
England early in October. Your mother and yourselves
had arrived a few days before me.</p>

<p>“Before I left Minorca I received a second letter
from Lord Melville, informing me of my appointment
as Commissioner at the Cape of Good Hope, the former
Commissioner being just dead; an appointment which
was very agreeable to me. On my return to England,
I found your dear mother apparently much recovered,
but the fatal cough still continued. This was the only
alloy to my happiness, but still I fondly cherished the
hope that it was in some measure subdued, and that
the climate of the Cape of Good Hope would entirely
restore her. How easily can we flatter ourselves with
prospects of happiness. How earnestly do we cling to
remote possibilities for comfort; and most merciful is
the dispensation which affords us this relief. How<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[429]</a></span>
gloomy and dismal would many parts of our lives
otherwise be. Our dear boys were now of an age
when it became necessary that every effort should be
made to give them a substantial education, and for this
purpose we decided upon leaving them at Winchester,
under the care and protection of their uncles. This
was the greatest trial we had to experience; but what
must the pang of separation have been to your mother,
who although she concealed as much as possible her
real state from us, must have felt the most serious
apprehension, that she was no more to meet these
darling children in this world. With what exemplary
fortitude did she conduct herself under circumstances
so agonizing! On the 1st day of January, 1815, we
sailed for the Cape of Good Hope, on board H.M.S.
Niger, commanded by Captain Rainier. We had
much to be grateful for, to our all merciful Protector,
for the comfort we enjoyed throughout this voyage,
which ended by our arrival in Simon’s Bay on the
12th of March. Your mother felt much weakness and
indisposition in crossing the tropical latitudes, owing to
the great heats, but she was nevertheless invariably
cheerful, and apparently happy.”</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[430]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>RESIDENCE AT THE CAPE.—REMARKS ON THE ADVANTAGES OF SIMON’S BAY AS A
NAVAL STATION.—PLANS FOR THE IMPROVEMENT OF THE LIBERATED NEGROES.—RAPID
FAILURE OF LADY BRENTON’S HEALTH AND HER DEATH.—REFLECTIONS
ON IT EXTRACTED FROM HIS PRIVATE JOURNAL.</p>

</div>


<p>Three years had elapsed after the last capture of the
Cape of Good Hope, before it was considered necessary
to have a resident Commissioner there. Captain
Shield was selected for this purpose, and a fitter, or
more efficient man could not have been found. With a
sound judgment, and the utmost integrity, and undeviating
correctness; he possessed an activity of mind,
and indefatigable perseverance that never perhaps was
exceeded. His official correspondence, which Sir
Jahleel Brenton found in the office, was invaluable to
him, and rendered his way clear under all the complexity
in which he was involved by the transactions,
which in the ultimate establishment of the dock-yard
he was engaged in with the military and civil branches
of the Government.</p>

<p>The Dutch, while masters of the Cape, aware of the
insecurity of Table Bay during the winter months,
when it is exposed to the fury of the whole Southern<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[431]</a></span>
Atlantic, had been in the habit of sending their ships
for shelter to Saldahna Bay; overlooking, or perhaps
purposely concealing the value of Simon’s Bay; lest it
might afford to an enemy the facility of landing and
attacking the colony. Commissioner Shield viewed
this bay with a seaman’s eye, and at once pronounced
it to be the only place on the coast for a Naval Arsenal,
and gave this opinion to the Navy Board, as soon
after his arrival as he could obtain the means of
forming it.</p>

<p>The Dutch had a few storehouses there for the use
of their Batavia ships, but everything was upon the
smallest scale, and the Admiralty on being convinced
by the representation of Commissioner Shield of the
fitness of Simon’s Bay for the establishment of a dock-yard,
directed the Naval Establishment to be removed
there, which was accordingly done in 1814; a Naval
Hospital being previously built, and plans agreed upon
for the extension of other Naval buildings.</p>

<p>Commissioner Shield being called to the Navy Board
in 1813, was succeeded by Commissioner Dundas, from
Bombay, who retained the situation but a short time,
as he died at Simon’s Town in August, 1814.</p>

<p>Sir Jahleel Brenton, on inspecting the two bays,
Table Bay and Simon’s Bay, entirely concurred with
Commissioner Shield upon the expediency of giving up
the former altogether; but recommended, that on surrendering
the buildings there to the Colonial Government
it should be with the understanding, that if
required at any future period of war, they should be
again restored to the Naval Department.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[432]</a></span></p>

<p>Whilst the dock-yard was in Table Bay, no ship
could venture to strip her lower masts, or heave down,
from the uncertainty of the weather and the rapidity
with which a gale succeeds a calm, and the glassy
surface is changed into a tremendous sea rolling in
upon a dead lee shore. The loss of the Sceptre there in
1795, and of several large merchant vessels in the course
of the seven years which Sir Jahleel Brenton passed
there, are evident proofs of the dangers incurred almost
at all seasons of the year in this bay; whereas in Simon’s
Bay, scarcely an instance occurred during the whole of
that time of a vessel driving from her anchors. Indeed
the one only case was that of the Revolutionaire,
parting a cable that had rotted in India, and falling on
board the Zebra, carrying her adrift, with the wind
immediately off one part of the bay, and driving on
shore on the opposite side in a sandy cove under the
block house, from whence they were both got off, the
Revolutionaire much damaged from having passed over
a ledge of rocks. But soon after the moorings were
laid down for two ships of the line, and as many
frigates, and no accidents afterwards occurred. It was
found, however, that these were inconvenient, as they
occupied too large a portion of the bay, which is not
very extensive, and on that account they have since
been removed.</p>

<p>When it was decided that the only Naval Establishment
at the Cape should be in Simon’s Bay, the new
buildings were carried on with great energy, and it
soon became a place of considerable importance. A
jetty was formed in the dock-yard: a spacious mast<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[433]</a></span>
house erected, with a working sail loft over it, and a
very ornamental range of houses for the officers of the
yard constructed upon a terrace overlooking the bay,
and the whole yard enclosed with a wall, forming a
remarkably neat and compact arsenal.</p>

<p>Soon after the arrival of Sir Jahleel Brenton as
Commissioner of the dock-yard at the Cape of Good
Hope, a vessel arrived with the account of Buonaparte
having escaped from Elba, and of war being revived in
Europe. The consequences of this short war had a
very material influence upon the colony of the Cape,
as the transfer of the great prisoner to St. Helena
caused a great demand upon the Cape for supplies of
all descriptions, and excited amongst the wine growers
and farmers a degree of energy quite foreign to the
habits of the Dutch colonists, and to which nothing but
English capital, and English example could probably
ever have stimulated them.</p>

<p>St. Helena, of course, became the head quarters of
the squadron, from whence they were sent in succession
to Simon’s Bay to refit, and complete their stores.
Large contracts were entered into for wine and flour,
as well as for bread, cattle, and hay, &amp;c. The cattle
hitherto killed for the Cape market were of the most
inferior description. They had been driven from the
great cattle farms, in the eastern districts of the colony,
through a long sandy desert, where little was to be
found for their support but the acrid Hottentot fig and
other similar plants; and after a journey of nearly a
week, sometimes much more, they were, upon their
arrival either in Cape Town or Simon’s Town, immediately<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[434]</a></span>
sent to the slaughter house. The meat, as
may be expected, was of the worst kind; and of the
cattle embarked in the wretched state we have described,
but few could be expected to reach St. Helena.</p>

<p>To remedy this, a Cattle yard was constructed in
Simon’s Bay, where they were kept and dry fed for
several weeks, and then shipped on board the transports;
and the wind being almost always fair, and the
water smooth, they continued to improve even on the
passage, and arrived at St. Helena in high condition.
Sheep were still more improved, and the quick demand
for all the articles of supply, gave great animation to
the boors; while it rendered the Naval Establishment
at the Cape of very great importance, and shewed
particularly how sound was the judgment which had
induced Commissioner Shield to remove it from Table
Bay to Simon’s Bay, as there was scarcely an instance
during the period of nearly seven years that Sir
Jahleel Brenton was there, in which a cargo might
not have been shipped on board the men of war, and
transports. Indeed in a very heavy gale, blowing
directly into the bay, an anchor for a very large
frigate was sent off with very little difficulty; whilst
in Table Bay all communication with the ships is cut
off for many days together, and much longer in the
winter months.</p>

<p>More than thirty vessels, some of them of great
value were lost in Table Bay during this period, and
only one in Simon’s Bay; and this, for want of a good
look out, running on shore in the night under Musenburg
with all sails set.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[435]</a></span></p>

<p>The Revolutionaire and Zebra it is true had been
driven on shore, but it was in a species of hurricane
off the land, as has been already observed, and owing
entirely to the Revolutionaire’s cable being defective.</p>

<p>Upon this occasion, or rather in consequence of it,
when the Revolutionaire was heaving down to be
repaired, Sir Jahleel Brenton had a most providential
escape from losing his life. The ship was keel out
(and it is well known with what difficulty the long
legged French built ships are hove down.) The
Commissioner was in the boat examining the damages
the ship had received, and not four feet from the keel
of the Revolutionaire, when the purchase gave way,
and she righted with the greatest violence, throwing
the greatest part of the people who were on the decks
overboard, killing one shipwright, and wounding the
master builder of the yard seriously. The column of
water between the ship’s bottom and the Commissioner’s
boat was sufficient to act as a fender, and
prevent her being struck by the ship; she was thrown
off with great violence by the broken water, but without
shipping any. The boats crew, all black fellows, seeing
the confusion with which they were surrounded, immediately
jumped overboard, and dived to be out of
the way of mischief, and the first that rose finding that
order was not quite restored, again sought for safety at
the bottom. They were soon however all in the boat
again, but evidently thought their conduct too natural
to require either explanation or excuse; for they gave
neither to the Commissioner, whom they had thus left<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[436]</a></span>
alone in the boat, and who was too much amused at
their resource to be angry with them.</p>

<p>In the course of this year, Rear Admiral Sir George
Cockburne having seen his important prisoner settled
at St. Helena, was succeeded in his command by Rear
Admiral Sir Pulteney Malcolm, who arrived at the
Cape of Good Hope, which he was desirous of visiting
previous to his taking up his residence at St. Helena;
and having brought Lady Malcolm with him, the
circumstance was the cause of much gratification to the
Commissioner’s family, and to Sir Jahleel Brenton
particularly; as it enabled him to act in concert with
the Commander in chief, in laying down plans for the
regular supply of St. Helena, and in making the
necessary contracts for that purpose. Sir Pulteney
was also enabled to judge for himself of the capabilities
of the Cape, and the character of its farmers, which
rendered the subsequent correspondence between the
Admiral and the Commissioner a very easy one; both
were acquainted with each other’s objects and measures,
and the greatest cordiality in consequence subsisted
between them.</p>

<p>With regard to some of the Commissioner’s plans, it
is fit that his own language should be quoted.</p>

<p>“One of the most important subjects that engaged
my attention, after my arrival in the colony, was the
situation of the negro labourers in the dock-yard.
These people had been with hundreds of others of their
countrymen captured by His Majesty’s ships, in vessels
carrying on that abominable traffic, after it had been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[437]</a></span>
rendered illegal by the laws of the countries to which
these vessels belonged. Some of these negroes, as
many as were required, were assigned to the government
departments, colonial, military, and naval, as
labourers; and others were distributed among the
inhabitants of the colony as servants or agricultural
labourers. Those, whose unhappy fate it was to be of
the latter class, were indeed much to be pitied. The
tender mercies of the original Dutch Boor in this
colony are but too well known, and the unfortunate
black, not called a slave but an apprentice, lost all the
benefit which he would have derived from being a
slave, when being a marketable commodity, his health
was taken care of, and like other animals belonging to
the farm he was well fed, and kept in good condition
that he might fetch the better price, if it seemed
expedient to sell him. But the Boor having only a
life interest, (for such indeed it became in many
instances where the negro did not outlive his apprenticeship)
tasked him to the utmost; and as he had been
in the habit of acting towards the unhappy Hottentot, the
more the man’s health was impaired, made the greater
efforts to get work out of him, before he died. That
this is in no way exaggerated will be evident to those
who read the statements made by Dr. Philip, in the
course of his struggles in favour of the Aboriginal
people of the colony.</p>

<p>“Those who were employed in the public departments,
as well as such as fell into the hands of respectable
individuals were of course much less to be
pitied. Some apprenticeship, however, was necessary,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[438]</a></span>
especially to the new negro, who would for some years
be incapable of earning his own living.</p>

<p>“Commissioner Shield had in 1810, with that humanity
and judgment for which he was remarkable,
suggested to the Navy Board, that the negroes employed
in the dock-yard should be put on the same
footing as landsmen on board His Majesty’s ships,
having the same allowance of provision, and the same
pay; the latter amounting to £14 per annum, the balance
of which after the deduction made for their clothes
(as in the case of seamen) should be carried to their
credit, and kept until they were out of their time, as a
means of future provision. After the departure of
Commissioner Shield this salutary arrangement had
been lost sight of, in consequence of which Sir Jahleel
Brenton wrote the following letter to the Navy Board;
which as it describes the useful services of these men,
and led to advantageous results in their behalf, it may
not be amiss to introduce.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Simon’s Bay</span>, 31st <span class="smcap">May</span>, 1815.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span>,</p>

<p>“I beg leave to lay before you an account of the
black men now belonging to this establishment, with a few
observations respecting them.</p>

<p>“By your letter to Commissioner Shield, 13th September,
1810, you were pleased to approve of his suggestions of these
black people being borne as landsmen, and those who had acquired
the ability to work as caulkers being allowed such further
encouragement as he thought proper. Accordingly the men then
in the yard were so regulated; but those who arrived subsequently
to that period have only been put upon the footing of boys of the
third class, and continued as such till the time of my arrival here.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[439]</a></span>
Upon enquiry I have found that the labour of this latter description
is equally valuable and hard with that of the former, and I
in consequence directed them to be put on the same footing, and
submit to you the propriety of their being allowed the arrears of
pay which would have been their due, had they received the
benefit of your order on their first arrival.</p>

<p>“It was I believe the intention of Commissioner Shield to have
given them that advantage, had they arrived from Plettenburg
Bay, previous to his departure from this country; they were all
grown men upon their first arrival.</p>

<p>“Several of the most intelligent of the black men have been
placed under the direction of the different artificers, and some by
assiduity and good conduct have acquired such a degree of skill
in their craft, as to enable His Majesty’s service to derive a
considerable benefit from their work.</p>

<p>“I have thought it my duty to extend to these the indulgence
granted by Commissioner Shield to the caulkers, viz. ordinary
seamen’s pay, which I hope you will approve of, as it will be a
spur to their companions.…</p>

<p>“By their assistance the buildings (in the dock-yard, &amp;c.)
will be erected at much less expense than by any other mode of
procuring labourers. They have the benefit of the school, and
I am sanguine in the hope of their deriving great benefit from it.</p>

<p>“As I am upon the subject of the negroes, I must request your
indulgence to a few remarks which a daily observation of their
situation, docility and general usefulness, constantly suggests to
me.</p>

<p>“These unfortunate people at the period of their arrival in the
colony are in general from twenty to thirty years of age, many of
them older, and by the present regulations of Government, they
are to serve fourteen years, before they can obtain their freedom.</p>

<p>“The negroes seldom attain an advanced age, the generality of
them are past their strength at a much earlier period than the
white people, and consequently at the end of their servitude, may
have no other prospect than a helpless old age before them, at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[440]</a></span>
a time when they must depend upon their own labour for their
support.</p>

<p>“I am aware that their servitude can only be shortened by the
interference of His Majesty’s ministers; but my object in addressing
you upon the subject is, that you would be pleased to take
the case into consideration, and to allow such as are really valuable
to Government in different branches, to receive an allowance
bearing some proportion to their earnings. I should say, half-a
crown a day, including their provisions.</p>

<p>“I should not allow this indulgence to be extended to them
without long and ample experience of its being duly earned, to be
certified by the respective officers. By these means a provision
might be laid up for them, and so much energy exerted as to
produce the most salutary results.</p>

<p>“Many of the blacks have made a considerable progress in
learning, but those landed from the ships are only beginning.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To Navy Board.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>As the subject of these letters may be useful in
directing the public attention to the means of employing
a portion of the immense population placed under
the control of this country, it is hoped that no other
excuse need be assigned for the introduction of one or
two more letters respecting the negroes. The next
letter is dated, Simon’s Bay, 2nd July, 1815.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span>,</p>

<p>“In my letter of the 31st May, I took the liberty
of offering a few remarks upon the situation of the black labourers,
and requested permission to extend the indulgence to the deserving
as occasion might require. The experience of every day
teaches me that much good may result to His Majesty’s service,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[441]</a></span>
as well as to these people by a constant attention to putting them
forward in such branches as they may be best calculated for.</p>

<p>“I have already given my opinion on the encouragement
which appears due to those, who have become useful as artificers.
I have since found that many of them are likely to become expert
seamen, from the activity and intelligence they evince in boats
employed on various services, and I am anxious to encourage
them, by an addition to their pay, and making them leading men.
Sixpence a day will I think be ample in the present instance to
four of them, and this may stimulate the others to obtain the
same advantage.</p>

<p>“As there are two seamen allowed on the establishment of the
yard, and none borne on the list, which would have been absolutely
necessary but for the exertions of these black men; I
propose forming a fund for their encouragement, from the amount
of the seamen’s wages, by which the estimate for the expense of
the yard will not be exceeded. I hope to obtain your sanction to
the measure.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Navy Board.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>The Navy Board approved of all the suggestions
contained in these letters, with the exception of paying
the arrears to those blacks who had not received the
advantage of being rated according to these orders; a
measure bearing very hard upon these people, and for
which no adequate reason is assigned.</p>

<p>Some months afterwards, when the black men from
the squadron were discharged into the dock-yard, previous
to its departure for England, the Commissioner
on mustering them found to his great surprise, that
some of these people had been long at sea, serving as
part of the complement of His Majesty’s ships, and doing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[442]</a></span>
all the duty of seamen. That these people should
after such service be consigned again to slavery,
(mitigated it is true, but nevertheless, as the labour
was compulsory, it was still slavery for the time it was
to last) seemed a hardship not to be permitted. It
was true he felt that it might be said, that in the
dock-yard they had the pay and allowances of seamen.
This was admitted; but it was the principle against
which he felt it his duty to contend. On the mere
supposition that the dock-yard establishment was complete,
and that in consequence these negroes had been
like other apprentices distributed among the Boors, the
consequence would have been obvious and most painful,
and it would have involved a flagrant act of injustice
towards the helpless blacks, thus reduced without any
fault of their own, from the condition of seamen,
serving in His Majesty’s navy, to that of prædial slaves
in a colony, noted for the severity with which such
slaves are treated. Sir Jahleel Brenton in consequence
wrote to the Navy Board upon the subject, and
the following is an extract from his letter of the 13th
Feb., 1816, immediately bearing upon this subject.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“I feel it incumbent upon me to state the cases of three
of these men, (viz.) Frank, Tom, and Robin, who appear to me to
be entitled to their liberty, in consequence of their having been
in England. They went home in H.M.S. Thais, and returned
in H.M.S. Curacoa, since which period they have served either
in the dockyard, or in the squadron.</p>

<p>“Frank has acquired some knowledge as a mason, and might
be employed as such, at an inferior rate of pay, in the dock-yard.
The others are only labourers, and probably would have no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[443]</a></span>
objection to remain; but as I understand so many decisions have
lately taken place respecting the freedom of slaves being established,
by their having been either in England, or in the Colonies
where slavery does not exist, that I consider it my duty to make
this claim in their favour.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Navy Board.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>The Navy Board having laid the above letter before
their solicitor, transmitted to the Commissioner the
opinion of this law officer, but without any comment
or direction of their own, leaving the responsibility of
any measure Sir Jahleel Brenton might in consequence
adopt, entirely upon himself. The opinion was as
follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“I am humbly of opinion, that if these men have been
received on board His Majesty’s ships to serve as seamen in the
navy, they cannot be now legally detained as slaves; but this right
which, as against the crown, I think they have to their freedom
from slavery, will not annul any contract or engagement, by
which they may have bound themselves to serve the king or any
other master, for any specific period, either in the navy, or in any
other manner; and if no such engagement exist, they are entitled
to their discharge, if they require it, in the same manner as
any seaman in the navy, or workman in the yard may be entitled
to it.</p>

<p class="right">“Signed by the <span class="smcap">Commissioners of the Navy</span>.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Commissioner Sir J. Brenton, Bart. K.C.B.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>In consequence of receiving this opinion, and so
authenticated by the Board, Sir Jahleel Brenton immediately
decided upon giving these three men their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[444]</a></span>
freedom, should they wish it, and having put the
question to them, they earnestly requested their liberty.
They had each a considerable sum due to them,
amounting to some hundreds of rix dollars to each
man, which the Commissioner recommended them to
leave, or at least a portion of it, in the hands of the
storekeeper, from whom they might draw it as they
wanted; a precaution very necessary to prevent their
being robbed of it. But the temptation to get the
whole into their own hands was too powerful to be
resisted. Amongst other arguments used by the Commissioner
to induce them to adopt this prudent precaution,
he stated their ignorance of the value of the
notes; all money at the Cape at this time being in
paper; and holding up a fifty dollar note to one of
them, asked him its value, to which the man unhesitatingly
answered, “ten,” and another of five being
shewn, the answer was, “twenty.” But even this proof
failed to persuade them. They took their money and
in a few days came to the Commissioner lamenting
that it was all gone. This circumstance convinced the
latter, that unless some precautionary measures were
adopted with regard to the poor blacks, no fund that
could be laid up for them would be available, and under
this impression he wrote to the Navy Board again.</p>

<p>In order to dispose of the question relative to the
black labourers, one more letter from the Commissioner
upon the subject to the Navy Board may be introduced,
in the confidence that the plan suggested in it, will
appear at once economical and practical, and that if
steadily followed up, it must have been effectual for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[445]</a></span>
their provision and future comfort, and the probable
result that of making these men a valuable portion of
the population.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Simon’s Bay</span>, 24th <span class="smcap">Sept.</span> 1817.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Gentlemen</span>,</p>

<p>“As the works of this yard are now nearly completed,
I beg leave to offer a few observations which have occurred
to me, upon the subject of the black labourers belonging to
the establishment. Many of these people have been in His
Majesty’s service since 1808; and consequently have, according to
the present arrangement for recaptured slaves, only five years to
serve; but from the opinion given by your solicitor, transmitted
in your letter of the 28th May, 1816, they are even at this time
susceptible of liberation.</p>

<p>“It becomes a matter of serious importance to provide for
these people the means of obtaining an honest livelihood, and of
making them useful members of society, when they shall be no
longer under control. And it appears to me that so desirable an
end may be effected, without putting His Majesty’s government
to any expense, by the means which I take the liberty of submitting
for your consideration.</p>

<p>“We find from experience, that the lower classes of all
descriptions of men who have been long accustomed to restraint
and dependence, no sooner find themselves their own masters,
and in possession of a considerable sum of money, arising perhaps
from a long course of industry, than they are involved in great
danger, and generally become entangled in difficulties, for want
of some decided line of conduct to pursue. The blacks would be
particularly liable to this exposure, unless care be taken to prepare
them for liberty by a superintendence of their concerns, and
by introducing them to it gradually.</p>

<p>“There are amongst our labourers several who have become
good masons, brickmakers, blacksmiths, excellent caulkers, tolerable
carpenters, and expert boatmen, and who consequently, if
kept in industrious habits, are well calculated to provide for
themselves.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[446]</a></span></p>

<p>“There are belonging to the Naval department, by right of
purchase, and totally independent of the Colonial Government,
pieces of ground, not required for any purposes connected with
the dockyard, nor likely to be required however extensive that
establishment may become, from their situation; a part lying
behind the Commissioner’s garden, and part beyond the Naval
Hospital at the south of the town.</p>

<p>“I should propose that a part of this ground should be laid
out in small lots, say twenty feet by sixty, contiguous to each
other, and appropriated to as many individuals as the Board
might contemplate the discharge of. Upon each lot a small
house should be built by the black artificers themselves, to whom
two days in the week should be given up for that purpose. The
stone and the clay are on the spot; the roofing would be the only
expensive part, which being furnished out of the refuse wood in
the yard, useless for any other purpose, might be paid for by the
smallest annual sum by the occupant, say one rix dollar<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> per
month.</p>

<p>“As soon as six of these houses are finished, as many of the
most deserving men should be put into possession of them; not
discharged altogether from the service, but bound to work in the
yard whenever called upon; and of the expediency of this the
Commissioner should be the judge. The Commissioner would
make this of course dependent entirely upon their good conduct,
in their new situation. When he found them persevering and
industrious, he would naturally leave them in the uninterrupted
exercise of their employment; those on the contrary who were
disposed to be idle, he would call more frequently to the task
work in the yard, and to such as proved incorrigible, he would
revoke the indulgence altogether, putting the more deserving into
their room.</p>

<p>“The days on which they were permitted to work for themselves
they would of course receive neither pay nor provisions
from the yard. Thus by degrees a most useful and industrious
body of men may be comfortably settled beyond the reach of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[447]</a></span>
want, in the exercise of habits of industry, immediately under the
protection as well as the control of their officers. The ground-rent
of these buildings would be a retaining fee, by which their
services could be called for upon any emergency, such as a fire,
or ships driving on shore, and for which they might receive a
stipulated sum. They would continue to receive the same religious
instruction from the chaplain of the yard, and from the
schoolmaster, as when actually belonging to His Majesty’s
service.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Navy Board.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>The Navy Board expressed their approbation of the
plan above proposed in the following letter, dated
10th January, 1818.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“In reply to your letter of the 24th September we
acquaint you that we entirely concur with you in the propriety
and importance of giving to the black labourers of your establishment,
at the expiration of their apprenticeship or legal servitude,
all the assistance in our power towards obtaining an honest
livelihood, and at the same time keeping them within reach of the
moral and religious instruction of the chaplain of the yard, and
we are glad to hear the men are so well qualified in their
respective trades, as to obtain work when set free.</p>

<p>“We have therefore no hesitation in assenting to your proposition
of appropriating ground to them for erecting dwellings upon
in the way you have mentioned; if upon further consideration you
are fully satisfied that such an indulgence to the black people, will
not afford any just ground of dissatisfaction and complaint to the
European artificers; and provided an absolute power is reserved
to the Commissioner for the time being, to deprive the people of
their houses and grounds in case of misbehaviour, or if required
for the public convenience; giving them in either case such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[448]</a></span>
reasonable compensation for their labour and expenses as he may
think equitable; and no man to have more than a life interest in
the property; but as deaths occur, you will in giving the houses
to others, make it a condition that the family of the deceased shall
have some small sum paid by the new occupant.</p>

<p class="center">“Signed,</p>

<p class="right">H. B. MARTIN<br />
H. LEGGE<br />
R. G. MIDDLETON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Commissioner Sir J. Brenton.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>About the year 1819 the Commissioner proceeded to
carry this plan into effect, having selected four of the
most meritorious blacks, and giving them in the first
instance one day in the week to prepare the ground,
and to collect materials for their buildings, at the same
time laying out their gardens. When the houses were
so far in progress for laying on the roofs, the materials
were given to them from the dock-yard; which from
being unfit for any important purposes, were valued at
a very insignificant price; and in the course of the
following year, four very respectable cottages were
completed, and put into the hands of the blacks, who
immediately began working for the public in their
respective trades, and when there was no pressure of
work in the dock-yard, and employment was offered to
them by the inhabitants of Simon’s Town, they were
allowed to take it without any interruption. But if
out of work, they were always received and paid by
the dock-yard, whether absolutely required or not.
They were thus secure of employment, and conducted
themselves so much to the satisfaction of the Commissioner
and officers of the yard, as fully to answer the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[449]</a></span>
hopes which had been formed of the efficacy of the
plan. Had the establishment of the dock-yard remained
a few years longer, there is little doubt but that
the great majority of these negroes would have been
effectually provided for. There were, it is true, among
these as well as in every other class of human beings,
incorrigible characters, whom no system or measure
could reform; and these, but these only, would have
become the burden of the colony: but then, even in
this case, it must be remembered that the colony or
the mother country had had the benefit of their labours
during their best days.</p>

<p>Upon the breaking up of the dock-yard establishment
at the Cape of Good Hope in 1821, the greater
part of the blacks were discharged, and set at liberty;
but no previous arrangement being made, it is to be
feared that the large sums due to them were soon
dissipated, and they were ultimately obliged to place
themselves in voluntary bondage—not the less galling
or binding from being voluntary. For by the laws of
the colony, the servant, if in debt to his master, must
continue to work for him until the debt is paid; and
how easy it is for the master to bring his black labourer
into debt to him, and how difficult for the poor black
to avoid or free himself from that debt, need not be
adverted to.</p>

<p>The description of this plan of the Commissioner’s
for the benefit of the negroes, has been given at
greater length, as the question of providing for the
great mass of their emancipated brethren in the West
Indies, is not, nor is likely to be soon settled; and some<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[450]</a></span>
hints for the disposal of them may here be found,
which may be reduced to useful practice there. The
Editor is happy to be able to add, that from very
recent information, it appears that the benefits contemplated,
have been in a great degree realized.</p>

<p>Sir Jahleel’s domestic narrative continues, “As our
house required considerable alteration in order to make
it comfortable, General Baird kindly lent us the Government
quarters near Simon’s Town, which was a most
valuable acquisition, as it kept your mother from the
noise and confusion, which necessarily attended the
fitting up and furnishing our own house.” Lady
Brenton’s health in the course of the summer, rendered
a change of air necessary, and she was removed to the
house of Mr. Colyn, at Constantia, where Sir Jahleel
says, “We were most kindly and hospitably received
by these excellent people, who used every effort in the
power of friendship and goodness of heart to afford
relief to my dear suffering companion. For some time
the change of air seemed to have been instrumental to
her receiving great benefit. This called forth our
warmest gratitude to the merciful Providence which
had directed us to the means; and painful as the
recollection of these disappointed hopes may be, my
beloved children, the retrospect of this period must fill
our hearts with thankfulness to Him who bestowed
such an alleviation of suffering upon her, such a
suspension of anxiety and affliction upon ourselves.
When we consider the duration of life in general, and
how small a portion of it is passed in happiness, or in
entire freedom from solicitude, our hearts must expand<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[451]</a></span>
with thankfulness for the share of enjoyment which has
been bestowed upon us; and the sanguine hopes which
we were induced to indulge at this period, must
make it appear as one of almost unmixed happiness.
A habit of viewing and feeling the events of life, and
referring them to their great first cause, may be
considered as an additional faculty bestowed on the
sincere, the patient, and faithful servants of God; to
contribute to their comfort, to ensure their enjoyment
of that which is good in this world; to support them
under its trials, to reconcile them to the state of life to
which they are called, and finally to lead them to that
everlasting happiness prepared for them by the inconceivable
mercy and goodness of God.”</p>

<p>Lady Brenton’s health continued in a most precarious
and fluctuating state for some time, rendering
frequent removals to Constantia necessary. She had
a very severe relapse on the 26th of January,
after which Sir Jahleel says, “the Almighty was
pleased to bestow a considerable period of relief and
comfort.”</p>

<p>On the 29th of January the wind blew with greater
violence than it had ever been known to do in this
place, and throughout the whole shore of the bay on
which it acted, there was but one space where a vessel
could have been driven, without being irrevocably lost,
although without much danger to lives. Upon this
small space both the Revolutionaire and Zebra were
driven, and by the wind shifting suddenly to the
southward, which brought a heavy sea into the bay,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[452]</a></span>
they were both in imminent danger for some time, but
on the 31st were got off without any loss of life.</p>

<p>On the 4th of February Sir Jahleel says, “every
day now grew more alarming, and our situation more
awfully afflicting. The dreadful disorder had assumed
a more fearful appearance. Our short excursion to
Constantia had as usual cheered and enlivened the
dear sufferer, but we did not dare to form any sanguine
hopes of a residence there. Our kind and hospitable
friends would most willingly have received us for any
period, but anxious to save them the inconvenience, we
preferred hiring a cottage, which at last we succeeded
in finding at Mr. Fersfeld’s. Thither we prepared to
remove, but it was with heavy hearts, for we had little
hopes of bringing the dear object of our affection back
with us. She was as usual all piety and resignation;
all cheerfulness when not immediately suffering, and a
model of exemplary patience and fortitude, when in
pain and sickness. You and I my dear girl can never
forget this bright example. May it influence our conduct,
my beloved children, and when the day comes, and
come it must, when all that we cling to here, when all
who are dear to us, and all to whom we are dear, are
on the eve of being finally separated, at least as far as
relates to this world; and may our last days be like
her’s. We went to our retired and comfortable residence
near Wynberg on the 10th of February. The
change of air at first excited a temporary feeling of
improvement, but it was not of an encouraging nature.
A settled and increasing debility had evidently taken<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[453]</a></span>
place, with loss of appetite, and cough and oppression.
Still the sweet sufferer appeared to enjoy the change,
and to delight in the drives which this part of the
country afforded.”</p>

<p>Lady Brenton’s journal, dated 29th March says, “on
Tuesday, through the mercy of Divine Providence,
we were permitted to reach home in safety.”</p>

<p>June 3rd, Sir Jahleel says, “my much respected
friend, the amiable Lord Amherst, had just arrived
from his unsuccessful mission to China, after his disastrous
shipwreck. Your mother was at this time
extremely weak and suffering, but she assured me that
our evening society, at which time alone she joined us,
amused her, and such appeared to be the case. Our
letters which arrived at this period from England were
indeed delightful. Those from my darling Jervis gave
me the most sanguine hopes of his being all I could
wish him to be. I felt that I could now correspond
with him as a friend notwithstanding his youth; he was
scarcely fourteen at the time these letters were written.
These were the last his mother was capable of enjoying;
how little did she then think she was so soon to
meet this darling child in the realms of everlasting
happiness, and how merciful was the dispensation of
our heavenly Father, which prevented her last days
from being agonized by the account of his unexpected
departure; for with whatever resignation the purest
heart may bear its own sufferings, the feelings implanted
in our nature render the strongest mind
accessible to the most sincere affliction, at the awful
separation from those we love.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[454]</a></span></p>

<p>“The 5th of June, 1817. This, my beloved children,
was the last day in which your mother ever took
a pen in her hand, unless it were to endorse her papers,
which she requested me to destroy after reading them;
but that became impossible until I had transcribed
them for you. I come now to that period, which awful
and affecting as it was, was full of mercy, full of goodness,
and full of the most salutary influence to us.
May we, my dearest children, ever keep it before us,
and cherish it in our hearts, for our affectionate remembrance,
our admiration, and our imitation. From the
day on which the last memorandum was written, until
that on which Lord Amherst sailed, the 11th, the
angelic sufferer, though weak and frequently in pain
(indeed I fear constantly) was still cheerful, and
appeared to enjoy the society with which we were surrounded,
in consequence of the Ambassador being with
us, who was waiting for a wind. We also felt cheered
and comforted at the observations which were made by
some, that her health did not appear in a worse state
than when they saw her the preceding year. On the
13th she went out with me in the phaeton, but I had
not gone many yards before I felt convinced that her
nerves were not equal to the fatigue, that everything
alarmed her, and I proposed returning, to which she
gladly consented. She soon after went to her room;
never again to leave it alive. On the following day I
became alarmed, and sent for Dr. Barry. This extraordinary
young man, at the age of fourteen, had undergone
a most rigid examination before the College of
Physicians, and had, by the correctness of his answers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[455]</a></span>
and the extent of his abilities, extorted from them his
diploma, with which he had practised with the most
extraordinary success. Had not a firm conviction
taken place in my mind, that the nature of my beloved
Isabella’s disorder, was beyond the reach of human
skill, I should have derived the most sanguine hopes
from his advice; but with such an impression upon my
mind, I knew that Omnipotence alone could restore
her; and although I never had the presumption to
hope that a miracle would be performed in my favour,
yet to the last hours of her life, the faint glimmering
hope of her being spared to me, never wholly abandoned
me. On this day he pronounced the case to be very
alarming, and declared strong measures to be necessary.
Her state was soon pronounced hopeless. To me she
did not appear sensible of her danger; but I have since
found that she knew it, and had cheerfully resigned
herself to it. She did not hesitate to converse upon it
with my sister, but could not bring herself to give me
the afflicting tidings. I became very anxious that she
should receive the sacrament, but was fearful of exciting
alarm by my mentioning my wishes. This was a state
of mind which can easily be imagined, but which it is
difficult to describe. This complicated anxiety dwelt
very strongly upon my mind, and gave rise to a circumstance,
which I shall ever consider a dispensation of
Divine Providence. I was lying on the sofa in her
room, and dreamed that I was receiving the sacrament
with her. I awoke with a very strong impression of
the dream upon my mind, but soon after fell asleep
again, and the dream was renewed. I considered this as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[456]</a></span>
an imperative warning, which I dared no longer slight,
and seating myself by her side, I took the earliest
opportunity of speaking upon religious subjects. I
then mentioned my dream and consequent anxiety.
She heard me, not with dismay, but with delight; assured
me she had long wished for it, and expressed her
earnest desire that it should be administered. She
regretted the absence of Mr. Hough, the clergyman,
with whom we had long been on the most friendly
terms. His worthy successor she had only had an
opportunity of seeing, the preference was consequently
natural. Providentially Mr. Hough came down that
very morning; and as far as I can now recollect he was
quite unexpected. I lost no time in calling upon him
to administer the sacred rite, which he immediately did,
going through the Service for the Visitation of the
Sick. With what calmness and resignation, and at the
same time with what angelic fervour, did she make her
responses to the questions which he put to her upon the
state of her mind and conscience. Her eyes alone were
dry upon this trying occasion; they were lifted up in
humble and holy confidence to her Creator and Redeemer.
Never will the remembrance of this scene be
erased from my mind. She appeared as tranquil and
collected as though in perfect health. Mr. Hough called
upon us the two succeeding days, and upon each occasion
we had in her presence a most interesting and
most comforting conversation, in which the dear sufferer
frequently joined; but our sentiments were so entirely
in unison upon every subject, that I can now remember
with a feeling not to be expressed, how her eyes glistened<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[457]</a></span>
with delight, as I suggested, from time to time,
those sources of consolation to which we had ever
looked, during the whole of our happy union, and which
had now become our sole support in this trying hour.
After the holy sacrament had thus been administered,
I felt no longer any restraint upon religious subjects,
and thenceforth they occupied nearly all our conversation.
I read to her every day one of the chapters of St.
John’s Gospel, so admirably calculated to quicken faith,
and to render real and sensible the hidden things of the
world to come. I also frequently read over to her the
23rd, 34th, 46th, 103rd, and 107th Psalms, with all of
which she was greatly delighted, but more particularly
with the 23rd, verses of which she frequently repeated.
On the 13th of July she had become so weak as to
cease to be able to walk; previous to this she had had
intervals of ease, and had even been removed into another
room, for change of air and scene. She now
wished to receive the sacrament again, and it was
administered by Mr. Dennis. From this time a lively
faith seems to have taken an entire possession of this
angelic mind. The words of our blessed Lord and
Saviour, ‘Whosoever cometh unto me, I will in nowise
cast out,’ were constantly upon her lips. Thursday night
previous to her departure, upon going into her room, I
found her in a state of delirium; she knew no one, but
repeated with a voice perfectly distinct, and with the
harmony of a seraph, the Lord’s Prayer, and the
23rd Psalm. She soon after recovered her recollection.
A paroxysm came on which threatened instant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[458]</a></span>
suffocation. As soon as she could speak, she requested
Dr. Duke and Mr. Dennis might be sent for. In the
course of a short time she was quite composed, and at
three in the morning received the sacrament, with the
same calmness and enchanting resignation she had manifested
upon previous occasions. She appeared to be
greatly comforted, and soon after fell into a peaceful
slumber, which continued without interruption for nearly
twelve hours; but previous to falling asleep, and immediately
after receiving the sacrament, she said, ‘Remove
that light,’ (a candle being placed in such a manner as
to incommode her) ‘I shall soon see a much brighter.’
‘Do you feel that, Lady Brenton?’ said Mr. Dennis.
‘Yes, I do, indeed,’ she rejoined, ‘but I hope I am not
presumptuous. I am going to sleep; I think I shall
awake in a celestial light.’ She dozed a little; then
opening her eyes exclaimed to my sister, ‘O! Mary,
am I still here! The hope of meeting my Saviour face
to face—I trust I am not impatient.’ She then slept
again in the most perfect composure. She continued
in the last state of languor until Sunday night, which
she passed in constant pain, with extreme difficulty of
breathing, and on Monday the fatal symptoms became
very apparent, in reduction of the pulse, and coldness
of the extremities. At two o’clock on Tuesday morning
the paroxysms became so quick and so severe as to
threaten instant dissolution. We surrounded her bed,
in momentary expectations of her being delivered from
her sufferings. At nine she was most severely convulsed,
but her countenance instantly resuming that angelic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[459]</a></span>
sweetness, which it had ever worne through life, she resigned
her soul (spotless through His blood) into the
hands of her Redeemer!</p>

<p>“I have thus, my darling children, gone through the
painful task of recording the last sufferings of your
inestimable mother. Let us endeavour to resign ourselves
to the Divine Will, under the truly awful dispensations
which befell us in the course of that year. Let
us remember that all our trials are sent in mercy; and I
fervently and sincerely assure myself, that at some future
period (perhaps the close of our lives) we shall look
back to these afflicting scenes, with heartfelt gratitude
and adoration, for having lifted our hearts above the
things of this world, and for having furnished us with
so bright an example in the object of our fondest affection,
to stimulate us in the practice of piety, gratitude,
and peaceful resignation; for all which she was so truly
eminent. Let it be the study of our lives to contemplate
her virtues, whilst we most affectionately cherish
her memory. It will evermore prevent our looking
with idolatrous fondness on the things of this world,
and keep our hearts fixed on Him, in whose presence is
the fulness of joy.</p>

<p>“There is no work of human composition, which has
afforded me more comfort under this trying affliction,
or seemed more applicable than ‘Young’s Night
Thoughts.’ I have frequently quoted to you such
passages as have from time made the most forcible
impression. The following possesses great force, beauty,
and consolation.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[460]</a></span></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="stanza">
<div class="verse">‘But why more woe? more comfort let it be,</div>
<div class="verse">Nothing is dead, but that which wished to die;</div>
<div class="verse">Nothing is dead, but wretchedness and pain;</div>
<div class="verse">Nothing is dead, but what incumbered, galled,</div>
<div class="verse">Blocked up the pass and barred from real life!’”</div>
</div>
<div class="stanza">
<div class="verse right"><i>Page 94.</i></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>

<p>Lady Brenton we have seen had been in the habit
of making copious extracts from her favourite authors;
no doubt for the future benefit of her children; in allusion
to one of these taken from Wilberforce’s work on
Practical Christianity, Sir Jahleel makes the following
remark.</p>

<p>“However deeply you may be struck with the sentiments
of the great and pious character, who has been
himself so eminent an example of piety and virtue, who
has so truly adorned that gospel which he professed,
who has so strenuously endeavoured to shew his love to
God, by his affection for his fellow creatures; however
impressive you may, at a future period of your lives
consider these arguments; they will to you, my darling
children, appear with an additional force and value,
thus treasured up for your attention, and guidance, by
your beloved mother—by her, who first taught your
infant lips to lisp the sacred name of God in prayer,
and who enjoined you to place your trust, your hopes
and your happiness in Him. How much do I owe to
her, whom the Almighty, in His abundant mercy, was,
pleased to bestow upon me.</p>

<p>“Well indeed do I remember that upon our first meeting
after that long separation, of which I have already
told you, and previous to our marriage; with what sweetness,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[461]</a></span>
what meekness, but with what dignified judgment,
and true piety, did she instil similar sentiments into my
mind; and shew me what erroneous views I had formed
of the requisitions of Christianity. I was indeed a
nominal Christian; my chief apprehension was of being
righteous over much, and I felt as though a general
compliance with the letter of the commandments was
all that was required of me; and even in the neglect of
many of these, I comforted myself with the reflection
that the Lord would not be ‘extreme to mark what
was done amiss.’ I was even in the constant habit of
committing a breach of the third commandment without
being sensible of it, and allowed myself to use the sacred
name of God, in common and trivial conversation, without
feeling the wickedness of such profanation. For
this she instantly but gently reproved me. On the
very first day of our meeting she entreated me to conquer
the habit, with so much earnestness of affection,
and described the nature of it in such just terms, that
the effect was instantaneous, and I can hardly remember
having been afterwards guilty of it, never certainly
without strong reproaches of conscience; and for many
years it has given me a feeling of pain when I have
heard others guilty of it, similar to what my beloved
Isabella experienced for me. Having been sent into
the world at an early age, and not having had the
advantage in any ship to which I belonged in early
life, of ever hearing religion mentioned; it had certainly
not been cultivated in my mind; and but for the
pains taken by my beloved mother in my childhood,
which the Almighty had been pleased to enable me to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[462]</a></span>
retain, amidst all the trials, temptations, and bad
examples, to which I was so frequently exposed, and
which I now deeply deplore, as having sometimes had
dominion over me; but for these seeds thus preserved,
I should indeed have been ‘without God in the world.’
But blessed be God, the inestimable treasure which he
bestowed upon me in his mercy, soon opened my eyes,
and taught me to see the difference between a nominal
and a real Christian. All my future hopes, all my present
consolation arises from this source. It was from
her ardent piety that I was taught to distrust the bare
forms of religion, as utterly inadequate to the fulfilment
of its duties; and learnt that our best efforts are imperfect,
and can only be accepted through the atonement
of our blessed Lord and Saviour.”</p>

<p>In reference to some extracts from Buchanan’s
Christian Researches Sir Jahleel says, “to those who
have not the same reason to cherish the remembrance
of the beloved object who made the above extracts,
they will naturally appear inconsequent and uninteresting,
but to us, my beloved children, to whom every
recollection of her is dear, they will appear and prove
far different; they will excite in us a lively interest in
the work to which they refer, we shall read it with
more attention, we shall feel as though her dear eyes
were still perusing those pages, and the subjects of
them will make a deeper impression upon us. I already
feel the force of this association, and am convinced that
it will be an additional stimulus to me to exert myself
in the object I now have in view; that of procuring
the extension of the Church of England over this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[463]</a></span>
colony, by every effort in my feeble power. Should
I succeed to become, under Providence, the humble
instrument towards forming even one establishment,
and should I see it flourish, with what delight
will you my darling children, at some distant period,
when I also shall have left you, praise these memorials
of your dear and affectionate parents; with what
feeling will you contemplate our mutual love and
respect for each other’s sentiments, which will so often
and so forcibly appear to you, as you read over these
remarks, and behold them in this instance producing
upon my mind the same powerful effect, as though my
beloved and inestimable companion were still present
with me, assisting me in my efforts, by her piety and
judgment. It is time that I should inform you, that
for many months I have made it my practice before I
open these invaluable extracts, to offer up the following
humble prayer to the Almighty. ‘O! Almighty God,
give me grace, I beseech Thee, most sincerely and
affectionately to cherish the memory of my beloved
wife, to imitate her piety and gratitude to Thee, to
teach them to my beloved children, and may we at last
all meet in Thy everlasting kingdom; through Jesus
Christ, our Blessed Lord and Saviour. Amen.’”</p>

<p>In reference to an extract from the life of Sir
William Jones, on the subject of the slave trade, he
adds; “what a variety of feelings will the few lines
thus rendered dear to us, my darling children, by the
hand which treasured them up for us, excite in our
minds. Every circumstance connected with this dreadful
trade, every instance which has fallen under our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[464]</a></span>
own experience, the gratitude and reverence due to
the noble and undaunted mind, which could first
contemplate the plan, and finally obtain the splendid
feat of emancipation, strengthen the conviction. On
what a proud eminence has the consistent and persevering
piety of Wilberforce placed him! How far
above the most successful hero that ever became
the idol of a nation! Here indeed we see the precepts
of our Blessed Saviour brought into practice. Here
we see a fellow creature ‘so letting his light shine
before men,’ that we are naturally inclined with one
voice to ‘glorify our Father which is in heaven.’ We
must, if we steadily contemplate the life and actions of
this most exemplary of our countrymen, feel a desire to
imitate him. His actions have given such irresistible
strength and persuasion to his writings, that we must
be influenced by them. He has indeed built his house
upon a rock; the rain may descend and the floods come;
the winds may blow and beat upon that house, but it
will not fall. From this delightful contemplation we
must, however reluctantly, turn our eyes to that great
portion of the human race still in bondage, whom the
energy of our beloved country has not yet been permitted
to reach, blessed as it has been with the Divine
Protection; their hour is not yet come, but it may
be reserved for us as the humble instruments of the
mercy of our Creator and Redeemer to soothe, and
alleviate the sufferings of numbers now in misery;
and we may hope that at some future period, perhaps
not very distant, we may be the means under a
kind Providence of liberating not only their bodies,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[465]</a></span>
but their minds from the cruel captivity under which
they are now suffering. The serious reflections
which this subject must necessarily excite in our
minds, will also produce another blessed effect. They
will incline us to be kind and charitable to our
poor fellow creatures, who although in the enjoyment
of comparative liberty, are from adverse circumstances
of poverty, sickness, and affliction, placed in a state of
almost the same dependence upon us, as though they
were our own property. The mind of your angelic
mother was peculiarly alive to feelings of this description.
The kindness, the mildness, the sweetness of her
disposition, was as conspicuous towards her servants
as towards her children. The natural consequence was,
that they loved as well as respected her; her house
was not only well regulated, but the abode of happiness
to all who dwelt in it.”</p>

<p>In reference to extracts from a sermon on the 19th
Psalm, 1-3, author not known—“Let us endeavour
to render these remarks valuable in directing our
reflections, and in giving an habitual turn to our
minds, by which the sublime scenery in the midst of
which we dwell, may have an increasing influence in
keeping alive our piety and gratitude to our Maker.
If, as the excellent author of the above extracts observes,
we contemplate the works of creation in both
the points of view which he suggests, we shall have
abundant employment for our thoughts, and they will
insensibly rise from earth to heaven. Gratitude if
really felt, will produce love and adoration, and as we
daily endeavour to strive at that perfection of character,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[466]</a></span>
which although beyond our reach, is held out to our
view, in order to stimulate and purify us; we shall
meet with a most gracious and inestimable reward, by
the peace and comfort it will procure for us in this life,
and the bright prospect of never ending joy in the life
to come.</p>

<p>“In tracing the various phœnomena of nature back
to their first causes, we are not only delighted with the
employment, and instructed by the intelligence that
daily breaks in upon us from every direction; but
when our finite reason arrives at the end of her career,
and refuses to conduct us further, we find ourselves at
once in the presence of the Deity, the author of all
things, who has been graciously pleased to reveal to us
a part of the mysteries of creation, reserving the
remainder to the future period of our interminable
existence.”</p>

<p>Extract from Lord Chatham’s letters to his nephew.—“Behaviour
is of infinite advantage to a man, as he
happens to have formed it, to a noble, graceful, engaging
and proper manner, or to a vulgar, coarse, and
ill-bred, an awkward and ungenteel one.”</p>

<p>Remarks by Sir Jahleel Brenton.—“I remember
your mother taking great delight in the letters from
which the foregoing is copied; and that she drew from
them many of the ideas she had formed for the
guidance and counsel of her own darling children, had
it pleased the Almighty to have permitted them to
enjoy for a longer period the blessing of such an
instruction. Let us imagine to ourselves all she intended,
and all she wished for you, and endeavour by a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[467]</a></span>
tender and affectionate recollection of her statements
to fulfil the object nearest to her heart. You, my
sweet I——, will never forget the impressive manner
in which your beloved mother inculcated the various
instructions you received from her, or with what judgment
she distinguished between those acquisitions
which were to have an influence upon your comfort
and prosperity through life, and such as were only
likely to procure for you an ephemeral admiration.
That you should gain entire possession of the former,
was the object of her constant solicitude, of her unwearied
endeavours, because she felt that real happiness
even in this world, is not to be attained without piety
and virtue; whereas experience had taught her, that
the glare of shining accomplishments was often seen in
characters devoid of both. With this impression upon
your mind, it is probable that you may not be able to
account for the importance attached to the carriage of
your person by your inestimable mother; but I can in
a few words explain the difficulty, which, under almost
every similar circumstance, I feel the comfort of being
able to do, from the perfect harmony of all our sentiments
and opinions. Our Christian profession not only
prescribes that we should individually perform our duty
to our Maker, and our fellow creature, in such a manner
as to fulfil the intention of our heavenly Father in
creating us; but he has expressly ordered us to let our
light so shine before men, that they may glorify our
Father which is in heaven; and consequently that we
may lead all who may be within the sphere of our influence
to follow the example. You have already seen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[468]</a></span>
enough of human nature to be convinced that much depends
upon the manner of conveying instruction, and
that we are frequently influenced by the association of
ideas, in themselves totally distinct. A person, for instance,
may utter the soundest doctrine, with the most
sublime eloquence, yet should there be at the same time
a distortion of countenance, any disgusting or repulsive
peculiarity of action, or any moroseness or severity in
his manner, the effect which such a discourse might
have produced, would be very much lessened, and to
many would be entirely lost, from the medium through
which it had reached them. Let us follow up the
reflection, and suppose a person making profession of
strict attention to his religious duties, and not only
professing, but really, as far as is consistent with human
weakness, acting up to them. Let us suppose that he
should be constant and regular in his devotions both
public and private; that the whole tenor of his conduct
in the state of life in which he might be placed, should
be upright, full of integrity, and unimpeachable; that
he should be indefatigable in doing good, and that his
charity should be unbounded; but also, that with all
these mental qualifications he should be awkward in his
gait, careless and slovenly in his person, coarse and
ill-bred in his manners, mean and idiotical in his appearance,
(for these blemishes and virtues are by no
means incompatible,) what would be the effect produced
upon those with whom he associated? Would the
influence of his good qualities be sufficiently strong to
cover his defects? Would those who were offended by
his manner, and disgusted with his appearance, forget<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[469]</a></span>
these feelings in the contemplation of the bright parts
of his character, of which they could only judge
perhaps from the report of others? Or would there
not arise on the contrary a general indisposition towards
him? Some might even go so far as to attribute
his failings to religion itself, and ascribe to this sublime
principle the greater part of his faults, as the offspring
of self-righteousness and contempt of the world.</p>

<p>“Let us on the other hand draw the delightful
picture of the sincere and faithful servant of God,
adorning his faith by his practice, resolute and full of
energy in the performance of his duties; but at the
same time, mild and amiable and graceful in his manners;
if called upon to preach the word of God, his
eloquence might be rendered still more persuasive, by
the sweetness and dignity of his expression and gestures.
In the daily intercourse with society, he might,
by gentle, unassuming, and graceful manners, continue
to enforce his doctrine, which would be rendered more
attractive by the conviction, that it was not hostile to
the elegance and refined enjoyments of life. Here my
children, you may see the propriety, and even the
necessity of attending to that correctness of conduct and
gracefulness of manner, which is called politeness.”</p>

<p>As the extracts terminate here, it appears but justice
to the husband to insert the following from the
pen and the heart of his wife.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>Extract from Lady Brenton’s journal, Simon’s Town,
April 19th, 1815.</p>

<p>“This day thirteen years I became the wife of my<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[470]</a></span>
beloved Brenton; and most truly can I say, that never
was woman blessed with a superior, or more exalted
character in a husband than myself. When I
say that I found him possessed of every virtue that can
adorn or dignify human nature, I think I do not
exaggerate, for I am not singular in my opinion:
grateful indeed then do I feel to the all-wise disposer
of events, that it pleased Him to vouchsafe me such a
blessing, frail and erring mortal that I am. Our lives
since our marriage have been chequered with a variety
of scenes, but thanks be to Almighty God we have not
met with any real misfortune; and the blessings we
have received have preponderated so much, when
weighed against the scale of disappointments, annoying
circumstances, and pecuniary losses; that we can only
have one feeling, when we view our situation in its
true and proper light, and that is, most unbounded
gratitude to the Father of all mercies.”</p>

</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[471]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>REFLECTIONS ON THE DEATH OF LADY BRENTON.—EXTRACTS FROM THE PRIVATE
MEMORANDA.—SUFFERINGS FROM HIS WOUND, AND REMARKS ON THE
SUBJECT.</p>

</div>


<p>Lady Brenton’s death took place on July 29, 1817.
A letter addressed to his mother, dated Simon’s Bay,
Sept. 17, 1817, will shew more clearly than any attempt
at description, the feelings with which her
attached and devoted husband contemplated his loss.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Simon’s Bay</span>, <span class="smcap">September</span> 17th, 1817</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My Dear Madam</span>,</p>

<p>“I have been long intending to write to you, but
from the nature of the melancholy communication you will have
received long before this reaches you, I could with difficulty
bring myself to the exertion necessary.</p>

<p>“The Almighty is indeed merciful to us, and tempers the wind
to our situation. You will scarcely believe, my dear Madam,
that it should be possible for me to say that for some weeks past
I have enjoyed more real tranquillity of mind than I have ever
before known. It is nevertheless absolutely true. My happiest
days were never unattended with anxiety. They were attended
at the same time with a most inadequate idea of the value of the
blessings I possessed. That none ever lost a more inestimable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[472]</a></span>
treasure, all who knew her are deeply sensible. But I humbly
hope that she has shewn me how to live and how to die. I once
thought that I was leading a harmless and a blameless life, that I
had a right to the rewards of another world. How different are
my present sentiments, and how immediately did they change in
this last hour of trial. I felt and feel so far from having fulfilled
the duties of my station, that every recollection excites remorse by
shewing me cause for it. When I thought I was living in the
exercise of the fondest affection, how much neglect was admitted,
and when I try my religious duties by the same standard, the
effect is much more humiliating and awful, but yet the effect is
peace. I no longer consider my own merit as the means of my
ever rejoining my beloved B.; but the mercy and goodness of
God and the atonement made by our blessed Redeemer. This is a
foundation which nothing can shake, and this makes me view her
as only preceding me for a short time. This consideration, my
dear madam, is not a gloomy one. It has not put me out of
conceit of this life. That would be impious and ungrateful. I
shall enjoy with thankfulness, I hope, the years which a kind
Providence may permit me to remain in this world, and endeavour
to devote them to the duties of my station, to the education
and happiness of my children; but it has taken the sting from
death. I think I shall feel no longer any solicitude on that
account, and that when called for I shall be able to go through
my task with the same serenity that my beloved wife evinced.
Had she been preparing for her journey to England, she could
not have been more calm and collected. May my last end, may
all our last ends be like hers.</p>

<p class="center">“Your most dutiful and affectionate</p>

<p class="right">“J. B.”</p>

</div>

<p>He was at the moment unconscious that another loss
had occurred, which was to form a fresh trial for his
faith, and was to search still more deeply the foundation
of that peace on which he had been resting. His son
Jervis, the boy to whom reference has been so often<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[473]</a></span>
made, and in whose opening qualities the fond parents
had delighted to trace the seeds of much of mental and
of moral promise, was carried off by a sudden attack
of fever and sore throat, while at school at Winchester,
on August 27, 1817, just one month after his mother’s
decease. A letter written to his brother on this occasion,
may with propriety be subjoined, as exhibiting the
spirit of calm Christian submission with which Sir
Jahleel resigned these objects of his tenderest affection.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Simons Bay</span>, <span class="smcap">January</span> 16th, 1818.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My Dear E.</span></p>

<p>“Your kind and affectionate letter I found upon
my arrival from the eastward. The melancholy intelligence
contained had already reached me, having been most considerately
sent by —— to prevent my receiving too sudden a blow upon
my return home. It was indeed severe, but tempered with mercy
by that benign Being, who has granted me a far greater share of
blessing than afflictions, and whose present awful dispensation I
feel every day more and more to be intended for my ultimate
happiness. I was indeed, my dear E. too much absorbed in my
worldly possessions, from my earliest infancy. I had attached
the highest value to domestic felicity, and I need not tell you to
what an extent I was permitted to enjoy it: instead of finding it
like all other worldly objects, greater in prospect than when
present, I experienced that it was more solid and real than my
most sanguine expectations had ever pictured it, and that my
home became every day dearer to me. I almost lost sight of the
hand which bestowed my blessings in the enjoyment of them, and
in my anxiety for their future welfare. I can now see the
wickedness of such feelings. When my beloved wife was called
away from me, the world appeared to have totally changed its
aspect to me, and lost every source of comfort. Although I
neither repined at the divine dispensation, nor gave myself up to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[474]</a></span>
despair, yet there was indifference as to this life, which I hoped
was not culpable, but could not approve. I almost forgot the
blessings which were still left me, and the necessity for strong
exertion to fulfil my duty to them. The last calamity I now feel
to have been sent to awaken me from so criminal a lethargy, and
I hope it has effectually done so. The first consolatory reflection
which came to my assistance, and it was immediate, was that my
darling B. had been spared the agony which I felt; that her
gentle spirit had been placed beyond the reach of affliction, had
been permitted, during the last weeks of its continuance here, to
devote itself to its Creator without one anxious thought either for
itself or for those dear to it. How dreadfully would this angelic
tranquillity have been disturbed had she heard of the illness and
loss of her darling child. This idea never deserts me, and has
comforted me more than I can describe. I can hardly persuade
myself I have met with a second loss in so short a time, indeed I
have almost lost sight of my own affliction in the contemplation
of their happiness.</p>

<p class="center">“Your affectionate</p>

<p class="right">“J. B.”</p>

</div>

<p>The circumstances under which Sir Jahleel received
the intelligence of his son’s death were peculiarly
touching. He had been induced to undertake a
journey into the interior, for the double purpose of
exploring the resources which those parts of the country
offered for the naval arsenal, and for ascertaining the
possibility of establishing a coasting trade along the
eastern line of coast; and had reached the town of
George, on his return from the mouth of the Knyzna,
the proposed limit of his tour; when he and his
companions saw from the house where they were resting,
the postman from Cape Town entering the village
by a bridge. Struck with the coincidence of the scene,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[475]</a></span>
Sir Jahleel was on the point of repeating to his friends
the well known lines in which Cowper contemplates
the varied contents of the postman’s bag when arriving
in Olney; when he was compelled to feel the reality
of the description by the letters which he had to open.
They contained the intelligence of his son’s death;
whom letters received but a week before had represented
as being in the full enjoyment of health; and
the deep and affecting regret with which the head
master announced the loss of his promising and
cherished pupil, must have added to the sadness with
which the father learnt the fact that this treasured
tie, to which he had turned with so much fondness in
the first bitterness of his loss, was thus suddenly taken
from him.</p>

<p>The journal from which so much has been drawn on
previous occasions, contains frequent references to this
severe and complicated trial. I merely select a few
passages as sufficient to indicate the general character
of his remarks, and as being most contiguous in
point of time.</p>

<p>“July 29th, 1818. This, my darling children, is the
first anniversary which has come round of our irreparable
loss. It has indeed been a year of affliction to us,
for much as we were prepared for the inevitable blow
as regarded your dear mother, still the awful reality
was severely felt. This was soon followed by another
as severe, and unexpected. Your dear brother was
called in a few days after the departure of his angelic
mother to follow her to the grave; but that is not the
view in which we should contemplate our dear departed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[476]</a></span>
saints. They were mercifully called to meet each
other in heaven. How benignly does the Almighty
temper our afflictions, that we may be enabled to
support our trials. Had there been an apprehension
of such a calamity befalling us, as the loss we
experienced in the course of one short month, we
should have doubted our power to sustain it; but when
the last afflicting tidings came, they found us already
prostrate before the throne of mercy, humbly endeavouring
to resign ourselves to the Divine Will, and in
such a frame more able to support the pressure of
adversity, than if it had visited us during some of those
periods of indescribable happiness, which our bountiful
and merciful Creator has so frequently been pleased to
bestow upon us. When the loss of your dear brother
was announced to me, bitter as the affliction was, it
came accompanied with a source of consolation of
which the effect was instantaneous. The idea that his
mother had been spared the misery of such a loss, that
they had met in heaven, that their sufferings were at
an end; that they had been mutually spared the
wretchedness of mourning for each other; these comforting
reflections instantly crowded into my mind,
and saved me from much of the anguish which I must
have endured at any other period.</p>

<p>“A whole year has now elapsed, and the retrospect,
affecting as it is, nevertheless abounds in comfort. We
have that feeling that the world is not our all. If it
had been, what would have been our situation now?
From my own experience I deeply feel the chastening,
but merciful hand of God in these awful dispensations.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[477]</a></span>
They have awakened me to a true sense of my situation,
and have shewn me, that whilst happy here, my
eternal felicity was at stake; for I was guilty of gross
idolatry, by allowing every thought to centre in the
blessings bestowed upon me, with little more than a
nominal reference to the all-merciful Providence from
whom I received them. This is the first year of my
life in which I can conscientiously claim to have made
any progress in religious attainments; for greatly defective
as I must still allow myself to be, I feel that I
have a deeper sense of the divine presence constantly
upon my mind; that I have less of that dreadful
repugnance to the service of my Maker, and more
energy in the performance of it; and I can feel that
in all my pursuits, whether professional or otherwise, I
am constantly influenced by a sense of their being
religious duties. The memory of what I have lost has
scarcely ever been absent from my mind, indeed every
thing recalls it, but my tranquillity and even cheerfulness
has been greater than at almost any period of my
life, for I have lost all cause of anxiety. Formerly I
was wretched on account of my own health, about my
circumstances and worldly successes, unmindful of the
Divine protection who had never deserted me. Now I
learn to resign myself to His Divine will; to entrust
you, my darling children, to his care; and I have also
acquired the conviction that there is no situation in life,
however successful we may be in all our pursuits, capable
of conferring real and permanent happiness; for had I
been placed on the pinnacle of human glory—the admiration,
the idol, and the envy of all around me—this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[478]</a></span>
blow would have humbled me to the dust, for I can with
sincerity say that all my successes in life have derived
their chief value from your mother having participated
in them.</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
<div class="verse indent9">‘How I dreamt,</div>
<div class="verse">Of things impossible! Could sleep do more?</div>
<div class="verse">Of joys perpetual, in perpetual change,</div>
<div class="verse">Of stable pleasures on the tossing wave,</div>
<div class="verse">Perpetual sunshine in the storms of life;</div>
<div class="verse">How richly were my noontide trances hung</div>
<div class="verse">With gorgeous tapestries of pictured joys,</div>
<div class="verse">Joy behind joy, in endless perspective!’</div>
</div>
</div>

<p>“My whole life had been almost such a dream, mixed,
it is true, with many causeless and culpable anxieties.
Blessed with all that could render life a state of happiness,
the most perfect description of it, domestic happiness,
I never once considered the certainty that a few
years must end it, but allowed myself to be as much
absorbed in the contemplation of it as though this life
were all in all. With a full and perfect conviction upon
my mind of the truths of our holy religion, of the promises
of the gospel, still I found the charms of this
world capable of taking entire possession of me. How
differently do I now view it. Affliction only can clear
away the mist from before our eyes, and enable us to
distinguish the fleeting and chequered enjoyments of
this world, from the real and never ending felicity
which can only be attained in that which is to come.</p>

<p>“26th September, 1818.—Nearly fourteen months
have now elapsed since the departure of your beloved
mother, and eight since the tidings reached me of our
dear Jervis having followed her to the realms of bliss.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[479]</a></span>
During the whole period of my life I do not remember
any to have passed with more entire tranquillity than
this season of affliction, or with more consistency of
reflection.</p>

<p>“When I am suffering most from depression of mind,
and the mournful contemplation of my widowed state, I
can readily trace these gloomy feelings to their source;
and find them to have taken possession of me, as the
world renews its cares and influence, and renders the
view of eternity less distinct than when seen through
that pass by which your beloved mother and brother
have entered into it.</p>

<p>“24th September, 1820.—A long interruption has
here occurred, my darling children, and prevented for
many months the continuance of an employment, which
had not only become most deeply interesting, but in a
manner sacred; as its intention was to keep alive in
your minds the remembrance of your mother’s virtues,
and to lead you to cherish them in your hearts, as so
many delightful and irresistible examples for your own
conduct. The interruption has not only been long,
but very nearly final, from the severe illness by
which it was occasioned; but a kind and merciful
Providence has, in addition to innumerable mercies and
blessings, brought me through this trial, and restored
me, if not to health, at least to the capability of
resuming my former occupations.</p>

<p>“It has often occurred to me whilst lying on the
bed of sickness, that the reflections necessarily suggested
by such a state, if accurately recorded, would
not only be of the greatest value to the sufferer, should<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[480]</a></span>
he be permitted to recover, but also of inestimable
benefit to many who might have escaped such experience;
and it most forcibly struck me, as a most
appropriate subject for this journal, in which I hope,
my dear children, you will continue to derive religious
instructions from your affectionate parents, long after
the period in which they will have been called away
from you. Here under the influence of the most tender
associations and recollections, you will find yourselves
assured that the hour of affliction is rarely, if ever,
without its sources of alleviation; to the sincere
Christian, I may add with confidence, never.</p>

<p>“My illness was occasioned by cold, and violent
inflammation in my wound, which had been closed for
upwards of four years. This led to the formation of
an extensive abscess, which for some days kept me in
a very dangerous state; it confined me to my bed for
several weeks, and for six months has reduced me to
the state of a cripple, in which I must expect to
remain for some time longer. I do not remember
during any period of my illness to have considered the
danger imminent, but I feel a comfort in the recollection
that I had no considerable anxiety, or any
afflicting thoughts, even in the most alarming moments.
But I had many serious and salutary reflections, for
which I hope to be the better during the remainder of
my days. The retrospect of the last years of my life
did not afford me the consolation and confidence which
I had so often and so presumptuously flattered myself
it would have done. On the contrary, it brought
the most unanswerable evidence that I had been living<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[481]</a></span>
in error and vanity, in a system of Christianity very
different from that laid down by our blessed Saviour.
This was the light in which I began to view the last,
and what I had arrogantly considered the meritorious
part of my conduct; but how innumerable were the
instances, or rather how constant was the practice of
my ‘living without God in the world.’ How entirely
did I find that I had devoted myself to this life, and
how faint were the impressions of the life to come.
And yet I had been in the habit of considering myself
so certain of salvation, as to look forward to death as
the only source of consolation for the affliction I had
experienced in the loss of your sainted parent and
brother. Such a confidence is indeed a delightful one
if it be properly and rightly sustained; and if it can be
rationally indulged, is certain of being efficacious under
the heaviest pressure of worldly misery. But it is not
to be attained so easily as we are frequently induced
to imagine, by dividing our affections between this
world and the world to come; or rather by paying a
formal heartless worship to God, whilst all our thoughts
are occupied in our worldly treasures, in those we have
lost, or in those we still possess or fear to lose. Could we
bring ourselves to say with real sincerity of heart and
perfect resignation, ‘Thy holy will be done;’ could we
devote the remainder of our lives to Him, who gives
and takes away, as infinite wisdom suggests; could we
enjoy the blessings of this life with gratitude, but look
forward with hope, delight, and confidence to the
divine promises for eternal happiness, then indeed we
might say, ‘O! death where is thy sting, O! grave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[482]</a></span>
where is thy victory!’ We might then say with the
excellent and pious Doddridge, that ‘the cords of
affection which would have tied us to the earth, and
have added new pangs to our removal from it, are
become as a golden chain to draw us upward, and add
one further charm and joy to even paradise itself.’
This most desirable, most pleasant state of mind can
never be gained by our own unassisted exertions. This
is a truth which cannot be too frequently repeated to
us. Thousands have sought for it in vain. To obtain
it, we must unreservedly give ourselves to our blessed
Redeemer, and seek for comfort through His divine
atonement. My frame of mind previous to this illness
had been very different. I thought less of the awful
deficiency, which must appear when I should be called
upon to render an account of the talent which had
been committed to my charge, than of my fancied
superiority over such of my fellow creatures as were
openly disobeying the commandments of God; and like
the self-righteous Pharisee, I felt, if I did not express,
my self-gratulation in not being as the ‘Publican;’
little reflecting, that he might be inwardly struggling
against an evil nature, performing acts of virtue unknown
to all but his Creator, and depending solely for
help and pardon on Him, who says, ‘whosoever cometh
unto me I will in no ways cast out.’ Reflections such
as these could have no effect in inspiring confidence or
hope, when on the confines of death, or in bearing up
the spirit to sustain its infirmities; they were consequently
rejected as productive rather of despair than
consolation. I am happy to say, they were as transitory<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[483]</a></span>
as useless, and that I turned at once to Him, who
alone could give me peace, to our blessed Saviour and
Redeemer. His words appeared to be instantly verified.
I felt the burden with which I was ‘weary and
heavy laden,’ at once removed, and that I could cast
my care on Him. I prayed for strength of mind to
conquer my worldly feelings and propensities; for gratitude
for all the blessings vouchsafed to me, but above
all for that most stupendous sacrifice, by which I was
redeemed from sin and misery; that it might bring
forth in me the most perfect resignation to the Divine
Will, the most perfect trust and confidence in God;
the most unbounded and indefatigable charity to my
fellow creatures. If I am still without the object of
this prayer, yet I have the comfort of knowing, that I
am much more sensible of my deficiencies; and that I
do daily and constantly indulge the humble hope, that
I shall be graciously assisted in conquering the remaining
depravities and corruptions of my nature.</p>

<p>“Blessed with all that could render life a state of happiness,
the most perfect description of it, domestic happiness;
I never once considered the certainty that a few
years must end it, but allowed myself to be as much
absorbed in the contemplation of it as though this life
were all in all. With a full and perfect conviction upon
my mind of the truths of our Holy Religion, and of the
promises of the gospel, still I found the charms of this
world capable of taking entire possession of me. How
differently do I now view it. Affliction only can clear
away the mist from our eyes, and enable us to distinguish
the fleeting and chequered enjoyments of this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">[484]</a></span>
world, from the real and never ending felicity which
can only be attained in that which is to come.”</p>

<p>In allusion to the death of his wife and his son—“Those
events which in the course of my life have
appeared the most unpromising, and have been attended
with the most anxiety, have frequently and generally
proved the sources of comfort and happiness. The two
heavy dispensations, which have lately befallen me, cannot
have such consequences in this world; but I fervently
and humbly trust they may be the means of
preparing me for eternal happiness in the next, by
awakening me from an attachment to the things of this
life, which almost exclusively occupied my thoughts.
The more innocent the affections, the more we are inclined
to indulge them, and the less do we perceive our
danger of being drawn away from God. But the Almighty
in his wisdom and mercy knew what was best
for me. He has afflicted me, and I humbly implore
his Holy Spirit to give me perfect resignation to his
Divine will. How keen would have been my grief for
the loss of so promising a child as your brother Jervis,
at such an age, and whom I had fondly contemplated
as my successor and representative, if I had only thought
of him in a worldly point of view. But seeing him as I
do, disposed of by Divine wisdom, I resign him into the
hands of his Maker. It is true, he will never more
come to me, but I humbly trust I shall go to him. May
worldly wisdom grow every day more insignificant in
your eyes, my dear children; at least such wisdom as is
so generally sought for. You will soon attain the
delightful experience, that even for success, prosperity,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[485]</a></span>
and happiness in this world, Divine Wisdom is all
in all.”</p>

<p>“October the 12th.—The frequent menacing appearances
which my health and wound assume, form a constant
source of serious reflection, and I feel that it may
be neither unimportant, nor a waste of time, to note
these thoughts down as they occur. They may be of
infinite benefit to you, my dear children, in influencing
your conduct on similar occasions, should you be
visited by them; and the experience of those we love
has a powerful effect in fixing our resolutions, and
dictating our line of conduct. In the first place then,
I am more than ever convinced that trials and afflictions
are sent for our good, sent in kindness and in
mercy; and that so far from repining under them, we
incur an awful responsibility, if we do not turn them
to good account, by taking them as warnings against
our worldly attachments, and by listening to the voice
with which they so earnestly direct us towards eternity.
This duty is obvious and imperative, however hard to
fulfil. It is now the chief object of my solicitude; and
I feel that I can only appropriate to myself the blessed
hope of immortality, in proportion to the measure in
which I can resign myself to the Divine will, and preserve
my mind unshaken by the cares and anxieties of
life. So happy a frame of mind is neither easily to be
acquired, nor long preserved, amidst the shocks to which
we are exposed, and the conflicting passions of our
nature. I hope, however, I have succeeded, my dearest
my beloved children, in resigning you into the hands
of a merciful, and an omnipotent Protector; and I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[486]</a></span>
humbly trust that you will ever remain under his
paternal care, receiving with gratitude the blessings He
bestows, and seeking the Divine approbation as your
only object.”</p>

<p>The narrative has perhaps been suspended too long,
while the private meditations and recollections of this
excellent man have been thus brought before the reader.
But the Editor feels no apology due for the delay. It has
been said already, and said more than once, that the object
of the present volume was to present to the public the
picture, not of the seaman, or the officer, but of the
man; and the portrait would have been incomplete,
it would have been deficient in that which like expression
in painting, gives the chief value to the representation,
if dwelling on features of general
interest, and which must arrest universal attention,
it had neglected or omitted others more adapted
to private life, and suited to personal application.
The world have long known what Sir Jahleel Brenton
was on the deck, in the hour of action, or the
storm. It is the object of the present memoir to shew
what he was in the retirement of his home, as a husband,
a father, and a man; and with this in view, the
Editor trusts that he has not trespassed too largely,
either on the patience of his readers, or on the sacredness
of private memorials, by shewing how Sir Jahleel
Brenton bore the trials to which he was subjected in
private life, and the exemplary manner in which he
discharged the several relations in which he stood. It
need not be doubted that the service included officers,
whose courage, whose zeal, whose intelligence and self-possession<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">[487]</a></span>
were equal to his; and it is possible that there
were some who might have been compared to him in
other respects; but it is the combination of qualities
which gives to character its peculiarity; and it is the
peculiarity of character which renders its example
profitable. The earlier portion of the narrative exhibited
its subject in the form which appeared most
consistent with his excellence as an officer; but justice
seems to require, that he who was as admirable for the
gentler qualities of his nature, as for those which were
suited to arrest the world’s notice, should be presented
to the reader in other scenes, and under other trials; as
occupying the painful post of observation, while watching
the sick-bed of that wife, for whom he had
entertained an attachment as romantic as it was
reasonable; as subsequently cherishing and educating
the children, whom her lengthened sickness and early
removal had devolved on his care; as exercising all the
graces of Christian benevolence in his intercourse with
his fellow creatures, wherever his lot was cast; and as
engaged in seeking comfort for himself, under a loss
that seemed to be irreparable, by meditating on the
promises of scripture.</p>

<p>The character of the remainder of his life was to be
essentially different from that of its commencement.
The excitement of hope, the energy of enterprize, the
exultation of triumph were to be exchanged for calmer
feelings, adapted to the circumstances in which he was
to be placed. But a surer test of excellence can
hardly be conceived, than to see it uniformly exhibited
under every variety of position; exposed to trial in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">[488]</a></span>
different ways, and superior to trial in all; and the
principle which supports men under successive forms
of temptation, which overcomes the weaknesses of age
as well as the weaknesses of youth, and gives to every
part of life the same characteristic tone of goodness, is
the most entitled to admiration, as it proves most
effectively the purity of its original.</p>

<p>From the date of Lady Brenton’s death, Sir Jahleel’s
residence at the Cape did not include any event which
calls for particular notice. The stirring interests of a
time of war had been succeeded by a peace, which
seemed more likely to be durable, from the exhaustion
to which the contending powers had been reduced by
the length of the previous contest. The duties of his
office occupied his day; the care of his children occupied
his earlier and later hours; and few men were
better qualified by talent, taste, and habitual gentleness
of mind for the discharge of this last—this anxious and
delicate duty. Having the singular advantage of a sister
residing with him, and of a sister who sympathised
with all his feelings, and entered into all his views, he
was able to pursue with less uneasiness the labours
which his public employment occasioned, even when
they rendered absence from home necessary; and shortly
after the event which left him a widower, he felt it his
duty to undertake a journey of considerable extent,
along the Eastern coast as far as the mouth of the
Knyzna; in order to ascertain, by personal observation,
some points of considerable importance for the public
service. Of these the chief were to investigate the
facilities for establishing a coasting trade along the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">[489]</a></span>
shores of the colony, and to examine resources which
the mouth of the river Knyzna offered as a harbour for
the shipping employed for this purpose; and connected
with this, to get some information as to the quality of
the timber produced in the forests, and its fitness for
the purposes of the dock-yard. He has left a detailed
narrative of this journey, which amply deserves publication,
and which accordingly is printed as it is found.
It contains an interesting description of the scenery
through which he passed—a country which even at present
is comparatively unknown; but it is still more
valuable as exhibiting the character of the mind with
which he viewed it. The journey was undertaken very
shortly after the loss which seemed to him so irreparable;
and yet we meet with no querulous expressions of
grief, no idle recollections of past happiness. He had
resigned the being whom he loved above all earthly
things to the will of Him, from whom he had first
received her; and conscious that the best resource for
his own weakness was employment; and trusting that
the discharge of duty would bring consolation with it,
he seems to have looked round for opportunities of usefulness,
and to have sought comfort for himself in endeavouring
to do good to others. Gifted as he was with a
taste for scenery, and capable of viewing every combination
in nature with an artist’s eye, the remarks with
which his journal are filled, are chiefly characterized by
benevolence and zeal for his country’s service. In
every place he visits, the welfare of the people, and the
means of public improvement, are the objects that principally
attract his attention; and while every thing is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">[490]</a></span>
noted, and noted in a way which shews how fully it was
appreciated, an universal desire to do good predominates
in the observations which he makes, and marks
what was passing in the heart of the writer.</p>

<p>The narrative concludes abruptly, and the reader who
has accompanied him in his wanderings through that
beautiful, and at that time unexplored region, will hear
with pain that the cause, which terminated the journey,
and closed the narrative so suddenly, was the arrival of
a letter which reached him on his way back from the
mouth of the Knyzna, and which announced the death
of his son Jervis. This boy, to whom such frequent
reference has been made in the Journal, and whose
character seemed to justify all that was felt towards
him, died at Winchester School, after a very short
illness, and within a few days of that which closed
Lady Brenton’s life. His fond mother was spared the
pang of hearing of that event, and he was spared the
pain with which he must have heard of her release; but
Sir Jahleel, through this singular concurrence of trials,
merely passed from one affliction to meet the shock of
the other; and perhaps was thus to learn that no
earthly comfort was to be made use of as a resting
place for the soul, or to occupy affections which were
due to God alone.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">[491]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>NARRATIVE OF A JOURNEY TO THE MOUTH OF THE KNYZNA.</p>

</div>


<p>“The result of all the information obtained respecting
the Knyzna, and the report of its being admirably
adapted as a shipping place for the timber required for
the use of the dock yard, as well as for cargoes to send
to England, induced me to form the resolution of visiting
it, for the purpose of ascertaining how far it might
be made to realize the idea which I had formed of its
being made useful on a large scale, not only to the
naval department but to the colony. It was not until
the month of November, 1817, that I was enabled to
fulfil my intentions.</p>

<p>“On the 24th of that month I left Sans Souci, the
residence of my talented and well informed friend,
Colonel Warre,<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> the Deputy Quarter Master General,
accompanied by him and Colonel Graham, the Commandant
of Simon’s Town. This officer had long commanded
the Hottentot or Kaffer corps, on the eastern
frontier, by whom, and by all the inhabitants of every<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">[492]</a></span>
part of the colony where he was known, he was universally
respected and beloved, as a gallant soldier and a
most amiable man. His knowledge of the colony was
perhaps greater than that of any other individual who
had held military employment in it; and his knowledge
of the character of the Dutch colonists and Hottentots,
as well as his judgment in his intercourse with them was
such, that a more valuable or more agreeable companion
could not have been selected. His skill in field sports
especially rendered him the idol of the Hottentots, who
looked up to him as something more than mortal.</p>

<p>“For our convenience in travelling, the governor lent
us one of the colonial wagons, admirably qualified by
its strength, and as much lightness as such a vehicle is
susceptible of possessing, for the purpose. In this we
carried our baggage, and were enabled to take shelter
from the weather, either from rain or heat. We had
also our saddle horses and servants, and were supplied
with such articles as we were not likely to find in the
interior of the colony. Little however was needful,
for we were assured of meeting with the most unbounded
hospitality, wherever we might stop; nor were we disappointed
in any one instance that I can recollect; and
the only recompense that would ever be accepted,
almost by the very poorest families, was the game that
might have been killed by my two companions in the
course of the day’s journey.</p>

<p>“We passed the first night in the hospitable and
comfortable mansion of Mr. Lawrence Cloett, at Sandvliet;
whose estate was daily increasing in value from
the improvements he was making. His breed of horses<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">[493]</a></span>
bids fair to be very valuable to the colony, and was very
numerous. He spared no pains or expence in procuring
thorough-bred stallions, and the colts were in consequence
in great demand.</p>

<p>“Mr. Cloett also paid great attention to his vineyards,
from which he made annually 1000 leaguers of
wine upon an average. Limestone is another very profitable
production of this estate, which is sent in large
quantities to Cape town; as well as many loads of hay.
This hay is made from oats sown for the purpose, and
cut in time to prevent the grain from being easily
separated from the stem. It is mown while green, and
treated in the same manner as grass in England. This
is considered to be the very best forage that can be
given to horses; such at least was the opinion of Lord
Charles Somerset, who would be considered as good
authority on such a subject.</p>

<p>“Mr. Cloett, aware of the object of my journey as
regarding the timber of the colony, directed my notice
to the durability of the different kinds of wood according
to the season in which it was cut. Comparing
the timber felled in midwinter, when the sap was down,
with that which had been promiscuously cut at all
seasons, he had found that the former lasted for many
years, the other being of a very short duration. This information
was of great importance, as the yellow wood
is almost universally employed for house carpenters’
work where deal is used in Europe, but we had found
it would not bear exposure to wet or damp.</p>

<p>“On the 25th, at 8 o’clock, our party left Sandvliet,
and crossing the Erste river, the horse of Colonel Warre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">[494]</a></span>
got into one of the quicksands, which are very frequent on
all the beaches along this coast; but he was soon extricated,
and we found a fine hard sand, on which we galloped
to Gordon’s Bay. This little bay, which is completely
sheltered from the prevailing south-east wind, the only
wind to be much dreaded in False bay, lies immediately
under Hottentots Holland Kloof; and offers to the resident,
means of transporting the corn and produce of the
eastern districts to Simon’s bay. But the Dutch always
appear to have had a decided aversion to a coasting
trade; and when I was endeavouring to persuade a
farmer (and one of a description that might be called
educated) of the great advantage of having a schooner
of seventy tons, which would take seventy loads of corn
to the Cape Town market; while, if carried by land,
it would be the work of 980 oxen, 140 slaves, with 70
wagons; he replied, ‘True, Commissioner, but then you
see, mine fader and mine grandfader always send his
corn mid de bullock vagen; and why not I?’ This
argument is rarely to be got over.</p>

<p>“Were a mole carried out in Gordon’s bay, it would
be attended with immense advantages, not only to the
Naval and Victuallers’ Establishments in Simon’s bay,
but to Cape Town also; to which wagons drawn by
fourteen and often by sixteen oxen, laden with only
one ton of farm produce, are dragged, through a deep
sand for at least thirty miles, out of the whole distance,
which is forty. The coasting vessels would then be in
perfect security with all winds, and only leave the port
when there was a moral certainty of a quick passage.
A moderate S.E. wind, the prevailing wind nine months<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">[495]</a></span>
out of twelve, would carry them to Simon’s bay in less
than six hours, and in twelve or fourteen to Table bay.
No coaster should be employed in False bay of a greater
burthen than 100 tons, as a light draught of water
would enable them to get close in shore for loading and
unloading, not only in Gordon’s, but in Simon’s bay and
Table bay.</p>

<p>“The road over the western extremity of the great
branch of the Swartberg, or mountains which run
parallel with the south-east coast, which is called Hottentots
Hollands Kloof, commences at Gordon’s bay,
and was at this time so steep and rugged, as to be
attended with much difficulty, especially to the heavy
wagons of the country. Our party however having
their saddle horses with them, found great enjoyment
in ascending it, as in the frequent halts which it was
necessary to make, they had a most splendid view of
the Cape Flat, as the level or the isthmus is called,
which stretches between the Table mountain and those
of the Blueberg.</p>

<p>“From the summit of Hottentots Holland Kloof the
view towards the north and the west is sublime and
magnificent beyond description, and can scarcely be
surpassed. The Table mountain, which forms a striking
feature on the western side of the isthmus, appears
from the height on which the spectator stands, diminished
to a small island; whilst the Cape Flat, as the isthmus
is called, which connects it with the range of mountains
skirting the eastern side of it, is dotted with farms and
vineyards, especially near the Table mountain, where
the two Constantias, Newlands Wynburg, and Rendelins<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">[496]</a></span>
look like clusters of ornamental cottages; and even
the tracts of bare white sand, which are interspersed
amidst the colouring of every hue, from that of the dark
cypress to the brightest green of spring, produced by
the innumerable shrubs which clothe the plain and the
sides of the mountains, become features of extraordinary
beauty, lighting up the landscape with the most forcible
touches.</p>

<p>“The view on the S.E. side of this range of mountains
is far less interesting. A wide extent of barren and
broken ground, offering to the eye a fatiguing monotony
without any grand or striking features as in Scotland or
Wales; and wanting the little pan of cultivated land
occasionally seen in the vallies bordering the silver
stream.</p>

<p>“We at last surmounted this pass, which could only
be effected by putting oxen to the wagon, which being
trained to the task, and by nature more patient than
the horse, slowly but certainly get up the mountain with
the heaviest load. Where one span, or team, is found
insufficient, it is frequently the case that two are put on,
and as many as thirty-two oxen may be seen crawling
up the mountain, at a distance resembling an immense
caterpillar. The road from Hottentots Holland to the
Palmut river is broken and irregular. The river which
we had now to ford was but of little depth. The greater
part of the summer it is nearly dry, but in the winter it
is frequently impassable from the violence and depth of
the torrents. This circumstance occasions great impediments
in travelling through the colony; a delay of
many days is frequently experienced, and even whole<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">[497]</a></span>
families, who have left their homes for the purpose of
going to a Church only a few miles distant, have been
detained many days on the banks of one of these torrents,
without the possibility of getting across: at the
same time no house being near, they have been under
the necessity of making their bivouac, in and under the
wagon; the boor furnishing them with provisions by
means of his gun, from which he is seldom separated,
and which is his never failing companion in his journies.</p>

<p>“A most remarkable circumstance grew out of this
uncertainty, as to passing the rivers, while I was a
resident in the colony. Some farmers, residing within
a few miles of Stellenbosch, were in the habit of going
thither to church on the Sunday, and having to pass a
river on the way, were frequently detained in the manner
above mentioned. In consequence of this inconvenience,
they determined to purchase a piece of land,
on which they might, as they could collect the means,
build a church for their own immediate neighbourhood;
accordingly they collected amongst themselves 23,000
guilders—at that time about £330 sterling—and bought
a considerable piece of ground with it. Having apportioned
as much of this as they judged necessary for the
church, the parsonage house, glebe, &amp;c., &amp;c., they divided
the remainder into lots, for dwelling houses and gardens,
and put them up to auction with a view of getting
back some of the purchase money. Extraordinary as
it may appear, it is nevertheless a fact, that the remnant
of a piece of land, the whole of which had been purchased
for 23,000 guilders, thus divided into small lots,
fetched by auction the enormous sum of 163,000 guilders.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">[498]</a></span>
It was of course the vicinity of the intended
church, and the prospect of a town rising round it,
which gave this immense increase of value to the land;
and what encouragement does this hold out, even to
worldly speculators, as to the expediency of building
churches. We have heard it stated that the million
sterling, which some years since, was appropriated by
parliament for building churches, has brought in an
immense interest in the shape of taxes of various descriptions
levied upon the houses which have been
built, and the population which has been collected round
them; and if to these are added the produce of the
excise, the gain must be very great—no money whatever,
perhaps, ever brought in so large a return as
this did.</p>

<p>“But the circumstance becomes deeply interesting in
a much higher point of view. It shews the earnest
desire even of the Cape Boor for religious instruction—and
‘that the fields are indeed white unto harvest
while the labourers are few.’</p>

<p>“The Palmut river was not at this time very deep, but
the water came up nearly to the bottom of the wagon.
The dogs which accompanied the party had in consequence
a very narrow escape from being drowned. In
order to prevent their feet from being cut by the rough
roads, and to keep them fresh against the time when their
services might be called for, they were generally put in
baskets in which their beds were made, and hung under
the wagon, but so close to the bottom of it, as to prevent
their jumping out. Upon this occasion they had been
forgotten, and on passing through the river there was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">[499]</a></span>
barely space between the surface of the water and the
bottom of the wagon, to enable them to keep their
noses out of it. Three inches more and they must
have been lost. Towards evening the windings of the
Palmut River, and the fine outline of the Swartberg
mountains—the one contrasted with the deep shade
thrown over the land, and the others with the bright
blue sky, formed a magnificent picture.</p>

<p>“We passed the night at the house of a Dutch farmer,
named Uric, where we were most comfortably accommodated.
He was a very industrious man, and although
a cripple from rheumatism, and only assisted by
two slaves, had succeeded in the course of two years
in building a house, in planting a large vineyard, and
providing for his children and grand-children.</p>

<p>“On the 26th, having procured oxen for the purpose,
we began to ascend the great Hac-hoek (or the great
high corner) the road passing over a range of mountains
diverging from the great chain of the Swartberg,
and running towards the sea near Cape Lagullos. The
view from the summit of this pass was highly picturesque.
On the left, the grand chain of the Swartberg
which runs along the coast from False Cape to
Algoa bay was seen receding and losing itself in a vivid
blue distance. At the foot of the Hac-hoek, on the
eastern side, runs the Both Riviere, which in the summer
like almost all the smaller Cape rivers, is little more
than the bed of a winter torrent. Here we found again
a labourious settler, living on a farm on the left bank of
this river, in which but a very few years before he had
considered himself with his large family as in a state of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">[500]</a></span>
independence. He had built a mill just below his house,
and by a lateral cut he had brought the water to turn
it. This had cost him infinite labour to effect, but it
answered admirably. His garden, containing abundance
of fruit trees, and about two thousand vines, was contiguous
to the mill, and was watered by the stream that
turned it. But the river increased in the course of one
night to a fearful torrent, which destroyed his garden
and vineyard, ruined his mill, and covered the soil near
his house with such a deluge of sand and rocks as to
render it almost unfit for future cultivation. The
worthy man was for some time in a state of despair,
declared himself ruined, and saw nothing before him but
a miserable old age. He however exerted himself with
renewed energy, selected another spot for a mill and garden
on the opposite side of the river, and his efforts
have been crowned with success: only a very few years
had elapsed when we saw him, with his mill restored
and in use, and an extensive garden with a vineyard of
twenty thousand vines. We found him in the full
enjoyment of his well merited prosperity, an example
of patience and industry to all his neighbours.</p>

<p>“After passing the Both Riviere the country lost its
precipitous character, but was intersected by deep
ravines extending from the base of the mountains to the
sea on the S.E. coast, the hills sloping gradually into
them, their sides abounding in verdure, but with few
trees. The vallies were in general well supplied with
water, and consequently fertile, better calculated for
vines than corn, although the latter grows in abundance
where there is moisture.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">[501]</a></span></p>

<p>“We arrived in the middle of the day at Caledon, a
town which may be supposed by its name to have had
its origin under the British Government. It is situated
in the Brandt valley, and near the hot baths. It was
founded in 1810, and had at this period a very imposing
appearance, with its church, town house, and
magistrates’ houses; the other dwellings have also a
pretty appearance, being white-washed and neatly
painted. There is but little taste displayed in point of
architecture, in which the Dutch taste is not only prevalent
but exclusive.</p>

<p>“We here were most hospitably received and entertained
by the chief magistrate, Mr. Frawenfeller, and
passed a day with him in viewing the baths, the hospital,
and the leper establishment. This hideous disease
of leprosy is held perhaps in greater horror by the
Dutch than by other nations, who are careful to keep
those affected by it as separate as possible from the
population; in which they are undoubtedly right, provided
the afflicted are not made to suffer from these
restrictions, which, from the information obtained here,
was not suspected to be the case.</p>

<p>“From Caledon I proceeded with my friends to
Bavian’s Kloof, as we were very desirous of seeing the
Moravian establishment in that neighbourhood, called
by them Genadendahl, or the vale of grace. The road
on leaving Caledon, and until near Bavian’s Kloof, was
very bad, winding round the sides of the mountain.
The country had much of the same undulating appearance
as that between the Hac-hoek and Caledon, but on
approaching Bavian’s Kloof it became level and good.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">[502]</a></span>
The morning had been wet, but clearing up as we
approached the Moravian settlement, we saw it to
great advantage. The Swartberg mountains, elevated,
bleak, and bare, formed the back ground of the view,
and appeared to overhang Genadendahl. The road ran
between two moderately elevated hills on each hand,
with a fertile and well cultivated valley between them,
and led winding through extensive corn grounds, and
large tracts of heath to the Moravian establishment.
These corn grounds are in general the property of the
Hottentots, who have sought refuge among the
Moravians from the persecution of the boors, and
many of them evince great proofs of skill and industry;
others again shew that their owners had not
entirely conquered that aversion to labour, which is so
strikingly manifested by that people. The first view of
Bavian’s Kloof and the vallies surrounding the missionary
establishment is very striking, and reminded us
forcibly of those affecting descriptions of the pastor and
his flock in the wild and mountainous parts of Scotland,
to which the Presbyterians had been driven in that
country, in the days of persecution. The church, a
modest but spacious building, with its roof of thatch,
rose to a considerable height amidst the cottages of the
Hottentots, which surrounded it in every direction, and
in every variety of form and grade of civilization. They
appeared to have sought and to have obtained protection
under the shadow of the house of God, and the
valley appeared to be at once the vale of grace, and the
vale of peace. It was truly delightful to observe the
gradual, but in many instances the very high degree<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">[503]</a></span>
of improvement, which had taken place in the habits of
this most interesting race, and the reverence, and gratitude,
and love many of them shewed towards their kind
and single-hearted protectors.</p>

<p>“The establishment was originally founded in 1733,
by the Moravian Smyth, but in consequence of the
hostility of the Dutch colonists it was broken up in
1742. A pear tree planted by Mr. Smyth during the
period, now remained in the garden, as a monument of
the first existence of the retreat. It was re-established
in 1792; but during the government of Sir James
Craddock, a conspiracy was formed by the Boors to
murder the Moravians, and to seize upon the defenceless
Hottentots. Timely information having however
been sent to the Governor, due precaution was taken,
and the conspirators dispersed.<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> Since that time the
inmates have been suffered to remain in peace, although
hated by the neighbouring Boors, as they prevent their
exercising upon the Hottentots, the fraud and oppression
which these people formerly suffered from them.</p>

<p>“The church, although a heavy unsightly building,
with its very deep thatched roof and sharp gables,
becomes deeply interesting, when filled with its attentive
congregation. It is not possible to conceive more
genuine and artless devotion than that which is manifested
externally by the Hottentots; and we are
justified in the hope, that a very large portion of them
are deeply impressed with the blessed truths, which
they hear from their truly pious instructors. We<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">[504]</a></span>
cannot guess the heart, but if consistency of character,
and a life evidently formed on true Christian principles
will entitle people to be considered as genuine followers
of the Lord Jesus Christ, that title may safely be conferred
upon them. They themselves will never claim it,
but they pursue the peaceful tenor of their way, through
good report, and through evil report, having apparently
only one object in view, which is the faithful fulfilment
of their duty to their God, and to their fellow creatures.
And what but the divine blessing upon their sincere
and humble endeavours to promote the happiness of
their fellow creature, could give that power, authority,
and stability to their society, which they evidently
possess? Neither having, nor wishing for the means of
coercion, their influence over their flock is founded on
love; and the fear of that love being withdrawn, is the
only but effectual restraint by which the Hottentot is
kept from infringing the rules of the society. It would
be impossible on a hasty visit to form a just estimate of
these most useful missionaries. We passed some days
with them, and were delighted with their truly consistent
method of civilizing the Hottentots. It seemed
to be their object to make them feel that they were not
only rational but immortal beings; and to guide them
not only to improve the blessings which God had
bestowed upon them for their advantage in this world,
but also to use these blessings in such a manner as
might prepare them for the everlasting happiness of
heaven. In this system, the first use that man is
taught to make of his reasoning powers is to learn
that he is a sinner, as helpless with regard to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[505]</a></span>
renovation of his soul from the state of corruption,
into which for the first time he was made sensible
that he had fallen, as he was in the state of savage
nature, in which he had hitherto lived, to obtain
the comforts and advantages possessed by the more
enlightened European. In this way religion and civilization
went hand in hand, and it was very remarkable
that on observing a particularly neat cottage, and a
well kept garden, it was almost always found to belong
to the most advanced Christian; and this may in a
great measure be accounted for by the unwearied
patience observed by the Moravians over their charge.
They are so far from being precipitate in making the
Hottentots nominal Christians by the external rite of
baptism, that it is possible they err on the other hand,
and exact too much. If this be an error however, it is
one on the safe side. But a long series of good conduct,
an evident reformation from old habits, and a considerable
acquirement of knowledge of the New Testament
are considered indispensable before they can be
baptized; and a much greater advance in Christianity
is required before they can be admitted to the sacrament
of the Lord’s Supper.</p>

<p>“In conversing with Mr. Lestner, the chief of the
Missionary establishment, upon this subject, I learnt
that even the qualifications last mentioned of an exemplary
life of piety were not all that was expected from
the candidate for the sacrament; but that he must,
notwithstanding the most spotless character, be exposed
to the lot—his name being put to into one vase, and
when drawn out, a paper was drawn out of another<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">[506]</a></span>
vase, containing either an affirmative or a negative. I
put a case to Mr. Lestner, in which I supposed the candidate
to have been educated under his own eye, and
personally known to him; to have been from infancy
most exemplary, as a child to his parents, as a servant
to his master, as a companion to those around him, and,
I asked, would he still be subjected to the lot? The
answer was, ‘Most certainly,’ and the precedent of
Matthias was given as a reason. It consequently happened
that in some instances several negatives followed
each other, but at length the affirmative came, and the
candidate became a communicant. Whatever opinion
may be formed of the apparently unnecessary strictness,
it produced the very best effects in many instances; and
could not well be abused, as the testimony of good
character was necessary before the experiment of the
lot could be tried, and there were therefore very few
instances of unworthy members being admitted.</p>

<p>“The assistance and countenance the Hottentots
received from the Missionaries depended much upon
the grade the latter had taken as constituting the
Christian, and this will readily account for the superior
appearance of their dwellings.</p>

<p>“The service in the church was short, and very impressive,
consisting of prayers, exhortations, hymns, and
a sermon; and the greatest attention was observable in
the congregation. Some manifested a most ardent devotion;
and many undoubtedly felt it. The singing of
the female Hottentots was delightful, and added powerfully
to the effect produced by this view of the worship
of God in the wilderness.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">[507]</a></span></p>

<p>“The same gradation of improvement was observed
in the dress of the Hottentots as was apparent in their
dwellings. In the rows nearest the reading desk the
females were clad in European manufactures, and displayed
great neatness and cleanliness; some indeed
went further, and had added what might be termed
finery; but this was much discouraged by the Moravian
ladies, who, while employing them in the beautiful
work so well known and appreciated in Europe, taught
them to consider that it should form no part of their
own attire.</p>

<p>“On the middle benches there were mingled with an
approach to the costume of the white inhabitant some
remains of the sheep’s skin covering of their early state,
and less of cleanliness might be remarked; and on those
most remote, the genuine Hottentot was seen in the
habiliments of his early days.</p>

<p>“On the first arrival of the Hottentot at the establishment,
he is provided with a piece of ground, his only
claim being the recommendation of one of his countrymen;
and on this spot he is left to act at perfect liberty,
without either direction or restraint. He is required,
as the only tenure by which he holds the property, to
attend the church at stated periods, and to receive
religious instruction. The Missionaries are too wise to
expect that these people should instantaneously throw
off their habits of indolence; they are generally certain
that these will disappear, as well as the sheep’s skin and
the kraal, with the moral darkness which the light of the
gospel will dispel; and leave them to experience gradually
the change of disposition and habits which is likely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">[508]</a></span>
to result from the change in the mode of life. Their
education is powerfully advanced and accelerated by
observation, which with all savages is very acute. Man
is an imitative animal, and easily induced to follow
that which he sees in the conduct of those whom he is
led to respect or love. Here every effort is made to
give the mind a right bias; and there is no doubt that
the fervent humble prayer, which is daily offered up
for them by these single hearted Moravians, is accepted,
and brings down many a blessing upon the early convert,
who as yet is only capable of seeing the source
of his progress in second causes. Habits of industry
thus acquired are likely to become fixed and progressive,
and are associated with all the instruction they
receive, as effects proceeding from one first cause, and
that cause Christianity.</p>

<p>“There is service in the church every evening, at
which above 200 attend, but on the sabbath nearly
1200 assemble. The whole number under the care of
Moravians at this time was rather more than 1300.
On Mondays and Fridays they were instructed in
singing. The catechism was the course of instruction
for the adults. A school room had been built for the
daily instruction of the children. The girls are received
into this school in the morning, and the boys in
the evening; they are educated upon Dr. Bell’s system,
and many have made very considerable progress,
reading the Bible in Dutch with great fluency.</p>

<p>“The Missionaries are naturally very anxious that
the children thus educated should settle amongst them,
and see them go away with great reluctance. They<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">[509]</a></span>
however seldom migrate, but marry at an early age,
and settle under the immediate protection of their kind
friends. We visited several of the cottages, which
would have been admired for their neatness and cleanliness
in any part of England.</p>

<p>“The Moravians receive all Hottentots from whatever
part of the colony they may come, but admit with
some jealousy such as have been long inhabitants of
Cape Town; and this for a very obvious reason, as they
have but too probably acquired habits of intemperance
and profligacy, from which these were perhaps free in
their savage state.</p>

<p>“The Boors make great complaints against the
Moravians for encouraging the Hottentots in their
disinclination to work, and in the preference they give
to remaining in wretchedness and want in the neighbourhood
of Genadendahl, to what they consider more
useful labour upon the farms of the colony. The
charge of indolence made against the Hottentots while
in the service of the Boor may be admitted to a certain
degree; but this must in a great measure be attributed
to the treatment they receive from the Boor—where
they are invariably overworked, wretchedly clad, and
cruelly punished for the slightest offence, and even for
no offence at all. This is a fearful weight in the scale,
when the only counterpoise is a sufficiency of food. The
wages rarely exceeded five rix dollars a month, and this
payment was often withheld on the plea of a debt, for
clothes, tobacco, or spirituous liquors; by which means
from utter inability to pay what is demanded, the poor
Hottentot became to all intents and purposes a slave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">[510]</a></span>
for life; but even should he by the utmost exertion and
frugality, succeed in getting rid of this debt, he might
be involved in others, being accused of having lost an
ox by carelessness, or by breaking a wagon by an
accident over which he could have no control. Conviction
soon followed accusation at the field Cornet’s
tribunal, and unless rescued by remonstrances from
influential persons, there was little hope of their ever
obtaining freedom. Dr. Philip by his arduous exertions,
at length broke the neck of this most odious
system of tyranny, and succeeded in placing the
Hottentot in a situation nearer to that of the white
colonist. But among the Boors of the Cape there are
many who have dealt very differently with the Hottentot;
who have been just and humane towards them,
and who in consequence have had occasion to speak of
them in a very different manner. Instead of denouncing
the whole race as indolent, dishonest, and treacherous,
they have found them active, industrious, faithful,
and attached in an extraordinary degree, not only to
the master and his family, but to his interest, which
they hazarded their lives in defence of; as has been
frequently evinced by the conduct of these people in
defending their master’s property or cattle from wild
beasts, or from Kaffer invaders. In truth perhaps there
is no description of person who has evinced more ardent
gratitude and self-devotion than the Hottentot has
done when under kind treatment; there was also one
trait of character in itself most honourable, which was
so frequently manifested as to place them very high
in moral eminence, and that was their determined<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">[511]</a></span>
adherence to truth. Colonel Graham, our companion
on this occasion, assured me, that during the whole
time he commanded the Hottentot corps, which was
some years, he remembered very few instances in
which these people had recourse to falsehood; and
that even in cases, when the offence from having been
often repeated, must necessarily meet with punishment,
it was confessed by the culprit with the same frankness
as though it had been the first offence, and the confession
pleaded in the hope of forgiveness. It is painful
to think how much of this native morality of character
has been lost, by communication with civilized
Europeans.</p>

<p>“I confidently believe, that were the Hottentot always
treated with kindness and paid his just due, his labour
would far exceed the work assigned him, and that he
would be, when uncorrupted by bad example, a most
valuable and attached servant. Of this there are
many instances, not only in the memory, but in the
actual experience of respectable persons at the Cape.</p>

<p>“The Hottentots are in general remarkably intelligent,
and are very quick sighted in discovering the
track or footsteps of wild animals; they will even trace
the steps of man over wild and extensive heaths, so
covered with a stunted vegetation as to leave no
apparent traces. Their vision is also particularly
correct and clear. These last mentioned faculties seem
to be possessed in a high degree by all savages, a
circumstance easily accounted for by the supposition
that their faculties are sharpened by the necessity
of exerting them to the utmost, in the absence of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">[512]</a></span>
those aids, which invention in civilized states has
rendered so universal, and so indispensable.</p>

<p>“A Hottentot delights in the chase, a pursuit he was
born to; and he is admirably adapted to it from his
almost intuitive knowledge of the haunts and habits of
wild animals, to whom he is a most formidable enemy.</p>

<p>“We have already adverted to the corps formed
entirely of Hottentots, and in justice to them we should
give the opinion formed of these people by General Sir
James Craig, by whom they were embodied. It has
already been given in the excellent and accurate work
of Mr. now Sir John Barrow, but it should, whenever the
Hottentot character is brought before the public, be referred
to. ‘Never were people more contented, or more
grateful, for the treatment they now receive. We have
upwards of three hundred, who have been with us nearly
nine months. It is therefore with the opportunity of
knowing them well that I venture to pronounce them
an intelligent race of men. All who bear arms exercise
well, and understand immediately and perfectly whatever
they are taught to perform. Many of them speak
English tolerably well. We were told that so great
was their propensity to drunkenness, we should never
be able to reduce them to order or discipline; and that
the habit of roving was so rooted in their disposition, we
must expect the whole corps would desert the moment
they had received their clothing. With respect to the
first, I do not find they are more given to the vice of
drinking than our own people; and as to their pretended
propensity to roving, that charge is fully confuted
by the circumstance of only one man having left<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">[513]</a></span>
us, since I first adopted the measure of assembling
them, and he was urged to this step by having lost his
firelock. Of all the qualities that can be ascribed to a
Hottentot, it will be little expected that I should expatiate
upon their cleanliness, and yet it is certain, that
at this moment our Hottentot parade would not suffer
in comparison with that of some of our regular regiments.
The clothing perhaps may have suffered more
than it ought to have done, in the time since it was
issued to them, from their ignorance of the means of
preserving it; but those articles which are capable of
being kept clean by washing, together with their arms
and accoutrements, which they have been taught to keep
bright, are always in good order. They are now likewise
cleanly in their persons; the practice of smearing
themselves with grease being entirely left off. I have
frequently seen them washing themselves in a rivulet
when they could have in view no other object but cleanliness.’<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p>

<p>“The Missionaries having received many who had
belonged to the corps, are very rigid in prohibiting the
use of fire arms amongst the people, lest they should
be led away from the habits of industry they are anxious
to bring them to, by their pursuit of game.</p>

<p>“Besides the schools there are two workshops in
which the young Hottentots learn the useful craft of
the blacksmith, and the carpenter. The work done here
is highly creditable to them, and were there a great demand
for their labour, they would soon equal the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">[514]</a></span>
European artificers. Chairs, tables, bureaus, and other
cabinet work, as well as cutlery of every common description
is the produce of these workshops. They also
build excellent wagons, and are accounted capital
wheelwrights. The smith’s house (a Hottentot) was
in remarkable good order. They have also among
them many respectable masons and thatchers. Their
houses produce a very picturesque effect, as seen
under the mountains, neatly white-washed. The white-wash
is made by pouring boiling water upon bran, and
then letting it run off upon lime.</p>

<p>“A very considerable business is carried on by the
Missionaries, in the produce of their handicrafts, by
trafficking with the interior. All implements for farm
purposes are supplied by them of a good quality, and
moderate prices; and the Boors of Graaf Reynet deal
largely in the purchase of these articles in exchange
for cattle.</p>

<p>“The produce of the girl’s workroom is too well known
and estimated in Europe to require any account of it;
but the neat, cleanly, and cheerful appearance of the
young female Hottentots assembled is very striking to
the strangers who visit the establishment, and offers a
very convincing proof of the success of the Moravians
in this most benevolent undertaking.</p>

<p>“The Hottentots express themselves surprisingly well
upon the subject of religion, and are evidently capable
of much serious reflection; this the Missionaries confirmed
by quoting many instances.</p>

<p>“The holy sacrament is administered every month;
there were generally about 400 communicants, and an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">[515]</a></span>
individual examination takes place previously to their
receiving it. The females are all dressed in white
when they approach the holy table. If any of the
Hottentots are known to have quarrelled, they are not
permitted to communicate until they are reconciled to
each other; or rather they are enjoined to stay away,
which in general produces the same effect.</p>

<p>“It is not to be expected that these people should be
without their share of vices, which are so common
among all communities of their fellow creatures, and
amongst others that of drunkenness has been especially
charged against them, but perhaps unjustly; for what
Sir James Craig says of them as a military corps,
may be urged in their favour in every other situation
of life in which they are found, that they are not more
given to drinking than Europeans. They are in addition
surrounded by temptations, as the Boors in the
neighbourhood are always pressing upon them wine
and brandy of a most wretched description, in payment
for any service they may render them; or if by sale, at
a very low price. The Hottentots have also a great
temptation from the abundance of a plant called the
Daka, or wild hemp, which they smoke, and which has
as intoxicating an effect as ardent spirits, and may even
be considered as having more deleterious effects.</p>

<p>“The Moravians are not only anxious to avoid the
exercise of any coercion or restraint over these Hottentots,
but to remove all suspicion from the minds of the
Boors that the establishment derives any interest or
advantage from their labour. For this reason, they
are particularly careful never to employ them, without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">[516]</a></span>
coming to an immediate settlement, as soon as the work
is performed; and they make it a rule, never to accept
any presents from them, however disposed from gratitude
these people might be to offer them.</p>

<p>“A stream winds its way through the valley in
which the settlement is situated, and the Hottentots
having built their houses on the higher part of the
ground allotted them, carried their gardens to the banks
with the view of facilitating the watering of them; but
two years before our visit, a torrent from the neighbouring
mountains swept away the greater part of the gardens,
and their labours have since been confined to the
more elevated parts of these grounds.</p>

<p>“The Missionaries have tried the cultivation of flax
in Genadendahl, but without success. They were in
hopes to have produced the material for an useful employment
to the Hottentots, and there is no good reason
assigned for the failure. As the Commissioner I was
so convinced of the advantage which might be derived
to the Naval department from the growth of
hemp, that I twice imported seed from England in the
hope of establishing its culture; but in both instances
the seed never germinated, which I attributed to the
vital principle having been destroyed in the heated hold
of the vessel in which it was brought out; and before
I could make a third effort, the establishment was
broken up. It is very probable that further endeavours
may have been subsequently made, and it is to be hoped
that they have been more fortunate.</p>

<p>“On the 29th of November we continued our journey
to the Moful Bay, the road lay through a country wild<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">[517]</a></span>
and broken, but highly picturesque; the Swartberg and
Hottentots Kloof on the left, and the valleys interspersed
with numerous patches of fertile corn ground.
We had to cross the river Sender End (without
end) twice in the course of the day, but this is attended
with no difficulty in the summer season. In the
winter it is generally a furious torrent, and opportunities
must be diligently sought, and readily made
use of for getting over it. This river Sender End
terminates among the sand-hills, through which it
discharges itself into the sea.</p>

<p>“We arrived at six in the evening at the beautiful
farm of Mr. —— in the Soctindals valley, and we
were most hospitably received by that gentleman, who
is highly respected throughout every part of the colony.
He has brought up a large family, and his children
are now settled round him, not only in comfort, but
in opulence, promising him a happy old age. His
house, which was originally a hospital, is still called
Sicken Huis, and stands on the right bank of the
Sender End river.</p>

<p>“It is generally observed that hospitality is the
virtue most practised in the earliest stage of society,
and that it declines as the conveniences of life multiply,
and accommodations are provided for travellers on the
road, by persons who look to them as the means of
acquiring property. This is undoubtedly true, but it
appears in the colony to have out-lived its term, and
to continue to flourish where the absolute necessity for
it has passed away; for such are the arrangements
made for travelling by means of tents and beds fitted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">[518]</a></span>
to wagons, and the custom of making a bivouac on the
open heath, that no person undertakes a journey without
the means of being independent in the course of it;
and should there be an invincible repugnance to passing
the night without the shelter of a roof, and a sure
defence against wild beasts, there are farm houses of
an inferior description, where admittance might be
obtained on the payment of a small sum. It is true
there are not many of them, for the principle of hospitality
descends to the lowest class of farmers. Arrangements
however may be made of this description,
so as to prevent the necessity of intruding upon the
domestic privacy of respectable families. Notwithstanding
this, the master of the house near which
respectable travellers should find themselves, expects
that they would unhesitatingly come to him; and on
their doing so, evinces the utmost readiness to accommodate
them. Every effort is made by the whole
family to shew that their hospitality comes from the
heart; and the traveller, his servants, and his horses,
are liberally provided for. No matter at what hour he
arrives, a sumptuous, or at least an abundant repast is
prepared for him, with the best of everything the
house affords, and the best bed-room for his accommodation.
At whatever hour the traveller proposes to
continue his journey, he is sure to find his horses and
his breakfast ready for him, with warm demonstrations
of friendship and invitations to come again, should he
return by the same road. This was the reception and
hospitality that we met with, not only from Mr.
——, but in almost every part of the country; not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[519]</a></span>
always upon the scale of comfort which we experienced
here, but with the warmest welcome according
to the means possessed of offering it.</p>

<p>“On the 29th we continued our route, and as the day’s
journey was to be a very long one, Mr. —— kindly supplied
us with a span of oxen to take the wagon as far
as the Zout kraal, by which our horses were greatly
spared. We arrived about two o’clock on the banks of
the Salt lake, and dined on its banks. The water in
this lake is too salt for use; and that which we procured
from an adjacent farm was so brackish as to be
scarcely drinkable; but this quality in water is by no
means objectionable to those who are accustomed to it;
on the contrary, persons visiting Cape Town from these
districts have been known to put salt to the water to
render it palatable before they could drink it.</p>

<p>“We traversed extensive plains this day, and saw
abundance of game, consisting of stein bocks, riebocks,
partridges, pavus, koar hens, &amp;c. the two last a species
of the bustard, and very good eating, resembling the
Turkey in size, but of a fine wild flavour. We
arrived in the evening at the extensive farm of Mr.
Odendals, a most respectable and hospitable gentleman,
whose estate lies on the western side of the
Potteberg, a minor range of hills diverging from the
Swartberg, and terminating near the S.E. coast.</p>

<p>“We were here received with the utmost hospitality,
and every provision made for our comfort, not only for
the night, but for the day and night following, as the
day of our arrival was Saturday. We were delighted
with the manner in which the family passed the sabbath,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">[520]</a></span>
no church being within many miles of them.
Mr. Odendals read the service to his household in the
great hall, which appeared to be the constant practice.
He had five children who bid fair to be a comfort to
him.</p>

<p>“The farm was a very extensive and most productive
one, and had it been cultivated to its full extent,
would have yielded a very large supply of grain for the
colonial market; but the want of vent for the produce
prevented this being done. The distance from the
farm to Cape Town required four days to perform it,
and a wagon with two men, or a man and a boy, with
sixteen oxen, could only take one load of corn, which
taking the average prices of grain whilst I was residing
at the Cape, may be taken at about sixty
rix dollars, or £6 sterling, by far too small a sum to
remunerate the farmer for his seed, his labour, the rent
of his land, and the absence of his people, oxen and
wagon nine days, independent of the probable loss of
one or more oxen on the road, and the wear and tear
of the wagon. It is true they brought back from Cape
Town the articles of European produce required for the
consumption of the family, but this was to a very small
amount.</p>

<p>“What renders this want of a market more surprising
is, that on the other side of the Potteberg, at a
distance of only a few hours from this farm, was a
river, with a safe port at its entrance, into which
vessels of from 70 to 100 tons might enter with safety,
and receive cargoes of grain, or other rural produce,
lying in perfect security during the whole of the summer,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[521]</a></span>
and within two days’ sail of Simon’s Bay or Table
Bay. Had a coasting trade existed, and a magazine
been erected at the mouth of the Bride River, this
district might have furnished a very large supply of
grain; and had similar measures been adopted in other
parts of the colony where the same advantages existed,
not only would this valuable possession of Great Britain
have abounded with corn for its own consumption, but
it might have had a valuable article of export even to
the mother country. It is to be hoped that British
enterprize may before this time have laid the foundation
of a very extensive coasting trade, which shall at
once be the means of bringing into cultivation much
valuable land now entirely neglected; whilst it supplies
the interior of the colony with every article of
European manufacture, of which it stands in need, at
a moderate price. It may not be amiss to give here,
by anticipation, a calculation which I made some weeks
afterwards at George, when conversing with the leading
inhabitants upon the subject of a coasting trade
as indispensable to the prosperity of this new town.</p>

<p>“A merchant of George is supposed to order a ton
of goods, either Manchester, or Birmingham, or Sheffield,
(as it may be) from England, for the purpose of
supplying the wants of his neighbourhood. These
goods are accordingly shipped to his consignment in
London, and arrive at the Cape in the course of ten or
twelve weeks afterwards, paying a freight to the Cape
of £l 10s. per ton. These goods have now to be
carried by land to the town of George, a distance of
scarcely two hundred miles from Cape Town, and for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">[522]</a></span>
the freight for this distance, not less than the sum of
£9 sterling must be paid, and enormous as this sum
must appear, it cannot be done for less, as the following
calculation will shew.</p>

<p>“To bring one ton of goods from Cape Town to
George would require one man, one boy, one wagon,
and sixteen oxen, and the freight charged by the farmer,
is five rix dollars per cwt., or one hundred rix
dollars for the ton.</p>

<p>“A whole month is required for the journey, including
the days of departure and arrival, and one day
loading the wagon, in Cape Town, at little more than
three rix dollars per day.</p>

<p>“But under the supposition that he might carry a
load of the produce of his farm, say corn to Cape
Town, the highest price of which in the market would
be one hundred rix dollars, he could only estimate the
freight at ten rix dollars at the utmost, making one
hundred and ten rix dollars for freight going and
returning.</p>

<p>“The least which can be set off against this profit
would be—</p>

<table summary="Farm economics">
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="smaller" colspan="3">R. d.</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>The wages of the man and boy during the month</td>
    <td class="tdr">20</td>
    <td class="tdr">0</td>
    <td class="tdr">0</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>The repairs of the wagon after the journey</td>
    <td class="tdr">20</td>
    <td class="tdr">0</td>
    <td class="tdr">0</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>The loss of one ox—but this is a very low average, as
        they frequently lose many</td>
    <td class="tdr">30</td>
    <td class="tdr">0</td>
    <td class="tdr">0</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="tdr total">70</td>
    <td class="tdr total">0</td>
    <td class="tdr total">0</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Leaving a balance to the farmer, without any mention being made
        for the loss of the labour of his oxen on the farm</td>
    <td class="tdr">30</td>
    <td class="tdr">0</td>
    <td class="tdr">0</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="tdr total">100</td>
    <td class="tdr total">0</td>
    <td class="tdr total">0</td>
  </tr>
</table>

<p class="noindent">or about 2s. sterling per day.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[523]</a></span></p>

<p>“Mr. Odendals assured me that he could afford to
deliver 7000 muids of grain to a vessel at the mouth
of the Bride River, at thirty rix dollars per load under
the current price in Cape Town; and that were the
means of exportation furnished to him by the river,
the quantity of grain might be increased to a very
great amount. Here would be a freight for a schooner,
a small vessel of seventy tons, of £210 sterling, to be
divided as profit between the merchant and the owner
of the vessel, for a voyage that might be performed in
a week, but which upon a fair average of winter and
summer, might be certainly done eight times in the
year; but in all probability twice that number of
voyages might be performed. In addition to this
freight, another sum might be added for that of
European manufactures carried back, in exchange for
the corn, and nearly equal in amount to the former.
Iron, cutlery of all sorts, agricultural tools, brandy,
tea, coffee, sugar, &amp;c. &amp;c. are in great demand in the
interior, and having to pay the heavy land carriage
already mentioned, reach the inland consumer at an
enormous price.</p>

<p>“Mr. Odendals appeared to be very happy in his
family, and much respected and beloved by his slaves.
A very pleasing practice was observed in his house,
which was, that of all the servants, slaves as well as
others, coming in, in succession in the morning, to wish
their master a good day. This was considered as a
family muster.</p>

<p>“The garden here would probably have been very
productive, had it been more sheltered from the <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[524]</a></span>S.E.
winds, which might easily have been done, many shrubs
such as the Rhinoceros bush, and many Proteas, braving
its violence; under the lee of which the stunted oak, such
as many of the vineyards in the Cape district are sheltered
by, might be made to grow. The water is generally
brackish through the extensive plains at the foot
of the Potteberg; a quality for which it is not disrelished
by the inhabitants, however objectionable to strangers.
A beautiful specimen of the wild Jessamine was seen
here, armed with thorns as sharp as those of the Mimosa.</p>

<p>“The roads in the neighbourhood are generally good,
that from Sickenhuis to this place was excellent, running
over level ironstone; and but for the ravines by which
it was so frequently intercepted, might have been travelled
upon at as great a rate as the best roads in England;
and being formed on a hard surface, never wanted
repair, in fact the only labour required in making them
was to clear away the heath.</p>

<p>“On Monday, Dec. 1st, it rained too hard during
the early part of the day for our party to begin their
journey; but in the afternoon the weather clearing,
our kind host insisted upon driving us in his wagon to
Cape Lagullos. The road lay over a very extensive
plain, capable of being made very productive in corn.
In the neighbourhood of the Recty Lake the ground is
so frequently flooded, that it produces only a rank
coarse grass. There are many pools in the course of
the Kleine River, called by the inhabitants “Sea cow
holes,” from the resemblance to the haunts of these
animals in the eastern parts of the colony, and probably<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[525]</a></span>
from their having been found here in the earlier
part of the settlement; tradition being very common
here of the country having been infested with all descriptions
of wild animals, and particularly lions and
buffalos, which are now rarely seen to the westward
of the Gauritz River.</p>

<p>“From the Recty Lake a quantity of salt is collected
every year, as much as 3000 muids. The plain formerly
afforded excellent pasturage for horses, but the
grass having become coarse, and rank, the value of the
property has much diminished. The Boors on the
small farms which are dispersed about this extensive
tract of land, are of an athletic make, but of most
indolent habits, as is evident from the wretched appearance
of their farms and all around them. Their chief
occupation is hunting, and here, and here only, their
energies seem to be aroused; but the neglect of their
farms has already been accounted for, in the want of a
market for their produce. A little corn is sufficient for
the consumption of their families, and as they have
abundance of sheep, and plenty of game at hand, they
want but little besides clothing and brandy, which they
procure from Cape Town in exchange for what they
send thither.</p>

<p>“On the evening of this day we reached Recty, a
small horse farm, situated on the eastern side of a Lake,
about seven miles from Cape Lagullos, a wretched hovel
in a most dilapidated state, and bearing evident marks
of the absence of its master. From the failure of the
grass already alluded to, but few horses are used here.
We passed the night with as much comfort as the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[526]</a></span>
means offered us would admit of; but to travellers of
cheerful disposition, good health and appetite, with
wagons so provided, as to set scarcity at defiance, we
did not suffer much; there was during the night a
severe storm of thunder and lightning.</p>

<p>“On the following day we set out for Cape Lagullos,
but found the Boor who conducted us, entirely mistaken
as to the point they called the Cape; upon
reaching it, another was seen bearing S.W. by W. from
it, consequently further to the southward; and having
got to this point, another appeared, at the distance of
five or six miles, bearing W.S.W., which was probably
the real Cape. The wrecks of many vessels were
lying on the part of the shore we visited, which had
been lost in the course of the preceding thirty years.
One of the ships lost here a few years before, had a
cargo of slaves, who having gained their liberty, marched
up the country in a body, but they were too dangerous
at liberty, and too useful in bondage, to be allowed
to enjoy their freedom any length of time. An old
woman then living in the house now occupied by Mr.
Odendal’s, took great credit to herself, for having
defended it against these invaders, and for being the
cause of their being finally secured.</p>

<p>“At four p.m. on the 2nd, we continued our journey,
crossing the Carse River, on our way to Morkels,
a farm on the River, called a horse farm: there is
another near it, but both evincing at this period a want
of capital. Morkels is a valuable property, a good
dwelling house, spacious out-buildings, capacious stables
and barns, but in a ruinous state for want of repair, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[527]</a></span>
water here is excessively brackish, so much so, as to be
scarcely drinkable to an European.</p>

<p>“We met here at dinner with young Schwartz, the
person who first discovered the wreck of the unfortunate
Arniston, a large East Indiaman, which was
lost upon Cape Lagullos in June, 1815. He gave us
a very interesting and most affecting account of the
awful scene, which came suddenly before him as he rode
down to the beach. The shore was covered with wreck
of every description, masts, sails, timber, and planks,
hove high upon the beach, which was strewed with dead
bodies. The fatal event had taken place some days, as
he learnt from the survivors. Six men whom he found
in a small cavern on the coast, impressed with the idea
that the ship had passed the Cape of Good Hope, and
that she had been wrecked to the westward of it, had
walked along the beach for two days, expecting every
moment to see the Table Mountain, but at the end of
that time were stopped by the Bride River, which convinced
them of their error, and they had to retrace
their steps to the wreck, which they reached at the end
of the fourth day, worn out with fatigue and hunger,
having only subsisted upon the shell fish they found on
the coast. Their first object was to bury as many of
their dead as they could, during the two days previously
to their being discovered by Mr. Schwartz; they
pointed out to him particularly the spot in which they
had laid the <em>four children</em> of Colonel Giels, of the 72nd
Regiment, who had been sent home as passengers in
the Arniston, under the care of Lord and Lady Molesworth,
who also perished in her. These poor fellows<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[528]</a></span>
had evidently taken a very deep interest in the fate
of these children, as it was the only grave which they
distinctly marked. They had of course procured some
salt provisions from the wreck, which had been washed
ashore, but every thing else was spoiled by the salt
water. They were also enabled to clothe themselves
from the raiment of their unfortunate shipmates. They
were afterwards most hospitably and kindly treated by
the farmer, and having been sent to the nearest Magistrate,
gave the deposition of which the following is a
copy, and which was forwarded to the Commissioner of
His Majesty’s Dock Yard, a few days afterwards.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“‘A narrative from the surviving crew, relating to the loss of the
Arniston, Transport, wrecked near Cape Lagullos, on the evening
of the 30th of May, 1815.</p>

<p>“‘Charles Stewart Scott, late carpenter’s mate of the
Arniston, Transport, and others, assert to the best of
their knowledge, that she sailed from Point de Galle on
or about the 4th of April, under convoy of H.M.S.
Africaine, and the Victor Brig, with six Indiamen.
About the 26th of May parted company from the convoy,
owing to stress of weather, having blown away
most of her sails; other sails were then bent, but the
weather continued very squally, with a heavy sea. On
the 29th, about seven a.m. the land was discovered right
ahead, bearing about N. by W. a long distance off, the
wind then S.S.E. about half-past four p.m. still blowing
very strong, hauled to the wind on the larboard tack,
under a close reefed maintopsail, and stood on till half-past
two a.m. on the 30th; then supposing the land
seen was near Table bay, the hands were turned up,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[529]</a></span>
bore up steering N.W. and set the foresail, intending to
run for St. Helena; continued on till 10 a.m. when the
land was again discovered nearly ahead, turned the
hands up, and hauled the ship close to the wind on the
larboard tack, still blowing very hard, made all sail,
having topsails and courses set, stood on till near noon,
when breakers were discovered on the lee-bow, wore
ship and hauled to the wind on the other tack; stood on
till 2 p.m. then wore, and hauled to the wind on the
larboard tack, continuing on till near 4 o’clock, when
breakers were seen, called Lagullos Reef, which we could
not weather on either tack, being completely embayed;
clewed up the sails and cut away three anchors, the two
bower cables parted shortly after, when Lieutenant
Brice, agent for transports, recommended the captain to
cut the sheet cable, and run the ship on shore, as the
only chance of saving the people’s lives. The cable was
then cut, and the ship put before the wind, in about
eight minutes after she struck forward, the ship heeling
to windward; cut away the guns in order to heel her
the other way, but which could not be effected, and
she soon began to break up. About eight o’clock the
masts went, and the ship in a very short time was quite
in pieces; many people were drowned below in consequence
of her heeling to windward, and others clung to
the wreck, endeavouring to reach the shore about half a
mile distant. Out of the whole crew, consisting of near
350 persons, only six men reached the shore with great
difficulty upon planks, being much bruised by the wreck
and surf, which was very high. At daylight the next
morning the stern post was the only part of the ship to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[530]</a></span>
be seen, the beach was covered with wreck, stores, &amp;c.
and a number of dead bodies, which were buried by the
survivors. Amongst these were Lord and Lady Molesworth,
the agent, the captain, and some children. On
the next day, the 1st of June, considering ourselves to
the westward of Cape Point, it was agreed to coast the
beach to the eastward, which we continued to do for
four days and a half, subsisting on shell fish from off the
rocks, but fearing we had taken a wrong direction, we
returned to the wreck, and accomplished it in three
days and a half, where we remained six days subsisting
chiefly on a cask of oatmeal, which had been driven on
shore; by drying it in the sun, we experienced great
relief. The pinnace having been driven on shore bilged,
we proposed to repair it in the best manner circumstances
would allow, and coast along shore. At that time,
the 14th of June, being at work on the boat, we were
fortunately discovered by a farmer’s son, John Schwartz,
who was out shooting, and humanely carried by him to
his father’s house, where we remained with every comfort
he could afford us for a week, and then set off for
Cape town, where we arrived on Monday evening, the
26th of June.</p>

<p>“‘Before we left the country we were informed that
three hundred and thirty-one bodies thrown on shore,
had been interred near the beach.</p>

<p class="center">“‘Signed,</p>

<p class="right">“‘CHARLES STEWART SCOTT, and party.’</p>

<p>“This declaration was made before me this day at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[531]</a></span>
Cape Town, the 27th day of June, 1815, of which this
is a copy.</p>

<p class="center">“J. MERES,</p>

<p class="right">“Lieutenant R.N. Resident Agent for Transports.”</p>

<p><i>A List of Officers and Passengers, as far as can be collected from the
survivors, who perished on board the Arniston Transport, the 30th
of May, 1815.</i></p>

<ul>
<li>Lieutenant Brice, R.N. Agent.</li>
<li>Captain George Simpson.</li>
<li>1st Mate, Thomas Hall.</li>
<li>2nd Mate, William Young.</li>
<li>3rd Mate, William Gibbs.</li>
<li>4th Mate, —— Robinson.</li>
<li>Doctor, —— Gunter.</li>
<li>Boatswain, John Barrett.</li>
<li>Carpenter, John Finley.</li>
<li>Gunner, Thomas Gowan.</li>
</ul>

<p><span class="smcap">Survivors.</span></p>

<ul>
<li>Charles Stewart Scott, (Captain’s Mate).</li>
<li>Philip Shea,</li>
<li>Wm. Drummond,</li>
<li>Wm. Fish,</li>
<li>Thos. Mansfield,</li>
<li>John Lewis, Seamen.</li>
</ul>

<p><span class="smcap">Passengers.</span></p>

<ul>
<li>Lord and Lady Molesworth, with a boy aged 7 years old under their care.</li>
<li>Four children—boys belonging to an officer of the 73 Regt. at Columbo.</li>
<li>Captain Stoddart, (Royal Scots).</li>
<li>Mrs. James, with two children, belonging to Point de Galle.</li>
<li>Mrs. Taylor, Officer’s Widow.</li>
<li>Miss Twisleton, daughter of the Clergyman at Columbo.</li>
<li>Mr. Gordon, Commissary, and son, about five years old.</li>
<li>Lieutenant Callender, 19th Regiment.</li>
</ul>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[532]</a></span></p>

<p>Invalids from the 19th, 22nd, 56th, 69th, 84th, and Royal Scots Regiments;
and near 100 seamen from the different men of war in India,
with 14 women, including passengers, and 25 children, in the whole
about 350 people.</p>

<p>N.B. Captain Whyms of the army died on board six weeks after
leaving Ceylon.</p>

</div>

<p>“On the morning of the 3rd December, anxious to
visit the spot become so deeply interesting, from the
preceding melancholy history, our party proceeded to
the place, and arrived there at half-past nine, a.m. It
was indeed an awful scene, although much of the
horror had been removed by the burial of the dead.
Every object was calculated to throw a deep and
solemn gloom over the mind. The wreck of the ship
lay scattered in great fragments in every direction on
the beach, and the remains of the unhappy sufferers
were indicated by pieces of plank and timber, which
had been placed in an upright position over them;
350 bodies had been washed on shore.</p>

<p>“It may be easier to conceive than to describe the
feelings excited in our minds at the awful scene which
here presented itself. The coast and surrounding
country was desolate in the extreme. The day being
cloudy, not a sunbeam gleamed over it; there was
little wind, and the surf rolled sullenly along the shore,
with a hollow and lugubrious roar, whilst every object
told the tale of woe. A monument had been raised by
the direction of Colonel Giels over the grave where his
children were deposited, by an artificer sent from Cape
Town; its bright white appearance contrasted with
the dark clouds, and the still darker tablet on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[533]</a></span>
which the fatal event was recorded, produced an indescribable
effect upon the eye, unprepared for such an
object.</p>

<p>“Having remained some time meditating upon this
mournful scene, our party pursued their journey over a
wide sandy plain towards the Hope, an Estate belonging
to Mr. Lawrence Cloete, and appropriated to the
breeding of sheep. In crossing these plains, and far
distant from the coast, even many miles, we observed
pieces of the wreck of the Arniston, which had been
evidently dropped from wagons employed in carrying
away timber from the beach, and it did at the moment
occur to me, that the notions respecting the receding
of the ocean which has occupied so many
pens, and so many pages, and concerning which
so much has been written in reference to this part of
the world in particular, might have been accounted for
by the object before us. Had a strong S.E. wind
taken place subsequent to these remarkable pieces being
dropped from the wagons, (they were shot-racks),
they would have been forthwith covered deep in sand;
and had they been found a century afterwards they
would have excited the same suggestion, that the sea
had formerly covered this place also.</p>

<p>“From an attentive observation of every part of
the coast of this colony, I am much more inclined to
adopt Sir John Barrow’s theory of the sea gaining, rather
than of its receding; and the observations he makes
upon the subject, (vol. i. p. 6,) appear very satisfactory;
but I felt at the same time convinced, that the Cape<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[534]</a></span>
flat, now an immense sandy plain, covered with shrubs
and heath was, perhaps ever since the commencement
of the Christian era, a channel between the Table
mountain, then an Island, and the main land. Sir
John Barrow grounds his opinion upon the effects
produced by the accumulation of sand, during the
period of nearly seven years that he was in the
country, of which some very striking instances will be
given in the course of this narrative. But lest the
assertion may appear a startling one, it may be as well
even in this place to shew on what grounds he founded
the supposition.</p>

<p>“It is well known that the S.E. winds blow during
a great part of the year, and sometimes with great
violence for many days together. A heavy sea consequently
rolls in upon every part of the southern
coast, bringing with it an immense quantity of sand,
which may have been forming a ridge of considerable
elevation above high water mark. As the tide recedes,
the sand dries, and is taken up by the wind, and
carried in a continued and dense stream into the
interior, where it is deposited among the shrubs, and
soon covers them. A reference to those who have
land near the coast, and even at some miles distant
from it, will give a melancholy confirmation of this fact,
and shew that much of their land has been entirely
ruined by the accumulation of sand. During the
winter months when the N.W. winds prevail they are
in general accompanied by rain, and the sand when
wet is not liable to be taken up by the wind and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[535]</a></span>
carried back again: and this shews how the sand hills
accumulate, and how soon not only shrubs, but trees
may be overwhelmed with sand.</p>

<p>“Our party arrived at the Hope in the afternoon
of the 3rd. The house is small but very commodious,
and fitted up with every attention to comfort and even
luxury. It is situated on the eastern bank of an
extensive salt lake, into which the little salt river
carries its waters; there is no visible outlet, but they
doubtless pass through the surrounding sands.</p>

<p>“Great quantities of game abound in this neighbourhood,
and several ostriches were seen in the day’s
journey, rising from the heath on the approach of the
wagons, and striding towards the interior with most
extraordinary velocity.</p>

<p>“Immense quantities of corn were once grown in this
neighbourhood, but a decided and very reasonable
preference was given by our host to sheep and horses.
Of the former he has a very large flock, with a valuable
collection of merinos. It is considered that the wool
of the fourth cross is nearly equal to the Spanish
original. It is surprising, considering the number of
hyenas and wolves, with which this part of the colony
abounds, that so little injury is experienced in the
sheep-folds, but the hyena and the wolf seldom attack
cattle or sheep in an enclosure, however simple and
defenceless it may be.</p>

<p>“There are no trees near the house, but several
beautifully wooded glens or ravines running down to
the lake.</p>

<p>“On the 5th December, at six, a.m. we left the Hope<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[536]</a></span>
having been furnished with a span of oxen to ascend
the Potteberg, a steep and rugged road, but one which
might with care be greatly improved. From the summit
of the hill we had a splendid view of the Sout
valley, and the adjacent plains, with an extensive line
of sea coast, terminating at Cape Lagullos to the S.W.
The country although wild and uncultivated, was picturesque,
and much enlivened, by the profusion and
variety of the shrubs and heaths with which it was
covered in all the brilliancy of flower. Many Piebocks
were seen on ascending the Potteberg, and
some Partridges. We stopped in the course of the
morning at the house of the field Cornet; it lies in the
descent of the Potteberg, and he is a most respectable
man, with a large family, cultivating an extensive corn
farm. He was suffering severely from a whitloe, which
had begun on the finger, but its effects threatened the
loss of his arm. The greatest inconvenience experienced
by the colonists in the interior is the want of
surgical assistance; though they are sufficiently well
instructed in medical remedies, to apply them with
tolerable success.</p>

<p>“After some repose at this place, we proceeded on our
way to the Bride River, but having mistaken the road
we had a long and very fatiguing journey, and having
reached a part of the river where no means existed for
crossing, we had to retrace our steps nearly half way
over a hilly rugged road, and did not arrive at the
ferry at Guillenpuis until nearly sunset. The country
we had passed through this day was of an extraordinary
description. The prospect before us as we left the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">[537]</a></span>
Potteberg was that of a gently undulating surface,
covered with a great variety of shrubs and aloes; but
as we proceeded we found it frequently intersected by
deep and precipitous ravines, and which could only be
passed by means of very winding roads down the steep
slaty sides. The ascent from these occasioned great
labour to the cattle. The Bride River as seen from
the heights on its right bank had a most picturesque
appearance from its windings, making a distance between
two places along its banks of two hours, when a
straight road between them, had such existed, would
not have required more than half an hour. Corn
might be grown to an immense amount near this river,
as was evident by what was seen growing on the few
spots which were cultivated, but the population is very
scanty, and labour very difficult to procure. It was
said that black cattle would thrive greatly on these
plains, but that there was something in the pasturage
generally destructive to sheep, of which the inhabitants
complained of having lost great numbers, and no longer
ventured to keep more than they required for their
immediate consumption.</p>

<p>“As it was too late to get the wagons over that
evening, which requires a tedious process, they were
unloaded and the baggage taken over in a small boat,
which landed us at a small but commodious farm house
on the opposite bank, where we received a most hospitable
welcome; and the inmates, though very limited
in their circumstances, made every effort to accommodate
us, giving up the best part of the house to our use,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[538]</a></span>
and supplying us with fish, fowls, and fresh eggs, for
which they positively refused to receive payment.</p>

<p>“The small boat, not more than twelve feet in length,
returned for the horses, which swam over, having their
heads tied up to the gunwale of the boat, two at each
side. It consequently required three trips to get over
the eight wagon and four saddle horses. Much difficulty
was experienced, and time lost in getting them
all to take the water. Some of them having been
accustomed to it, took their stations on each side of
the boat at once, whilst others could scarcely be brought
to the water’s edge; but example here, as in most other
cases, had at length its influence, they reached the other
side in safety and ease, and were comfortably accommodated
in the farm stables. At daylight in the morning
we rose, in order to see the process of getting the
wagon over. The river at this place might be about
one hundred and fifty yards across, and perhaps two
fathoms deep, the depth however was of no consequence.
A large empty leaguer well bunged up,
was placed in the wagon, and lashed to the framework
at the bottom, a line was then brought from the
opposite shore, and made fast to it, it was then pushed
into the water, and hauled over to the other side without
any difficulty, by two or three men; when a pair of
horses were ready to receive it, and draw it out of
the stream.</p>

<p>“The Bride River is navigable from this place to its
mouth, for vessels of thirty or forty tons. The face of
the country to the eastward, is wild and precipitous to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[539]</a></span>
a degree surpassing what we have hitherto seen; so
much so as to wear the appearance of having been convulsed
by earthquake. It is at the same time very fertile,
even to the summit of the hills, being covered with
corn wherever the cultivator thought proper to sow it.</p>

<p>“The scenery amidst the windings of the Bride
River was most strikingly picturesque; the various tints
which the mimosa, the aloe, the milkwood, and the
protea, gave to the landscape, produced a very splendid
effect.</p>

<p>“At eleven, on the 8th December, we arrived at
Rhinoster Fonteyne, a grazing and breeding farm (for
horses) on the banks of the Bride River, near its
mouth. The view to the westward was superb. We
rode down to the entrance of the river, and found a
capacious harbour for small craft, formed by a spit of
sand running out from the eastern shore. The harbour
here formed is very capacious, its breadth securing the
vessels which might be lying there in the winter, against
the effect of the torrents rushing from the mountains.
Here a depôt should be made of corn, wine, flax, linseed,
and oil, in readiness to ship for the capital, on
board any vessels which might be sent for the purpose.
They might also take on board large quantities of thorn
bark for tanning; the gana, a shrub used in making
soap; tobacco; wool of an excellent quality from the
Merino sheep; the inspissated juice of the aloe, which
may be had in large quantities; and many articles of
traffic, not only for home consumption in the Cape district,
but also as articles for exportation, the want of
which was so severely felt, that the exchange for bills<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[540]</a></span>
upon England, which were considered at par at 125,
rose in the year 1822 to more than 200.</p>

<p>“A constant trade might thus be carried on, and if
the resources of the colony were by such means brought
into action, there is little doubt but the export trade
would be very considerable, even in corn.</p>

<p>“Mr. Van Rennen, the owner of this farm, having
purchased the famous English stallion, Euryalus, had
greatly improved his breed of horses, which rose in
value, and were generally sold at high prices from 500
to 1000 rix dollars. There were upon the farm 300
cows, and yet neither butter nor cheese were made,
beyond what was required for the use of the family,
and this for want of an outlet. It was stated that 1500
sheep were shorn annually upon this farm; that the
wool was sold in Cape Town for two rix dollars the
pound, and that the fleeces average two pounds each.
Mr. Van Rennen has taken the precaution of enclosing
and covering in a pool, or rather an extensive well in
his grazing ground, by which he ensures a constant
supply of water in the hottest seasons. It not only
prevents the rapid evaporation, which would be caused
by the heat of the sun, but also prevents the cattle
from wallowing and trampling upon the borders of the
pool. The want of water is the cause of the greatest
suffering in every part of the colony. Great improvidence
has been manifested in the distribution of the
different farms by the Government, and this shews the
expediency of being liberal in the remuneration of
talented and upright Surveyors in all new settlements,
and in preventing a monopoly of the streams; from which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[541]</a></span>
single cause it frequently happens that extensive tracts
of valuable land may be thrown out of cultivation.
From the steep descent of the beds of the rivers the
waters soon run off; but much might, nevertheless, be
done by irrigation and by lateral cuts. The country
however must become much more populous before such
improvements can be looked for.</p>

<p>“On the 8th, we left Rhinoster Fonteyne in Mr. Van
Rennen’s wagon, which he had kindly lent us in order
that we might send off our own, and the saddle horses at
a very early hour; and that the horses might be refreshed
before they were required for the remainder of the day’s
journey, which was to be a very long one. We
traversed an immense plain near fifteen miles in breadth,
cultivated in patches which produced corn in abundance,
and stretching to a great extent from the sea to the
foot of the Swartberg. The mountains had continued
to bound the prospect upon the left, from the time we
had passed Hottentot Holland’s Kloof, and were seen
running on to the north-east, lost in the most remote distance.
The vallies and ravines, were generally dark with
the woods springing up in the dark alluvial soil which
was washed down by the wintry rains. In the course
of this day, we arrived at Duivenhock, where the
scenery was truly beautiful; and here we found a most
respectable and hospitable family, in a substantial and
commodious cottage, with every thing wearing the appearance
of industry and gradual improvement. After
receiving refreshment here, we proceeded over an open
and generally level country to the Kaffer Kuyl<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[542]</a></span>
River; we saw abundance of game in crossing it. The
Kaffer Kuyl is a considerable stream running with
rapidity from the mountains towards the sea. Much
corn is grown near to its banks, and two respectable
looking farms lie at a small distance from each other.
This river is not capable of being made navigable,
having an irregular and rocky bed, and in the rainy
seasons it becomes an impetuous torrent. In the
evening, we arrived at a farm belonging to Mr. La
Grange, on the high road from Cape Town to Mossul
Bay; it is situated on a level plateau at a considerable
height above the level of the sea. The country about
it is generally undulating, except in the immediate
neighbourhood of the river, the banks of which are very
steep and rugged. The Soetmelks River runs very
near this farm; a great number of horses are bred
here and some cattle.</p>

<p>“Having passed the night with great comfort here,
we pursued our journey towards the Gauritz River,
over a beautifully variegated country. The mimosa of
the most lively and refreshing green was strikingly
contrasted with the generally parched and arid appearance
of the soil, but this was also frequently relieved
by the brilliancy of patches of flowering shrubs
of the most lively hues, approaching even to gaudiness, if
such a term can be applied to the objects of creation;
while the aloes, scattered over the country in boundless
profusion, gave finishing touches to the landscape, and
produced the happiest effect. The whole of the tract
we passed over this day appeared to be fit for cultivation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[543]</a></span>
capable of producing in abundance all the necessaries
of life, and wherever industry had been employed,
it was apparently crowned with success.</p>

<p>“This day, the 9th day of December, was the hottest
we had experienced, the thermometer was at 99 in the
interior of the wagon. The wind from the north felt
as though it came from a furnace; not a cloud was to
be seen, except a few of a white and fleecy description,
which were gathering over the summit of the Swartberg;
and from their appearance, Colonel Graham, who had
been long an observer of the changes of the weather in
this country, at once predicted a thunder storm; and
his conjectures were accurate, for in less than three
hours a most violent storm of wind and rain, with
tremendous thunder and vivid lightning, came on, and
lasted about two hours. We had, providentially,
reached the Gauritz River, and crossed it before the
storm came on, and were comfortably sheltered at the
house of Esaias Miers, on the left bank. He was a kind
and hospitable man; and, with his excellent wife, gave
every accommodation in their power to offer. With
their assistance, and that of our own cook, we soon
procured an excellent dinner. In about two hours the
weather cleared up, and gave us a delightful evening
for pursuing our journey.</p>

<p>“The banks of the Gauritz are extremely precipitate,
and scarcely less than two hundred feet in height; the
road, as may be supposed, is very steep, but with the
precaution of locking both the hind wheels of the wagon,
is not dangerous. The difficulty of ascending is very
great. The country people in general travel with two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[544]</a></span>
or three wagons in company, for the purpose of assisting
each other in getting over these places, which to
one team of oxen would be insurmountable. This
forms one of the most animating and picturesque
scenes imaginable. I have already adverted to it,
but to see the wagons ascending from the bed of
Gauritz, up a broken road which in other countries
would be deemed impracticable, with a long line of, in
some instances, thirty-six oxen, through the wildest
scenery imaginable, the shouting of the drivers, the
echoes occasioned by the cracking of their huge whips,
and the passengers in every direction climbing amongst
the rocks in pursuit of the nearest way to the summit
of the ridge, altogether produces an effect which is indescribable,
and of a peculiarly animating character.</p>

<p>“We had in this place an additional proof of what
industry and perseverance can perform in overcoming
existing difficulties, but it is certainly ‘taking the bull
by the horns.’ A small portion of labour applied by
legislative investments would soon render these roads
practicable for the wagon and its own team, without
any of the detention and risk of loss of oxen, and
damage to the vehicle which is now constantly experienced;
and this being the great road to immense
forests in Uitenhage, and to the district of George, it
seems the more extraordinary that some exertion had
not long before been made by the Colonial Government.
In many cases we observed that the road might have
been rendered much easier, and consequently safer, and
more expeditious, by a little more detour being made
in it; but when even it was at all possible, the straight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[545]</a></span>
line was most inflexibly adhered to. It was frequently
seen that the ruts of wheels were passing over a stone
of two or three feet in height, where a deviation of as
many yards would have avoided it. But it was a road
which the grandfather had gone, and was therefore
most dutifully followed by his descendants.</p>

<p>“The Gauritz is frequently in the rainy season a formidable
torrent, and impassable for days together, at
which time a most singular and picturesque scene
presents itself, from the groups of wagons and travellers
collected on each bank, forming as it were extensive
encampments, their numerous spans of horses and oxen
grazing on the steep declivities of the bank, where any
food can be found for them, or outspanned on the
heights for the purpose of grazing. To these are added
on the left bank very large droves of cattle and flocks
of sheep, waiting for the water to subside, that they
may continue their way to the Cape Town market.
The Boors and their Hottentots enjoy these bivouacs
much, as they pass the time of their detention in shooting,
and the neighbourhood is well supplied with game;
nor are the females of the party without their share in
the general excitement, as they have the enjoyment of
society from which they are precluded in their solitary
farms; and as their wagons form very commodious
tents, they experience but little more discomfort than
in their cots at home, where in many cases the
accommodations are hardly superior. To add to the
animation of the scene, their little fires blazing in all
directions, and the column of blue smoke ascending
along the hills, and taking from them the monotony of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[546]</a></span>
feature by giving an appearance of distance to those
parts dimly seen, increases the general effect of the
picture.</p>

<p>“The Gauritz is in no part navigable, from the broken
and rocky nature of its bed, and no boats are
consequently to be found upon it. Beneath the cliff on
the right bank was a remarkable plateau, enclosed in a
bend of the winding of the banks, quite level, and of
considerable extent, and about twenty feet above the
bed of the river. At the first view it appeared well
calculated for the site of a village, but in winter it is
frequently laid under water; and logs of timber and
drift wood scattered over it shewed this to have been
recently the case.</p>

<p>“Several wagons laden with timber were met with
in the course of this day, on their way to Cape Town,
carrying many large yellow-wood beams for building,
and logs for converting into planks, also fellies for wheels,
and treenails for the repair of ships. It may easily
be conceived under what amazing disadvantages this
traffic is carried on between the forest and the capital,
a distance little short of two hundred miles, and the
road lying nearly along the coast. It can be shewn that
plank from Norway and from America may be brought
into the market at a rate which competes with this
which is grown in the colony; but the injury is not confined
to the high price of this indispensable commodity.
These journeys for the conveyance of timber depopulate
the whole country in the neighbourhood of the forest.
The labourers and the cattle are constantly on the
road; and not unfrequently the farmer and his family<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[547]</a></span>
seize the opportunity, in order to have their frolic,
leaving the cows, the young stock, and the crops to the
care of an aged female Hottentot, while every other part
of the establishment follows the wagon. Should the
scanty portion of grain which he has sown fail, in consequence
of his absence, the family have a resource; they
can live entirely upon mutton, and game, and tea, and
brandy; the two latter articles being never forgotten
in the return cargo. The want of hands in the different
farms is an universal complaint; and is the only
cause that can be assigned, why the immense tracts of
fertile land are uncultivated; but the reason is here at
once given. The whole population is employed in
taking materials for building to Cape Town; while a
few hundred hands employed in conducting a coasting
trade would effect more completely all that is to be
done; and leave the farmers and the farm servants,
undisturbed in their rural occupations; ensuring to the
former a most liberal return of whatever the ground
would produce, while industrious habits would take
the place of that wandering, unsettled, and indolent
disposition for which the Cape Boor is so remarkable.</p>

<p>“The abundance of all the essentials of life which
a kind Providence has showered down on this favoured
country, is another great cause of the little advance its
inhabitants make in improvement, which is so obvious
in most parts of the interior. The want of food is
unknown amongst them, either for man or beast; and
other wants are easily provided for. Houses built of
clay and thatched with reeds are readily constructed;
the wood work necessary for doors, windows, and rafters,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[548]</a></span>
is easily obtained from the nearest Bosch, as the
forest is called; and converted by the roughest tools
in such a way as may answer the purpose. The furniture
of many of the houses is confined to the frames
of a bedstead or two, (the sacking for which is formed
of thongs of raw hide) and a large chest serving at
once for a store closet and a table. Clothing is easily
made from the sheep-skin tanned or untanned; and a
few loads of wood or aloes carried to Cape Town
market, will procure them brandy and tea, their principal
luxuries, and such European manufactures as
they may be tempted to indulge in, such as printed
calicos, and linen. These journies, as we have shewn,
are attended with no other expense or loss than the
neglect of their farms. The covered wagon is their
dwelling house, and the sleeping apartment for the
master and mistress; the children and slaves sleeping
under them in dry weather. The journey is divided
into schoffs, or distances, calculated from one grazing
place to another, called “Out-span” places; these are
six, eight, or ten hours from each other, as they happen
to be. In the more sandy and arid parts of the colony
the schoffs are regulated by the springs of water. The
march is generally performed by night in summer, in
order to avoid the heat of the sun. As soon as they
reach the out-span place, the oxen are unyoked, and
turned out to graze. If they have horses, they are knee
haltered, by the halter being tied to the fore leg, and so
short that when the head of the animal is elevated, his
leg is lifted from the ground, and he can only go
upon three legs, which ensures his being caught when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">[549]</a></span>
wanted. In these wild parts of the colony there is
little fear of the cattle straying, for they are too much
in fear of wild beasts to wander far from protection;
and it was very remarkable that saddle horses, which
if turned out near the Cape, would be very difficult to
catch, will, in the interior, when far from any inhabited
place, keep close to the owner, when leading
them by the bridle, or if left to themselves.</p>

<p>“As soon as the horses and oxen are turned out,
the domestic arrangements begin; fires are lighted,
sheep or fowls are killed, and cooking proceeds with
great energy. It may be that a buck is brought
in, which makes the feast a sumptuous one, in which
all are equally interested. The driver and leaders of
the oxen are no sooner off duty than they betake
themselves to sleep, and only awake for their food, and
then sleep again. After the meal, the Siesta becomes
general, and lasts till the preparation signal is given
for resuming the journey, when all again is bustle;
the cattle are yoked, the wagons packed, and the
cracking of the huge whips again announces that they
are in motion. Such is nearly the history of every
day, and of the whole journey, until they reach the
immediate vicinity of the capital, when they become
restrained by the usages of more civilized life, a fetter
which is severely felt by all, bipeds as well as quadrupeds.
There are few instances of these travellers
being attacked in their night marches by the wild
beasts, which infest so many parts of the interior of the
colony. The feline species are in general as cowardly
as ferocious, and are scared by the noise and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">[550]</a></span>
number of the caravans, which of course is not diminished
on this account.</p>

<p>“If stationary, in the night the cattle are kept tied
to the wagons, and large fires kept burning round the
little encampment. In the preceding year, while the
Governor, Lord Charles Somerset, was on his journey
to the Fish river with his family, having stopped for the
night on one of the extensive plains over which they
had to pass, a little Hottentot boy, the leader of one of
the teams, having laid down to sleep at a little distance
from the wagons, was seized by a lion. His screams
having aroused the people who had not yet gone to
sleep, the noise they made in pursuing the animal,
induced it to drop its prey, and the child was found at
a few yards distance, very little injured by the jaws
of the beast.</p>

<p>“At three p.m. we proceeded on our journey towards
Mossel Bay, which I was very anxious to visit, that I
might form my own judgment as to its fitness as a
resort for the coasting trade. The accounts published
by the Dutch authorities of every part of the coast,
threw great discouragement over every prospect of such
a trade being ever established; but they were evidently
influenced by consideration of the inexpediency of the
coast being known to foreigners, which would render
it necessary to defend many parts hitherto avoided as
dangerous.</p>

<p>“We soon reached the farm of Thunis Meyer, lying
in a beautiful, fertile, and tolerably well cultivated
valley. The land was evidently good, and immense
quantities of grain might have been grown here, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">[551]</a></span>
immediate vicinity of Mossel Bay, where the anchorage
might be deemed as safe as that of Table Bay, and
from whence it might be shipped either for the capital
or the foreign market. Between this place and Mossel
Bay lies another extensive farm, belonging to Mr.
Muller, also abounding in grain, and in which a number
of horses and black cattle are annually reared.
The farm lies at the eastern extremity of the Kleine
Riverberg, and has a distant view of the sea, near
Mossel Bay and the mouth of the Kayman, or ‘Crocodile’s
Gut.’ There are some deep and well wooded
glens and precipitous ravines in the immediate neighbourhood
of this farm, beautifully wild and picturesque.
The aloe, the mimosa, with every description and size
of shrubs, and an immense variety of blooming and
curious heaths, and other flowering plants, give a richness
and beauty to the scene of which neither the pen
nor the pencil could give any adequate idea. We
remained at Mr Muller’s, and were as usual kindly
and hospitably treated. It was here we remarked the
apparently improvident and wasteful manner in which
the Dutch colonial system of farming was carried on.
A thrashing floor is built on the summit of an elevation
commanded by the prevailing S.E. wind, and here the
corn is trodden out by the hoofs of horses driven round
the enclosure at a quick pace; after which it is turned
up to the breeze, and the chaff and the straw are
carried far away, being considered of no value here, as
it was supposed the cattle would not feed upon it.
This might certainly be true when they had abundance
of green food at command, but could not be the case in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">[552]</a></span>
the hot summer months, when the country was parched
up in all directions. We had an opportunity of shewing
the error of this system, for when dry feeding
cattle for St. Helena was practised at Simon’s Town,
the straw formed a very principal part of their food.</p>

<p>“On the following morning a thick haze covered
the face of the country, a sure indication that the day
would be sultry, and we had every reason to respect
the prediction. We left Mr. Muller’s at eight in the
morning of the 10th December, and traversed an
extensive plain, on our way to Mossel Bay. We at
length reached an eminence, from which a most magnificent
view of the bay and eastern coast presented
itself. Cape St. Blaize, which when originally discovered,
gave its name to the bay, since altered by the
former to the more familiar one, taken from the immense
number of the shell-fish, to Mossel (or Muscle)
Bay lay on our right. The little village or depôt formed
by the Dutch for collecting corn on government account
was immediately below our feet, with the receding range
of the Swartberg mountains, and the indented line of
sea coast, terminating the prospect on the left and in
front.</p>

<p>“On our arrival in Mossel Bay, we were most kindly
and hospitably welcomed by Mr. Obeen, a worthy
Dane, long settled here, and whose name has been
frequently and respectfully mentioned by travellers
who have visited this place. He gave me some
interesting information upon a subject I had much at
heart, and assured me that he did not consider this
bay as a dangerous anchorage, although exposed to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">[553]</a></span>
S.E. winds, which in the offing blew with much
violence, but seldom, to use the seamen’s phrase, ‘blew
hard.’ During the period of his residence here, more
than thirty years, he could remember more than one
hundred vessels having anchored here, not one of which
ever met with an accident whilst riding in it. An
Englishman, named Murray, traded here ten years;
though his vessel was at last stranded on its passage
round Cape Lagullos, which I apprehend to be one of
the greatest dangers on this part of the colony, and should
be accordingly avoided, not only by coasters, but by
all vessels. There is no reason why any should approach
this dangerous point; on the contrary, they may
generally insure a quicker passage by keeping a good
offing; and as the coast, and the set of the currents
are better known, the danger will vanish in a great
measure.</p>

<p>“We were so much struck with the situation of this
bay, as an outlet for the produce of the most valuable
part of the colony, that we employed ourselves on each
day that we remained here in making such observations,
and obtaining such information as might direct
our judgment in forming a correct opinion as to the
possibility of its being adopted as a depôt. From the
soundings we took, we became convinced that a mole
carried out about one hundred yards to the N.E. from
a point running off from the spot where the magazine
is built, would give effectual shelter to as many coasting
vessels as might be employed in taking off the
produce, not only of the immediate neighbourhood, but
of the Large Kloof. From two and a half fathom to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">[554]</a></span>
three and a half might be found the whole length of
the mole, and this might easily be formed by rolling
masses of rock from the elevated ground into the water
without any artificer’s work. Such a mole might
be increased to any extent, that the trade might
demand. Such moles are formed in every part of the
Mediterranean—witness Palermo, Messina, Naples,
Civita Vecchia, &amp;c. &amp;c., and particularly Gibraltar,
where a mole for refitting ships of the line is formed
in seven fathoms water, exposed to the whole fury of a
western gale. Hence it is evident that a mole in
Mossel Bay of such immense value to the surrounding
country, would be no idle or useless speculation.</p>

<p>“Thirty labourers under an active superintendant
would perform a considerable part of this work in the
course of a year; and the blocks of stone, lying at hand
on the shore, would soon form the foundation.</p>

<p>“I believe that the opinion I have ventured to offer
respecting the general fertility of the soil, and its
adaptation to the growth of corn, throughout the whole
extensive tract comprehended between the Swartberg
and the sea, from the Gauritz to the Kayman on which
the Capital of the district of George is situated, will be
confirmed by the general voice of the inhabitants. It
requires only an industrious and an increased population,
with an outlet for the produce, to bring it into the
most extensive and successful cultivation; for even the
sour grass so destructive to sheep and cattle, I was
every where assured disappears from the soil, when the
plough comes upon it. With respect to manure, let
those who have travelled into the interior of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">[555]</a></span>
country say, what immense heaps are collected in the
immediate vicinity of the houses on all the farms,
especially on the cattle farms; of which no use whatever
is made; as the farmer prefers breaking up new land,
which he is always enabled to do from the improvident
system of granting farms of such an immense size.
The consequence is, that the heaps of manure annually
accumulate, and the heavy rains falling upon them,
bring away noxious streams; which, where the ground
is level, form into stagnant and fetid pools, to the
great danger of the health, if not of annoyance to the
eyes and noses of the inhabitants, accustomed to such
objects.</p>

<p>“A considerable and a valuable fishery might also be
carried on in Mossel Bay. There is a great demand for
salted fish in every part of the interior for food for the
slaves, and the Mahometans; and a very profitable traffic
might be carried on in this article, and be the means of
removing another great hindrance to agricultural progress;
for the division of labour, which does so much in
all other countries, by leaving to those who have been
brought up to any particular calling the exercise of the
skill and talents they have acquired in it, is almost lost
sight of in this colony. The farmer, instead of devoting
all his energies, his people, his capital, and his
time, to the improvement of his estate, becomes his
own carrier to a distant market, his own wood cutter,
carpenter, wheelwright, fisherman, &amp;c., and makes but a
very indifferent figure in each capacity, when compared
to those who confine themselves to one distinct branch.
Fishing is another very great source of temptation to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">[556]</a></span>
the Boor, and suits well with his restless and migratory
habits. Those even at a very considerable distance
from the coast, will embark their whole family, labourers,
slaves and all in their wagons, provided with
seines, and other fishing gear, and salt; and proceed
to the coast in the larder<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> season, where they will
encamp and remain for weeks catching and curing
fish, and at the same time enjoying all the pleasures of
the chase where game abounds. This recreation and
enjoyment is only censurable when the more important
concerns of the farm and its produce are neglected,
and the public interest consequently suffers from the
high price of the necessaries of life, or what amounts to
the same thing, from the very high rate of exchange on
remittance bills to the mother country for want of the
means of carrying on an expert trade. But upon this
subject the Dutch farmer has views and ways of thinking
peculiarly his own. In conversation with one of
them upon the subject of the high price of grain, he
said, ‘Why Commissioner, I would rather it even were
at one hundred rix dollars a load than at fifty, although
the high price might arise from a scanty crop, on my
own farm, as well as on those of my neighbours; for in
the former case, one wagon would take one hundred
dollars worth to market, and in the latter case it would
require two.’ This hereditary calculator never had
taken it into consideration, that by superior talent and
energy his farm might have produced its full amount,
and that he would have shared in the high prices
caused by the neglect of others.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">[557]</a></span></p>

<p>“A few days before our arrival in Mossel Bay, a
schooner belonging to Mr. Van Rienan had come in
there, and he had disposed of a considerable quantity
of iron, tea, sugar, wine, brandy, coffee, together with a
large stock of European manufactures, by auction, for
money only, at six months’ credit. A most ruinous
system, holding out the strongest incentive to extravagance
and intemperance. The profits upon these
cargoes, or rather the difference between the original
and the last prices paid upon them, were stated by the
purchasers to be 100 per cent. and they were probably
not above the fact in their estimate. The temptation
of long credit alone induced them to buy under such
circumstances, and the prices were farther supported
by a monopoly in the trade, arising from a want of
competition, leaving the whole in the hands of one
enterprizing man.</p>

<p>“On the 11th of December we quitted Mossel Bay,
at three p.m., on our way to the Gulbecks River, on
the banks of which we were to halt for the night.
The road winding round the N.W. shore of Mossel
Bay, although very rugged and difficult in many places,
might with a little exertion be rendered tolerable,
if not good. Having ascended a gradual acclivity of
about five miles from the Bay, we had a most magnificent
view of the windings of the Hartebest River,
through a beautifully diversified valley, with the Swartbergs
in the back ground, their summits illuminated by
and sparkling with the rays of the setting sun, catching
upon the broken crags by which many of the heights
were terminated. The house of Mr. Mayers, who was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">[558]</a></span>
to be our host for the night, stood upon a gentle
eminence, sloping down from the mountain towards the
sea, and commanded a splendid view of the valley,
the river, and the sea, with the whole range of coast
from Mossel Bay to the Kayman. Mr. Mayers is an
example of what may be done by industry and exertion.
His family and his house were highly creditable.
Hospitality, neatness, and every appearance of domestic
felicity, gave a relish to this scene which is not easily
forgotten, and would have been a subject for admiration
in any part of the world. All that struck the
eye conveyed an idea of comfort and respectability, and
shewed the effect of habitual attention to arrangement
and cleanliness. A group of beautiful and orderly
children gave promise that this valley would flourish in
future generations.</p>

<p>“Mr. Mayers had long been afflicted with rheumatism,
and had almost become a cripple, he still walked
with a crutch, but was recovering. He appeared to
have lost neither energy or cheerfulness. When one
of our party remarked to him how fine a family he
had, his answer seemed to come warm from his heart,
and his feelings glistened in his eyes, while he said,
‘Yes, and that was the reason why I was so anxious
to recover my health, that I might see them respectably
brought up.’</p>

<p>“The most serious of all wants experienced by the
colonial farmers in general, is the great distance from
all means of religious instruction. I have already shewn
how much property increases in value by lying in the
neighbourhood of a church; and the people are generally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">[559]</a></span>
willing to make sacrifices, in order to have places
of worship amongst them. From Caledon to George, a
distance of a hundred miles, there is no church; and all
the families in the intermediate space are obliged to go
either to the one or to the other town for marriages or
christenings; indeed they often, if not generally, availed
themselves of their occasional journies to Cape Town
with the produce of their farms, for these purposes.
Impressed with the deplorable state of ignorance, and
in too many cases of vice, in which some of the Boors’
families were living, for want of the care of a pastor, I
subsequently wrote to the Bishop of London, and stating
the effects produced by the exertions of the Moravians
as an encouragement, I ventured to suggest that Ministers
of the Church of England should be sent out, and
located in different parts of the colony, where they
might live comfortably and respectably, on a very
moderate income, assisted by a certain portion of land;
and I added, that were a clerk to accompany the
minister, a man of well known good character, and
skilful as a mechanic, particularly as a carpenter,
mason, or blacksmith, it was certain that a village
would rise up in a very short space of time, and that
the religion as well as the language of England would
rapidly spread throughout the colony.</p>

<p>“The scene round the country churches on sacrament
Sundays, which occur about four times in the
year, resembles a large fair, from the wagons coming
from every part of the country within a day’s journey of
the church, and sometimes even from a much greater distance.
They remain the whole day, and not unfrequently<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">[560]</a></span>
for several days together in the rainy season, from the
country being flooded. The people upon these occasions
also, as well as upon their more distant journeys,
inhabit their wagons, with the exception perhaps of a
few, who may find accommodation with friends residing
near the church; but this general and periodical
assemblage too often leads to conviviality and intemperance,
which entirely defeat the religious intention
of the journey, and render the sacred rite which was
intended for their benefit an additional cause of iniquity.
That there are many striking exceptions to
this line of conduct, I have already endeavoured to
shew; but the effect of such a state of things upon the
great mass of uneducated people, must be evident to
every one who knows the propensities of mankind. It
does then become a most imperative duty on the
mother country to administer to the spiritual wants of
her distant population, and neither labour nor expense
should be spared; though in this case, but little of
either is required. The bare selection of fit persons as
pastors, with a very moderate income, say £300 per
annum, with a grant of land and proper encouragement
to a pious and skilful mechanic, as a clerk, would be
all that is required, for a considerable extent of this
fertile wilderness, for such it may be well termed, both
in a moral and an agricultural sense. The respectable
character of Mr. Meyers, will at the same time account
for and justify this digression.</p>

<p>“This is a considerable corn farm, called Hartenbosh
Kraal. In tolerable years the return is about twenty
bushels for one, which although it falls far below the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">[561]</a></span>
produce of many other parts of the colony, especially
where new lands are brought under cultivation, is
nevertheless a fair average, but here again the great
want is a market. Mr. Meyers assured me, that could
he procure forty rix dollars the load for his corn at
Mossel Bay, he would employ every one of his people
in cultivating his land, but that he could not afford to
send it to the Cape. He had three hundred head of
cattle, forty horses, and a large flock of sheep; the
latter, however, were very subject to the rot, in consequence
of the sour grass. The large cattle were in
excellent order.</p>

<p>“On the 12th December we left this interesting
family, deeply impressed with their kindness, and with
all we had seen there. We were obliged to wait till
ten o’clock, before we could proceed on our journey,
in order that the tide might be out in the rivers we
had to pass, and enable us to ford them; these were
the Grilbeck, and the great and little Braake. The
Grilbeck is a tributary stream to the little Braake.
We crossed them both near the confluence, the first
about fifty yards in breadth, but at the time not more
than two feet deep; the latter is a considerable stream,
and in some parts of our passage nearly five feet in
depth. The country between these rivers is irregular,
and sometimes precipitous. The valley between the
great and little Braake had the appearance of much
fertility. The road winds round the southern slope of
a range of hills diverging from the great chain of
mountains, which runs parallel with the coast, and
stretches towards the sea. We crossed the great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">[562]</a></span>
Braake about a mile from its mouth, where it was lost
at this period in a high ridge of sand stretching across
it, but which of course gives way to the winter’s
torrents. This blockade is of such constant occurrence,
as to deprive the great Braake of all prospect of being
made navigable. This river was not broader where
we crossed it than the little Braake, but its banks were
steeper, and the depth much the same. In winter it
must be a tremendous torrent, from the great declivity
of its bed, and the steep and precipitous ravines running
into it. From the summit of a high hill on the
eastern side of the great Braake we had one of the
finest prospects we had as yet enjoyed. It comprehended
a most magnificent combination of mountain,
plain, deep wooded dells, the windings of the rivers,
and a most extensive line of the sea coast, including
the whole of Mossel Bay and Cape St. Blaize, the view
extending and losing itself in the far western distance.
This spot called forth a rapturous description and admiration
from Lichtenstein, and well deserves both.</p>

<p>“We now approached the great forest of Uitenhage
land, and already saw fine timber trees skirting the
southern slope of the Swartberg, and flourishing in
increased luxuriance in the deep ravines, where they
derived nourishment from the alluvial soil continually
carried down by the rains. The vegetation of these
dells is rank and productive beyond expectation, especially
when contrasted with the stunted production
of the plains we had been so long traversing.</p>

<p>“From the great Braake to the Mudzikammer we
crossed an elevated plateau, well cultivated in many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">[563]</a></span>
parts. The grass however is sour, and unfit for
grazing; but this pernicious quality wears off after
having been turned up by the plough. Here we had
the first view of the rising city of George, the chief
town of the district; also the new road into the Lange
Kloof, made in the pass of a mountain called Craddock’s
hing, after the Governor in whose time it was
begun, Lord Howden.</p>

<p>“The traveller is greatly deceived in his estimate of
the distance from his first sight of George, after having
ascended the heights on the left bank of the great
Braake; to all appearance he thinks he could ride it
with ease to himself and his horse in an hour and a
half; but the road is so crossed by deep ravines, no
appearance of which present themselves, that we spent
more than four hours in reaching that place.</p>

<p>“The banks of the Mudzikammer are most formidably
precipitous, and here was the steepest pass we
had met with over any river. On reaching it we found
a wagon stuck in the bottom of the only narrow road
which led across the river, and in such a manner as
precluded all possibility of our getting over until it was
removed. This is a circumstance that frequently
occurs, and the driver of the arrested wagon bears his
detention with the utmost degree of philosophy. He
proceeds to light his fire, and cook his meals, and then
goes quietly to sleep, well knowing that he is the
master of the pass, and that none can proceed either
east or west until he is extricated; he is sure therefore
of the assistance of the first span of oxen or horses
which may come. This extrication must have fallen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">[564]</a></span>
to our lot, had we not preceded our wagon on horseback
and found a person waiting for us at this place,
with information that a relay of horses had been sent
for us to the pass of the Palmiet River, about a mile
higher up the ravine. We accordingly turned off in
that direction, and passed the Palmiet River, or more
properly speaking the Palmiet bog, for no water was
visible. This was not effected without great difficulty,
even with fresh and vigorous horses, which had been
kindly sent by Mr. Van Kemper, the Landroost of
George. It is a deep slough, formed by the decayed
roots of the Palmieto; and the waters oozing from the
surrounding ravines, in dry weather not being in a
sufficient quantity to form a stream, stagnate among
the roots. The wagon sunk into the floating mass up
to the axle-trees; but what increased the difficulty was
the very steep height of the opposite bank, which was
to be ascended after getting over. The ground is so
unequal that it is almost impossible for the horses to
draw together; but every effort is made by the whip
and the voice to urge them to simultaneous exertion, and
is generally successful. It was at length overcome, and
we proceeded gaily on the road to George, where we
arrived at half-past five o’clock, and were most cordially
received and welcomed by our excellent friend
the Landroost.</p>

<p>“The town of George is increasing rapidly under the
animating and paternal direction of their excellent and
amiable Landroost, Mr. Van Kemper. The streets
cross each other at right angles, and the houses are
built at such a distance from each other, as to place<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">[565]</a></span>
each in the midst of a garden. The principal street is
nearly a mile in length, and is terminated on one side
by the Landroost’s house, a comfortable and substantial
residence. There is a neat little church, also a
court house, surgeon’s house, and a gaol.</p>

<p>“The inhabitants of George at the time of our visit
did not exceed six hundred. Their chief employment
when not engaged in building, was in cutting wood in
the forest of Uitenhage land, to send to Cape Town;
some of them were engaged in cutting wood near
Plattenberg Bay for the naval department.</p>

<p>“The expediency of Mossel Bay being made a port
for the shipment of the produce of this district was the
universal theme of conversation at George. It was
justly considered that inestimable advantages would
result from such a measure being adopted, not only to
this part of the country, but to the Lange Kloof, and
the whole eastern portion of the colony. All concurred
in opinion that corn and every other essential of life
could be raised to any extent were but the means of
export open to them.</p>

<p>“The complaint of wanting manure was heard of for
the first time at George, and this may be accounted for
by the very few cattle which are kept in the vicinity
on account of the sour grass; but the immediate
neighbourhood of the forest offers a never failing resource
from the abundance of vegetable matter in a
state of decomposition and full of fertility. The sour
grass also, as has already been observed, will disappear
with cultivation.</p>

<p>“The church is a heavy building in the Dutch taste,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">[566]</a></span>
but sufficiently large to contain the population of the
town and immediate neighbourhood. It is kept in the
neatest order internally and externally, and notwithstanding
its grotesque architecture, forms a fine feature
when relieved by the dark foliage of the forest in the
back ground, with the Swartberg receding in the distance.
The ground on each side the streets is marked
out in building lots, ready for sale. A given time is
allowed for building a house on an established plan,
and after the period is expired, the owner is made to
pay fifty rix dollars per annum until it is finished.
The place is remarkably well supplied with water from
springs rising at the foot of the Swartberg, and which
is led in channels through every street and into every
garden.</p>

<p>“The town of George was began in 1812, under the
government of Sir John Craddock. Considerable progress
had been made during the five years which had
elapsed. Artificers of all descriptions find abundant
employment. Carpenters, masons, blacksmiths gain
from one and a half to two rix dollars a day, a much
lower price than what is paid at the Cape, nor is the
difference in the price of provisions such as to justify
the reduction. Consequently none but people of a very
common skill in their employments will remain there,
as every thing finds its own level in this colony as
elsewhere, employment only is wanting.</p>

<p>“No medical man had yet offered for the town of
George, notwithstanding a house was provided for him.
This was severely felt; a child was dangerously ill without
the possibility of medical advice being obtained; we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">[567]</a></span>
ventured to prescribe such treatment as would have
been adopted in our own families under similar circumstances,
which was providentially successful.</p>

<p>“Amongst the new inhabitants of George, the saddler
appears to be the most industrious, and deservedly
the most flourishing. He not only carried on an
extensive business in his own line throughout the Lang
Kloof and the eastern parts of the colony, but was
also a principal builder at George, and an improver of
land. He had formed a large reservoir of nearly one
hundred feet square, in the neighbourhood of his house,
by which he is enabled to keep all his grounds under
cultivation in the dry season.</p>

<p>“On the 14th December we went to visit a missionary
establishment at Hoet Kraal, where we found a solitary
missionary of the Presbyterian persuasion, who had
been settled there several years before. His progress
among the poorer classes and the Hottentots had not
been rapid, nor with his limited means and unassisted
efforts could it have been expected. He has by his own
labour erected a building, which answers at once for a
chapel and school house, and may contain from two to
three hundred people. He has built a small cottage
for his own dwelling, and has also a large and very
productive garden, with abundance of vegetables.
Nearly three hundred Hottentots with their families
have settled near him, and many of them manifest
much intelligence and industry; are increasing in comforts;
and are following the example of their brethren
in Genadendahl in their advance towards civilization;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">[568]</a></span>
although they are in want of many useful articles which
these obtain from the Moravians.</p>

<p>“Mr. Pachault, the missionary here, has the character
of being a most worthy, pious, and consistent man;
he devotes himself entirely to the performance of the
duty he has undertaken, and appears to derive great
happiness from the employment. His flock seem to
reverence him with filial affection, and what is a still
more striking proof of the mildness and the usefulness
of his conduct, the inhabitants of the district are all
loud in his praise. We attended divine service, which
consisted of a hymn sung by the Hottentots, whose
wild and untaught notes were still more delightful, or
at least affecting, than those at the Moravian establishment.
This was followed by a sermon in Dutch, which
was received with very marked attention; and he then
expounded the seventh chapter of St. Matthew, verse
by verse, in a manner which appeared to my companions
who were acquainted with the language, calculated
to leave the most salutary impression upon the
minds of his hearers.</p>

<p>“A Hottentot boy of twelve years old is Mr.
Pachault’s assistant, and acts as schoolmaster. His
scholars are said to make a great proficiency. This
boy has an additional finger on each hand.</p>

<p>“From Hoot Kraal we visited Wyt Fonteyne, a
beautiful spot upon the skirts of the forest, near the
town of George, belonging to Mr. Van Kervel. He is
building a house of some magnitude there, delightfully
situated, and in the neighbourhood of the finest forest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">[569]</a></span>
scenery in the world. A great variety of stately trees
abound there, and a most extraordinary creeper, the
wild vine, called by the natives the Bavian’s tew (or the
baboon’s rope, as these animals climb the trees by
them,) which having crept up the trunk, and over-run
all the branches, hang down in all directions in a most
extraordinary and picturesque manner, having sometimes
the appearance of a large ship coming out of a
severe action.</p>

<p>“We were delighted with our Sunday at George;
the day was remarkably fine, and the inhabitants of
the district had assembled from great distances to
attend the service of the church. They arrived in
numerous wagons, which were collected round the
church. The clergyman, Mr. Harold, is a very respectable
man, his congregation is always numerous,
but particularly on sacrament days, which are once in
a month; when all who can attend, make a point of
doing so; a convincing proof of their favourable disposition
towards religion. That there are many
lamentable instances of this being confined to the
mere external ceremony must be acknowledged and
deplored, but the charge is not to be confined to the
Boor. It is but too common under infinitely superior advantages
of light, and knowledge, and education. The
evil which appears most generally prevalent amongst
this class of people arises from the want of education,
and were this removed, they would stand high in their
claim to the respect of their brethren. The fault I
allude to is cruelty to their slaves; but this is the
unavoidable consequence of slavery itself, which debases<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">[570]</a></span>
the mind of the master, whilst it lies like a deadly
incubus upon that of the wretched bondman; too often
extinguishing every spark of good feeling in each towards
the other, less frequently however in the latter than in the
former. The children of the Boor have in general been
taught to consider the slaves as brute beasts, without
souls, and to treat them accordingly; and hence comes
the opposition so often made to every effort for instructing
them, or for civilizing the Hottentot. Still we may
hope that these feelings and these prejudices are fast
wearing away, and that the intelligence of the rising
generation both of blacks and people of colour, will
shew the blessings of liberty upon the human mind, a
liberty which will lead him to that state in which all
shall be free indeed, to pure and life-growing Christianity,
a state in which the labourer will work for love,
and the master rule in kindness, and with a sincere
desire that all around him shall be happy. This
digression arises more from a desire to vindicate than
to condemn the Boor, for it is too much the fashion to
deny him any good quality.</p>

<p>“The benevolent and exemplary conduct of the
Landroost, Mr. Van Kervel, is producing the happiest
results as regards the situation of the slaves and
Hottentots. It was delightful when driving through
the town in his wagon, to see the slave children
running after it, and climbing into it, some of them
even accompanying him in his airing, uninvited, and
unrebuked. The good man quite enjoyed their happiness.</p>

<p>“The country produces all the necessaries of life in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">[571]</a></span>
abundance, but they must import their luxuries. The
grapes will not ripen sufficiently to make wine, and this
is brought in general from Cape Town, at the rate of
forty rix dollars the pipe; thus adding greatly to the
price; whilst the value of the wine must be greatly
lessened by being shaken in a wagon for two hundred
miles over the roughest roads than any wine ever
travelled upon.</p>

<p>“Several large ponds are made in the neighbourhood
of the town, in the centre of which are placed little
islands for breeding rabbits and poultry, and for securing
them from the devastation made among them when not
so protected, by jackals and mooshunts, (the latter is a
species of weazle.) The enclosures to the gardens are
made of large blocks of blue clay, which becoming
indurated by exposure to the sun, are very substantial
and durable.</p>

<p>“We here saw the slave who had been discovered by
Colonel Collins in a residence which he had made for
himself in the heart of the Zitzakamma forest; and I
give the story of this extraordinary man in the words of
Colonel Collins, an officer who had been employed in
ascertaining the resources of the Colony, and from
whose most valuable reports, (copies of which I found in
the Commissioner’s office in the dock yard,) much useful
information had been gained respecting the forests.
Colonel Collins says—‘Soon after we passed the Doll
River, we found the former residence of a Maroon slave,
a native of Malabar, who had been brought from it
(the hut) a few weeks before in the hope of reward by
the Kaffers, whom we had been in search of. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">[572]</a></span>
poor fellow had been six years in this unfrequented
spot. A companion, whose grave we perceived at the
distance of several miles beyond his habitation, for the
first four months cheered his retreat, but he passed the
remainder of his time without the company of a human
being.</p>

<p>“‘The first hut he had constructed was concealed in
the woods; the second shewed that he had built it with
more confidence, for it was placed outside the forest,
and an undisturbed residence of several years having
given him reason to suppose that he might end his days
in that peaceful abode, he had begun to build on a
larger scale, but had only completed half his new
mansion, when he was deprived of his possession.
Whether he supposed the land under the large wood,
better than that naturally without any, I cannot say,
but he had cleared at least two acres, which he had
converted into an excellent garden, containing vegetables,
tobacco, and fruit trees, which his labour had
appropriated to his own particular use. The dung of
the Elephants and Buffaloes, which are both exceedingly
numerous in that quarter, had served him for
manure, a heap of their bones, and those of Elands,
Boshbocks, and other antelopes, of whose skins he had
manufactured good clothing, cut according to the
European fashion, manifested his success in the chase,
or rather his ingenuity in contriving pits and snares to
catch these animals. His industry had even extended
to the baking of earthenware; and this new Robinson
Crusoe had contrived by his own exertion, to unite in
his solitude all the comforts that are enjoyed in civilized<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">[573]</a></span>
life. Indolence had certainly no share in prompting
his flight, nor had the fear of punishment been the cause
of it, for he had never committed any crime.</p>

<p>“‘Desirous to obtain some information respecting the
country I was about to enter, I sent for this extraordinary
man. The fear of his escape, and the weight of
his fetters, had made it necessary to bring him in a
wagon thus chained. It was his master’s intention to
avail himself of his future services, but observing to him
that it was possible he might frustrate his vigilance, and
draw other Maroons to the distant country he had
lately inhabited, I directed that he should be immediately
taken to the Cape, and there charged or otherwise
disposed of.’</p>

<p>“In conversing with this energetic and interesting
being, he confirmed all that Colonel Collins had stated,
and gave us many additional particulars; amongst
others, that he was frequently pursued by the Buffaloes,
which often broke down his enclosure; and that his
house was only saved by being built against a tree, and
under the shelter of its low and protecting branches. He
had carried with him a quantity of garden seeds, which
produced all he required. After having been brought
to Colonel Collins by the Kaffers as before stated, and
sent by that officer to Cape Town, he received his
freedom from the liberality of the Colonial Government,
who directed that it should be purchased for him, and
he became a resident at George. He appeared to be
about forty years of age, stout and muscular, full of
animation, and every way answering to the idea which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">[574]</a></span>
would be formed of one capable of putting such a plan
in execution as he carried through.</p>

<p>“On the 17th December we left George on our road
to the Knysna. The scenery on the left was extremely
beautiful and picturesque, from the truly Alpine appearance
of the Swartberg, the base of which is richly clothed
with a superb forest stretching in the plain, and exhausting
itself in scattered clumps, which gave the front
ground a very park like appearance. The yellow-wood
tree rising to a great height without a branch, and
covered to its summit with a light green moss was
particularly conspicuous; and from its branches the
Bavian’s tew hung in the wildest profusion, giving to
the tree a most fantastic form.</p>

<p>“On the right, the plain stretched away to the
southward as far as the eye could reach, sometimes
varied with a gentle acclivity, or intersected with a
deep ravine; though but little wood is to be seen in this
direction. The grass is sour and hurtful to the cattle
which graze upon it. The Swart River skirts the lower
extremity of the forest, a small but beautifully transparent
stream; a variety of trees grow so close to its
banks as nearly to cross each other, and form by
their reclining position the appearance of a rustic
bridge. The foliage was broken into large masses of
deep green, relieved by the brightest tints, and these
with the catching lights as the sun emerged from flying
clouds, presented one of the most captivating prospects
I had ever beheld.</p>

<p>“Immediately after crossing this stream we ascended<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">[575]</a></span>
a steep hill, and found ourselves on a small level plain,
on which was formerly a Hottentot station, called
Pampoo’s Kraal. It is now occupied by wood cutters,
who are employed in preparing loads of timber, plank,
fellies and naves for wheels, and all kinds of materials
for wagon work, to be in readiness to load the wagons
for the Cape Town market. Many, and these chiefly
Hottentots, were busied in preparing thongs cut from
hides for the purpose of making harness. This is done
by cutting the whole hide into one circular strip about
an inch in breadth. A frame is then raised on two
very strong posts, with a cross piece communicating
one to the other in the form of a gallows; the thong is
then passed over and over, in bites, until it nearly
reaches the ground; when a heavy weight is attached
to it, and by means of a lever the whole turned round
and twisted, until the weight nearly reaches the cross
piece, when the lever being withdrawn, the hide
untwists itself with great velocity; this process frequently
repeated stretches the hide to its proper length
for use, and gives it the proper degree of flexibility.
The harness made in this manner is very durable; and
smaller strips treated in the same manner, are used for
every purpose where small ropes would be employed in
England.</p>

<p>“On our approach to Kayman River the country
assumes features entirely new to us, and most strikingly
picturesque and bold. The pencil and not the pen
should be used to describe it. The river runs through
deep and tortuous ravines, the sides of which sometimes
awfully precipitous, are composed of strata of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">[576]</a></span>
sand stone, on which the aloe and other plants are seen
growing from the fissures, in which a sufficiency of rich
soil has been carried by the rains to afford them ample
nourishment. Other parts of the banks sloped down
to the river with a very steep descent, and the road by
which the wagons descended to the ford, was seen
winding in every direction, in order to render the descent
as practicable as possible. I could with pleasure
have devoted many days to sketching this bewitching
scenery. Every step we made seemed to bring forth
fresh beauties, and solicited a fresh application to the
portfolio. The difficulties and even the dangers of the
road were forgotten or unheeded. I had been left
a little way behind in taking a sketch, when turning an
angle in the road on my pursuit after the wagon, I saw
it some yards beneath me with the wheels uppermost,
having overset and fallen over a descent of some feet,
where it was arrested by some shrubs and rocks. The
oxen had been liberated, and formed a picturesque
group round the wreck of the wagon, while the drivers
and attendant Hottentots, as well as the servants who
had been employed in leading our saddle horses, completed
the picture, as they were endeavouring to
collect the scattered cargo; a more animated, and at
the same time, a more romantic scene never presented
itself to an artist.</p>

<p>“Our vehicle had received but little damage, being
constructed of a very hard and durable wood; but our
baggage suffered greatly, especially the more fragile
parts, such as bottles and glasses. Providentially we
were in the land of hospitality, and were well assured<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">[577]</a></span>
that we should want but little, at whatever place we
might arrive for our night’s lodging. This event
therefore was considered of very little moment, being
of very frequent occurrence, and it in no ways interrupted
our pursuits, or our enjoyment of the sublime
scenery around us, where every feature was of the
grandest description. The contrast of form and colour
in the several objects was striking to a degree;
and the whole seemed at the same time to be so delightfully
harmonized, shade softening into shade, that
our admiration was unbounded. The view from the western
summit included the ford and the Kayman’s Gut,
as the dark precipitous and very narrow mouth of the
river is called, into which a heavy surf was rolling and
expending its fury upon the cliffs on each side in clouds
of foam; while only a few hundred yards higher up, the
water was of a glassy smoothness, reflecting the deep
green tint of the foliage on its banks. The coast here
is of very considerable elevation, perhaps more than
six hundred feet, and the chasm through which this
little stream finds its way to the sea is but a few yards
in breadth, whilst the sides rising abruptly to this great
height form an object of indescribable interest. The
distant blue horizon of the sea viewed from the elevation
on which we were placed, cut the cliffs nearly two-thirds
of the way up, and rendered our altitude more
apparent.</p>

<p>“The wagon having been put to rights, and all
damages repaired by the never failing thongs of hide,
we proceeded on our way down to the ford; but to
prevent a recurrence of disaster, it was carefully supported<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">[578]</a></span>
on each side by the whole party, and reached
the stream in safety. The stream was just fordable by
raising the baggage from the floor of the wagon; it
was rapid, but smooth. If the view from the summit
of the hills which overhang the banks of the Kayman
was magnificent, that from the river was hardly less
striking; we stood there surrounded on all sides by
precipices and steep acclivities, with deep woods of
every hue, and no apparent outlet, except the chasm
in which the waters of the river met the roaring surf;
the whole combined in forming a scene, beyond description
grand and interesting.</p>

<p>“In ascending the opposite hills, the view, on looking
back, was equally magnificent with that which we had
previously enjoyed, although of a different kind. The
Swartberg now formed the back ground, and was seen
towering in great sublimity over those ravines, and the
extensive plains by which they were separated; and the
road by which we had travelled, winding in a most remarkable
manner round the apparently precipitous sides
of the hills, excited our wonder that wheels could ever
have passed through such a country. The occasional
view of a wagon crawling along, with its enormous
length of train, and its white canvass top, gave great
life to the picture. In the course of three hours after
leaving the Kayman’s Gut, we came to another pass
equally celebrated by travellers in this country, called
the Fraka de Vrow, or the Maiden’s Ford. It was
not quite so steep as the Kayman’s Gut, but, if possible,
more striking, from the circumstance of the road descending
into the depth of a forest of almost midnight<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">[579]</a></span>
darkness, in which the road wound for a considerable
distance, shut out from the light of the sun. On approaching
the bottom, gleams of light were seen lighting
up here and there a broken rock, or the moss-grown
trunk of a tree, and sparkling in the ripple and foam of
the brawling torrent of deep green water, which formed
the little river running through it. Near the ford the
river expanded into a small lake, in the centre of which
appeared a little verdant island, with cattle apparently
grazing upon it; but this, on our approach, was found to
be only a shoal left dry by the diminution of the waters;
and the cattle belonged to a wagon, probably waiting
for assistance to mount the hill. The effect, however,
of these objects, with the chequered light playing upon
them through the broken mass of rock and foliage, was
extremely beautiful.</p>

<p>“The weather now suddenly changed from excessive
heat to extreme cold, so that I could hardly stop to
make a sketch of this romantic spot. Having ascended
the eastern bank we came upon an excellent road, but
intersected with many deep ravines. We reached
Neepoth’s farm at half-past three, where we dined; and
proceeded through a country almost as picturesque as
that which we had passed, but not possessing the same
grandeur of scenery. The weather too was unfavourable
to it. On approaching the widow Wren’s, whose
farm is situated in a valley near the Swartz River, we
had a fine view of a magnificent forest, with a lake in
front. The forest seemed to stretch to the sea coast
on our right. We found the Swartz River too deep to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">[580]</a></span>
ford, and had again to unload our wagon and float it
over, crossing ourselves in a boat.</p>

<p>“We slept here, and found it a most miserable
abode. The night was very cold with rain, and there
was no glass to the windows; still every effort was
made for our comfort by the kind hearted inhabitants
of this wretched dwelling. They soon procured us a
meal of salt mutton and salad, with tea; and we
managed to get through the night very tolerably.
There was a very fine group of children, and we much
regretted to see the family in such abject poverty. I
sincerely hope the younger part have grown up to better
fortune than that which seemed likely to await them.</p>

<p>“In the course of our journey, when employing oxen
for getting over the steep passes which our horses were
unequal to effect, I had often been struck by the manner
in which the oxen were stimulated by being spoken
to by name; and I had at this place an opportunity of
witnessing the manner in which they are taught to
know it. There were two enclosures, surrounded by
fences adjoining to each other, with a small wicket gate
communicating between them. In one the cows are
all arranged, tied to the fence at a few feet distance
from each other, and into the other the calves are
driven. A Hottentot stands at the wicket gate, and
calls for a calf by a name which has frequently been
repeated to him while sucking; and if he comes at the
call, he is immediately rewarded by being taken to his
mother. Should a wrong calf approach the wicket, he
is beaten away. They soon learn to know when the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">[581]</a></span>
voice is addressed to them, as becomes evident when
the voice of the driver is heard; and Boschman, or
Dunker, or Engeland, &amp;c., no sooner hear themselves
addressed, than their efforts are very visible, as they
know that inattention to the sound is always followed
by the whip or goad.</p>

<p>“At seven a.m. we proceeded on our journey, and
soon crossed the Ruchti River, a few miles beyond
which we came to the farm of Mr. Meeding, a most
respectable, industrious man, whose wife, children, and
house were all neat and cleanly. He was at this time
building a new house, the frame of which only was up,
and being prepared like those intended in England for
what is called ‘brick nogging’ very much resembled
a huge bird-cage.</p>

<p>“In the preceding night they had caught a wild dog
in a wolf trap. This is one of the most fearfully
destructive animals in the country. They generally
hunt in packs, spreading over a great breadth of
ground, and having both scent and speed, it is very
difficult for the object of their pursuit to escape them.
In some districts they have almost exterminated the
antelope tribe. The trap is a very simple contrivance,
being a strong frame of about eight feet long, and four
broad, and four or five in height, fixed firmly on the
ground, and boarded over; a hole for entering is left at
one end, and a live sheep is tied at the further end. The
wolf in trying to reach it unavoidably passes over a
board, with which is connected a rope suspending a
sliding door; the least touch is sufficient to cast it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">[582]</a></span>
loose, and the door falling, the wolf is enclosed, without
the possibility of escape, and is shot.</p>

<p>“The farmers have also traps with spring guns, by
which they kill many of these dangerous enemies of different
descriptions. Colonel Graham had been sometime
before at the house of a Boor, farther to the eastward,
in a place much infested by lions, when he received the
following detail of a circumstance which had recently
taken place. The farmer, assisted by his Hottentot,
had in the evening set one of these traps, and early the
following morning he went to see if any animal had
been taken in it. He used the precaution most providentially
of taking his gun with him, and coming to the
place, observed that the trap had been sprung, and as a
quantity of blood was on the ground near it, and traces
of the same were seen leading to an adjoining thicket, he
followed the track, looking cautiously before him, with
his gun cocked, expecting to find the wounded animal.
Instead of that, to his great horror, he saw his
unhappy servant actually lying under the paw of a
huge lion, who was playing with him in the same
manner that a cat acts with a mouse it has taken,
previously to putting it to death. The farmer took a
deliberate aim, and shot the lion through the head; his
death was instantaneous, and the Hottentot was rescued
from his apparently inevitable fate, very little injured
by the teeth of the lion, in being dragged from the trap
to the wood. The poor fellow it seems had been
beforehand with his master in visiting the trap, but had
not thought it necessary to arm himself. The blood<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">[583]</a></span>
on the ground was from the lion, which had been
caught in the trap, and was supposed to have extricated
himself by a sudden exertion on the approach of the
Hottentot.</p>

<p>“Soon after leaving Mr. Meeding’s, we reached the
Gowkamma, another stream, having its source in the
Swartberg, and finding its way through broken crags
and ravines, to the shores of the Knysna. Here we
had a view of a little hamlet, delightfully situated in a
valley at the foot of a gentle slope, covered with wood,
with an extensive range of corn fields on each side,
and in front. On a nearer approach the forest lost
much of its imposing appearance, being composed
chiefly of the milk-wood, and other stunted and insignificant
trees. There was also an extensive marsh,
which at first sight we took for pasturage; but although
the hamlet lost much of its importance on our
reaching it, the scene was full of beauty. The banks
of the Gowkamma were less steep than those of the
Kayman, but at the same time highly picturesque.
We were now approaching the country of the elephants
and buffaloes; both of these are dangerous at times, but
the buffalo is always so. Some time before, the horse of a
Boor had been killed by one of these ferocious animals,
whilst he providentially escaped, I believe, by taking
to a tree. The event took place close to the house we
were approaching,—Turnbull’s.</p>

<p>“From a hill which we ascended on the left bank of
the Gowkamma, we got our first view of the Knysna,
and splendid indeed was the prospect; this beautiful
harbour, for such it has proved to be, appearing like a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">[584]</a></span>
large lake, with a very narrow entrance from the sea,
enclosed on each side by high and rocky cliffs; the
eastern side of the lake clothed with magnificent forests
to the water’s edge, green and level islands dispersed
in various parts of the harbour, offering secure
pasturage to herds of cattle. The western side of the
Knysna is as bare and apparently barren as the opposite
is fertile. Those who have only seen the Knysna
from this spot would be justified in supposing that all
entrance to it from the sea was impracticable. A range
of breakers is seen apparently stretching quite across the
mouth; but this arises from rocky points running out
from each shore, intersecting each other in the direction
in which they are viewed.</p>

<p>“On the left of the entrance, and on a gentle declivity
sloping down to the water, stands the house of
the principal proprietor of this part of the country,
Mr. Rex. It is called Milkwood Kraal. The grounds
round this delightful spot had all the appearance of a
park, from the clumps of large trees dispersed over a
wide extent of grass land. The house is beautifully
situated, the high hills in the back ground are clothed
with timber to the very summit; it commands in front
a view of the whole estuary of the Knysna, from the
nearest part of which it is not half a mile distant.
The water in the harbour is in general smooth as a
small lake.</p>

<p>“We reached the banks of this beautiful river at a
place called the west ford, the only spot were it can be
crossed in safety, and this only after half ebb. On the
right bank is a small plain abounding in good pasturage<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">[585]</a></span>
for cattle, and it is accordingly reserved for an
out-span place. It is enclosed between an abrupt turn
of the river and a range of hills to the northward,
finely wooded. There is a farm on the rising ground
overhanging a part of the stream, in a most romantic
situation, surrounded by the most delightful scenery
imaginable, in which every feature of the picturesque
is combined; mountain and stream, cascade and still
water, precipices, over-hanging rocks, and gentle declivities,
all are included in the view, but so mingled as
to excite universal admiration.</p>

<p>“The water at the time of our reaching the ford
being too high to enable us to pass on horseback, we
availed ourselves of some wood wagons laden with
planks, which were crossing, on which we got over dry,
unloading our wagon and taking our baggage with us.
From the left bank our road lay over a high hill, from
which we had a prospect of the same character with
those which had kept our admiration on the stretch for
the last two days. On descending from this hill we
had to cross a small stream running into the Knysna,
from the eastward, called the east ford. From this
place the river becomes navigable for small vessels, and
a road runs along the banks of the Knysna for wagons
up to Milkwood Kraal. It was at this time very bad,
but capable of being made tolerable by carrying it
further back, out of the reach of the high tides. A
quantity of underwood skirting the forest must first be
cleared away, after which the road might be made good
with little labour.</p>

<p>“We arrived at Mr. Rex’s at three o’clock, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">[586]</a></span>
were received with the utmost hospitality. The arrival
of the Cornelia Arnoldina, a small schooner belonging
to Mr. Van Rienan, the following morning, was a
remarkable coincidence. The moment we heard that
she was in the offing, we mounted our horses and
galloped to the eastern head, nearly two miles, where
we had a fine view of her, entering with a light breeze,
and the disadvantage of a heavy swell, occasioning a
tremendous surf on the shore. She was loudly cheered
by all our party, now tolerably numerous, as every one
from Milkwood Kraal had collected to see her. The
master had never been in before, nor had any one on
board. He followed the direction of Mr. Walker, the
master of the Dispatch, and found no difficulty. The
appearance of this narrow inlet is certainly alarming.
It is not nearly as wide as the entrance to St. John’s
Harbour, Newfoundland, which it much resembles; and
the projecting rocks on each side throwing back the
breakers, spread the foam a great way over, and
render the passage still more awful. But the vessel
had no sooner entered the narrows than the tide sent
her through with great velocity. The wreck of the
Emu was lying under the eastern head, on the bank
to which she had drifted after striking on the rock.</p>

<p>“We next proceeded to inspect that part of the
forest lying between the Poort and the sea. The
Poort is a pass through the great forest, running over a
very steep ridge, on each side of which are deep ravines,
and others branching out from them in various directions
into the depth of the forest, all thickly wooded, and
in some instances filled with very large timber trees.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">[587]</a></span>
The slope from the ridge to the right is more gradual
than that on the other side, and leads to the forest of
Springfield, where the greater part of the timber for the
Dutch and English governments has been cut from
the earliest period. On the left a part of the forest
overhangs some tremendous ravines, from whence it
had hitherto been deemed impossible to get out the
noble timber which is growing in them. In the
present state of abundance, it is not necessary perhaps
to make the effort, but should a scarcity of valuable
timber ever be felt, there is little doubt of the energy
of the Dutch settlers procuring it from situations even
still more difficult. We were accompanied in this inspection
by Mr. Rex and Mr. Squire, the naval Resident
and Inspector, and by several active and intelligent
wood-cutters, and were highly gratified with the
opportunity thus afforded us, of forming a judgment
respecting the means which this part of the forest held
out, for a supply of timber and plank, for naval,
colonial, and commercial purposes.</p>

<p>“We returned to Mr. Rex’s with the intention of
setting out early on the following day, on a visit to that
part of the great forest lying between the Knysna and
the Gawkamma, called the Levenbosch. Mr. Rex had
recommended this place as best calculated to supply
the demands made by the Navy, now that the entrance
of the Knysna had been found practicable, as the
timber might be brought down to the west ford with
ease.</p>

<p>“This part of the forest lies upon the western slope
of the range of hills, and there are none of those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">[588]</a></span>
precipitous ravines which intersect the country in almost
all other directions; so that an admirable timber road
would soon be formed from thence to the river; even by
dragging the logs as they were cut over the hard soil of
which the surface of the intervening ground is formed,
the distance from the Knysna being only five miles.
We accordingly began our excursion on the morning of
the 18th. We found in the forest timber of every size
and description, but particularly the Stink wood so
much required for naval purposes. I shall reserve
what we have to say on the subject of timber in general
for a chapter intended to be devoted to that purpose,
confining myself for the present to a brief account of
our journey, and to a description of the impressions
made upon us by the first view of this extraordinary
country. I quite concurred with Mr. Rex in the
opinion that whatever establishment I might be permitted
to form, for the purpose of procuring timber for
the Navy, should be in the Levenbosch; and I decided
accordingly upon placing it there; having the timber
carried to the west ford, and from thence floated
down to the east ford, the place intended to embark it
from; where also I proposed to have a depôt of timber,
and a slip for building vessels.</p>

<p>“We found here a few wood-cutters with their huts
on the skirts of the wood; they were employed in sawing
planks and cutting beams for household purposes. It
is impossible to conceive a more wretched degree of
mismanagement and want of energy than this little
settlement offered to our observation. In the first
place it was made at an unnecessary distance from the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">[589]</a></span>
forest, in consequence of which, the trees when felled,
were brought to the pit with much more labour and
expence than was needful. In the next place, in
order to procure a beam of nine inches square, a tree
of eighteen inches diameter when stripped of its bark
was taken and lined out, leaving the beam required in
the very heart of the tree, and cutting off all the
strength in the side slabs. These again became offal wood,
in consequence of the manner in which they were taken
off; not being sawn, but chopped as Robinson Crusoe is
described to have prepared his plank.</p>

<p>“One of the Boors who had set up his party here,
had come unprovided with the means of supporting
them; depending as he said upon finding a supply of
corn in the neighbourhood; although he must have
known, that the inhabitants never grew sufficient for
their own use. He was obliged in consequence to take
his slaves, his wagon, and his oxen a journey of five
days to procure what he wanted; and at the end of
this period he was equally unsuccessful; for without
any previous enquiry he proceeded to the Gauritz
River, in order to get a load of corn from a relative,
which he expected to have at a low price. The relative
had none to spare, and with great difficulty he got
a supply elsewhere. To this expedition of ten days
in time, was to be added the injury done to his cattle
and wagon in passing such formidable places as the
Traka de Vrow, the Kayman’s Gut, &amp;c. He acknowledged
to have lost two of his oxen. Such improvidence
was but too frequent among the Boors.</p>

<p>“On our way to the woods I observed two small<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">[590]</a></span>
patches of wheat, apparently in excellent order, but
lying at a great distance from each other. On enquiry
I found that they both produced a fair amount of
crop; that the spots had not been selected on account
of any particular quality in the soil; but that the whole of
the plains over which we were passing to the forest
was of the same description, and might with a very
little trouble be made equally productive; and yet
there was neither energy nor judgment sufficient
among these people to induce them to devote the
labour of their slaves and cattle, for one week in the
year, to growing corn here, instead of passing many
weeks on the road in search of it.</p>

<p>“In passing the Knysna this day, both Colonel
Warre and his Hottentot had a narrow escape. We
were fording the river on horseback, and the Colonel and
his man having diverged a little from the direction in
which the others of the party were following the
steps of their guide, both disappeared; the top of the
Colonel’s hat, and the floating carcase of his attendant
only appearing above water. We had scarcely time
to feel alarmed, when they were seen to emerge from
the river, and to gain the bank. They had fallen into
a deep hole, of which many exist in the bed of the
river, and render it very dangerous to strangers. A
smart gallop of some miles soon dried their clothes
again, and restored the Colonel at least to comfort;
that of the Hottentot probably had never been interrupted.”</p>

<p>The narrative of the journey closes here, and though
that journey terminated, as has been already stated, under<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">[591]</a></span>
circumstances so distressing to a parent’s mind, the
observations which were made during its progress, and
the information which was gained, were not lost sight of
afterwards or neglected. Sir Jahleel brought back with
him strong convictions of the importance of the Cape
as a Colony; while at the same time the misery which
he had seen in some of the settlers, and the general
want of that, without which earthly prosperity is
but a very doubtful advantage, led to long and reiterated
efforts for the improvement of the Colony, both in a
religious and commercial view. And these efforts
might have been attended with the happiest effects, had
they been appreciated and received as they ought to
have been.</p>

<p>Perhaps it is not saying more than is due to the
profession to which he belonged, that if ever patriotic
feelings were really and effectively developed, it was
among the officers of the Navy at the close of the last
war. Accustomed to traverse the whole surface of the
globe in their country’s cause; conscious that the
character, the interests, the security of their country
were entrusted to them individually; they looked at
every thing in this connection, and considered how it
might be turned towards the public good. The dream
of universal empire never crossed their minds, but the
hope of universal influence was unquestionably theirs;
and while the liberties of the world seemed to find their
best defence from the flag of Britain, it was not unnatural
that men thus formed, and educated in their
country’s service, should identify the world’s welfare
with the extension of their country’s power, and think<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">[592]</a></span>
that every increase of British influence was a fresh
security for the happiness of mankind.</p>

<p>The Journal which has been just presented to the
Reader is no inadequate exhibition of the spirit which
was at that time so characteristic of the British Navy,
and which made every officer alive to the means of
enlarging or strengthening the resources of his country.</p>

<p>Sir Jahleel perhaps may be thought to have had an
official duty to perform; and to have been required as
Naval Commissioner to remark on the resources which
the colony included, and which might be called for by
the Arsenal at Simon’s Town. But it is evident that
his views were extended beyond any such temporary
advantage; and that he delighted in describing the
resources of the colony, while regarding it as a constituent
part of the empire, as offering fresh fields for
the diffusion of the power and influence of Great
Britain, and of the numberless blessings connected with
the principles which seem belonging to that influence.
He anticipated the moment when the varied surface of
its territory might be brought into cultivation by the
energy and intelligence of British settlers, and a fresh
field for the manufacturing industry of the mother
country might be opened in the prosperity of the
colony. He saw what the country was, its natural
advantages and capabilities; and he wished to see
those advantages improved, and those capabilities employed,
by the introduction of an active, intelligent, and
well principled population. Above all he looked forward
to a time, when under the influence of the gospel,
and through its stated ministrations, that wilderness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">[593]</a></span>
might be made to blossom as a rose, and the desert be
like the garden of the Lord. He saw that the settlers
scattered as they were along the line of coast, and surrounded
as they were with a redundancy of the means
of subsistence, were still, if contemplated in a higher
sense, like sheep scattered in a wilderness, cut off by
distance from all opportunity of religious observances,
and separated from every influence that could restrain
or regulate their inclinations. The occasional insight
that he had gained into their domestic arrangements,
supplied a painful contrast with the external welfare of
their condition; and he brought back with him the
conviction, that no real improvement of the Colony
could be effected, unless something was done for the
moral and religious improvement of the people. His
feelings naturally led him to look to the Church of
England, as the agency by which this good work should
be undertaken; and it would have been well for the
Colony, if the Church of England had had the power
of extending its influence so far; or if the Government
of the mother country would at once have given to the
church, the power of amalgamating and uniting to
herself, the distant dependencies of the Empire. Had
the suggestions which Sir Jahleel Brenton then addressed
to the Bishop of London been adopted, had some
large and comprehensive scheme for the religious
organization of the Colony been introduced, it is hardly
necessary to say, that the affairs of the Cape of Good
Hope would have stood on a very different footing from
that which they occupy now; and that the painful and
insurrectionary movements which have retarded its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">[594]</a></span>
advance, and which have sown widely and deeply the
seeds of future trouble, might have probably been
avoided. Had schools and churches been generally
built, and provided for at the time of which we write,
the population of the country would by this time have
assumed a more stable and advanced character.
Settlers of a superior quality, and in larger numbers
would have been attracted to the Colony. The old
inhabitants would have been more attached to the
British Government, and the Hottentot population
would have been reclaimed. The transition from
slavery to freedom in their case would have been more
completely accomplished, and with less disturbance to
the prejudice of the Boors. The influence of law would
have been generally felt throughout the province,
and civilization would have proceeded more rapidly,
while it was pressed on principles which all could
recognize, and which all felt to be beneficial to themselves.</p>

<p>But it was not likely that a man situated as Sir
Jahleel Brenton was, should know the difficulties which
beset every endeavour to do good, and the obstacles
which in every old and remote government retard or
hinder the efforts of benevolent individuals. He did
however what he ought, for he did what he could. He
addressed to the one Bishop, who by a strange legal
fiction was supposed to be charged with the spiritual
care of the Colonies, a letter on the subject; pointing
out what he had seen, and suggesting the steps which
he thought it would be desirable to take. That the
letter was read and acknowledged by the venerable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">[595]</a></span>
individual to whom it was addressed, there can be no
doubt; though no copy of the Bishop’s answer remains.
That it excited in his mind a deep and painful feeling,
by the mention of a destitution which he could not
relieve, and of opportunities which he could not improve,
may be assumed as equally certain; and though no
result followed; and though this was to be numbered
among the many efforts which it would seem must in
every case be made, before any thing of real importance
is to be accomplished; it still is due to the subject of
this memoir, that this instance of his zeal should meet
with a record here, if it has obtained no better record in
the effects which it produced.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="center">TO THE LORD BISHOP OF LONDON.</p>

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Cape of Good Hope, 24 March, 1818.</span></p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My Lord</span>,</p>

<p>“My professional duty as Commissioner of His
Majesty’s Navy resident in this Colony, lately induced me to take
a journey through the south eastern parts of it, in order to visit a
port recently discovered at the mouth of the river Knysna; and in
the course of it, I have made such observations upon the state of
the country, through which I have passed, with respect to its inhabitants,
as appear to be deserving of your Lordship’s notice. Under
such an impression I take the liberty of offering them, in the
conviction that should they open any means of extending the influence
of the Church of England, and consequently of diffusing the
knowledge of the gospel, your Lordship will excuse the intrusion.</p>

<p>“Throughout the whole extent of country between Hottentots
Holland and Plattenberg Bay, there are but three clergymen, viz.
one at Caledon, one at Georges, and the third at Zwellendam.
The population exceeds seven thousand, and is constantly increasing.
The dwellings of the inhabitants, generally speaking, are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">[596]</a></span>
scattered through these districts at such a distance from the places
above mentioned, that very few can form a part of the weekly
congregation. The farmers have no means of instruction within
themselves; in some few instances a schoolmaster is kept in the
family, or rather a person, who can barely read and write, of low
origin, and often of vicious habits. Books of any description
except the Bible (and not always that) are seldom to be seen in
their houses. The Boors of this colony are by no means deficient
in capacity, or good dispositions; on the contrary, I have generally
remarked amongst them great intelligence, much frankness, and
disinterestedness; and their hospitality is a theme of praise with
all who have had recourse to it.</p>

<p>“Their defects and privations arise from inveterate prejudices,
inherited from the early colonists, and fostered by the state of gross
ignorance, in which they have been brought up.</p>

<p>“No amelioration can take place whilst these obstacles exist;
and I feel convinced they can only be removed by religious instruction.
No legislative measures for the improvement of the
country (of which it is greatly susceptible) can be efficacious, until
the understandings of these people are made parties in the cause.
At present, they are in direct hostility to any change however advantageous.
The radical evil, I consider to be the state of slavery
in this country, or rather the manner in which this wretched class
of men are viewed by the colonists. The slaves here labour under
disabilities which I believe are peculiar to this country. They are,
by the existing laws of the colony, prohibited from becoming
Christians and from marrying.</p>

<p>“The first of these cruel restrictions has in a few instances been
dispensed with, but the latter never. On the contrary it is most
pertinaciously adhered to. The effect of such laws is but too evident,
not only to the judgment, but to experience. The first gives
the utmost facility to the diffusion of the Mahometan tenets,
whilst it impedes the progress of Christianity; and the most immoral
and pernicious consequences inevitably result from the latter.
These are too obvious and too well known to admit of their
being dwelt upon. I will only observe that the youth of some of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">[597]</a></span>
the most opulent families, are, in consequence of such a system
brought up, in total abandonment of those principles, from which
alone they can ever be expected to become worthy and exemplary
fathers of families. The most unquestionable authority may be
referred to in support of these observations. Many of the principal
slave proprietors, it is notorious, give a preference to their
slaves being Mahometans instead of Christians; in the first place,
because they conceive that it induces sobriety; and in the next, as
it gives them a power over their female slaves which is incompatible
with Christianity. These practices, which in the educated
colonists are to be viewed with just abhorrence, must amongst the
illiterate Boors be deplored as the effect of dark ignorance. A
total reformation of the former class I consider as almost hopeless.
They may be awed by the expression of public reproach, but the
inclination will remain, and every means will be resorted to, to
retain their power. With the latter class (the great majority) it
is very different. They err from want of knowing better, and I
am convinced possess feelings which, if properly directed, would
glorify their God, and bring down his blessings upon their
country. The disposition of the present government of this
colony to annihilate these evils, is all that can be wished. Repeated
efforts have been made by his Excellency the Governor, to
ameliorate the situation of the slaves, and lower classes; but his
power is not sufficient to produce the desired effect. The persons
of influence amongst the colonists are too jealous of the articles of
capitulation to hear of the smallest alteration being made in these
laws; they instantly take the alarm, and join unanimously to reject
every idea of improvement, which they suspect may in any way,
however remote, interfere with their interests; and their slaves are
considered as the most valuable part of their property. All hopes
of reform must be derived from the exertions of the mother
country; not by an infringement of its engagements with the colonists,
but by earnest recommendations and persevering efforts to
increase the Christian population; by the instruction of the Hottentots
and Negroes, as well slaves as free. I am prepared to find
that the first endeavours may not be greatly successful, but they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_598" id="Page_598">[598]</a></span>
will gradually increase in influence, and the public mind, may in
the meantime be improved and enlightened by religious instruction.
The success of the Moravians at their establishment, for the conversion
and civilization of the Hottentots at Bavian’s Kloof, which
I visited on my journey, affords the strongest encouragement to
similar efforts being made by the Church of England. The contemplation
of the truly benign effects, resulting from the mild and
patient conduct of these excellent people—the rapid progress their
converts were making in religion, and in the acquisition of the
comforts of life, first excited in me the wish to address your Lordship,
firmly impressed with the conviction, that one amiable, benevolent,
and consistent clergyman of the Church of England, would
in the course of a very short time, produce effects equally salutary
not only on the poor and destitute inhabitants of the colony; but
that his influence would extend to the wealthy farmer, and his
dependents. The expence of such an undertaking need not be
great. A certain extent of land given, in the first instance, by the
Crown, for a Church and Glebe, and another for distribution
amongst free persons of every description, whether Europeans,
Hottentots, Negroes, or Malays, might be granted whenever
required. These settlers should be assisted in the infancy of the
institution with a small—but a very small—portion of capital, so
as to enable them to provide articles of the first necessity, such as
clothes, furniture, implements for building, cattle, and corn for the
first year, the amount of which might be paid off by very moderate
instalments.</p>

<p>“I am firmly convinced, my Lord, that the happiest effects
would very soon result from such an undertaking. It would be
no wild speculation, but one that must be of essential benefit to the
colony, and thence to the mother country, for the expences would in
a short time be defrayed by increase of trade, and national property.
I beg leave to give your Lordship an instance of the value
that becomes immediately attached to land in this colony, when
put under cultivation, or rather when it is only in contemplation to
cultivate it.</p>

<p>“The proprietors of different estates in Hottentots Holland,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_599" id="Page_599">[599]</a></span>
about thirty miles from the Cape, were desirous of building a
church to which their families might resort on the Sabbath, instead
of having a journey of twelve miles to perform, in going to the
church at Stellenbosch. A piece of ground was selected for the
purpose, and purchased by subscription for 23,000 guilders; a portion
of it was marked out for the church, another for the clergyman’s
house and garden, and as there remained a considerable
quantity beyond what was required for these purposes, it was sold
by auction in small lots, for building houses near the church, and
brought the extraordinary price of 161,000 guilders. A similar
effect, although probably not so great in degree, will result whenever
a Government establishment may take place. By building
and endowing a church, Government would be enabled to sell the
contiguous ground so advantageously, as to remunerate them for
all the expences; and by sending inhabitants from England for
these new settlements, the chief want of the colony would be supplied,
that of population; whilst numbers now starving and destitute
in the mother country would be provided for, and the poor
rates relieved in proportion. But what is of still greater importance,
the Christian religion would be promoted in every part of
this extensive colony. An establishment of this kind would be
particularly desirable in the vicinity of the Knysna, of Mossel
Bay, and the Brede River. The Knysna and the Brede River
are secure and valuable ports, only ascertained to be such within
the last two years, and Mossel Bay, may at a very trifling expence
become such in a very short time. They are all situated in fertile
corn countries. The Knysna has the additional advantage of being
in the immediate vicinity of an extensive and valuable forest, where
timber for building the largest ships is to be had in abundance and
with facility.</p>

<p>“Upon an attentive consideration of all these circumstances, I
cannot resist the impulse I feel to entreat your Lordship’s notice
of them, and that you would be pleased to recommend the measure
of even one Clergyman of the Church of England being sent
out, and established in either of the places above mentioned, with
a very limited number of poor families from England, by way of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_600" id="Page_600">[600]</a></span>
an experiment, upon the success of which may depend the extension
of the plan.</p>

<p>“The sum required for such a beginning as might settle twenty
families in comfort, need not exceed one thousand pounds sterling,
including their passage out to this country. The materials for
building, if in the neighbourhood of the Knysna, are to be had, as
well as fuel, without any other expence than that of labour; the
soil is excellent, easily cultivated, and may provide for any number
of inhabitants after the first year. Meat is at two pence half-penny
sterling the pound, and would be considerably cheaper, were
the families sufficiently numerous to share an ox among them.
The whole of their labour will be necessarily required during the
first year of their establishment to provide for their immediate
wants; but in the second, many may begin to pay off the sums
which have been advanced to them, by cutting timber for Government,
or in any other way in which their industry may turn to
account.</p>

<p class="center">“I have the honour to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“JAHLEEL BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To the Bishop of London.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>But if these efforts for public improvement were
unsuccessful, a mind like that of Sir Jahleel Brenton
did not suffer the disappointment to cool his ardour, or
to check similar endeavours. He had done what he
could in that direction, and when he failed there, he did
what he could in another. Some men offended at the
indifference with which these representations were
received, might have given up all attempt at doing
good; and considered themselves as justified in their
inactivity by the treatment they had met with. But
the religion by which he lived, had taught him
patience, and the spirit of the profession he belonged to
had given him perseverance. His desire to do good<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_601" id="Page_601">[601]</a></span>
remained unbroken, and the failure of one scheme,
merely turned his attention to others, which seemed
more within his reach, and less dependent on the support
to be derived from distant friends; for while
there was no object so great, which he would not have
endeavoured to grasp for the sake of doing good to
others, there was no evil so trifling which his sensibility
was not ready to notice. It may easily be supposed
then, that the black servants of such a family would
not be neglected; but that they would be carefully taught
the principles of that religion, the fruits of which they
saw exhibited in their master’s daily practice. The observance
of the sabbath naturally became more strict as
the importance of its employments was more distinctly
understood; and though the kindness of Sir Jahleel’s
character, as well as the simplicity of his religious views,
saved the sabbath from all appearance of rigour, and
rendered it in the fullest sense of the word a delight to
every one within his influence; he could not but see
more clearly the necessity of a strict observance of the
institution, as he felt the difficulty of inculcating the
knowledge of religion on the uneducated and half
civilized natives. Men of various countries and of
different dispositions were here placed under his
charge; either as domestic servants, or as labourers in
the Dockyard. Each, according to the opportunity
which their situation offered, were made the objects of
his Christian kindness and care; and many it is hoped
carried into other services, or into other lands, the seed
which had been sown through his instruction, and the
impression that had been made on their hearts by his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_602" id="Page_602">[602]</a></span>
example. Of all these, the most singular, and perhaps
at one time the most hopeful, was a lad belonging to
that strange and degraded tribe called the Bushmen, to
whom the name of Hermes had been given, and who
was well known among the friends of Sir Jahleel in
England by this significant denomination. Dr. Barry,
the talented young Physician who was mentioned above,
as having attended Lady Brenton during her last
illness, had rescued this boy, when a mere child, from
the tyranny of a Dutch woman, his mistress, who
abusing the power which the law gave her over a slave,
was about to commit him to prison on account of some
trifling theft, which he had been guilty of. Dr. Barry,
touched with compassion at the boy’s appearance,
ransomed him from slavery, and was then glad to consign
his purchase to the care of his benevolent patron.
The boy thus admitted into Sir Jahleel’s family, gave
remarkable evidences of intelligence and quickness.
Irritable and revengeful when wronged, he was in no
ordinary degree attached and grateful when treated
kindly; and his readiness of answer, and activity,
made him a general favourite in the house; while his
docility, and rapidity of comprehension encouraged
hopes, that this child of the wilderness might be sent
back as a messenger of peace, and a herald of mercy to
his persecuted and benighted countrymen.</p>

<p>With Sir Jahleel this boy came to England, where
the peculiarity of his appearance (for of all the sections
of the human race, the Bushman most nearly resembles
the monkey) attracted general observation; and
in his family he remained discharging with correctness<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_603" id="Page_603">[603]</a></span>
the several duties of a domestic servant; subject to no
other interruption than that which his vivacity and
quickness of temper contrived to draw from the common
occurrences of the day. One of these may be mentioned,
as exhibiting the character of the boy’s mind,
and the strength of feeling which may exist even in the
most uncouth representation of our nature. A Lady of
rank who had heard of Hermes, expressed so strong a
wish to see him, that he was sent to her house; and
under the directions that had been left, was turned
into the drawing room, where the lady intended to
meet him. Poor Hermes who had never been in such
a place before, looked round with wonder on articles of
luxury, of which he hardly knew the use; and at last,
when his mind was bewildered by the splendour of the
scene, turning suddenly round he beheld an object still
more astonishing than sofas, and tables, and porcelain
vases, a Bushboy of his own height and colour, looking
at him with features of surprise. To dart towards his
brother, and to rush into his embraces, was the act of a
moment. A loud crash was heard, the servants hurried
into the room; a large pier glass was found shivered,
and Hermes lying stunned with the blow, and senseless
on the floor. It is hardly necessary to say, that the
bushboy was the figure of Hermes reflected in a glass
which reached to the ground, and that the illusion arose
from the fact, that he had never before seen his own
figure exhibited in such a manner.</p>

<p>It is satisfactory to know that the hopes entertained
concerning this lad have not been entirely frustrated.
After having remained some time in England, after having<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_604" id="Page_604">[604]</a></span>
acquired and adopted all the usages of civilized life,
and apparently overcome his earlier propensities; the
irritability of his temper and restlessness rendered it
inconvenient to retain him in the family; and as his
health was suffering from the climate of England, it was
thought expedient to send him back to the Cape, and
to place him in such a situation there, as might maintain
the influence of his new habits, and prepare him for
future usefulness in the country. It was reported that
the original nature of the boy had resumed its sway, when
he was placed in his original situation. It was said that
he had disappeared from the Colony, plunged again into
the bush, and become the wild timid wanderer that he
had been; but the Editor is happy to add, that recent information
received from the Cape, describes Hermes as
settled in a respectable situation there, and as retaining
a lively and grateful recollection of the kindness he experienced
from his former master.</p>

<p>In these benevolent employments Sir Jahleel formed
the acquaintance of the Rev. Dr. Philip, who has long
filled the important situation of Missionary to the Cape,
in connexion with the London Missionary Society, and
whose name is well known to every one acquainted with
the progress of missions in Africa, and as generally and
deservedly respected. His acquaintance with Dr.
Philip does not appear to have taken place before
Lady Brenton’s death; but the common interest they
took in all measures for the improvement of mankind,
soon after that time produced an intimacy, which led to
much and confidential correspondence; and this correspondence
was probably very beneficial to Sir Jahleel at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_605" id="Page_605">[605]</a></span>
this period in his life. His religious convictions had
been gradually gaining strength, and his religious views
acquiring maturity. He had seen the insufficiency of
that formal religion, which, at first, had been contemplated
as the end and object to be aimed at; and the
regular study of the Scriptures, combined with other
books, and particularly that of Mr. Wilberforce’s Essay
on Practical Christianity, had enabled him to take a
wider and a juster view of the privileges and requirements
of the gospel, than he at first possessed. Trials,
repeated trials, had been the blessed means by which
these clearer views of truth were made matters of experience.
He knew in whom he had believed. He had
felt that there was a power in the gospel, by which he
had been enabled to overcome the world, and to realize
in himself a change, which, at an earlier period of his
life, he might have thought visionary, or improbable.
He had resigned to the God who gave it, the blessing
which up to that moment had seemed to be the substance
of happiness, the object on which the warmest
feelings of his heart had been centered; and in which
he had experienced as much of earthly comfort as
usually falls to the lot of man; and he had found that
he could resign it, and still have such comfort within
his reach, as enabled him cheerfully to fulfil the duties
of his office, and to go on rejoicing in the hope of a
more perfect rest, a more abiding happiness hereafter.
To a mind thus constituted, and thus prepared, led by
a gradual process to the knowledge of the truth as
it is in Jesus, and having had that knowledge proved
by trial, and confirmed by experience, the intercourse<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_606" id="Page_606">[606]</a></span>
of one like Dr. Philip, a man advanced in spiritual
things, and familiarized with the difficulties which beset
the believer’s path, must have been welcome, if not necessary;
and it was natural, therefore, that under the
circumstances in which Sir Jahleel was placed, the society
and counsel of Dr. Philip should be sought with
that peculiar eagerness with which an awakened mind,
and a wounded spirit are apt to seek the only consolations
that meet their wants. On the other hand it was
equally natural that Dr. Philip should be struck by the
characteristic openness and integrity of the Commissioner,
and that he should be drawn towards him by that
irresistible charm, which the sweetness of his temper
threw over his conversation and address. He must
likewise have felt, that in the position which he himself
occupied at the Cape, where he was viewed with coldness
by the Government, and with jealousy and hatred
by the Boors, who suspected the effect that his missionary
efforts would have on the Hottentot population, and
imagined that every attempt to raise that degraded
race was a wrong to themselves, and an injury to their
interests; the friendship and patronage of a man of
high professional character, and holding a distinguished
government office, was a help of no ordinary magnitude,
and might have been regarded, at the time, as a support
vouchsafed by providence. But it is certain that he
must soon have found, in the state of Sir Jahleel’s
mind, in the anxiety of his enquiries, and in the sincerity
of his pursuit of truth, the grounds for a deeper and
more abiding feeling; and he must have rejoiced, that in
a country where there was much to sadden a Christian’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_607" id="Page_607">[607]</a></span>
heart, there was one case before him, where the grace
of God was so manifestly working, and where the fruits
of the Spirit were so largely brought forth. Acquaintance
under such circumstances soon ripened into friendship.
They found themselves, in many cases, united in
one common work; and still more frequently, the only
two who felt alike on the subjects that came before
them; and each had reason to rejoice in the associate
thus unexpectedly discovered. A long correspondence
on religious questions is still preserved; but as the
letters are chiefly occupied in the discussion of books,
which had then recently appeared, but are now generally
known, it does not seem necessary to repeat remarks
or arguments, which must be familiar to most,
and which do not tend directly to illustrate the character
of the writers.</p>

<p>Of these, Dr. Chalmers’ address to the inhabitants of
Kilmaney seems to have engaged a large share of their
attention; and there can be little doubt that the intercourse
which was thus maintained, and the free discussion
of the great and momentous truths which were
involved in these subjects, tended to clear Sir Jahleel’s
views on the essential doctrines of the gospel, and to
give the same correctness to his theory of religion, which
had long been exhibited in its practical application.</p>

<p>The Works of John Newton had been a favourite
study with him. To them he owed much of what
he had learned; in them he met with the breathings of
a heart, congenial to his own, and the records of an experience
which might have reminded him of his own
trials; and in Dr. Philip he not only found a man of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_608" id="Page_608">[608]</a></span>
a kindred spirit with Newton; but one who had had
the advantage of personal knowledge, and easy confidential
intercourse with him. One letter of Dr. Philip’s,
therefore, it seems allowable to introduce, not merely as
exhibiting the tone of correspondence between him and
the subject of this memoir, but also on account of the
original and characteristic sketch which it gives of the
venerable old man whose writings they are discussing.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">My dear Sir Jahleel</span>,</p>

<p>“I am ashamed when I look at the date of your last
kind letter; you must think me a very poor correspondent, I
scarcely know what apology to make. I cannot altogether begin
with the old stale excuse ‘I have been so busy that I could
attend to nothing but what forced itself upon me,’ for there have
been several days in which I have done nothing, if I except the
ordinary routine of business in the way of writing. The truth is,
I have lately been under the necessity of writing so much, that I
have contracted such an aversion to writing, such a horror of
mental exertion, that the very thought of doing anything which
requires application of mind is ready almost to turn me sick. I
do not know whether you can sympathize with me in this, shall
I call it loathing of exertion, this mental despondency.</p>

<p>“Accept of my best thanks for your introductory letter to the
Admiral; it was very gratifying to my worthy friend, and after
what Admiral Lambert has heard from Captain Vernon and
others, he will be pleased to see our African traveller and his
curiosities. I mentioned to Mr. Campbell, that if Buonaparte
had heard of him and his horn, they might be sent for to Longwood.
He was flattered by the joke.</p>

<p>“In my former letter I believe I informed you, that I was
busy correcting Mr. Campbell’s Journal. My labours have been
more connected with blotting, than with filling up; but if I have
not added much to its beauty, I have pared off things, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_609" id="Page_609">[609]</a></span>
might have offended—deformities; and reduced it to a more
reasonable size than my worthy friend would have been disposed
to confine it to, had he been left to follow his own judgment.
Mr. Campbell is a man of sterling principle, he lives with God,
and he would not for the world do what he might consider as an
unjust, or a dishonourable thing: but when we can say all this
for him, as a man, and as a Christian, we must confess we cannot
say so much for him as a writer of Travels.</p>

<p>“I am not at present in possession of Newton’s Works, and
the passage respecting which you ask my opinion, I do not
recollect; but I perfectly agree with him, that a continuance in
sin is inconsistent with assurance. But it must be wilful transgression
which Mr. Newton intends in this passage. I have
known few men more sensible of the depravity of human nature
than Mr. Newton was. The language he used respecting himself
was always expressive of the deepest abasement and humility.
Complaining to him one day of the badness of my own heart, he
comforted me rather in a singular way, by assuring me that if I
had lived as long as he had done, I should feel ten times more of
it. ‘I know,’ said he, ‘more evil of my own heart in one day,
than I know of the greatest profligate I have ever known.’ I
think he was seventy-two years of age when he used this language,
and yet while he had those views of himself, he had the
firmest assurance. It was the same morning he expressed himself
in this manner, that he observed to me, ‘I am like a ship waiting
the first fair wind to carry her out of port; I have everything on
board, I am quite ready for sea. I never lay my head down at
night, but I feel it matter of indifference whether I awake in
this world or the next.’</p>

<p>“I must confess, though I have failed to make the matter so
intelligible as I could have wished, that there is to my apprehension
some difference between Mr. Newton and Dr. Chalmers, in
the Kilmaney address on this point. The one requires certain
things should be done to prepare us for the consolations of the
Gospel, the other brings us to the Saviour for those consolations, as
necessary to enable us to do those things. The difference is most
visible in the first approaches of the penitent to the Saviour for
consolation; although all through Mr. Newton’s writings it
appears to me, the amiable saint was more intimately, and experimentally<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_610" id="Page_610">[610]</a></span>
acquainted with the way of access to God, and the
grounds of a sinner’s peace with God, than Dr. Chalmers was,
when he wrote the address in question.</p>

<p>“If a man oppresses the fatherless and the widow, if he accumulates
a fortune by unrighteousness, or if he has done these
things, or things of a similar nature without repentance and
restitution as far as in his power, he can have no claim to the
consolations of the Gospel; but a man may feel a constant
invasion of vain thoughts, the burden of a worldly spirit, evil
passions occasionally struggling for the mastery; and still have
the comfort of assurance. If sin is the cause of grief, if it is
resisted, it is not inconsistent with a lively hope in the mercy of
God. The sin which grieves us, and is resisted, says an old writer,
will not condemn us. I frequently feel these evils. I feel that in my
flesh dwelleth no good thing. I frequently feel cold and formal
in my devotions, and these feelings occasionally disturb my peace;
but I invariably feel my consolations restored by a renewed application
to the blood of Christ. If any man confess his sin, God is
faithful and just to forgive him his sin, and to cleanse him from all
iniquity. I believe we are both travelling in the same road: that
we are both minding the same things: and if we are not exactly of
the same opinion in all things, the things in which we are not
quite agreed are minor points, and God according to his promise
will eventually reveal those things unto us.</p>

<p>“There is an excellent Sermon among Mr. Newton’s Discourses
on the doctrine of Assurance. I do not know whether you
noticed that sermon; if you have not seen it, I would recommend
it to your attention. It is many years since I read it, and I cannot
state in a particular manner, but I derived much advantage
from it, at the time I read it, and the impression made upon my
mind by it remains fresh even now. I shall be glad to see the
volume you mention, but you need not be in any hurry sending it;
I may perhaps see you before I can read much of it.</p>

<p>“With best respects to Miss Brenton, and Miss Isabella, in
which Mrs. P. desires to unite with me.</p>

<p>“I am, my dear Sir Jahleel,</p>

<p>“With unabated affection and esteem,</p>

<p class="center">“Your’s sincerely,</p>

<p class="right">“JOHN PHILIP.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Cape Town, February 27, 1821.</span>”</p>

</div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_611" id="Page_611">[611]</a></span></p>




<h2 id="CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII.</h2>

<div class="chapter">

<p>BENEVOLENT EXERTIONS IN FAVOUR OF THE NEGRO AND HOTTENTOT POPULATION.—CAPTAIN
EDWARD BRENTON’S PLAN FOR THE RESTORATION OF JUVENILE
DELINQUENTS.—ITS CONNECTION WITH THE CAPE, AND FAILURE.—THE ESTABLISHMENT
AT SIMON’S TOWN BROKEN UP AT THE DEATH OF BUONAPARTE.—RETURN
TO ENGLAND.</p>

</div>


<p>The letter with which the last chapter was closed,
is one of many that remain, and which might have
been inserted in this Memoir with advantage, if it had
not been desirable to restrain the size of a volume,
which already exceeds its proposed dimensions; and if
enough had not been already said, to answer the purpose
for which their insertion might be desirable, the
completion of the portraiture of the subject. The
reader therefore is at liberty to infer from the tone
of one letter, the character of the correspondence in
general; and he may perhaps admit that it is one of the
felicities of the age to see such a correspondence existing
in such a quarter of the world. While men
whose lot is cast in the extreme corner of Africa; that
portion of our world, which has seemed throughout the
history of man to have been resigned to barbarism; are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_612" id="Page_612">[612]</a></span>
found discussing such topics, and in such a spirit, the
wilderness may indeed be said to blossom as a rose, and
the desert is like the garden of the Lord.</p>

<p>But interesting and profitable as such communications
must have been to both parties concerned, they were
neither of them men likely to leave their talents unimproved,
or to allow religious conviction to evaporate
in religious discussions. They felt that the light they
had received was to shine before men; and the love of
Christ, the principle on which their whole mutual
scheme of belief centred and moved, constrained them
to live, not for themselves, but for others; and to
evince the gratitude they felt for the mercy that had
visited them, and the love which burnt within their
own breasts towards Him who had made them what
they were, by acts of kindness and benevolence to all
around them.</p>

<p>We find Sir Jahleel accordingly at one time warmly
interested in the case of the captured Negroes, who
had been set at liberty in the Cape, and were employed
in the Government works and dockyard. An Act of
Parliament had rescued these poor creatures from
slavery, but the boon of freedom had been bestowed in
a manner which rendered it a slight, or at least a
questionable blessing; and such was the condition in
which they were left in the colony, that some doubts
might have been felt, whether their happiness would
not have been consulted, if the ship which conveyed
them from Africa, had been allowed to complete its
course, and to discharge its cargo in the West Indies.
The men were captured, and were in consequence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_613" id="Page_613">[613]</a></span>
declared free by law; but they were set free in a
country where they were strangers and destitute of all
means of subsistence; and where the means of support
were not provided for them at first, nor always attainable
by any efforts of their own. The consideration of
the Colonial Government had gone so far, as to have
assigned them employment in the dockyards; but it
was not easy to persuade an emancipated Negro, that
it was necessary to work; nor was it easier to teach
him how to work so as to make him useful. On this
account it seemed necessary to treat them like children,
to convert their slavery into a servitude, limited in
time and measure; and to consider them as apprentices,
that some kind of restraint might thus be exercised
over those, who were in point of fact made free,
but who seemed hardly capable of making a proper use
of their freedom. The form of apprenticeship assimilated
their condition in the colonial law to that of
the Hottentot; but in doing this, it exposed them to
all the injuries under which that injured race of men
were groaning, through the system which the Dutch laws
had established; and which left them too much at the
mercy of the Boors to be regarded as independent or
secure.</p>

<p>We have seen in an earlier part of the memoir how
earnestly Sir Jahleel strove to obtain protection for
these people; and we cannot be surprised if his efforts,
extended to the Government at home, as well as to
that of the colony, should have brought him into connection
with that individual, who filled at the moment
the glorious, though unsolicited office of being the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_614" id="Page_614">[614]</a></span>
advocate of the oppressed throughout the world. While
resident at the Cape, Sir Jahleel was induced to address
himself to Mr. Wilberforce, and not only to call
his attention to the stealthy modes in which the trade
in slaves was carried on through the channel of
Mozambique, and to the danger of the Cape becoming
a depôt for that nefarious traffic; but likewise to the
state of the emancipated Negroes, and the native
population of the colony. Mr. Wilberforce, whose ear
was ever open to the cry of distress, felt at once the
value of his new correspondent, and the importance of
the appeal. The case of the Cape colony was included
in the succeeding measures for the abolition of the
slave trade. Public attention was drawn to the existence
of the traffic on the eastern coast of Africa, and
in the Indian Ocean; and that quarter of the world
was protected from the encroachment of the evil, which
has blighted the prosperity of the west.</p>

<p>Sir Jahleel Brenton’s zeal in behalf of the emancipated
Negroes led him likewise to consider the state of
the Hottentot population at the Cape; and here he
found Dr. Philip engaged in a long, and almost hopeless
contest with the Colonial Government, in behalf of
that despised and injured people. The original natives
of the country, they had been reduced by the Dutch
settlers to a state of servitude, in some degree worse
than slavery; as the master felt, that while both slave
and servant were equally at his disposal and equally
under his control, the slave had been purchased, and had
cost him something; and the servant had come under
his dominion for nothing. Both therefore were to all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_615" id="Page_615">[615]</a></span>
intents bondmen; for the servant had no power of
changing his master, at least no power which he dared
to exercise; and the circumstance of his having been
born to nominal freedom, availed nothing, where the
law was framed for the sole purpose of securing the
master’s rights; and where distance from the seat of
Government, and the wild independence of the Boor’s
life, made an appeal to justice all but impossible. The
character of the Dutch settlers likewise, sordid and
covetous on principle, and at that time filled with
hatred of the British influence, as being the dominion
of a conqueror; and of British intercourse as likely to
introduce a rival and encroaching population; placed
them in an attitude of suspicion and defiance. Every
attempt made by the Government to ameliorate the
condition of the Hottentots was viewed with jealousy
by the Boors, as an abridgement of their own rights;
and every disposition in the Hottentots to complain
was crushed by increased severity, as if it were an act
of insurrection. The very efforts of the missionaries
to convey to that benighted race the knowledge of the
gospel, were contemplated with prejudice and ill-will by
the colonists. In consequence every obstacle was
thrown in their way. The attendance of the servants
was forbidden at all occasions of social worship, or
religious instruction. The wish for instruction was
considered a crime in the Hottentot; and all that the
fierce violence of a brutal mind could suggest, was too
often done by the farmers, to subdue the rising spirit
of religion, whenever it had been excited by the preaching
of the missionaries in their neighbourhood. It is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_616" id="Page_616">[616]</a></span>
a painful and humiliating fact that the local regulations
of Protestant colonies have been uniformly less favourable
to the spiritual improvement of the natives, than
those established in Roman Catholic colonies. Not
that Protestantism is less lenient in its character, or less
congenial with liberty than Romanism, for it is confessedly
more so; but the Protestant colonies having
been formed in later times, and at times when the
church had lost that influence with the state, which it
once possessed; the colonial legislation in all the later
European settlements was constructed on purely secular
grounds, and religion had no voice, because the
church had no power.</p>

<p>The Dutch system of Government at the Cape had
in other respects much to recommend it. The established
religion of the mother country had been
introduced in the colony, and been endowed. The
character of the settlers, at least of those in the town,
would have borne comparison with that of any colony
belonging to other European nations; and the Boors
themselves, when political or personal jealousies did not
intervene, were found hospitable, kind, and correct in
general behaviour. The misfortune of the colony arose
from the degree of power which was possessed by
individuals, not prepared to exercise it properly, and
who were subject to great and obvious temptations to
abuse it; and thus it happened that the condition to
which the Hottentots were reduced under the Dutch
law was such, that it became the imperative duty of
the British Government to take some steps towards
correcting an evil, which seemed intolerable and disgraceful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_617" id="Page_617">[617]</a></span>
to a civilized country. These measures were
regarded by the Boors, an uneducated, prejudiced, and
overbearing race, as a breach of contract between the
Government and themselves; and as an illegal encroachment
on those rights which were guaranteed to
them when the colony became a part of the British
Empire. And these feelings, stimulated by designing
men on one side, and aggravated by want of consideration
and of conciliatory proceedings on the other,
finally led to those acts of resistance which have
required military interference, and have endangered
for a time the peace and prosperity of this valuable
colony.</p>

<p>Sir Jahleel witnessed the working of elements of
evil, which were to have their fuller development after
he had left the colony. He saw the state of the Negro
and the Hottentot population, and he did what he
could to ameliorate the condition of each. Had his
power been greater, or even had his residence at the
Cape been longer, he would have done much towards
correcting the evil, and improving the general state of
the society; for he possessed in no ordinary degree
the qualities which fit man for command, or enable
him without command to exercise influence on the
minds of others. He had clearness of view, correct
judgment, decision, and firmness, combined with patience,
sweetness of temper, and the most conciliatory
manners. Beyond this, he knew more accurately than
most men, the nature of that foundation which must be
laid as the security for all permanent prosperity. If
the efforts which he did make, were not attended with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_618" id="Page_618">[618]</a></span>
complete success, their failure may be ascribed with
more reason to the inveterate character of the evil, and
to the strength of the opposition raised against them,
than to any mistake on his part; and a dispassionate
consideration of Cape politics during the last twenty
years will justify the wisdom of his proceedings, and
will leave room for nothing but regret, that his views
were not adopted by those who had the power and
opportunity of carrying them on to perfection.</p>

<p>The British Government it is true has done much
towards the protection of the oppressed and ill treated
Hottentot. The measures set on foot to check the
trade in slaves, and to prevent the introduction of
slavery into the colony have been successful; and in
these respects, the plans which were commenced during
Sir Jahleel’s residence at the Cape may seem to have
been brought to the conclusion that he wished. But
the efforts made for the amelioration of the state of the
Hottentots were not so immediately successful, and the
end which he there had in view has not been accomplished
in the most satisfactory manner. At the time
when the freedom of the Hottentots was secured by law,
the Boors were not convinced that their interests were
properly considered in the transaction. Means were
not taken to explain to them the real nature of the
alteration, which the executive Government felt it
necessary to introduce; and men, ignorant as they
were in general, and from national prejudice disposed
to suspect evil in the measures of their new rulers,
were easily persuaded to think that the British Government
wished to be generous at their expence; and to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_619" id="Page_619">[619]</a></span>
establish a character for benevolence, by depriving them
of what they considered as their rights. A compensation
for the Hottentots, whom they regarded as slaves,
was awarded; and a compensation, which if it had
been paid on the spot, and in the currency with which
they were familiar, would have satisfied all their wishes.
But from a strange fatality of error, this compensation
was paid in bills on London, and not in a currency
with which they were familiar. The Boor unused to
mercantile transactions, and unable to negociate the
payment of such securities in the wilderness where his
life was past, was obliged to put the bills into other
hands, in order to obtain their liquidation. Dishonest
adventurers introduced themselves, who offered to
undertake the business; but who fixed their own
terms, and made their own bargain; and the unfortunate
farmer receiving a mere fraction of that which he
considered to be the value of his slave, felt that he had
been swindled out of his property, by the form of a
legal transaction, and looked on the Government as
the cause of the loss he had sustained.</p>

<p>The resentment which this treatment gave rise to,
led to that singular movement of which we have been
obliged to hear so much; and which is only practicable
in pastoral nations; when the Boor population, with all
its property of herds and flocks, quitted the territory
which it used to occupy, and advanced into the Cafir
districts, proclaiming as it went its own independence,
and seeking a new settlement in the wilderness, exempt
from the vexatious interference of the British Government.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_620" id="Page_620">[620]</a></span></p>

<p>As a secession like this militated against all principles
of society, and must have led to an aggression on
the property of the Cafir tribes, which would have
exposed the colony to acts of retaliation on their part,
it was necessary that the movement should be checked,
and that the rebellious emigrants should be reduced to
submission. This has not however been effected without
bloodshed and difficulty; and the state of the
colony exhibits a melancholy picture of the danger
which results from ill-combined or precipitated measures,
even when the object in view is one of unquestionable
usefulness. The error in execution however
must not be allowed to impugn the wisdom of the
original design. Had Sir Jahleel Brenton been able
to carry out the whole of his benevolent purpose, the
feelings of the Boor masters would have been consulted,
as well as the security of the Hottentot servant.
Allowance would have been made for the jealousies of a
prejudiced and ignorant class of men; and no unnecessary
offence would have been given. All inevitable
suspicion would have been provided for and removed,
and the success of the scheme might have been secured
by the patience and discretion with which it was
advanced to its completion.</p>

<p>It has seemed but just to anticipate events, and to
name what is now a matter of colonial history, in order
to guard the subject of this memoir from the imputation
of having originated, or pressed forward measures,
which have led to painful results, and to a temporary
disturbance of the peace of the country. There is
every reason to hope that the movements which have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_621" id="Page_621">[621]</a></span>
thus been glanced at, are by this time effectually subdued,
and that the pacification of the colony is secured;
but it was necessary to shew that the real causes of
the Boors’ insurrection were not the restoration of the
Hottentots to the rights of human beings, but the
working of national prejudices, inseparable from the
condition of a conquered settlement; and the resentment
cherished by covetous, but ill-informed men, who
thought they had been atrociously wronged by a
Government, which in their hearts they hated.</p>

<p>The farmers might have been gradually convinced,
had proper pains been taken to explain the nature of
the change, that it was not right to hold a fellow-creature
in the sort of bondage to which the natives
were reduced; and had proper measures been adopted
in the payment of the compensation money, they might
have been made to feel that a fair equivalent was given
to them by the Government, which vindicated the
slaves from their property, and curtailed the power
they had been accustomed to exercise over them.</p>

<p>Sir Jahleel’s intimacy with Dr. Philip continued,
though the correspondence seems to have dropped after
he left the Cape, in proportion as other means were
adopted for the improvement of the colony. But his
agency was at a subsequent period most advantageously
employed in furtherance of a benevolent plan, which
originating with Captain Edward Pelham Brenton, was
sanctioned and supported by his brother, for rescuing
the juvenile delinquents which haunt the streets of
London, from their life of misery and sin. It was
found on enquiry, that a large portion of this wretched<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_622" id="Page_622">[622]</a></span>
class, which it was at one time calculated amounted to
nearly 15,000 lads and boys, living without a home or
shelter, or anything like regular employment; consisted
of deserted orphans, or of boys who had escaped
from the metropolitan workhouses. These unhappy
outcasts of society either earned a precarious living by
sweeping the streets, and holding horses at markets,
and places of public resort, or else maintained themselves
by petty acts of plunder. Their dwelling was
found in the uninhabited houses on the outskirts of
London, the dry arches of bridges, or some such like
receptacle; and here they were congregated together
at night, if they failed in finding admission to some of
the haunts of infamy and vice. Their habits necessarily
exposed them to the suspicion of the police, and
their wants soon brought them under its notice. The
commission to prison for some petty theft put the
stamp of crime on the character, and introduced them
to the acquaintance of more advanced and hardened
accomplices. The first imprisonment therefore was
speedily followed by another. Crime followed crime
by a kind of necessary sequence, though crime became
more atrocious as it was repeated; and after a succession
of imprisonments had been found ineffectual to
reclaim an offender, who had no means of living but by
the offence, which subjected him to punishment; the
unhappy lad received a final sentence of transportation,
and was sent to fill up the measure of his sufferings
and his guilt in a penal colony.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton conceived that something might be
done for these poor creatures, and that if it might be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_623" id="Page_623">[623]</a></span>
done, it should be done. He had seen the wonderful
effect produced on the mind by the discipline of a
king’s ship, when that discipline was tempered by
discretion and kindness; and he resolved to make an
experiment on that class, which the world was disposed
to regard as the most lost and the most hopeless, the
juvenile delinquents of the metropolis. The enquiries
he had made into the cases of individuals had satisfied
him, that their misery was often the occasion of their
crime; and that they were driven by want of necessaries,
which they had not any possible means of
obtaining, to the acts of dishonesty which exposed
them to punishment. Many of them had assured him,
and with appearances of sincerity, which it would have
been inhumanity to doubt, that they hated the life that
they were leading; and that they should embrace with
thankfulness any course of labour, which offered them
security and food; and he was willing to make an
experiment on a small scale, of what might be done
towards recovering these outcasts of the world. Premises
were taken in the parish of Hackney, and fitted
up for the accommodation of seventy or eighty boys.
A man eminently qualified for the situation of the head
of such an establishment was found, and found willing
to undertake it. An outfit of the simplest and most
economical kind was provided, with cots for the boys
to sleep in, spades and other tools for working in the
garden, and the usual supply of school requisites for
their education. In a little volume entitled ‘The Bible
and the Spade,’ Captain Brenton explained the plan of
his benevolent undertaking; and the place was soon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_624" id="Page_624">[624]</a></span>
filled with boys swept from the streets of London, and
for the first time in their lives brought under the
influence of Christian education; and allowed to taste
the comforts of a settled home, cleanliness, warmth and
a regular supply of food.</p>

<p>The first results were highly satisfactory. The mixture
of kindness and vivacity in the master’s manner,
seemed to awaken the sluggish energies of the idle,
and to attach the affections of boys, who had hardly
ever been addressed in such a tone before. Activity
prevailed in the school, and in the garden; and what
was of still more importance, a sense of self-respect,
and a desire of honest independence, began to shew
itself in the boys, and to encourage hopes of the commencement
of a moral change in the character of the
inmates. The effect to be expected from the discipline
of the school, would however have been less
encouraging, if the boys were to have been returned
to the society from which they were rescued, as soon
as they were discharged. It could not have been
hoped that such a change of habit as this temporary
withdrawal from evil produced, should resist the
temptations with which they would then be surrounded;
and Captain Brenton shewed as much
knowledge of human nature as benevolence, when he
arranged as a subsidiary, but essential part of his
system, the transfer of his pupils to a new and less
exposed situation. The friendly services of Dr. Philip
were therefore here called in to provide for these
reclaimed delinquents, places of employment at the
Cape. The services of an English boy, though ill-educated<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_625" id="Page_625">[625]</a></span>
and rude, were of some value to colonists,
who were dependent on the half reclaimed savages of
the country; and the mere recollection of what these
boys had known of the usages of civilized life, enabled
them to imitate what their masters had never seen.
The demand accordingly increased. The boys who
had gone out, and who had found situations as servants,
or cattle-keepers, wrote back favourable accounts of
their condition; and a resource seemed opened, which
might have relieved London of some of its misery, and
might have carried some new comforts into the wilderness
of the Cape.</p>

<p>It is with regret that the conclusion of the attempt
must be reported; but it is well that men should be
aware, that he who endeavours to assist the worst of
his species, must lay his account to expect from them
the worst of treatment in return.</p>

<p>Captain Brenton had been induced at the request of
a worthless couple, to admit their son into the refuge,
and to send him to the Cape as an apprentice. The
parents when they found that the boy was gone, conceived
that they had got the means of extorting money
from his benefactor. They pretended to be anxious
about their child, and to be dissatisfied with the representations
made to them of his position. They carried
their complaint to the Lord Mayor, and declared that
the boy had been kidnapped. The public papers took
the cause up with violence, and added publicity to the
charge. The boy was sent for from the Cape, but
before he could be brought back, a sudden attack of
gout, to which Captain Brenton was subject, and which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_626" id="Page_626">[626]</a></span>
came on, the evening subsequent to a public meeting,
carried him off; and left the refuge at Hackney
Wick a monument of his benevolence, and of the ingratitude
that he met with. It is to be hoped however that
the benefit of his example will not be lost. The public
seems now to be agreed that steps must be taken to remove
the evil of such a population of juvenile delinquents;
and will probably feel that as prevention is better than
cure, it will be expedient to withdraw those who have
once fallen, from the scene of past exposure, and to
assist their removal to a country where a new course
of life may be commenced under happier circumstances.
The advantages of possessing such an agency as that
of Dr. Philip, will then at least be appreciated, and the
public will endeavour to renew a system, which twenty
years ago was denounced.<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p>

<p>The time however came, when the more active part
of Sir Jahleel’s life was to be closed, and he was to be
withdrawn from his sphere of labour at the Cape. The
general pacification which ensued after the battle of
Waterloo justified the reduction of all our colonial
establishments; and in the year 1821, Sir Jahleel
received directions to wind up the accounts of the
Naval Commissioner at the Cape, and to place the
dockyard on a reduced scale. It was not possible that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_627" id="Page_627">[627]</a></span>
he should leave the Cape without deep feelings of
regret, increased by the recollections of what he had
lost, and what he had left there; but no regret that
he experienced at leaving a place endeared to him by
so many associations, could equal that of those who
seemed to lose in him, the protector, the patron, and
the friend whom they had learnt to value and appreciate.
During the years of his residence there, he had
been occupied unremittingly in some work of benevolence
or kindness. There was hardly a class in society
which had not received some benefit through his
intervention; and there were many who felt that but
for him they should have received none. The society
in which he had moved were conscious that the mind
that had added charms to their intercourse, and elevation
to its tone, was to be withdrawn; while the poor
and the oppressed, whether English or Dutch, Hottentot
or Negro, felt that the resource to which they
should have applied in the first place, and with the
greatest hope of relief, was taken from them; and that
no door would be found, to which they could turn with
equal confidence, when that of the Commissioner’s was
closed.</p>

<p>The brief narrative of his voyage home may be given
in his own words, and as it is with this that his own
memoir of his life concludes, it is well that he should
tell the tale of his last experience on an element, where
he had done so much and suffered so much.</p>

<p>“When the news of the death of Buonaparte, which
took place at St. Helena, on the 5th of May, 1821,
reached England, orders were dispatched to the Cape<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_628" id="Page_628">[628]</a></span>
of Good Hope for reducing the establishment of the
dockyard at Simon’s Bay, and leaving the stores in the
charge of a clerk and a foreman of the shipwrights, to
assist in the repair of such ships as might occasionally
arrive. On the 6th of November, 1821, I embarked
with my family on board the Vigo, bearing the flag of
Rear Admiral Lambert. We arrived at St. Helena
on the 21st, and after staying there a week, we proceeded
on our way to England. Having got to the
northward of the Tropic, we experienced very bad
weather, a continuance of heavy gales from the Westward.
In one of these gales, an event occurred, which
should be recorded, as it shews from what very slight
causes the most serious accidents may arise. In the
evening of the 26th December, the wind having moderated,
a reef was let out of the main topsail, and the
top gallant mast and yard were got up. It continued
however to freshen again in the night, and before
morning it was found necessary to close reef the main
topsail again, to get down the yard and to shape the
top gallant mast. While employed in the latter operation,
the ship took a very heavy lurch, (she was then
scudding) and the people who had hold of the mast
rope were violently thrown to leeward. The force this
circumstance gave to the mast rope, lifted the heel of
the top gallant mast above the cross trees, and rendered
all further efforts to strike the mast unavailing.
Before any fresh efforts could be made, the topmast
springstay gave way, and the topmast stay soon followed,
when the mast went, a few feet above the cap,
and falling upon the lee topsail yard-arm, carried that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_629" id="Page_629">[629]</a></span>
away; and the accumulated wreck coming down upon
the main yard, carried away the lee lift, by which the
weather quarter of the main yard, coming in contact
with the top, gave way, carrying with it the weather
side of the top crosstrees; thus rendering the mainmast
completely disabled, as far as its sails were
concerned. At this moment the ship broached too,
against a tremendous sea, but providentially without
any serious damage. From this circumstance may be
seen the importance of not delaying to get down a
top gallant mast in time, when a gale is evidently
increasing. We arrived at Spithead on the 1st of
January, 1822, and it was a singular coincidence that
we had left England precisely on that day seven years
before.”</p>

<p>With his return to England the more active part of
Sir Jahleel Brenton’s professional life was closed. In
one sense it might have been said to have ended, when
he fell wounded on the deck of the Spartan; for from
that time he was incapable of supporting the fatigues
inseparable from active service, and nothing but zeal for
his profession, combined with a more than ordinary
measure of firmness of mind, could have carried him
through the duties of the situations which he subsequently
filled. The manner in which the duties of the
Commissioner’s office at the Cape, and those of situations
still more important which he filled at home were
afterwards discharged, may serve to shew that man’s
powers of usefulness are not limited by the powers of
the body; and the supremacy of mind is exhibited<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_630" id="Page_630">[630]</a></span>
most distinctly, where the corporeal part only hinders
the exertions which are required from the man.</p>

<p>His first object in returning to England was to seek
for the children committed to his charge the shelter and
advantages of home; and the affection which bound all
the members of his large family together, soon secured
to him and them every human consolation and
support.</p>

<p>The length of the war which was at last closed, and
the general pacification of the world that followed on
the death of Napoleon, precluded all idea of active service;
and though the feeling which had animated his
professional life still existed, and a hope that he might
yet have to hoist his own flag, and be again entrusted
with command, never was entirely lost, he prepared
himself for pursuits of a different kind, and endeavoured
to improve the leisure which he had so gloriously won.</p>

<p>Shortly after his return home he received a gratifying
proof of the opinion entertained of the services he
had rendered to his country, by his appointment to the
temporary command of the Royal Charlotte Yacht, at
the request of His Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence,
when the yacht was employed to convey the Duke and
the Duchess to Antwerp, in the summer of 1822.</p>

<p>Shortly after his return from Antwerp he married
Miss Harriet Brenton, his cousin, fourth daughter of the
late James Brenton, Esq. one of the Judges of Halifax,
in Nova Scotia; and though still incapable of active
service, and suffering at intervals extreme pain from
his wound, which shewed a continual tendency to inflammation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_631" id="Page_631">[631]</a></span>
he was much occupied in attending Committees
in London on professional subjects, to which he
was called by the Lords of the Admiralty. During the
same period he had the happiness of making the personal
acquaintance of Mr. Wilberforce, whom he had
previously only known by correspondence, or as a public
character; and he shared with every one who had
the privilege of knowing that excellent man, the feelings
of fascination which belonged to the warmth of his
heart and the powers of his conversation.</p>

<p>The state of his health at the close of 1823 rendered
it desirable that he should remove to Bath, where, in
the commencement of the following year, his youngest
daughter, Harriet Mary, was born. During this period
his correspondence with Mr. Wilberforce, and with his
respected friend at the Cape, Dr. Philip, offer many interesting
specimens of the zeal with which he laboured,
under circumstances that would have chilled the spirit of
most men, to promote the welfare both temporal and
eternal of all who had ever been placed beneath his
care. But it seems unnecessary to extend the Memoir
of such a life by extracts that only repeat the exhibition
of a character more effectually pourtrayed by actions;
and enough has been already said to enable the reader
to understand and appreciate the mind by which that
character was formed.</p>

<p>In the year 1825 Sir Jahleel received the appointment
of Colonel of Marines, and removed to a cottage
in Hampshire, where he had opportunity for indulging
his taste for country pursuits, which, next to those of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_632" id="Page_632">[632]</a></span>
his profession, were the objects of his preference and his
favourite resource. In this retirement he regained in
a considerable degree both health and strength, and
with returning powers he felt himself justified in applying
for employment on active service. In consequence
of his application he was appointed in November, 1829,
to the command of H.M.S. Donegal, at that time stationed
as the Guard Ship at Sheerness. He retained
this command however only till the summer of 1830,
when he was promoted to the rank of Rear Admiral of
the Blue. This increase of rank was however accompanied
by a very serious diminution of income; and on
leaving the Donegal he thought it expedient to take a
small house at Stoke, near Plymouth, which for the time
became his home; and here, though occasionally suffering
severely from his wound and from gout, he found in
his home circle, and the resources which his pencil and
his books supplied, the materials of a very happy existence.</p>

<p>In the following year a situation of a very different
kind was proposed to him, in the appointment of Lieut.
Governor to Greenwich Hospital; and as the circumstances
under which the offer was made, and finally accepted,
are honourable to all the parties engaged in the
transaction, and serve to reflect light on the character
of our subject; the Editor feels that on this occasion he
may introduce some portions of a correspondence which
in its original form might have been considered private.
The proposal was made by Sir James Graham, then
First Lord of the Admiralty, in the following letter.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_633" id="Page_633">[633]</a></span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Admiralty</span>, 24th <span class="smcap">July</span>, 1831.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“The situation of Lieutenant Governor of Greenwich
Hospital has become vacant by the death of Captain Brewell, and
it has been determined to offer the appointment to a Rear Admiral.
The salary is £800 a year, with apartments and other
contingent advantages; but of course the half-pay of the officer
holding the situation ceases, and his future promotion and chance
for active employment is stopped.</p>

<p>“The duties also of Lieutenant Governor require constant
residence, and active exertion; for the discipline and good order
of this great establishment depend very much upon his attention
and regular care; and no officer is worthy of the appointment
who is not prepared to second Sir Richard Keats in the constant
and anxious endeavours which he makes, and in his exemplary
zeal to uphold the character and to sustain the honour of that
institution which is the pride of our naval history.</p>

<p>“Considering your services, your wounds, and your distinguished
reputation, I have thought it my duty to recommend you
to His Majesty for the appointment; and the king has been
graciously pleased to command me to offer it to you, as a mark
of his favour and approbation. I have stated to you explicitly the
conditions, and you will not accept the situation with any other
prospect.</p>

<p>“At all events, in offering it to you, I am glad of an opportunity
of proving my respect for your character, and my sense of
the services which you have rendered to your country.</p>

<p class="center">“I have the honour to be, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“Signed, J. B. GRAHAM.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Rear-Admiral Sir Jahleel Brenton.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>To this letter, kind and flattering as it was, the
following answer was returned; and if the reader bears
in mind that it was written from a cottage, by a man
whose narrow income hardly allowed him to offer to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_634" id="Page_634">[634]</a></span>
his wife and child anything beyond the comforts of a
very quiet home, and to whom the situation at Greenwich
must have seemed comparative affluence; he will
know how to appreciate the high professional spirit
which revolted at the conditions proposed, and refused
the offer of the dignified and agreeable position at the
hospital, if it was to preclude all the opportunities of
active employment in the service.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Devonport</span>, <span class="smcap">July</span> 26th, 1831.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have the honour to acknowledge your letter of the
24th, and to assure you that I feel most grateful for the flattering
manner in which you are pleased to mention my services, and for
your great kindness in recommending me to His Majesty, to fill
the situation of Lieutenant Governor of Greenwich Hospital.</p>

<p>“As you have been pleased to enumerate the conditions attached
to the acceptance of this office, I feel convinced you will
expect that I should be guided in my decision by the view I take
of them; and this induces me respectfully to decline the kind
offer, as I cannot willingly give up the hope of active service and
of future promotion.</p>

<p>“I am well aware how many there are of my brother officers,
and those of distinguished reputation, who are candidates for
employment; and how very few are the situations to which we are
eligible; but I shall most cheerfully submit to your decision upon
our respective claims, and should no opportunity offer for my
being called into active service, I shall in my retirement have
the comfort of feeling, that my professional life has been amply
rewarded by the approbation it has received from His Majesty
and the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty.</p>

<p>“As I conceive that His Majesty was pleased to express his
consent to my receiving the appointment, with a view to its being
acceptable to me, I trust I shall not appear insensible to the high
honour of his most gracious approbation in thus declining it; and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_635" id="Page_635">[635]</a></span>
I am the more confirmed in this assurance, from His Majesty’s
having in his answer to my request for the appointment of Commissioner
at Portsmouth, expressed himself in the following
manner.</p>

<p>“‘<em>I trust whenever His Majesty shall command a promotion of
flag officers, I shall have the pleasure of seeing you become an
Admiral, in that state of health which may enable you in that
exalted rank to be of more service to your king and country.</em>’</p>

<p>“I beg leave in conclusion to repeat how deeply and sincerely
grateful I feel, for the approbation you have so kindly expressed
upon my conduct; which under all circumstances will be a source
of the greatest satisfaction, and which I hope to retain to the end
of my days.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">To the Right Honourable Sir J. Graham.</span>”</p>

</div>

<p>It might have been apprehended that the correspondence
would have been closed by this reply; and that
Sir Jahleel Brenton might have been left to experience
in retirement and poverty the consequences of his
inveterate attachment to the active duties of his
service.</p>

<p>It is satisfactory to know that this was not the
result; that William IV. then king, remembered the
hopes which he had held out as Duke of Clarence, and
Lord High Admiral; and that the first Lord had the
pleasure of bestowing the situation which he had been
so glad to offer. The next post brought the following
letter from the Admiralty.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Admiralty</span>, <span class="smcap">July</span> 29th, 1831.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have had the pleasure of receiving your letter in
reply to mine of the 24th, and I have been induced by the highly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_636" id="Page_636">[636]</a></span>
honourable feelings which you have expressed upon declining the
acceptance of the situation of Lieutenant Governor of Greenwich
Hospital, to propose to the King, that His Majesty should make
some alterations as to the conditions upon which the appointment
was offered to you; being in hopes that the country may still
have the benefit of the services of so distinguished an officer,
should an occasion offer for your having a command afloat.</p>

<p>“His Majesty has been pleased to signify to me his royal
pleasure that the appointment should be offered to you, with the
understanding, that when your turn for a flag promotion comes
for your being raised to the rank of Vice-Admiral, you may
exercise a choice, and either take the step resigning the appointment,
or hold the appointment forfeiting the promotion.</p>

<p>“If this relaxation in the conditions I before mentioned to you
be satisfactory, I shall be glad to hear that you consider the
appointment as one you would like to fill, and I shall be glad to
have a reply from you at your earliest convenience.</p>

<p class="center">“I have, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. B. GRAHAM.”</p>

</div>

<p>This gratifying communication from the First Lord
removed the difficulties which had prevented Sir
Jahleel from accepting with thankfulness a situation
so comfortable in itself, and so full of interest for one
who felt as he did for the welfare of seamen in general.
The answer, which was written the next day, announced
his acceptance of the appointment, in the following
words:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Devonport</span>, 30th <span class="smcap">July</span>, 1831.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Sir</span>,</p>

<p>“I have the honour to acknowledge your letter of
yesterday, which I have just received; and I lose not a moment
in assuring you how truly and sincerely grateful I feel for your<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_637" id="Page_637">[637]</a></span>
kindness, and for the steps you have been pleased to take in my
behalf with His Majesty.</p>

<p>“I can in consequence no longer feel any objection to the
honourable situation, to which you have had the goodness to
nominate me, and hope to fulfil the duties of it in such a manner
as to merit the continuance of your approbation. I hope in a
few days to have the honour of expressing in person the deep
sense I have of the interest you have so kindly manifested in my
behalf.</p>

<p class="center">“I have the honour, &amp;c.</p>

<p class="right">“J. BRENTON.”</p>

</div>

<p>The appointment having been offered and thus
thankfully received, no time was lost in taking possession,
and in entering on the duties of the office. Sir
Jahleel went up at once to London, and presented
himself at the Admiralty; and had there a long and
satisfactory conversation with Sir James Graham, who
said that he was so much impressed by the sentiments
contained in his letter that he had sent it to the King;
that His Majesty was also struck with the statement,
and had of his own mind suggested the arrangement.
Sir James further recommended his waiting on the
King, and when Sir Jahleel observed that he had no
uniform in town, overruled the objection, and advised
him to leave all with Sir Herbert Taylor to settle. In
a letter addressed to Lady Brenton on the occasion, he
says, “I went to St. James’s, and had a most gracious
interview with His Majesty; who made me sit down
and have a long conversation with him. He asked
how I liked the arrangement, and whether I clearly
understood the conditions. I said, I understood them
to be, that as soon as it came to my turn to be promoted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_638" id="Page_638">[638]</a></span>
to a Vice-Admiral, I should have my choice
between remaining as Lieutenant Governor, and taking
my rank. No, said His Majesty, that is not it. You
shall keep the Lieutenant Governorship as Vice-Admiral;
but when you are to have a flag at the main,
then you shall choose whether you remain or take the
promotion; but not before. He then asked after my
health, which I told him was quite good with the
exception of a little gout. Gout is nothing said he.
No, replied I, and I hope yet to have the pleasure of
serving your Majesty at sea. To this he said, that
was of course out of the question at present. He then
talked of the squadron, as to their sailing, &amp;c. He
added many very civil things, and then wished me a
good morning, saying, this was a busy day with him.
So much for the interview.”</p>

<p>Sir Jahleel was happy to find that the situation at
Greenwich in point of household accommodation and
comforts, exceeded his expectation, and offered all that
he could have wished to find. He was equally pleased
with the reception he met with from that distinguished
officer, Sir R. Keats, the Governor, and the other
official neighbours whom he found there; nor was he
less delighted by finding among the pensioners who
were thenceforth to be under his control, some of those
who had shared the perils and the glories of his active
service. In a letter to his sister, in describing the
Hospital, he writes, “I have found several of my old
shipmates there, and amongst others my old steward
of the Spartan, John Davis, who is very useful in
attending to the needful, and may be more so when the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_639" id="Page_639">[639]</a></span>
things come. I was not a little amused yesterday at
the old carpenter’s mate of the Spartan, who accosted
me with congratulations, and said, ‘Here we are sir,
laid up together in Greenwich tier;’ thinking, I dare
say, what lucky fellows we both were to get into such
a snug berth; and there is some truth in it too.”</p>

<p>It was in the month of September, 1831, that Sir
Jahleel took possession of his apartments at Greenwich
Hospital, with a mind relieved from the dread of
having relinquished all hopes of active employment,
and with an earnest desire to devote all the energies
of his mind and heart to the welfare and improvement
of the establishment. With what zeal he entered
on the duties of his office, and with what
tender concern he watched over the people committed
to his charge, the men who were the objects of his
care, and those who were the associates of his employment
can testify. It was hardly possible to have
conceived a man more perfectly fitted for the situation
which he had to fill at Greenwich; and the
old veterans who had either known or heard of his
character as an officer, and were prepared to receive
their new Lieutenant Governor with the honour due to
his gallantry and achievements, were delighted to find
the tenderness of a parent exhibited in his consideration
of their wants, and to see the kind cheerfulness of
a sailor tempered by all the dignity of a Christian in
his manners and conversation.</p>

<p>During the period of his office, that excellent establishment,
the Naval School, was re-organized; various
improvements were introduced in the internal economy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_640" id="Page_640">[640]</a></span>
of the Hospital; libraries were formed for the amusement
of the inmates in their hours of leisure; and much was
done for the amelioration of their general habits. But
his usefulness was not limited to the precincts of the
Hospital. Placed as he was at an easy distance from
the metropolis, he was able to obey many calls of
benevolence; and to lend his help to many excellent
institutions, whether connected with the navy or not.
The Sailors’ Home, an establishment which the country
owes to the devoted and disinterested labours of Captain
Elliot, and the few who laboured with him; and
in which the country has incurred a debt which she
never will be able to repay; was from its commencement
an object of the deepest interest to Sir Jahleel
Brenton; and his advice, his interest, his assistance,
as far as his means permitted, were always given, and
given without reserve to the promoters of the work.
At the same time, the condition of the seamen belonging
to the port of London, the snares to which they
were exposed, the treatment that they met with from
their employers, were the subject of his continued
thought and exertions.</p>

<p>It was during this period likewise that he was able to
lend some help to his brother, Captain Edward Brenton,
in his praiseworthy exertions in behalf of that wretched
class, the scandal and the plague of our metropolis,—the
juvenile delinquents; exertions, to which reference
has already been made, and which the world seems
now disposed to estimate more justly than it did at
first. He attended the last meeting of that association,
though in a state of health which rendered the effort<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_641" id="Page_641">[641]</a></span>
very painful; and both he and his brother were attacked
by gout the next day. This attack in Captain
Brenton’s case terminated fatally, and in Sir Jahleel’s
was accompanied with considerable danger and long
confinement.</p>

<p>In the year 1833 Sir Jahleel went over to France,
and passed a fortnight of great enjoyment with his
sister and brother-in-law at St. Omers. He here had the
opportunity of retracing the beautiful scenes with
which he had been familiar in his boyish days, and
enriched his portfolio with many interesting sketches.</p>

<p>The next year he visited the same beloved relatives
at Paris, and on that occasion a little circumstance
occurred, which it seems right to mention, both as
exhibiting the firmness with which he held his own
religious principles, and the respect paid to that firmness
by an individual who occupies a very important
place in the history of our times. As his stay in Paris
lasted some weeks, Sir Jahleel felt it his duty to
pay his respects to H. M. Louis Philippe, whom, as
Duke of Orleans, he had met in the Mediterranean,
and with whose mother, the Duchess of Orleans, he
had been intimately acquainted while Commissioner
at Port Mahon. It was not the season for public
presentations, and he therefore communicated his wish
in a private note addressed to one of the officers of
state, who had the charge of arranging such interviews;
and the reply fixed the following Sunday
evening for the time of reception. Sir Jahleel returned
an answer expressing his deep regret that he
could not obey the summons of His Majesty on that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_642" id="Page_642">[642]</a></span>
day, as it was one which he regarded as sacred, and
which he invariably devoted to other objects.</p>

<p>It is gratifying to be able to add the reply which
this answer obtained, and as the document is in existence,
it is well to repeat the original of a message, as
honourable to him who dictated it, as it was to him
who received it.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Palais de Neuilly, le 21 Juillet, 1834.</span></p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Aide de Camp de Service pres du Roi</span>,</p>

<p>“L’aide de Camp de Service a l’honneur d’informer
Monsieur le Contre Amiral Brenton, que le motif, qui l’a
empéché de venir hier a Neuilly a été apprecié par le Roi; et
que Sa Majesté l’y recevra demain Mardi 22 Juillet, a 8 heures
du Soir.”</p>

</div>

<p>At the time thus designated Sir Jahleel presented
himself at Neuilly. He was received by the King with
his usual condescension and kindness, and was introduced
to the Queen and the family circle by which he
was surrounded.</p>

<p>This interview was soon followed by an invitation to
dine at the Tuilleries, and the King apparently made
a point of testifying his respect for the scrupulous
firmness, with which the honour of his first invitation
had been declined.</p>

<p>During the latter part of Sir Jahleel’s residence at
Greenwich, he took great interest in the Society which
was formed for the relief of Shipwrecked Mariners, and
carried on an extensive correspondence on the subject.
He likewise wrote and published his Appeal to the
British Nation, on the state of the seamen, with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_643" id="Page_643">[643]</a></span>
intention of creating a feeling for the Sailors’ Home
and the Seamen’s Refuge; and this work was followed
by a more enlarged and pointed appeal, under the
title of “The Hope of the Navy.”</p>

<p>The publication of this work led to the following
letter from the excellent Mrs. Fry, which seems worth
inserting, as exhibiting the contest in her mind between
customs which she condemned, and principles
which she approved of and admired.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Upton West Ham, 10, 6, 1840.</span></p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">Dear Friend</span>,</p>

<p>“I now forward thee the answers from Thomas
Webber, and shall be much pleased if he can get into the Hospital
at Greenwich.</p>

<p>“I feel obliged by thy kind attention to my request. Previous
to my writing to thee, and thinking of the case of T. Webber,
I had written to Nisbet respecting thy book, advising its being
recommended for our ships of war. Thou knowest most probably
that my views are, that pure Christian principle must lead out of
all war, and bring peace eventually to all mankind; therefore I
could not encourage the circulation of any book that promoted
war. But I think in this the Christian spirit is so much upheld,
that it will on the whole promote the love of peace on earth, and
good will to men.</p>

<p>“I think the retirement of the country will be very pleasant to
Lady Brenton and thyself. I hope you will find it useful to you.</p>

<p>“I remain,</p>

<p class="center">“With Christian regard and esteem, thy friend,</p>

<p class="right">“ELIZABETH FRY.”</p>

</div>

<p>In these happy occupations, interrupted frequently
by severe attacks of gout, but always resumed as soon
as returning strength permitted; with a mind which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_644" id="Page_644">[644]</a></span>
watched the progress of events with anxiety, but which
drew from the faith by which it lived, a fund of cheerful
and overflowing kindness which nothing could
repress; he passed the years of his residence at
Greenwich. The death of his brother, Captain E.
Brenton, which took place after a very short illness in
1839, was a severe blow; and his own constitution
weakened by repeated attacks of the same debilitating
malady, led him to think that it might be
necessary to try change of air, as a palliative or a cure.
He went for this purpose to try the effect of the
German baths; and through Ostend, Brussels, and
Cologne, reached Wisbaden. The waters at first
appeared to succeed admirably. His strength and
spirits revived; the affectionate relatives with whom
he was travelling were delighted with his progress,
and flattered themselves with the hope that he was
to derive some marked and enduring improvement.
At this time however his youngest daughter was seized
with fever, which was pronounced to be typhus; and
from that moment, anxiety for her absorbed every
other feeling. Through the mercy of God her life was
spared, and the anxious parents were permitted to carry
back to England the child over which their anxieties
had been so painfully exercised. The union of intense
feeling and patient resignation which his conduct on
this occasion exhibited, struck even those, who had
been accustomed to see him on previous occasions of
trial; and left impressions which it has been their
delight subsequently to recall.</p>

<p>He returned to England, but shortly after his return<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_645" id="Page_645">[645]</a></span>
was seized with another fit of gout, more severe and
more tedious than any he had previously endured.
But even then, his sick-room is described as being the
abode of patience and of peace; and when he was not
actually suffering from severe pain, it was the scene of
constant cheerfulness. The tenderness of his feelings
for others overcame all sense of personal suffering, and
the gratitude which he shewed for every attention
however trifling, during his illness, was touching to all
who had anything to do with him.</p>

<p>With the spring of 1840 he began to recover his
strength, and the first use he made of that recovery
was to resume his labours for the good of others, and
to occupy himself with schemes of benevolence. It
was obvious however that his strength was no longer
equal to the exertions he had been accustomed to make.
The position that he occupied at Greenwich had likewise
lost some of its charms, for the promotion which
took place on the Queen’s coronation in 1838, would
have raised him to the rank of Vice-Admiral, and he
had indulged the hope, that the promise which was
made him on accepting the appointment, that his rank
should go on without the alternative of resignation,
would have been confirmed. This however was not
the case, and though the circumstances of his family induced
him to submit to what he regarded as a painful
degradation, by retaining the office at the sacrifice of
rank; it was not without a severe struggle that he
resigned the hope of active employment, and submitted
to the conditions imposed on his situation.</p>

<p>The events which have been previously mentioned<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_646" id="Page_646">[646]</a></span>
acted with greater power on a mind which had been
thus deprived of its chief object through life; and when
in 1840, a good service pension became available by
the death of Sir Sidney Smith; he determined on
exchanging his situation at Greenwich for that, and on
retiring from public life. His first removal was to
Casterton, near Kirkby Lonsdale, where he occupied
the Rectory house; and in that delightful scenery, and
in the society of the excellent family at the hall, he
found a retreat such as he had often imagined, but
perhaps had never met with before. Once settled there,
he began to enter into the objects of interest with
which he was surrounded; and it was hoped that the
change of air and scene might have had a decided and
beneficial effect on his health. His mind certainly was
cheered, and his professional feelings gratified, by a
letter received at this time from the Lords Commissioners
of the Admiralty, informing him that he had
been promoted to the rank of Vice-Admiral of the
Blue, and that his name was placed on the list of Flag
Officers of the fleet, in the order in which it would
have stood, if he had not been passed over in the promotion
of the 28th June, 1838.</p>

<p>His residence at Casterton did not however continue
beyond the first year. The climate was found too
humid, and the distance from medical advice was
severely felt by one, who was subject to sudden and
severe attacks, and who had been accustomed to the
advantages connected with Greenwich Hospital. On
leaving Casterton he took a house at Elford, in Staffordshire,
and while residing there, he published the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_647" id="Page_647">[647]</a></span>
memoir of his much beloved brother, Captain Edward
Pelham Brenton, which has been already named. He
explains in the work the motives which led him to
undertake it. In the year 1840 he also published a
pamphlet on the importance of the coast fishery, both
as forming a nursery for seamen, and as opening to our
increasing population a vast increase of the means of
subsistence.</p>

<p>In the midst of these calm and useful occupations
the love of his profession still retained its power. The
change of place and prolonged repose appeared to have
been beneficial to his health; with returning strength
his desire for active employment revived; and his health
and spirits having been renovated by a visit to Portsmouth,
he wrote to the First Lord of the Admiralty,
and asked for a command. This application would no
doubt have been complied with, and the last object of
his ambition attained, had it pleased God to spare his
life; but a cold caught early in the spring of the year
1844 brought on a fit of the gout, from which he never
rallied; and under this, his constitution shattered by
long extended suffering, gradually gave way. In the
commencement of this illness he expressed his firm
conviction, that he should not recover; but those
around him, who had seen him rally on former occasions,
and felt that all the warmth and energy of his
earlier years remained unbroken, were unwilling to
admit his apprehensions, and flattered themselves that
they arose only from the depressing effects of the
malady under which he laboured.</p>

<p>Three days previous to his death, Lady Brenton<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_648" id="Page_648">[648]</a></span>
was reading to him the fifty-ninth chapter of Isaiah,
and it drew from him some strong and striking declarations
of his own state. He dwelt in confession on
his own unworthiness, but added the expression of his
firm confidence and lively hope in the merits of his
Redeemer. He said that he felt that he had nothing
to plead, nothing to bring forward in his own behalf.
Free undeserved grace was his only hope; to that he
looked, and it was on that he rested; but it was in
the full assurance of faith that he did so.</p>

<p>This was his last conversation. From that time he
dozed almost incessantly, and seemed unwilling to be
disturbed to take the prescribed medicine. But as
soon as he perceived that the refusal distressed Lady
Brenton, who was his constant attendant, he immediately
made the required effort, and expressed his
regret at having given her pain. On the evening of
Saturday, April 2nd, his sister, Mrs. John Brenton,
found him sufficiently awake to converse for a few
minutes, when he inquired in his usual affectionate
manner after all the members of the family. He then
seemed pleased to find that she and Lady Brenton
were conversing together in his room, and expressed
the delight he felt at seeing those he loved around
him.</p>

<p>He passed a restless night, but the medical report
in the morning was rather favourable; indeed it was
so favourable, that every member of the family except
Lady Brenton, went to church both morning and
afternoon. Lady Brenton however during her solitary
watching, felt an undescribable alarm, for which she<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_649" id="Page_649">[649]</a></span>
could not account, except from the constant stupor of
her husband. Uneasy without being able to explain
the cause of her uneasiness, she longed for the hour
when his medical attendants would again visit him.
Providentially they were with her when the crisis
came, and they were standing with her by the bed side
when a sudden spasm came on, and in a moment all
was over, and the vital spark had fled.</p>

<p>The narrative of a man’s life is his character. It is
not the Editor’s wish to add to this memoir of Sir
Jahleel Brenton any laboured or detailed description
of its subject, for he feels, that if his readers have not
learnt to appreciate the man by his behaviour under
the various trials which have been included in the
narrative, it is hardly to be hoped that they should be
taught it by any other mode of representation. Had
space permitted, or had it been felt proper to draw
more largely from his correspondence, something no
doubt might have been added to the effect produced
by the story. Sir Jahleel left behind him many papers
on moral and religious topics, which do equal credit
to his head and heart, and which are interesting
evidences of the depth and seriousness of his feelings.
No one however who has perused the preceding pages
can doubt of the reality or the soundness of his religious
principles, and it is unnecessary to multiply evidence
of a fact, which all are agreed in believing. Some
regret is experienced in withholding the letters written
to his family, and the journals kept for their information
during his tours on the continent; for in addition
to the picture which they give of kind affectionate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_650" id="Page_650">[650]</a></span>
feelings, and playful kindness, they exhibit much
descriptive talent. But the sacredness of private communications
should never be violated without a cause;
and it can hardly be necessary to add a line to the
numberless instances of affection and regard which
abound throughout the narrative, in order to strengthen
the impression as to the character of Sir Jahleel in
these respects.</p>

<p>The Editor is happy to add that the First Lord
of the Admiralty, Lord Haddington, testified his sense
of the services he had rendered to his country by
promoting his son-in-law, Mr. Brenton Stewart, at the
earliest opportunity. If the life then which is now
submitted to the public is not one of unmixed
success or prosperity; if it is chequered by adverse
circumstances and occasional disappointments of just
and reasonable hope, it is not the less instructive on
that account; while the general result is still such as to
encourage imitation. The man who serves the world,
unquestionably, serves a hard master; and if he looks
to the world’s gratitude for his reward, he will most
probably be grievously disappointed. But the man
who serves God, while doing his duty in the world,
may still expect to meet the blessing of his master
even in the things of the world. These indeed are not
the reward he seeks, nor are they the real objects of
his pursuit; but in God’s overruling providence they
are generally given to those whose ways please Him;
and they may be thankfully received as tokens of his
favour, though they do not form the portion of His
children.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_651" id="Page_651">[651]</a></span></p>

<p>Under other circumstances Sir Jahleel might have
risen higher in his profession; his name might have
occupied a place among the great naval leaders of the
country; he might have been called to share in the
counsels of his sovereign; and his family might have
been left in affluence and distinction. But for one who
rises so high, hundreds fail; and thousands fall below the
mark of notice, and live and die unknown. The measure
of success which Sir Jahleel met with in his profession,
was perhaps as much as it was safe for man to have;
and those who saw the veneration with which he was
regarded in public, and the love and the affection with
which he was surrounded at home; the sense entertained
of his value by those who could appreciate
his character as an officer, and the regard and esteem
which his manners and conversation conciliated from
all; must have felt that the world had not much to
add where God had given so largely.</p>

<p>At all events, death, the great test of what is good
for man and evil, has now settled the question beyond
a doubt. If there were disappointments in his course,
they are forgotten, or only regarded as trials sent in
mercy, to prove the power of that grace by which they
were surmounted. If there were sufferings, sorrows,
afflictions, they are now seen to be means, by which a
Heavenly Father’s love subdued the wandering affections
of his child, and drew to Himself that heart
which was not to be given to the creature.</p>

<p>The very things that seemed to be against him are
doubtless now felt to have been for him; and the saint
in light recognizes the wisdom and the mercy which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_652" id="Page_652">[652]</a></span>
directed the discipline of the saint on earth. As such, his
narrative is offered with the more confidence to those,
who may with reason be urged to take his character
as their model for imitation; and the young man who
enters his profession with the spirit and the mind of
Sir Jahleel Brenton, may be well content to look
forward to an old age, cheered as his was, by the
recollection of past services, and rich in the enjoyment
of a peace which the world could neither give nor take
away.</p>

<hr />

<div class="footnotes">

<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> “This gallant officer has had his bravery rewarded by being promoted
to the rank of Post Captain, and now commands the Cæsar of eighty-four
guns, which at present bears the flag of Admiral Sir J. Saumarez.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Afterwards the Honourable William Walpole, a Post Captain.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> “I think it was on this occasion, that, one morning, as I was going in,
as usual, to early prayers, one of the men who had liberty to come into
the town, came to me, and advised me not to go into the prison; for the
men were ready to make an attempt upon my life, except I would
promise to send in the money, which he knew I would not do. I, however,
went in. The men crowded in a very tumultuous manner, in my
way. There was a great buzz and murmur, but no one spoke; and I
passed through them, and found my people as devout, and totally unaffected,
with the storm that was going forward around them, as if
they had been in another atmosphere. As I returned through the
passage, still crowded with the perturbators, a man came up to me, and
I then made up my mind, that the scene was going to begin. He was,
however, only come, as was usual every time I went in, to ask me to do
something for him; and I then passed through the crowd more dense
and tumultuous than before, without however being accosted by any
one. This sort of ebullition, fomented by the Commandant and his
people, while I durst not explain myself even to those in whom I had the
greatest confidence, occurred two or three times, during my residence
at Givet.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> “One evening, when some French persons in the town, were sitting
with me, some one desired to speak with me. I went out to him in the
ante-room, and he began to state to me, in a voice which must be audible
in the room where they were sitting, the ingratitude of the French
government towards him, and to request me to communicate to the
British Admiralty, a plan which he had discovered, of destroying a
whole fleet of ships of war. I simply told him, that I was there as a
minister of religion, and could not enter into anything of a military, or
political nature.</p>

<p>“At another time, the Count de L, a Flemish nobleman, introduced
himself to me, in what way, it does not now occur to me. I had not
the least suspicion of him; and even when my French friends cautioned
me, I thought they were only angry with him, because he spoke so much
against that people and government. Even this circumstance gave me
no distrust, because it was common with the Flemings. However, he
was so ultra in his remarks, saying that they had scarcely a human
countenance, and things equally absurd, that I inclined to the opposite side
of the question, and never said anything that could be laid hold of, not
from suspicion, but from a cautiousness, which had become habitual.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> “Dr. Lawmont, the surgeon of the ship commanded by the unfortunate
Captain Wright, and who afterwards practised as Physician at
Glasgow, obtained permission, about two years after my removal to
Givet, to go and reside at that depôt, in the exercise of his profession.
He was making the journey on foot, when a party of gens d’armes, who
were conducting some felons, overtook him; and in spite of his passport,
which he produced, he was strung to them by the hand, and marched to
the next brigade. What then would such persons do, under a condemnatory
order from the Minister of War.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> “Mr. Lee and Mr. Maude visited me at Givet, and went into the
hospital with me. I stayed behind to speak to the men, when one of
them took the opportunity to go out to them, and say, that he had not
received his share of some money which I had obtained for them from
Captain Brenton, and which from dishonesty on the part of a person he
employed, had not been paid to them. At that moment I came up, and
to the great surprise, I suppose, of the man, confirmed all that he had
said. I informed them that when the money had been paid, this man
was not in the depôt, and did not get his share; and if they would get it
for him, I should be very thankful; but having engaged the Captain to
pay the money a second time, out of his own pocket, I had not the heart
to apply to him a third. This they declined, and each of us gave the
man something.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> They were not all Wesleyans; but of that persuasion, jointly with
those that hold the Calvinistic tenets.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> “General Monleau, who would willingly have ordered the death of
half a dozen English in the mere hope of gratifying the Emperor, was
complaining in a large party one evening, of the total impossibility of
keeping the English midshipmen; and saying, that he had put them in
the strongest dungeons in vain. ‘Je vous indiquerai, general,’ said a
lady in company distinguished for her talents, ’un moyen sur.’ The
general was all ears. ‘Mettez les sur leur parole, les Anglois sont
esclaves de leur parole d’honneur.’”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> One day at dinner we were speaking of the final condemnation of
sinners. The brother of Colonel D’Ivory who had been in the army,
and was certainly a clever and intelligent man, said, ‘he did not understand
how it could be possible for a priest to go out of the world in a
state of condemnation.’ ‘Sir,’ said I, ‘did I understand you right?
suppose he were a wicked man?’ ‘Mais oui, Monsieur, á tel moment
que ce soit, il peut se confesser!’</p>

<p>At another time, I was laughing with a very sensible officer, who had
been in the English army, at ignorant persons, who thought that any
thing which had touched a certain image in that neighbourhood, was a
preservative against the bite of a mad dog; when he took a silver ring
from his finger, and said, ‘how then do you think I have been preserved
from being bit all these years, but by this ring, which has been rubbed
against the image?’</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> “One day, previous to his departure, I was sitting in my room
writing, when a gentleman was shewn in, dressed in the most elegant
French uniform I had, perhaps, ever seen. Not having the least idea
who it was, I bowed to him, and spoke to him in French. To my
great astonishment, he answered in English, that, ‘understanding there
would, probably, come some money for some of the men who were
gone into the French service, he should be much obliged to me if I
would forward it.’ I answered, I fear rather too angrily, ‘that I should
certainly send the money back.’ ‘Then, sir,’ said he, ‘I have done my
duty, and you will do yours.’ ‘I do not know, sir,’ I answered ‘what
your notions of duty may be; but certainly, I shall not fail to do
mine.’ He bowed, with extreme confusion marked in his face, and
hastily went away.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a></p>

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Paris le</span> 10. xbre. 1806.</p>

<p>“Je tous annonce avec plaisir Monsieur que vous venez d’obtenir
votre échange contre Le Capitaine Infirmet cidevant Commandant le
Vaisseau de sa Majesté L’Intrepide.</p>

<p>“Votre passeport pour vous, votre famille et le Docteur Grès vous sera
remis par Mr. Le General Commandant la 22 Division militaire, et je
donne des ordres á Morlaix pour que vous soyez antorisè á y freter un
Parlementaire qui vous conduira dans votre Patrie.</p>

<p>“Je sais le plaisir que cette nouvelle vous causera, et il m’est agréable
d’avoir â vous lánnoncer.</p>

<p>“Recevez Monsieur L’assurance de ma considération distinguée.</p>

<p class="right">“DECRES.</p>

<p class="noindent">“<span class="smcap">M. Brenton, Capne. de Vaisseau a Tours.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> One of Mrs. Cutler’s sons had been taken in the Minerve as a Midshipman.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> “I have often heard this exciting circumstance mentioned, and the
impatience with which the sailors obeyed my brother’s orders not to fire
in return for the enemy’s shot; observing, as he says, that their fire deprived
them of the breeze. The sailors were heard to say that they did
not so much care for themselves, but it was too hard their poor captain
should so soon be shut up in a French prison again.”</p>

<p class="right">F. B.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Correspondence and Memoirs of Lord Collingwood, p. 554.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Three Russian line of battle ships which had been long at Trieste.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> The late Lieutenant General Sir Hudson Lowe.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> My brother has often conversed with us on the subject of courage,
and drawn the distinction between moral and physical courage. He felt
that his was not natural but acquired. His first trial was at the age of
seven, when he first went to sea with his father. A supposed enemy
came in sight, and the ship cleared for action. My two brothers (for
they were both on board) immediately sought a secure hiding place, but
their father discovering their intention, called them, and with a stern
voice told them, that if they attempted to run from the enemy’s guns,
he would immediately shoot them. The threat was believed, though it
was totally in opposition to my father’s nature, and the greater and
immediate danger superseded the one which had been anticipated. My
brothers remained by the side of their father on deck: but the threat was
never forgotten, and the dread of disgrace soon became stronger with
them, than that of death. The next time I heard of my brothers having
incurred their father’s displeasure, was, during their residence in France,
a very few years later, when he discovered that they had challenged
some French boys, to fight with them. He, upon this occasion, thought
it necessary to repress their courage, and confined them to the house for
the day; when they wept bitterly, and declared themselves disgraced in
not being permitted to fight the promised battle. Sir Jahleel has often
told me that in going into action, he had always an anxious feeling till
the first shot was fired; but from that moment he thought of nothing but
the cause in which he was engaged.</p>

<p class="right">F. B.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Of the accuracy of this little sketch, I can bear witness, for it was my
privilege to accompany my husband to Portsmouth, that we might share
either in the joys or sorrows of my poor anxious sister. On our way from
London my husband met a brother officer, who told him that rumours
prevailed at Portsmouth of my brother’s death; he concealed this information
from me, and of course suffered doubly himself in consequence. It
was however his happy privilege in the course of a few hours, to be the
first to welcome our wounded brother on his anchoring at the Motherbank,
and to give him the joyful intelligence that his wife and children
had arrived at Portsmouth, and only waited his permission to come off,
and share in his quarantine. My brother would not allow my husband
to come on board, as we should have been deprived of his protection and
society till the period of the quarantine had expired. The kind consideration
of the First Lord of the Admiralty, however, shortened the
period, and rendered it unnecessary for Mrs. Brenton to go on board.
We had only time to secure a lodging for our dear invalid, (as near to
Haslar hospital as possible, that he might have the full benefit of the
medical attendance there) before he was brought on shore. I shall never
forget his emaciated appearance as they brought him from the landing
place, in an arm chair rigged upon poles by the sailors, who brought him
most carefully; he was himself enveloped in flags, and followed by a
crowd of spectators. His sick room seemed to be what he has described,
an abode of perfect happiness. His patience and cheerfulness never
failed him, and his gratitude to all those who had the privilege of approaching
him, and assisting in any way towards his comfort or amusement
was unbounded. Very soon after his return to us, he was able to
use his pencil, and retraced the events of the 3rd of May. Paintings
and engravings have been taken from these sketches, which are now in
my possession.</p>

<p class="right">F. B.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Mr. Tucker became, successively, Private Secretary to the Earl of
St. Vincent, when he was First Lord of the Admiralty; Commissioner of
the Navy; and Deputy Surveyor General of the Duchy of Cornwall.
He died at his estate, Trematon Castle.</p>

<p class="right">F. B.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Captain Bathurst was killed at the battle of Navarino when commanding
the Genoa.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> About two shillings sterling.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Now Major General Sir William Warre, K. C. B.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Barrow, Vol. I. p. 311.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> General Sir James Craig’s observation on Hottentots, extracted from
Barrow’s Travels in South Africa, vol. I. p. 372.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> The larder is a species of white mullet.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> The Editor cannot do otherwise on this occasion than direct his
readers’ attention to a little volume which was drawn up by Sir
Jahleel, which on many accounts deserves notice; viz.—“The Memoir
of Captain Edward Pelham Brenton, R.N. C.B., with Sketches of his
Professional Life, and Exertions in the Cause of Humanity.”—<i>8vo.,
Nisbet, London.</i></p>

</div>

</div>

<p class="center smaller">T. THOMAS, PRINTER, EASTGATE ROW, CHESTER.</p>








<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 58746 ***</div>

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