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<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 57750 ***</div>


<div class="transnote">
<p class="center larger">Transcriber’s Notes</p>
<div class="covernote">
<p class="center">Cover created by Transcriber, using artwork on the original cover; the
result has been placed in the Public Domain.</p>
</div>
<p class="center">Transcriber’s notes, including explanations of how
accented text is represented, will be found <a href="#Transcribers_Notes">after</a> the Index.</p>
</div>

<div id="i_frontis" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 24.6875em;">
  <img src="images/i_001.jpg" width="395" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">GŪR AMĪR, THE MAUSOLEUM OF TAMERLANE</div></div>

<h1 class="wspace">THE HEART OF ASIA</h1>

<p class="center large vspace wspace"><span class="smcap">A History of Russian Turkestan<br />
and the Central Asian Khanates<br />
from the Earliest Times</span></p>

<p class="p2 center"><span class="small">BY</span></p>

<p class="center vspace"><span class="large">FRANCIS HENRY SKRINE</span><br />
<span class="small">FORMERLY A MEMBER OF H.M. INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE</span></p>

<p class="p1 center"><span class="small">AND</span></p>

<p class="center vspace"><span class="large">EDWARD DENISON ROSS, <span class="smcap">Ph.D.</span></span><br />
<span class="small">PROFESSOR OF PERSIAN AT UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON</span></p>

<p class="p2 center vspace"><span class="small">WITH 19 ILLUSTRATIONS FROM SKETCHES BY VERESTCHAGIN<br />
NUMEROUS PHOTOGRAPHS AND 2 MAPS</span></p>

<p class="p2 center vspace larger"><span class="wspace">METHUEN &amp; CO.</span><br />
<span class="gesperrt">36 ESSEX STREET, W.C.<br />
LONDON</span><br />
<span class="smaller">1899</span>
</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">v</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2>
</div>

<table id="toc" summary="Contents">
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap gesperrt" colspan="3"><a href="#PART_I">PART I</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="3">FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE RUSSIAN OCCUPATION</td></tr>
  <tr class="small">
    <td class="tdr top">CHAP.</td>
    <td> </td>
    <td class="tdr">PAGE</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">I.</td>
    <td class="tdl">EARLIEST TIMES TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">3</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">II.</td>
    <td class="tdl">BACTRIANS AND PARTHIANS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">10</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">III.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE HUNS AND THE YUÉ-CHI</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">14</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">IV.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE SĀSĀNIDES, THE EPHTHALITES, AND THE TURKS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">22</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">V.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE RISE OF ISLAM AND INVASIONS OF THE ARABS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">34</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">VI.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE FIRST EASTERN CAMPAIGNS OF KUTAYBA IBN MUSLIM</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">45</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">VII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">KUTAYBA’S LAST CAMPAIGNS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">56</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">VIII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">KUTAYBA’S FALL AND DEATH</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">63</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">IX.</td>
    <td class="tdl">KUTAYBA’S SUCCESSORS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">67</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">X.</td>
    <td class="tdl">NASR IBN SAYYĀR AND ABŪ MUSLIM</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">77</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XI.</td>
    <td class="tdl">KHORĀSĀN UNDER THE FIRST ABBĀSIDS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">84</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE CALIPHATES OF EL-MANSŪR, EL-HĀDI, AND HĀRŪN ER-RASHĪD</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">90</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XIII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">DECLINE OF THE CALIPHS’ AUTHORITY IN KHORĀSĀN. THE TĀHIRIDES</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">98</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XIV.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE SAFFĀRIDES AND THE RISE OF THE SĀMĀNIDES</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">103</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XV.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE SĀMĀNIDES</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">109</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XVI.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE KARA-KHĀNIDES, OR UÏGHŪRS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">114</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XVII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE GHAZNAVIDES AND THE RISE OF THE SELJŪKS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">123</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XVIII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE SELJŪKS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">129</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XIX.</td>
    <td class="tdl">SULTAN SANJAR AND THE KARA-KHITĀYS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">136</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XX.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE KHWĀRAZM-SHĀHS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XX">144</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XXI.</td>
    <td class="tdl">CHINGIZ KHĀN</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXI">149</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XXII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">MONGOL INVASION OF CENTRAL ASIA</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXII">155</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XXIII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE LINE OF CHAGHATĀY</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIII">160</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XXIV.</td>
    <td class="tdl">TĪMŪR, THE GREAT AMĪR</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIV">165</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XXV.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE SUCCESSORS OF TĪMŪR</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXV">173</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">vi</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XXVI.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE SHAYBĀNIDES</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVI">182</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XXVII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE HOUSE OF ASTRAKHAN</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVII">194</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XXVIII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE HOUSE OF MANGIT</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVIII">204</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XXIX.</td>
    <td class="tdl">AMĪR NASRULLAH, A BOKHĀRAN NERO</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIX">211</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap gesperrt" colspan="3"><a href="#PART_II">PART II</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="3">RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">I.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE MAKING OF RUSSIA</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_I">225</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">II.</td>
    <td class="tdl">CROSSING THE THRESHOLD OF ASIA</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_II">238</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">III.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE STRUGGLE WITH THE KHĀNATES</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_III">250</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">IV.</td>
    <td class="tdl">TURKOMANIA AND THE TURKOMANS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_IV">262</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">V.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE LAST STEP IN ADVANCE</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_V">284</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">VI.</td>
    <td class="tdl">THE CENTRAL ASIAN RAILWAYS</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_VI">306</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">VII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">TRANSCASPIA IN 1898</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_VII">320</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">VIII.</td>
    <td class="tdl">ASKABAD AND MERV</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_VIII">340</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">IX.</td>
    <td class="tdl">BOKHĀRĀ, A PROTECTED NATIVE STATE</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_IX">357</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">X.</td>
    <td class="tdl">SAMARKAND</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_X">386</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdr top">XI.</td>
    <td class="tdl">FRIENDS OR FOES?</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#CHAPTER_P2_XI">408</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">APPENDIX I</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#APPENDIX_I">417</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">APPENDIX II</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#APPENDIX_II">424</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">INDEX</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#INDEX">429</a></td></tr>
</table>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">vii</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS">LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>
</div>

<table id="loi" summary="Illustrations">
  <tr class="small">
    <td> </td>
    <td class="tdr" colspan="2">PAGE</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">GŪR AMĪR, THE MAUSOLEUM OF TAMERLANE (<i>VERESTCHAGIN</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr" colspan="2"><a href="#i_frontis"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">SO-CALLED SARCOPHAGUS OF ALEXANDER IN CONSTANTINOPLE</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>photograph</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_9">9</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">THE RAHLA, OR READING DESK, OUTSIDE THE MOSQUE OF BĪBĪ KHĀNŪM, SAMARKAND</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>photograph</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_38">38</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">CENTRAL ASIAN TYPES</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>VERESTCHAGIN</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_47">47</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">GENERAL VIEW OF BOKHĀRĀ</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>photograph</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_66">66</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">RELIGIOUS MENDICANT, BOKHĀRĀ</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>VERESTCHAGIN</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_92">92</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">A JEWISH CHILD OF BOKHĀRĀ</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>photograph</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_106">106</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">CENTRAL ASIAN TYPES</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>VERESTCHAGIN</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_124">124</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">CENTRAL ASIAN TYPES</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_126">126</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">MAUSOLEUM OF SULTAN SANJAR, OLD MERV</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>photograph</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_138">138</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">NOMADS CHANGING CAMP</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>VERESTCHAGIN</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_151">151</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">DERVISHES OF THE NAKSHABANDI ORDER</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_170">170</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">INTERIOR OF TAMERLANE’S MAUSOLEUM</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>photograph</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_172">172</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">THE TOMB OF TAMERLANE</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_172b">172</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">INTERIOR OF A KIRGHIZ TENT</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>VERESTCHAGIN</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_183">183</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">DECORATIONS IN THE SHĀH ZINDA, SAMARKAND</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>photograph</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_192">192</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">COURTYARD OF A HOUSE IN SAMARKAND</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_212">212</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">ENTRANCE TO THE SHĀH ZINDA, SAMARKAND</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_235">235</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">THE SEA OF SAND IN THE KARA-KUM DESERT (1)</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_263">263</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">THE SEA OF SAND IN THE KARA-KUM DESERT (2)</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_263b">263</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">TURKOMAN MUSICIANS</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_283">283</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">VIEW FROM THE INTERIOR OF THE FORT OF GEOK TEPPE</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>photograph</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_292">292</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_viii">viii</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">DIVANIS, OR DERVISHES</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>VERESTCHAGIN</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_307">307</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">GENERAL KURAPATKINE</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>photograph</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_323">323</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">A GROUP OF TURKOMANS AT ASKABAD STATION</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_345">345</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">RUINS OF OLD MERV</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_353">353</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">HINDUS OF BOKHĀRĀ</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_367">367</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">THE MINĀR KALĀN AT BOKHĀRĀ</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_374">374</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">PRISONERS OF THE AMĪR OF BOKHĀRĀ</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_376">376</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">A BOKHĀRĀ BEAUTY AND HER TWO CHILDREN</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_382">382</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">SHĪR DĀR MADRASA, SAMARKAND</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_390">390</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">THE BĪBĪ KHĀNŪM</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_392">392</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">THE MARKET NEAR BĪBĪ KHĀNŪM, SAMARKAND</td>
    <td class="tdc in1">”</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_398">398</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">BAZAAR POLITICS</td>
    <td class="tdr l2">(<i>VERESTCHAGIN</i>)</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_414">414</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc chap" colspan="3">MAPS</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">THE ADVANCE OF RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_257">257</a></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">CENTRAL ASIA</td>
    <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_428">428</a></td></tr>
</table>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">ix</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">A time</span> when Russia’s movements in the East are
being watched by all with such keen interest seems
a fitting one for the appearance of a work dealing
with her Central Asian possessions. “That eternal
struggle between East and West,” to quote Sir
William Hunter’s apt phrase, has made Russia
supreme in Central Asia, as it has made England
mistress of India: and thus it has come to pass
that two of the greatest European Powers find
themselves face to face on the Asiatic Continent.
On the results of that contact depends the future
of Asia.</p>

<p>Ten years have elapsed since Lord Curzon
of Kedleston published his work entitled <i>Russia
in Central Asia</i>, and in the interval no book
on this subject has appeared in English. The
intervening period has been one of change—almost
of transformation—in the countries so
brilliantly described by the present Viceroy of
India.</p>

<p>The authors of the present work have visited
independently the land of which they write,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">x</span>
and each may claim to have had exceptional
facilities for studying those questions in which
they were most interested.</p>

<p>Professor Ross is responsible for the greater
part of the research in the historical chapters. He
has laid under contribution many Persian, Arabic,
and Russian authorities hitherto inaccessible to
persons unacquainted with those languages; and
has aimed at offering, for the first time in any
language, a consecutive history of Central Asian
events from the earliest days. His task has been
lightened by the generous help of Sir Henry
Howorth, M.P.; Mr. Percy Gardner, of Oxford;
M. Drouin, of Paris; and especially of Mr. E. G.
Browne, of Cambridge. The historical portion
does not claim to be exhaustive, but rather introductory,
and, such being the case, certain omissions
were perhaps inevitable. Thus, for example, the
engrossing subjects of Mediæval travel and Christianity
in Central Asia—which have already been
exhaustively dealt with by Colonel Yule and
others—have been but lightly touched on. If,
again, such famous men as Chingiz Khān and
Tamerlane have been somewhat briefly dismissed,
less known figures, such as Kutayba ibn Muslim,
have been brought from comparative oblivion into
a prominence more worthy the important parts
they played in Central Asian history.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">xi</span>
It has been Mr. Skrine’s province to describe
the mechanism of government, the development
of railways and commerce, and the social life in
the great cities. He owes much to the help of
Monsieur P. Lessar, Chancellor of the Russian
Embassy; Colonel C. G. Stewart, C.S.I., our
Consul-General of Odessa; Monsieur de Klemm,
of the Turkestān Staff; Colonel Brunelli, Commandant
of Transcaspian Railway Rifles; and
Colonel Arandarenko, District Officer of Merv.
He is also indebted to the proprietors of the
<i>Standard</i> and <i>Pioneer</i> for the permission to use
literary matter which has already appeared in their
journals. In the important matter of illustrations
the authors desire to acknowledge the generous
kindness which prompted M. Verestchagin to consent
to the reproduction of his admirable drawings.
They have to thank, too, Sir Archibald Buchan
Hepburn, Bart. of Smeaton Hepburn, and Mr. A.
Adam of Steeton Hall, for lending them a series
of most interesting photographs of Central Asian
scenes.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">1</span></p>

<div class="chapter vspace gesperrt larger">
<h2 class="notbold" id="PART_I">PART I<br />

<span class="subhead">FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE<br />RUSSIAN OCCUPATION</span>
</h2></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">3</span></p>

<hr />

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_I" class="vspace">CHAPTER I<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Earliest Times to the Death of Alexander</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> history of Central Asia is that of the cradle of
mankind. He who seeks to evolve it from the mass of
nebulous tradition is brought into contact with the traces
of widely diverse nationalities and religions, and must
consult in turn the annals of the Iranians, Greeks, Scythians,
Chinese, Turks, and Russians. We propose in the
following chapters to review the principal events enacted
in that portion of Central Asia which is vaguely styled
Turkestān, and is bounded on the north and east by the
Sir Darya and the Hindu Kush, and on the west by the
Caspian Sea.</p>

<p>The earliest references to Turkestān that have reached
us are contained in the Indian and Iranian epics, and
give some colour to the theory that the Pamirs were the
birthplace of the Aryan race.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a></p>

<p>The ancients gave the name of <i>Bactria</i> to the tract
lying between the Oxus and the mountains of the
Paropamisus.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a></p>

<p>The earliest mention of Bactria<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> is preserved in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">4</span>
inscription of Behistūn, dating back to the sixth century
<span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span>, in which it is included in the list of the satrapies
belonging to the Persian Empire of Darius <span class="smcap">II.</span> Cyrus <span class="smcap">I.</span>
subdued this country, and, according to Ctesias,<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> Bactria
was the first of his conquests in Eastern Asia. The
founder of the Persian Empire carried his arms as far as
the Jaxartes (or Sīhūn), on the other side of which roamed
the Massagetæ (<span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 550), and near it he built a city
called Cyropolis.<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> The annexation of Bactria involved
that of Margiana, Khorazmia,<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> and Soghdiana. From
Greek sources we learn that under the rule of Darius
Hystaspes (<span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 521–492) these districts were reckoned
among the Persian satrapies; although the authority of
the Achæmenians was probably but slight there. It is
not unlikely that all the eastern countries mentioned in
the oldest Darius inscriptions as “subdued,” or “rebellious,”
had already belonged to Cyrus, and that he
ruled over Khorazmia and Soghdiana.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a></p>

<p>The Persian monarchy finally fell before the overwhelming
might and genius of Alexander of Macedon.
In the space of four years (<span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 334–331) he carried
his victorious arms from the eastern shores of the Mediterranean<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">5</span>
to Persepolis, overthrowing Darius <span class="smcap">II.</span> at Issus
in <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 333, and again at Gaugamela<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> in <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 331. The
latter defeat was the deathblow of the Persian monarchy.
Darius fled in an easterly direction, accompanied by a
still considerable army, determined if possible to enter
Bactria. Alexander took and plundered Persepolis and
Pasargadæ, the cradle of the Persian dynasty, and then
set out in pursuit of Darius, who had reached Ecbatana,
the capital of Media. But at this crisis Bessus, the
governor of Bactria and commander of the contingent of
that province, in conjunction with other Persian nobles,
seized on the person of the king and laid him in chains.
Their design was to conciliate Alexander, should he
overtake them, by giving up Darius alive; while in the
event of their escaping, they proposed to murder the
prisoner, usurp his crown, and begin a new war.</p>

<p>Bessus won over the whole army by intimidation and
promises, placed the fallen monarch in a covered chariot,
and set out again from Ecbatana, where Alexander arrived
five days later. The conqueror followed them with all
possible despatch. On reaching the Caspian Straits he
halted to rest his troops; but when news was brought
him of the treachery of Bessus, he at once continued his
march. The latter, on hearing that Alexander was
rapidly overtaking him, was filled with terror, and
entreated Darius to mount his horse and flee with him.
The fallen emperor refused to follow a band of traitors;
whereupon the conspirators, roused to fury, transfixed
him with javelins, and left him weltering in his blood.</p>

<p>Alexander came up only a few moments after he had
expired. It is on record that he lamented the “too
severe a fate” of his illustrious foe, and caused his body<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">6</span>
to be embalmed and buried with every demonstration of
respect. He then set out on a fresh career of conquest,
overrunning the whole country now occupied by Khorāsān,
Sīstān, Belūchistān, Kandahār, and Kābulistān.</p>

<p>Meanwhile Bessus hastened back to his satrapy of
Bactria, and assumed sovereignty under the name of
Artaxerxes <span class="smcap">IV.</span> That he was able for a brief period to
hold his own was due only to the fact that Alexander
wished to secure possession of other districts in Eastern
Persia before advancing against Bactria and Soghdiana.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 329 the conqueror recrossed the Hindu Kush.
The first town in the Bactrian valley which he came upon
was Drapsaca (corresponding with modern Andarab),
where he made a halt of a few days. Thence with an
army of 25,000 men he took Aornos (Gori or Khulum)
and Bactria (Balkh). Bessus, at the head of a small
body of men who remained faithful,—for on hearing
of the approach of Alexander many thousands of his
Bactrians abandoned him,—crossed the Oxus, burning
all the boats which he had made use of, and withdrew to
Nautaca.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a></p>

<p>Alexander did not wait to replace the boats, but
crossed the river with his whole army on skins and sacks
stuffed with straw.</p>

<p>The timidity of Bessus had probably disgusted his
few remaining followers, who now turned against him.
His chief confidant Spitamenes seized and led him bound
before Alexander, who sent him to Ecbatana to be
judged and executed as a traitor by the Persians.</p>

<p>Alexander next turned towards Marcanda (Samarkand),
the capital of Soghdiana, which he took. Placing
therein a considerable garrison, he laid waste the surrounding
country. Thence he advanced to the banks of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">7</span>
the river Jaxartes or Sīhūn, the Sir Darya of our days,
which he believed to be the Tanaïs, or Don.</p>

<p>The point at which he reached the Jaxartes is
probably the site of the modern Khojend: there he determined
to build a town, but the execution of his design
was retarded by a rebellion of the Soghdians and the
Bactrians. The natives also overpowered the garrisons
which he had established in seven different towns on the
banks of the Jaxartes, the most important of which was
Cyropolis. Alexander crushed the rebels and re-established
his authority on the Jaxartes in the course of
a few days.</p>

<p>At this juncture he received news of two serious
events. The Sacæ, or Scythians, had collected an army
on the opposite bank of the river; while Spitamenes, in
whom, owing to his past conduct, he had placed reliance,
was besieging the Macedonian garrison left at Marcanda.
Alexander despatched a considerable force against Spitamenes,
while he himself turned towards the Jaxartes, on
the left bank of which he built a city in the space of seventeen
days, calling it Alexandria according to his custom.
It was surrounded by a wall 60 stadia<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> in circumference.
Hemmed in as he now was by enemies on all sides, and
weakened by sickness, he stood in great need of that
magnificent self-confidence which is the birthright of
conquerors. Moreover, his army was becoming disheartened,
and was disinclined to attempt the passage
of the river in the teeth of an enemy drawn up in battle
array on the opposite bank. But he was daunted by no
difficulty or danger. After completing his new capital
he ordered the construction of a multitude of rafts, on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">8</span>
which he carried his whole army in safety, fell on the
Scythians, and put them to utter rout. They recognised
the uselessness of further resistance, and sent envoys to
announce their submission.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the division which had been sent to
relieve the garrison of Marcanda had been annihilated
by Spitamenes in the valley of the Polytimetus, or
Zarafshan. On hearing of this disaster Alexander set
out in haste for Marcanda, which he reached in four
days. Spitamenes on the first news of his approach fled
into Bactria. Alexander started in pursuit, but, despairing
of overtaking him, turned back and laid waste the
whole valley.</p>

<p>He took up his winter quarters in Zariaspa.<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> During
this winter (<span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 329–328) he received reinforcements
from Greece of 19,000 men, which enabled him to overrun
Margiana in the following spring. There remained
now but one stronghold unsubdued, namely, Petra
Oxiana,<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> which was provisioned for two years, and
defended by a Soghdian named Arimazes.<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> It finally
capitulated, and its brave defender, together with his
relatives and the principal nobility, were crucified by the
exasperated conqueror.</p>

<div id="ip_9" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_009.jpg" width="600" height="383" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><p>SO-CALLED SARCOPHAGUS OF ALEXANDER</p>

<p>PRESERVED IN CONSTANTINOPLE</p></div></div>

<p>Alexander established two fortresses south of the
town of Margiana or Merv, corresponding with the
modern Sarakhs and Meruchak. He next turned eastwards
into Bactria, and on his way established four more
strongholds, on the sites of the modern Meimena,
Andakūy, Shaburgān, and Saripul. From Bactria he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">9</span>
returned to Marcanda, whence he probably made several
expeditions into the surrounding country.<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a></p>

<p>His old enemy Spitamenes, after repeatedly attacking
the Macedonian garrisons in Soghdia and Bactria, was at
length killed by a band of nomads, and his head was sent
to Alexander. Having now entirely subdued Soghdiana,
Alexander retired for the winter to Nautaca. It was at
this time that the tragic death of Cleitus occurred at the
hands of the master whom he had loved and served so
well.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 327 Alexander set out on the conquest of
India, leaving in Bactria a contingent of 10,000 foot and
3000 cavalry for the maintenance of order.</p>

<p>His career has left an indelible impression on the
Oriental mind, which is slow to grasp new ideas, but
extremely tenacious of them when formed. He is
associated throughout Islam with the “Two Horned”
(Zulkarnayn) of the Koran, and his exploits are the
daily theme of professional story-tellers in the market-places
of Central Asia.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">10</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_II" class="vspace">CHAPTER II<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Bactrians and Parthians</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">At</span> the epoch of Alexander’s death the satrapy of
Bactria and Soghdiana was held by his general, Amyntas.
The death of the young conqueror was the signal for a
mutiny among the Macedonian soldiers who had remained
in that country, which was, however, immediately put
down. Amyntas was removed from his satrapy and
superseded by Philippus of Elymeus, who, within the
space of a year, was appointed to Parthia and succeeded
by Stasanor.<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a></p>

<p>The latter held his post until <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 301, when these
provinces passed into the hands of another of Alexander’s
generals, Seleucus <span class="smcap">I.</span> (Nicator), who since <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span>
312 had been in virtual possession of the greater part of
his late master’s conquered possessions.<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> Hitherto the
allegiance of Bactria had been of a doubtful character—but
it was now finally established.</p>

<p>In 305 he entered on a campaign against Chandra
Gupta, a powerful Indian king who was endeavouring to
regain the realms conquered by Alexander.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">11</span>
At his hands Seleucus suffered a crushing defeat, in
consequence of which he was obliged to abandon all the
territory between the Indus and the Paropamisus except
Alexandria of the Caucasus.<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> This was the first dismemberment
of the gigantic empire. The terrible civil
war which began immediately after the death of Alexander
lasted, almost without interruption, for forty-two
years, when the Macedonians were at last compelled
to renounce all hopes of ruling the world.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 280 Seleucus was assassinated by one of his
officers, and was succeeded by Antiochus <span class="smcap">I.</span> In <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 256,
under the rule of Antiochus <span class="smcap">II.</span>, Diodotus, known as
“Governor of the thousand cities of Bactria,” threw off
his allegiance and assumed sovereignty, thus founding
the Græco-Bactrian kingdom.<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> Polybius<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> tells us that
Diodotus was superseded by Euthydemus, who was in
the enjoyment of power at the time of Antiochus the
Great’s expedition to the East—about <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 208.</p>

<p>Euthydemus was defeated by Antiochus, but appealed
to his victor’s generosity, and pointed out the grave
danger that would arise if he were obliged to call in the
aid of the Scythians, who were already hovering on the
Chinese frontier of his dominions.<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> Antiochus finally
agreed to acknowledge his independence.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 250 a certain Arsaces, who seems by his coins
to have been the chief of a band of Dahæ Scythians
dwelling near the Oxus, overthrew Andragoras, nominally
satrap of Parthia, and set himself up as king of Parthia.<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">12</span>
He was the founder of the famous dynasty of the
Arsacidæ. As Mr. Gardner<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> observes, the “so-called
history of Parthia is really the history of Central Asia
under the Arsacidæ.”</p>

<p>After a reign of two years he was killed in battle,
leaving his kingdom to his brother Tiridates, who was
the real founder of the Parthian power. The fifth king
of this dynasty was Mithridates (<span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 190), who extended
his conquests to such a degree that, according to Justin,
his sway included the Himalayas and the Euphrates.<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a>
He also compelled Eucratides, the powerful king of
Bactria, who had come to the throne about <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 170,
to cede certain districts of his kingdom.</p>

<p>After a glorious reign he died about <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 140, and
was succeeded by his brother Phraates.<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> The Syrian
Empire of the Seleucidæ was fast falling to pieces, and
Parthia was never again invaded by the Greeks. But a
more terrible foe was approaching from the East,<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> for it
now came into collision with a Scythian band, called
“Su” or “Se” in the Chinese annals, which in the
second century <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> had overrun the provinces bordering
the Jaxartes. They are identical with the Sacæ of
classical writers, and were afterwards known in Upper
India as the Sakas. Phraates<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> summoned a band of
these savages to aid him against the Syrian Antiochus.
Arriving at the scene of action too late to be of service
in the campaign, they turned against him, defeated his
army and slew him.</p>

<p>He was succeeded by his nephew Artabanus <span class="smcap">II.</span>, who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">13</span>
after a brief reign fell in battle against the Thogari,<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a>
mentioned by Strabo as one of the four great Saka
tribes.<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> His son Mithridates <span class="smcap">II.</span>, justly distinguished by
the appellation “Great,” revived the fading glories of the
Parthian Empire. He commenced his reign by administering
several crushing defeats to the Sakas, from
whom he wrested the greater portion of Bactria. But he
was destined to meet a foe more worthy of his steel, and
finally to submit after a lifelong struggle. The Romans
had entered on the career of foreign conquest which seems
inevitable in the case of a powerful republic. Greece was
theirs, and they had planted their eagles in Asia Minor.</p>

<p>Between <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 88 and 63 Mithridates waged three
wars of extreme ferocity against the future conquerors of
the world, and inspired them with a dread which they
had not felt since the invasion of Hannibal.<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> Not till
the latter year did this great monarch acknowledge the
supreme might of Rome, and then his indomitable spirit
forbade him to sink to the condition of tributary.
Defeated by Pompey on the Euphrates, he fled to the
Caucasian Bosphorus,<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> and was planning fuller resistance
when the rebellion of his son rendered his schemes nugatory.
He slew himself in despair, leaving a reputation
which still echoes in the Crimea and Northern Caucasus.</p>

<p>From the period down to <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 226 the history of
Parthia is one of continual struggle and crime, which
finally exhausted the emperor’s strength and rendered it
an easy prey to a Roman invader.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">14</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_III" class="vspace">CHAPTER III<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Huns and the Yué-Chi</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">It</span> is to Chinese sources that we must turn for an
account of the tribes which overthrew Græco-Bactrian
rule, and were a constant thorn in the side of the
Parthian Empire. These sources, with faint sidelights
thrown on an obscure period by allusions to be found
in classic authors, enable us to bridge a gap of several
centuries replete with events which exercised a lasting
influence on the history of Central Asia.</p>

<p>The Chow dynasty ruled from <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 1122 to <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 250.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a>
After its fall China split up into a vast number of nearly
independent principalities, and the reigning sovereign
enjoyed but little power. The Tsin succeeded in gaining
the foremost rank as feudatories, and finally restored the
authority of the central power. Their aim was not
achieved without a desperate struggle with their rivals.
In the course of the resulting civil war Tsin Chi
Hwang-ti began his reign. He was the Louis <span class="smcap">XI.</span> of
the Chinese monarchy, and brought force and stratagem by
turns to bear on the task of restoring the imperial prestige.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">15</span>
When he found himself master at home, he turned
his attention to the task of protecting his frontier from
aggressors. Of these, the Hiung-nu, a Tartar tribe whose
habitat was Eastern Mongolia, were the most troublesome.
He carried the war into the enemy’s camp by
despatching an army across the great Gobi Desert, with
orders to establish a strong place at Hami.<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> In <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 250
he commenced a work which had a more lasting effect
in repressing their invasion. This was the Great Wall of
China, which starts from the Shan-hi Pass and ends at
the Chin-Yü barriers, a distance of not less than 1500
miles. The Hiung-nu, like their kinsmen the Mongols of
Chingiz and of Tīmūr, fought on horseback, and their
plan of campaign was simply a succession of raids followed
by speedy retreats. This stupendous barrier intimidated
them, and turned westwards the tide of their migration.
Thus the Great Wall, which it is the fashion to decry as
a monument of misplaced labour, was a most important
factor in the history of Central Asia. At this epoch the
Sakas were settled in Hexapolis, to the east of the
Pamirs; while the Usuns dwelt on the southern side of
Lake Lob, separated from the Sakas by the Uīghūrs.
About <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 300 the empire of the <i>Yué-Chi</i>,<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> who were
a branch of the Tung-nu, or Eastern Tartars, extended
most probably from the Muztagh Mountains on the north
to the Kuen-lun Mountains on the south, and from the
Upper Hoang-ho in Shan-si on the east to Koché and
Khotan on the west.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a></p>

<p>About <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 200 a war broke out between the Tung-nu
and the Hiung-nu (the Western Tartars or Huns), their
neighbours. Mothé, the chief of these latter, falling on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">16</span>
the Eastern Tartars unawares, utterly defeated them and
drove the Yué-Chi from their kingdom. The latter fled
to the banks of the Ili River, while Mothé pushed his
conquests as far as the Volga on the west and the
border provinces of China eastwards. The Emperor
Kao-tsu (<span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 202–194), founder of the famous Han
dynasty, who had achieved the subjugation of the whole
of China, was alarmed at the progress of Mothé, and
marched against him. His troops were, however, surrounded
by Mothé’s colossal hordes in the north of the
province of Shan-si, and only escaped destruction by the
employment of a ruse.<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> On the departure of the Chinese
army Mothé set out for Tartary. For upwards of fifty
years the power of Hiung-nu sustained no check. They
continued to press down on the Yué-Chi, who, after
suffering a further crushing defeat, broke into separate
hordes. The lesser division, or “Little Yué-Chi,” passed
into Tibet. The “Great Yué-Chi’s” first movement was
westwards to the banks of the Ili, but finding the Usun
too strong for them, they wandered in a southerly direction,
and finally descended upon Kāshghar, Yarkand, and
Khotan, whence they displaced the Sakas (<span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 163).
The latter, on their expulsion from Soghdiana, invaded
Bactria, and from this period until the fall of the Græco-Bactrian
kingdom the Greeks had to deal with both
Sakas and Parthians. It would seem that the latter were
alternately friends and foes. This intercourse possibly
accounts for the Parthian characteristics found on the
early Saka coins of India.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a></p>

<p>The Sakas were driven towards the Pamirs and the
Tien-shan. One branch of them fled to Zungaria, while<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">17</span>
the majority remained in Hexapolis and intermixed with
the Uīghūrs, who had been for a long period masters of
that country. A third branch turned their steps towards
the upper valleys of the Yarkand Darya. Some of these
fugitives established themselves in the little Iranian States
of Serikūl and Shugnān, where appreciable traces of their
language still survive.<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> Others crossed the Karakorum,
and invaded the north-east of India.</p>

<p>At this epoch the Chinese obtained a glimpse of the
position of Western Asia through the medium of prisoners
taken from the Hiung-nu. From them they learned that
the Yué-Chi had suffered defeat at the hands of the Huns,
and been compelled to migrate far from their ancient
abode. They had, however, become very powerful in
Bactria and Transoxiana, and had conquered Ta-hia
(Khorāsān), establishing themselves finally there in spite
of the Parthian resistance. The Emperor Wu-ti eagerly
desired an alliance with the Yué-Chi against their common
enemy the Hiung-nu. With this view he sent his general
Chang-Kien on an embassy to the prince, accompanied
by a suite of a hundred attendants. The envoy, however,
had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the Huns
while traversing their territory, and escaped only after a ten
years’ imprisonment. On joining the Yué-Chi, he found
them employed in driving the Sakas out of Soghdiana.
He accompanied them on a victorious expedition, and
then returned to China, with two followers, sole survivors
of his cortege. The emperor expressed his appreciation
of the intelligence brought by Chang-Kien regarding
Central Asian events, by elevating him to an important
post. These events led to the establishment of direct
commercial intercourse between China and the West,
which, however, the Huns did their utmost to interrupt.</p>

<p>A collation of the Chinese annals, the classic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">18</span>
authors, and the coins which have come down to us,
would render it tolerably certain that the Greeks lost
their hold on Soghdiana in <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 163; that a little later
they were deprived of Bactria by the Sakas, and of
Margiana by the Parthians. From this period their
dominion was limited to the southern slopes of the
Indian Caucasus. That the Græco-Bactrian Empire had
attained a high degree of natural civilisation, and, indeed,
of artistic culture, is evidenced by the purity of design and
the excellence of workmanship displayed by the later coins.</p>

<p>The Bactrians displaced by the Sakas fled eastward,
and settled in the confines of Bokhārā, and the surrounding
countries.<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> But the dominion of their opponents
in Bactria was not destined to be of long duration,
for in <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 120 the Yué-Chi, who had already overrun
the ancient territory of the Sakas, began to pour into
Bactria.</p>

<p>After expelling the Sakas, and the remnant of the
Græco-Bactrians,<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> the Yué-Chi settled in that part of
Central Asia which is named Tokhāristān, after their
tribal appellation, and which included Balkh, Kunduz,
Hisār, Bolor, Wakhān, and Badakhshān. Meanwhile
the Sakas retreated southwards, and occupied in turn
Kiphin, Soghdiana, Arachosia (Kandahār), and Drangiana
(Sīstān).<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a></p>

<p>Their invasion of India was directly due to the
usurpation of their country by the Yué-Chi. The latter<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">19</span>
parcelled Bactria out among their five clans.<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Each had
its own capital, but the only Yué-Chi headquarters which
has been identified is Bamian, at the foot of the northern
slope of the Hindu Kush.</p>

<p>The partition continued in force for nearly a century,
during which repeated collisions occurred between the
Yué-Chi and the Parthians. In <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 30 the chief of one
of the clans, the Kwei-shuang, subdued the rest, and
assumed sovereignty over the whole race. They became
thenceforward known by the name of the conquering clan,
which in course of time was modified to Kushan, and
appears so inscribed on their coins. The recent overthrow
of their most persistent enemies the Hiung-nu rendered
the more easy the task of consolidating their power, for
in the year <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 71 the reigning Chinese emperor had
administered a crushing defeat on the Huns, who were in
<span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 60 finally enrolled into the Chinese Empire. They
thus became masters of all those countries which go to
form Turkestan, Eastern Iran, and Afghanistan. The
Yué-Chi, or Kushans, relieved of this incubus, turned their
arms towards the south, crossed the Paropanisus, and
overran Kabul, which belonged in part to the Arsacidæ,
and in part to the Sakas, driving the latter out of their
kingdom of Kiphin.<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a></p>

<p>At the dawn of the Christian era the Kushans were
a foremost power in Central Asia. The Romans deigned
to treat with them as an established empire. Mark
Antony, for example, sent ambassadors to Bactria,
whose chiefs (all Kushans) were represented at Rome
by an envoy under Augustus; while later, in the reign
of Trojan and Adrian, they sent ambassadors to solicit
an alliance against the Parthians.<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">20</span>
From Chinese sources we learn that in the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span>
98 their general Panchao<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> was received during an expedition
to the Caspian by the Yué-Chi, and that they
recognised the imperial sovereignty by annual presents.</p>

<p>Their power was not destined to endure for long. By
the end of the third century <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> they had lost most of
their conquests in the south of Paropamisus, including
Kashmir. They were finally expelled from Bactria itself
by the Ephthalites, or White Huns, about the year
<span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 430.</p>

<p>The last Kushan king of whom we find a trace in
history was named Kitolo. He conquered Gāndhāra,
or Kandahār; but was forced to return to his own
dominion by an irruption of White Huns. The son
whom he left in charge of the new province established
his capital at Peshāwar.<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> The name of the founder of the
Little Yué-Chi, as they were afterwards called, survives
in the title of Shah Kator, chief of Chitral.</p>

<p>The Ephthalites, or White Huns, who, as we have seen,
in the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 430 became possessed of Bactria, were in
all probability of the same stock as the Yué-Chi. They
are known to history under a great variety of names,
such as Naphthalites, Hayāthila, and Yetha. This last
is the name by which they are known to the Chinese,
who always most carefully distinguish between the Yetha
and the Yué-Chi.<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> The Yetha were of Tartaric origin,
and are described as having anciently lived to the north
of the Great Wall, and to have advanced southwards
about the first century of our era. They then came<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">21</span>
under the domination of the Juen-Juen,<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> but emerging
from this, they ultimately became masters of an empire
which extended to the borders of Persia, and comprised
Kiphin, Kharashar, Kāshghar, and Khotan. The
arrival of the Yetha in Transoxiana about the year 425
of our era was the result of those migrations of Tartar
peoples which took place in Central Asia at the beginning
of the fifth century. About 360 the Juen-Juen
advancing westwards became masters of all Tartary.<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a>
One of their kings, Tulun by name, who reigned at the
beginning of the fifth century, carried his conquest from
Corea to the confines of Europe. It was owing to these
conquests that the various Hunnish tribes, driven from
their ancient habitats by these new invaders, swept into
Transoxiana in 425 (<i>i.e.</i> the Ephthalites), and into
Europe, under Attila, in 430. On the appearance of the
White Huns in the Oxus districts that country had
been for five centuries in the possession of the Yué-Chi,
or Kushans, as we have seen above, and they occupied
the land for upwards of 130 years (425 to 557), during
which period they were in close contact with the Sāsānides
of Persia. The Kushans did not, however, immediately
disappear from Central Asia, for we find references
after this date in Chinese authors to small Kushan
principalities in the Upper Oxus and Farghāna.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">22</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_IV" class="vspace">CHAPTER IV<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Sāsānides, the Ephthalites, and the Turks</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> history of Central Asia during the earlier centuries
of our era is bound up in that of Persia, and its course
was moulded by the fortunes of the great dynasty called
after the grandfather of its founder, the Sāsānide, which
governed the empire from <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 219 until the Arab
invasion more than four centuries later. In the third
century (<span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 200) of our era the condition of Persia
resembled that of France before the power of feudalism
was broken by the crafts and iron will of Louis <span class="smcap">XI</span>. The
authority of the reigning dynasty was little more than
nominal, and the land was parcelled out among a host of
petty tribes whose mountain fastnesses enabled them to
bid defiance to the Parthian dynasty. Among the
followers of one of their rabble chieftains was a certain
Pāpak, a native of a village lying to the east of Shīrāz.
With the aid of a son named Ardashīr, he overthrew his
master, and usurped authority over the province of Fars.
Ardashīr’s bold and restless character appears to have
inspired his father with some distrust, for on his death he
left his dominions to another son, named Shāpūr. The
succession was contested by Ardashīr, but when he was
about to enforce his claim with the sword, Shāpūr died,
in all probability by poison.<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> Ardashīr’s thirst for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">23</span>
empire now led him to attack his neighbouring potentates.
One after another succumbed to his genius; and
he became master, in turn, of Kirmān, Susiana, and other
eastern States. Then finding himself in a position to
strike a blow for the sovereignty of Persia, he bade
defiance to Ardavān,<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> the last of the Parthian line. A
decisive battle was fought between them, probably in
Babylonia, in the year 218. Ardavān was slain, and
Ardashīr was crowned “king of kings” on the field.
His capital was Istakhr, but he chose Ctesiphon (or
Madā´in) as a residence. How far Ardashīr’s personal
conquests actually extended, it is hard to define. Oriental
historians have greatly exaggerated the extent of his
empire, which they allege to have stretched from the
Euphrates on one side, to Khwārazm on the other.
Ardashīr was a wise and just ruler, and his career can
be compared only with Napoleon’s. Without the prestige
of birth or fortune he won an empire, and was able
to maintain order in extended realms which had for
centuries been a prey to anarchy. He died in 241, and
was succeeded by his son Shāpūr <span class="smcap">I.</span> For the first ten
years of his reign he was, like his father, engaged in
chronic warfare with Rome, which did not terminate till
260, when the Emperor Valerian fell into his hands,
dying afterwards in captivity. According to extant coins,
Shāpūr I. made himself master of the non-Iranian lands
to the east of Khorāsān, and to him is ascribed the
conquest of Nīshāpūr,<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> and Shāpūr in Northern Persia.
In 272 he was succeeded by his son Hormuz, who continued<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">24</span>
the struggle with the Romans, in which Syria,
Asia Minor, and Armenia were alternatively subjects of
contention.</p>

<p>The succeeding reigns have little bearing on history
until we come to that of Bahrām Gūr,<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> which was
signalised by a persecution of the Christians,<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> and a
recommencement of warfare with Rome. Bahrām Gūr
was worsted in the latter, and entered into a treaty with
the Western Empire, which bound the contracting parties
to tolerate the Christian and Zoroastrian cults respectively.
The Romans further undertook to pay an annual subsidy
towards the maintenance of the fortifications on the
Dariel Pass<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> in the Caucasus, by which both kingdoms
were protected from the inroads of the wild hordes of the
North. Bahrām took advantage of his truce with the
Romans to make an expedition into Bactria,<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> where he
encountered the Ephthalites, or White Huns, whom,
according to Persian accounts, he utterly defeated. We
are told that the Khākān<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> of the “tribes of Transoxiana,”
being informed that Bahrām and his court were immersed
in luxury and had entirely lost their martial spirit,
ventured to cross the Oxus and laid waste the whole of
Khorāsān.<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> He was soon undeceived, for Bahrām, at the
head of seven thousand men, fell upon the Turks by night,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">25</span>
and put them utterly to rout, the Khākān perishing by
the king’s own hand. Bahrām then crossed the Oxus
and concluded a peace with his eastern neighbours.<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a>
Bahrām died in 438, and was succeeded by his son
Yezdijerd <span class="smcap">II.</span> During his reign of nineteen years his
attention was engrossed by Armenia and by Khorāsān,
where he suffered many reverses at the hands of the
Ephthalites. On his death in <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 457 his two sons,
Hormuz <span class="smcap">III.</span> and Pīrūz, became rival claimants to the
throne. Their father, who preferred the former, but
feared a quarrel between the brothers, had given Pīrūz
the governorship of a distant province, Sīstān. Pīrūz, on
learning that his brother had seized the throne and won
the support of the nobility, fled across the Oxus, and
implored the chief Khākān<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> of the Ephthalites to espouse
his cause. The Huns consented, and sent an army
thirty thousand strong to his aid.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> With this accession
of strength, Pīrūz invaded Persia, and defeated his brother
in a pitched battle. Hormuz <span class="smcap">III.</span> thus lost his crown,
and was put to death together with three of his nearest
relatives. The reign of his successful rival was fraught
with useful domestic measures. He had to contend
against a famine which lasted for seven years; but, so
prompt and effectual were the means adopted to combat
it, that, if Tabari is to be believed, there was not a single
death from starvation.<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> Pīrūz’s foreign policy was by no<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">26</span>
means so praiseworthy: though he owed his crown to the
ready help of the Khākān of the Ephthalites, we find
him in 480 freely attacking his benefactor’s son and
successor. This apparent ingratitude is ascribed by
Joseph Stylites to the intrigue of the Romans, whose
jealousy of the power of Persia induced them to incite
the Huns to attack her eastern frontier. Nöldeke
suggests as the cause of this rupture the exorbitant
nature of the demands made by the Huns as the price
of their assistance in placing Pīrūz on the throne. Be
this as it may, the struggle was disastrous to the Persian
army. After obtaining some trivial successes, Pīrūz was
obliged to conclude more than one humiliating treaty
with the Huns, the terms of which he did not loyally
fulfil. On one occasion his son Kobād was left for two
years in their hands as a hostage for the payment of a
large indemnity. A little later we find Pīrūz himself a
prisoner.</p>

<p>A crisis in his affairs came in 484, when he led an
immense force against his inveterate foes, only to suffer
a crushing defeat at their hands, and to lose his life;
while his daughter was taken prisoner and forced to
enter the Khākān’s harem. Persia now lay at the mercy
of the barbarians whose hordes overran the country,
drowning its civilisation in blood. From this anarchy
the land was saved by the efforts of a great noble named
Sukhrā, or Zermihr. At the time of the Huns’ invasion
he was essaying to quell one of the periodical revolts in
Armenia. Hurrying back to the Persian capital with a
considerable force, he established a semblance of order,
and placed Balāsh, a brother of Pīrūz, on the throne.
The new king bought off the White Huns, probably by
undertaking to pay a yearly tribute. But his treasury
was empty. He was able to attach no party in the State
to his banner, and in 488 he incurred the resentment of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">27</span>
the all-powerful priesthood. Falling into their hands, he
was deprived of his eyesight, a loss which under the
Persian law incapacitated him from ruling. Balāsh was
succeeded by his nephew, Kobād,<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> son of Pīrūz. Tabari
tells us that before he came to power, even probably on
the accession of his brother, he had fled to the Khākān
for help to meet his claim. On his way he halted at
Nīshāpūr, and took to wife the daughter of a nobleman,
who bore him a son, the famous Anūshirawān. He was
kept waiting four years for the promised help, but finally,
after much entreaty, the Khākān gave him the control
of an army, with which he set out for Madā´in.<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> On
reaching Nīshāpūr he learnt the news of his brother’s
death.<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> The first act of his reign was to resign the
entire administration to Sukhrā, on the score of his own
youth and inexperience. Finding, when he came to
man’s estate, that the people regarded Sukhrā as their
sovereign and ignored his own ancestral claims, he
determined to rid himself of a too powerful minister, and
had him put to death.</p>

<p>When Kobād had been for ten years on the throne a
false prophet arose in the person of a certain Mazdak,
who taught that all men were equal, and that it was
unjust that one should have more possessions or wives
than another. The inference was that there should be
an equal division of all property. These tenets appear at
first identical with the latest plans of social ethics. But<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">28</span>
Mazdakism had a side which is not shared by the
Socialistic creed. Its founder preached a life of piety
and abstinence, and himself practised an extreme
asceticism, refraining from the use of animal food.
Kobād saw in the new cult an opportunity of eluding
the grip of the nobles and clergy, who stifled his
aspirations to govern as well as reign. He espoused the
reformer’s side with ardour,<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> and thereby hastened the
anarchy which such doctrines were certain to promote.
The followers of Mazdak adopted such of his principles
as appealed to their unbridled lust, and ignored the religious
teaching with which he sought to hold it in check.
The disorders were stemmed by a combination between
the nobles and the clergy, who seized and imprisoned
Kobād, setting up his brother Jāmāsp in his stead. But
Kobād contrived to escape from confinement, and sought
shelter with old allies, the Ephthalites. With them he
sojourned until 502, when he returned to Persia at the
head of a large force, and overthrew his brother, thus
regaining sovereignty. The remainder of Kobād’s career
was as stirring as the commencement had been. Hardly
was he reinstated on the throne ere hostilities broke out
with Rome, and then began a series of terrible conflicts
which reduced the strength of both parties to the
lowest ebb, and rendered them a prey to barbaric
invasion.</p>

<p>Not until 506 was a truce concluded between the two
powers; but it did not bring rest to Kobād’s distracted
empire. He was soon plunged into hostilities with the
Huns,—whether the Ephthalites, or another branch of
the race, is uncertain. The result is not recorded, but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">29</span>
it must be assumed to have been favourable to his army.
In 528 he was confronted with a more pressing danger
than had attended his struggles with Roman legions over
barbaric hordes. Mazdak’s now rampant army held the
land, and a reign of terror set in which threatened
the existence of its institutions. Kobād at length became
alive to the potency of the force for evil which
he had encouraged, and the measures which he adopted
for the suppression were drastic and effectual. The
effort, however, proved too severe for his declining
strength, and three years later he closed a chequered but
not unsuccessful career.</p>

<p>His successor, Chosrau <span class="smcap">I.</span>, surnamed Anūshirawān
“the Just,” stands forth as the most illustrious figure
in the annals of ancient Persia. Chroniclers agree in
depicting him as a wise and benevolent ruler, and one
who made his prowess reflected in distant regions. His
first care was to restore order in a realm which still
groaned under the curse of Mazdakism; his next to
crush the Ephthalites, whose incursions into his eastern
provinces had been as disastrous as those of the Roman
legions into Armenia. In the meanwhile the Ephthalites
were being threatened from another quarter by the
Turks.</p>

<p>The Turks proper, that is the Tu-kiué of the Chinese,
first appear in the history of the Sāsānides about <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span>
550. At that period the Turks were divided into two
distinct khanates—(1) the Eastern Turks,<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> who possessed
the vast territory between the Ural and Mongolia;
and (2) the Western Turks, or Tu-kiué, who ruled in
Central Asia from the Altai to the Jaxartes. About
550 the Khākān of the Turks, whose name was Tumen,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">30</span>
being elated with successes he had gained over the
Tartars,<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> made so bold as to demand in marriage the
daughter of the Khākān of the Juen-Juen, Tiu-ping.
On receiving an insulting refusal, Tumen at once declared
war against the Juen-Juen; at the same time
he married the daughter of the Chinese emperor, with
whose aid he defeated Tiu-ping. Tumen then took the
title of Il-khān (or khān of the people), and established
his court in the mountain of Tu-kin, near the sources
of the Irtish. He only enjoyed his newly acquired
empire for a short time, for in the following year (<span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span>
553) he died. His son Ko-lo mounted the throne,
but died very shortly afterwards, and was succeeded
by his illustrious brother Mokan-khān, whom we find
in 554 entering into relations with Anūshirawān the
Just. Though he had finally crushed the Juen-Juen, and
became master of their vast country, he was fearful of
the superiority of the Chinese, and therefore turned his
arms in a westerly direction.<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> The Turks now crossed
the Jaxartes and entered Badakhshān, where they encountered
the Ephthalites, with whom, according to
Tabari, they at first dwelt in peace.</p>

<p>Great uncertainty prevails as to the dates and details
of the campaigns undertaken by the Anūshirawān in
association with the Turks against their inveterate foes.
But their result is not open to question; for about the
year 560 we find the territories of the White Huns
divided between the allies. The Turks then became
masters of Transoxiana, while the Persians took possession
of Balkh and Tokhāristān. The Oxus served
as the boundary between their respective spheres of
influence.<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> Then Bactria, which had been a perpetual<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">31</span>
thorn in Persia’s side, became one of its provinces, and
the fate of Pīrūz was fully avenged. Anūshirawān set
a seal to his friendship with the Turks by espousing
their chief’s daughter; but the alliance did not produce
lasting results. The Romans regarded with unconcealed
apprehension the alliance between foes which threatened
the existence of their Western Empire, and they sent
frequent embassies to the Turkish Khākān with a view
to detaching him from Anūshirawān. The reconciliation
was partially successful, but the recurrence of
disorders on his frontier led the Persian king to build
the great city of Darband, to serve as a rallying
point in repulsing Turkish attacks. After its completion
we hear little of their troublesome neighbours,
and Anūshirawān’s concluding years were exempt from
the troubles which had overwhelmed so many of his
predecessors.</p>

<p>On the death of Chosrau Anūshirawān in <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 579,
Hormuz IV., his son by the daughter of the Turkish
Khākān, ascended the throne. The new reign was soon
clouded by war with Rome, and his own kinsmen on the
maternal side. At one period Hormuz endured simultaneous
attacks from four different quarters. A Turkish
prince, called by Tabari, Shāba, at the head of 300,000
warriors advanced as far as Bādghīs and Herāt. The
Roman emperor, with an army of 80,000 strong,
attacked Hormuz in the Syrian desert. The king of
the Khazars led a large force against Darband, and
finally two Arab chieftains raided the Euphrates Valley.
Shāba sent Hormuz a haughty message “to see that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">32</span>
his bridges and roads were in good order, for that he
intended to cross Persia on his way to the Romans.”
The Persian monarch’s reply was the despatch of a
nobleman of Ray, named Bahrām Chūbīn, in command
of twelve thousand picked veterans, to hinder the progress
of the Turks. Bahrām advanced against them by forced
marches, and surprised Shāba in his camp. The Turks
were routed, and Shāba perished by an arrow from
Bahrām’s bow. The dead chieftain’s son was taken
prisoner, and sent together with 250,000 camel-loads
of booty to Hormuz. The victorious general was
straightway despatched to Transcaucasia to oppose the
Romans; but there he met with a crushing defeat. It
is not within the scope of the present work to record all
the details of the extraordinary career of Bahrām Chūbīn,
who is one of the favourite heroes of Persian poetry.<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">71</a>
Suffice it to state that Hormuz, in an evil hour for himself,
deprived the great general of his command as
a punishment for his failure in the campaign against
the Romans, and then drove him into a revolt which
led to his own dethronement (590). His successor,
Chosrau II., surnamed Parvīz “the Victorious,” proved a
despot of the true Oriental type. He began his reign
by slaughtering an uncle Bendoe, to whose efforts he
owed the throne of Persia. Another uncle called Bistām,
who had stood by him at the crisis of his fate, escaped
his clutches, and held out against him for six years with
the aid of the Turks and people of Daylam, succumbing
at length to treachery. But Parvīz was a brave and
capable soldier; and at one period of his career it seemed
as though Persia were destined to build up an eastern
empire on the ruins of the Roman sway. In 613 he
conquered Damascus, and in the following year Jerusalem<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">33</span>
bowed its stubborn neck to the Persian yoke.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a>
But a new movement was gathering force which was
destined to sweep before it the effete civilisation of Persia
and Byzantium.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">34</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_V" class="vspace">CHAPTER V<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Rise of Islām and Invasions of the Arabs</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">At</span> the end of the sixth century the western shore of
Arabia was inhabited by tribes of Semitic descent, who
possessed a complex religion and some literary culture.
The capital was Mekka, to the north of Arabia Felix,<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">73</a>
an ancient city which nestled round a temple called the
Ka`ba, or Cube. In this holy of holies was a black
stone, probably a meteorite, which served as a tribal
fetish, and attracted hosts of pilgrims from the southern
provinces of the peninsula. The family who had charge
of the temple belonged to the priestly tribe of Koraysh,
and one of its members was the future prophet Mohammed.
While a youth he gained an insight into the habits of men
of various creeds, not only as an inhabitant of Mekka,
whither merchants and pilgrims of widely different creeds
and nationalities flocked, but as a frequent attendant on
caravans during distant journeys to the north. The
impression left on his mind was that the religions of the
Christian and the Jew had far greater vitality than the
lukewarm idolatry of his own people.<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">74</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">35</span>
At the age of twenty-four he entered the service
of a middle-aged widow named Khadīja, who carried
on a large caravan trade, and he found such favour
in her eyes that she offered to become his wife.
Mohammed, being by this marriage assured of a
competence for life, withdrew from the world and
began to cast about him for the means of raising
the debased moral standard of his countrymen. The
conception of a Messiah, which enabled the Hebrews
to bear their many afflictions, and of the Comforter
promised by Jesus, worked so strongly upon his powerful
imagination that he was at length convinced that
he himself was the chosen one for whom the world was
waiting. Catalepsy, which frequently threw him into
long trances, led his superstitious neighbours to believe
that he held commune with higher powers. At the age
of forty<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> Mohammed came before the Eastern world with
his simple gospel: “There is but <em>one</em> God, Allah, and
Mohammed is his Prophet.” At first none but a few of
his closest associates believed in his mission, and so
much opposition did he encounter that he was obliged
to flee from Mekka to the town of Medīna, 270 miles
northwards. This was on the 6th of July <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 622,
which has been taken as the starting-point of the
Mohammedan era.<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> And fitly so, for it was the turning-point
of Mohammed’s great career. The once flouted
visionary gained hosts of adherents in Medīna and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">36</span>
surrounding country, and spared no effort to consolidate
his influence by appeals to the latent fanaticism of the
Arab character. He continued to utter rhapsodies which,
two years after his death, were collected and divided into
chapters and verses under the name of the Koran, and
became the foundation of the religious and civil codes
of his followers.</p>

<p>Mekka soon recognised his mission, and after a fierce
struggle with many vicissitudes the whole of Arabia
accepted Islām.<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a></p>

<p>At the time of Mohammed’s death, which took place
in the 16th year of his Hijra, or <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 632, the creed
which he had formulated was still a religious rather than
a worldly power. But it had profoundly stirred the
impetuous, highly strung Arab temperament, which was
vaguely conscious of possessing immense hidden force,
and of a boundless sphere for its exercise in the worn-out
empires which bounded their peninsula. A leader
alone was wanted to focus and direct the aspirations
engendered by the dead Prophet’s teachings, and one
was found in the person of Abū Bekr, Mohammed’s
father-in-law and earliest convert. He was proclaimed
as the Khalīfa,<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> or successor of the Prophet, and was the
first of that long line of sovereigns who, like the Tsars
of our own age, wielded unquestioned spiritual and
temporal power, and, like them, became prominent factors
in the history of the Eastern world.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">37</span>
The new-born creed soon showed its strongly militant
character. Led by Khālid, a pillar of Islām who won by
his prowess the title of the Sword of God, the Arabs
defeated a Roman army with heavy loss, and took Damascus.
In six years the whole of Syria and Palestine
passed under their sway. Persia was the next object of
attack. The Zoroastrians struggled long and desperately
for their independence, but in 639 they suffered a crushing
defeat at Nahāvend, a battle which must rank high
amongst those which have influenced the current of the
world’s history. Yezdijerd, the last of the Sāsānian
dynasty, fled through Sīstān and Khorāsān to Merv.
Here he found no safe asylum, for the governor sent
news of his arrival to the Turks, and the Khākān advanced
in person to seize so rich a prize. The fugitive became
aware of the intended treachery, and concealed himself
in a mill near the city. The owner received him with
apparent kindness, but was tempted by the splendour of
the king’s accoutrements to kill him while he slept. He
severed Yezdijerd’s head from his body, which he cast
into the mill stream.<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a></p>

<div id="ip_38" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_038.jpg" width="600" height="432" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><p>THE RAHLA, OR READING-DESK</p>

<p class="smaller">OUTSIDE THE MOSQUE OF BĪBĪ KHĀNŪM, SAMARKAND</p></div></div>

<p>The immediate results of the battle of Nahāvend were
disastrous to civilisation. Persia was traversed in all
directions by bands of marauding Arabs, and the miserable
inhabitants suffered as severely as they had suffered
at the hands of the Mazdakites. “The Caliph Othman,”<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">80</a>
writes Gibbon,<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> “promised the government of Khorāsān
to the first general who should enter that large and
populous country, the kingdom of the ancient Bactrians.
The condition was accepted, the prize was deserved; the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">38</span>
standard of Mahomet was planted on the walls of Herāt,
Merou, and Balkh; and the successful leader neither
halted nor reposed till his foaming cavalry had tasted
the waters of the Oxus.” The ill-cemented power of
the Caliph was more adapted for conquest than assimilation,
and its area overrun by his undisciplined hordes
was too vast to be held in permanent subjection. Conscious
of their weakness, the Arabs spared no efforts to
spread the tenets of Islām, which alone was capable of
welding together communities differing widely in race,
language, and customs. From this epoch dates the
decline of the creed of Zoroaster throughout Persia and
the countries of Central Asia. The assassination of the
Caliph `Omar by a Persian slave was the signal for a
general insurrection throughout this loosely knitted empire.
This was not finally quelled till <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 31 (652), when
Ibn `Āmir gained a victory over the Persians at Khwārazm
on the Oxus, and compelled the country as far as Balkh
to acknowledge the Caliph’s suzerainty.<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 41 (661)
`Abdullah ibn `Āmir organised a successful expedition into
Khorāsān and Sīstān;<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> and in the course of the following
year Kays ibn al-Haytham was sent thither as provincial
governor. He was superseded in <span class="smcap">A.H</span>. 43 (663) by
`Abdullah ibn Khāzim. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 45 (665) Ziyād, whom
in the preceding year the Great Caliph Mo`awiya had
officially recognised as his brother, was made governor
of Basra and “the East.” Al-Hakam ibn `Āmir al-Ghifārī
was sent in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 47 (667) on an expedition into<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">39</span>
Khorāsān. He occupied Tokhāristān and the country
south and south-east of Balkh as far as the Hindu Kush,
and was, moreover, the first Arabian general to cross the
Oxus.<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> Al-Hakam died at Merv in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 50 (670), on
his return from an expedition against the people of Mount
Ashall.<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> In the following year Rabī` ibn Ziyād<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> el-Hārithī
was sent to Khorāsān to succeed him.<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> About
this date many Arabs migrated with their families to
Khorāsān and settled there.<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> Rabī`’s first care was the
reduction of Balkh, which had been the scene of a revolt,
and this he effected without resorting to force. He also
engaged the Turks in Kūhistān, and put them to rout.
Among the fugitives was Nīzak Tarkhūn,<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> who perished
later at the hands of Kutayba ibn Muslim. Rabī` also
crossed the Oxus, but made no conquests on the farther
side.<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> His death, and that of his master Ziyād, took
place in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 53 (673). He named his son `Abdullah as
his successor, but the latter died two months later, and
was succeeded by Khulayd ibn `Abdullah el-Hanafī. On
the death of Ziyād the Caliph gave the governments of
Kūfa, Basra, and Khorāsān to his own son `Ubaydullah,
while he appointed Ziyād’s son `Ubaydullah, in supersession
of Khulayd, as his lieutenant in Khorāsān. `Ubaydullah
ibn Ziyād collected an army in Irāk, entered Khorāsān
and, crossing the Oxus, penetrated into the mountains
of Bokhārā,<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> and conquered Rāmtīna and half of Baykand.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">40</span>
The Turks of Bokhārā were at that time governed
by a princess named Khātūn, who acted as regent during
the minority of her son Tughshāda. On the approach of
the Arabs with an overwhelming force, Khātūn fled to
Samarkand. According to Tabari,<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> so great was her
haste that one of her shoes was left behind. It fell into
the hands of the Arabs, and was valued by them at
200,000 direms.<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">93</a></p>

<p>Diplomacy gained for Bokhārā what arms could
never have accomplished. Khātūn saved the evacuation
of her capital by entering into a treaty by which she
bound herself to pay a yearly tribute.<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> `Ubaydullah withdrew
to Merv laden with booty, and on his return to
Irāk was appointed by the Caliph Mo`awiya, governor
of Basra. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 56 (676) Sa`īd ibn `Othman, who had
superseded him in Khorāsān, determined to complete the
conquest of Bokhārā, in spite of the treaty concluded by
his predecessor. The Queen-Regent Khātūn was powerless
to resist the invasion, for she had reason to doubt the
loyalty of her troops, and her resources had been well-nigh
exhausted in her struggle with `Ubaydullah. She
therefore came to terms with Sa`īd by the surrender of
the last shreds of her sovereignty in Bokhārā. But
Samarkand, the wealthiest of its strongholds, was still
unmastered. Sa`īd ibn `Othman embarked on a campaign
for its reduction, carrying with him eighty Bokhārān<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">41</span>
nobles as hostages for their queen’s good behaviour. After
several successful engagements with the Turks he stormed
Samarkand<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> and carried off 30,000 prisoners, with much
booty.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> When Sa`īd passed through Bokhārā on his
return to Khorāsān the queen demanded back the eighty
hostages, but he replied that he did not yet feel sure of
her good faith, and that he would not part with the
Bokhārāns until he had crossed the Amū Daryā. At
this stage of his march the queen sent messengers to
repeat her demand, but she was informed by Sa`īd that
the hostages should be sent back from Merv. Thus he
continued to elude compliance, and finally dragged his
wretched captives to Medīna. Here they were stripped of
the attire proper to their rank and reduced to a condition
of slavery. Preferring death to an ignominious existence,
the desperadoes broke into Sa`īd’s palace, and, closing fast
the doors, slew him and afterwards themselves. This
tragedy occurred in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 61 (680), under the Caliphate of
Yezīd ibn Merwān, who had succeeded his father Mo`awiya
in the previous year.</p>

<p>One of the Caliph’s first acts had been to appoint
Salm ibn Ziyād as his lieutenant in Khorāsān.<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> The
latter found the northern part of his charge a prey to
revolt, for the restless Khātūn had taken advantage of
dissension among the Caliph’s followers to throw off his
hated yoke. Salm took council with a trusted general<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">42</span>
named Muhallab,<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> and, establishing a base at Merv,
crossed the Oxus with<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> a force 6000 strong and moved
rapidly on to Bokhārā. The queen, in her despair,
turned to the Tarkhūn Malik of Soghd, to whom she
promised her hand in marriage as the price of his alliance
against the invaders. The Tarkhūn, seduced by the
dazzling bait, advanced to her assistance at the head
of 120,000 men. He put a reconnoitring party of the
Arabs to flight, destroying more than half their number,
but was beset by the entire force, and after a fierce
struggle was utterly routed. So vast was the booty
taken by Salm’s followers in the pursuit that each man-at-arms
received 2400 direms.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a></p>

<p>This victory<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> brought the queen of Bokhārā to her
senses. She sued for peace, which was granted, and Salm
returned in triumph. Salm seems to have won for
himself universal respect during his two years’ residence
in Merv as governor of Khorāsān, and the fact that during
this period 2000 children had received his name<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> is
quoted as a proof of his popularity.</p>

<p>The Caliph Yezīd had died during the previous year
(683). He was succeeded by Mo`awiya <span class="smcap">II.</span>, who was less
imbued with fanaticism than his lieutenants, and found
the Caliphate too heavy a burden. Resigning it after a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">43</span>
few months’ reign, he left Islām a prey to anarchy. Two
claimants appeared for the thorny crown—`Abdullah ibn
Zobayr, and Merwān <span class="smcap">I.</span> of the race of Umayya. The
first gained the allegiance of Yemen, including the Holy
Places, Egypt and part of Syria; the second was proclaimed
lord of Damascus, and speedily drove his rival
from Syria and Egypt. Merwān’s son and successor,
`Abd el-Melik, concluded a peace with the Byzantine
emperor on the basis of the payment of a tribute of
50,000 pieces of gold, and turned the whole of his forces
against the pretender, who still held to Mekka and
Medīna. Him he defeated twice, and slew Mohammad.
All Islām was now under his chieftainship, with the
exception of Khorāsān, which was governed by `Abdullah
ibn Khāzim as representative of Ibn Zobayr. Finding
it impossible to secure the former’s allegiance, `Abd el-Melik
incited one of his generals named Bukayr to
compass his master’s death, on a promise to confer on
him the governorship of the province. The bait was
swallowed by Bukayr, who formed a conspiracy against
`Abdullah ibn Khāzim, and deprived him of authority
(692). He became head of Khorāsān; but his triumph
was shortlived. The Caliph naturally doubted the
loyalty of one who had shown himself unfaithful to his
trust, and superseded him by Umayya ibn `Abdullah
ibn Khālid (696). Four years later (700), Muhallab,
who had left Merv and established himself in Kesh (the
modern Shahrisebz), sent his son Habīb with a huge army<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">44</span>
against Bokhārā, whose king he utterly defeated. While
Muhallab was in Kesh, his followers entreated him to
penetrate farther into the country, but Muhallab replied
that his only aim was to bring all his Musulmans safe
back to Merv. After two years’ stay at Kesh he came
to terms with the inhabitants of the surrounding country,
and, satisfied with the large tribute they rendered to him,
returned to his headquarters at Merv.</p>

<p>Muhallab died <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 82 (701), and was succeeded by
his son Yezīd in the government of Merv. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 84
(703)<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> the latter was deprived of his post by the famous
Hajjāj,<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> who had the disposal of all such appointments.
Yezīd thereupon quitted Khorāsān, and his brother
Mufaddhal, who had formerly been his lieutenant, was
appointed governor. He held the post for about nine
months, undertaking during that brief period successful
expeditions against Khiva and Bādghīs. The immense
spoils of war he distributed among his soldiers, keeping,
we are told, nothing for himself. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 86 (705)
`Abd el-Melik died, and in the same year, on the arrival
of Yezīd in `Irāk, Hajjāj appointed Kutayba ibn Muslim
el-Bāhili governor of Khorāsān in place of Mufaddhal.
The glorious career of Kutayba in Central Asia began
at this epoch with his entry into Merv.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">45</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_VI" class="vspace">CHAPTER VI<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The First Eastern Campaigns of Kutayba ibn Muslim</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> arrival of Kutayba on the scene marks a new epoch
in the history of Mohammedan conquests in Central Asia.
Though the Arabs had been for many years masters of
Khorāsān, with an established capital at Merv,<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> their
hold on the country beyond the Oxus was very slight.
The expeditions which they had hitherto made into
Bokhārā<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> and other parts of Transoxiana were mere
raids, and their authority in those countries departed with
the main body of their army. Kutayba was the first
Arab leader who compelled the inhabitants of the tract
lying between the Oxus and Jaxartes to acknowledge the
Caliph’s supremacy, and to plant the standard of Islām
in lands where the creed of Zoroaster had retained its
greatest vitality.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">46</span></p>

<div id="ip_47" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 23.25em;">
  <img src="images/i_047.jpg" width="372" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><p>CENTRAL ASIAN TYPES</p>

<p>
1. PERSIAN<br />
2. PERSIAN<br />
3. AFGHAN<br />
4. KALMUCK<br />
</p></div></div>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 86 (705), as we have seen, `Abd el-Melik died.
He was succeeded in the Caliphate by his son Welīd, and
in the same year Kutayba ibn Muslim made a triumphal
entry into Merv as governor of Khorāsān. On arriving
at Merv, Kutayba called together the inhabitants, and
urged them to join a Holy War, emphasising his trumpet-call
by quotations from the Koran. The fierce Arabs
swarmed to his standard, and Kutayba soon found himself
at the head of an army animated with the keenest
enthusiasm, to whom he distributed pay sufficient to maintain
their families during their career of conquest. The
military and civil administration of the oasis during his
absence was delegated by him to trusted lieutenants.
Having thus organised victory, he set out in a westerly
direction across the desert. The first town which he
reached was Tālikān.<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> Here he was received by the
<i>dihkans</i><a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> and chief men of Balkh, who escorted him across
the Oxus. He was met on the right bank by the king
of the Chaghāniān, who brought presents and a golden
key, and invited him to enter his capital. Kutayba
accepted his submission, and allowed him to remain in
office under the Caliph’s suzerainty. He then marched
to Akhrun and Shūmān, and after levying tribute on
their chief, returned to Merv. Some authorities relate
that Kutayba, before crossing the Oxus, made an expedition
into Balkh, and there crushed a rising among the
inhabitants, who were attempting to rid themselves of the
Arab yoke.<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> In the same year he concluded a peace<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">47</span>
with Nīzek, Tarkhūn of Bādghīs. In the following year,
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 87 (705), Kutayba set out for Transoxiana. During
his march thither he passed through Merv er-Rūd, Āmul,
and Zamīn; and, crossing the Oxus, sat down before
Baykand. This place was, according to Tabari, the
Bokhārān town nearest to the great river, and lay at the
edge of the desert. It was known far and wide as the
“City of Merchants,” and was equally renowned for the
strength of its fortifications. The inhabitants, on learning
Kutayba’s approach, put their town into a state of defence,
and sent messengers into Soghdiana imploring
aid. The call was obeyed, and Kutayba’s little force
was soon hemmed in on all sides by numerous and
determined foes. For a space of two months so closely
was he pressed that he was unable to send a messenger
to Hajjāj, whose consequent anxiety led him to order
prayers for the army in all the mosques. Tabari tells us
that Kutayba had in his employ a Persian spy, named
Tandar, whom the Bokhārāns bribed to induce his master
to retire from their country. Tandar obtained a private
audience of Kutayba, which was attended only by a
certain Dhirār ibn Hasan. He told the Amīr that his
patron Hajjāj had lost his office, and that a new governor
had arrived to replace the former. Kutayba called one
of his slaves named Siyāh, and ordered him to strike off
Tandar’s head. When this had been done, he turned
to Dhirār and said: “No one knows of this affair except
you and myself. If it is bruited abroad I shall be certain
that you are to blame; so master your tongue. For should<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">48</span>
the people hear the story, they will be discouraged.”
He then summoned his followers into his presence.
When they saw the body of Tandar they were filled
with fear, and threw themselves on the ground before
Kutayba. He asked them why they were appalled by
Tandar’s execution. They replied: “Verily, we thought
that he was a friend to the Musulman.” “No,” replied
Kutayba, “he was a traitor—may God punish him for
his sins, but he has met with his deserts. Now go and
prepare to meet the enemy to-morrow with more courage
than you have hitherto shown.”</p>

<p>On the following day the Arabs took up their positions
and began the fight with fresh vigour, while
Kutayba passed through the ranks giving his commands
and encouraging his men in every way.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> The battle
lasted till sunset, when the enemy gave way and fled in
disorder towards the town, hotly pursued by the Arabs.
A few only reached the shelter of its walls, while the
rest were slain or taken prisoners. Kutayba immediately
began a regular siege of Baykand, which, though
the place had lost most of its garrison, cost the assailants
many lives.<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> For fifty days, says Narshakhi, “the
efforts of the Musulmans were of no avail, and their
sufferings were great. At last they had recourse to
stratagem. A party of soldiers dug a trench under the
town-wall, near the citadel, connected with a stable within
the fortress, where they made another breach in the wall.
Hardly had the Musulmans reached the fortress ere these
men sallied from the breach. Kutayba shouted: “To
the first man who enters the fort by this breach I will
give blood-money, and if he should be killed, then his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">49</span>
children shall receive it.” This promise filled the besiegers
with emulation. All threw themselves into the
breach, and captured the fort. The men of Baykand
begged for quarter, which Kutayba granted, and then
retired laden with booty, leaving a lieutenant in the
town with a detachment of troops. But when he
reached Khunbūn,<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> which is only a farsakh’s distance
from Baykand, on the Bokhārā road, he learnt that the
people of Baykand had risen against his lieutenant and
garrison, and slaughtered them after cutting off their
noses and ears.<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a></p>

<p>Kutayba immediately turned back and invaded the
town a second time. The siege lasted a month, when
the Amīr had a tunnel excavated under the wall and
filled with wood, which was set on fire. The wall above
crumbled and fell, crushing forty men to death. The
Baykandis offered to capitulate on condition that their
lives were spared, but Kutayba stormed the town and
put to death all the fighting men. The rest were carried
off into slavery, and the city became a heap of ruins.
Kutayba then returned to Merv with much spoil,<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> which,
according to Tabari, exceeded in value all the booty
that had been taken by the Arabs in Khorāsān.</p>

<p>The story of Baykand’s resurrection is a curious one.
It was a town of long-standing fame and a great centre of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">50</span>
trade; and, during the siege, most of the heads of
families were absent in China and other distant countries
with their caravans. On their return they redeemed
their wives and surviving relatives from the Arabs, and
soon repeopled Baykand. Narshakhi justly remarks,<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a>
that it is the only town in history which, after undergoing
a destruction, root and branch, was restored to its
former prosperity by the same generation as saw its
ruin. Tabari adds that the inhabitants agreed to pay a
yearly tribute to the Arabs, and were guaranteed peace,
under a written pact, by Kutayba.</p>

<p>The conquest of Baykand was achieved by Kutayba
in the autumn of the year of the Hijra, 87 (705).
He then returned for the winter season to his headquarters
at Merv. It was not till <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 88 (706) that
Kutayba entered on a career of conquest. During his
first two years of command he had achieved little
towards the extension of the Caliph’s authority in
Central Asia. His predecessors had already carried
their arms as far as the city of Bokhārā, while his own
had never extended far beyond the frontier of that kingdom.
The destruction of Baykand was, however, a feat of
no mean value, as, quite apart from the immense booty
which fell into the victor’s hands, the position of the town
rendered it “the south-western gate of Transoxiana,”<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">116</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">51</span>
and hence its importance to the Arabs as a basis for
further encroachments.</p>

<p>The immediate objects of Kutayba’s attacks were,
according to Tabari,<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> Numushkat and Rāmtīna, which
obtained peace on condition of paying a yearly tribute.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the people of Bokhārā, Soghdiana, and
the surrounding countries had banded together to oppose
the Arab invaders, who found themselves surrounded in
the country lying between Tārāb, Khunbūn, and Rāmtīna.
The combined forces numbered about 40,000 men, and
comprised the armies of the <i>Tarkhūn Melik</i> of Soghd,
Khunuk-Khudāt, Vardān-Khudāt, and Prince Kur-Maghānūn,<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">118</a>
who was a son of the Chinese emperor’s
sister, and who was, according to Narshakhi, a mercenary
soldier of fortune. Kutayba had set out on his return to
Merv when the Turks suddenly fell upon his rear-guard.
The Musulmans were beginning to waver, but Kutayba
appeared on the scene of action and filled them with
fresh courage. The battle lasted till midday, when
“God put the Turks to flight.”<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> Kutayba then returned
to Merv, taking the road in the direction of Balkh, and
crossing the Oxus above Tirmiz. On reaching Fāryāb<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">120</a>
he received a letter from Hajjāj ordering him to march
against the Vardān-Khudāt, king of Bokhārā. He
therefore retraced his steps and crossed the Oxus at
Zamīn. On the road through the desert he was met by
some Soghdians and the people of Kess (Kesh) and
Nasaf (Nakhshab), whom he engaged and defeated. He
then plunged into Bokhārā, and pitched his camp at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">52</span>
Lower Kharkāna, to the right of Vardān, where he was
attacked by superior forces. After a battle which lasted
for two days and two nights, victory declared for the
Arabs. Kutayba now advanced against the Vardān-Khudāt,
king of Bokhārā, but was repulsed and retreated
to Merv. Here he informed Hajjāj by letter how he had
fared, and was ordered to send his master a map of the
country. Having examined this map, Hajjāj wrote to
him in the following terms: “Return to your former
purpose, and acknowledge in prayer to God your repentance
for having abandoned it. Attack the enemy
at vulnerable points. <i>Crush Kesh, destroy Nasaf, and
repulse Vardān.</i><a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> Take care that you are not surrounded;
and leave the difficulties of the road to me.”
On receiving these instructions, Kutayba left Merv, and in
the beginning of the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 90 (708) again invaded
the kingdom of Bokhārā. When the Vardān-Khudāt
heard of Kutayba’s advance, he sent messengers to the
Soghdians and their neighbours asking for their help.
Kutayba arrived before their allies, and immediately
laid siege to Vardān; but as soon as reinforcements appeared
the garrison sallied forth and attacked the Arabs.</p>

<p>The versions of the battle that ensued as given by
Tabari and Narshakhi<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> differ materially, while both
enter into so much detail that it is hard to reconcile
them. That given by Tabari<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> is graphic enough to
deserve epitomising.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">53</span>
“When the Turks came out of the town, the men of
the tribe of Azd asked Kutayba to allow them to fight
separately. They straightway charged down on the
Turks,—Kutayba remaining seated the while, wearing a
green mantle over his armour,—and their endurance was
great. At length they were driven back to Kutayba’s
camp by the Turks, but here the women struck their
horses’ heads<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> and forced the Musulmans to turn against
the enemy. They succeeded in driving them back to his
first position, a piece of rising ground which appeared to
them inassailable. Then said Kutayba: ‘Who will dislodge
them for us from this place?’ No one advanced,
and all the tribes remained where they were. Then
Kutayba went up to the Beni Temīm<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> and appealed to
their old prestige, whereupon their chief Wakī` seized the
banner and said: ‘Oh ye sons of Temīm, will you
abandon me to-day?’ They shouted ‘No,’ and advanced
until they came to the stream separating them
from the enemy, over which Husayni, the commander of
the horse, leaped, followed by his men. Meanwhile
Wakī` gave the banner to Husayni and, dismounting,
superintended the construction of a small bridge. He
then said to his men: ‘He who is willing to risk his
life, let him cross; and he who is not willing, let him
remain where he is!’ Eight hundred men dashed
across the bridge. Then Wakī` told Husayni to harass
the enemy with his cavalry, while he himself attacked
them with his foot-men. So great was the fury of their
double onslaught that the Turks gave way, seeing which
the Musulmans sprang towards the bridge as one man,
but ere they could cross the Turks were in full flight.
The latter were thus completely routed; the Khākān and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">54</span>
his son were both wounded. When the inhabitants of
the surrounding countries saw what had happened to the
men of Bokhārā they trembled before Kutayba.”</p>

<p>After this victory Kutayba again withdrew to Merv.
The chroniclers differ as to the part which the Tarkhūn
Melik of Soghd played in this battle. Tabari relates
that the Tarkhūn, seeing that the day was going with
the Musulmans, rode, accompanied by two horsemen,
close up to Kutayba’s camp—there being only the river of
Bokhārā between them, and asked him to send a man
across to confer with him. A certain Hayyān, the
Nabatæan, came over, and through his mediation a
peace was settled upon, the Tarkhūn agreeing to pay
tribute to Kutayba. The Tarkhūn then returned to his
own country, while Kutayba, as stated above, retired to
Merv, accompanied by Nīzek. Narshakhi, on the other
hand, says that Hayyān, the Nabatæan, told the king of
Soghd that it would be much wiser for him to abandon
the allies and return to his own country. “We,” he said,
“will remain here as long as the warm weather lasts, but
when the winter sets in we shall retire, and then you will
find the Turks all against you,—for nothing will induce
them to leave your beautiful Soghd.” The Tarkhūn,
convinced of the value of this advice, asked what course
he should pursue. Hayyān replied: “First, you must
make peace with Kutayba, and pay him an indemnity.
Next represent to the Turks that Hajjāj is
sending reinforcements by way of Kesh and Nakhshab.
Then you must turn back; and haply they will do
likewise.”</p>

<p>That same night the Tarkhūn concluded a treaty
with Kutayba, and gave him 2000 direms;<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> Kutayba, for
his part, promising not to molest his kingdom. He then
sounded his trumpets and marched off, and his example<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">55</span>
was very soon after followed by the emperor of China’s
nephew.</p>

<p>“Thus did God deliver the Musulmans from the
great straits in which they had been plunged for four
months.” During this period Hajjāj had received no
news from Kutayba, and his anxiety was so great that
special prayers were offered in the mosques for his
safety.</p>

<p>“This was Kutayba’s fourth expedition into Bokhārā.”<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">127</a></p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">56</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_VII" class="vspace">CHAPTER VII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Kutayba’s Last Campaigns</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">Among</span> Kutayba’s followers was a certain noble named
Nīzek, prince of Bādghīs, and a minister of Jighāya,
ruler of Tokhāristān, who was in all probability attached
temporarily to his court as a prisoner on parole. Nīzek
had watched Kutayba’s campaigns with keen interest, in
the fond hope that he might receive a serious check, and
that Transoxiana and Khorāsān might be emboldened to
throw off the Arab yoke. The great leader’s success in
Bokhārā convinced the moody rebel of the folly of such
anticipations; and he saw only too clearly that the
moment had come for the oppressed nationalities of
Central Asia to strike a last despairing blow for freedom.<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">128</a>
His first step was to obtain from the unsuspecting
Kutayba permission to visit Tokhāristān, his next to
raise the standard of revolt, which he did on reaching
the defiles of Khulm.</p>

<p>As a measure of precaution he sent his valuables for
safe keeping to the king of Kābul, whose support he entreated
for his arduous enterprise. He sent messengers
to the <i>Ispahbad</i><a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> of Balkh and to the princes of Merv er-Rūd,
Tālikān, Fāryāb, and Jūzajān, inviting them to join<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">57</span>
the coalition. All replied in the affirmative. After these
negotiations Nīzek placed his master Jighāya in chains,<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a>
and dismissed Kutayba’s agent from Tokhāristān.</p>

<p>When Kutayba received intimation of this revolt
winter was setting in. His army was dispersed, and
there only remained with him the contingent supplied by
the town of Merv. He sent his brother `Abd er-Rahmān,
at the head of 2000 men to Balkh, with instructions
to remain there inactive till the spring, when
he was to proceed to Tokhāristān, adding, “Be sure that
I shall be near thee.” Towards the end of the winter
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 91 (709), Kutayba summoned reinforcements from
Abarshahr, Bīvard, Sarakhs, and Herāt. On their arrival
he set out against Tālikān, leaving, as was his practice,
a trusted follower in charge of the garrison, and another
in that of the civil affairs of Merv.<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> The first operation
was the storming of Merv er-Rūd. Its chief had fled,
but his two sons who had remained were hanged. At
Tālikān he met the enemy in the open field, and at
the first onslaught the Turks were put to rout by his
rear-guard, which was commanded by `Abd er-Rahmān.
No quarter was given, and all who were not slain outright
were hanged,—the line of gibbets extending for
a distance of sixteen miles. After appointing an Arab
as governor of the town, Kutayba received the submission
of Fāryāb and Jūzajān, and placed those towns under
one of his lieutenants. He now proceeded to Balkh, where
he was peaceably received by the inhabitants; and, after
remaining there for a day, advanced into the defiles of
Khulm. Meanwhile Nīzek had retired to Baghlān and
established a camp there, leaving a small force to guard<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">58</span>
the entrance of the pass. Kutayba halted opposite the
castle of Nīzek, but found it too strong for reduction.
While disheartened at this failure, he received an offer
from the king of Rūb and Siminjān to point out to him
a road leading to the castle in return for an amnesty.
Kutayba consented, and, guided by the king, his troops
turned the defiles and poured down upon Nīzek’s
garrison and advance-guard. The Turks were taken
at a disadvantage, and all were put to the sword who
did not make good their escape. The army of Kutayba
now advanced to Siminjān, which was separated by a
desert from Baghlān, where Nīzek had his fortified camp.
Hearing of the approach of Kutayba, the latter retreated
to Kerz, a position which was assailable only on one side,
and was quite unapproachable for cavalry. Here for two
months he sustained a siege, and, as all the approaches
were occupied by Kutayba, provisions grew scarce in this
retreat. On the other hand, Kutayba dreaded the prospect
of remaining in a country so remote and barbarous,
and determined to hasten his triumph by the aid of
diplomacy. Calling to him a trusted councillor named
Sulaymān, he ordered him to make his way to Nīzek’s
camp and endeavour to secure his surrender. Quarter
was not to be promised unless it was insisted on, and
the messenger was informed that his own fate was at
stake. Sulaymān, with the certainty of the gallows before
him as the result of failure to bring the rebel to terms,
obtaining a covering party to guard his retreat, and
taking with him several days’ provisions, started for
the enemy’s camp.</p>

<p>He was admitted to a parley with Nīzek, whom
he exhorted to submit to overwhelming force. The
prince stipulated for mercy, but was assured that no
formal guarantee was necessary. On the understanding
that his life would be spared, he surrendered and accompanied<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">59</span>
Sulaymān to Kutayba’s camp. He was at once
placed in a tent under strict guard, while his own camp
was occupied by the Arab forces. Kutayba then asked
instructions from his chief Hajjāj at Basra as to what
should be done with the prisoner, and in forty days a
reply arrived that he must be put to death. The order
was not obeyed without considerable hesitation. For
three days Kutayba shut himself up in his tent and
held converse with no one. On the fourth he took
council with his officers, and all agreed that the breach
of faith implied was a just and necessary measure. And
so Nīzek, with 700 of his followers, was put to death,
and their heads were sent to Hajjāj.</p>

<p>The prince of Tokhāristān was released from his
golden chains and despatched with a retinue to Damascus.
The perfidy which Kutayba had practised towards Nīzek
was too outrageous even for the Arabs, but it was
followed by another action scarcely less scandalous.
When Kutayba returned to Merv, the king of Jūzajān,
who had made common cause with Nīzek, sent messengers
offering his submission on condition that his
life should be spared. The terms were agreed to, but
Kutayba insisted that the king should present himself
in person, and also give hostages. Kutayba, on his
side, sent him an Arab hostage named Habīb. The
king of Jūzajān intrusted several members of his own
family to Kutayba’s care, and betook himself to Merv,
where he concluded a peace with Kutayba. But on
his return to his native country he died at Tālikān,
and the inhabitants, in the belief, real or pretended,
that he had been poisoned, slew Habīb. On hearing
of this Kutayba put all the hostages to death. In the
year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 91 (709) Kutayba marched against Shūmān,
Kesh, and Nakhshab, and after capturing the three towns
he sent his brother Rahmān to attack the Tarkhūn of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">60</span>
Soghd. The latter, however, offered to pay tribute, and
gave hostages. After accepting this proposal `Abd er-Rahmān
joined Kutayba in Bokhārā, and the two brothers
returned to Merv.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the people of Soghd rose against their
chief, and set up another named Ghūzek in his stead.
The deposed Tarkhūn put an end to his own life.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 93 (711) Chighān, king of Khwārazm, secretly
invited Kutayba to help him against his brother Khorzād,
who, though younger than himself, usurped much of his
power and appropriated a large share of his possessions.
Kutayba, satisfied with the terms offered, arrived unexpectedly
at Hazārasp,<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> whereupon Khorzād gave himself
up, and was handed over as a prisoner to his brother
Chighān. After recompensing Kutayba handsomely, he
begged him as a further favour to assist him in crushing
the king of Khāmjerd, who had repeatedly invaded
his territory. Kutayba intrusted the operation to his
brother, who slew the king, conquered his realm, and
brought 4000 slaves to Merv.</p>

<p>Having thus brought his Khwārazmian campaign to
a successful termination, Kutayba turned his attention
to Soghdiana, which, as related above, had been the
theatre of a revolution. He reached Samarkand without
adventure, and at once invaded the historic city. The
resistance of the Soghdians was most stubborn; they
made frequent sorties,<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> and defied the besiegers to do
their worst. The new king, however, alarmed at the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">61</span>
persistence of the Arabs, sent a letter to the king of
Shāsh asking his aid. Two thousand men of Shāsh
set out at once for Samarkand; but Kutayba, hearing
of their movements, surprised them in ambuscade and
put them to rout. Two days later the king sued for
peace. Kutayba agreed to retire on payment of a heavy
tribute, but stipulated that he should be allowed to enter
the city and build a mosque and inaugurate a religious
service. His terms were accepted, but instead of masons
he sent 4000 armed Arabs to uproot idolatry. All
the graven images of Samarkand were burned, Kutayba
himself commencing the conflagration and inaugurating
the <i>auto-da-fé</i>.</p>

<p>The hostility of Shāsh was not forgotten. At the
beginning of <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 94 (712) Kutayba set out from Merv,
crossed the Oxus, and marched against Shāsh and
Farghāna at the head of a large army.<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> The expedition
resulted in the reduction of the towns of Shāsh, Khojand,
and Kāshān on terms similar to those accorded to the
people of Samarkand.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a></p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 96 (714) Kutayba set out on his last expedition.
He carried the Mohammedan arms farther
east than any of his predecessors had done; and, though
his conquests on the borders of China were not of a
permanent nature, he established an eastern frontier to
Islam which has never since been encroached on. Before
setting out on this last campaign Kutayba received news
of the death of the Caliph Welīd, and the succession
of Sulaymān his brother. As he knew that the Caliph
was his enemy he<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> took the precaution of carrying<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">62</span>
his family with him to Samarkand, where they were
placed in safe keeping. On this expedition Kutayba
reached, and apparently entered, Kāshghar, but though it
is stated that he conquered the province, we have no
particulars of an engagement of any kind.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">63</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_VIII" class="vspace">CHAPTER VIII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Kutayba’s Fall and Death</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> realm of Arabic literature contains no more vivid
picture of contemporary life and manners than that given
us by Tabari in his account of Kutayba’s fall.<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> Many
circumstances conspired to effect his ruin. The unbounded
arrogance arising from uniform success, and
the many acts of perfidy of which he was guilty, had
weakened the attachment of his followers, which was
based rather on greed for booty than devotion to a cause.
His friend and constant patron Hajjāj had died in
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 94. The new Caliph, Sulaymān, had never forgotten
that Kutayba had supported his predecessor Welīd in an
attempt to exclude him from the succession; and his
principal adviser was Yezīd ibn Muhallab, whom Kutayba
had ousted from the government of Khorāsān. But
tribal hatred was the most telling factor in Kutayba’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">64</span>
fall. It raged with intense fury among the Arabs during
the Caliphate, and was at the root of every revolution of
that stirring period.</p>

<p>Kutayba’s first thoughts<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> on hearing of the accession
of Sulaymān were that the Caliph would certainly reinstate
Yezīd as governor of Khorāsān. In view of forestalling
this action he sent a messenger to Sulaymān
bearing three letters. The first contained assurances of
his loyalty; the second, expressions of his contempt for
Yezīd; the purport of the third, which was written on
a smaller sheet, was as follows: “I have ceased to
recognise Sulaymān as my sovereign, and have revolted
against him.” His envoy was intrusted to hand the
first missive to the Caliph and watch his movements
narrowly. If he should read it and then pass it to
Yezīd, the second was to be submitted to him. Should
it be similarly treated, the gauntlet of defiance was to be
thrown down in the third letter.</p>

<p>The injunctions were strictly followed. The three
messages were delivered successively; but, beyond communicating
each to Yezīd, the Caliph betrayed no sign of
resentment. The messenger was allowed to depart in
company with a courtier, who carried with him an Act of
reinvestiture in the governorship of Khorāsān in favour
of Kutayba. When the pair reached Holwān<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> they learnt
that Kutayba had already raised the standard of revolt,
and Sulaymān’s messenger returned straightway to Syria.
When Kutayba’s messenger reached Khorāsān his master
asked him how matters had gone. On learning that his
action of throwing off his allegiance had been, to say the
least of it, premature, Kutayba was filled with repentance,
and took counsel with his brothers and captains as to
what course he should pursue. They were agreed that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">65</span>
Sulaymān would never pardon Kutayba, but opined that
his life would be spared in remembrance of his past services
to Islām. “Alas,” cried Kutayba, “it is not death
I fear, but that the Caliph will certainly give the government
of Khorāsān to Yezīd, and humiliate me before all
the world; I prefer death to that!”<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> Among the many
projects suggested to him the wisest seems to have been
that of his brother `Abd er-Rahmān, who advised him to
proceed to Samarkand and then give his followers the
option of staying with him or returning to their homes.
Having by this means surrounded himself with men
whom he could trust, he might declare his independence
of Sulaymān. But Kutayba was too confident in
his own influence to listen to counsel savouring of timidity.
The only plan which suited his temper was one formulated
by another brother named `Abdullah. It was that
Kutayba should call his officers together and urge them
to join in a revolt against the Caliph. This desperate
scheme was promptly acted upon. Kutayba harangued
his followers in brief but stirring words, dwelling on the
want of capacity shown by his predecessors, especially by
Yezīd; he reminded his troops of the successes that had
attended them under his leadership, of the fairness with
which he had always divided the spoil among them, and
of his prosperous administration of Khorāsān. He then
awaited the acclamations which his lightest utterances
had hitherto received. A deep and anxious silence
reigned on the assembly. Kutayba, lashed to fury by
the ingratitude of those who owed everything to him,
lost all semblance of self-restraint and burst forth into
a tirade, in which his lieutenants were designated as
“cowardly Bedouins, infidels, and hypocrites.” Then,
trembling with half-suppressed passion, he withdrew to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">66</span>
his palace, where he joined the members of his family.
They attempted to remonstrate, and pointed out the
folly of exasperating men on whose goodwill everything
depended. The Arab troops, too, entered into
negotiations with `Abd-er-Rahmān, who was regarded as
the most reasonable of Kutayba’s brothers, and he proffered
his services as a peacemaker. But Kutayba had
by this time entirely lost his head, and turned a deaf ear
to all advice. The Arabs, lashed to madness by his
obstinacy, beset his palace with shouts of vengeance.
Some set fire to his stables, and in the confusion that
ensued another band broke into the council-hall and
attacked their fallen chief. He received a wound from
an arrow, and was straightway hacked to pieces with
swords, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 96 (714).</p>

<p>Thus fell, at the age of forty-six, a man whose personality
stands out in bold relief in the earlier annals of
the most militant of creeds.</p>

<p>It would be unjust to omit mention of Kutayba’s
zeal in the propaganda of Islām. Narshakhi has much
to tell us of his pious exertions in the town of Bokhārā.
On each of his four expeditions thither he compelled the
inhabitants to accept the faith of Mohammed, but as
soon as his back was turned they reverted to idol-worship.
In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 94 Kutayba built, on the site of a fire-temple,
a large mosque, where prayers were read every
Friday; a reward of two direms was given to every attendant
in order to assure the permanent conversion of
the people. Kutayba quartered an Arab in every house,
who played the dual part of spy and missionary. His
character was an epitome of the qualities which made
Islām a terror to mankind, and ultimately conspired to
reduce it to impotence.</p>

<div id="ip_66" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_066.jpg" width="600" height="390" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">GENERAL VIEW OF BOKHĀRĀ</div></div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">67</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_IX" class="vspace">CHAPTER IX<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Kutayba’s Successors</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">On</span> the death of Kutayba, Wakī`, who had been a ringleader
in the revolt, took upon himself the direction of
affairs in Khorāsān. After a lapse of nine months,
however, a new governor arrived, in the person of Yezīd
ibn Muhallab, and Wakī` was placed under arrest, while his
partisans were subjected to punishment. According to
the Persian translation of Tabari, Yezīd this year “began
a series of expeditions beyond the frontiers of Khorāsān,
to countries where Kutayba had not penetrated,”<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> but
they are not mentioned in the Arabic original, nor are
such undertakings consistent with the rest of Yezīd’s
career. For his attention was turned to the subjection
of the countries to the west of Khorāsān,<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">142</a> rather than to
the extension of Mohammedan authority towards the
Chinese frontier.</p>

<p>Thus we find him in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 98 conducting his troops
against Jurjān and Tabaristān. The former country was
regarded as the key of Western Asia. It was strongly
fortified; and its walls, extending as far as the Sea of
Azof, were an effectual barrier to the aggressions of the
Turkish hordes.<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> But these attacks appear to have told<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">68</span>
severely on the inhabitants, who finally secured the
withdrawal of their persistent foes by the payment of
tribute. They had adopted similar tactics on an Arab
invasion which took place under the Caliphate of
`Othman: when the enemy again withdrew, on receiving
a bribe of 2,000,000 direms. Jurjān thereafter enjoyed
a long immunity from attack, although Kutayba had
more than once solicited permission from Hajjāj to
establish a direct route between `Irāk and Khorāsān by
crushing its independence. Yezīd’s anxiety to achieve
a conquest which had been the unrealised ambition of
his great rival can be easily understood. On his
departure from Jurjān he left his son Mokhallad in
charge of Khorāsān. The force at his command included
Kūfans, Basrans, Syrians, and the <i>élite</i> of
Khorāsān and Ray, and numbered 100,000, exclusive
of volunteers and slaves. The first object of his attack
was the town of Dihistān, which was peopled by Turks.<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">144</a>
Having reduced it by a close blockade, he proceeded to
Jurjān, where the inhabitants, as was their wont, bought
peace at the price of 300,000 direms. Yezīd then
passed in a south-westerly direction into Tabaristān.
Its king took refuge in a mountain inaccessible to the
Mohammedan troops, and organised resistance to the
invader from this safe retreat. He obtained reinforcements
from Gīlān and Daylam, and called on the
<i>Marzabān</i> of Jurjān to break the treaty entered into
with Yezīd, and massacre the Arabs in Jurjān. Thus
was Yezīd surrounded by active foes, and his retreat
cut off. The only course open to him was to conclude
peace with the king of Tabaristān, and gather
his forces for the punishment of the faithless people
of Jurjān. This he did, swearing that he would not
stay his sword until he had shed blood enough to turn<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">69</span>
a mill, and had eaten bread made with flour therefrom.
The Marzabān, on learning the approach of the
Musulmans, shut himself up in a stronghold which
crowned a mountain top, and was accessible by one
road only. Here he held out for seven months against
Yezīd; but the latter enticed the garrison from their
retreat by a ruse, and made prisoners of them all. Their
punishment enabled the ruthless conqueror to fulfil his
pledge.</p>

<p>Yezīd now returned to Merv, and sent a highly
coloured report of his successes to his master the Caliph.
His career, however, was not destined to be a long one,
for in the following year, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 99 (717), Sulaymān died,
and was succeeded by `Omar ibn `Abd ul-`Azīz. Yezīd
received at the hands of the new Caliph treatment very
similar to that meted out to Kutayba by Sulaymān. He
was summoned to appear at Basra, and after a brief
interview with the sovereign he was thrown into prison.
The government of Khorāsān was at the same time
transferred to Jarrāh, son of `Abdullah. The ostensible
reason alleged for Yezīd’s disgrace was his retention of the
immense booty of which, in his report to the preceding
Caliph, he had boasted as the fruit of the Jurjān campaign.
`Omar’s real motive was more creditable to
him. Yezīd had been accused by Mohammedan converts
from Khorāsān of harshness and caprice, and `Omar
stood alone among the Eastern Caliphs in pursuing a
policy of moderation in propagating his creed.<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> This
wise monarch died in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 101 (719), and was succeeded
by Yezīd ibn `Abd el-Melik. On his accession Yezīd
ibn Muhallab effected his escape from prison, raised the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">70</span>
flag of revolt against the new Caliph, one of his bitterest
enemies, and made himself master of Basra. The
movement spread over most of the Eastern provinces,
and was not crushed until the end of the following year,
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 102 (720), when Maslama, who held the viceroyalty
of the two `Irāks,<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> defeated and slew Yezīd in a fierce
battle fought near Kūfa on the banks of the Euphrates.
In the same year Maslama appointed a new governor
of Khorāsān in the person of Sa`īd ibn `Abd ul-`Azīz.
This step was followed by a general rising of the
inhabitants of Khojend and Farghāna. The tributary
Soghdians, being thus threatened on their eastern frontier,
asked help from Merv, but the new governor, who was
of a weak and vacillating disposition, delayed so long in
sending reinforcements that the Soghdians made overtures
to the Turks. When at length the Arabs arrived
they were joined by the former; but disputes arose,
which ended in the slaughter of the Soghdians to the
number of 3000. Throughout the reign of Yezīd <span class="smcap">II.</span>
the Moslem Far East was plunged in continual warfare,
with no very marked results; for the army of `Irāk was
fully occupied with operations against the Khazar and
Kipchāk tribes occupying Armenia, which were, for the
most part, attended by ill-success. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 102 (720)
Yezīd <span class="smcap">II.</span> dismissed Maslama from his post, on the
ground that his leniency had led to a serious falling off
in the revenues from `Irāk and Khorāsān. `Omar ibn
Hobayra replaced him. In the following year Sa`īd,
“the Effeminate,”<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> while fighting beneath the walls of
Samarkand, received the news of his dismissal. He was
superseded in the governorship by a namesake, Sa`īd<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">71</span>
ibn `Amr el-Harashī.<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> El-Harashī at once set out for
Farghāna by way of Bokhārā and Samarkand,<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> and on
reaching Farghāna besieged the king in one of his
fortresses. The king at last came to terms and paid an
indemnity of 100,000 direms, besides surrendering many
slaves. During the following night, while most of the
Musulmans were asleep, the treacherous chief, at the
head of 10,000 men, fell upon them and slew a great
number. The main body, however, on receiving the
alarm, hastily mounted and charged the infidels fiercely,
putting them to rout and killing the king with 2000 of
his followers. In the same year, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 104 (722), El-Harashī
was in his turn deposed,<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> and Muslim ibn Sa`īd,
the Kilābite, put into his place as generalissimo of the
Eastern army.</p>

<p>The Mohammedans meanwhile had their hands full
in reducing disorders in Transcaspia, and their ill-success
accounts for the perpetual changes made in the leaders of
their troops. The Turks, indeed, were yearly growing in
power and insolence. Muslim ibn Sa`īd suffered a series
of defeats at their hands which culminated in an utter rout
of the Mohammedan army, the survivors escaping with
difficulty across the river of Balkh. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 105 (723)
Yezīd <span class="smcap">II.</span> died, and was succeeded by his brother Hishām,
who at once appointed Khalid ibn `Abdullah al-Kasrī
governor of the two `Irāks, while he despatched Khālid’s
brother Asad with a powerful army to bring the Turks
into subjection. He failed as miserably as his predecessor;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">72</span>
for thrice in successive years he crossed the Balkh River
and marched into Soghdiana, as often to retreat with
severe losses. Enraged by his continued misfortunes, he
called together his generals and roundly accused them of
being the cause. He then had them stripped, bastinadoed,
and shaved, and sent them in chains to his brother
Khālid.<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> This outrageous behaviour disgusted the Caliph,
who dismissed Asad and gave the command of the
Eastern army to Ashras ibn `Abdullah.<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> The new general
was held in high esteem by his followers, and received
the title of “the Perfect.” He made great efforts to
induce the Christians of Central Asia to embrace Islām,
by promising them exemption from the capitation tax.
He appears, however, not to have abided by his word,
but to have reimposed the tax, with the result that many
of the recent converts rose in rebellion and attached
themselves to the Khākān. But Ashras, too, met with
a crushing defeat at the hands of the Turks, and was
consequently recalled. In the person of his successor,
Junayd ibn `Abd er-Rahmān,<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> we find a man more fit for
supreme command than those who had preceded him.
In his first engagement with the Turks he defeated the
Khākān with a force of 170,000 men, of whom the
Musulmans killed about 3000.<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> Junayd then retired
across the Balkh River to Merv, where he wintered.</p>

<p>In the following spring he crossed the Oxus with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">73</span>
his whole force, and on gaining the right bank divided
it into three corps. The first, consisting of 10,000
men, he sent under Saura ibn el-Hurr to occupy
Samarkand. The second division was ordered to
Tokhāristān under Omāra ibn Horaym, who quickly
reduced the whole province; while Junayd himself
took command of the remainder.</p>

<p>The accounts of the fighting that ensued, as given
by the two versions of Tabari, offer great discrepancies.
The Arabic original, which in this case seems the most
trustworthy source, points to an almost total defeat of
the Mohammedan forces in the first instance, while
the Persian translation, in abridging this account, omits
many of the details of disaster. According to the
Arabic, Junayd was marching on Tokhāristān when
news reached him that Saura was hard pressed in
Samarkand by the Khākān of the Turks, whereupon
Junayd resolved to march to his relief. But his
forces were so scattered that he was obliged to set
out with the small contingent under his personal
command. When about half-way he was surrounded
by the Turkish hordes, and a fearful struggle ensued
in which hundreds of his brave Arabs were slain. At
last he withdrew to a defile,<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> threw up entrenchments,
and called a council of war. His officers pointed out to
him that either he or Saura must perish. He therefore
sent word to Saura<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> to march out of Samarkand, which
with much reluctance he did at the head of 12,000
men. Saura set out in the direction of Junayd’s camp,
and had nearly reached it when he was suddenly attacked<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">74</span>
by the Turks. So great was the slaughter that of the
12,000 we are told only three finally escaped,<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> Saura
himself perishing with his army. Having created this
diversion, Junayd thought fit to sally from his retreat,
but only to find himself again outnumbered by the
Khākān’s forces. He now promised freedom to the
slaves of his camp if they would fight for him,<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> and by
the valour of these impromptu auxiliaries he was able
to push his way through to Samarkand. When the
Caliph Hishām received Junayd’s report<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> of what had
passed he sent him larger reinforcements of men from
Basra and Kūfa, numbering in all some 25,000. When
Junayd had been four months in Soghdiana, tidings were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">75</span>
brought to him that the Khākān was threatening
Bokhārā; he thereupon set out from Samarkand, leaving
there a garrison in charge of Nasr ibn Sayyār. In the
course of two years Junayd appears to have restored
order in Transoxiana, and with the help of his new
reinforcements to have driven out the Turks. The
`Abbāsid faction, which a little later brought about the
downfall of the Umayyad dynasty, in the year 113
began to send emissaries into Khorāsān; Tabari tells us
that Junayd seized one of these men and put him to
death. But, apart from this fact, Tabari has scarcely
anything to relate of Junayd between the years 113
and 116.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 116 (734) Junayd, in spite of his great
services, was dismissed from his post by the Caliph for
having married the daughter of Yezīd ibn Muhallab, and
`Āsim ibn `Abdullah was appointed in his stead. He
died of dropsy before his successor reached Merv. By
his cruelty and injustice to all who had held office under
Junayd, `Āsim incurred the bitter hatred of his people.</p>

<p>A certain Hārith ibn Surayj rose against him, took
possession of many towns in Khorāsān, such as Merv
er-Rūd, Balkh, and Bab-el-Abwāb, and gathered a crowd
of soldiers of fortune to his banner by distributing amongst
them the tribute levied from his acquisitions. `Āsim,
failing to crush this revolt, was dismissed by the Caliph,
and Asad el-Kasrī was reinstated in the governorship of
Khorāsān.<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">160</a> Asad at once advanced against Hārith at
the head of a large army, drove him to Turkestān,
where he entered into league with the Khākān, who
assigned him and his followers the town of Fārāb as a
residence.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 118 (736) Balkh became temporarily the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">76</span>
Mohammedan capital of Central Asia. In the same
year Asad planned a campaign into Khottal, but the
Khākān took measures to forestall him. Asad’s advance
column was taken completely by surprise, and his camp
and harem were captured. A parley ensued without
result, after which he returned to Balkh, while the
Khākān again withdrew to Tokhāristān. But in the
following spring Asad attacked and completely routed
the Khākān and rescued all the Moslem provinces.<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> The
Turk fled back to Tokhāristān, and shortly afterwards,
while on his way to attack Samarkand, he was waylaid
and killed by a rebellious follower.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">77</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_X" class="vspace">CHAPTER X<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Nasr ibn Sayyār and Abū Muslim</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">In</span> <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 120 (737)<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> Asad died, and was succeeded by
Nasr ibn Sayyār, one of the ablest rulers and generals
ever sent to the East in Mohammedan times. He was
as generous as he was strong, and seems to have won
the affection of those under him. During the nine years
of his governorship his position was by no means an
easy one, for he had to contend with the growing influence
of the `Abbāsid faction,<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> and to support, with a loyalty
worthy of a better cause, the last degenerate representatives
of the house of Umayya. His first care on assuming
the supreme command was to subjugate the Khākān
of the Turks, whose name was Kūrsūl, against whom
he led three successive expeditions. The first two seem
to have been without result, but in the last, which was
directed against Shāsh, the Khākān fell into his hands
and was put to death.<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">164</a></p>

<p>In the same year Nasr renewed his attempt to subject
Shāsh to the Moslem yoke. The campaign was a
bloodless one. He received the submission of Ushrūsana,
and concluded an advantageous peace with the king of
Shāsh.<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> He thereupon appointed a Mohammedan governor
of Farghāna.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">78</span>
In the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 123 (740) this judicious ruler established
order throughout Transoxiana, Khorāsān, and
Farghāna.<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">166</a> But he had other difficulties to meet which
were not of his own making. The star of the Umayyads
was in the descendent, and the `Abbāsid party
were daily adding to the number of their adherents.
And, apart from dynastic struggles, the whole of Islām
was rent with the dissensions of the rival sects of the
Khārijites and the Shi`ites. The sectarian zeal of the
latter, which to this day remains the cause of bitter discord
in the realm of Islām, began now to make itself
felt in Persia and in Central Asia.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 125 (742) Hishām, the last Umayyad
Caliph of any distinction, died. The dynasty lasted seven
years longer, and in that short period no less than four
Caliphs<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a> attempted to restore the fading glory of their
house. While such disorders reigned at headquarters
there was small hope of quelling sedition in the outlying
provinces. The `Abbāsid pretender, Ibrāhīm, thanks to
the efforts of his father’s<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> emissaries, had now a powerful
and rapidly increasing faction in Merv. But Nasr still
held command in Khorāsān, and his personal influence
was still great enough to avert open rebellion. It failed;
and the fierce tribal jealousy which always smouldered
in Arab breasts burst into civil war. The two rival
factions were the Yemenites and the Modharites. Nasr
ibn Sayyār belonged to the tribe of Modhar, and bestowed
the highest offices on his clansmen. In fact, all
the towns of Khorāsān were governed by members of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">79</span>
one or the other of the three principal branches of the
tribe, Asad, Temīm, or Kināna. Now, there was a man
of the tribe of Azd called, after his birthplace, Juday` El-Kirmānī,
who, before the promotion of Nasr, had held a
higher position, and retained some authority among his
own people. To him came the Beni Rabī`a with complaints
of the partiality of Nasr. He promised his intercession
with the governor. On attempting remonstrance
he raised Nasr’s ire, and was cast into prison, whence
escaping<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> he rejoined his own people. All efforts at
reconciliation proving fruitless, the rival parties had
recourse to armed strength. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 127 (744) Hārith
ibn Surayj, who was permitted to return to Khorāsān
from his captivity in Fārāb, set up his standard at Merv,
and, gathering many followers around it, openly revolted
against Nasr. In the following year Nasr called upon
him to swear allegiance to the Caliph Merwān, but
Hārith refused, and boasted that he was “the man with
the black flag”<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> who was to overthrow the Umayyad
dynasty. Hostilities thereupon commenced between
Nasr and Hārith, in which the latter was worsted. He
fled to the camp of El-Kirmānī, whom Nasr had meanwhile
been vainly endeavouring to conciliate.</p>

<p>Their combined forces now marched against Nasr,
whom they defeated in a pitched battle. Nasr fled to
Nīshāpūr, while the allies occupied Merv, where, however,
dissensions arose between them which cost Hārith
his life, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 128 (745).<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a></p>

<p>It was in the midst of these disorders that Abū<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">80</span>
Muslim, the virtual founder of the `Abbasid dynasty,
raised the black banner in Khorāsān. The advent of
the `Abbāsids to the Caliphate was an event of such
moment for the future of Central Asia that it is necessary
in this place to give a brief account of the rise of
the new dynasty. The fall of the Umayyads was the
death-knell of unity in Islām. In spite of numberless
rebellions in all parts of their conquered provinces the
Umayyads had never recognised independent rulers,
but with the establishment of the house of `Abbās there
set in a general dismemberment of the empire of the
Caliphs. The origin of the dispute between the Hāshimites
(or `Abbāsids) and the Umayyads dates back to a
period anterior to the birth of Mohammed. It was a
rivalry between the two chief stocks of the house of
Koraysh.<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> We have seen above that, although Mohammed,
on first declaring his mission, met with opposition
from his own tribe, after the conquest of Mekka they
temporarily reconciled the conflicting interests. So after
the Prophet’s death discussions again arose between `Alī
and the Caliph Mo`āwiya. The Khārijites, who demanded
a purely theocratic rule, were also continually in a ferment.
After the tragic death of Husayn, the son of `Alī,
at Kerbelā, a party arose devoted to the house of `Alī,
and claiming the succession of his family to the Caliphate,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">81</span>
who called themselves the Shī`a (or faction), and who are
known to Europeans as the Shi`ites.</p>

<p>In the reign of Hishām (<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 105), Mohammed, the
great-grandson of the Prophet’s uncle, `Abbās, who was
living in retreat in the south of Palestine, began to advance
his claims to the Caliphate. Emissaries and secret
deputations were sent to all the principal towns of Persia,
`Irāk, and Khorāsān, and, in spite of the severe measures
taken to check the movement, the cause of the Hāshimites
began rapidly to spread. The Shi`ites and the Khārijites
were induced to make common cause with the
Hāshimites, on the plea that the only object of the
movement was to secure the Caliphate for a member of
the Prophet’s own family.</p>

<p>In the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 125 (742) Mohammed visited
Mekka, and in the same year Abū Muslim was taken
there on a pilgrimage by a party of the Hāshimite
faction. This Abū Muslim, whose real name was `Abd
er-Rahmān ibn Muslim, was a native of Khorāsān, and
had been a saddler in the service of a distinguished
Arabian family.<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> While residing at Mekka he attracted
the attention of the `Abbāsid claimant, who at once
singled him out as a youth of great promise,<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> and prophesied
that Abū Muslim would be greatly instrumental
in bringing the `Abbāsids to power. He spent the
two following years in journeys between Khorāsān and
Homayma, in order to promote the cause and report its
progress. By means of an active propaganda the Hāshimites
had been most successful in winning over large
numbers of adherents, and Abū Muslim was only watching
for a suitable moment to raise the flag of revolt. In
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 129 (746), on the death of Hārith ibn Surayj,
Nasr ibn Sayyār sent a small force from Nīshāpūr<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">82</span>
against El-Kirmānī, which was repelled, and Nasr now
moved on to Merv with all the troops he could command.
Abū Muslim, deeming the moment favourable for his
designs, unfurled the black standard<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> of the `Abbāsids.
Ere a month had elapsed contingents began to pour in
from all quarters. Nasr, finding himself unable to check
the movement, implored reinforcements from Merwān, the
governor of `Irāk, and pointed out that the loss of
Khorāsān would be fatal to the house of Umayya.</p>

<p>But no help arrived, and Abū Muslim, conscious of his
foe’s weakness, invited El-Kirmānī to join with him against
Nasr; the latter, foreseeing this contingency, caused El-Kirmānī
to be killed by one of his soldiers, and sent his
head to the Caliph. The Yemenites and the two sons
of El-Kirmānī attached themselves to Abū Muslim. In
despair Nasr sent to Merwān a despatch in verse,<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> in which
he pointed out the perils surrounding his situation, and
asked whether the house of Umayya was asleep or awake.</p>

<p>In the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 130 (747) Abū Muslim made his
entry into Merv, and ordered public prayers to be offered
for the `Abbāsid claimant as Caliph. Nasr, who had
abandoned the struggle for power and was living in
retirement at Merv, withdrew on his approach to Nīshāpūr
by way of Sarakhs.<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> In his flight he was joined<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">83</span>
by such of his troops as remained faithful, but near
Nīshāpūr he was overtaken and defeated by Kahtaba
ibn Shebīb, who had been despatched by Abū Muslim in
pursuit. Nasr now fled farther westward, and on reaching
Jurjān was joined by the Syrian troops from `Irāk;
but they came too late. Kahtaba again overtook the
fugitive and inflicted a final defeat. Nasr fled towards
Hamadān, but he died worn out by years and toil at
Sāva at the age of eighty-five. With this faithful viceroy
perished the last hopes of the Umayyads, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 131
(748).</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">84</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XI" class="vspace">CHAPTER XI<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Khorāsān under the First `Abbāsids</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> Umayyad Caliph at last recognised the gravity of
the situation, and sent all the forces he could muster to
oppose Kahtaba. But the Hāshimite troops carried all
before them. They defeated a large Syrian army near
Isfahān, and captured the important stronghold of
Nahāvend, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 132 (749). Then Kahtaba started for
Kūfa, making a slight detour to avoid Ibn Hobayra, who
was encamped at Jalūlā. On reaching the Euphrates,
Ibn Hobayra came up with him, and a battle ensued at
nightfall near Kerbelā. Kahtaba perished,<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> but his son
Hasan continuing the fray defeated Ibn Hobayra, and
drove him back on Wāsit. Meanwhile the Yemenites
revolted in Kūfa, and on the arrival of the victorious
Hāshimite forces<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> delivered up the town to them. On
the entry of Hasan ibn Kahtaba into Kūfa the head of
the `Abbāsid house, Abū-l-`Abbās, emerged from his
hiding-place, and the town for the time became the seat
of the `Abbāsids. Abū Sālama was provisionally recognised
as the Vezīr of the house of Mohammed.
Meanwhile the fate of the Umayyads had been decided
by the battle of the Zāb in Mesopotamia, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 132<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">85</span>
(750), where Merwān himself, surrounded by his greatest
generals, encountered the Hāshimites under `Abdullah,
Abū-l-`Abbās’s uncle. Merwān suffered a crushing defeat,
and fled, hotly pursued, to Egypt, where he was finally
captured and slain.</p>

<p>At the beginning of this year Abū-l-`Abbās, called
Es-Saffāh, or the “Shedder of Blood,” was proclaimed
Caliph in the great mosque of Kūfa. The new Caliph’s
first measure was to sweep the entire Umayyad race
from the face of the earth. The traditions which have
come down to us of his butcheries pass all belief.<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> Syria
was soon reduced, and Ibn Hobayra surrendered his last
retreat, Wāsit. But troubles continued throughout his
reign. Abū Muslim’s attempts to put all the Umayyad
faction to the sword led to a serious rising in Khorāsān.
The partisans of the fallen dynasty, in Bokhārā, Soghdiana,
and Farghāna, aided by the emperor of China, took
the field in force, but were soon dispersed with great
slaughter by Ziyād, governor of Samarkand. “It is
plain,” says Vambéry,<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> “from the historical sources before
us that the original Iranian population of the land,
namely, the Tājiks, fought under the banner of Nasr,
and long remained true to the cause of the Ommayades.”</p>

<p>“The resistance which Nasr ibn Sayyār offered not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">86</span>
only to the superior force, but also to the allurements of
Ebu Muslim, deserves our respect.”</p>

<p>“On the other hand, the adroitness of Ebu Muslim
deserves our admiration, who in an astonishingly short
space of time gained over to his side all the Turks of
Transoxiana, and attached them to himself to such a
degree that the myths which even now live in the mouths
of the Ozbegs and Turcomans compare him to the
Caliph Alī for valour and wondrous works. At all events
the influential individuality of Ebu Muslim first made
the warlike supremacy of the Turks, although only
mediately, felt in Western Asia.”</p>

<p>About the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 134 (751) the new Caliph’s
brother paid an official visit to Merv, in order to report
on the state of the Eastern provinces. So much alarmed
was he at the influence and independence of Abū
Muslim that on his return to Kufa he recommended
his brother to rid himself of the man to whom he owed
his throne. In the following year Ziyād, the governor of
Samarkand, probably at the instigation of the Caliph,
rose against Abū Muslim; but the movement was quickly
crushed, and Ziyād was deposed and put to death.</p>

<p>In the following year, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 136 (753), while Abū
Muslim and Abū Ja`far were returning from a pilgrimage
to Mekka, the Caliph es-Saffāh died in Anbār. Abū
Ja`far, who is well known in history as El-Mansūr, had
been designated by his brother to succeed him,<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> but he
had a rival in the person of his uncle `Abdullah,
who was at the head of a considerable army, including
a contingent of 17,000 men of Khorāsān. Abū
Muslim, compelled to choose between the pretenders,
declared for Abū Ja`far, whereupon `Abdullah caused a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">87</span>
massacre of the whole of his Khorāsān contingent,<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> in
the knowledge that they would refuse to draw the sword
against the governor of their province. But the precaution
was of no avail, for shortly afterwards his Syrian
army was utterly defeated near Nisibis by a Persian
force under Abū Muslim, and `Abdullah was compelled
to abandon his claim. Hardly was this danger averted
when the Caliph el-Mansūr again allowed his jealousy of
Abū Muslim to get the better of him. Abū Muslim was
warned of his ill-will, so resolved an immediate return to
Khorāsān. In order to prevent this the Caliph appointed
him to the governorship of Syria and Egypt, and invited
him to an audience in Madā´in. The correspondence<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">184</a>
which followed between the Caliph and his too powerful
lieutenant gives us a graphic picture of the times, and
also possesses some historical importance. Abū Muslim
was too wary to accept the Caliph’s invitation. “A
certain king of the Sāsānides,” he replied, “once said:
‘There is no more dangerous time for a Vezīr than when
complete tranquillity reigns in the kingdom.’ ... I therefore
deem it expedient to avoid the proximity of the
Commander of the Faithful, without, however, ceasing on
this account to be his faithful subject. Should the Commander
of the Faithful allow me to do so I will be the
most humble of his servants, but if he gives vent to
his passions I shall be compelled for my own safety to
recall my allegiance.”</p>

<p>To this the Caliph replied: “I have grasped the
meaning of thy letter; but thy position is different from
that of the bad Vezīrs of the Sāsānide kings, ... a humble
and faithful servant like thyself has nothing to fear<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">88</span>
during a state of peace. Although the conditions hinted
at towards the close of thy letter do not bespeak an
entire submission, thou wilt doubtless return with the
bearer of this letter. I pray God that He may give thee
strength to withstand the enticements of Satan, who
hopes to frustrate thy good intentions, and opens for
thee the gate which leads to destruction.”</p>

<p>Abū Muslim rejoined in the following remarkable
letter: “I had a guide closely connected with the house
of the Prophet whose business it was to instruct me in
the teachings and duties prescribed by God. From him
I had hoped to learn the sciences, but he led me into
ignorance and error by means of the Koran itself, which,
from love of worldly things, he misinterpreted. He
ordered me, in God’s name, to draw the sword, to banish
feelings of pity from my heart, to accept no excuses
from my enemies, and to pardon no offence. I did
everything to pave his way to dominion. Nothing now
remains for me but to entreat God to pardon me for the
sins I have committed.” Having despatched this letter,
Abū Muslim set out for Khorāsān, but in the meanwhile
El-Mansūr wrote privately to Abū Dā´ūd Khālid, whom
Abū Muslim had left as his lieutenant in Khorāsān,
appointing him to the governorship. He further pointed
out that the army of Khorāsān had obeyed Abū Muslim
because he had been fighting for the `Abbāsids; that
he was now in open revolt, and ought to be put to death
at the first opportunity. Abū Dā´ūd communicated this
letter to the army and chiefs of Khorāsān, who at once
recognised him as governor. He then sent news of this
momentous occurrence to Abū Muslim, who, seeing that
he could no longer count on the attachment of the
Khorāsānīs, and deceived by the false assurances of
his former friends, consented to wait upon the Caliph
at Madā´in. On arriving there he was basely murdered<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">89</span>
at his master’s instigation by five hired assassins, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span>
137 (754).</p>

<p>Abū Muslim was barely thirty-five years of age when
he met his fall. It was certainly deserved, for, according
to computations of Arabian historians, he was responsible
for the slaughter of no less than 600,000 human beings.
But though the monster richly merited punishment,
his master, on whom he had bestowed the Empire of
the East, should have been the last to inflict it; and the
treachery with which Abū Muslim’s fate was compassed
is an additional stain on El-Mansūr’s memory.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">90</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XII" class="vspace">CHAPTER XII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Caliphates of El-Mansūr, El-Hādi, and Hārūn er-Rashīd</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">El-Mansur’s</span> troubles did not end with the defeat of
`Abdullah and the murder of Abū Muslim. The rebellious
Mesopotamians, under their leader Mulabbab esh-Shaybāni,
more than once repulsed the troops sent against them by
the Caliph, and not till <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 138 (755) was order restored by
Khāzim ibn Khuzayma.<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> In the meantime a “Magian,”
or Zoroastrian of Nīshāpūr, named Sinbad,<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> disgusted at
the murder of his patron Abū Muslim, rose in rebellion
to avenge the blood of the fallen general.<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> He soon
found himself at the head of a large following,<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> and
gained possession of Nīshāpūr, Kūmis, and Ray. In the
town last mentioned the treasure which had been left
there by Abū Muslim fell into his hands. Against him
El-Mansūr despatched Jahwar<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> ibn Marrār el-`Ijlī, at the
head of 10,000 men, who encountered and put to
flight the rebels between Hamadān and Ray. Sinbad
escaped from the field of battle, but was overtaken and
killed between Tabaristān and Ray, his revolt having
lasted just seventy days.<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">91</span>
In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 138 (755) Jahwar was deprived of his
command for having failed to deliver over to the Caliph
the treasure of Abū Muslim which had fallen into his
hands. He now in turn took up arms against the
Caliph, who sent a force against him under Mohammad
ibn el-Ash`ath. Jahwar suffered a crushing defeat
and fled to Āzerbāyjān, whither he was pursued and
slain.</p>

<p>Although El-Mansūr had now, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 139 (756), secured
comparative tranquillity and recognition of his sovereign
rights in most of his dominions, the distant province
of Khorāsān, yearly rising in importance, was still under
the heel of the rival faction of the Hāshimites and the
Shi`ites, quite apart from minor sectarian movements
which rendered the attempt to maintain order there
almost hopeless.</p>

<p>In the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 140 (757) the Shi`ites broke out
into open revolt, in the midst of which the then governor,
Abū Dā´ūd Khalid ibn Ibrāhim, died.<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> His successor,
`Abd el-Jabbār, was powerless to assert his authority, and,
on learning that he was about to be dismissed from his
office, turned against El-Mansūr. Khāzim ibn Khuzayma,
who had already distinguished himself in Mesopotamia,
accompanied by the Caliph’s son and successor El-Mahdi,
at once marched against `Abd el-Jabbār and his following,
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 141 (758). `Abd el-Jabbār was, however, captured
by his own people and sent, mounted backwards on an
ass, to the Caliph, who, after extorting from him by
torture all his treasure, put him to death. The governorship
of Khorāsān was now given to El-Mahdi,<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> the
Caliph’s own son and successor—an appointment which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">92</span>
seems to indicate the growing importance of the far
Eastern provinces.</p>

<p>In the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 141 (758) a strange sect of Persian
origin styled Rāvandīs caused no little trouble to the
Caliph, and even placed him in imminent personal
danger.<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> The old chronicles have little to tell us of
Khorāsān between the years <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 141 and 150, although
during this period they have many grave events to
record in other parts of the Caliph’s dominion,—such as
the rising of Mohammad and Ibrāhīm, descendants of the
martyred Hasan (<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 145), and the foundation of Baghdād,
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 145 (762). We also hear of frequent engagements
in Armenia between the Caliph’s troops on the one
hand and the Khazars and Turks on the other. These
matters, however, do not directly concern our narrative.<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">194</a>
We propose, therefore, to chronicle the years <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 150 to
180 briefly, recording only such facts as are connected
with the history of Central Asia proper, and mentioning
the names of those who held the governorship of Khorāsān
during this period.<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a></p>

<div id="ip_92" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 28.125em;">
  <img src="images/i_092.jpg" width="450" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">RELIGIOUS MENDICANT—BOKHĀRĀ</div></div>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 150 (767) a serious rising took place in
Khorāsān, under the leadership of a Persian named<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">93</span>
Ustādsīs,<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> who, placing himself at the head of 300,000
men of Herāt, Bādghīs, Sistān, and other provinces,
put to flight a large force of Khorāsānīs and men
of Merv er-Rūd. On hearing of this, El-Mansūr immediately
sent Khāzim ibn Khuzayma, who had been
so successful in quelling the revolt in Mesopotamia,
to help El-Mahdi, the governor of Khorāsān,<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> to meet
this new danger. El-Mahdi gave over the supreme
command of his troops to Khāzim, who led a force
of 20,000 men to meet the rebel Ustādsīs. On
approaching the enemy, Khāzim threw up a zariba
and prepared for battle, whereupon Ustādsīs advanced
to the attack. But while a portion of his army was
forcing the entrenchments Khazim created a diversion
by causing a body of his men to sally forth from an
opening on the opposite side. This party fell on
the rear of the rebel army and put them completely
to rout, killing 70,000 and taking 14,000 prisoners.
Khazim fled to the hills, but was at length obliged to
surrender.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 151 (768). El-Mahdi returned to Baghdād, and
took up his residence in the new town of Rusāfa,
which had been built for the Khorāsānīs, who were
unable to dwell in peace with the haughty Arabs of
the capital.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 152 (769). Humayd ibn Kahtaba was appointed
governor of Khorāsān, and proclaimed a Holy War
against Kābul.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 158 (774). El-Mansūr died, and was succeeded
by his son El-Mahdi.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 159 (775). Humayd was succeeded in the
governorship of Khorāsān by Abu `Aun. A rising took<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">94</span>
place in Khorāsān in connection with the appointment of
the heir-presumptive (<i>vali-`ahd</i>).</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 160 (776). Another rising occurred in Khorāsān
under the leadership of Yūsuf ibn Ibrāhīm, called El-Barm,
which was quelled by Yezīd ibn Mazyad. Yūsuf was
sent captive to El-Mahdi, who, after subjecting him to the
cruellest torture, crucified him.</p>

<p>Abu `Aun having provoked the Caliph’s wrath was
dismissed from his office, and succeeded by Mu`āz ibn
Muslim.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 161 (777). The revolt of Mokanna`, “the Veiled
Prophet of Khorāsān,” originated in a village near Merv.
He taught the transmigration of souls, and gave out that
the Deity had lately been incarnate in the person of Abū
Muslim, and had now passed into his own. He secured
a great following from among the people of Khorāsān
and Transoxiana, who, from the colour of their clothes,
took the name of <i>Sefīd-Jāmegān</i>, or the “White-robed.”</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 163 (779). Mokanna` was besieged by Sayyid
el-Harashī in his fortress in Kesh, and on finding his
position hopeless poisoned himself. His head was sent
to El-Mahdi in Aleppo.<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a></p>

<p>Mu`āz was supplanted by Musayyah ibn Zobayr in
the governorship.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 166 (782). A general rising took place
against Musayyah, who was superseded by El-Fadhl ibn
Sulaymān Tūsī in the governorships of Khorāsān and
Sīstān.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 167 (783). Death of El-Mahdi. Succession of
El-Hādi.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">95</span>
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 170 (786). Death of El-Hādi. Succession of
Hārūn er-Rashīd.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 171 (787). Ja`far el-Ash`ath, governor of Khorāsān.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 172 (788). El-`Abbās el-Ash`ath followed his
father as governor, and was, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 175 (791), succeeded
by his uncle El-Ghatrīf ibn `Atā.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 176 (792). Shi`ite revolt in Daylam. Hamza
el-Khuzā`ī, governor of Khorāsān.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 178 (794). El-Fadhl ibn Yahya was appointed
governor of Khorāsān.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 178 (794). He built mosques and post-stations
in Khorāsān, conducted a “Holy War” in Transoxiana,
and was unsuccessfully attacked by the king of Oshrūsana
Khārakhara.<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">199</a></p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 179 (795). Mansūr el-Himyari was governor of
Khorasan.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 180 (796). Ja`far ibn Yahya was governor of
Khorāsān and Sīstān.</p>

<p><span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 182 (798). The famous Caliph Hārūn er-Rashīd
appointed his infant son Ma´mūn ruler over all the
countries from Hamadān to the farthest East, under the
guardianship of Ja`far ibn Yahya.</p>

<p>The year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 187 (802) was memorable in Mohammedan
annals for the sudden disgrace and fall of the
all-powerful favourites of the Caliph, the Barmecides,<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> at
that time represented by the brothers Fadhl and Ja`far
and their aged father Yahya. Their story has been told<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">96</span>
too often to bear repetition in this place, although, as we
have seen, the Barmecides had from their origin been
closely connected with Khorāsān.</p>

<p>On the fall of the Barmecides, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 187 (802), `Alī
ibn `Isā<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> was appointed to the governorship of Khorāsān,
but the complaints against his misgovernment and extortion
grew so loud that in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 189 (804) Hārūn resolved
to undertake a journey of inspection into the province.
He accordingly set out at the head of 50,000 men,<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">202</a>
leaving the government in the hands of his heir-apparent
Amīn. On reaching Ray, however, he found `Alī ibn `Isā
awaiting his arrival with rich presents for himself and his
generals, and, soothed by these gifts and by the flattery
of the cruel governor, Hārūn took him into favour and
sent him back to Khorāsān, while he himself returned to
his capital, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 190 (806).</p>

<p>In the following year a certain Rāfi` ibn Layth, a
grandson of the Umayyad governor, Nasr ibn Sayyār,
for reasons of private vengeance, killed the governor of
Samarkand and became master of that town. With the
aid of the discontented citizens and some Turkish tribes
he repulsed the army sent against him by `Alī ibn `Isā,
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 191 (807). Hārūn, on hearing of this revolt, at
once despatched his trusted general Harthama to re-establish
order; but the seditionary movement under
Rāfi` continued to grow with such rapidity that the
Caliph thought fit to take the field against him in
person.<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> So, again leaving Baghdad in the hands of his
son Amīn, he set out for Khorāsān with a large army.
On reaching Kirmānshāh, he sent forward Ma´mūn,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">97</span>
accompanied by Fadhl ibn Sahl as his vezīr, with orders
to establish himself in Merv and to send Harthama to
attack Rāfi`, who had established his camp in Bokhārā
and was now practically master of Transoxiana. Meanwhile
the Caliph, who was suffering from a severe malady,<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a>
was advancing by slower stages towards Khorāsān with
the main body of his army. On reaching Tūs the symptoms
became more acute, and on the 3rd of Jumāda II. 193
(24th March 809), the great Caliph succumbed at the
early age of forty-five, and was buried in that town.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">98</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XIII" class="vspace">CHAPTER XIII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Decline of the Caliphs’ Authority in Khorāsān. The Tāhirides</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">On</span> the death of Hārūn er-Rashīd, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 193 (809), a
serious dispute arose between his two sons, Amīn and
Ma´mūn. The former, probably on the advice of his
vezīr, Fadhl ibn Rabī`a,<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> ordered the army, which was at
Tūs, to return to Baghdād. This act was not only
unfriendly towards his brother, but was also in direct
contravention of his father’s will. Ma´mūn, in retaliation,
put a stop to all postal communication between Baghdād
and the East, and assumed the title of Caliph over a
kingdom which extended from Hamadān to Tibet, and
from the Caspian to the Persian Gulf. With the help of
his able vezīr, Fadhl ibn Sahl,<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">206</a> he succeeded in establishing
order throughout his realms. Meanwhile Harthama
took Samarkand after a protracted siege; whereupon
Rāfi` threw himself on Ma´mūn’s mercy and was pardoned,
and thus peace was restored throughout Khorāsān.
But the elements of civil disorder still held sway. While
Amīn, on the one hand, struck Ma´mūn from the succession,
the latter ordered the omission of his brother’s name from
the public prayers. Amīn, angered at his rival’s attitude,
resolved on reducing him by force of arms. To this end<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">99</span>
he despatched `Alī ibn `Isā against him at the head of
50,000 men. On reaching Ray, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 195 (810), he
encountered Tāhir, who had been posted there by
Ma´mūn to watch the frontier. In the battle that ensued
`Alī was slain in single combat by Tāhir, and his
army was put to flight. Tāhir, in obedience to Ma´mūn’s
orders, now marched on Baghdād, and with reinforcements
brought by Harthama defeated all the armies sent to
stop his progress. Having secured the submission of
Arabia and Mesopotamia, he laid siege to Baghdād, and
took the city by storm in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 198 (813), after twelve
months’ investment. Amīn made a vain attempt to
escape, and was finally slain by a party of Persian
soldiers.</p>

<p>Ma´mūn, who was now the undisputed master of the
Caliphate, made Merv his capital instead of removing to
Baghdād. He took this fatal step, which gave offence to
the people of the West generally, on the advice of Fadhl
ibn Sahl; for Ma´mūn, like his brother, was overruled by
a selfish and masterful vezīr. After the capture of
Baghdād, Tāhir placed himself at the head of affairs in
that town; but the people soon rose against him to
avenge the death of Amīn. The revolt was quelled by
the distribution of largesses, and all `Irāk acknowledged
Tāhir’s sway.<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> It is impossible to enumerate the disorders
which distracted Baghdād and the West, and the countless
difficulties which Ma´mūn had to face during the next few
years. Suffice it to say that, in spite of repeated risings
and conspiracies against the Caliph’s authority, Ma´mūn
continued to be guided by the short-sighted counsels of
his vezīr, who, as a Persian<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> and a Shī`ite, was hated in
the orthodox West. Not till <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 202 (817) did the
monarch awaken to the dangers of the situation and set<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">100</span>
out from Merv to Baghdād. On reaching Sarakhs,
Fadhl, the real cause of all Ma´mūn’s misfortunes, was
murdered in his bath—it appears, at the instigation of his
master. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 204 (817) Ma´mūn entered Baghdād,
and Tāhir, who had during the recent troubles fallen into
disfavour with the Caliph, was now appointed governor of
Baghdād. He did not remain long in this office, for at
his own request he was appointed to the viceroyalty of
the East, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 205 (818).<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> With him the Caliph sent a
confidential eunuch, who had orders to poison Tāhir should
he show any signs of insubordination. After a successful
rule of two years Tāhir suddenly omitted the Caliph’s
name in the weekly prayers, and on the following day he
was found dead in his bed, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 207 (822). But so great
were the esteem and influence which the viceroy had
gained in Khorāsān, that the Caliph did not dare to take
the governorship of that province out of the hands of
Tāhir’s family. His two sons, Talha and `Abdullah, did
not inherit his turbulent character; and whilst `Abdullah
was fighting Ma´mūn’s battles in Mesopotamia and Egypt,
his brother Talha governed the Eastern provinces (from
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 207–213 (822–828)) in the Caliph’s name. His
residence was Nīshāpūr, whence he exercised complete
authority over Khorāsān, Tabaristān, and Transoxiana.</p>

<p>It is fitting in this place to revert to the rise of a family
destined to play an important part in the East under the
Tāhirides, and, after succeeding their former masters in
the governorship of Khorāsān, to found the first independent
Mohammedan dynasty in Central Asia.</p>

<p>While Asad ibn `Abdullah el-Kasrī<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> held the governorship<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">101</span>
of Khorāsān a certain nobleman of Balkh named
Sāmān,<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> who had been driven out of his native town,
came to Asad in Merv and begged the governor to help
him against his enemies. Asad warmly espoused his
cause and succeeded in reinstating him in Balkh. Out
of gratitude for this action, Sāmān, who had hitherto
been a Zoroastrian,<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> embraced Islām and named his son
Asad after his protector. This Asad had four sons,
who rendered excellent services to Hārūn er-Rashīd in
quelling the revolt of Rāfi` ibn Layth.<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> Ma´mūn, mindful
of the obligations under which the sons of Asad had
placed his father, ordered the then governor of Khorāsān,
Ghassān ibn `Abād,<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> to give to each of them the government
of a town. Thus in the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 202 (817)<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">215</a> Nūh,
the eldest son, became Amīr of Samarkand; Ahmed, Amīr
of Farghāna; Yahya, Amīr of Shāsh (Tashkent) and
Oshrūsana; and Ilyās, lord of Herāt.<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> When, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 205,
Ghassān was superseded by Tāhir, these grants to the
family of Sāmān were confirmed, and continued in the
same hands until the downfall of the Tāhirides and the
rise of the Sāmānides to the supreme power in the East.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 213 (828) Talha died and was succeeded by
his son `Alī, who, however, perished shortly afterwards in
a conflict with the Khārijites near Nīshāpūr. Ma´mūn
thereupon sent Talha’s brother `Abdullah to Khorāsān<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">102</span>
to assume the reins of government, which he held until
his death in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 230 (844), at the age of forty-eight,
after seventeen years of most successful administration.
But although the Caliph’s name was scrupulously mentioned
in Friday prayers, Khorāsān was now to all
intents and purposes independent of Baghdād. The
falling away of this essentially Persian province was but
the first step towards the final separation of the Arabs
and the Persians which was shortly to follow, after two
hundred years of involuntary and unnatural association.
The Tāhirides continued to rule Khorāsān and the East
during a period of fifty-six years, when their last representative,
Mohammad,<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 259 (872), was overthrown
by the Saffāride Ya`kūb ibn Layth, of whom we must
now speak.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">103</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XIV" class="vspace">CHAPTER XIV<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Saffārides and the Rise of the Sāmānides</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">During</span> the Caliphate of Mutawakkil<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">218</a> the government
of the province of Sīstān was usurped by a man named
Sālih ibn Nasr, who, under the pretext of putting down
a rising of the Khārijites, had gathered round himself a
large body of adherents. The then governor of Khorāsān,
Tāhir II., hearing of the disorders in Sīstān, took the
field in person in order to put an end to the hostilities
between the Khārijites and Sālih’s adherents. This he
succeeded in doing, but scarcely had he returned to
his residence when news reached him that Sālih had
again taken the field. Among the lieutenants of the
latter was a certain Ya`kūb ibn Layth, who was destined
to play an important part in the history of his time, and
to establish a powerful though short-lived dynasty. He
is one of the most popular heroes of Persian history, and
so many anecdotes have clustered round his name that
it is difficult to separate truth from romance. His origin
was certainly obscure, and he appears to have been the
son of a coppersmith,<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> though authorities are divided as
to whether he ever plied that trade himself.<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> Many tales<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">104</span>
are told of his reckless generosity as a boy, and his
consequent popularity among his schoolfellows. His
Persian biographers tell us, without apology or comment,
that on reaching the age of adolescence he became a
highway robber; and he was doubtless followed by those
whom his masterful bearing had attached to his person
during childhood. “The number and character of his
followers, and the success of his enterprises, soon gave
him fame and wealth, and his generous and humane
usage of those whom he plundered added to his renown
and popularity. In such a state of society the transition
from the condition of a successful robber to that of a
chief of reputation was easy and natural. A man who
possessed activity and courage, and who was able to
command a number of adherents, could not fail of early
attaining rank and consequence.”<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> Sālih was only too
glad to obtain the services of the bold highwayman, who
rose so rapidly to power that the governor’s successor,
Dirham ibn Nasr, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 247 (861), gave him command
of his army, which henceforth became the terror of the
surrounding countries. Meanwhile the Tāhirides remained
inactive in Nīshāpūr, and followed a policy of <i>laissez-faire</i>
which wrought their downfall.</p>

<p>Ya`kūb soon set upon a career of extended conquest,
and made himself master of Herāt (<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 253 (867)),
Kirmān, and Shīrāz. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 257 (871) he sent a message
to Muwaffak, the Caliph Mu`tamid’s brother, declaring himself
one of the Caliph’s most humble slaves, and proposing
to pay him a visit. The Caliph, wishing at any cost to
keep this redoubtable warrior at a safe distance, sent him
an investiture of the government of Balkh, Tokhāristān,
and all the country as far as the Indian frontier. These
districts were inhabited by widely different races, and
included the Turks of Kābul and their neighbours the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">105</span>
Afghans. Ya`kūb now crossed the passes of the Hindu
Kush and entered the Kābul valley. For the past
hundred years or so it had never entered the mind of
any Eastern governor to disturb the independence of the
Turkish king of Kābul.<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">222</a> But Ya`kūb succeeded where
the early Moslem conquerors had failed, for he carried off
the king and all his idols, and was the first to establish
Islām in a district hitherto under the influence of
Buddhism. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 259 (872) he administered a crushing
defeat to the last of the Tāhirides, and thus became
master of Khorāsān and the East. He died in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 265
(878), leaving nearly the whole of Persia to his brother
`Amr, who for some years enjoyed a prosperous rule
and remained obedient to the Caliph at Baghdād. But
in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 271 (884), owing to the complaints of the
inhabitants of Khorāsān, the Caliph Mu`tamid deprived
`Amr of the governorship of that province, which was
apparently given to Rāfi` ibn Harthama, and sent
an army to attack him. In the first encounter `Amr
was defeated, and fled to his native state of Sīstān by
way of Shīrāz and Kirmān. At this point we must
for a time leave `Amr, and revert to the story of the
Sāmānides.</p>

<div id="ip_106" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 27.4375em;">
  <img src="images/i_106.jpg" width="439" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">A JEWISH CHILD OF BOKHĀRĀ</div></div>

<p>It has been stated above that the province of
Māvarā-un-Nahr, or Transoxiana, had been held during
the supremacy of the Tāhirides by various members of
the house of Sāmān. At the time of the overthrow of
the Tāhirides by Ya`kūb ibn Layth, Nasr ibn Ahmed
was governor of Samarkand. We are told<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a> that, after
the fall of the Tāhirides, Muwaffak sent a regal
mandate to Nasr ibn Ahmed appointing him to the
government of all Transoxiana, from the banks of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">106</span>
Oxus to the farthest East.<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">224</a> It is not apparent how he
became independent of the new masters of Khorāsān;<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">225</a>
but in the year 261 we find Nasr, with the help of his
brother Isma`īl, engaged in the direction of affairs in
Transoxiana. Narshakhi tells us that the names of both
were mentioned in the public prayers, while that of
Ya`kūb ibn Layth was omitted. Nasr appears to have
had a natural predilection for the town of Samarkand,
and on this account, perhaps, on receiving his appointment
from the Caliph, he did not proceed to the then
capital, Bokhārā, but sent thither a deputy in the person
of his brother Isma`īl, who was then but twenty-seven
years of age. Bokhārā was at this period in a state of
great disorder owing to the dissensions of political
and religious factions, and partly to the rapine caused
by organised robber-bands which infested the country.
Isma`īl, who shone as a general and an administrator,
and possessed the rarer faculty of winning men’s hearts
by his justice and clemency, soon established order
throughout the country, and succeeded in extirpating the
banditti, whose numbers, we are told, even between
Rāmtīna and Barkad, amounted to 4000.<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> All would
have gone well in Nasr’s dominions had not his jealousy,
or proneness to listen to the voice of slander, led him
to quarrel with his brother. It is not necessary to
recount the various phases of these one-sided disputes.
Suffice it to say that while, on the one hand, Isma`īl
always remained loyal to his brother, Nasr himself was too<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">107</span>
prudent to withdraw him abruptly from Bokhārā, where
he had won the esteem and affection of the people. But
in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 272 (885) he succumbed to the wiles of self-interested
advisers and marched against his brother, who
fled from Bokhārā and called upon his friend Rāfi` ibn
Harthama,<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> the viceroy of Khorāsān, for aid.<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> Nasr
soon brought most of the towns of Bokhārā to submission,
and forbade their citizens to furnish supplies to
Isma`īl and his army, who soon felt the stress of famine.
So pitiable, indeed, was their plight by the time that
Rāfi` arrived, that the governor of Khorāsān, rather than
embark upon so losing a venture, suddenly declared to
Nasr that he was not come to make war, but peace,
between the brothers. Terms were soon arrived at by
which the government of Bokhārā was given to Ishak,
while Isma`īl was appointed tax-collector (`<i>āmil-i-kharāj</i>),
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 273 (886). These matters being settled, Nasr
returned to Samarkand, and Rāfi` to Khorāsān. But in
the following year Nasr, dissatisfied with the accounts
rendered by Isma`īl, and perhaps suspecting treachery on
the part of Isma`īl and Ishak, again prepared to attack
Bokhārā. To this end he drew large reinforcements from
Farghāna. Isma`īl, determined on this occasion to be
better prepared to encounter his brother, raised a powerful
contingent in Khwārazm. After suffering a few slight
reverses, Isma`īl, at the end of the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 275 (888),
administered a crushing defeat on his brother and took<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">108</span>
him prisoner. At this crisis, as on many other occasions,<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">229</a>
if we are to believe the historians, Isma`īl displayed an
almost incredible degree of generosity, for he treated his
fallen brother with the utmost deference and kindness,
and sent him back to Samarkand without suggesting any
change in their relative positions. Nasr seems from this
date to have ruled peacefully until his death in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 279
(893).</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">109</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XV" class="vspace">CHAPTER XV<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Sāmānides</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">On</span> the death of Nasr ibn Ahmed, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 279 (892), Isma`īl
became the acknowledged lord of Transoxiana and Khwārazm,
with Bokhārā as his capital. His succession was
furthermore confirmed by a royal patent from the Caliph
Mu`tadhid. The first recorded act of Isma`īl’s reign was
the <i>ghazā</i>, or Holy War, which he conducted against the
Christian settlement of Tarāz.<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> The undertaking, according
to Narshakhi,<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> cost him no little trouble; but finally
“the Amīr and many of the <i>Dihkāns</i> embraced Islam,”
and opened the gates of Tarāz to Isma`īl, who immediately
converted the principal church into a mosque and
had prayers in the Caliph’s name. His troops returned
to Bokhārā laden with booty.<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> In the meantime `Amr
ibn Layth had reorganised his shattered forces,<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">233</a> and set
out on a fresh career of conquest. In 279 Mu`tadhid,
on the death of his brother, succeeded to the Caliphate.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">110</span>
`Amr ibn Layth, who had been the late Caliph’s bitterest
enemy, now offered his services to his successor, who
appointed him to the governorship of Khorāsān. The
Caliph doubtless thought that `Amr would act as a useful
counterpoise to the Sāmānides, whose power was daily
increasing in Transoxiana, and Rāfi` ibn Harthama,
who was in possession of part of Khorāsān and Persian
`Irāk.<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 283 (896) `Amr defeated Rāfi` and took
possession of Nīshāpūr. Rāfi` was cruelly murdered, and
his head sent as a trophy of `Amr’s successes to Baghdād.
`Amr’s ambition now knew no bounds. He insisted that
the Sāmānides should be removed from Transoxiana,
and that the province should be added to his governorship.
The Caliph, in reply to these demands, urged him
to attack Isma`īl, and practically offered him the province
should his expedition prove successful, while at the
same time he confirmed Isma`īl in his governorship, and
encouraged him to withstand `Amr.<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> He doubtless hoped,
by provoking a conflict, to weaken the power of both
men. These hostilities finally culminated in the siege
and capture of Balkh, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 288 (900), when `Amr fell
into Isma`īl’s hands.<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> In this connection, again, wonderful
stories are told of Isma`īl’s generosity towards his
fallen enemies. It is said, indeed, that he would have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">111</span>
kept `Amr by him, and treated him with kindness and
distinction, had not the Caliph demanded that his enemy
should be delivered over to him for punishment. `Amr
was therefore sent to Baghdād, where he remained a close
prisoner until his death by the executioner’s hand in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span>
290 (903).<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">237</a> He was nominally succeeded by a son,
Tāhir, who, however, only held his post for one year.</p>

<p>As soon as `Amr arrived a prisoner in Baghdād the
Caliph sent a royal patent confirming the appointment of
Isma`īl to the governorship of “Khorāsān, Turkestān,
Māvarā-un-Nahr, Sind, Hind, and Jurjān.”<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> Isma`īl’s
government is spoken of in the highest terms, and we
are expressly told by Narshakhi that throughout his rule
he owed implicit obedience to the Caliph. He chose
Bokhārā as his capital,<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> and appointed separate governors
for all the towns in his realms.</p>

<p>The last campaign in which he engaged was against
the Turks in the modern Hazrat-i-Turkestān, whom in
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 291 (903) he drove back within their own frontiers,
while Isma`īl returned to Bokhārā laden with plunder.</p>

<p>The last four years of Isma`īl’s reign were characterised
by internal peace and progress, which enabled him to
devote much of his attention to the welfare of his beloved
city of Bokhārā, which now became a great centre of
Mohammedan learning and culture.<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">240</a> Many of the principal
buildings in Bokhārā date back to the days of Amīr
Isma`īl, and among her children are to be reckoned some
of the greatest theologians, jurisconsults, historians, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">112</span>
poets of the day. Bokhārā was, moreover, the capital
of an empire which included such famous and widely
separated towns as Merv, Nīshāpūr, Ray, Āmul, Herat,
and Balkh.<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> At this date Bokhārā fully deserved the
title of <i>Sherīf</i> or “the Noble,” which she has retained
to the present time, when the memory alone of her ancient
greatness survives.</p>

<p>Such was the inheritance which Isma`īl, on his death<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">242</a>
in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 295 (907), left to his son Ahmed.</p>

<p>While, on the other hand, the Būyide or Daylamite
dynasty was becoming daily more powerful, and was
gradually absorbing the whole of Persia and trespassing
on the Western possessions of the Sāmānides, the representatives
of this house had become mere puppets in the
hands of their ministers, many of whom were Turks, who,
like their kinsmen the Mamlūks of Egypt, had risen
from the position of slaves to the highest offices in the
state.</p>

<p>Thus in the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 350 (961), on the death of
`Abd el-Melik <span class="smcap">I.</span>, Mansūr <span class="smcap">I.</span>, his brother and successor,
met with serious opposition from a certain Turk named
Alptagin, governor of Nīshāpūr, who refused to recognise
his claims. Resort was had to arms, and, after a battle
at Balkh, the results of which are variously stated,
Alptagin withdrew to Ghazna, where he established himself
so strongly that he was able to repulse the army sent
by Mansūr to attack him. On the death of Alptagin in
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 366 (976) the leadership of those men who had<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">113</span>
accompanied him to Ghazna passed to another Turk
named Sabuktagin. The choice was fortunate, for
Sabuktagin proved himself to be a general of great
talent; and by means of little frontier engagements he
succeeded in rapidly extending his territories, and ultimately
in founding a powerful dynasty which, under his
successor, was to bring Northern India, Persia, and the
East under its sway. Although Sabuktagin was the
nominal vassal of the Sāmānides,<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> he was in reality an
independent ruler. This was, moreover, the case in a
lesser or greater degree with many of the governors in
Khorāsān and the neighbouring dependencies.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">114</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XVI" class="vspace">CHAPTER XVI<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Kara-Khānides, or Uïghūrs</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">While</span> the Sāmānides were thus harassed by the powerful
Daylamites in the west, by the growing power of Sabuktagin
in the south, and the fear of insubordination in
their own states, a force still more formidable had arisen
on their northern frontier, where a Turkish state had
been founded which extended from Kāshghar to the Sea
of Aral. The relations of this state with its southern
neighbours were at first of a peaceful and even friendly
character; but when the nomads perceived that Iranian
authority was on the wane they began to cast longing
eyes across the Jaxartes. They probably belonged to
the tribe of <i>Uïghūr</i>, which had been the first to separate
from the main body of the Turkish race and settle down
in a home on the slopes of the Tien-shan.<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">244</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">115</span>
According to the Mohammedan historian Juvaynī,<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> the
Uïghūrs originally came from the valley of the Orkon River.
The first king whose name has come down to us was Būkū
Khān, whom tradition has identified with the great Afrāsiyāb.<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">246</a></p>

<p>Būkū Khān, having learnt in a dream that he would
possess the entire world, assembled his troops and sent
his brothers to wage war against the Mongols, Kirghiz,
Tanguts, and Khitāys.<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> They returned to their dwelling-place
with great booty, and founded the city of Urdu
Bālik. Būkū Khan again dreamt that a piece of jade
was given him with the assurance that as long as he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">116</span>
preserved it he would rule the world. The prospect
induced him to turn his arms to the west and enter
Turkestān, where he built the city of Balāsāghūn.<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> We
know from Chinese sources that these Uïghūrs<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">249</a> had
their abode in the seventh century in the north-west of
Mongolia; that in the eighth century they dwelt near
the place where, in the five hundred years later, the
Mongols built Karakorum. In the ninth century their
empire in Mongolia was destroyed by the Kirghiz, when
they were dispersed, and apparently split into two
parties. The eastern branch came into contact with
Chingiz Khān. After and thenceforward they appear in
the Mongol-Chinese annals as under the name of Wei-wu-rh.<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">250</a>
Of the Western Uïghūrs little is known, but
they may be identified with the Eastern Turks of Mohammedan
authors of the eleventh and twelfth centuries.<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">251</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">117</span>
The first of the Uïghūr Khāns of Turkestān who
plays any great part in Mohammedan history is Boghrā
Khān, whose capital was Balāsāghūn, and who ruled
over Kāshghar (called Urdu Kend), Khotan, Karakorum,
Tarās, and Fārāb (Otrār).<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">252</a> He was contemporaneous
with Nūh <span class="smcap">III.</span>, seventh of the Sāmānide line, whose reign
was characterised by the utmost confusion and anarchy.
Two of Nūh’s most powerful nobles—Abū `Alī Sīmjūr,
governor of Khorāsān, and Fā´ik, governor of Herāt,
whose insubordination had received severe but well-merited
punishment at the hands of their master—made
treacherous overtures to Boghrā Khān, and invited him
to attack Nūh. The invitation was accepted with
alacrity by the Uïghūr prince, who at once set out for
Samarkand, which was delivered over to him by the
faithless Fā´ik, whom Nūh had intrusted with its defence.
The feeble representative of the Sāmānides, thus betrayed,
fled from his capital, which Boghrā Khān shortly after
entered in triumph, and became practically master of
Transoxiana. But the climate of Bokhārā did not suit
him. He set out for his home, when death overtook him
ere he had gone many stages, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 383 (993). Meanwhile
Nūh re-entered Bokhārā and regained possession
of his dominion. But though he was heartily welcomed
by the people he did not feel secure from the treachery
of his nobles, and on this account he invited the great
Sabuktagin, in the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 384 (994), to come to
his aid. Sabuktagin immediately hastened over the
mountain passes at the head of 20,000 men, and,
crossing the Oxus, joined Nūh at Kesh. Seconded by
his son Mahmūd, he gained three victories over the
rebel lieutenants at Herāt, Nīshāpūr, and finally at
Tūs. Fā´ik had in the meanwhile fled to Ilik Khān, the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">118</span>
son and successor of Boghrā Khān, and Bokhārā was
threatened with a second Uïghūr invasion. In reply to
the menace, Sabuktagin, who had quarrelled with Nūh,
concluded a peace with Ilik, and appointed the rebellious
Fā´ik governor of Samarkand.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 387 (997) both Sabuktagin and Nūh died,
and were respectively succeeded by the valorous and
talented Mahmūd, and by Mansūr <span class="smcap">II.</span> who exhibited
qualities precisely the reverse.</p>

<p>Transoxiana fell into the power of Ilik Khān, while
Mahmūd of Ghazna gained possession of Khorāsān. Turks
had long held high office in the states of Islām in Central
Asia, as well as in Baghdād and in Egypt, where they
had founded a powerful dynasty. It was, therefore, no
great change for them to find themselves, as a nation,
masters of the extensive kingdom of which Bokhārā was
the capital.</p>

<p>Mansūr II., after a reign of less than two years, was
deprived of sight by one of his discontented courtiers
named Bektuzun; and `Abd el-Melik II., a mere child, was
set up in his stead. All power was now concentrated in
the hands of Fā´ik and Bektuzun. When news of these
events reached Ilik Khān in Kāshghar he sent a message
to `Abd el-Melik to the effect that he would speedily take
measures to protect him. Bektuzun immediately set out
to oppose Ilik Khān, but he was unsuccessful, and in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span>
389 (999) Ilik Khān entered Bokhārā. Instead, however,
of helping the young prince, he cast him into prison,
where he soon afterwards died.<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">253</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">119</span>
When, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 389 (999), Ilik Khān<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> wrested Transoxiana
from the Sāmānides, their capital was removed to
Bokhārā. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 398 (1007) they attempted to establish
themselves south of the Oxus, but were driven back
by Mahmūd of Ghazna, and henceforward their territory
was restricted to Transoxiana, Kāshghar, and Eastern
Tartary.<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">255</a></p>

<p>About the beginning of the tenth century a prince
of the hereditary house of the Khāns of Kāshghar,
named Satuk Boghrā Khān,<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> became the first convert
in that country to Islām, which he proceeded to force
upon his subjects at the point of the sword, in the
face of a determined and protracted opposition which
prevented its spread beyond the limits of his own
territory. It was only on the downfall of the Sāmānides
that the creed of Mohammed, through proselytising
zeal—of Mahmūd in the direction of Hindustān, and
of Ilik Khān in that of Turkestān—received a fresh
impetus, and spread north, south, and east with a
rapidity only equalled by the violence employed by its
propagators.<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">257</a></p>

<p>According to Narshakhi,<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> Ilik Khān died in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 403
(1012), and was succeeded by his brother Toghān Khān,
who, a few days after his accession, was attacked by what
appeared to be an incurable malady. The Sultans of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">120</span>
Khitāy and Khotan, thinking to take advantage of his
helpless state, advanced with an enormous host to attack
his dominions.<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> But, on hearing of the approaching invasion,
the Khān miraculously recovered his health and
forthwith set out to oppose his enemies. We are told
that they retreated without striking a blow as soon as
they learnt that their quarry had regained his strength,
but were hotly pursued and harassed by the Khān for
three months.</p>

<p>Toghān Khān died in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 408 (1018). He is
spoken of in terms of the highest praise, both on
account of his piety and his learning. His successor
was Arslān Khān, who, however, was unable to preserve
the integrity of his kingdom. Coming into conflict with
Sultan Mahmūd, he was defeated and killed in the year
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 410 (1020).</p>

<p>Kādir<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">260</a> Khān, who now ascended the throne at
Samarkand, is said to have brought the whole of Kāshghar
and Khotan under his subjection. He died in
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 423 (1031), and was succeeded by his son Arslān
Khān. During his reign he received a deputation from
some Turks of Tibet, who, hearing of his justice and
clemency, asked permission to settle in the neighbourhood
of Balāsāghūn. He granted their request, and
when they arrived he tried to compel their acceptance
of Islām. This they refused, but as they were otherwise
loyal and obedient he gave way and allowed them to
remain in a state of heathenism.<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">261</a> Arslān Khān was
overthrown in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 425 (1033) by his brother Boghrā
Khān, during whose reign the immigrant Turks embraced<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">121</span>
Islām (<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 432).<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">262</a> He died by poison in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 439 (1047),
and was succeeded by his son Ibrāhīm—the last chief
of the house of Boghrā Khān.<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">263</a></p>

<p>The kingdom of Kāshghar seems shortly afterwards
to have fallen into the hands of another branch of the
Eastern Uïghūrs, called by Narshakhi the Tufghāj,<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">264</a>
the first of whose representatives, Ibrāhim, was killed
in battle against Alp Arslān, the Seljūk, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 472
(1079), and was succeeded by his brother Khidhr Khān.<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">265</a>
He apparently died in the same year, when his son
Ahmed Khān came to the throne. The latter, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span>
482 (1089), was attacked and defeated by Melik Shāh, and
sent prisoner to Isfahān; but soon afterwards he was reinstated
as governor of Transoxiana. In 488 he was condemned
to death by the mullās or doctors of Samarkand,
on the ground that he professed heretical tenets acquired
during his residence in Persian `Irāk. After him Mas`ūd
Khān<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">266</a> reigned for a short period, and was succeeded
by Kādir Khān, who in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 495 (1101) perished in an
insurrection fomented by him against Sanjar, the then
governor of Khorāsān.</p>

<p>The next ruler of Samarkand was Mohammad
Khān<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> ibn Sulaymān, who in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 503 (1109) successfully<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">122</span>
defended his capital against the attack of a large
Turkish force under a certain Sāghir Beg. He held this
post until his death, and apparently continued in his
loyalty to Sanjar, who, as we have seen, ascended the
throne of the Seljūks in 511. We are not told when he
died, but Narshakhi says that his son Nasr Khān was
killed during a revolt in Samarkand in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 523 (1128).
On the death of his father, Nasr’s son Mohammad Khān
wrote to inform Sanjar of what had passed. Sanjar
thereupon set out with a force to establish order in
Samarkand, but when he approached the town Mohammad
Khān sent him an insolent message that the Sultan
would do well to retreat, inasmuch as he (Mohammad)
had subdued his opponents. Sanjar was much incensed,
and promptly invested the city. After a protracted siege
he captured Samarkand and took Mohammad prisoner,
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 524 (1129). A new governor was now appointed,
but he died two years later, when the reins of power
were given to Mahmūd Khān, the son of Mohammad.<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">268</a></p>

<p>In the meanwhile another mighty host was advancing
on Transoxiana; but before describing their progress we
must retrace our steps and recount the downfall of the
Ghaznavides and the rise of the great Seljūk dynasty of
Persia.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">123</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XVII" class="vspace">CHAPTER XVII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Ghaznavides and the Rise of the Seljūks</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> struggles between Mahmūd of Ghazna and Ilik
Khān of Kāshghar continued till the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 401
(1010), when the latter, owing to a quarrel with his
brother Toghān, was obliged to withdraw his troops,
and a long period of peace ensued, with but slight interruptions,
during which the Oxus continued to be
regarded as the frontier of their respective realms.</p>

<p>Before the actual downfall of the Sāmānides the
province of Khwārazm,<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">269</a> which lay between the states of
the Turkish Khāns and the Ghaznavides, had become
practically independent. On the final overthrow of the
Sāmānides, the Khwārazm Shāh,<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> as their ruler was
called, had thrown in his fortunes with the Ghaznavides.
In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 407 (1017) the then ruler was murdered by
rebels, whereupon Mahmūd marched into the country
at the head of a large force and conquered it,
setting up a governor of his own creation named
Altuntāsh.</p>

<p>Great difficulties attend an attempt to define the
ethnographic affinities of the Turks. A similarity of
language forces one to associate the Tartars of Southern
Russia, the Turkomans of the Oxus countries, and the
Uzbegs of Transoxiana. This race, in the broadest<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">124</span>
sense of the word, may be divided into three
<span class="locked">groups:—</span></p>

<p>(1) The Northern Turks, comprising the Siberian
nomads, such as the Yakuts, etc.</p>

<p>(2) The Eastern Turks, including those of Chinese
Turkestān and the Uzbegs of Russian Turkestān, to
whom are related the Tartars of the Crimea and the
Volga.</p>

<p>(3) The Western Turks, comprising the Osmānlīs, or
Ottoman branch, the Āzerbāyjānīs of Persia, and the
Turkomans,—in fact, what we commonly in Europe
understand by the word Turk.</p>

<p>The habitat of the original Turks was in the Altaï,
whence they migrated in large numbers at an early
period towards China and Turkestān. It was in this
latter direction that they met with least resistance, and
thither, therefore, they wandered in the greatest numbers.</p>

<p>But, apart from these lesser migrations, two great
Turkish waves poured, at an interval of two hundred
years, over Western Asia and Southern Europe—the
Seljūks and the hordes of Chingiz Khān.</p>

<p>The former, composed of what we now call Western
Turks, of whom the Ghuz and the Turkomans were
the predominant element, swept over the Oxus-lands
into Armenia and Asia Minor. From them sprang, at
a later date, the Osmānlīs, who finally overthrew the
Byzantine Empire. A portion, however, of the Seljūks
either remained in the Oxus country, or were pressed
across that river by the advances of the Eastern Turks
into modern Turkomania.</p>

<div id="ip_124" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 22.625em;">
  <img src="images/i_124.jpg" width="362" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><p>CENTRAL ASIAN TYPES</p>

<p>
1. UZBEG WOMAN<br />
2. UZBEG<br />
3. UZBEG<br />
4. UZBEG<br />
</p></div></div>

<p>The second great migration spread simultaneously in
two directions. The larger body penetrated north of
the Sea of Aral into Southern Europe, where they
carried all before them until their progress was stayed
by Western skill at the memorable battle of Leignitz<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">125</span>
(<span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 1241). The smaller horde was composed of
Eastern Turks, who, under Mongolian leadership, drove
their Western cousins out of Transoxiana in the thirteenth
century.</p>

<p>According to the <i>Tārīkh-i-Guzīda</i><a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">271</a>, the Turks of the
tribe of Kabak, to which Seljūk belonged, passed in the
year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 395 (985) from Turkestān into Transoxiana,
and settled in the neighbourhood of Samarkand and
Bokhārā. They were a race of shepherds, and were
prompted to cross the Jaxartes by the scarcity of pasturage
on their own side.</p>

<p>They are said to have lived on peaceful terms with
Sultan Mahmūd of Ghazna, who, not long afterwards,
gave them permission to cross the Oxus and settle in
the environs of Nisā and Abīverd. Their chief at this
period was named Mikā´īl, and he had two sons named
Toghrul and Chakir, who were the founders of the Seljūk
dynasty.<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">272</a></p>

<p>It is not within the scope of the present sketch to
describe the wonderful campaigns of Sultan Mahmūd<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">273</a>
in India and elsewhere, and the brilliant circle of poets
and writers which he had gathered round him at Ghazna.
In the year before his death, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 420 (1029), he conducted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">126</span>
a successful expedition against the Seljūks, who had
invaded his Persian territories. The last of his successes
was the conquest of nearly the whole of `Irāk, which,
together with Ray and some other territories, he formed
into a government for his son Mas`ūd, declaring at the
same time his other son Mohammad heir to his throne
and the rest of his possessions.<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">274</a></p>

<p>On the death of Sultan Mahmūd, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 421 (1030),
Mas`ūd’s whole energies were absorbed in withstanding the
Ghuz hordes which invaded his province of Khorāsān in
ever-increasing numbers. He tried in vain to conciliate
them by granting fresh pasture-lands. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 425 (1034),
while he was engaged in quelling a rebellion in India, a
formidable rising against the Ghaznavides took place in
Khorāsān, whose inhabitants felt that they were deserted
by their chief and left at the mercy of the Ghuz. At
the same time the prince of Tabaristān and Jurjān,
deeming the occasion favourable, reasserted their independence.
In the following year Mas`ūd marched
northwards, and succeeded not only in driving back the
Ghuz beyond Tūs and Nīshāpūr, but in bringing to
submission the rebellious prince of Tabaristān.</p>

<div id="ip_126" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 22.375em;">
  <img src="images/i_126.jpg" width="358" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><p>CENTRAL ASIAN TYPES</p>

<p>
1. TURKOMAN<br />
2. KIRGHIZ<br />
3. TAJIK<br />
4. SARI<br />
</p></div></div>

<p>Meanwhile events were taking place in the north
which were to render these minor successes valueless,<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">275</a>
for in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 425 (1034) Hārūn, the Ghaznavide governor
of Khwārazm,<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> profiting by the embarrassed position of
Mas`ūd, threw off his allegiance. Although the immediate
result of this step was an interval of disorder,
during which Hārūn was murdered, his successor persisted
in a policy of rebellion, and ceased to pay any
regard to the court at Ghazna. This event in itself
seemed of small importance, but it brought grave results<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">127</span>
in its train. We are told that the Seljūks, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 426
(1035), helped Mas`ūd to drive the rest of the Ghuz
out of Khorāsān, but the alliance did not survive this
campaign; and thus, while Mas`ūd was absent in Ghazna
in the following year, we find his lieutenant in Khorāsān
engaged in hostilities with the Seljūks. During the
same year, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 427 (1036), the Ghaznavide general
suffered a severe defeat at the hands of Chakir Beg in
the vicinity of Merv. From this event dates the rise of
the Seljūks. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 428 (1037) Merv surrendered to
Chakir, and in the following year Toghrul was declared
master of Nīshāpūr. Khorāsān was now practically in
the hands of the Seljūk brothers. Mas`ūd had been
too busily employed with troubles in India to give due
attention to the protection of his richest province. At
length, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 431 (1040), he determined to make a
final effort to retrieve his losses, and led an army in
person against Merv, where he suffered a final and
crushing defeat at the hands of Chakir and Toghrul.<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">277</a>
He still clung to Khorāsān with all the energy of despair.
Leaving his son in Balkh, he hastened to India to raise
a fresh army. But his influence with his troops had
gone, and no sooner had he crossed the Indian frontier
than his lawless soldiers began to plunder the treasures
which had been accumulated by his illustrious father.
When they recovered their senses they “were seized with
a dread of punishment, and came to the sudden resolution
of reinstating Mohammad,<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> who was a prisoner in
the camp.”<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> Mas`ūd was captured, and in the following<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">128</span>
year, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 433 (1042), murdered by his own nephew.
The princes of Ghazna continued to reign until <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 555
(1160),—in fact, they outlasted the Seljūks of Central
Asia,—but no chief of the dynasty ever attained to the
greatness of its earlier representatives. Their hostilities
with the Seljūks were finally brought to a close by a
treaty concluded in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 451 (1059) between Chakir
and Ibrāhīm, the then ruler of Ghazna, who thereby
for ever lost the province of Khorāsān.<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">280</a></p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">129</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XVIII" class="vspace">CHAPTER XVIII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Seljūks</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">Toghrul</span> Beg’s career of conquest is admirably
epitomised by Gibbon in the 57th chapter of his
immortal work. After driving the Ghaznavides back to
India, he overthrew the powerful dynasty of the
Būyides,<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">281</a> and with their fall the whole of Persia passed
into the hands of the Turks. “By the conquest of
Āzerbāyjān, or Atropatene, he approached the Roman
confines, and the shepherd presumed to despatch an
ambassador or herald to demand the tribute and
obedience of the Emperor of Constantinople.”<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">282</a></p>

<p>The expeditions of these fortunate brothers, Toghrul
and Chakir, in their results at all events, more closely
resembled the migration of entire peoples than military
campaigns. By the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 440 (1048) Āzerbāyjān,
Mesopotamia, and Asia Minor were entirely overrun by
Turkish bands. Four hundred years before this a huge
wave of conquering Arabs and Persians had swept in an
easterly direction over all Persia as far as the Oxus and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">130</span>
beyond it. We now find a still vaster influx of Turks
over the same country, but starting where the other had
ended. The first flood-tide took the form of a religious
war into the infidel countries, and brought with it the
influence of culture and solid learning. The reflex wave
was an irresistible migration of savage tribes, who, though
well-nigh destitute of any tincture of letters,<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">283</a> were still, it
must be remembered, the children of Islām. The marks
left on the East by the Western wave were ethnographically
slight, but psychically of great importance; while
precisely the opposite is true of the second immigration.
Bokhārā and Balkh became, and for centuries remained,
the centres of Mohammedan lore, while Asia Minor and
Āzerbāyjān were the permanent abodes of the descendants
of the Seljūks. The forces of the two brothers were
probably augmented by the westward flow of new bands
of Turks, and victory attended them wherever they
turned.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 449 (1055) Toghrul Beg entered Baghdād,
and helped to establish the Caliph Kā´im on his throne.<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">284</a></p>

<p>Toghrul Beg had no male issue. On the approach
of death he selected as his successor his nephew Alp
Arslān, the son of his deceased brother Chakir. Thus,
in the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 455 (1063), Alp Arslān became lord of
a kingdom which extended from the Oxus to the
Euphrates, and from the Caspian to the Persian Gulf.
One of his first measures was to rid himself of his uncle’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">131</span>
vezīr, and appoint in his stead a man who afterwards
bore one of the most exalted names in the history and
literature of the East. Hasan ibn `Alī, better known as
Nizām ul-Mulk, or Regulator of the State, was born in
Tūs in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 408 (1018), and early displayed signs of administrative
power. He held office first under the Ghaznavides,
and later, at Balkh, under the Seljūks. The post of
chief vezīr, which now fell to his lot, he continued to hold
for a period of thirty years. He was celebrated alike
for justice, tolerance, and literary attainments.<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">285</a></p>

<p>It was under Alp Arslān that the Turks first
invaded the Roman Empire.<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> Having temporarily
satisfied his ambition in the West,<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">287</a> he returned to
his capital, and formed the project of crossing the
Oxus and invading the countries whence his ancestors
had come. His career was, however, cut short in
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 465 (1063) by a mortal wound received at the
hands of a man whom he had condemned to death.<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">288</a>
He was succeeded by his son Melik Shāh, whose
claims were disputed by several rivals,<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">289</a> but these were
disposed of with little difficulty. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 446 (1073)<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">132</span>
he engaged in warfare with Altagin, the Turkish
Khān of Samarkand, who, on hearing of the death of
Alptagin, had presumed to lay siege to Tirmiz, a town
included in the Seljūks’ realms, though it lay on the
right bank of the Oxus.<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> He soon drove the Khān back,
and forced him to sue for peace. Melik Shāh apparently
remained on peaceful terms with the Turks until <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 482
(1089), when, in response to a call from the oppressed
inhabitants of Transoxiana, he crossed the great river and
made himself master of Bokhārā and Samarkand. Pushing
beyond the last-named city, he threatened to invade
the territory of the Khān of Kāshghar,<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">291</a> who, overcome
by fear, consented to recognise the suzerainty of the
Seljūks,<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">292</a> both in his coins and in the public prayers. At
the zenith of his fortunes the great Sultan held sway
from the frontiers of China up to the gates of Constantinople.
August Müller<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">293</a> aptly compares Alp Arslān and
Melik Shāh with Trajan and Hadrian. Brilliant as
were the military successes of Melik Shāh, they are cast
into the shade by his cultivation of the peaceful arts and
his sedulous care for the development of his territories.
Though five years passed by ere he was firmly established
on his throne, the remaining fifteen years of his reign
were attended by a degree of internal prosperity, an
advance in literature and learning, which will ever
associate his name with one of the most brilliant epochs
in the history of Islām. There is, however, one great blot
on his escutcheon: his treatment of his able and faithful
minister, Nizām ul-Mulk. Influenced by lying reports
brought to his ears by the enemies of the vezīr, he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">133</span>
degraded his devoted servant and indirectly brought about
his death. For, shortly after Nizām ul-Mulk’s removal
from office, he was murdered by an assassin,<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">294</a> employed
perhaps by his successor in office, who feared a change
in the Sultan’s sentiments, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 485 (1092). Melik
Shāh did not long survive the fallen minister. Within
a month he was seized with a violent illness, which
terminated his life in the thirty-eighth year of his age.</p>

<p>He left four sons, who each in turn succeeded to
his throne.<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">295</a> The youngest, Mahmūd, was only four
years of age when his father died; but the ambition of
his mother, the Sultana Khātūn Turkān, placed the
crown upon his infant head, and the Caliph Muktadi
was prevailed on to have his name mentioned in the
public prayers. The Sultana marched to Isfahān,
preceded by the corpse of Melik Shāh. Berkiyāruk, the
eldest prince,<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> was residing there; but, powerless to resist,
he retired to Ray, attended by Mu`ayyad ud-Dawla,
the son of the late vezīr Nizām ul-Mulk, who warmly
espoused his cause, with all the adherents of his family.
This support enabled him to return, and Khātūn Turkān
was compelled to resign a great part of her treasures as
the price of permission to retain control of Isfahān. All<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">134</span>
her schemes of aggrandisement were soon afterwards
terminated by her own death and that of her son, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span>
487 (1104).</p>

<p>The death of the Caliph Muktadi, which occurred about
the same period, induced Berkiyāruk to go to Baghdād,
where he confirmed Mostadhhir as the new Caliph, and
was in return hailed by him as Sultan of the empire.
He enjoyed that dignity for eleven years,<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">297</a> but his reign
was a perpetual war in which his nearest relatives and
all the great nobles of the state were engaged. His
usual residence was Baghdād. His brother Mohammad
ruled over Āzerbāyjān, while Sanjar established a kingdom
in Khorāsān and Transoxiana, whence he extended his
conquests over the fallen princes of Ghazna, compelling
them to pay him tribute. Berkiyāruk, who appears to
have had an excellent disposition, and to have been
wanting neither in courage nor conduct, died on a journey
from Isfahān to Baghdād,<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 498 (1104). He felt his
end approaching, and before he expired made his army
take the oath of fidelity to his son Melik Shāh II. The
young prince was, however, unable to resist his uncle
Mohammad, who seized Baghdād treacherously and took
him prisoner, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 498 (1104). The reign of Mohammad,
which lasted thirteen years, was remarkable only for
continual civil disturbances, and for the wars which his
generals carried on in Syria against the European armies
engaged in their crusade to recover the sacred city of
Jerusalem and the Holy Land from the Mohammedans.
He died at Isfahān in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 511 (1117), and was
nominally succeeded by his son Mahmūd, who was almost<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">135</span>
immediately reduced by his uncle Sanjar to the condition
of a dependant.<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">299</a> Sanjar, who had been governor of
Khorāsān and its dependencies for the past twenty years,
now became Sultan, and as such enjoyed a reign of no
less than forty years, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 511–552 (1117–1157).</p>

<p>We must now turn our attention to Transoxiana and
the East, where important events were passing.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">136</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XIX" class="vspace">CHAPTER XIX<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Sultan Sanjar and the Kara-Khitāys</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> country of Khwārazm<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">300</a> was one of the first conquests
of the Seljūks. On becoming masters of Khorāsān, the
`Irāks, Persia, and Syria, they chose men from among
their Turkish slaves whom they placed in charge of
the various provinces. The governor thus set over
Khwārazm was named Balkategin, who was <i>Tasht-dār</i>,
or Grand Ewer-bearer,<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">301</a> to Sultan Melik Shāh, who exercised
paramount authority in that country. He had
under him a Turkish slave whom he had purchased,
named Nūshtegin, who by his conduct at his master’s
court was in such esteem that on the death of Balkategin<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">302</a>
he succeeded to the government of Khwārazm.
He became even more powerful than his lord, but,
though he is regarded as the first of the dynasty of
Khwārazm-Shāhs, he remained loyal to the Seljūks.
He bestowed great care in the education of his son
Kutb ed-Dīn Mohammad, who succeeded him in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span>
490 (1097) with the additional title of <i>Khwārazm-Shāh</i>,
or emperor of Khwārazm. He was a great patron of
letters, and made himself generally beloved in his
province.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">137</span>
It was during his tenure of office that the Kara-Khitāys
began to make their inroads westwards.</p>

<p>The empire of the Kara-Khitāys had been founded
by the last prince of the Kitan or Liao dynasty,<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">303</a> whose
name was Ye-liu Ta-shi.<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">304</a> On the destruction of that
line by the Kin dynasty<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">305</a> in <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 1123, Ye-liu Ta-shi,
with a following of some two hundred men, passed
into the country lying to the north-west of Shen-si,<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">306</a>
where he was joined by numbers of Turks. He
now set out in a westerly direction and carried all
before him. He conquered Kāshghar, Yarkand, Khotan,
and Turkestān, and at the beginning of <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 1124 or
1125 he reached Ki-rh-man.<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> Here all his officers
assembled and proclaimed him emperor, whereupon he
assumed the title of <i>Gūr-Khān</i>, or “Universal Lord.”</p>

<p>Mahmūd, the Uïghūr Khān mentioned above,<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">308</a> was
driven into Transoxiana, which shortly after became
tributary to the Kara-Khitāys. Ye-liu Ta-shi, whose
dominions reached from the Gobi to the Oxus, and from
the mountains of Tibet to Siberia, now fixed his residence
at Balāsāghūn.</p>

<p>Towards the end of Kutb ed-Dīn’s rule they advanced
so far into Transoxiana that the Grand Ewer-bearer
sent an army of 100,000 men to oppose<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">138</span>
them.<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">309</a> He, however, suffered a crushing defeat, and
the prince of the Kara-Khitāys, after imposing tribute
on his vanquished enemies, returned to Kāshghar, which
now became his capital.<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">310</a></p>

<p>Soon after his deliverance from these barbarians
Kutb ed-Dīn died,<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">311</a> and was succeeded by his son Atsiz.
For many years the latter remained at the court of
Merv, fulfilling the office of Grand Ewer-bearer to Sultan
Sanjar; and so great was his influence with the Seljūk
prince that he made himself many enemies at court,
and on this account he asked permission to proceed to
Khwārazm, which was then suffering from anarchy. In
spite of the warnings of his ministers, Sanjar allowed
Atsiz to depart. As soon as the governor reached his
province he rose in open revolt against his master,
who was compelled to march against his too powerful
vassal.<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> But the rebels were no match for the troops
of Sanjar, who utterly defeated them.<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">313</a> The province
was restored to obedience, and Sulaymān Shāh, Sanjar’s
nephew, was appointed as its governor.<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">314</a> No
sooner had Sanjar reached his capital than Atsiz,
collecting the scattered remnants of his army, proceeded
to attack Sulaymān Shāh. This latter, with
whom Sultan Sanjar had left but a few troops,
deeming resistance useless, fled to his uncle, and thus
the whole of Khwārazm again fell into the hands of
Atsiz.</p>

<div id="ip_138" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_138.jpg" width="600" height="391" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">MAUSOLEUM OF SULTAN SANJAR, OLD MERV</div></div>

<p>In the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 536 (1141) Ye-liu Ta-shi died without<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">139</span>
male issue, and the empire of the Kara-Khitāys
fell to two princesses in succession,<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> the daughter and the
sister of the late ruler. It was in this year that Atsiz
invited, or rather encouraged, the Kara-Khitāys to push
their conquests farther west into Transoxiana. Sanjar,
hearing of their advance, crossed the Oxus at the head
of 100,000 men to meet them.<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> In the battle which
ensued, in the valley of Dirgham, Sanjar met with
the most crushing defeat which the Moslems had
yet endured in their struggles against the infidels
in the East.<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">317</a> Sanjar himself, who had hitherto been
invincible, fled to Khorāsān by way of Tirmiz, accompanied
by the remnants of his huge army. Transoxiana
was now in the entire possession of the Kara-Khitāys,
and for the first time a Mohammedan community
became subject to the enemies of their faith.<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">318</a> The
Kara-Khitāys, in the same year,<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">319</a> pushed on as
far as Sarakhs, Merv, and Nīshāpūr, but they appear
to have retired satisfied with the Oxus as their
western boundary. Meanwhile Atsiz took advantage of
Sanjar’s fallen fortunes, and began to ravage Khorāsān.
The Sultan, however, had mustered forces sufficient<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">140</span>
to reassert his authority. He marched on the town of
Khwārazm and invested it, whereon Atsiz bought him off
with rich presents and assurances of good conduct in
the future, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 538 (1143).<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">320</a> This truce was of short
duration.</p>

<p>In the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 541 (1147) Sanjar again attacked
Atsiz, but a permanent reconciliation was soon attained.<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">321</a></p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 551 (1156)<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">322</a> Atsiz died at the age of sixty-one,
and was succeeded by his son Il-Arslān, with whom
the independent dynasty of Khwārazm-Shāhs properly
begins. Meanwhile the affairs of Sultan Sanjar were
going from bad to worse, and the end of the last great
Seljūk was as ignoble as his career had been glorious.
Strange to say, his ultimate ruin was caused by a
Turkish tribe who came of the same stock as the Seljūks
themselves.</p>

<p>The domination of the Kara-Khitāys in Transoxiana
does not appear to have affected the condition of the
dwellers in towns, the peaceful Tājiks, who were even
allowed to appoint their own tax-collectors and other
officials.<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">323</a> The only classes who suffered at the hands of
the invaders were the Ghuz Turks, who were nomads
like the Kara-Khitāys themselves, and occupied all the
best pasture-grounds. They now found themselves
forced to seek fresh fields. Crossing the Oxus, they
obtained permission from Sanjar to settle in Khatlān,
Chaghāniyān, and the environs of Balkh.<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">324</a> They numbered,
we are told, 40,000 families, and the tribute imposed
upon them was an annual contribution to the royal
kitchen of 24,000 sheep. These supplies were carried<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">141</span>
off as occasion required by an officer of the Household.<a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">325</a>
On one occasion the man sent to fetch the sheep
was so scrupulous in his choice that the Ghuz took
offence and put him to death. The chief butler was
thus obliged to supply the royal kitchen from his own
flocks. The official complained of this outrage to Kamāj,
the governor of Balkh, who immediately reported it to
Sultan Sanjar, offering to bring the Ghuz to obedience,
and further to extract from them 30,000 sheep for
the royal kitchen. With the Sultan’s permission he
returned to Balkh and demanded of the Ghuz the
sheep that had been withheld; but the herdsmen refused
to comply, adding that the Sultan of Merv was their
master, not the governor of Balkh. Kamāj, much
incensed at the slight put upon his authority, attacked
the nomads, but in the first engagement he was utterly
put to rout.<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> On hearing of this disaster, Sultan Sanjar
marched on Balkh at the head of 100,000 men.<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> In
spite of his vast numerical superiority he suffered a crushing
defeat, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 548 (1153), and was taken prisoner.<a id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">328</a>
Intoxicated by this unlooked-for success, the Ghuz
attacked the capital itself. They found the Merv oasis
in a state of brilliant prosperity;<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">329</a> for since the days of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">142</span>
Chakir Beg it had never been molested, and, as the
author of the <i>Rawzat-us-Safā</i> says,<a id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">330</a> “it had slumbered
in peace and tranquillity.” The greedy nomads, spurred
to madness by the sight of so much wealth, seized all
that met their eyes, and then tortured the inhabitants till
they revealed their hidden treasures.<a id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">331</a> The fallen Sultan,
meanwhile, was kept in close confinement,<a id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">332</a> but was treated
with the respect due to his rank. Having ransacked
Merv, the Ghuz laid waste the whole of Khorāsān, so
that, says Mīrkhwānd, “not a single spot in that province
escaped their destructive hands.” Sanjar remained
for about four years in captivity; and while his consort,
Turkān Khātūn, who acted as queen-regent, lived, he
made no attempt to escape, lest harm should befall her.
On her death, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 551 (1156), he took advantage of
a hunting expedition to evade his captors. Gathering
a few devoted followers on the other side of the
Oxus, he set out for his capital, but on reaching
Merv he was so heartbroken at the desolation that met
his eyes that he sickened and died.<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">333</a> The ruins of his
splendid mausoleum are the chief glory of ancient Merv.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">143</span>
It was built by him during his lifetime; and so
great was its solidity that he gave it the name of
<i>Dār ul-Ākhirat</i>, “the Abode of Eternity.” Sixty
years after his death it was destroyed by Chingiz
Khān.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">144</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XX" class="vspace">CHAPTER XX<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Khwārazm-shāhs</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">On</span> the death of Melik Shāh in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 485 (1092) a civil war
broke out between the brothers Berkiyāruk and Mohammad,
which resulted in the formation of separate semi-independent
states, under various branches of the Seljūks,
in different quarters of the dominions of that family.
Chief among their representatives were—the Seljūks of
Kirmān, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 433–583 (1041–1187); the Seljūks of
Syria, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 487–511 (1094–1117); the Seljūks of `Irāk
and Kurdistān, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 511–590 (1117–1194); the Seljūks
of Rūm (or Asia Minor), <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 470–700 (1077–1300).
Until the death of Sanjar the main branch preserved a
nominal suzerainty over the rest, although their empire
had been so greatly reduced that Sanjar’s rule was
practically confined to Khorāsān. On his death in
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 552 (1157) the authority of the great Seljūks came
to an end, and Khorāsān fell into the hands of the
Khwārazm-Shāh, Il-Arslān, who had succeeded his father
in the previous year. In 567 (<span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 1171) the Kara-Khitāys
advanced into Khwārazm, and Il-Arslān marched
out to oppose them; but on reaching Amūya<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">334</a> he fell
dangerously ill, and was obliged to resign command of
his army to one of his generals. After gaining a
decisive victory over the Khwārazmians the Kara-Khitāys
again withdrew, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 568 (1172).<a id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">335</a> In the following year<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">145</span>
Il-Arslān died, leaving his realms to his youngest son,
Sultan Shāh Mahmūd. His elder brother Tekish, however,
disputed the succession, and, with the aid of the
Kara-Khitāys, overthrew the young prince and set himself
upon the throne, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 568 (1172).<a id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">336</a></p>

<p>Sultan Shāh Mahmūd, with his mother, Queen
Turkān, fled to Nīshāpūr, and sought the aid of its
governor, Mu`ayyad. Reinforced by a contingent under
his command, Sultan Shāh made a fresh bid for
sovereignty. Tekish advanced to meet him in the desert
of Khwārazm, and inflicted a crushing defeat on his
brother. The queen-mother was slain, and Mu`ayyad
was captured and cut in two. Sultan Shāh escaped a
similar fate by flight, and found safety among the
Ghūrides of Ghazna.</p>

<p>Tekish<a id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">337</a> was, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 588 (1192), firmly settled on
the throne of Khwārazm. Confident in the devotion of
an army which he had led to victory, he grew ambitious
and forgot the obligations under which the Kara-Khitāy
had placed him. He incurred the wrath of that powerful
tribe by putting to death one of their envoys who had
come to claim the annual tribute, and brought them into
the field against him. On learning that his brother was
sorely beset, Sultan Shāh left the protection of the
Ghūrides and joined the Kara-Khitāys, whose queen he
persuaded that the Khwārazmians were anxious for his
return to the throne. As the Queen-Gūr-Khān was
incensed against Tekish, she allowed herself to be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">146</span>
gained over by Sultan Shāh, and sent her husband
Karmā<a id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">338</a> with a large force into Khwārazm to defend the
rights of Sultan Khān. Tekish, hearing of their advance,
commanded the waters of the Jīhūn (Oxus) to be diverted
across their line of march, so that the progress of the
Kara-Khitāys was rendered almost impossible. Meanwhile
he busied himself with military preparations.
Karmā, seeing clearly that Sultan Shāh’s pretensions to
the esteem of the Khwārazmians were unfounded, led his
army home. Sultan Shāh, with his own followers and a
small body of Kara-Khitāys, marched to Sarakhs, and,
evicting its governor, established himself there.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 576 (1180) we find him at the head of
10,000 horsemen, and lord of Nīshāpūr. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 582
(1186) Tekish set out for Khorāsān with a large army;
while Sultan Khān hastened to Khwārazm by another
road. These hostilities between the two brothers continued
with only short intermissions until the death of
Sultan Shāh in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 589 (1192), when Tekish became
master of all Khorāsān and Khwārazm.<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">339</a></p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 590 (1194) he entered Persian `Irāk and
overthrew Toghrul <span class="smcap">III.</span>, the last of the great Seljūks of
Persia.<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">340</a> After adding Ray, Isfahān, and other important
towns to his dominions, he obtained an investiture from
Caliph Nāsir li Dīn-illāh of all the countries which he
had conquered.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">147</span>
From this epoch-time till his death Tekish appears
to have paid tribute regularly to the Gūr-Khān, and
retained his friendship. He recommended his son and
successor to follow the same policy, for the Kara-Khitāy
were a bulwark against the dreaded hordes of the East.<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">341</a></p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 596 (1200) Tekish died, and was succeeded
by his famous son, `Alā ud-Dīn Mohammad, who soon
made himself master of Khorāsān, Balkh, Herāt, Māzenderan,
and Kirmān.<a id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">342</a> He now considered himself sufficiently
powerful to assert his independence of the Gūr-Khān,
to whom, like his three predecessors, he had paid
an annual tribute. He was encouraged to resist his liege
lord by `Othmān, prince of Samarkand and Transoxiana,
who was also a vassal of the Gūr-Khān, who promised to
pay him the same allegiance as he had rendered to the
Kara-Khitāys in return for his assistance against the
common enemy.<a id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">343</a> An occasion for the rupture of friendly
relations between the Khwārazm-Shāh and the Gūr-Khān
was soon found. It was identical with the method employed
by Tekish,—the slaughter of one of the receivers
of tribute.<a id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">344</a></p>

<p>After perpetrating this outrage, Mohammad entered
the Kara-Khitāy territory, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 605 (1208), where he
suffered a crushing defeat and barely escaped capture.<a id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">345</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">148</span>
In the following year Mohammad made a second
incursion into the land of the Kara-Khitāy. Crossing
the Jaxartes at Fināket, he gained a signal success
over their general, Tanigū, beyond Tarāz, pushed his
conquests as far as Otrār<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">346</a> (Fārāb), and returned in
triumph to Khwārazm. But the tangled knot of Central
Asian politics was soon to be cut by a conqueror
whose annals are as devoid of complexity as his career.
In the place of paltry struggles for supremacy in isolated
states, attended by obscure and ever-changing fortunes,
we have the triumphant advance of one who, like Alexander
of Macedon, was destined to give a new impulse
to the world’s history.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">149</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XXI" class="vspace">CHAPTER XXI<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Chingiz Khān</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">It</span> is not within the scope of the present work to trace
in any detail the meteor-like path of Chingiz; for we are
concerned with it only in so far as it affected the internal
affairs of Central Asia. His career has exercised a
peculiar fascination for students of Oriental history, though
by no means all the available evidence has yet been
marshalled in elucidation of the controversies which still
rage round that mighty name.<a id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">347</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">150</span>
“All that can safely be said about the early history of
the Mongols,”<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">348</a> writes Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole, “is that
they were a clan among clans, a member of a great confederacy
that ranged the country north of the desert of
Gobi in search of water and pasture; who spent their lives
in hunting and the breeding of cattle, lived on flesh and
sour milk (kumis), and made their profit by bartering hides
and beasts with their kinsmen the Khitans,<a id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">349</a> or with the
Turks and Chinese, to whom they owed allegiance.
The name Mughal was not known until the tenth
century, and probably came to be applied to the
whole group of clans only when the chief of a particular
clan bearing that name acquired an ascendency over the
rest of the confederacy, and gave to the greater the
name of the less.<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">350</a> Yissugāy, the father of Chingiz
Khān, if not the founder of his clan, was a notable
maintainer of it, and it was probably he who first
asserted the independence of the Mongols from Chinese<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">151</span>
rule. In spite, however, of conquest and annexation,
the people who owned the sovereignty of Yissugāy
numbered only 40,000 tents. Yet it was upon this
foundation that his son, Chingiz Khān, built up in twenty
years the widest empire the world has ever seen.”<a id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">351</a></p>

<div id="ip_151" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_151.jpg" width="600" height="394" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">NOMADS CHANGING CAMP</div></div>

<p>Temuchin,<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">352</a> known to history as Chingiz Khān, was
born most probably in 1162,<a id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">353</a> and was therefore
thirteen years of age at the time of his father’s death,
in 1175.</p>

<p>The Mongolian, or, as they called themselves at that
period, the Tatar people, were divided into a number of
tribes, among which the Chinese distinguished three
groups, according to the degree of their civilisation,—the
white, the black, and the savage Tatars. The first, who
dwelt in Southern Mongolia, near the Chinese Wall, were
under the influence of Chinese civilisation. The black
Tatars, who occupied the greater part of what we now
call Mongolia, remained unaffected by their uninterrupted
contact with more advanced races whose representatives
entered their country only in the quality of merchants.
The trade of barter and exchange with the nomads
was in the hands of men of Turkestān, Uïghūrs, and
Musulmans, who in such matters were far more enterprising
than the Chinese. These Uïghūrs and Musulmans,
moreover, kept in their own hands the commerce
between Mongolia and China; that is to say, they
bought goods in China and sold them to the nomads.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">152</span>
By means of the knowledge thus gained, these merchants
were able to influence the Khāns, and through
them the people. Moreover, Buddhist, Nestorian, and
Musulman merchants were always closely followed by
the missionaries of their respective religions. Islām at
that period had not yet obtained predominance in Central
Asia, and in Mongolia its propaganda was practically
non-existent. Over the Uïghūrs, the nearest neighbours
of the Mongols, Buddhists and Nestorian Christians still
had the upper hand. These latter even succeeded in
converting some of the most powerful tribes of the
black Mongols, such as the Keraits and the Naimans, to
Christianity. The savage Tatars, whom the Mongols
called “forest peoples,” led a roving life in the forests of
the modern province of Trans-Baikal and the north-west
of Mongolia. They practised Shamanism in its purest
form.<a id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">354</a></p>

<p>Authorities are in disagreement as to which of these
Mongol clans claimed Temuchin as its own. The
Chinese aver that he belonged to the black Tatars;
while Mongolian tradition<a id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">355</a> would enrol him among the
savage tribes. Rashīd ud-Dīn tells us that Yissugāy
married a woman belonging to the white Tatars, who
became the mother of Temuchin and his brothers; and
that the lads were adepts as hunters and fishermen.</p>

<p>Whatever may have been Yissugāy’s position among
his tribe,<a id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">356</a> it seems clear that on his death in battle his
eldest son, Temuchin, then thirteen years of age, was not
recognised as a chief, and supported a miserable existence
with his mother on roots, game, and fish. Such a life<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">153</span>
probably served to develop his genius, signs of which, not
less than the memory of his father’s military prowess,
attracted round him a band of young nobles who afterwards
formed his bodyguard. The growing power of
the Mongols in the twelfth century alarmed the Manchurian
dynasty of the Tsin, then reigning in Northern
China, who incited the Buyr-Nūr Tatars to attack them.
It was in this war that Yissugāy perished. As soon as
they had crushed the common enemy, the Buyr-Nūrs
turned against their former allies and invaded China.</p>

<p>The Tsin emperor now sent other nomad chiefs to
oppose the Buyr-Nūrs, of whom the mightiest was
Toghrul, the Khān of the Christian Keraits,<a id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">357</a> whose
habitat was on the shores of the Tola. Temuchin allied
himself with this tribe, and in the final campaign against
the Buyr-Nūrs, when the Tsin emperor himself led his
forces into Mongolia, Temuchin so distinguished himself
as to gain an honorific title.<a id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">358</a> This occurred in 1194.
The next ten years Temuchin spent in struggles with
confederacies of hostile tribes whose jealousy he had incurred
by his uninterrupted successes. Having reduced
all who dwelt north of the desert of Gobi, from the Irtish
to the Khinggan Mountains,<a id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">359</a> he found himself in the
year 1202 engaged in a war against his former ally
Toghrul, Khān of the Keraits. He was at first defeated,
and compelled to retire; but in the following year
(1203) he collected another army and inflicted a crushing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">154</span>
defeat upon the Keraits, reducing them to abject
submission. In 1206<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">360</a> he summoned a Kurultāy,<a id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">361</a> or
Diet of the Nobles, and, in the presence of all the
tribal chieftains, formally adopted the title of Chingiz
Khān, or “The Very Mighty King.”</p>

<p>His ambitions were now aroused, though they were
as yet bounded by the narrow horizon in which they had
found scope; and he could not have foreseen the goal to
which they would carry him.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">155</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XXII" class="vspace">CHAPTER XXII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Mongol Invasion of Central Asia</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">Tāi Yāng Khān</span>, king of the Christian tribe of Naimans,
alarmed at the growing power of the young ruler, sent
Alakush-Tekin, chief of the Onguts, or white Tatars, an
invitation to join him against the ambitious Mongol.
Alakush-Tekin immediately informed Chingiz of the
Naimans’ intentions, assuring him at the same time of
his own friendly feeling. Chingiz promptly marched
against Tāi Yāng, who descended from the Altai to the
foot of the Khanggai Mountains, attended by many
allies, among whom was Tukta, king of the Merkits.<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">362</a>
In the battle which took place the Naimans were utterly
routed. Among the prisoners who fell into the hands
of the Mongols was Tatatungo, the chancellor of Tāi
Yāng, who belonged to the Uïghūr tribe, and tradition
attributes to his influence the veneer of civilisation of
the Mongols; and it is certain that Chingiz caused him
to instruct his sons in the language, laws, and customs of
the Uïghūrs.<a id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">363</a></p>

<p>Tāi Yāng Khān perished in this battle, while his son
Guchluk fled by way of Bish Bālik to the country of the
Gūr-Khān of Kara-Khitāy.<a id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">364</a> After wandering for some
time and enduring great privations, he at length arrived
at the court of the Gūr-Khān (1208). He was hospitably
received, and the Khān gave him his daughter in marriage;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">156</span>
but the favours showered on him did not prevent his
plotting to dethrone his benefactor. He obtained permission
to enlist the remnants of the Naiman tribe,
and thus collected a considerable force; then he entered
into a league with Mohammad Shāh of Khwārazm, and
`Othmān, prince of Samarkand, who, as we have seen
above, were both vassals of the Gūr-Khān. They
arranged that they should attack their Gūr-Khān suzerain
simultaneously, the one from the east and the other
from the west. The conditions determined on were
that if Sultan Mohammad should be the first to gain a
victory, Almāligh, Khotan, and Kāshghar, which were in
Guchluk’s hands, should be ceded to him; but if, on the
other hand, Guchluk should win the initial success, Kara-Khitāy,
as far as Fināket, should be delivered over to
him.<a id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">365</a> Guchluk arrived before the Sultan, and was at
first successful, but was afterwards defeated on his way
to attack Balāsāghūn, and obliged to retreat. In the
meantime the troops of Mohammad and `Othmān had
entered Kara-Khitāy, and gained a victory over the Gūr-Khān’s
general, Tanigū, near the city of Tarāz. Guchluk,
taking advantage of this reverse, hurried back, surprised
the Gūr-Khān, and took him prisoner, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 608 (1212).
Two years later the Gūr-Khān died, at a very advanced
age. Guchluk, now firmly established on the throne
of Kara-Khitāy, reduced his new subjects to complete
obedience. He was a cruel persecutor of Islām, being
himself a Nestorian Christian until his marriage with the
Gūr-Khān’s daughter, when he became a Buddhist.<a id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">366</a></p>

<p>Chingiz had been occupied since the overthrow of
the Naimans with the conquest of China, and “though it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">157</span>
was reserved for his grandson to complete the subjugation
of the Celestial Empire,<a id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">367</a> a great part of the northern
provinces ... was added to the Mongol dominions
during the great Khān’s own lifetime.”<a id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">368</a></p>

<p>In 1218 he despatched an army 20,000 strong, under
Noyan Chebe, to attack Guchluk Khān in Kāshghar.
Hearing of their approach, Guchluk fled, but was shortly
afterwards overtaken in the mountains of Badakhshān
and put to death. He was, as we have seen, a bigot,
and especially intolerant in his dealings with Mohammedans.
The Mongols proclaimed religious liberty, and
thereby ensured for themselves the favour of the people.<a id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">369</a></p>

<p>After the downfall of the Kara-Khitāys the possessions
of Mohammad of Khwārazm extended into the
heart of Turkestān, with Samarkand as a capital. Those
of Guchluk Khān were restricted to Kāshghar, Khotan,
and Yarkand.<a id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">370</a></p>

<p>Chingiz’s relations with his powerful neighbour in
Khwārazm were long of a peaceful and even friendly
nature, but causes were at work which altered them
radically.<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">371</a> Abū-l-Ghāzi states<a id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">372</a> that the Caliph Nāsir’s
intense jealousy of the northern empire led him to adopt
every means in his power to weaken it, and that he
invited Chingiz to attack Sultan Mohammad. It is
probable that this perfidious policy caused a coldness
between the two potentates; but the immediate
cause of rupture was an act for which the Khwāarazm
Sultan was alone responsible. He cruelly slew, at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">158</span>
Otrār, some Mohammedan traders who had incurred
his animosity, in spite of the fact that they were travelling
under Chingiz’s protection. The avalanches which
descended on the habitable world in the twelfth century
were thus set in motion by princes whose interest
required that the vast forces controlled by Chingiz
should remain pent up in their native steppes.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 615 (1218) he set out for Otrār, determined
to avenge the insult offered by Sultan Mohammad, and
on his way was joined by large reinforcements of
Karliks, Uïghūr and other Mongol tribes, eager to share
in the plunder of the West.<a id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">373</a> On reaching that goal he
divided his forces among his sons, and laid down for
each the object of attack.</p>

<p>Ogdāy and Chaghatāy were to reduce Otrār; Jūjī
Khān was despatched in the direction of Jand; while
two of his generals, with 5000 men, were sent to
attack Fināket and Khojend. With the remainder of
his forces Chingiz himself, accompanied by his son Tūlī,
set out for Bokhārā,<a id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">374</a> and arrived at that capital
in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 616 (1219), having carried all before him
on his march. No sooner had he appeared than the
garrison, 20,000 strong, fled towards Khwārazm, but
were overtaken on the banks of the Oxus and cut to
pieces by the Mongols sent in their pursuit. Meanwhile
the shaykhs and mullās of Bokhārā sallied forth and
presented the keys of the town to Chingiz Khān, who
made a formal entry, penetrated the courtyard of the
principal mosque on horseback, and asked whether this
fine building was Sultan Mohammad’s palace. On being
told that it was God’s house he dismounted, and, ascending
the pulpit, hurled the Koran beneath his horse’s feet.
He next insisted that the inhabitants should deliver up
their hidden treasures. Here his destroying hand would<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">159</span>
have been stayed had he not learnt that some remnants
of Sultan Mohammad’s garrison were still in hiding.
In order to compass their death he ordered the city,
which was mainly built of wood, to be given to the flames.
His behests were obeyed, and Bokhārā for a time ceased
to exist. Chingiz, however, caused it to be rebuilt.<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">375</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile success had attended all his other army
corps; and Otrār, Jand, and Khojend, together with
many other towns, submitted to the Mongols. The
sons and generals of Chingiz now joined the main body,
and their united forces together marched on Samarkand.
Before the end of the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 616 (1219) this great city,
after a three days’ siege, fell. The garrison was put to the
sword, and Samarkand was given over to reckless pillage.</p>

<p>It is not necessary here to record the story of
the Mongol’s progress of conquest. Khwārazm soon
succumbed, and Khorāsān was overrun by his hordes.
The Sultan himself took no active part in the hopeless
effort to stay the advance of Chingiz, but fled across
Khorāsān<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">376</a> to an island in the Caspian named Ābasgūn,
not far from the modern Astarābād, where in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 617
(1220) he died in utter destitution.<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">377</a> A manful struggle
to revive the glory of his house was made by Sultan
Mohammad’s heroic son Jalāl ud-Dīn, whose career
forms one of the most exciting narratives in history.<a id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">378</a>
This last representative of the Khwārazm Shāhs, after
having boldly faced death on a hundred battlefields, was
brutally murdered in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 628 (1231) by a low-born Kurd.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">160</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XXIII" class="vspace">CHAPTER XXIII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Line of Chaghatāy</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">“The</span> Mongol armies,” writes Mr. S. Lane-Poole, “divided
into several immense brigades, swept over Khwārazm,
Khorāsān, and Afghanistān, on the one hand; and on
the other, over Āzerbāyjān, Georgia, and Southern Russia;
whilst a third division continued the reduction of China.
In the midst of these diverging streams of conquest
Chingiz Khān died in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 624 (1227), at the age of
sixty-four. The territory he and his sons had conquered
stretched from the Yellow Sea to the Euxine, and included
lands or tribes wrung from the rule of Chinese,
Tanguts, Afghans, Persians, and Turks.</p>

<p>“It was the habit of a Mongol chief to distribute the
clans over which he had ruled as appanages among his
sons, and this tribal rather than territorial distribution
obtained in the division of the empire among the sons of
Chingiz. The founder appointed a special appanage of
tribes in certain loosely defined camping-grounds to each
son, and also nominated a successor to himself in the
Khānate.”<a id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">379</a></p>

<p>In this division of the newly founded Mongol Empire,—<i>i.e.</i>
Transoxiana, with part of Kāshghar,—Badakhshān,
Balkh, and Ghazna fell to the lot of Chingiz Khān’s
second son, Chaghatāy, the founder of the Khānate of
that name, which existed for 146 years, till its overthrow
by Tīmūr in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 771 (1370).</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">161</span>
The annals of his branch of his dynasty have
hitherto been obscurer than those of the other
descendants of Chingiz.<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">380</a> He appears to have profited
by the lessons of the Naiman chancellor,<a id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">381</a> and to have
developed into a just and energetic ruler, capable of
preserving order among the heterogeneous population
under his charge.</p>

<p>He scrupulously observed the <i>Yasāk</i>, or Civil
Code, established by his father, and, like him, was
tolerant towards all religions and creeds. He fixed
his capital at Almāligh,<a id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">382</a> in the extreme east of his
dominions. His Mongol ministers, loving the life of
the steppes, probably induced him to choose this
locality rather than Samarkand or Bokhārā.<a id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">383</a> They
would serve no Khān who did not lead a life worthy
of free-born men; and Chaghatāy and his immediate
successors saw, as did his later descendants, that the
one way of retaining the allegiance of his people was
to humour their desires in this respect and live with
them a nomad’s life.<a id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">384</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">162</span>
In the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 639 (1241) both Ogdāy and
Chaghatāy,<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">385</a> the great Khāns of the Mongolian Empire,
died, and the successors of Chingiz fell to disputing the
succession.</p>

<p>We do not propose to enlarge on the struggles and
disorders which existed almost without cessation in
Turkestān during the whole period of the Chaghatāy
Khān’s rule, and will confine ourselves to a consideration
of the social conditions of that country under his successors.<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">386</a>
The Mongols in contact with communities
possessed of a comparatively high standard of civilisation
lost none of their passion for their boundless steppe. In
their eyes the town, the settled abode, were abominations,
indicating deep-seated effeminacy and corruption: the
only life worth living was that of the herdsman, roving
free as air, with his tent of white felt.</p>

<p>Their subjects who preferred a sedentary existence, so
long as they were obedient and orderly, were left in tranquil
occupation of their homes, and were even encouraged
by their nomad lords to repair the damage suffered by
their cities in war. Ruin doubtless fell on many great
centres of population, such as Herāt;<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">387</a> but in Persia and
Transoxiana there was no systematic obliteration of
organised society,<a id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">388</a> no reversion to the nomadic level.
The case in Mongolia and Kāshgharia was different.
Less than a century prior to the rise of the Mongols<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">163</span>
these countries had been occupied by the Uīghūrs, who
were a race which had attained a certain degree of development,
and evinced it by preferring a settled existence
in towns. Their successors, the Kara-Khitāy, though
less civilised, seem also to have affected urban life. In
these countries, however, during the Chaghatāy period,
no new towns sprang up, while those already in being
fell into a state of ruin.</p>

<p>“Amidst the terrible ravages committed by the
Mongolians,” writes Vambéry,<a id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">389</a> “the science of theology
and its votaries alone continued to flourish. In the days
of the earlier Chaghatāy Khāns the mullās of Turkestān
had enjoyed a certain amount of protection, thanks partly
to the principle of religious toleration, and partly to the
superstitious awe in which every class of the priesthood
was held; and in almost every town there was some one
or other holy man to whom the Moslems had recourse in
the day of peril. The spiritual teachers thus became at
the same time secular protectors, and from this time forward
we find the <i>Sadr-i-sharī`at</i> (heads of the religious
bodies) and chief magistrates, and in general all men of
remarkable piety, attaining an influence in the towns of
Transoxiana unknown in the rest of Islām; an influence
which maintains itself to this day, though the land has
been for centuries governed by Musulman princes. The
seats of spiritual authority were filled by regular dynasties
of learned men of certain families, as though they had
been thrones.”</p>

<p>It appears that about the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 721 (1321) a
final division of the Chaghatāy Khānate took place. The
two branches established were the Khāns of Transoxiana
and those of Jatah, or Moghūlistan;<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">390</a> but each had other<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">164</span>
provinces in its possession. As for the history of the
western branch, it is only necessary to mention that
during the fifty years of their rule, which continued until
Tīmūr made himself master of the country, we find no less
than fifteen Khāns recorded—some of them strangers in
blood to the Chaghatāy line—and long periods of anarchy.<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">391</a></p>

<p>Leaving, then, this confused chapter of Central Asian
history, we will pass to the rise of the mightiest of her
conquerors.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">165</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XXIV" class="vspace">CHAPTER XXIV<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Tīmūr, the Great Amīr</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">In</span> the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 733 Kazān Khān<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">392</a> mounted the throne
of the western Chaghatāy family. He is described by
his contemporaries as a cruel and tyrannical villain, who
inspired so general a terror that when his nobles were
summoned to a <i>Kurultāy</i>, or general assembly, they made
their wills before leaving their homes.<a id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">393</a> To such a pitch
did the dissatisfaction of his nobles rise, that in the year
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 746 (1345) they banded together under the leadership
of a certain Amīr Kazghan, and broke into open
revolt. The Khān at once set out with his troops to
crush them. In the first encounter<a id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">394</a> he gained the upper
hand, and Amīr Kazghan lost an eye from an arrow
shot by the Khān himself. The conqueror thereupon
retired to Karshī; but, owing to the severity of the
winter, most of his horses and transport cattle perished.
Amīr Kazghan, hearing of the Khān’s misfortunes,
took courage and, in the following year, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 747
(1346), attacked Karshī. The fortune of war on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">166</span>
this occasion veered towards his side. He defeated
and slew the tyrant, becoming thus master of Transoxiana
and Turkestān. He next assumed the rôle of
king-maker, and placed on the throne one of the
descendants of Ogdāy,<a id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">395</a> named Dānishmandja,<a id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">396</a> whom,
however, he put to death two years later, setting up in
his place Bayān Kulī, a Chaghatāy by descent, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span>
749 (1348). For ten years this prince sat upon the
throne of the Chaghatāy Khāns, but he governed in
name only, for all the affairs of the state were directed
by the skilful hand of Amīr Kazghan, who made himself
loved and respected by his prudence and equity.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 759 (1357) this worthy chief was murdered
while hunting in the vicinity of Kunduz, to the deep
regret of the people.</p>

<p>His son `Abdullah was universally recognised as the
successor to Amīr Kazghan’s peculiar office of Prime
Minister. The residence of the Khāns—in fact the capital
of the western branch of Chaghatāys—had lately been
Sālī Sarāy, but was transferred to Samarkand, owing,
we are told, to `Abdullah’s great love for that town.
Thither he carried his puppet, Bayān Kulī; but, falling
in love with the Khān’s wife, he put the ill-starred husband
to death, and set up in his stead Tīmūr Shāh
Oghlān, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 759 (1357). The nobles were deeply
incensed at this arbitrary and cruel deed, and, with the
intent of avenging their prince’s death, one of their
number, named Bayān Seldūz, raised an army and
marched on Samarkand. On his way thither he was
joined by Hāji Birlās<a id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">397</a> in Kesh,<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">398</a> and the united forces<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">167</span>
administered a crushing defeat to `Abdullah, who fled
across the Oxus to Andarāb, where he remained in
obscurity till his death. The family and partisans of
Amīr Kazghan were now scattered far and wide, and the
government of Transoxiana passed into the hands of Bayān
Seldūz<a id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">399</a> and Hāji Birlās. The former, however, was a
hopeless drunkard, and utterly unfit to rule in times so
charged with storm. The western Chaghatāy states were
parcelled out among a host of prominent nobles, whose
rivalries plunged the country into the throes of civil war;
and the town of Kesh, with its immediate dependencies,
was all that Hāji Birlās could call his own.</p>

<p>At this period the chief of Jatah, or Moghūlistan, was
Tūghluk Tīmūr Khān.<a id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">400</a> Perceiving the state of disruption
into which the kingdom of Transoxiana had lapsed, he
resolved to take up the fallen sceptre. Gathering round
him a large army, he set out from Kāshghar for the
Khojend River, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 761 (1360). After crossing it he
was joined by Amīr Bāyazīd Jalā´ir, and they proceeded
together in the direction of Shahr-i-Sabz. Hāji Birlās,
hearing of the Khān’s approach, attempted to organise
resistance; but, at the last moment, he deemed discretion
the better part of valour, and fled towards Khorāsān ere
the two armies had come into conflict.</p>

<p>The darkest period of a country’s annals is often
illumined by the light of a better time to come. Transoxiana,
torn by civil war, and a prey to the worst form
of tyranny, that of a horde of greedy and imperious
nobles, sighed not in vain for a deliverer. Rarely in history
do we find a state of society readier to deliver itself into the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">168</span>
hands of a man of destiny than was the shattered empire of
the Chaghatāy Khāns in the middle of the fifteenth century.<a id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">401</a></p>

<p>The early biographers<a id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">402</a> of him whom his contemporaries
styled Tīmūr Leng, the “Lame Tīmūr,”<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">403</a> delighted to
give him a common ancestry with Chingiz Khān, and traced
his descent from a vezīr in the service of Chaghatāy named
Karāchār Nuyān, whose genealogy merges with that of
the earlier conqueror. This, however, is a long-exploded
myth; for Tīmūr was certainly a Turk by descent, and
belonged to one of the numerous tribes which participated
in the Mongol occupation of Central Asia, and,
after the downfall of Amīr Kazghan, gained the mastery
over all Transoxiana and Turkestān.<a id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">404</a> Tīmūr was the
son of Amīr Turghāy, who had preceded Hāji Birlās in
the government of the province of Kesh and its dependencies.<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">405</a>
He was born in the town of Kesh, now called<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">169</span>
Shahr-i-Sabz, the Green City, in the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 736
(1333). According to his autobiography, he became
conscious of his own powers at an early age, and distinguished
himself alike in council and in the hunting-field.</p>

<p>When Hāji Birlās reached the Oxus in his flight from
the army of Tūghluk Tīmūr Khān, the young Tīmūr,<a id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">406</a>
who had accompanied him, requested leave to return to
his native city and seek an audience of the Khān, in
order to intercede for his suffering fellow-townsmen.
Having obtained the required permission, he hastened to
the camp of the allied Amīrs, whom he so favourably
impressed by his earnestness and eloquence that they not
only desisted from their hostile intentions, but conferred
upon him the government of his native city. Tīmūr
took leave of the Amīrs of Jatah, and entered upon the
administration of his state and the levy of troops in the
country between Kesh and the Oxus. Meanwhile the
Amīrs quarrelled, withdrew their troops from Transoxiana,
and returned to headquarters in Kāshghar.</p>

<p>In the following year, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 762 (1361), the Khān of
Jatah again entered Transoxiana, and, after a successful
campaign against various rebellious nobles, took possession
of Samarkand. He intrusted the government of
the conquered districts to his son Iliyās Khwāja Oghlān,
while Tīmūr, whose sagacity had attracted the Khān’s
attention, was appointed chief councillor to the young
prince. Tīmūr, however, was disgusted with the conduct
of certain of his colleagues, and fled the country in search
of his brother-in-law Amīr Husayn, the grandson of
Kazghan.<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">407</a> After a career of marvellous adventure in
company with Amīr Husayn, he had by the year<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">170</span>
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 765 (1363) collected sufficient troops round him to
make a stand against Iliyās Khwāja, whom in an
encounter near Kunduz he entirely routed, and compelled
to withdraw across the Oxus.</p>

<p>At the close of <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 771 (1370) he had made himself
absolute master of the dominions of the western
Chaghatāys, and had restored order in the state. He
did not, however, place himself on the throne of the
Chaghatāys, but made another rightful descendant of
that line nominal head of the empire.</p>

<p>This apparent self-abnegation was probably due to
the universal respect enjoyed by the house of Chaghatāy
as descendants of Chingiz, and to the associations which
clustered round their name. Be this as it may, it is
certain that Tīmūr was content with the absolute power
won by his genius, and scorned the sounding style of
emperor. That his rule made for the happiness of the
peoples who owned his sway is evidenced by the hold
which his personality had, and still retains, on the fickle
population of Central Asia. “The love and attachment
of the army to Tīmūr,” writes Wolff,<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">408</a> “was so great and
so unlimited that they would forego plunder in time of
need if ordered by him; and the subjection to him was
so blind and unconditional that it would only have cost
him an order to cause himself to be proclaimed not only
as emperor, but even as Prophet of the Tartars. He
endeavoured to soften the inclination to cruelty of his
soldiers, composed of so many nations, by poets and
learned men, by musicians and <i>sufis</i>, who came in swarms
to the army and wandered with him through Asia.”<a id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">409</a>
Under his enlightened rule Samarkand became the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">171</span>
centre of a great and brilliant court, and was embellished
with palaces, mosques, and colleges which extort the
admiration of those who view them in their decay.</p>

<div id="ip_170" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 26.125em;">
  <img src="images/i_170.jpg" width="418" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">DERVISHES OF THE NAKSHABANDI ORDER</div></div>

<p>It is the hard fate of a conqueror that he can never
pause in his onward progress. The fierce passions let loose
by war can be assuaged only by their repeated exercise;
and Tīmūr’s hordes were ever clamouring to be led to
fresh victories. Thus, when he had restored peace and
prosperity to Central Asia, he set out on a triumphant
march which threatened to include the whole inhabited
world. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 793 (1390) Persia and the Caucasus,
that halting-place in the migration of human masses
westwards, were overrun by his armies. Then, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 798
(1395), he attacked the Kipchāks, a Mongolian tribe
firmly settled in South-Eastern Russia and the lower
Volga, which for the first time in history were united
under their great chief, Tokhtamish Khān. Long and
desperate was the struggle between the rivals, but it
ended in Tīmūr’s triumph. His eyes now turned to
India, whose fabulous wealth had attracted other adventurers
such as he. The Panjāb and the whole Gangetic
Delta fell an easy prey to his legions; and in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 801
(1398) he returned to Samarkand laden with spoils.
The Egyptian dynasty established in Syria and the
Turkish lords of Asia Minor alone retained their independence.
Tīmūr stormed Damascus and broke the
Mamlūk power. Then, on the field of Angora, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 805
(1402), he utterly defeated the Sultan Bāyazīd I., a
conqueror of a renown only second to his own. Constantinople<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">172</span>
and the empire of the East lay at his mercy.
Happily for European civilisation, his darling Samarkand
attracted the war-spent conqueror. He returned thither
in triumph, and three years later died at Otrār, while on
his way to subdue China, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 807 (1404)<a id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">410</a>—</p>

<div class="poem-container">
<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"><i>
<span class="i0">Mors sola fatetur<br /></span>
<span class="i0">Quantula sunt hominum corpuscula!<br /></span></i>
</div></div>
</div>

<div id="ip_172" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_172.jpg" width="600" height="447" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">INTERIOR OF TAMERLANE’S MAUSOLEUM, BOKHĀRĀ</div></div>

<div id="ip_172b" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_172b.jpg" width="600" height="434" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE TOMB OF TAMERLANE</div></div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">173</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XXV" class="vspace">CHAPTER XXV<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Successors of Tīmūr</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> method taken by Chingiz Khān of assuring the
continuance of sovereignty in his house was inspired by
statesmanlike prescience. It is well-nigh impossible for
a single individual to maintain intact an empire inherited
from a father who has won it by the sword. Its founder
may, indeed, say with far greater truth than the scion of
a long line of kings, “the State is Myself”; but his hour
of triumph is embittered by the reflection that possessions
amassed by ruthless greed are apt to melt away when
the strong arm that secured them has mouldered into
dust. Chingiz, by dividing his unwieldy dominions
among his four sons, removed all cause of jealousy, such
as would inevitably have arisen had one child been
exalted above the rest, and established a community of
interest among his descendants which for several generations
sufficed to keep the greater portion of the known
world in his family.</p>

<p>Tīmūr’s disregard of the sound principles of statecraft
in the disposal of his conquests brought upon his
dynasty the curse of perennial rivalries, of mutual
hatreds which led to the disruption of his empire and
paved the way for the advent of alien rulers.</p>

<p>When the news of Tīmūr’s death reached Samarkand,
his grandson, Pīr Mohammad, to whom he had bequeathed
his crown, was absent in Kandahār. Khalīl Sultan,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">174</span>
another grandson, assured of the support of the army
and the more powerful nobles, took possession of Samarkand
and proclaimed himself king, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 807 (1405).</p>

<p>Meanwhile the dead conqueror’s son, Shāh Rukh,<a id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">411</a>
who ruled Herāt, with the concurrence of the feudal
chiefs of his province, laid claim to the succession, and
was acknowledged as the rightful heir throughout Khorāsān,
Sīstān, and Māzanderān. Leaving followers devoted
to his interests in charge of these three important districts,
he set out for Transoxiana, and on his way
thither learnt that Khalīl had been proclaimed king of
Samarkand. On hearing this news he sent back one of
his generals with orders to place Herāt in a state of
defence, while he himself continued his march towards
the Oxus.</p>

<p>In the meantime his rivals came to terms; Sultan
Khalīl being left in possession of Transoxiana, while Pīr
Mohammad was acknowledged as his heir.<a id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">412</a> Shāh Rukh
was conscious of his inability to contend against these
combined forces, and he wisely resolved to secure a
realm which they were not likely to dispute with him.</p>

<p>He hastened back to Herāt and seized Khorāsān,
Māzanderān, and Sīstān. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 817 (1414) he added
Isfahān and Shīrāz to these acquisitions, and ruled over the
fairest province of Irān until his death, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 850 (1447).</p>

<p>Sultan Khalīl possessed many admirable qualities,
with no small share of the vices which are associated
with every virtue. He was too lavish in gifts and in
affection. Had it not been for the slavery in which he
was held by his beloved mistress, <i>Shād Mulk</i>, the “Joy<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">175</span>
of the State,” he might have revived the lustre of his
grandsire’s rule. But his submission to every whim of an
extravagant woman soon depleted Tīmūr’s brimming
treasury, and estranged from his person even those who
had been his most ardent supporters.</p>

<p>The general discontent came to a head in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 809
(1406), when two nobles, named Khodāydād and Shaykh
Nūr-ed-Dīn, suddenly took up arms against their master,
and advanced to attack Samarkand. They were repulsed
by Khalīl, and in the following year Shaykh Nūr-ed-Dīn
made peace with the Sultan. Meanwhile Khodāydād,
allying himself with other malcontent nobles,
returned to the attack. On arriving before Samarkand,
the rebels decoyed Sultan Khalīl from his defences
under a pretence of parleying, seized his person and
obtained possession of the city,<a id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">413</a> <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 812 (1409).</p>

<p>On learning this piece of treachery, Shāh Rukh at
once despatched an army under his general, Shāh Mulk,
to punish Khodāydād. The latter abandoned Samarkand,
which remained without a ruler until the arrival
of Shād Mulk, to whom the gates were opened. Shāh
Rukh himself arrived shortly afterwards, and, after
establishing order in the town, heaped the most galling
indignities on Shād Mulk, who had been the cause of
Khalīl’s misfortunes.<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">414</a> He then made his young son,
Ulugh Beg, governor of Transoxiana, and returned to
Herāt.</p>

<p>The thirty-eight years during which the cultured
prince ruled as his father’s lieutenant in Samarkand
were the golden age of Central Asia. Himself an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">176</span>
astronomer and mathematician of no mean renown,<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">415</a> he
gathered round him a galaxy of stars of science, which
made Tīmūr’s capital a beacon-light for the Eastern
world. His liberality and deep artistic sense were
not less conspicuous. They stood revealed in palaces,
mosques, and colleges, which during their brief existence
made Samarkand the most beautiful of Asiatic cities.
The long peace that had brooded over Transoxiana
under the reign of this enlightened prince was rudely
dispelled by the death of his father, Shāh Rukh, which
took place in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 850 (1448).<a id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">416</a> Ulugh Beg, as heir-apparent,
was proclaimed emperor, and set out for Herāt
to take possession of his father’s treasure. But his
nephew, `Alā ud-Dawlé, had seized the citadel and the
person of Ulugh Beg’s son, `Abd ul-Latīf. Paternal love
induced the emperor to come to terms with the pretender
on certain conditions, first and foremost amongst
these being his son’s release. This was achieved, but
the other stipulations were not carried out by `Alā ud-Dawlé.
The war was therefore renewed, and it ended
in his discomfiture and flight towards Meshed. While
pursuing his enemy through Khorāsān, Ulugh Beg
received disquieting news from home. Herāt had been
plundered by a Turkoman chief, and Samarkand by the
uncouth Uzbegs, who destroyed in a few hours the
marvels of art with which he had decorated it. But<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">177</span>
worse was still in store for the unhappy monarch. His
darling, `Abd ul-Latīf, for whom he had sacrificed so
much, set up the standard of revolt at Balkh and invaded
Transoxiana. Ulugh Beg was forced to oppose
his claims, but was defeated and taken prisoner. To
`Abd ul-Latīf’s eternal disgrace, he caused his father to
be put to death in prison by a Persian slave.<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">417</a></p>

<p>The parricide did not prosper long. Abū Sa`īd, a
descendant of Tīmūr’s third son, Mīrān Shāh, seized the
throne of Samarkand; and, though `Abd ul-Latīf proved
himself the stronger in the field, his triumph was cut
short by his assassination by one of Ulugh Beg’s trusted
servants, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 854 (1450). Abū Sa`īd claimed the
succession, but was repulsed by one of Shāh Rukh’s
grandsons named `Abdullah Mīrzā, who took possession
of the oft-contested throne of Samarkand. Gathering
a strong force of Uzbegs, he returned to the charge and
deprived `Abdullah, his cousin, of his crown and life, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span>
856 (1452).<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">418</a> The history of the following thirty years
is a dreary record of struggles for supreme authority
between Tīmūr’s descendants. At length, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 870
(1465), Abū Sa`īd had defeated every rival and found
himself unquestioned master of Transoxiana, Northern
Persia, and Afghanistān. Central Asia enjoyed, too, a
brief respite from the stress of civil war under a prince
of real military and administrative genius. Two years
later, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 872 (1467), his evil star tempted him to
intervene in the affairs of Āzerbāyjān. He marched
against a pretender named Hasan Beg with a powerful
army, but was utterly defeated and handed over by his
captor to the tender mercies of Prince Yādgār Mirza, son
of Shāh Rukh’s consort, Gawhar Shād, whom Abū Sa`īd
had put to death. The Mohammedan law is based on
the Mosaic code, which prescribes blood for blood: and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">178</span>
the once-powerful emperor was beheaded by the inexorable
Yādgār.</p>

<p>His son, Sultan Ahmed, was permitted to mount
the throne of Samarkand. He was known to be of
moderate abilities and a yielding nature; and revolts
against his authority were frequent. The southern
provinces threw off their allegiance, and were never reconquered
during Sultan Ahmed’s lifetime. His brother
`Omar Shaykh successfully withstood him on the extreme
east, and he had the greatest difficulty in bringing
back Turkestān to obedience. His reign was, however,
more peaceful than might have been anticipated in times
so stormy. If Sultan Ahmed was given to alternate fits
of drunkenness and devotion, he was at least devoid of
the lust of conquest which proved so fatal to his predecessors.
Transoxiana enjoyed comparative repose
during his twenty-seven years’ reign, and its capital was
adorned with public edifices which rivalled those of Ulugh
Beg in beauty and grandeur. He slept with his fathers
in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 899 (1493); whereon his brother, Sultan Mohammad,
seized the throne, and basely slaughtered his
five youthful nephews. This infamous cruelty and his
own debauched life roused the ire of his nobles, whom
good Sultan Ahmed had raised to a comparatively high
standard of civilisation. He died after a reign of six
months (1494), probably by violent means. The succession
was, as usual, disputed by his children, Mas`ūd, Sultan `Ali,
and Baysunkur, the latter of whom, a youth of eighteen,
was elevated to supreme authority by a powerful faction;
for by this time a new factor had been introduced into
Central Asian politics. The Uzbeg chieftains and the
ecclesiastics, who had been restrained by the strong arm
of Tīmūr and his descendants, gained the mastery under
the feeble Sultan Ahmed. Baysunkur’s youth and inexperience
rendered him unable to hold the balance true<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">179</span>
between the contending parties. His lukewarmness
made him disliked by all; and his brother, Sultan `Ali,
was invited from Karshī to supplant him. Baysunkur
sought refuge in flight, but was soon afterwards restored,
while his rival, Sultan `Ali, escaped to Bokhārā. Here
he organised resistance so effectually that Baysunkur was
foiled in an attempt to capture Bokhārā, and driven
back to his capital. Sultan `Ali now turned the tables
effectually on his brother. He advanced on Samarkand
at the head of overwhelming forces, while Mas`ūd pressed
forward from the south to assist him; and the famous
Bāber Mīrzā, grandson of Abū Sa`īd, raised the standard
of revolt in Kokand.<a id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">419</a></p>

<p>Baysunkur felt resistance to this powerful combination
hopeless, and he fled<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">420</a> to his brother Mas`ūd for
protection, dying in obscurity in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 905 (1499). His
dominions were, in name, divided between Sultan `Ali
and Bāber Mīrzā, but their extreme youth forbade
them to assert authority over the powerful nobles who
had usurped every species of power. They abandoned
the contest; and a chieftain named Mohammad Khān
Shaybāni, a descendant of Jūjī, the son of Chingiz Khān,
seized the throne of Samarkand. Thus fell the dynasty
of Tīmūr, after a duration of 140 years.<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">421</a> Their age has
cast undying lustre on the Turkish name, for their own
culture attracted an array of scholars and men of science
whose works recall the brightest days of Moorish<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">180</span>
dominion in Spain. Shāh Rukh was a song-writer of
no mean order; while Ulugh Beg won fame in the severer
studies of the mathematician and astronomer. Bāber
Mīrzā, who afterwards sat on the throne of Delhi, was
famous alike as statesman, philosopher, and writer; and,
indeed, there was hardly one of Tīmūr’s descendants but
manifested a taste for letters. The annals of this house
are rendered illustrious by the names of poets, philosophers,
and theologians which are still household words
throughout the East. During this period of Central
Asian history, Bokhārā, Samarkand, and Merv all gave
birth to distinguished Mohammedan writers, as did many
other less important towns of Transoxiana and Turkestān;
but rarely did these authors employ in their compositions
the principal vernacular of these countries, namely, Eastern
Turkish. All theological and didactic works were written—as
they still are—in Arabic: and thus it is that many
of the masterpieces of Arabic literature owe their origin
to Mohammedans of Central Asia. The alternative
literary language was Persian, which probably came in
vogue for poetical compositions about the time of the
Tāhirides.</p>

<p>In the days of the Tīmūrides, however, the dialect of
Turkish, known as Chaghatāy, became honoured by a
definite position in literature, chiefly in the department of
poetry. The Chaghatāy dialect is the oldest form of
Turkish which has come down to us in the Arabic
character, and it is still spoken throughout Transoxiana,
Turkestān, and Kāshghar. As with the Aryan family of
languages so with the Turkish, the farther east we go
the nearer we approach its source. In Yarkand and
Kāshghar this language is called Turkī, while in Samarkand
and Bokhārā it is known by the name of Uzbegī.
Although Uzbegī is the language most commonly heard
in the bazaars of Samarkand and Bokhārā, it does not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">181</span>
hold the field alone, its rival being a corrupt form of
Persian spoken by the Tājiks, and hence known as
Tājikī. This dialect, while on the one hand preserving
many old Persian words which in Persia itself have
dropped out of the spoken tongue, has, on the other hand,
with regard to its grammatical forms and its syntax, been
greatly influenced by its Turkish neighbour.<a id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">422</a> Under the
Tīmūides there flourished a poet named Mīr `Alī Shīr,
or Navāy, who certainly did more than any other to
enrich the Chaghatāy literature, and who may justly be
regarded the national poet <i>par excellence</i> of the Eastern
Turks.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">182</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XXVI" class="vspace">CHAPTER XXVI<br />

<span class="subhead">THE SHAYBĀNIDES</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> Mongol dynasty, established in China and known as
the Yuen, founded by Kubilāy Khān<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">423</a> <i>cir.</i> 1260, began
to decline very soon after his death (1294); and in
1353 a native of humble birth, named Chu Yūan Chang,
succeeded in overthrowing the alien line, and, in 1368,
originated the famous dynasty of Ming. The nomads’
rule was again confined to the steppes of Mongolia.</p>

<p>Eastern and Western Turkestān continued, in the
Ming period, to constitute the dominions of the
Chaghatāys.<a id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">424</a> This so-called Middle-Empire originally
included Transoxiana, but in the first half of the
fourteenth century Transoxiana came under the sway of
a separate line of Chaghatāy Khāns.</p>

<div id="ip_183" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_183.jpg" width="600" height="422" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">INTERIOR OF A KIRGHIZ TENT</div></div>

<p>North of the Middle-Empire was that of the Dasht-i-Kipchāk,
which included the vast steppes extending
east and north of the Sea of Aral, a part of modern
Siberia, the land north of the Caspian, and both sides of
the Lower Volga.<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">425</a> These broad realms had been given
to Chingiz Khān’s first son, Jūjī, on whose death, in
1225, it was divided into two sections. The Eastern
division, the habitat White Horde, fell to Jūjī’s eldest
son, Orda; while the Western, that of the Golden Horde,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">183</span>
was ruled over by Bātū, the conqueror of Russia, who
had his residence in Sarai, on the Lower Volga.<a id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">426</a></p>

<p>Another branch of the house of Jūjī was the
heritage of his fifth son, Shaybān, whose dominions
were contiguous with those of the White Horde.<a id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">427</a> They
became famous in the fifteenth century under the name of
Uzbegs, and the origin of their name has given rise to
many strange conjectures.</p>

<p>The real founder of the Uzbeg power was Abū-l-Khayr,
a descendant of Shaybān in the sixth degree, who
was born in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 816 (1413). His rule extended over
the western portion of the present Kirghiz steppes. About
the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 870 (1465) a number of these Uzbegs,
discontented with their Khān, Abū-l-Khayr, migrated
into Moghūlistan, with the Sultans Girāy and Jānībeg,
of the line of Jūjī.<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">428</a> Isan Bughā, the then Khān of
Moghūlistan, or Jatah, received them hospitably, and
allotted them some territories on the river Chū, to the
west of his own domains. These emigrants were
subsequently known as the Uzbeg-Kazāks, or simply
Kazāks.<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">429</a> After the death of Abū-l-Khayr, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 874<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">184</span>
(1469), a large number of his Uzbegs passed into
Moghūlistan and joined their kinsmen.<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">430</a></p>

<p>Abū-l-Khayr overran Khwārazm and part of Turkestān;
and at the beginning of the sixteenth century his
son Mohammad Shaybānī, also known as Shāhī Beg,
made himself master of Samarkand and Transoxiana,
and was the first of the so-called dynasty of the
Shaybānides. It is more than a mere coincidence that
the appearance of the Uzbegs and Kazāks in Southern
Central Asia was contemporaneous with Russia’s liberation
from the Tartar yoke.</p>

<p>Shaybānī Khān achieved the conquest of Transoxiana
in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 906 (1500),<a id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">431</a> but soon after this event Zahīr ud-Dīn
Bāber, then aged nineteen, entered that country and
captured Samarkand, Soghd, Miyānkul, Karshī, and other
strong places; Bokhārā alone remaining in the possession
of the Uzbegs. However, in the following year,
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 907 (1501), Shaybānī Khān defeated Bāber and
regained the lost territory. By <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 911 (1505), from
which date historians reckon the commencement of his
reign,<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">432</a> he had made himself master of Transoxiana,
Farghāna, Khwārazm, and Hisār.</p>

<p>His attention was now turned towards Khorāsān,
which was in the hands of Husayn Mīrzā, also called
Sultan Husayn Baykara, a descendant of Tīmūr’s second
son, `Omar Shaykh. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 912 (1506) Bāber, hearing
of the Uzbeg designs, marched northwards from Kābul
to assist his relatives.<a id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">433</a> But in the interval Mīrzā Husayn<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">185</span>
died, and Bāber, on his arrival in Khorāsān, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 913
(1507), found that the two sons of the late prince had
instituted a dual government. So disgusted was he
with their lack of definite policy and their mutual recriminations,
that he returned to Kābul and left them to
fight their own battles. In this year Shaybānī Khān,
entering Khorāsān, defeated these ill-assorted colleagues
and made himself master of the country. The next
three years were passed in successful expeditions in the
direction of Khorāsān and India, and against the Kazāks.
But in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 916 (1510) his career of conquest was
brought to a sudden close. Shāh Isma`īl, the Safavī,—who
eight years previously had overthrown the Turkoman
dynasty of the “White Sheep” in Āzerbāyjān, and
had set upon the conquest of all Persia,—now marched
into Khorāsān. Here he defeated and slew Shaybānī
Khān in the vicinity of Merv, thereby making himself
master of the whole country.<a id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">434</a></p>

<p>For two years, from <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 916 to 918 (1510 to 1512)
Transoxiana practically passed out of the hands of the
Uzbeg Sultans. At all events, we find no coin of theirs
during that period, though Persian historians aver that
Shaybānī Khān was succeeded in the chief Khānate by
Kuchunji. The nobles were probably too much occupied
in providing for their own safety, after the disaster of
Merv, to give consideration to the choice of a new chief.<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">435</a></p>

<p>Bāber, on hearing of the death of Shaybānī Khān,
and having been led to suppose that his presence would
be attended by most important advantages, again set<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">186</span>
out from Kābul, and, entering Transoxiana, entirely
defeated the Uzbeg army sent out to meet him under
Hamza Sultan, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 917 (1511). The Uzbegs were
pursued as far as the Iron Gates. Meanwhile Bāber’s
victorious army assembled in Hisār, where it was now
reinforced by a larger body of Persians, sent by Shāh
Isma`īl, who made common cause with Bāber against
the Uzbegs. The united forces, numbering 60,000 men,
next marched against Karshī, where Sultan `Ubaydullah
had fortified himself, while the most of the Uzbeg Sultans
had fled to Samarkand. On the march, Bāber
learnt that `Ubaydullah had abandoned Karshī and fled
to Bokhārā. Bāber at once followed him, marching day
and night until he reached the city, whence he drove
`Ubaydullah into the deserts of Turkestān.<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">436</a> When the
rest of the Uzbeg Sultans in Samarkand learnt this
disaster, they were filled with terror and fled in disorder
into different parts of Turkestān, leaving Bāber absolute
master of Transoxiana. He now entered Samarkand
amid the rejoicings of the people, who welcomed him as
the rightful successor to the realms of Tīmūr. But the
enthusiasm of the orthodox Sunnis began to cool when
they found that Bāber still maintained cordial relations with
the Shi`ite Shāh Isma`īl and carried out the stipulation on
which the alliance was based by recognising his suzerainty.</p>

<p>Becoming aware of the popular discontent, the Uzbeg
Sultans collected their forces and marched out of Turkestān.<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">437</a>
Their main body took the direction of Tashkent,
while `Ubaydullah, with the remainder, proceeded to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">187</span>
Bokhārā by way of Yati Kudūk.<a id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">438</a> Bāber also advanced
on Bokhārā at the head of 40,000 well-equipped men,
and overtook `Ubaydullah at Kūl-Melik.<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">439</a></p>

<p>The Uzbeg had only 3000 men under his command;
but, nothing daunted by the fearful odds, he rallied his
troops and attacked Bāber’s force with such fury that,
after a bloody encounter, he put them utterly to rout,
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 918 (1512). After this disaster Bāber returned to
Samarkand, but, finding no supporters there, fled to
Hisār, after a reign of just eight months.<a id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">440</a></p>

<p>Though the Uzbegs were again masters of Transoxiana,
their position was by no means secure. On the
west, Bāber, with the aid of 60,000 Persians, sent at
his request by Shāh Isma`īl, under Amīr Yār Ahmed
Isfahānī, known as Najm-i-Sāni, or the Second Star,
passed the Iron Gates and, entering Karshī, massacred
the inhabitants and sacked the town. On the east, the
Khān of Moghūlistan, on learning Bāber’s success at
Karshī, marched out by way of Andijān to attack
Suyunjik Khān, one of the chief Uzbeg Sultans. An
encounter took place at Bishkand,<a id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">441</a> in which the Khān
was utterly defeated.</p>

<p>Meanwhile Bāber and his Persian auxiliaries were
marching in the direction of Samarkand, causing great
alarm among the Uzbegs. On reaching Ghujduvān<a id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">442</a>
they encountered Jānībeg Sultan,<a id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">443</a> who had thrown
himself into the fort. A fierce battle ensued, which is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">188</span>
vividly described by Mīrzā Haydar in the following
words: “The Uzbeg Sultans entered the fort on the
same night on which the Turkomans and Bāber, who
were encamped before the place, were busy preparing
their siege implements. At dawn they arranged their
forces in the midst of the suburbs, and stood facing the
enemy. On the other side, too, preparations were made
for a fight. Since the Uzbegs were in the suburbs, the field
of battle was a narrow one. The Uzbeg infantry began to
pour forth a shower of arrows from every quarter, so that
soon the grip of Islām wrenched aside the hands of heresy
and unbelief, and victory declared for the true faith.<a id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">444</a> The
victorious breezes of Islām overturned the banners of the
schismatics. The Turkomans were so completely routed
that most of them perished on the field; all the wounds
that had been effected by the swords at Karshī were
now sewn up by the arrow-stitches of vengeance. They
sent Mīr Najm and all the Turkoman Amīrs to hell; and
the emperor retired, broken and crestfallen, to Hisār.”
Bāber now determined on relinquishing his designs on
Transoxiana, and, returning to Kābul, he prepared for
an easier conquest—that of Hindustān. On gaining
possession of Transoxiana, the Shaybānides divided it
into a number of appanages, the eldest Sultan usually
assuming the leadership of the rest. His name alone
was read in the public prayers throughout the whole
empire, and appeared on the coins of all the states
which composed it.</p>

<p>For nearly ninety-nine years did the Shaybānīs,
that is, the descendants of Abū-l-Khayr Khān,<a id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">445</a> rule
in Transoxiana. M. Veliaminof-Zernof was the first to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">189</span>
elucidate the complications in their system of government
during the sixteenth century.<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">446</a> In his article on
the coins of Bokhārā and Khiva, above quoted, he
published a list of the chief Khāns, whom he calls the
<i>Khākāns</i>, of the Shaybānīs, and also a genealogical table
showing their descent from Abū-l-Khayr Khān.<a id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">447</a></p>

<p>The separate appanages passed from father to son,
and thus the residence of the Khākān, or chief Khān, was
continually changing from one city to another. Thus
Bokhārā lost its proud position as capital of Transoxiana,
and took rank with other towns as the headquarters
of successive chiefs.<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">448</a></p>

<p>After the battle of Ghujduvān, in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 918 (1512),
in accordance with their established custom, <i>tūra</i> and
<i>yasāk</i>, the Shaybānī Sultans proceeded to elect their
Khākān. Kuchunji Khān, as the eldest, was appointed
to the high office; while Suyunjik was nominated
<i>Kālgha</i>, or heir-apparent. The latter, however, died
before Kuchunji, whereupon Jānībeg became the <i>Kālgha</i>;
but he too predeceased Kuchunji, and the title of <i>Kālgha</i>
passed to Abū Sa`īd Khān, who eventually became
Khākān, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 936 (1529). On his death he was succeeded
by `Ubaydullah Khān, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 939 (1533).</p>

<p>The various appanages of Transoxiana were thus
apportioned in 918 by Jānībeg:—Kuchunji received
Samarkand; Suyunjik, Tashkent; and `Ubaydullah,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">191</span>
Karakul and Karshī, besides Bokhārā, which was his
by inheritance. Jānībeg reserved for himself and his
children all the country of Miyānkul, Soghd of Samarkand,
and the town of Kerminé, which was his residence.
Omitting the unimportant reigns of the seven following
<i>Khākās</i>,<a id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">449</a> we will pass at once to a short account of the
greatest of the Abū-l-Khayrides, `Abdullah <span class="smcap">II.</span>, the last
but one of his dynasty; and for this purpose we cannot
do better than summarise the account given by Professor
Vambéry in his <i>History of Bokhara</i><a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">450</a>.</p>

<p>In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 964 (1556) he had put an end to the sub-dynasty
of Bokhārā, and in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 968 (1560) proclaimed his father
in that town as “Khākān of the world”; in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 986
(1578) he similarly abolished the sub-dynasty of Samarkand,
which had sprung up during Iskandar’s reign at
Bokhārā; and in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 991 (1583), on his father’s death,
he became Khākān.</p>

<p>“In imitation of Shaybānī Khān and `Ubaydullah,
who, although practically sovereigns of the country, had
left the actual seat of the Khānate to others, the more
freely to pursue their military career, `Abdullah placed
his father Iskandar on the throne, and put himself at the
head of his army to re-conquer the original frontiers of
Shaybānī’s empire. The greater part of his life was spent
in this enterprise, but he was more fortunate in his
conquests than any of his predecessors, and also contributed
more to the restoration of prosperity to the
countries of the Oxus and the Jaxartes.... Under him
the frontiers of the Khānate of Bokhārā were pushed
forward in the north far beyond the inhabited province<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">192</span>
of Turkestān. In the east, not only all Farghāna, but
also Kāshghar and Khotan, were subdued by the Shaybānides.
In the south, an aggressive policy had been
pursued—on the one hand by the family of Bāber, and
on the other by the Safavīs, who both coveted the
possession of Balkh; but the power of the Uzbegs was
even greater than in the time of the first Shaybānides.
Balkh was fortified, Tokhāristān and Badakhshān were
incorporated with Transoxiana, and once more the bright
green waters of the Murghāb became the frontiers of
Turania. In the west, the armies of `Abdullah were
again victorious, in spite of the united opposition of the
Iranians and Khwārazmians. Astarābād was surprised
and taken; the Prince of Gilān, an ally of Sultan
Murād <span class="smcap">III.</span>, had to take refuge at Constantinople, and
the frontiers of the empire of the Shaybānides were
extended in this direction farther than they had ever
been before. For the moment `Abdullah ... got
possession of a great part of Khorāsān, including the
towns of Herāt, Meshed, Sarakhs, Merv, etc., all of
which he retained very nearly to his death.”</p>

<p>Soon after `Abdullah’s death anarchy broke out in
Transoxiana, and the way was prepared for a change of
dynasty. The line of Shaybānī, after holding the government
for nearly a century, gave place to the dynasty of
Astrakhan.<a id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">451</a> During its tenure of power the Khāns of
Bokhārā and Khwārazm were continually at variance.
On the conquest of Transoxiana by Abū-l-Khayr and
Shaybānī, both Khānates were simultaneously occupied
by the invaders. Subsequently, when Shāh Isma`īl
drove Shaybānī out of Khwārazm, he placed a Persian
governor in charge of the province, but the Sunni
people detested the Shi`ite Shāh, and expelled him in
921.<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">452</a> During the Khākānship of Kuchunji the Uzbegs<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">193</span>
founded an independent principality in Khwārazm;<a id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">453</a>
Ilbars, son of a chief named Bereghe, being the first
Khān of the new line.</p>

<p id="appanges" class="p2 center">THE UZBEG APPANGES.</p>

<p>A full account of the Uzbeg Khākāns, based on all available authorities, will be found in Part II. of Howorth’s <i>Mongols</i>. Space will
not permit us to enter into details with regard to all these petty chiefs. The following is a list of Khākāns and the genealogy of Abū-l-Khayr’s
descendants, with the locality of their respective appanages, where information on the point is available. The <i>Khākāns</i> are
printed in capitals, and the numbers after their names represent the order in which they ruled.</p>

<pre class="newpage intact">
                                      Abū-l-Khayr
                                          |
               +------------------+-------+----+--------------+
               |                  |            |              |
          Shāh Būdāk   Khwāja Mohammad   KUCHUNJI (2),   Suyunj Khwāja
               |                  |        Samarkand,         |
     +---------+--------+         |       A.H. 918–936        |
     |                  |         |       (1512–1529)         |
  Mahmūd             MOHAMMAD     |            |              |
     |             SHAYBĀNĪ (1),  |            |              |
`UBAYDULLA (4),    A.H. 911–916   |            |              |
  Bokhārā,         (1505–1510)    |            |              |
 A.H. 939–946                     |            |     NAWRŪZ AHMED (7),
 (1532–1539)                      |            |         Tashkent,
     |                         Jānībeg         |       A.H. 959–963
Abd ul-Azīz                       |            |       (1551–1556)
                                  |            |
                +-----------------+            |
                |                 |            |
           ISKANDAR (9),    PĪR MOHAMMAD(8),   |
             Bokhārā,            Balkh         |
           A.H. 968–991      A.H. 963–968      |
           (1561–1583)        (1556–1561)      |
                |                              |
        `ABDULLAH II. (10),                    |
             Bokhārā                           |
                |                              |
      `ABDUL-MŪ´MIN (11),                      |
             Bokhārā,                          |
        A.H. 1006–1007                         |
          (1598–1599)                          |
                                               |
                                               |
              +------------------+-------------+-------+
              |                  |                     |
       ABŪ SA`ĪD (3),    `ABDULLAH I. (5),    `ABD UL-LATĪF (6),
         Samarkand,         Samarkand,             Samarkand,
        A.H. 936–939      A.H. 947 (1540)        A.H. 947–959
        (1529–1532)                              (1540–1551)
</pre>

<div id="ip_192" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 29.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_192.jpg" width="472" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">DECORATIONS IN THE SHĀH ZINDA, SAMARKAND</div></div>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">194</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XXVII" class="vspace">CHAPTER XXVII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The House of Astrakhan</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">Among</span> the Mongol chiefs who struggled for mastery in
Eastern Russia at the epoch of Tīmūr’s intervention<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">454</a>
was a descendant of Chingiz, named Kutluk, who rose
to fame by defeating Tīmūr’s great rival, Tokhtamish
Khān, near Kiev in 1399.<a id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">455</a> His offspring vegetated in
obscurity for nearly two centuries in the Khānate of
Astrakhan, on the lower reaches of the Volga, and were
then driven eastwards by the growing power of the
Russian princes. Thus, towards the close of the sixteenth
century, the head of this ancient line, Yār Mahammad
Khān, sought refuge in Transoxiana, and was received with
honour by the Shaybānides, whose pride in their descent
from Tīmūr was flattered by the exile’s recognition of
their claims to kinship. Iskandar Khān gave his daughter,
the sister of `Abdullah, greatest of the Shaybānide line,
in marriage to the Astrakhan chief’s son, Jāni Khān.</p>

<p>The new-comer soon showed that he possessed the
warrior’s instincts, and took a prominent part in his
brother-in-law `Abdullah’s campaigns. And so it came
to pass that when the last of the Shaybānides, `Abd ul-Mū´min,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">195</span>
was slain, the nobles of Transoxiana offered the
crown to Jāni Khān. He, being well stricken in years,
declined it in favour of his son Dīn Mahammad, who
united the blood of Chingiz and of the fallen dynasty.
He did not long survive to enjoy his fortune; perishing
in battle with the Persians, who attempted to drive the
Uzbegs from Khorāsān. His successor, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1007 (1598)
was his brother Bāki Mohammad, while Vāli Mohammad,
another of old Jāni’s sons, took possession of Balkh and
the country west of the Oxus. A third brother was
murdered in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1011 (1602) by the Kara Turkomans
who dwelt at Kunduz, and from them Bāki Mahammad
exacted a terrible vengeance. Kunduz was taken by
storm, and the entire garrison was put to the sword.
This punishment brought Shāh `Abbās of Persia into the
field, determined to guard his north-eastern frontier from
foes who threatened the existence of his authority. He
met with a crushing defeat near Balkh, and escaped with
the greatest difficulty from capture. The remainder of
Bāki Mohammad’s reign was disturbed only by those insurrections,
fomented by kinsmen, from which few Eastern
princes were free. He died in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1014 (1605), and
was succeeded by his brother Vāli Mohammad, the
erstwhile lord of Balkh. Vāli Mohammad’s rule was
brief and inglorious. He wallowed in debauchery, and
surrendered all power to an unscrupulous vezīr, whose
fiendish cruelties aroused fierce resentment, and led to
his master’s defeat and death at the hands of a kinsman,
Imām Kulī Khān (1611). The new ruler was of sterner
and purer mould. He courted the society of the learned
and pious, and laboured to secure his country’s prosperity.
And so, under his wise and just régime, Bokhārā regained
a share of her ancient glory. She grew rapidly in wealth,
and again became a beacon-light in the darkness of
Central Asia. At length, after a reign of thirty-eight<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">196</span>
years, the good Imām Kulī Khān felt himself unequal to
the task of governing, and sought the repose which is
the ideal of all true Musulmans. He summoned his
brother Nāzir Mohammad from Balkh and surrendered
his realm to him.<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">456</a> Then, taking a pilgrim’s staff, he set
out for Medīna, where he died in the odour of sanctity,
leaving traces of his munificence which have endured to
the present day.</p>

<p>His successor (1642) found it impossible to secure a
place in his people’s affections. He was immensely rich,
and endeavoured to win public regard by his largesses;
but Bokhārā sighed for the good times of old Imām Kulī
Khān, and the popular feeling found vent in a revolt which
raged in the northern provinces. Nāzir Mohammad sent
his son `Abd el-`Azīz to quell it, but the faithless prince
placed himself at the head of the rebels and marched on
Bokhārā. The unhappy father fled to Balkh, leaving his
capital at his unnatural foe’s mercy, and `Abd el-`Azīz
took up the fallen sceptre (1647). Nāzir Mohammad, in
despair, divided the rest of his realms among his sons
who had remained faithful to him—the fourth, Subhān
Kulī Khān, receiving in fief the country round the ford
of Khwāja Sālū on the Upper Oxus. But his old age
was still embittered by his children’s contests for supremacy.
Worn out at last by the unequal struggle, he
resolved to spend the brief remainder of his days in the
sacred soil of Medīna, and died, broken-hearted, on his
pilgrimage thither.<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">457</a> His death served only to increase
the hostility between his sons. Subhān Kulī Khān, who
had established himself at Balkh, became a thorn in the
side of his brother `Abd el-`Azīz of Bokhārā. A third<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">197</span>
brother, Kāsim Mohammad,<a id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">458</a> was despatched with an
army to reduce him to submission; but he was defeated,
and driven to take refuge at Hisār, and peace was
restored on the masterful Subhān Kulī Khān being
recognised as heir to the throne. Hardly had the clouds
of civil war been dissipated ere Bokhārā became the prey
of foreign invasion (1663). Khiva had long been a
province of the southern Khānate, but its prince,
Abū-l-Ghāzi, a man whose life had been one long
romance, determined to throw off the hated yoke. He
drove the Bokhārans from the Lower Oxus, and carried
the war into the enemy’s camp. Defeated with great
slaughter by `Abd el-`Azīz near Kerminé, he escaped with
a grievous wound by swimming across the great river.
Nothing daunted, he soon took the field again, and
carried his ravages to the very gates of Bokhārā.</p>

<p>His son and successor, Anūsha Khān, was still more
venturesome. He invaded `Abd el-`Azīz’s territory at the
head of a great force, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1076 (1665), and actually gained
possession of the capital during the sovereign’s temporary
absence at Kerminé. The latter hastened to his people’s
aid. With only forty devoted followers he hewed his
way to the citadel, and summoned his subjects to oust
the invader. The call was but too eagerly obeyed: all
classes rose as a man against the abhorred Khivans.
The Sicilian Vespers were repeated, and but few escaped
to tell the tale of disaster. This splendid heroism
exhausted `Abd el-`Azīz’s stock of mental vigour.<a id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">459</a> He<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">198</span>
determined to abdicate in favour of his brother Subhān
Kulī Khān, and seek the secure refuge which Medīna
offered to those oppressed with the carking cares of life.
His temperament, indeed, predisposed him in favour of a
course which had become traditional in his family. It
was a rare mixture of the adventurous and the contemplative.
Daring in battle, prompt in action, `Abd el-`Azīz
inherited a tendency to asceticism, and was wont to
withdraw himself from worldly affairs and remain plunged
in prolonged meditation on the ineffable goodness of his
Maker. Without regret he laid down his crown and
betook himself as a humble pilgrim to the Holy
City, which is the goal of every true follower of the
Prophet.</p>

<p>Subhān Kulī Khān assumed the insignia of royalty
on his brother’s departure; but gratified ambition brought
with it no accession of happiness. The Astrakhanides,
with many virtues, were deficient in filial love, and
Subhān Kulī’s heart was wrung by the jealousy and
disrespect of his children. His neighbour of Khiva, too,
did not take to heart the terrible lesson taught him in
the preceding reign. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1095 (1683) he invaded
Bokhārā, and, though defeated by a loyal chief named
Mohammad Bi, he repeated his incursions in the following
year. In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1100 (1688) his successor advanced to
the very gates of Bokhārā; but he, too, was soundly
beaten by Mohammad Bi, and Khiva fell for a time
under Subhān Kulī Khān’s dominion. This age witnessed
the apogee of Bokhārā’s greatness in the
estimation of the Mohammedan world. Aurangzīb, the
narrow-minded zealot who sat on the throne of
Akbar, sent thither ambassadors with elephants and
other costly gifts; and Ahmad <span class="smcap">II.</span> of Turkey, whose lust
for conquest far exceeded his military genius, did not
disdain to address his Bokhāran brother a grandiloquent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">199</span>
epistle describing mythical successes against the Frankish
unbelievers.<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">460</a></p>

<p>In spite of endless trouble with rebellious nobles,
Subhān Kulī Khān found a leisure to cultivate the
Muses; and he was also the author of a book on
medicine which epitomises the lore of Galen, Hippocrates,
and Avicenna, but suggests nostrums in the shape of
prayers and talismans of which none of those worthies
would have approved. He was now eighty years of age,
and felt that a time had come when he must bid adieu
to ambition. He called around him his nobles, and
publicly designated his son Mukīm Khān, who ruled at
Balkh, as his successor. Then he peacefully resigned his
breath after a reign of twenty-four years, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1114
(1702).</p>

<p>Mukīm Khān found an obstacle in his path in the
person of his elder brother `Ubaydullah, and a civil war
broke out in which the great Uzbeg nobles of Bokhārā
found their account. The faithful Mohammad Bi took
up the gauntlet for Mukīm, while the elder pretender’s
cause was espoused by Rahīm Bi, the chief of the powerful
Mangit tribe. It lasted for five years, when, thanks
to his nominal vassal’s support, `Ubaydullah triumphed.
He chafed under the dictation of the Mangit king-maker,
and was promptly suppressed by poison; another
brother named Abū-l-Fayz being elevated to the throne
in his stead, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1130 (1717).</p>

<p>The new sovereign’s character was wholly deficient
in the strength of purpose so needful in one who aspires
to rule his fellow-men, and he owed to his utter insignificance
his recognition by the turbulent nobles who
surrounded him. It is the fate of all long-lived dynasties
to end miserably with a succession of <i>rois fainéants</i>;
and the Astrakhanides were no exception to the rule.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">200</span>
Not only did Abū-l-Fayz meekly submit to the dictation
of Rahīm Bi; he bowed the neck to a foreign potentate,
and disgraced his country in the eyes of Islām.</p>

<p>In 1736 Nādir Shāh of Persia, whom Vambéry
styles the last of the Asiatic conquerors of the world,<a id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">461</a>
after crushing the Ottoman power in Georgia, turned his
eagle glance on the states on his north-eastern frontier.
A host under his son Rizā Kulī Khān was hurled
against Andakhūy and Balkh, and soon the Sun and Lion
of Persia waved over both citadels. Flushed with victory,
Rizā Kulī Khān crossed the Oxus and fell upon Abū-l-Fayz
Khān’s dispirited legions. But Ilbars, the lion-hearted
ruler of Khiva, came to the rescue, and the forces
of the two Khānates gained the day in an encounter
with the invaders at Karshī. Nādir Shāh, who had far
deeper designs at stake, recalled his impetuous son, and
informed the Khāns of Central Asia that the expedition
had been undertaken without his consent, and that he
wished to live in amity with the descendants of Chingiz.
Meantime Persian gold was brought into play. Rahīm
Bi and other Uzbeg chiefs were won to his side, and a
breach was produced by the jealousy between Bokhārā
and Khiva. Then, secure from attack from his dreaded
foes of Khiva, Nādir Shāh invaded India, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1152
(1739), took Delhi with fearful slaughter, and bent his
steps homewards with booty valued at eighty millions
sterling.</p>

<p>When the news of this successful raid reached Abū-l-Fayz
he sent an embassy to the conqueror, who was
resting on his easily won laurels at Peshawar. “I am
the last off-shoot,” he wrote, “of an ancient line. I am
not powerful enough to withstand a monarch so redoubtable
as thou, and so I keep myself apart, offering prayers
for thy welfare. If, however, thou shouldst deign to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">201</span>
honour me by a visit, I will show thee the regard due to
a guest.”<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">462</a> The fatuous prince at the same time sought
to associate his neighbour of Khiva in his abasement, but
his overtures were received with outspoken contempt.</p>

<p>Nādir Shāh saw in the submission tamely offered by
Bokhārā (1740) a means of crushing his inveterate enemy,
Ilbars Khān, and he accepted Abū-l-Fayz’s invitation.</p>

<p>He marched from Peshawar to Herāt with three
hundred elephants, a tent embroidered with pearls, and
the famous Peacock Throne, ravished from the Hall of
Private Audience at Delhi.<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">463</a> Thence he travelled to
Karki on the Oxus frontier of Bokhārā, where he was met
by Rahīm Bi with presents and supplies for his locust-horde<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">202</span>
of followers. Thence he fared to Charjūy, and
traversed the mighty river by a bridge which he threw
across it in three days. Leaving half his army to protect
the priceless baggage, he moved on to Karakūl, a fortress
one day’s march from the capital. Here he was met by
Abū-l-Fayz, attended by his nobles, courtiers, and clergy,
bringing a present of beautiful Arab horses. The titular
sovereign of Bokhārā presented himself as a suppliant,
but was given a seat by Nādir Shāh. Clad in a robe
of state and crowned, the imperious guest carried his
complaisance so far as to address his host as “Shāh.”
But further honours were in store for the obsequious
Abū-l-Fayz. Nādir deigned to accept his lovely daughter
as a wife, bestowing her sister, at the same time, on his
nephew. He created Mohammad Rahīm Bi, to whose
influence he owed his reception, Khān, and gave him
command of 6000 chosen troops levied in Turkestān.
Having thus brought Bokhārā to heel, Nādir Shāh
turned his attention to Khiva. He sent an envoy to
Ilbars Khān, demanding his instant submission. The
Khivan was a man of ungovernable temper, and his
reply was to put to death those who held out to him the
olive branch. This breach of the usages of Islām sealed
his fate. He was attacked by Nādir Shāh with an overwhelming
force, and closely invested in his fortress of
Khanka. After undergoing a cannonade for three days,
the proud Ilbars was forced to throw himself upon the
mercy of a man whose fearful butchery of the population
of Delhi showed that he was insensible of the softer
feelings; and against him pleaded the children of the
slaughtered envoys, whose blood cried aloud for vengeance.
He was put to death, and twenty-one of his principal
officers shared his fate.<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">464</a> Having thus rid himself
of a perpetual thorn in his side, Nādir Shāh returned to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">203</span>
Charjūy, whence he sent back to her father the young
princess whom he had lately wedded. He then returned
to Khorāsān by way of Merv, and fell a victim to a
conspiracy among his followers, provoked to extremities
by his insane cruelty, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1160 (1747).</p>

<p>The news of his death led the all-powerful Mohammad
Rahīm Bi to throw off the semblance of loyalty
to his effete master.<a id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">465</a> He entered Bokhārā with a strong
force, seized the person of the wretched Abū-l-Fayz,
confiscated his treasure, and finally put him to death.
With him virtually ended the dynasty of the Astrakhanides,
which had exhibited many virtues, neutralised,
however, by an absence of will-power and a bias towards
the mystic side of their religion. Their age was one of
profound decadence. Its architectural remains, which
reflect the spirit of an era much more closely than is
generally supposed, are insignificant. They are, indeed,
limited to the great college known as Shīr Dar, which was
built at Samarkand in 1610, and a few other public
edifices which do not shine by contrast with those dating
from Tīmūr’s happier days. But Bokhārā was destined
to wallow in a yet deeper abasement under the uncouth
Uzbegs, who supplanted the cultured sovereigns of the
Astrakhan line.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">204</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XXVIII" class="vspace">CHAPTER XXVIII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The House of Mangit</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> family thus raised to royal rank by the ambition
of Rahīm Bi<a id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">466</a> belonged to the great Uzbeg tribe of
Mangit, which had been brought from the north-east
of Mongolia by Chingiz, and had settled on the lower
reaches of the Oxus and around Karshī, a Bokhāran
citadel 140 miles south-east of the capital. Their
warlike spirit had placed them at the head of the
Uzbeg clans; and while the Astrakhanide sovereigns
retained any real power, the loyalty of the Mangits
was as conspicuous as their courage. We have seen
how the imbecility of the degenerate Abū-l-Fayz tempted
his headstrong minister, Rahīm Bi, to throw off the mask
of allegiance. The latter sealed his disloyalty by assassinating
the murdered Khān’s young heir, `Abd ul-Mū´min,
who had married his daughter.<a id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">467</a> By an irony of fate
Rahīm Bi was destined, in his old age, to sink to the
condition of a <i>roi fainéant</i>. His vezīr, a Persian slave
named Dawlat Bi, usurped all the functions of royalty,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">205</span>
and misgoverned Bokhārā in his name. On his deathbed,
having no male heirs, he designated his uncle Dāniyāl
Bi as his successor—the choice having been probably
dictated by his vezīr, who was acquainted with Dāniyāl’s
weak and overscrupulous character, and fondly hoped to
retain the mastery which he had won over the degenerate
Rahīm Bi. Dāniyāl was, at his nephew’s death, governor
of the town of Kerminé. His modest disposition forbade
him to assume the purple. He contented himself with
the title of Atālik,<a id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">468</a> and placed Abū-l-Ghāzi Khān, the
last scion of the Astrakhanides, on the throne.<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">469</a> But his
son, the famous Ma´sūm, who afterwards assumed the
name of Shāh Murād, was not of a nature to brook an
inferior position. Under a mask of asceticism and insensibility
to the promptings of ambition, which imposed on
the priesthood and the mob, he cherished deep-seated
schemes of conquest. He gained unbounded influence
over his doting father, and persuaded him to connive at
his assassination of the vezīr, Dawlat Bi, under circumstances
of peculiar atrocity. Then he gathered all the
threads of authority in Bokhārā into his own hands, and,
when the dotard Dāniyāl Bi died, in 1770,<a id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">470</a> none of his
brethren ventured to dispute his claims to the successorship.<a id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">471</a>
He was at first content to govern without
reigning; and Abū-l-Ghāzi, the grandson of Abū-l-Fayz,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">206</span>
was permitted to retain the trappings of royalty. In
1784, however, Ma´sūm had rendered intrigue and overt
opposition to his rule hopeless, and felt strong enough to
deprive the forlorn descendant of Chingiz of his shadowy
crown. From that year dates the commencement of the
reigning house, although the founder eschewed the title
of king and adopted that of “Dispenser of Favours.”
Ma´sūm, secure at home, turned his eyes to foreign conquest.
Khorāsān, the richest province of Persia, was
powerless to resist his encroachments; but the road
thither was blocked by Bahrām `Alī Khān, a Persian of
the Kajar tribe to which the present Shāhs belong. This
remarkable man had established himself in the chief
strategical position of Central Asia in 1781.<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">472</a> He had
built for himself a citadel out of the ruins of Old Merv,
which, even in its decay, conveys the impression of overwhelming
strength; and his stern rule had reduced his
kinsmen, the Turkoman tribes, to abject submission.<a id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">473</a> In
vain did he attempt to propitiate the ruthless Amīr by an
embassy, and offering prayers for the repose of the soul
of Dāniyāl Bi. In 1785 Ma´sūm set out for Merv at the
head of 6000 Uzbeg horsemen. After lulling Bahrām
`Alī into security by one of those ruses in which he was
so great an adept, he suddenly appeared before Merv,
and drew its defenders into an ambuscade, in which
Bahrām `Alī was slain. But the royal city defied his
forces, secure in the wealth poured into her lap by a
system of irrigation, the work of the Sultan Sanjar of
the Seljūk line. Its headworks were a mighty barrage
on the Murghāb, thirty miles above Merv, which was
guarded by a strong castle.<a id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">474</a> The governor of these
defensive works quarrelled desperately with Mahammad<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">207</span>
Khān,<a id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">475</a> the son and successor of Bahrām Khān; the
<i>causa teterrima belli</i> being, as is generally the case, a
woman. In the torments of disappointed love he had
recourse to the Amīr Ma´sūm, to whom he delivered his
charge. Thus Merv’s relentless foe was enabled to strike
at the root of its prosperity. He destroyed the Sultan
Band, as the barrage was called, and turned the most
fertile spot on the world’s surface into a desert. Famine
stared the inhabitants in the face, and they had no other
resource but to submit to the ruthless Amīr. He obtained
possession of the coveted prize without striking a blow,
and transported the bulk of its population to Bokhārā,
where they have left indelible traces in the population.<a id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">476</a></p>

<p>Ma´sūm’s thirst for conquest was not stayed by this
splendid capture. He carried his raids far into Persia, laid
Khorāsān waste, and swept off so many of its wretched
inhabitants that the price of Persian slaves fell in the
Bokhārā bazaar to a few pence.<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">477</a> His conduct towards
other princes who had the misfortune to be his neighbours
was equally devoid of mercy and good faith; and
at his death, in 1799,<a id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">478</a> the people of Khiva, Kokand, and
Balkh felt that Central Asia had been delivered from
a scourge almost as terrible as that wielded by Chingiz
Khān. Amongst his own subjects Ma´sūm left behind
him a reputation of piety and virtue. “Under his reign,”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">208</span>
writes `Abd ul-Kerīm,<a id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">479</a> “the prosperity of Bokhārā excited
the envy of Paradise. Religion had then taken a new
lease of life. The prince was occupied only in good
works, in prayers and practising devotion. He had
renounced the pleasures and pomps of this world; he
touched neither gold nor silver, and he spent on his own
needs only the proceeds of the capitation tax levied from
Jews and infidels.” Historians who are not blinded by
religious prejudice give us a very different estimate of
his character and the influence of his reign.</p>

<p>Under this cruel and hypocritical bigot Bokhārā lost
the last semblance of national spirit, and succumbed to a
terrorism such as that which sapped the power of Spain.
Ma´sūm it was who revived the office of Rā´is-i-Sharī`at, or
religious censor, which had fallen into desuetude in the rest
of Islām. These officials drove the people to prayer with
whips, visited neglect of outward observances with severe
floggings, and, on its repetition, with death. The use of
wine and tobacco was forbidden under the like penalties,
and thieves and prostitutes were delivered over without
trial to the executioner. Spoliation and the levy of blackmail
were carried by these pests to the height of a fine
art, and the sanctity of the harem itself was not respected.<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">480</a>
No system can be conceived which was better calculated
to repress all independence of thought and action, and
encourage the growth of hypocrisy and even darker
vices.</p>

<p>Ma´sūm had designated his son Sayyid Haydar Tūra
as his successor; but the new sovereign had to reckon
with three paternal uncles, `Omar Bi, Fāzil Bi, and Mahmūd
Bi, who raised the standard of revolt in the northern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">209</span>
provinces. Amīr Haydar<a id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">481</a> marched against them at the
head of an army so powerful as to render resistance
impossible. The rebels threw themselves into strong
places, but were driven from these retreats by concentrated
artillery fire. Two of them, `Omar Bi and Fāzil
Bi, were tracked to a village by the Amīr’s troops, were
captured and put to death; while Mahmūd Bi, the third,
sought safety in Kokand.<a id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">482</a> Amīr Haydar’s store of
energy was apparently exhausted by this early test. He
permitted Iltuzar Khān of Khiva to ravage the suburbs
of his capital, and not until the cry of his suffering subjects
could no longer be disregarded did he give orders
for an expedition to avenge their woes. It consisted of
30,000 Uzbegs under the command of a general of
distinction named Mahammad Niyāz Bi. The avenging
host followed the course of the Amū Daryā until the
confines of Khiva had been reached.<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">483</a> In the meantime,
Iltuzar, overjoyed at the prospect of victory, crossed the
Amū Daryā in the enemy’s rear and established himself in
an entrenched camp with 4000 chosen men. The invaders
were on the horns of a dilemma. To leave the river was
to enter a waterless desert, wherein none would emerge
alive; while retreat to Bokhārā was barred by the Khivans’
entrenchments. In desperation they attacked the foe with
suddenness and vigour, driving them into the Amū Daryā
and securing a decisive victory. Khiva lay open to their
attack, but the pusillanimous Haydar was content to
rest on his vicariously won laurels, and to pass the rest<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">210</span>
of his reign in the practice of a pharisaical piety and
association with priests, who ruled the people in his name
with a rod of iron. As is too frequently the fate of
Oriental princes, he was unable to resist the enervating
influence of the harem, and lost his power of initiative
by wallowing in licensed debauchery.<a id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">484</a> He died in 1826,
after an inglorious reign of twenty-seven years.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">211</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_XXIX" class="vspace">CHAPTER XXIX<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Amīr Nasrullah, a Bokhāran Nero</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">In</span> writing of the monkish Haydar’s successor, Vambéry
appositely quotes an old Uïghūr proverb, “The princes
of an age are its mirrors.”<a id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">485</a> Nasrullah Khān epitomised
the vices which flourished unchecked in Bokhārā. The
passion for low intrigue, the lust and cruelty, the self-righteousness
and hypocrisy so often associated with the
Mohammedan character, were found in him in their
highest development.</p>

<p>As the third son of Haydar, he had small chance of
succeeding to the throne; but he kept that goal constantly
in view during his father’s lifetime, and paved the way
thither by pandering to the greed of the military caste.
No opportunity was lost of gaining adherents among the
Amīr’s courtiers. Hākim Bi, the Kushbegi, or vezīr,
and his father-in-law Ayāz Topchi-bāshi,<a id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">486</a> who held an
important military command, were devoted to his interests.<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">487</a></p>

<p>On Haydar’s death, his eldest son, Husayn Khān,
took possession of the citadel of Bokhārā and was
proclaimed Amīr. He received fervent assurances of
loyalty from Nasrullah, who was the while actively plotting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">212</span>
to subvert his authority, and who held a council of war at
Karshī, at which Mū´min Beg Dādkhāh, one of Husayn’s
chief lieutenants, assisted.</p>

<p>At this crisis he learnt that his brother had died
suddenly after a reign of barely three months, and took
immediate steps to assert his claims.<a id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">488</a> He obtained a
legal decision in his favour from the chief-justice of
Karshī, who also invited the clergy of Samarkand to
espouse his cause. In the meantime another brother
named `Omar Khān seized the reins of power at Bokhārā,
and sent orders to the governor of Samarkand on no
account to surrender his charge. But on Nasrullah’s
arrival the gates were flung open to him by the influence
of the mullās, and he was enthroned on the famous
Blue Stone, or Kok-tāsh, whereon nearly every Amīr
since Tīmūr’s reign had received investiture. Then began
a triumphant progress throughout the realm. Katti-Kurgān,
Kerminé, and other cities surrendered to the
pretender, who replaced their governors by creatures of
his own, and bade the former swell his train. Thus attended,
he arrived before Bokhārā and closely invested
the city. Starvation soon decimated its swarming population.
A pound of meat sold for seven <i>tangas</i>,<a id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">489</a> flour
was introduced through Nasrullah’s trenches in coffins,
and the stench of stagnant water in the irrigation canals
grew intolerable. The Kushbegi and his father-in-law
Ayāz took advantage of the people’s agony to proffer
their submission, and undertook to give the signal of
capitulation by blowing up an ancient cannon, said to
have weighed nearly thirteen tons.<a id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">490</a> On hearing the
muffled roar of the explosion, Nasrullah immediately attacked<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">213</span>
the city from two quarters, and entered it in
triumph on the 22nd March 1826. `Omar saved his
life by instant flight, but three of his brothers, with many
of their adherents, were butchered in cold blood.<a id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">491</a></p>

<div id="ip_212" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_212.jpg" width="600" height="403" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">COURT-YARD OF A HOUSE IN SAMARKAND</div></div>

<p>The policy with which Nasrullah inaugurated his reign
partook of the ingrained cunning which was his chief
characteristic. He seemed to prefer amusements to
affairs of state, and thus induced the Kushbegi to believe
that his own lease of power would be indefinitely prolonged.
Meantime no occasion was lost of strengthening
his hold on the lower classes by acts of apparent
generosity and justice. The motto on his seal was that
adopted by the noble-hearted Tīmūr, whom he affected to
regard as his prototype. It was “Truth and Equity”!<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">492</a>
When he felt himself strong enough to throw off the
mask, he banished his benefactor to Karshī, and afterwards
to Samarkand. Ayāz Topchi-bāshi’s suspicions were
lulled by ardent asseverations of friendship, lest he should
make away with the vast possessions which Nasrullah had
long marked as his own. He summoned the old man
to his presence, gave him a beautiful horse, and aided
him to vault into the saddle with his own royal hands.<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">493</a>
The victim set out for Samarkand, of which he had been
appointed governor, in the assurance that he had not
participated in his son-in-law’s disgrace; but he was soon
ordered back to Bokhārā, and thrown into prison with
the Kushbegi. To Nasrullah’s eternal disgrace, he put
both of these early friends to death in the spring of
1840. Then he turned his attention to the military
class, which had attained preponderance in an empire
won and kept together by the sword. They were
butchered in large numbers without any form of trial, or
banished to a distance from the capital. The clergy had<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">214</span>
been permitted by his bigoted predecessor to meddle in
the affairs of state, and even the warrior-prince Ma´sūm
had not ventured to thwart them. Nasrullah overturned
their authority, and substituted his royal commands for
the hitherto sacred injunctions of law and custom.<a id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">494</a></p>

<p>His evil passions gained a complete mastery as he
grew older. He gave full rein to the foulest lust, and
neither rank nor sex were sacred in his eyes. His temper
became utterly ungovernable. “When angry,” writes
one who knew him well,<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">495</a> “the blood comes into his face
and creates a convulsive action of his muscles; and in
such fits he gives the most outrageous orders, reckless of
consequences.” These spells of madness alternated with
periods when he became a prey to the wildest suspicion.
To gratify it, an army of spies was maintained, who were
paid to report the most trivial words of those whom he
believed to be disaffected.<a id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">496</a></p>

<p>Our readers may well wonder why a tyrant of his
mould was allowed to reign for more than a generation
and to die in his bed. The key to the mystery is to be
found in his attitude towards the populace, by whom he
was idolised as their protector against the violence of
the military class.<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">497</a> Juvenal, in lamenting the atrocities
of a monster of the like nature, remarks that he did not
perish until he came to be feared by the dregs of the
people.<a id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">498</a></p>

<p>His foreign policy was as perfidious as his domestic.
He attacked Shahrisabz, a little state enclosed in his
dominions, which had, like Holland, preserved its independence
by the bravery of its people and their ability to
lay the environs of their capital under water at an invader’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">215</span>
approach.<a id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">499</a> He was baffled, and Shahrisabz continued
to be a thorn in his side during his long reign,—albeit
that he endeavoured to gain a footing there by espousing
the ruler’s sister. With Kokand he was more successful.
That state was governed by Khān Mohammad `Alī, a
prince descended in the female line from the great Baber,
emperor of Hindustān, who had won glory by successes
against the Chinese on his western frontier.<a id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">500</a> Thus he
incurred Nasrullah’s jealousy, and his ruin was determined
on. It was compassed by the aid of a Persian soldier of
fortune named `Abd us-Samad Khān, who had fled his
country after attempting to assassinate his master.<a id="FNanchor_501" href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">501</a> He
knew how to cast and work cannon—engines of war
which exercise an overwhelming influence on the Oriental
mind; and commended himself to Nasrullah by military
knowledge and an eagerness to pander to his worst
vices. He became his <i>âme damnée</i>, even as the infamous
“Azimulla” prompted every atrocity committed by Nana
Sahib during the Indian Mutiny. The excuse for aggression
was afforded by the frontier fortress of Pishagar,
which Nasrullah declared had been erected by the Kokandis
on his territory. Its destruction was peremptorily
demanded; and, on Mohammad `Alī’s refusal to comply,
it was attacked by a strong force, accompanied by a
breaching battery under `Abd us-Samad’s command.<a id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">502</a>
The mud walls of Pishagar were unable to resist the iron
shower, and its surrender was followed in the succeeding
year by that of Ura Teppe and of Khojend. The Khān
of Kokand, seeing that the capital was in peril, sued for
peace, and, by the treaty of Kohna Bādām, ceded Khojend
and recognised the Bokhāran Amīr as his suzerain.</p>

<p>With the cunning which in the East passes for the
highest manifestation of diplomacy, Nasrullah placed the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">216</span>
newly conquered territory under the governorship of Sultan
Mahmūd, a brother of the Khān of Kokand and a pretender
to his throne. But hardly were these arrangements completed
ere Mahmūd and his brother came to terms, and
both Khojend and Ura Teppe were temporarily lost to
Bokhārā. The wrath of the Amīr was unbounded. In
April 1842 he took the field against Kokand with a host
of 30,000 horsemen and regulars,<a id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">503</a> and 10,000 Turkoman
mercenaries. He reached Khojend by forced marches,
and captured that city without firing a shot, though it
was defended by a garrison 15,000 strong.<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">504</a> Thence he
moved rapidly on the capital and drove Mohammad
`Alī to seek refuge in Marghilān. Here he was taken
prisoner, dragged back to Kokand, and slaughtered with
the greater part of his relatives.<a id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">505</a></p>

<p>Nasrullah’s relations with Khiva were bitterly hostile
throughout his reign; and he played into the hands of
the common enemy, Russia, by harrying the Khān’s
territory at a time when all his force was needed to
oppose an expedition under General Perovski.</p>

<p>The petty states of Balkh, Andakhūy, and Maymana
on the southern frontier were the objects of his constant
aggression, and the mutual jealousy of Persia and
Afghanistān allowed him to assume suzerainty over
them. Thus the weakness of his neighbours turned
to his advantage. He was hailed by his obsequious
courtiers as king of kings, and firmly believed himself
destined to repeat the conquests of his model, Tīmūr.</p>

<p>This was the man at whose gates knocked the two
greatest of European Powers. England had watched the
constant advance of Russia towards her Indian frontier<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">217</span>
with ill-concealed alarm, and in 1832 Alexander Burnes
was despatched on an unofficial mission to Bokhārā.
He accomplished nothing, and was fortunate indeed to
escape from the bloodthirsty tyrant’s clutches.<a id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">506</a></p>

<p>The next attempt made by England to establish
friendly relations with the leading Central Asian Powers
was less fortunate. Her agent was Colonel Stoddart of
the Indian Army, a man utterly unfitted by training and
temperament for a diplomatic mission.<a id="FNanchor_507" href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">507</a> His rude and
overbearing manners gave the deepest offence to a despot
accustomed to see all around him tremble at his slightest
movement.<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">508</a> He was thrown into a loathsome dungeon,
and languished there, with brief intervals of comparative
liberty, till death put an end to his sufferings. In 1840
he received a companion in affliction in the person of
Captain Arthur Conolly, whose gentle disposition and
high culture rendered him equally unfit to cope with
a truculent monster such as Nasrullah. He had been
charged with the duty of uniting the Central Asian
Khānates in an informal alliance against Russia—a task
which their common jealousies rendered absolutely impossible.
Thus his overtures were politely rejected by
Khiva and Kokand in succession. Enticed by Nasrullah
into his camp, he was seized, robbed of all his possessions,
and sent to join poor Stoddart in captivity. In the
meantime the Russians had begun to compete for Nasrullah’s
favour.<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">509</a> Major Batanieff was despatched to
Bokhārā in 1840 by the Tsar Nicholas, with orders to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">218</span>
conclude a treaty of commerce and amity with the
Amīr. He was received with ostentatious courtesy, and
his presents found especial favour in Nasrullah’s eyes.
But every attempt to arrive at a <i>modus vivendi</i> was
baffled by those excuses and procrastinations in which
Oriental monarchs are past masters. He left in 1841,
after vainly interceding for his rivals, who languished in
daily expectation of death. Their fate was sealed by his
departure and by the news of our disasters in Kābul.<a id="FNanchor_510" href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">510</a></p>

<p>On the 17th June 1842 the unfortunate men were
brought out to die. Stoddart, who had been forced to
embrace Mohammedanism, was the first to suffer. When
his head had been severed from his body the executioner
paused, and Conolly had an offer made of life as the
price of his apostasy. He scorned the bargain, and
stretched out his neck to receive the fatal blow. This
atrocious crime was never avenged by the country
which had sent her sons forth to perish,<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">511</a> but for many
years Bokhārā was a word full of evil associations in the
English mind. It was undoubtedly prompted by the
fiendish `Abd us-Samad, who lost no opportunity of gratifying<span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">219</span>
his hatred of Europeans. Nor were Stoddart and
Conolly Nasrullah’s only victims. A lust for blood seized
him, and all who professed Christianity were proscribed.
The missionary Wolff, who visited Bokhārā in 1844 in
order to learn the two young officers’ fate, and if possible
to procure their release, gives a list of seven Englishmen
who were slaughtered at `Abd us-Samad’s instigation.<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">512</a></p>

<p>Nasrullah’s closing years were embittered by conspiracies
amongst his nobles; and his successor Mozaffar
ud-Dīn was strongly suspected of having incited one of
those movements, which was put down with much bloodshed.<a id="FNanchor_513" href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">513</a>
He was maddened, too, by the repeated failure of
his attempts to reduce Shahrisabz. On his deathbed,
in 1860, he learnt that that last stronghold of independence
had fallen to his conquering arm. His last act
was to order the execution of its chief, who was his
brother-in-law, and all his children, and his own wife,
whose only crime was her relationship to the rebel,
beheaded in his presence.<a id="FNanchor_514" href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">514</a></p>

<p>Sayyid Mozaffar ud-Dīn Khān, who succeeded this
monster of iniquity, had attained the mature age of
thirty-eight on his death. He was the son of a Persian
slave-girl, and at the age of fourteen was appointed governor
of Karshī, the Dauphinée of modern Bokhārā.<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">515</a> That he
lived to reign in his turn was due to his extreme circumspection,
for he was swayed by the same vices as his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">220</span>
father had been. His first care was to regain the confidence
of the priestly caste, which had been alienated
by the insane excesses of Nasrullah. Then, inspired by
those dreams of universal conquest which had been the
curse of his dynasty, he turned his attention to Shahrisabz,
which continued in a state of revolt. Undeterred
by his failure to reduce the stubborn mountaineers to
subjection, he next attacked Kokand. That Khānate
had fallen into the hands of Khudā Yār, a grandson of
the murdered Mohammad `Alī, who had been brought up
under Nasrullah’s eye in that gilded sty, the Bokhāran
Court. He attained power at a period pregnant with
danger to his country. The lower reaches of the Sir
Darya were enclosed in the coil of the Russian advance.
In 1853 the fortress of Ak-Mechet had fallen, and eleven
years later the Eagle waved over Turkestān and Chimkent.<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">516</a>
The onward movement was checked in 1864 by
the failure of an assault on Tashkent; but Khudā Yār
was foiled in his turn in a like attempt on Turkestān,
and retreated to his capital only to find that the warlike
Kipchāks,<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">517</a> a tribe who, then as now, were the backbone
of the population, had set up a younger brother named
Mollā Khān in his stead. Khudā Yār fled to Bokhārā
and implored the Amīr to aid him to regain the throne.
Mozaffar ud-Dīn saw in these events an excuse for extending
his own authority up to the frontier of China. As a
preliminary measure, he had Mollā Khān assassinated,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">221</span>
and, marching on Kokand, reinstated Khudā Yār.
The Kipchāks, however, were far from approving his
choice. They rose in rebellion, and, after a protracted
struggle with the Bokhāran forces, they succeeded in
wresting the eastern half of the Khānate from Mozaffar
ud-Dīn’s protégé.<a id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">518</a> But their strength was sapped by the
war raging on the northern frontier, and their trusted
leader was slain by the Russians at Tashkent. Thus
when in 1865 the Bokhāran Amīr invaded Kokand, in
order to repress their insolence, he found the task an easy
one. Khudā Yār was replaced on his tottering throne,
and, had Mozaffar ud-Dīn possessed a trace of political
foresight, he might have united the forces of Central Asia
against the common danger. But his lust for conquest
was increased by his cheaply won successes in Kokand,
and, spurred to his ruin by a fanatical priesthood, he
flung the gauntlet of defiance in the teeth of Russia.
Though General Chernaieff had made himself master of
Tashkent, and had Kokand at his mercy, he received a
haughty summons to evacuate his conquests, accompanied
by a threat of a Holy War.<a id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">519</a> His reply was couched in
language equally peremptory, and a struggle began
which closed in the deep humiliation of the proud
Amīr.</p>

<p>It remains for us to trace the origin of a Power
which was destined to play a part of the first importance
in the history of Central Asia, and to repeat the conquests
of Chingiz and Tīmūr.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">223</span></p>

<div class="chapter vspace gesperrt larger">
<h2 class="notbold" id="PART_II">PART II<br />

<span class="subhead">RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA</span>
</h2></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">225</span></p>

<hr />

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_I" class="vspace">CHAPTER I<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Making of Russia</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">During</span> the long dark centuries whose annals we have
endeavoured to reconstruct, the tide of conquest ran
westwards. It was checked at times by the might of
civilisation or fanaticism, but its flow was tolerably
steady and quite beyond control. Had it not been for
the evolution of a still greater force on her eastern
borders, the whole of Europe would have been enveloped
in the coils of a Mongolian invasion. The world was
saved from this calamity by the unconscious agency of
Russia. It remains to trace succinctly the history of her
rise, and to show how she combated the Yellow Terror,
and, by a reflex action, carried the banner of European
civilisation eastwards.</p>

<p>Long ages before the Christian era the vast plains of
Eastern Europe were invaded by an Aryan race called
the Veneti by Ptolemy.<a id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">520</a> In the fourth century we find
them struggling for existence with the Goths on the plains
watered by the Vistula.<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">521</a> They afterwards split into three
branches—the Veneti proper, afterwards known as the
Wends, the Antes, and Slavi. The first-named pitched<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">226</span>
their tents in north-eastern Europe, and have left indelible
traces in the Baltic provinces of Prussia.<a id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">522</a> The second
spread over the plain between the Dnieper and Dniester;
while the Slavs<a id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">523</a> occupied the land between the latter
river and the Vistula. Their progress was impeded for a
while by contests with the Huns, but the overthrow of
their fierce foes which followed the death of Attila gave
full scope to their expansion. They crossed the Danube
and occupied the rich country between the Adriatic and
the Black Sea; then, spreading northwards, they took
possession of the lake region of Pskov and Novogorod.
These movements ceased in the seventh century, the
close of which saw the Slavs firmly established in
European Russia, Illyria, and Bulgaria. They were
employed in agriculture and stock-raising, and their
characteristics appear to have been much the same as
those observed at the present day in the rural populations
of Eastern Europe. Ancient writers agree in
depicting them as being hospitable and cheerful, firmly
attached to ancient customs, courageous, and fighting
only in self-defence. In point of culture the Slavs of a
thousand years ago failed to reach the low standard
attained by their contemporaries of the West; for they
were sparsely scattered over vast areas and plunged in
continual warfare with aggressive neighbours. Society
was organised on a patriarchal basis. The soil was held
in common by the tribe or “land,” whose affairs were
discussed and whose chiefs were elected at a general
gathering of the members. The religion of the Slavs
betrayed its Eastern origin. The supreme deity was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">227</span>
called Bog, his wife Siwa; but there were good spirits
(<i>belbog</i>) to be worshipped and evil ones (<i>chernebog</i>) to be
propitiated, and every village had its patron divinity.<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">524</a></p>

<p>It is possible to carry too far the theory on which
Mr. Buckle insisted so strongly—that the destinies of a
race are moulded by their physical environment; but its
general truth is demonstrated by the history of Russia.
The European dominions of the Tsar are an unbroken
plain. They contain no mountain fastnesses serving as
a refuge for inferior races, and were thus fit arenas for a
struggle for existence in which the most vigorous stem
of the human family was sure to survive and to expand.
And then, Russia lay on the highway of commerce
between the East and West. The silks, spices, and
sugar of China traversed her plains on their passage to
mediæval cities, and the growth of local trade was
fostered by the 35,000 miles of navigable river which
the empire possesses. To this cause is due the accretion
of great urban centres, which played as great a part
in Muscovite history as they did in that of Western
Europe. These cities were fortified to serve as rendezvous
for the surrounding population in time of stress.
Their government was strictly democratic; affairs being
directed by a general assembly of the citizens, which
elected a mayor, a commander of their trained bands,
and, later, a bishop. Traders and merchants, who were
the backbone of the urban population, were divided into
self-governing guilds; and the city, not the individual,
sent out its fleets and caravans and colonised distant
regions. Each town became a nucleus of a territory
whose peasant-inhabitants rendered the City Fathers the
allegiance formerly paid to the tribe.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">228</span>
With the decay of the tribal conception came radical
modifications in the tenure of land. Individualism slowly
triumphed over socialism; a class of agriculturists sprang
up, who long remained free yeomen. But prisoners
of war were reduced to slavery, and freemen who continued
in service for more than a year encountered
a similar fate. Hence the origin of a great body of
serfs, tied down to the soil and acknowledging the
mastership of their wealthier brethren. Such was the
Russian township in its earlier stages of growth. It
was the nidus of a self-governing republic, impelled to
expand and conquer by the growth of population which
follows increased material prosperity, but powerless to
defend itself against foreign aggression. The consciousness
of this defect led the citizens to invite soldiers of
fortune to lead their militia and give organised means of
repelling attack. These adventurers were styled princes
(<i>kniaz</i>). They were called on to engage to rule according
to custom and law. They were bound to keep a body
of armed retainers, who were paid by a stipulated tribute.</p>

<p>The prince was not only the head of the executive,
but the right arm of the general assembly (<i>vetche</i>),
which still arrogated to itself the right of deciding on
peace and war. He exercised judicial functions, pronouncing
sentence on the findings arrived at by the
jurors<a id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">525</a> who decided civil and criminal suits, and levying
the fine adjudged, which he appropriated to the maintenance
of his dignity. The Russian princes of the
tenth century held a position analogous to that occupied
by the podestà of the Italian republic; and, indeed, the
political evolution of the two countries for many years
proceeded on parallel lines. It was reserved for Christianity,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">229</span>
which had played so vast a part in the disintegration
of the Roman Empire, to modify profoundly
the relations between prince and city. The form in
which this highly militant creed reached the cities of
Russia was that which had ruled supreme in Byzantium.
It was first preached in northern countries in the ninth
century by two monks named Cyrillus and Methodus,
who are still venerated as the “Apostles of the Slavs.”
They are also regarded as the founders of the national
literature, for they reduced the melodious accents of the
Slavonic tongue to writing, and translated into it the
Holy Writings and the Byzantine ritual. The seed thus
sown fell upon fruitful soil; for the impulsive, dreamy
character of the Slavs, a heritage from their remote
Indian ancestors, was powerfully attracted by the gorgeous
and rather sensual rites whose glory is still faintly
shadowed in the desecrated splendours of St. Sophia.
Russia soon swarmed with missionaries preaching a
creed which appeals with greater force than any other to
the idiosyncrasies of Aryans. The princes themselves
were carried away by the movement, and paused in their
career of tyranny and bloodshed to bow before the emblems
of peace and goodwill to men.</p>

<p>In 987 Vladimir of Novogorod was baptized at Kieff<a id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">526</a>
with his warrior band. He married a Greek princess
named Anna, who was a powerful ally of the priests in
maintaining her half-savage husband in the path which
he had adopted. The influence of these churchmen was
by no means an unmixed blessing for Russia; for they
brought with them conceptions of government which
were wholly alien to Slav traditions. In the great
Eastern Empire, which had inherited no small share of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">230</span>
the power and glory of Rome, the chief of the state was
much more than a first magistrate. He was the head of
the Church, Pontifex Maximus as well as Autocrat, and
exacted implicit allegiance and submission. His sovereignty
was transmissible to his heirs; and a wide gulf
separated the imperial family from the noblest subject.
The law in Byzantium was mainly that of Rome, which
regarded offences as injuries to the state and as calling
for sanguinary punishments rather than compensation
to the private individual aggrieved. Women there
occupied a position of inferiority. They were jealously
guarded, and were forbidden to show their faces in public or
in the church. The Russian priests sought in a monarch
of the European type a secular arm for the defence of
their privileges. Their teachings were eagerly assimilated
by Vladimir, who, at his death in 1015, parcelled
out his domains amongst twelve sons. The new theory
of kingship received a wider extension at the hands of
Yaroslav the Wise, a politic sovereign whose chief care
it was to elevate the status of his caste. Henceforward
Kieff was regarded as the mother city, and the seat of
the eldest of his kin. The other centres—Novogorod,
Pskov, Smolensk, and Polotsk—were free to select their
own princes, with the proviso that the chosen one must
be descended from Yaroslav. But the narrow tyranny
of the Church and the growth of a royal caste were not
the only cankers eating into the heart of the Russian
commonwealths. The eleventh and twelfth centuries
saw the rise of the Bolars, or Boyars, a class of great
proprietors descended from successful warriors, or citizens
enriched by commerce, who engrossed huge tracts of soil
and reduced the free cultivators to a status of bondage.
Their power as councillors of the prince soon ousted
that of the popular assemblies, and its expansion was
furthered by the importation from Germany of the worst<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">231</span>
features of feudalism, unillumined by the tender light of
chivalry. The revolution received a vast impetus by the
transfer of the seat of power from Kieff to Suzdal and
Rostov, peopled by the colonisation of the territories
watered by the Oka and Upper Volga. The inhabitants
of the Great Russia which thus took its origin were without
traditions of independence, and offered their necks willingly
to the feudal yoke. In the twelfth century the
prince of Suzdal built the town of Vladimir and subdued
Kieff, making his own metropolis the centre of Russian
politics. Then, pushing their boundaries ever in advance,
his people founded Nijni Novogorod at the
confluence of the Oka and Volga, which soon eclipsed
the glories of its namesake. Thus, at the beginning of
the thirteenth century, Russia was studded with republics
governed by oligarchies, and resembling in most essentials
those which were in process of formation in Italy. The
popular liberties were already undermined by the encroachments
of prince and noble, fostered, for selfish
ends, by the Church; but material civilisation was on the
increase, and, had it been permitted to grow on Slavonic
lines, the arts which adorn and sweeten life would have
found a home in Russia. This nascent culture was
destroyed by an eruption of foes more ruthless than
those who had completed the ruin of imperial Rome,
and the clock of moral and industrial advance was put
back by several centuries.</p>

<p>Human progress is stimulated by the tendency
exhibited by population to outstrip the means of subsistence.
No sooner has a community attained a certain
degree of physical well-being than this great natural law
comes into play. The numbers begin to press too
heavily on the land, and the younger and more vigorous
are driven to seek new spheres for their energies. They
colonise distant lands, subdue their weaker neighbours,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">232</span>
and the mother state becomes a centre of dominion, of
luxury and its attendant arts. It is the process which
gave the world the priceless boon of Greek civilisation,
and made Rome a storehouse whence we moderns have
drawn our principles of law and government. In the
earlier centuries of our era the regions lying between the
Gobi Desert and Lake Baikal were the habitat of a
congeries of Mongolian tribes belonging to the Ural-Altaic
family.<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">527</a> They were a pastoral race, living in tents of felt
and skins which they moved when the surrounding pastures
had been exhausted by their flocks and herds.</p>

<p>The nomad instinct thus became with them a
second nature, and as they were tireless horsemen and
inured to hardships, it led them to carry bloodshed and
rapine over neighbouring territories. In their case the
tendency to spread over the face of the earth was keener
far than in that of communities engaged in settled avocations.
But much of their strength was expended in inter-tribal
war, until a man of genius arose who knew how
to reconcile discordant interests and to forge a weapon
of aggression which no living force could withstand.
This Napoleon of Asia was known to his contemporaries
as Temuchin, and to posterity as Chingiz Khān. He was
born in 1162, the son of a chieftain whose authority was
supreme in the tract between the Amur and the Great
Wall of China. His youth was spent in struggles for
supremacy with rival chieftains, but he at length welded
together the whole Mongolian race by sheer personal
ascendency, and dangling before his followers the bait of
plunder. Then began a career of conquest which finds<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">233</span>
no parallel save in that of his greater successor Tamerlane.
He entered Khwārazm<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">528</a> in 1218 at the head of
three hordes,<a id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">529</a> overran Khojend, Samarkand, Bokhārā,
and devastated Northern Persia. Merv, Nīshāpūr, Herāt,
and other great and wealthy cities were overwhelmed in
the avalanche. After penetrating far into India he
returned to his darling steppes in 1225, gorged with
booty. The impetus thus given to the teeming forces
of disorder continued. Two lieutenants of Chingiz
Khān skirted the southern shore of the Caspian and
carried ruin through Georgia and the Crimea, returning
by way of Bulgaria, while a third subdued nearly
the whole of China. The death of Chingiz in 1227
brought no cessation to the movement. The greed
of his followers was inflamed by rumours of the
wealth and luxury of the Russian republics; and
in 1238 his grandson, Bātū Khān, headed an invading
host which ravaged the central and eastern
plains, and ruined Riazan, Rostov, Yaroslav, and Tver.
In the following year the cities of South-Western Russia
shared their fate; and then the Khān retired to his
camp at Serai on the Lower Volga, where he rested
awhile from rapine and slaughter. His headquarters
became a centre for intrigue among the Russian princes,
who were permitted to retain a certain degree of
authority by their conquerors.</p>

<p>The Mongols, indeed, interfered but little with the
internal affairs of the country. The Church was not
molested, taxes were farmed out to merchants, and after
a while commerce began to rear its drooping head.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">234</span>
With it came a recrudescence of the civil struggles which
had made Russia an easy prey to the invaders. The
princes sought the countenance of Tartar Khāns, and
employed their warrior bands against neighbouring
states. But the influence of the Mongols was not
restricted to the arena of public affairs. It penetrated
the social life of the Slav, and produced a strain which is
still conspicuous in the physiognomy of every class of
the population.<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">530</a> It leavened the national character,
implanting in Russian breasts that nomad instinct which
is destined to sweep away the effete political organisations
of the Asiatic continent. Intercourse with the
West was not without its effects on the conquerors.
Dissensions arose among them. The Golden Horde
gathered round Bātū Khān, and the White Horde
separated from the main body. Unity of interests gave
place to mutual jealousy and distrust. Bātū’s brother
Barak embraced Mohammedanism, and with it obtained
the thin veneer of Arab civilisation. The Mongolian
tent was exchanged for the walled town, and commerce
grew apace. But the nomads’ strength lay in their
barbarism, and the growth of luxury among them
encouraged the Russians to shake off lethargy and
dream of political redemption.</p>

<div id="ip_235" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 26.9375em;">
  <img src="images/i_235.jpg" width="431" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">ENTRANCE TO THE SHĀH ZINDA, SAMARKAND</div></div>

<p>At the commencement of the fourteenth century
Russia was parcelled out into the principalities of Suzdal,
Nijni Novogorod, Riazan, and Tver. This age witnessed
the rise of a fifth which was destined to subdue them
all, and to become the nucleus of a world-shadowing
empire. The village of Moscow had been fortified by a
Dolgoroucki in the middle of the twelfth century; and
its situation, at the point of intersection of many caravan
routes, led to the rapid development of its wealth and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">235</span>
population. The Church, ever alive to the advantage of
recognising the imperial principle, set up its standard in
a centre which promised to give full scope to its own
influence. The Metropolitan migrated hither from
Vladimir in 1325, taking with him a holy image of
widely acknowledged efficacy, and the princes were
encouraged by the wily priests to persist in a policy of
weakening the adjacent states. In 1380 Prince Dmitri,
finding his Mongol oppressors distracted with internecine
feuds, was emboldened to refuse tribute; and, gathering
a huge army, he met the enemy at Kulikovo on the Don.
The conflict was indecisive; but the Russians asserted
that victory had been bestowed on their arms at the
intercession of the <i>eikon</i> which had accompanied their
hosts. The claim was acquiesced in by the Russian
people, and from this epoch dates the rise of Moscow.
But the Mongolian incubus still weighed upon them. A
great chieftain named Tokhtamish Khān arose who
united the rival hordes, and in 1381 their forces
obtained possession of Moscow and massacred 24,000
of its citizens. But the citadel already known as the
Kremlin defied his attacks, and became the rallying-point
for a state more powerful than that which had
undergone a baptism of blood. And now a greater
warrior appeared on the scene and became an unconscious
ally of the cause of Russian independence.</p>

<p>Tīmūr Leng, or Lame Tīmūr, possessed a genius for
civil administration as well as for conquest. He seized
the throne of Samarkand and became undisputed master
of Central Asia. Then he overran Persia and Georgia
in 1369, and came to blows with the redoubtable
Tokhtamish Khān. Fierce and prolonged was the
struggle for supremacy, but in 1395 it ended disastrously
for the western chief. After effectually breaking
his rival’s power, Tīmūr destroyed that of the Turkish<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">236</span>
Sultan Bāyazīd in Angora, and was on his way to subdue
China when death overtook him at Otrār on the Sir
Daryā, or Jaxartes. With the defeat of Tokhtamish
and the disappearance of Tīmūr the Mongolian power
steadily declined. In 1408 the Khān Edighei
attempted to chastise rebellious Moscow, but was
baffled by the ramparts of the Kremlin. The development
of the vigorous capital continued under Vassili <span class="smcap">I.</span>,
who purchased from the Mongolian Khān the right to
reign supreme at Kieff, and afterwards subdued Rostov.
He assumed the style of Great Prince, and levied tribute
in return for his protection from all the cities of Muscovy.
But the real founder of the Russian autocracy was
Vassili <span class="smcap">III.</span>, rightly styled the Great. His ambition was
fired by the promptings of the priesthood and of his
Greek wife Sophia, who was a daughter of the Byzantine
emperor, Constantine Paleologus. He persistently undermined
the autonomy of other states; and, after adding
all but Novogorod to his empire, he finally, with
Mongolian aid, crushed that last stronghold of Russian
independence. To Vassili the Great, Russia owes its
claim to succeed the mighty emperors of the East and
the grandiloquent style and title assumed by its Tsars,
for he adopted the arms of Byzantium and was proclaimed
Ruler of All the Russias. In 1480 he found
himself strong enough to throw off the Mongolian yoke,
and, when the Khān marched against Moscow with
150,000 men, he was confronted by a Russian army
and was fain to abandon his enterprise. Vassili’s grandson
Ivan <span class="smcap">IV.</span>, surnamed the Terrible, was crowned Tsar
at Moscow in 1547. After a prolonged struggle with
the haughty Boyars he shook off their influence and
became, in deed as well as in name, an autocrat. Then
his restless energies found vent in aggression.</p>

<p>He conquered Kazan and Astrakhan in 1554; but,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">237</span>
falling a prey to insanity, he was guilty of excesses
which weakened his authority and emboldened the
Mongols to make a fresh bid for supremacy. The Khān
Dawlat Girāy appeared before Moscow in 1571 with
120,000 followers and burnt the suburbs.<a id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">531</a> But the
Kremlin again held out, and the nomads retreated to
the Volga, never to return. Thus was Russia delivered
from an influence which had paralysed her energies, and
was free to work out her destinies. We shall see how
profoundly they were affected by the action of the
Mongolian restlessness on the dreamy, sluggish nature
of the Slav.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">238</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_II" class="vspace">CHAPTER II<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Crossing the Threshold of Asia</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> Ural range had hitherto been the eastern boundary
of Russia. Beyond lay a region of steppes and rivers,
peopled towards the polar seas by tribes of Tartar and
Esquimaux origin, employed in hunting; and on the
southern frontier, by Kirghiz and Kalmak nomads.
Under Vassili <span class="smcap">III.</span> (1505–1533) the Western Urals
were annexed to the nascent empire, and peopled
by Yaik Cossacks, a race addicted to raiding and pillage.<a id="FNanchor_532" href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">532</a>
These freebooters recognised no natural barriers.
Crossing the mountain-chain, they attacked the Ostiaks,
Samoyeds, and Kirghiz who had hitherto roamed unchallenged
over the wind-swept plains. The collision
was disastrous for the invaders, and the frontier became
a prey to anarchy. Meantime the Tsar, Ivan the Terrible,
had bestowed a huge tract of land in the Urals on his
favourite, Strogonoff, who at once began to exploit its
rich deposits of gold. His schemes were rendered
abortive by the incursions of tribesmen from the west,
and Strogonoff, in despair, summoned a Cossack named
Iermak to his aid. The new ally was promised a free
pardon for his numerous outrages, and his followers were
supplied with firearms from Russian arsenals. Thus
equipped Iermak made short work of the invaders, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">239</span>
in 1587 captured Sibir, the capital of Kushan Khān,
chief of the Kirghiz. In 1604 Tobolsk was built and
fortified on a site twelve miles from the town which gave
its name to the entire country. The victorious Cossacks
plunged deeper into the hitherto unknown regions, and
came to blows with the Kirghiz, who ranged the steppes
between Lake Balkash and the Urals on the northern shore
of the Aral Sea. Hearing vague rumours of the wealth of
Khiva or Khwārazm, a Khānate embracing the fertile embouchure
of the Amū Daryā, a band of Cossacks swooped
down on Urgenj, its capital, at a time when the Khān
and his warriors were absent on a distant expedition.</p>

<p>The city fell an easy prey, and they bent their steps
homewards, dragging with them a vast amount of booty,
and a thousand of the most beautiful inmates of Khivan
harems. Their cupidity was their ruin, for they were
overtaken by the incensed husbands, and cut to pieces.
A still worse fate was encountered during a later raid;
for the Cossacks who undertook it lost their way, and
were overtaken by winter on the wind-swept shores of
the Aral. To such straits were they reduced that they
had recourse to cannibalism.<a id="FNanchor_533" href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">533</a> But the stream of Russian
immigration continued steadily eastwards. Irkutsk was
founded in 1661, and before the end of the century the
northern limits were pushed forward to the polar ice.
The southern boundary, however, was conterminous with
steppes occupied with Mongolian nomads, and was open
to their incursions. No part of his immense empire
escaped the notice of Peter the Great. In the brief
leisure left him by his self-imposed task of reform he
did not neglect his Siberian possessions.<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">534</a> He perceived<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">240</span>
the necessity of giving them a defensible frontier, and of
securing commercial relations with the Khānates of Khiva
and Bokhārā, in order to pave the way for an intercourse
with China and the Indies. With this aim in view he
took counsel of an adventurer named Khwāja Nefes, who
had studied in Samarkand and Bokhāran colleges, and
was well acquainted with the politics of the Khānates.
Under his promptings, Peter sent congratulations to the
Khān of Khiva on his accession. His overtures were
welcomed by that sovereign, who was hard pressed by
the legions of Bokhārā. He sent an embassy to Peter,<a id="FNanchor_535" href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">535</a>
offering to accept his suzerainty in return for protection
against his powerful neighbours. The great reformer
had too many cares nearer home to permit of his taking
immediate action on this tempting offer, and it was not
till 1714 that he was reminded of his distant vassal’s
existence by another embassy, the object of which was
to induce the Tsar to build a chain of forts on the
east of the Caspian as a protection against Turkoman
raids. Peter was now convinced that the time had come
for effective interference in Central Asian affairs. He
cast about him for an instrument, and found one in a
young Circassian chieftain who had changed his name
from Dawlat Girāy to Bekovitch Cherkaski on his conversion
and baptism, and had been given a commission
in the famous Preobajinski regiment, with the title of
prince. The Tsar appointed him to the command of
an exploring expedition, the objects of which were
enumerated in a decree of the 29th May 1714.
Bekovitch was enjoined to congratulate the Khān of
Khiva on his accession, and to confirm him in his
acknowledgment of Russian suzerainty. He was to
explore the lower reaches of the Sir Daryā for gold, and
ascertain whether it was practicable to reopen the old<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">241</span>
course of that river into the Caspian on the south of
the Balkan range. Bekovitch’s voyage of discovery
began in 1715. He sailed along the east coast of the
Caspian, landing at the extremity of the Mangishlāk
peninsula, and erected a fort to serve as a base for his
advance into the desert. The former bed of the Amū
Daryā was examined, and a report was submitted to
the Tsar. Peter instructed his lieutenant to build a
strong place on the banks of the old channel, and to
induce the Khān of Khiva to join in thoroughly investigating
its course, in view of a possible diversion of the
great water-way. Mercantile expeditions were also to be
sent to Bokhārā and India. While preparations were in
progress for a second expedition, the friendly Khān died,
and his successor was reported to be ill-disposed towards
Russia.</p>

<p>Nothing daunted, the intrepid adventurer set out in
1717 for Garieff, on the river Ural, at the head of a
force of 4000 men, with engineers and marine officers.
After struggling across the wind-swept desert of Ust
Urt, he reached a lake known as Bara Kilmas, about
200 miles north-west of Khiva. Here he rested his
travel-worn troops, and built a fort with a solidity which
has resisted the elements for 180 years. The suspicions
of the Khān that Russia contemplated the annexation of
his country were confirmed by the strength of Bekovitch’s
expedition, and the measures adopted by him. But,
feeling that his ill-disciplined forces were no match for
those of comparative civilisation, he had recourse to
treachery. Bekovitch was lulled into security by promises
of aid and alliance, and was persuaded to divide
his little army into weak detachments, on the plea that
it would be easier to furnish them with provisions. Then
the Khān fell upon the isolated Russian posts and crushed
them in detail. Not a man escaped to give news of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">242</span>
failure of this first plunge into Central Asian politics.
To this day the expression “Lost as Bekovitch” is
synonymous in Russia for hopeless ruin. So disgusted
was the great Tsar with this unexpected failure that
when, in 1720, the Khān of Khiva sent an envoy to
solicit pardon and a renewal of friendship, he was thrown
into prison at St. Petersburg, and died there.<a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">536</a></p>

<p>Russia’s next step in advance was the outcome of the
mischievous activity of the Kirghiz, a race of Mongolian
origin which roams over the steppes between the Volga
and the Irtish, and north of the Turkoman desert and the
Ala Tau Mountains.<a id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">537</a> Peaceful colonisation was impossible
while these restless neighbours retained their independence.
Omsk and the middle course of the Irtish became
Russian in 1716–1719; and for 1500 miles the Siberian
frontier marched with that of tracts claimed as their own
by these untamed nomads. In the reign of the Empress
Anne disputes arose between the Kirghiz of the Middle and
Little Hordes, who ranged over the western steppes, and
their brethren of the Far East; and in 1732 the former
offered submission to the empress in return for protection
against their foes. Thus the Russians obtained a footing
in immense tracts which were claimed by the Khānates of
Khiva and Bokhārā, and a collision with their forces was
rendered inevitable. The foundation of Orenburg marks a
second stage in the Russian advance. It became a rendezvous
for caravans between Russia and Central Asian cities,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">243</span>
and a basis for the expeditions which followed. In 1803
the Tsar had received the allegiance of the tribes of the
Mangishlāk peninsula, on the eastern shore of the Caspian.
Ten years later Turkoman envoys asked help against
Persia. It was refused, for Russia had her hands full
with the Napoleonic wars, and a profound irritation was
aroused among the savages.<a id="FNanchor_538" href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">538</a> In 1822 an ordinance was
issued bringing the Little Horde within the government
of Orenburg, while the western Kirghiz were made
subject to that of West Siberia. These attempts to
annex territories with southern boundaries so ill-defined
aroused intense suspicion throughout the Khānates, and
it found a vent in raids on Russian caravans. One
despatched to Bokhārā was robbed in 1829 of property
to the value of 500,000 roubles by Kirghiz and Khivans.
The Turkoman bands, still more to be dreaded, pillaged
the Bokhāran traders.</p>

<p>Friction followed between the Kirghiz of the west
and Cossack settlers, who, in common with old-established
policy, had been pushed forward to occupy strips of fertile
soil on the southern frontier, and the unrest was increased
by the levy of a tax on the nomads, which was fiercely
resented by those who rendered a nominal allegiance to
Khiva. Count Perofski, who governed Orenburg, endeavoured
to cope with the disturbance by constructing
a chain of forts on his southern boundary, beginning
with one named Alexandrovsk, on the Mangishlāk peninsula.
But the Kirghiz carried their incursions far into
Russian Orenburg, and plundered caravans close to Alexandrovsk.
In 1839 it became clear that neither forts
nor flying expeditions of Cossacks could effect the pacification
of so chaotic a frontier. In Khiva the nomads
found support in their attacks on Russian caravans, and
a market for the sale of their prisoners and booty.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">244</span>
There, too, hundreds of Russian subjects were held in
a state of abject slavery.<a id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">539</a> The prestige as well as the
peace of the empire was at stake. The Tsar Nicholas
was not a man to brook any infringement of either, and
he decided that prompt and heavy punishment should
be meted out for Khivan treachery. Perofski, the
governor of Orenburg, was an agent fitted by nature
and training for the accomplishment of the Tsar’s
designs. He equipped an army of 3½ battalions of
picked infantry, 2 regiments of Ural and 5 squadrons
of Orenburg Cossacks, and 22 guns with a rocket train.
Transport was effected by nearly 2000 horses and
10,000 camels, tended by 2000 Kirghiz, and the
utmost care was lavished on every detail of the equipment.<a id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">540</a>
Perofski calculated on reaching his objective,
a distance of 900 miles, in 50 marches, and never
doubted of a triumph over the ill-trained forces of
Khiva.</p>

<p>He had reckoned without a force which had again
and again won the battle for Russia,<a id="FNanchor_541" href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">541</a> and committed the
fatal mistake of starting from his base at Orenburg in
November, a month which brought his army to the centre
of the Ust Urt at the most inclement season of the year.
The sufferings of men and beasts in the ice-storms which
swept over the desert in the winter of 1839 are paralleled
only by those endured by Napoleon’s legions during the
retreat from Moscow. The expedition struggled on as
far as Ak Bulak, about half-way to the Khivan frontier,
and was there fain to retreat, leaving the bones of 1000<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">245</span>
men and 8000 camels whitening the pitiless sands.
Nothing daunted by his failure, Perofski set about the
organisation of a second attempt on a far more elaborate
scale, but it was rendered unnecessary by the submission
of the Khivans. The ruler, `Alā Kulī Khān, was cowed
by the persistence and the might of Russia, and in 1840
he despatched an embassy to Orenburg, accompanied by
more than 400 released Slavs. Perofski accepted the
olive-branch, and in 1842 a treaty of peace and alliance
was concluded with the new ruler. The failure of the
expedition of 1840 had shown the incurable defects of
Orenburg as a base for operations in Central Asia.
If the trackless steppes, the oases teeming with robber-tribes,
were to be dominated by Russian influence,
some route must be chosen which possessed the advantage
of water transport. The vast lake known as the
Sea of Aral is connected with the heart of Asia by the
Sir and the Amū Daryā, and is easier far to traverse
than the steppes on either side. Batakoff explored it
thoroughly in 1844, employing vessels brought in sections
from Orenburg. Four years later a fort named Kazalinsk
was erected at the mouth of the Sir Daryā, and, ere
many months had elapsed, Russia was in possession of
a chain of strongholds completely commanding the
lower reaches of the great river. These precautionary
measures raised an intense irritation in the breast of the
Khān of Kokand, who claimed the whole course of the
Sir Daryā as his own. His subjects were encouraged to
invade Russian territory, compelling costly reprisals. In
order to put a period to these aggressions, Perofski
attacked the fortress of Ak Mechet, 280 miles from the
embouchure of the Sir Daryā, and after an abortive
attempt took it by storm in 1853. Thus the second
great highway of Central Asia fell under Russian control,
and it was soon afterwards navigated by a steamer<span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">246</span>
constructed in Sweden, and brought in sections with
incredible labour by way of Nijni Novogorod. The
amazement excited in the nomads by the spectacle soon
died away, and Perofski was besieged by the Kokandis
in vain. The grip of Russia tightened. In 1854 an
expedition penetrated the valley of the Ili, and a fort
was built at Verni, between the lakes of Balkash and
Issik Kul. But between this stronghold and Perofski
there was a gap of more than 500 miles, which included
the desert of Ak Kum, and through it the Kirghiz and
Turkoman bands carried devastation far into Siberia.
The Kokandis, too, were determined to break the net
in the meshes of which they were struggling. Frequent
attacks were made on Russian outposts, and the
whole Siberian border was kept in a ferment.<a id="FNanchor_542" href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">542</a> Russia
resolved to strike a decisive blow at the recalcitrant
Khānate, and to obtain possession of the northern
portion, which gave a more defensible boundary, and
was desirable by reason of its fertility. With this object
in view, Staff Colonel Chernaieff marched southwards from
the basin of the Ili on the fortress of `Alī Ata, commanding
the Kara Tau range, while Colonel Verefkin, starting
from a base on the Sir Daryā, moved eastwards and
captured Hazrat, another strong place which, under the
name of Turkestān, stands sponsor to the whole province.
The two columns then joined hands and stormed the
citadel of Chimkent, nearly 300 miles south-east of the
old frontier post at Perofski. This steady advance
aroused the susceptibilities of the British public, which
saw in the Russian invasion of the Mohammedan states
on the Siberian frontier a foreshadowing of similar
designs on India. In order to allay suspicion and
enlighten the communities of the West as to the motives
of the recent encroachments, Prince Gortschakoff issued<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">247</span>
a circular addressed to the Great Powers.<a id="FNanchor_543" href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">543</a> It is a
remarkable state paper, which enunciates the principles
governing the Russian advance in a manner as convincing
as it is accurate and logical. The prince pointed
out the dilemma in which civilised states in contact with
wandering tribes are placed. They find it impossible to
live in unity with such neighbours, and must establish a
system of control or see their frontier a prey to chronic
disorder. But the tribes brought under the strong arm
of law and order become, in their turn, victims of similar
aggression on the part of more distant ones. Thus the
process of subjugation must be repeated until the paramount
Power comes into direct contact with one which
affords reasonable guarantees that it can maintain order
within its own territory. Prince Gortschakoff fondly
hoped that this boundary, safeguarded by a long chain of
strong places stretching over a fertile and well-watered
country between the Sir Daryā and Lake Balkash, would
secure two desiderata—supplies for Russian garrisons, and
the vicinity of a state strong enough to be mistress at home
and willing to unite in fostering that true civiliser, commerce.
He had omitted, however, the consideration of
factors which are at the root of all conquests, the fierce
passions evoked by warfare, and the lust for fame and
booty. Such are the motives that inspire successful
generals to fresh exploits, and they burned in the breast
of Staff Colonel Chernaieff, a man who, under happier
auspices, might have been the Clive of Central Asia.
Learning that a host of Kokandis was massed at Tashkent,
the second city of the Khānate, eighty miles south
of Chimkent, he determined to anticipate attack by
adopting the only safe policy in dealing with Orientals.
He advanced with every available man, and, on the 2nd
October 1864, attacked Tashkent. The want of a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">248</span>
breaching-train and scaling-ladders was an insuperable
obstacle to success, and the Russians were fain to retire,
baffled by the lofty ramparts of Tashkent. The effect
of this disaster on the excitable Asiatic character was
marked and instantaneous. A Kokandi force of 10,000
men, under the Khān in person, burned Chimkent, and
attacked Turkestān far in its rear. They surprised a
squadron of Cossacks during a halt near the fortress, but
met with a reception which should have convinced them
of the superiority of the Russian arms.<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">544</a> The Khān was
compelled to raise the siege of Turkestān and retreat on
Tashkent. But this incident rendered it clear that no
peace could be expected on the frontier while a town of
72,000 inhabitants, inspired by the fiercest fanaticism,
remained unsubdued in the proximity of the outposts.
General Chernaieff resolved to plant his country’s flag
on the fortifications of Tashkent; but his master, Tsar
Alexander <span class="smcap">II.</span>, was a monarch who loved peace from a
personal knowledge of war’s horrors, and on learning of
the failure of Chernaieff’s first attempt he positively forbade
a repetition. The general, however, postponed taking
cognisance of His Majesty’s orders till he had made a
second onslaught on Tashkent. It was delivered by a
column of 951 men with 10 pieces of artillery, and in
spite of the vast disproportion in numbers the city was
stormed with a loss of 125 men only. Then only did
the daring commander peruse his master’s despatches,
and his reply was a characteristic one. “Sire,” he wrote,
“your Majesty’s order forbidding me to take Tashkent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">249</span>
has reached me only in the city itself, which I have
taken and place at your Majesty’s feet.”<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">545</a> The Tsar was
furious at the breach of discipline, but he did not refuse
the fruits of his lieutenant’s too daring enterprise. In
1865 Turkestān was constituted a frontier district, with
Tashkent as its capital.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">250</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_III" class="vspace">CHAPTER III<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Struggle with the Khānates</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">Thus</span> was a third stage reached in Russia’s advance.
Her Siberian frontier extended from the north-eastern
shore of the Caspian to the borders of China. It had
been pushed forward to the edge of the plateau of
Samarkand, then a province of Bokhārā, and lay
within striking distance of the three Central Asian
states which still maintained their independence. A
sense of common danger united the forces which had
hitherto been hostile: Kokandis, Bokhārans, and Khivans
felt instinctively that the hour had come for a combined
attempt to shake off the Russian incubus. A leader
alone was required, and one was found in Sayyid
Muzaffar ed-Dīn, Amīr of Bokhārā. He claimed a
descent from Tīmūr, and doubtless dreamed of repeating
the conquests of his great predecessor on the throne of
Samarkand. His ambition was fanned by the fierce
breath of fanaticism, for the Amīr was notoriously subject
to priestly influence, and the mullās of Central Asia
were among the bitterest foes of Russian designs. At
his prompting the bazaars of the three Khānates swarmed
with emissaries, who preached a Holy War, and exhorted
true believers to drive back the invaders into the Siberian
steppes. The Amīr soon found himself at the head of a
huge force drawn from his own subjects, while he obtained
control over those of Kokand by assuming the guardianship<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">251</span>
of the minor Khān.<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">546</a> Thus reinforced he occupied
Khojend, a city on the north-east corner of Samarkand
only a hundred miles from the new Russian capital, and
summoned Chernaieff to release his conquests. At the
same time he imprisoned four Russian envoys<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">547</a> sent him
by the general. This act of war met with a prompt
response.</p>

<p>Chernaieff advanced from Tashkent with 14
companies of infantry, 6 squadrons of Cossacks, and
16 guns as far as Jizāk, a fortress barely 60 miles
from Samarkand. But the population was hostile,
supplies failed, and he was obliged to retreat on his
capital. Retrograde movements in the face of Asiatic
forces are always pregnant with disaster. General
Chernaieff’s was interpreted by the Bokhārans as a
confession of weakness. Crowds flocked to the Amīr’s
standard, and he moved on Tashkent with 40,000 men.
In the meantime Chernaieff, who had not been forgiven
for his breach of instructions in the occupation of
Tashkent,<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">548</a> was superseded by General Romanovski, who
had received peremptory orders from the Tsar that
hostilities with the Khānate must cease. Like his predecessor,
he found himself compelled by force of circumstances
to disobey orders.</p>

<p>The Bokhāran host was within three marches of Tashkent.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">252</span>
The city with its 70,000 inhabitants was seething
with rebellion, and to maintain a defensive attitude
was to court defeat. Romanovski adopted the only tactics
which afforded a chance of success. He marched from
Tashkent with a force of 14 infantry companies, 5 Cossack
squadrons, 20 guns, and a rocket apparatus, and,
following the left bank of the Sir Daryā, encountered the
enemy at Irjai, between Jizāk and Khojend. The battle
that followed on the 20th May 1866 recalls Plassey:
3600 Russians utterly routed a force of 5000 well-armed
Bokhāran regulars and 35,000 horsemen with 2
guns which had taken up an entrenched position on the
road to Samarkand, on which the beaten host retreated
in the utmost disorder. That hotbed of fanaticism lay
open to the invader, but he deemed it safer to seize the
fortress of Khojend, thus driving a wedge between
Bokhārā and the Kokand territories. On the 6th of
June 1866 Khojend fell after a siege of eight days and
a bombardment by 2 mortars and 18 field-pieces.<a id="FNanchor_549" href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">549</a> The
news of the rout of Irjai, and the capture of Khojend,
created a profound dismay throughout Central Asia;
but the proud Uzbegs were loth to acknowledge
themselves beaten; and the mullās were still less
inclined to forfeit the great position which they held
under so pious a ruler as Muzaffar ed-Dīn. He was
persuaded to disregard the ultimatum sent by Romanovski,
and actively pursued preparations for a new
campaign. The Russians therefore took the offensive
with unabated vigour. During October they seized the
Bokhāran border strongholds of Ura-teppe and Jizāk,
thus obtaining a complete command of the valley of
the Zarafshān. In the spring of 1867 Yani Kurgān was
added to the list of Russian conquests, and was twice
heroically defended by General Abramoff against a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">253</span>
Bokhāran force of 45,000 men bent on wresting it from
the invader. Thus, in the middle of 1867, the Russians
found themselves masters of the great sources of Bokhāran
prosperity—the basins of the Zarafshān and the Sir
Daryā. The vast extent of this newly conquered
territory, and its distance from Orenburg, still the
administrative capital of Russian Central Asia, led to a
revision of the boundaries.</p>

<p>By a ukase<a id="FNanchor_550" href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">550</a> dated 11th (23rd) July 1867 Turkestān
was placed under a governor-general, with headquarters
at Tashkent. His authority extended over the
provinces of Sir Daryā and Semirechensk, the latter
including the vast territory lately acquired between the
lakes of Balkash and Issik Kul. General Kauffman, a
general who has written his name indelibly on Central
Asian annals, was appointed to the important post. On
taking the helm he found Kokand quiescent, but
Bokhārā still in a state of suppressed excitement, which
found occasional vent in attacks on Russian outposts.</p>

<p>He began by making the Amīr overtures of peace,
on the basis of the <i>statu quo</i> as regards boundaries, the
grant of equal rights to Russians and natives in the
matter of trade, and the payment of a war indemnity of
125,000 tilās.<a id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">551</a></p>

<p>No reply was returned by the Amīr, but he obtained
reinforcements from Khiva, and massed troops to attack
the Russian outpost at Jizāk. The general, in consonance
with the policy pursued by all Asiatic conquerors,
anticipated the onslaught by a forward movement.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">254</span>
Samarkand was the objective, the holiest of Central
Asian cities, with a fierce and crafty population and
many remains of past splendour to remind its inhabitants
that it had been once the seat of an empire which regarded
Russia as an outlying province. On the 12th May
1868 Kauffman, at the head of 3600 troops, attacked
the united Bokhāran and Khivan host, 40,000 strong,
massed on the heights on the left bank of the Zarafshān,
fifteen miles from the capital. The Russians forded
the shallow river and fell upon the foe with such
impetuosity that an utter rout followed. Samarkand
surrendered on the following day.<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">552</a> The cowardly Sarts<a id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">553</a>
offered sumptuous banquets to the victors. But a note
of warning was sounded by the Jews, whom ages of
cruel oppression had rendered friendly to the Russian
cause. They were disregarded by Kauffman, who had
hurried on to capture the towns of Urgut and Katti
Kurgān, on the direct road to Bokhārā. Learning that
the warlike population of Shahrisabz had joined the
movement, and were encamped to the east of Samarkand,
while the Bokhāran forces menaced Katti Kurgān, he
moved out to attack the foe. His wounded were left
in the citadel, a fortress nearly surrounded by scarped
ravines in the centre of Samarkand, under a guard of
762 men, commanded by Major Von Stempel, under
whom Colonel Nazaroff, with a chivalry equal to Outram’s,
consented to serve.</p>

<p>Hardly were the main body out of sight than a force
of 20,000 men from Shahrisabz were surreptitiously
introduced into the city by the treacherous inhabitants,<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">554</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">255</span>
and the citadel was closely beset. It was defended as
heroically as the Residency of Lucknow had been by a
handful of Britons. Every wounded Russian capable of
pointing a rifle took his place on the ramparts; and
though the enemy repeatedly penetrated the enceinte,
never did they effect a lodgment thereon. And now
provisions and ammunition ran short; 189 of the defenders
were killed or wounded, and surrender seemed
inevitable. But the terrible Kauffman heard of his
brave followers’ distress from a messenger who had
contrived to slip through the beleaguering lines. He
had defeated the last remnant of Bokhārā’s forces, and
was free to retrace his steps. Like Gillespie’s vengeance
on the Vellore mutineers was that taken by Kauffman on
the foe. They were smitten hip and thigh, thousands
of prisoners were massacred in cold blood, and the
villainy of the Sart inhabitants was punished by the
surrender of the town for three days to pillage by the
infuriated army. The avenger was able to report to his
master that tranquillity reigned in Samarkand. The
Amīr Muzaffar was at length convinced that the Great
White Tsar’s arm was too long to be withstood or evaded.
His proud spirit was crushed by repeated misfortunes,
and he implored permission to abdicate and end his
days at Mekka. But policy demanded that the ruler of
Bokhārā should be one who had learnt submission by
bitter experience. Muzaffar ed-Dīn was confirmed as Amīr,
while his whilom province, Samarkand, was incorporated
with Turkestān, and placed under Lieutenant-General
Abramoff, who had given innumerable proofs of dauntless
energy. The general soon had his hands full, for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">256</span>
mullās were by no means inclined to share their sovereign’s
despondency. They worked upon the ambitions
of Katti Tūra, the heir-presumptive, a youth of seventeen,
whose reckless cruelties would have made him a meet
successor of his grandfather, the murderer of Stoddart
and Conolly. This prince raised the standard of revolt,
and declared his father to have forfeited the throne. He
routed a detachment of Bokhāran regulars sent against
him, and took the stronghold of Karki,<a id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">555</a> a fortress commanding
the upper reaches of the Amū Daryā. Abramoff
had little difficulty in quelling the insurrection. He
took Karshī, the cradle of the reigning dynasty, stormed
Karki, and drove the prince into the mountains which
occupy the centre of Bokhārā. Here he found no
hiding-place. He was driven to the western border of
Samarkand, and finally captured through the treachery
of a peasant. The young rebel was dragged into the
presence of his outraged father, who ordered his head to
be struck off and exposed at the palace gate.</p>

<p>General Abramoff completed the pacification of
Bokhārā by subduing Shahrisabz, the last refuge
of highland independence. He then politely invited
the Amīr to assume the sovereignty of the pacified
territory.</p>

<div id="ip_257" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_257.jpg" width="600" height="481" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">

<p>
MAP SHOWING THE<br />
<span class="bold larger">ADVANCE <span class="smcap smaller">OF</span> RUSSIA</span><br />
IN<br />
CENTRAL ASIA.</p>

<p>Methuen &amp; Co. London. <span class="in4"><i>G. Philip &amp; Son, 32 Fleet S<sup>t</sup>. London</i></span><br />
</p></div></div>

<p>So effectually was Muzaffar ed-Dīn’s proud spirit
crushed by adverse fortunes that he humbly received his
province as a boon from his Russian suzerain. He saw
the once hated and despised infidels in possession of
Samarkand, the richest inheritance of his fathers, and
masters of the Zarafshān, the source of Bokhāran
prosperity. He knew that it was in their power to divert
its life-giving waters and render his capital a prey to the
ever-advancing desert sands. Thus the remainder of his
days was spent in vain repentance, in indulging “sorrow’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">257</span>
crown of sorrow”; and the Tsar had no more obedient
vassal than the man who had aspired to sit on the throne
of Tīmūr. His later policy has been adopted by his son,
the present Amīr `Abd ul-Ahad. With the conquest of
Bokhārā and the annexation of Samarkand the fourth
great stride in the Russian advance was completed.
She was mistress of Central Asia, from the confines of
China to the Amū Daryā, that historic river which rises
in the Pamirs to empty its waters into the Sea of Aral.</p>

<p>These immense accessions to an empire which
already rivalled that of ancient Rome served but to open
up a vista of future possibilities.</p>

<p>“Since the reign of Peter the Great,” wrote a contemporary
Russian author,<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">556</a> “we have advanced with
diligence and at the price of immense sacrifices across
the steppes which barred our passage. They are now
left behind. Our dominion has reached the basin of
two great rivers whose waters lave thickly peopled and
fertile regions. We have a right to seek compensation
for sacrifices and labours endured for more than a
century. We have a right to attain a secure frontier by
pushing our colonies up to the summit of the Himalayan
range, the natural barrier between the Russian and
English possessions. When this point has been reached,
then only can we look calmly on the development of
Great Britain’s empire.” The reduction of Khiva was a
corollary of that of Bokhārā. The Khānate stretched
northwards as a wedge into the newly acquired territory
and dominated the lower reaches of the Amū Daryā. Its
ruler and its entire population were bitterly hostile to
Russian designs. A Khivan contingent had fought side by
side with the hosts of Samarkand during the recent campaigns,
the result of which did not intimidate them.</p>

<p>In the year which followed the conquest of Samarkand,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">258</span>
Khivan bands penetrated the steppes of the
Orenburg government and urged the Russian Kirghiz
to revolt. Caravan trade between Western Siberia was
paralysed; and in 1870 the Khān had the presumption
to forbid the export of grain.<a id="FNanchor_557" href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">557</a> General Kauffman, now
in supreme command in Turkestān, was compelled by
his imperial master’s explicit instructions to show a
degree of forbearance which ill-suited his temper. He
was content to demand the release of the Russians whom
the Khān still held in slavery, and an explanation of the
offensive tone adopted by his ministers in their despatches.
As is invariably the case in dealing with Asiatics, the
Russians found that moderation was mistaken for weakness.
The Khān claimed the river Emba, on the north-eastern
shore of the Caspian, as the boundary of his
dominions, and endeavoured to collect taxes from the
tribes of the Ust Urt Desert, which had long been
regarded as within the Russian sphere of influence. The
Kirghiz steppes became unsafe for caravans, and postal
communication between Tashkent and Orenburg was
subject to continual interruptions. It was well known
that the mullās had incited the Khān to proclaim a
religious war, and that his forces were swollen by
refugees from Bokhārā. The limits of forbearance
had been reached, and the most timid adviser of the
Tsar admitted that Khiva must be reduced to impotence.
The story of the fall of the rebellious Khānate has been
told often, and so graphically that it is needless to relate it
in any detail.<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">558</a> The Russians had by this time amassed
great experience in the physical conditions to be
encountered, and had profited by the lessons taught by
former disasters. Depôts for provisions were formed at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">259</span>
each halting-place, and columns started severally from
the eastern corner of the Caspian, Orenburg, Perovski
on the Sir Daryā, and Tashkent. So carefully had the
minutest detail been worked out by the Russian staff
that the several divisions, after marching for nearly 900
miles through waterless deserts, reached Khiva almost
simultaneously. The Khān was unable to cope with
a disciplined army 14,000 strong. His capital was taken
by storm, and on the 24th of March 1873 he signed a
treaty of peace, acknowledging himself to be the humble
vassal of Russia, and agreeing to pay an indemnity of
2,500,000 roubles, and to surrender all Russian and
Persian slaves. This pact has been loyally observed on
both sides. The Khān still retains a nominal sovereignty
with even less independence than had been accorded
to Bokhārā, and Khiva is <i>de facto</i> as much a part and
parcel of Russia as the government of Moscow.</p>

<p>Kokand, the third Khānate of Central Asia, was doomed
to lose all semblance of freedom. Its ruler had accepted
the inevitable on the defeat of his powerful neighbours,
had abolished slavery, and had striven to maintain friendly
relations with Russia. But his territories were so placed
that the annexation was essential to the safety of the
eastern borders. They intervened between Turkestān
and China, and were inhabited by a fanatical population
with a strong leaven of untamed Kirghiz and Kipchāk
nomads. Had Kokand possessed a firm and politic ruler,
its absorption might have been indefinitely postponed.
The reverse was the case; for the Khān, Khudā Yār,
was detested by his subjects, and rebellions frequently
recurred which kept the whole of Central Asia in a
ferment.<a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">559</a> A climax was reached in 1875, when, after<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">260</span>
three years of almost incessant civil war, the Russians
found themselves compelled to intervene. Kokand was
invaded by a strong expeditionary force under General
Kauffman, among whose lieutenants was Skobeleff,
destined to win imperishable glory in subsequent
campaigns. Short work was made of the Kokandis,
who had dethroned their Khān and marched under his
son’s banner. They were routed with prodigious slaughter
at Makhram, and the holy city of Marghilān was
occupied without resistance. Defeats were afterwards
administered to the native levies at Andijān and
Nāmangān, and on 20th February the capital was seized
by a force under Skobeleff. On the 20th March 1876
the Tsar, Alexander <span class="smcap">II.</span>, formally authorised the annexation
of Kokand as a province of Turkestān under its
ancient name, Farghāna. Skobeleff, the ardent soldier
who had so greatly contributed to the reduction of the
Khānate, became its first governor. Farghāna has a
temperate climate, and has bred a hardy and warlike
population. Owing to its remoteness from the centres
served by the Transcaspian Railway, the Russian officials
were not till lately subjected to the vigorous surveillance
which is exercised over their colleagues in other provinces,
and the reins of administration were slackly held. In the
spring of 1898 the discontent inspired by alien rule,
which had been sedulously fanned by the priesthood,
burst into a flame. The ringleader of the movement was
a Mohammedan monk named Ishān Mohammad `Alī
Khalīfa, who claimed the hereditary dignity of Imām, or
descendant of the Prophet. He announced that on
himself had devolved the task of fulfilling a prophecy
widely received, that during the last decade of our
century an Imām would proclaim a Holy War against
the infidel. As had been the case on the eve of the
Indian Mutiny, a general rising had been planned, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">261</span>
a simultaneous massacre of the Russian troops throughout
the province. History repeated itself in the result of
their deeply laid conspiracy. India was saved by the
premature outbreak at Mirat; and Farghāna by the
impatience of the Ishān, who on 29th May attacked a
Russian camp near Andijān before his sympathisers were
ready for concerted action. The rising was quelled with
much bloodshed on either side; 18 of the leaders were
executed, and 350 were deported to North-Eastern
Siberia. The recent opening of railway lines connecting
the cities of Farghāna with Tashkent and Samarkand
will render a recrudescence of the spirit of revolt well-nigh
impossible.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">262</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_IV" class="vspace">CHAPTER IV<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Turkomania and the Turkomans</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> reduction of Khiva marks a new era in the history
of the Russian advance. The last semblance of organised
opposition to the movement had disappeared, and the
Tsar saw himself the unquestioned suzerain of the great
Khānates. Westwards, his base was planted securely on
the Caspian, where the port of Krasnovodsk, founded in
1869 by General Stolietoff,<a id="FNanchor_560" href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">560</a> was connected with the
Russian colonies in the Mangishlāk peninsula by a chain
of strong places. The Amū Daryā, that ancient boundary
of nations, marked the limits of the new empire in the
west. But the vast tract between sea and river was still
unsubdued, and Russia’s boundary marched with that of
no organised state. Here lay the habitat of the Turkomans,
a race with whom no peace or truce was possible,
and the story of their subjection forms the final chapter
in the history of the heart of Asia. The haunt of these
untamed tribes may be described as a triangle, with
Khiva as its apex; its sides the Caspian and the Amū
Daryā; and its base formed by a line drawn from the
city of Balkh in Afghanistān to the south-eastern corner
of the Caspian Sea. The area thus enclosed is not far
short of 240,000 square miles, more than twice as great
as that of the United Kingdom. The north portion is a
trackless waste; but it is by no means a desert of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">263</span>
Sahara type, made familiar to us by so many records of
African travel. Variety is its most salient characteristic.
In some parts so firm is the surface that a horse’s hoof
rings on it as on a macadamised road. In others, again,
the loose sand forms ridges like petrified waves.<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">561</a> After
the spring rains the expanse of dull white is carpeted, as
if by miracle, with gorgeous lilies, tulips, and other bulbous
plants, long grass and tufts of reed. Water is, indeed,
required to clothe the arid sand with perennial verdure,
and render it a breeding-ground for countless flocks and
herds. It is found at depths rarely exceeding thirty feet
below the surface, and wells are of frequent recurrence.<a id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">562</a>
The only rivers of importance are the Murghāb and the
Tajand, which rise in the mountains of Afghanistān and
lose themselves in the sand; but streams innumerable
descend their flanks. In times beyond the range of
history the western portion of the Turkoman Desert was
watered by the Amū Daryā, which discharged itself into
the Caspian at the head of the Bay of Michaelovsk.
Owing to some convulsion of nature, or to interference
with its course by an attempt to employ it for irrigation,
the bed of the mighty stream shifted and now discharges
into the Sea of Aral. Vegetation is scanty, except during
the brief spring-time. The soil is covered, in some parts,
with the camel’s thorn, a forbidding plant which can be
masticated only by the “ship of the desert.” The
perennial flora are completed by the stunted tamarisk,
a root like the stem of a rose called takh, and a shrub
termed saxaul (<i>haloxylon ammodendron</i>). The latter is
full of knots, and has a grain most difficult to cut or split,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">264</span>
but it is precious as fuel, and still more valuable as a
means of binding the billowy sands. These steppes
contain few traces of animal life. Herds of beautiful
wild asses are sometimes seen in the distance, and a
species of antelope is oftener met with.<a id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">563</a> Wells are
beset with a variety of birds, which fly down to their
depths in search of water. But the stillness of the waste
is intense, and the boundless horizon is seen through the
clear pure air shimmering with the heat or broken only
by a mirage. The climate of the Turkoman Desert is
one of extremes. In December and January the cold is
intense. Moser, who traversed the Kārakūm in the depth
of winter, encountered a temperature of 15 degrees below
freezing-point, with squalls, snow, and glacial cold.<a id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">564</a> In
the summer months the heat is equally trying, and it is
sometimes accompanied by sand-storms which render
respiration almost impossible. But the Turkomans are
not confined to regions so inhospitable. They have long
been established in the south-east of the Caspian, a tract
watered by the rivers Gargan and Atrak, which is swampy
towards the embouchure, but farther inland is broken by
valleys as rich and full of charm as any on the flanks of
the Pyrenees.<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">565</a> The streams descending from the Kopet<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">265</span>
Dāgh, a mountain range which separates Persia from the
Turkoman Desert, has produced a fertile belt of fifteen to
twenty-five miles wide, extending from Kizil Arvat to
Giaour, a distance of 187 miles. This is the Akkal
oasis. Where the Murghāb enters the desert it forms
the great Merv oasis, a land which, even in its decadence,
is one of the most fertile in the world. This ancient seat
of empire, which fell into Turkoman hands after its invasion
in 1784 by the forces of the Amīr Murād of
Bokhārā, has other advantages precious to a predatory
race. It is within striking distance of Northern Persia,
and is separated from Herāt by a low range of rolling
hills which offer no obstacle to an invading horde.<a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">566</a> Such
is the land which, from time immemorial, has been the
haunt of one of the most interesting races in the world.
Like the Red Indians, with whom they have many characteristics
in common, they have succumbed to the
ruthless force of Western civilisation; and a study of their
traditions and usages possesses the greater interest
because both will soon disappear under the process of
Russification to which Central Asia is being subjected.
In the opinion of a well-known living authority,<a id="FNanchor_567" href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">567</a> the
Turkomans belong to a branch of the Turkish race
inhabiting the Altaī Mountains and the upper regions
of the Yenesei and Irtish in Mid-Siberia. Long before
the Christian era the pressure of population led them to
migrate southwards and eastwards, and, following in all
probability the old course of the Oxus, their hordes
spread over the great steppes extending from the
Caspian to the Hindu Kush. The appellation by which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">266</span>
the race has for centuries been known is considered by
Vambéry to be derived from “Turk,” a proper name
which the nomads always employ when speaking of
themselves, and “men,” a suffix equivalent to the English
“ship” or “dom.” That the Turkomans were identical
with the Parthians, who were so long a thorn in the side
of the Roman Empire, admits of little doubt, and the
supposition derived from identity of racial character finds
corroboration in the fact that the Dahæ,<a id="FNanchor_568" href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">568</a> a famous
Parthian tribe, dwelt in ancient days in the region
between the Balkans and the river Atrak, which is still
called Dehistān. But the strangers from the icy north
were not long contented to roam over steppes which were
well-nigh as hospitable as those of Siberia. They smelt
booty in the richly watered slopes of the Kopet Dāgh
and the populous cities of Northern Persia. The era of
the Sāmānides (<span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 218–639) was one of constant
struggles between these unwelcome immigrants and the
settled Iranians of Northern Persia, and history repeated
itself in the ruin and desolation which befell the latter.
Towards the end of the Middle Ages the northern portion
of the old empire of Darius was given up to Turkoman
tribes bent on war and pillage. At this date we find
them divided into many tribes. The most famous were
the Salors, who possessed some at least of the traits of
the noble savage of fiction. They dwelt at the edge of
the hills on the oasis formed by the Murghāb and Tajand.
In the twelfth century the Sultan Sanjar, the greatest of
the Seljūkides, was defeated by the Kara and Alieli
Turkomans at Andakhūy and Maymena, where both are
still to be found. The Balkan Mountains in the sixteenth
century looked down on Ersari encampments, and at an
earlier date the peninsula of Mangishlāk was roamed over
by various tribes. For centuries unnumbered the Turkomans<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">267</span>
were free from foreign influence, and maintained
the primitive ferocity and power for aggression unleavened
by intercourse with civilisation. They found their master
in rare exceptions to the long succession of debauchees
who filled the throne of Persia. In the seventeenth century
Shāh `Abbās the Great (1585–1626) drove them from
the rich valleys of the Kopet Dāgh and planted colonies
of 15,000 Kurds along the crest, in the not altogether
vain hope that these scourges of Asia Minor would hold
their neighbours in check. Nādir Shāh, infamous for the
bloodshed attending his capture of Delhi, was himself a
Turkoman, and proved more than a match for his kinsmen.
In 1796 Āghā Mohammad, the first sovereign of
the reigning dynasty, who was also of Turkoman origin,
took effectual measures to protect his frontier, and, had
his brief career not been brought to a close by the
assassin’s dagger, he would doubtless have tamed these
fierce children of the desert. His successor, Fath `Alī
Shāh, attempted the process, and in 1813 the Turkoman
tribes appealed to the Tsar of Russia for assistance
against him. Alexander <span class="smcap">I.</span>, however, was then engaged
in rolling back the tide of Napoleon’s invasion, and
was powerless to help them, thus exciting an intense
irritation. We obtain a glimpse of the position occupied
by the Turkoman tribes in 1831 in the pages of Burnes.<a id="FNanchor_569" href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">569</a>
At that date the Tekkes were second to no tribe in
numbers, though they had not reached the commanding
position which they attained at the eve of the Russian
conquest. This section of the Turkoman race is found
at the dawn of their history occupying the Isthmus of
Mangishlāk, on the north-eastern coast of the Caspian.
Driven thence in 1718 by the Kalmaks, they dislodged
the Yamuds from Kizil Arvat, and the Kurds and Alielis
from the strip of fertile land at the basis of the Kopet<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">268</span>
Dāgh, known as the Akkal oasis. Their name, which in
our tongue signifies “Mountain Goat,” is said to be derived
from the agility with which they urged their horses
over the ravines on the mountain side. The Tekkes
proclaimed their allegiance to the Khān of Khiva, and
each village paid a tribute of a camel, but they were
forced to recognise the supremacy of Nādir Shāh. Until
the commencement of the present century they were
confined to the limits of the oasis; but population began
to press too heavily on the means of subsistence, which,
in Central Asia, is synonymous with water. The cultivation
spread to such an extent that the <i>arīks</i>, or small
irrigation canals, proved unequal to its necessities. Hence,
about 1830, 10,000 families migrated eastwards and
established themselves on the banks of the Tajand.
Here they built a fort, called after their chief, Oraz Khān
Kal`a. The total number of Tekke tents or kibitkas<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">570</a> is
put by Burnes at 40,000.</p>

<div id="ip_263" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_263.jpg" width="600" height="550" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE SEA OF SAND IN THE KARA-KUM DESERT</div></div>

<div id="ip_263b" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_263b.jpg" width="600" height="555" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE SEA OF SAND IN THE KARA-KUM DESERT</div></div>

<p>At that epoch the Ersaris roamed over the Upper Oxus,
and were equally numerous with the Tekkes. The Merv
oasis was inhabited by the Sāriks, numbering 20,000 tents,
who were engaged in a struggle with the Khivans, then temporary
masters of Merv. The Yamuds, about as numerous
as the Sāriks, wandered between Khiva and Astrabad in
Khorāsān, while the territory watered by the Atrak and
Gurgān was inhabited by the Gokhlans, who acknowledged
the sway of Persia. Finally the Salors, who made up by
courage for the paucity of their numbers, held the upper
reaches of the Tajand near Sarakhs. In 1832 their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">269</span>
constant ravages led to reprisals on the Persian side.
They were attacked by an overwhelming force under
`Abbās Mīrzā, son of Shāh Fath `Alī, and after a
desperate resistance their stronghold, Sarakhs, was
captured. The survivors fled northwards and occupied
the Yoletan oasis, south of Merv. Meantime the Tekkes,
who had settled in the upper reaches of the Tajand, had
been desolating the northern possessions of Persia, and
the cry of the harassed inhabitants reached the capital.
Vigorous measures were ordered by the Shāh, and in
1845 Āsaf ud-Dawlé, the governor of Khorāsān, fell on
their settlements and utterly destroyed them. The
Tekkes, ousted from their coign of vantage, sought refuge
in the Akkal oasis, but it was already over-peopled,
and their brethren there were constrained to refuse them
ingress. They finally obtained Āsaf ud-Dawlé’s leave to
settle in Sarakhs, which had been depopulated thirteen
years earlier by the expulsion of the Salors. At first
they respected the Persian territory, for the energetic
governor of Khorāsān had shown that he knew how to
deal with them. Their relations with Khiva were very
different, for that Khānate was surrounded by nomad
tribes, and had no outlet for the prowess of their cavalry
save in conflict with them. Mohammad Amīn Khān,
then sovereign of Khiva, stormed Sarakhs and left a
viceroy with a garrison there. Hardly was his back
turned when the Tekkes rose at the intruders and put
them to the sword. This outrage brought the Khān
again into the field. He laid siege to Sarakhs, but,
while directing the operations upon a mound on the
right bank of the Harī Rūd, was surprised by a body
of Turkomans and decapitated. His head was sent to
the Shāh and his body to Khiva for burial. The Tekkes
were encouraged by this brilliant success to resume their
raids into Persia, and again the governor of Khorāsān<span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">270</span>
was provoked to retaliate. He burnt Sarakhs and drove
the Tekkes northwards as far as Merv, which had, with
one brief interval, been held by the Sāriks since its
devastation by the Amīr of Bokhārā in 1784. The inhabitants
resisted the Tekkes’ invasion with the fierce
jealousy which reigned between all Turkoman tribes.
They implored help of the Persians, and the governor
of Khorāsān forthwith marched on Merv with 18 battalions
and 7000 cavalry. The Tekkes, finding themselves
between two fires, offered submission to Persia, and
rendered it acceptable by costly gifts. Then they turned
on the churlish Sāriks, and drove them from Merv to
the oases of Yoletan and Panjdih in the upper reaches
of the Murghāb, dispossessing in their turn the Salors,
who, with the permission of the Persian authorities,
settled at Zarābād on the left bank of the Harī Rūd.<a id="FNanchor_571" href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">571</a>
Thus the pressure of population in the Akkal oasis led
to a dispersal of the Tekkes who inhabited it. In little
more than a quarter of a century we find them masters
of the wondrously fertile lands irrigated by the Murghāb,
after dislodging the former occupants and destroying a
force sent against them by the greatest of Khivan rulers.
On taking possession of their conquest the Tekkes began
to develop its resources according to their lights. They
made a rude dam twenty-five miles above Merv, and excavated
twenty-four small canals which irrigated lands
sufficient to support 48,000 families.<a id="FNanchor_572" href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">572</a> But they were as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">271</span>
far from being peaceful cultivators as ever. They overran the
whole of Khorāsān, and carried their raids 450 miles south
of its capital, Meshed. Stung to madness by the desolation
thus wrought, the Persians planned a systematic vengeance.</p>

<p>In 1860 they built a fort as a basis of their operations,
which they called New Sarakhs, opposite the
old citadel of that name. Then, in the following year,
the commander-in-chief advanced against Merv with a
force of 12,000 infantry, 10,000 horsemen, and 33 guns.
The Tekkes, in great alarm, offered submission and a
substantial tribute. But the Persian general, confident
in his numbers and armament, would hear of no compromise.
The tribesmen, compelled to fight for life and
freedom, acquitted themselves with a gallantry which
inspired terror in the invaders. The Persian artillerymen
and infantry were slain or captured to a man, and the
guns served twenty years after to arm a citadel which
the Tekkes built as a defence against an anticipated
Russian attack.<a id="FNanchor_573" href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">573</a> The cavalry alone, including the
cowardly commander-in-chief, found safety in flight, and so
great was the glut of prisoners that the price of a Persian
slave in Khivan and Bokhāran markets fell to a sum equal
to a pound sterling.<a id="FNanchor_574" href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">574</a> This was the last organised
attempt from the Persian side to subvert Tekke independence,
and the tribe, settled firmly in the great oases
of Akkal and Merv, were free to pursue their lawless<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">272</span>
impulses at the expense of their neighbours. For Persia
was not alone in serving as a quarry. The fierce children
of the steppes carried rapine and murder within a few
miles of the citadel of Herāt,<a id="FNanchor_575" href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">575</a> and spread far and wide
a terror as abject as that inspired by the Danish pirates
in the coast towns of Saxon England. Such is the
history of the rise of the Tekke division of the Turkoman
race to a position which rendered it the chief obstacle
to the Russian advance. It is a modern reproduction, in
miniature, of the great Mongol movement which, starting
seven centuries ago, has not yet spent its force. Like
the other Turkoman tribes, the Tekkes were ranged in
divisions and clans—the Tokhtamish inhabiting the
eastern portion of the Merv oasis, while the Otamish
occupied the western. In the extreme east lived the
Beks.<a id="FNanchor_576" href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">576</a> These great divisions were split up into minor
ones, and the latter again ramified into clans.</p>

<p>The organisation applied to Tekkes of the Akkal and
Merv oases alike, for members of the various sections
were scattered over the entire territory in their occupation.<a id="FNanchor_577" href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">577</a>
Government among the Tekkes of every tribe
was a pure democracy.<a id="FNanchor_578" href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">578</a> Affairs of state were discussed
by an assembly consisting of the entire population.
These gatherings elected a Khān to represent the executive
by acclamation, and withdrew the dignity when<span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">273</span>
the chosen one ceased to please. The office was not an
object of ambition, for the Khān’s authority was little more
than a matter of form. He had forty jigits, or attendants,
to enforce order; but he had not the power of the purse.
For special purposes a tribal representative, termed
Ikhtiyār, was chosen by the popular assembly. Thus, in
1881, O’Donovan found one at Merv who had been sent
to treat with the Shāh of Persia at Teheran.<a id="FNanchor_579" href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">579</a> In latter
days the tribe exhibited a tendency to follow the ordinary
evolution of a state, which is from a democracy to a
hereditary monarchy acquired by the sword. The new
departure began with a famous chieftain named Nūr
Verdi Khān, who had led the Tekkes in the victories
over the Khivans, the Persians, and the Sāriks. He was
intrepid, just, and hospitable, moulded in the stamp of
those who carve for themselves empire, and his influence
was so great that he was permitted to hand over the
chiefship of the Akkal Tekkes to his son Makhdūm
Kulī Khān,<a id="FNanchor_580" href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">580</a> when he assumed that of the Merv oasis.
The growth of the hereditary principle was doubtless
fostered by the sense of impending danger from the
Russian avalanche. In earlier times an attempt to introduce
it would have been fiercely resisted by the
untamed nomads. Old age and experience alone commanded
weight, and the yoke of Mohammedanism, elsewhere
so heavy in the East, pressed but lightly on
these popular assemblies. Though nominally Sunnis
or orthodox followers of the Prophet, the Turkomans
practised few of the interminable observances prescribed
by the Koran; and the mullās, mostly steeped in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">274</span>
ignorance, possessed no influence over them.<a id="FNanchor_581" href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">581</a> But the
Tekkes felt instinctively the impossibility of maintaining
democratic methods in times of stress. Military operations
were confided to the tribesmen of known valour
and intelligence, termed Sardārs,<a id="FNanchor_582" href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">582</a> who had a minute knowledge
of the country to be traversed, and were intrusted
with the direction of the raids, which were the main
object of the Turkoman’s existence. Thus did these
banditti acquire prisoners who could be held to ransom,
and slaves who found a ready market in the neighbouring
Khānates. The things needed were a good
horse, arms,<a id="FNanchor_583" href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">583</a> and a contempt for death. “He who puts
his hand to his sword-hilt,” runs a Turkoman proverb,
“hath no need to ask for a good reason.” “On horseback,”
says another, “a Tekke knows neither father nor
mother.” When one of these natural leaders of men
determined on a foray, he planted his lance, surmounted
by a flag, in the ground in front of his kibitka, and
invited all good Musulmans, in the name of the Prophet,
to range themselves under his banner.</p>

<p>The call to arms was rarely disregarded; and the
Sardār soon found his tent besieged by several hundreds,
or even thousands, of warriors prepared to yield him a blind
obedience. He fixed the date and place of gathering,
but the object was not disclosed. On the day prescribed
his followers assembled, each on a well-trained<span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">275</span>
stallion, and leading spare horses with provisions. If the
object of attack lay in the plains of Khorāsān, the Kopet
Dāgh Mountains were scaled by one of the three passes
practicable to Tekke horsemen. On reaching the
southern slopes, the provisions were left in some sure
retreat, known only to the Sardār, under the charge of a
few horsemen, while the day was spent in preparing for
the raid.<a id="FNanchor_584" href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">584</a> Far in the valley below lay the village
destined to destruction. The smoke curled upwards
from its white cottages embowered in forest trees. The
old men gossiped in the evening sun; the maidens were
bringing home the cattle from the pastures. This was
the moment chosen for the onslaught. In a few
moments the village street was thronged with fierce
Turkomans bending low over the saddle-bow and hacking
and stabbing right and left. Then the survivors,
with the cattle and valuables, were gathered together
and hurried off to the robbers’ lair. When pursuit was
feared, 100 or even 130 miles were traversed ere rein
was drawn. The girls and child captives, being more
valuable than adults, were carried at some warrior’s
saddle-bow, but all able to run were dragged in chains
behind the captors. When they sank from fatigue their
sufferings were ended by a thrust from the long Turkoman
dagger. If the quarry were a Kurd village, greater
precautions were needed, for every settlement had its
tower into which the population fled on an alarm being
given. These fortresses were sometimes stormed while
the defenders slept, and the garrison stabbed with fiendish
ferocity. In dealing with caravans, the Turkomans lay
in wait for their prey in the vicinity of wells,<a id="FNanchor_585" href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">585</a> and
swooped down on the travellers during their halt. At
other times they hung on the outskirts of the procession
of camels and cut off stragglers. Success depended on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">276</span>
the suddenness of attack; and if it failed it was seldom
repeated, for bravery was not a characteristic of the
Turkoman, except when the safety and honour of his
family were at stake. Then, as the Russians found to
their cost, they fought like lions.</p>

<p>For the slaves a ready market was found in the
Khānates of Khiva and Bokhārā, whence dealers visited
Tekke settlements at frequent intervals. The traffic was
of ancient date, and, until the advent of the Russians, was
recognised by law and custom. Florio Beneveni, an
Italian who passed some time at Bokhārā in the early
part of the eighteenth century, informed Peter the Great
that 3000 Russians were held captive there, and, at the
commencement of our own, Mouravieff reported that a
similar number languished in bondage in Khiva.<a id="FNanchor_586" href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">586</a> Wolff,
writing in 1843, estimated the number of Persian slaves
in Bokhārā at 200,000, and those detained at Khiva
about the same period were stated by Major Abbott to
exceed 700,000. The price paid varied with the age of
the prisoner, children and young girls being twice as
valuable as adults.</p>

<p>But the Tekke considered his steed as even more
indispensable than a trusted leader to success in pursuing
his inherited instinct. The fame of the Turkoman
horse is as old as Alexander’s days. Tīmūr improved
the breed by distributing 5000 Arab stallions among the
tribesmen, and in our own day Shāh Nāsir ud-Dīn, of
Persia, unwisely sent 600 to his ancient foes.<a id="FNanchor_587" href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">587</a> But the
Turkoman’s innocent ally in his marauding expeditions
showed hardly any traces of Arab ancestry. He was
big, leggy, and narrow-chested, with a high crupper,
large head, and sloping quarters.<a id="FNanchor_588" href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">588</a> The neck and tail
showed none of the proud curves which characterise the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">277</span>
courser of Yemen. At short distances he was no match
for the English thoroughbred; but with careful training
and special diet he was able to amble for 60 or 70
miles a day for an almost unlimited period.<a id="FNanchor_589" href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">589</a> When
hard pressed, a Tekke has been known to travel with two
steeds at the rate of 160 miles a day, and even more.
The endurance of the horseman was even more remarkable,
for he could keep his saddle for twenty hours out
of the twenty-four during eight consecutive days.<a id="FNanchor_590" href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">590</a> The
Tekke stallions—mares were rarely ridden—were not
indulged in stabling, but picketed outside their owner’s
tent, and preserved against cold by layers of felt,<a id="FNanchor_591" href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">591</a> the
number of which increased with his age. They were
never removed without the greatest precaution, and
served to maintain the coat in a lustrous sheen, though
a knife and a piece of felt were the only substitutes for
the currycomb, brush, and clippers of Western stables.
On these coverings was placed the wooden saddle with a
high peak, which was covered with a piece of coloured
silk tied across the chest. The Turkoman’s warmest
affections were lavished on his steed, with whom he
would share the last drop of water, the last handful of
barley meal. The whip was carried merely for show,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">278</span>
and spurs were unknown. His attachment was repaid
by his dumb friend, whose fiercest encounter with another
stallion could be stayed by his master’s well-known
accents.</p>

<p>The daily life of the Turkoman varied with the
category to which he belonged. Those who adopted a
nomad existence were styled <i>Chomry</i>,<a id="FNanchor_592" href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">592</a> and dwellers in
fixed habitations <i>Charva</i>; but they passed from one stage
to the other at their own inclination, wealth being the
prevailing factor.<a id="FNanchor_593" href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">593</a> The nomads wandered on the banks
of the rivers and the limits of the desert where the
mountain streams had not been absorbed by the thirsty
sands. Their herds were their only wealth, and they
rarely pitched their felt abodes for more than three days
at any spot. The Chomry, or sedentary Turkomans,
dwelt for a portion of the year in fastnesses termed <i>kal`a</i>,
open spaces crowded with their tents, and fortified with
clay walls flanked by towers. Around them spread the
fields and gardens of the <i>aul</i>, in which barley, juwārī
(<i>holcus sorghum</i>), rice, and finely flavoured melons were
produced in abundance, thanks to the water distributed
by the <i>arīks</i>, or irrigation canals. In times of stress the
fortresses, which had but a single gate, formed places of
refuge. At the eve of the Russian conquest<a id="FNanchor_594" href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">594</a> the whole
Akkal oasis was covered with these strongholds. They
stretched in a single line, afterwards in two or more
lines, from Kizil Arvat to Askabad. The great stronghold
of Geok Teppe, destined to give the Russians so
much trouble, was situated in the broadest part of the
oasis; Askabad, now the headquarters of Transcaspia,
was a congeries of eight of these fortified villages.</p>

<p>The physiognomy of the Turkoman betrays the indelible<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">279</span>
Mongolian type. He is above the middle height,
of a dark olive complexion, with prominent cheek-bones,
and small almond eyes, shifty, and glittering with intelligence.<a id="FNanchor_595" href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">595</a>
His nose is generally broad and uplifted at
the extremity, his lips thick, and moustaches scanty.
The ears are very large, and stand up from the head.
The senses of smell and hearing are as strongly developed
as those of the Red Indian.<a id="FNanchor_596" href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">596</a> In the female the
Mongolian strain is even more visible. Their hair is
short, but very thick and coarse. In youth they are tall
and well formed, with every movement full of grace.<a id="FNanchor_597" href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">597</a>
Their rosy cheeks give a charm to features destined in
early middle-life to become a network of wrinkles. No
characteristic of savage life is so marked as the rapid
decay of beauty. The Turkoman dress has changed but
little since he met the Roman legionaries in battle grip.
It consists of a long crimson tunic of coarse Bokhāran
silk, with slender black and yellow combined stripes.<a id="FNanchor_598" href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">598</a>
Over this is worn a loose dressing-gown, termed <i>jabba</i>,
descending below the knee, of black or dark brown
material, which in summer is of cotton and in winter
of camel’s hair or wool. The wealthier adopt the Uzbeg
costume of several jabbas of coarse Bokhārā silk, confined
by waistbands of silk over a shirt and pantaloons
of the same material. The legs are covered with thick
socks of a checked pattern, and the feet with high metal-heeled<span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">280</span>
slippers just large enough to admit the insertion of
the toe. They are slow and ungraceful walkers, and show
to more advantage when on horseback. Then the jabba
is tucked into wide leather boots of a Hessian pattern,
giving a most ungainly appearance to the equestrian.
But the distinguishing mark of the Turkoman is his large
cylindrical head-covering of black sheep-skin, termed
kalpak. It is worn over a skull-cap fitting tightly to
the half-shaved head, and is far less heavy than its
appearance would imply. The women’s dress consists in
long floating skirts of red or blue silk.<a id="FNanchor_599" href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">599</a> The bosom is
covered with a sort of cuirass of silver plaques, coins
and amulets, the trophies of her husband’s prowess in
war or raids. The wealthier add bracelets of thick
silver, and collars with plates suspended therefrom, like
that worn by Jewish high priests. Married women
confine their stubborn locks in a small, round, embroidered
bonnet, while those of young girls cover their
shoulders. On occasions of ceremony a casque of open
silver-work is worn over a red cloth cap, giving a
Minerva-like appearance.<a id="FNanchor_600" href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">600</a> The face is partly covered
by the end of a silk mantila or <i>burunjak</i>.</p>

<p>The character of the Turkomans before the process
of Russification began was a compound of the virtues
and the vices to be found in half-tamed races of the
higher type. He has been branded as an irreclaimable
savage because he wrought untold misery on the helpless
populations within striking distance of his own den.</p>

<p>But no greater mistake can be made by the student
of ethics than to judge men of other nationalities by the
standard of right and wrong maintaining in our own.<a id="FNanchor_601" href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">601</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">281</span>
It would be as unjust to blame the Turkomans for the
bluntness of their moral sense in the matter of raids as
to condemn George Washington because he did not
think fit to emancipate his slaves. By dint of inherited
instinct the inhabitant of Merv and Akkal had come to
regard depredations as a necessary incident of his daily
life. His barbarous insensibility while engaged in an
<i>alaman</i> was not inconsistent with the exercise of solid
virtues. He was hospitable to a fault, and is so at the
present day, though the advent of Russians has sorely
curtailed his means. A stranger was made welcome to
the Tekke’s smoky kibitka, and was safe beneath its
shelter. He was invited to share the family meal, were
it thick cakes of unleavened bread pilaw,<a id="FNanchor_602" href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">602</a> compressed
curds, or rice boiled with sour milk. For his delectation
the tea-pot, the Persian watet-pipe,<a id="FNanchor_603" href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">603</a> the chess-board,
and the clarionet<a id="FNanchor_604" href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">604</a> were produced, and he was forced to
listen till dawn to tales of ancient prowess, to legends of
Iskandar and Tīmūr, those twin heroes of Central Asian
romance. And there was a strain of inbred nobility in
the nomad characters. They were robbers on occasion;
but they scorned to pilfer. Espionage was unknown
amongst them. Rarely, indeed, was the foul abuse so
common in Mohammedan countries heard from Tekke
lips. His most scathing epithet was “coward.” His
faults were those of other races which have not come<span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">282</span>
into contact with civilisation. He was greedy, self-indulgent,<a id="FNanchor_605" href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">605</a>
and prone to take every advantage possible
of a wealthy stranger. His childish curiosity and utter
disregard of that which is conventionally termed good
manners were equally conspicuous. In one essential,
indeed, which is rightly considered to indicate an advanced
culture, he shone by contrast with the people of
every other country governed by the Koran. His
women-folk were free from those restraints which dwarf
the intelligence and degrade the moral sense. They
went unveiled, and associated freely with the tribesmen
and even with sojourners in their tents. And yet the
standard of chastity was comparatively high; while in
times of stress the Tekke girls fought desperately by
their husbands’ side. It must be admitted that misdeeds
were punished with a dagger-thrust, and that, in a
Tekke’s affections, a wife ranks far below a horse. She
rose early to bake her husband’s bread, cooked and
fetched water for him, and presumed not to eat till he
had finished his meal. Her industry was extraordinary.<a id="FNanchor_606" href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">606</a>
Her embroidery was once a marvel of good taste, and
she still weaves carpets which are unrivalled in Asia for
beauty and durability. The superintendent of the state
domains at Bahrām `Alī, near Merv, has specimens which
are more than three centuries old and are yet as brilliant
as if they had just left the loom.<a id="FNanchor_607" href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">607</a> The method of
manufacture can be watched in every Turkoman village.</p>

<div id="ip_283" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 30.375em;">
  <img src="images/i_283.jpg" width="486" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">TURKOMAN MUSICIANS</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">283</span>
The warp is merely a piece of canvas pegged out on
the ground, with the transverse threads removed. The
weaver, who crouches over her handiwork, takes a pinch
of coloured wool and, with a deft twist of her fingers,
attaches it to one of the horizontal threads, pressing it
afterwards into position with a heavy wooden comb. It
is a curious fact that the intricate patterns are never
committed to paper, and have been handed down from
mother to daughter from generations unnumbered. The
marriage customs of the Turkomans are unique. Polygamy
is permitted by the Mohammedan law, but rarely
can a Tekke afford the separate kibitka and establishment
which any wife is entitled to demand. Wedded
life begins early—at fourteen or fifteen for males, and
in the case of girls before the age of puberty. As
married women wear no veils, a youth has little difficulty
in selecting his future bride. When a damsel has found
favour in his eyes he waits on her father and offers a
given price for her—slaves, horses, or cattle to the value
of £40 to £80. This essential once agreed upon, the
father-in-law presents the young couple with a new
kibitka, <i>āk ev</i>, untarnished by smoke, in which the
relatives assemble. Then a mullā recites a few verses
from the Koran—and the wedded pair are left to themselves.<a id="FNanchor_608" href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">608</a>
Should the price agreed on be not paid, at once
the bride returns to her parents after a brief honeymoon.
In old times her absence stimulated the youthful husband
to prowess in distant raids, which afforded the
only opportunity of gaining the needful wealth.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">284</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_V" class="vspace">CHAPTER V<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Last Step in Advance</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> ignominious campaign of 1861 was the last organised
effort put forward by Persia to protect her northern
provinces. Secure in a splendid strategic position,<a id="FNanchor_609" href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">609</a> the
Tekkes extended their devastations far and wide. When,
in 1871, a fearful famine<a id="FNanchor_610" href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">610</a> more than decimated the
population of Khorāsān, bands of Tekke horsemen took
advantage of their neighbours’ weakness to sweep the
entire province with their marauding parties. It would
have been an easy task to check the aggression which
depopulated the richest province of Persia and caused
incredible misery to the people. But so utterly corrupt
was the administration of the Shāh that the governing
class found its account in encouraging the perpetrators.
Troops were paid for by Government which existed only
on paper, and the local authorities shared in the Tekkes’
booty. The first effectual blow struck at this gigantic
machinery for plunder and oppression was the direct
result of the Khivan campaign of 1873. General Kauffman
had encountered some opposition from the Yomud<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">285</span>
Turkomans who ranged the desert of Khiva, and he was
not a man to tolerate half-measures. He waged a war
of extermination against this once powerful tribe, and
the ruthless cruelty that attended it struck terror throughout
the southern steppes. The Gokhlan Turkomans,
inhabiting the estuary of the Atrak and the rich valleys
behind it, had been brought to heel by an energetic
governor of the Persian province of Bajnard in 1869,<a id="FNanchor_611" href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">611</a>
and their piracies on the Caspian had been put down
with a strong hand by the Russian naval authorities.<a id="FNanchor_612" href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">612</a>
With the pacification of Khiva, too, came the formation,
in 1874, of a Transcaspian military district, subordinate
to the Caucasus,<a id="FNanchor_613" href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">613</a> which was placed under the governorship
of Major-General Lomakin. On the north-west the
Tekkes saw an iron wall arise which checked their
aggressions and was a standing menace to their independence.
Nor were the prospects in the west of their
habitat more encouraging. The Russian treaties with
Khiva and Bokhārā forbade slavery, and closed the
principal markets for the captives of their bow and spear.
In 1877 the Tekkes turned to Persia, and made her an
offer of their allegiance in return for support against the
white man’s encroachments. This contingency was not
to be regarded with equanimity by the Russians, for
they rightly considered the Turkomans as within the
sphere of influence of the Transcaspian district.<a id="FNanchor_614" href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">614</a> Nor
were commercial considerations wanting. Russia was
by this time the virtual mistress of the Khānates, and
was directly interested in the development of their trade;
but caravans were unable to cross the Turkoman Desert
while the nomads remained untamed, and were driven to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">286</span>
take circuitous routes in order to reach the commercial
centre of Orenburg.<a id="FNanchor_615" href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">615</a> And the authorities in St. Petersburg
were still dominated by the schemes first promulgated
by Peter the Great for diverting the course of the
Oxus into the Caspian, and regarded the Turkoman Desert
as a potential breeding-ground for cattle which would
supply the home markets with hides. The Tsar Alexander
<span class="smcap">II.</span> was thus led, much against his wish, to permit
his lieutenants to adopt a forward policy against the one
obstacle to the Russification of Central Asia. In the
spring of 1877 General Lomakin received orders to
occupy the Tekke fortress of Kizil Arvat,<a id="FNanchor_616" href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">616</a> 200 miles
east of Krasnovodsk. He set out on the 12th of
April with 9 companies of infantry, 2 squadrons of
Cossacks, and 8 guns, and soon came to blows with
the Tekkes. His artillery and arms of precision struck
terror into their hearts. They dispersed and afterwards
sent delegates from every village of the Akkal oasis to
offer submission; but Lomakin did not wait to receive it.
Seized with a sudden panic, he retreated on the 9th of
June. Then came the Russo-Turkish War, and the Tsar
had more than enough to occupy his attention nearer
home. The Turkomans were left unmolested for a
while,<a id="FNanchor_617" href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">617</a> but hardly had peace been restored ere measures
were concerted against the tribesmen. In April of that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">287</span>
year General Lazareff advanced with an expeditionary
force from Chikisliar, near the mouth of the Atrak, and
on his death, which took place at Chat, higher up that
river, command was assumed by General Lomakin. The
Kopet Dāgh Mountains were crossed by the Bendesen
Pass; and on 9th September an attack was delivered on
the Turkomans’ entrenched camp at Dangil Teppe,<a id="FNanchor_618" href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">618</a>
which contained 15,000 Tekke warriors, with 5000
women and children. The kibitkas, crowded within its
clay ramparts, were raked by artillery fire, and the
fugitives were driven back into this hell on earth by
Russian cavalry. On 9th September an attempt was
made to storm the stronghold, but, maddened by their
losses, and inspired by their women to resist, the Tekkes
fought like demons. Lomakin was defeated with a loss
of 450 killed and wounded, and retreated on Chikisliar
with the remains of his shattered force. The news of
his reverse was carried at lightning speed through the
length and breadth of Central Asia. Turkoman bands
made their appearance on the Amū Daryā, proclaiming
the victory with all the hyperbole which is a special gift
of Asiatics. They even presented the Khān of Khiva
with Russian rifles and revolvers abandoned during the
abortive siege of Dangil Teppe, alleging that the spoils
of war were so abundant that they had no use for them.<a id="FNanchor_619" href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">619</a>
Their raids were carried on with greater activity than
ever. At the commencement of 1880 a horde 3000
strong swept the banks of the Amū Daryā in Bokhāran
territory and plundered some villages close to the fortress
of Charjūy. The shock to Russian prestige can be compared<span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">288</span>
only to that suffered by ourselves when the news
of the Mirat rising in 1857 was flashed by telegraph
over India. Even the dauntless Skobeleff began to
despair of the destinies of his country. “If we consider
our position during the last six years,” he wrote to St.
Petersburg, “we cannot avoid regarding the abyss which
opens before us with terror, for it may well disorganise
the economic and political condition of the empire. The
English<a id="FNanchor_620" href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">620</a> have succeeded in convincing Asiatics that they
have forced us to stop before Constantinople and abandon
the Balkan peninsula. Thanks to their agents’ zeal, a
version of the Treaty of Berlin, very disadvantageous to
ourselves, has been spread throughout Asia. Great God,
what sacrifices of blood and honour will this peace, so
painful to Russian hearts, entail!” To this illustrious
soldier the Tsar turned in his perplexity. A better
choice could not have been made. Michael Dmitriavitch
Skobeleff was, at this epoch, in the prime of life,<a id="FNanchor_621" href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">621</a> and at
the zenith of his preternatural activity. His military
career had begun at the age of twenty, and, two years
later, he won his spurs during the Polish Rebellion.
Between 1871–1875 he was in the thick of Central Asian
affairs, one of the leaders against Khiva, and the conqueror
of Kokand. The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878
found employment for him nearer home. He commanded
the left wing at the storming of Plevna, and afterwards
took Adrianople; but experience and military genius are
of small avail without that magnetic personal attraction
which is inborn only in the greatest leaders. Skobeleff<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">289</span>
possessed this heaven-sent gift. “He was the God of
War personified,” said his trusted lieutenant, General
Kurapatkine; and his troops loved him with a passionate
ardour which no general has inspired since the days of
Napoleon. A conference took place in January 1880
between the Tsar Alexander II. and his brilliant subject,
followed by others at the Ministry of War presided over
by General Miliutine. The ways and means were fully
discussed. It became clear that the failure of 1879 was
due to defective transport. The camels on which General
Lomakin relied perished by thousands in the desert, and
he found himself, at a critical moment, without the means
of continuing the siege of Geok Teppe.<a id="FNanchor_622" href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">622</a> By one of
those happy inspirations which flash on the brain of men
of genius, Skobeleff was led to invoke the aid of steam.
He knew that the desert was a dead level, without rivers
to bridge, and that a scarcity of water was the only
difficulty before his engineers. Nay, his eagle eye
ranged far beyond the needs of the moment, and clearly
foresaw the advantages which would flow from a railway
connecting the Caspian and the Amū Daryā.<a id="FNanchor_623" href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">623</a> A special
railway battalion was formed, and materials for a portable
line on the Decauville system were brought to Uzun
Ada, the base on the Gulf of Michaelovsk. Before the
close of 1880 the section between that post and Mullā
Kārī, a distance of thirteen miles, was completed. The
control of the expedition was vested in the commander-in-chief
of the Caucasus, but a free hand was practically
given to Skobeleff, who was named “Temporary Commander<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">290</span>
of Troops operating in Transcaspia.” He
obtained full powers to prepare and execute military
operations, to negotiate with the neighbouring native
states, and to organise the administration of conquered
territories. Skobeleff knew that Orientals attach an
exaggerated importance to artillery. “To conquer,” he
said, “is to astonish.” Nothing has so marked an effect
in Asia as the thunder of great guns and the havoc
wrought by shell-fire. He stipulated for ten pieces of
artillery for every 10,000 of numerical strength. Lomakin’s
abortive attack on Dangil Teppe had demonstrated the
power possessed by dense masses of felt-covered kibitkas
to resist artillery fire. Skobeleff asked for and obtained
a large supply of shells charged with petroleum, which
masters the least inflammable materials. Lastly, a plentiful
supply of water is essential in a tract where the heavens
are clear for many consecutive months. A complete
distillery was established at Krasnovodsk, and it supplied
no less than 750,000 gallons daily to the troops. But
the personal equation overrides the most complete
material equipment. “In war,” said Napoleon, “men
are nothing; a man is everything.” The general bethought
him of one who had been the chief of his staff
in the recent struggle with Turkey, and had shown in
the darkest days of Plevna the noblest form of courage—that
which stands undismayed in the presence of disaster.
This was Colonel Alexis Kurapatkine, who is now
Minister of War at St. Petersburg. He was resting at
Samarkand from the fatigues of a recent campaign in
Kulja, on the Chinese frontier, but he hastened to obey
his loved master’s call. Starting from Samarkand in
November 1880, with a detachment 500 strong, he
hurried through Bokhārā to Charjūy, barely three days’
ride from the Tekke lair at Merv; then, fetching a long
détour by way of Khiva to avoid the Tekke bands with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">291</span>
which the desert swarmed, he joined headquarters on
24th December. Well might Skobeleff say of him,
“Kurapatkine is the only man capable of performing so
dangerous a mission.” The general’s staff was strengthened
by other great authorities in Central Asian warfare—Petrusevitch,
unrivalled for his knowledge of the
Turkomans; Grodekoff, and Leokovitch, professor at the
War Academy. Meantime Skobeleff had reached
Chikisliar in May, and after a general survey of the
situation had pushed forward to Bami, a Turkoman post
at the entrance of the Akkal oasis, which commands the
route by way of Chikisliar and Krasnovodsk, and is only
seventy miles from the capital, Geok Teppe. He occupied
this stronghold on the 10th of June, and on the 13th of
the following month advanced at the head of 1000
men to reconnoitre the enemy’s central settlement.
Arriving on the fourth day at Egman Batir, a Tekke
village six miles from Geok Teppe, he formed an
entrenched camp there and sallied forth to inspect the
Tekkes’ position. He found them crowded into three
camps, surrounded by clay ramparts. The fort at the
base of the hills was known as Yangi Kal`a; the second,
or central position, Dangil Teppe, from a mound at the
north-western corner; the third was an insignificant
collection of huts, called Geok Teppe, which, by a process
akin to that which has produced the nomenclature of
Arbela and Waterloo, has given its name to the scene of
the last great battle of Central Asia. Having ascertained
that the hornets’ nest could be taken only after a regular
siege, Skobeleff’s little band returned to Bami, which
had been christened Fort Samursk. He was harassed
during retirement by clouds of Turkomans, whose activity
in checking the arrival of supplies extended far into the
rear of the Russian advanced base at Kizil Arvat. The
ensuing months were occupied in active preparation for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">292</span>
the siege. A force of 12,000 men and 100 guns had
been summoned from the Caucasus, and the Russians
were engaged in completing the railway and providing
the vast mass of stores needed for a march through
300 miles of desert. In the beginning of December
1880 all preparations were completed, and Skobeleff
advanced in force, occupying all the Tekke settlements
in succession between Bami and Egman Batir, or
Samursk. He arrived at this point of vantage on the
16th December. A reconnaissance made on the following
day showed the majority of the foe massed in Dangil
Teppe, the central encampment, an irregular parallelogram
with an area of a square mile. It was surrounded by a
mud wall with a profile 18 feet thick, and 10 feet high
on the interior side, the exterior varying with the soil,
but averaging, perhaps, 15 feet; a ditch which could not
have been more than 4 feet deep. At the north-west
corner was the mound from which the fortress derived its
name, on which was planted the only piece of artillery
possessed by the Turkomans—an antiquated smooth-bore
captured from the Persians. The 30,000 Tekkes massed
within these rude entrenchments obtained water from a
stream which flowed through the place. This the
Russians intentionally refrained from diverting, lest the
quarry should desert its lair under cover of the night.
No forward movement was made for more than a week.
The interval was probably spent in forming depôts for
supplies; but it is, perhaps, more than a coincidence that
the next movement took place on the 24th December—the
day of Kurapatkine’s arrival from Samarkand. It
was a reconnaissance in force, which encountered a huge
mob of Turkomans, and was hard pressed until the
arrival of reinforcements. A further delay of eight days
followed, and then, on 1st January 1881, a fierce attack
was delivered on Yangi Kal`a, the encampment at the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">293</span>
foot of the cliffs, by 8000 troops in three columns,
with 52 pieces of cannon and 11 Hotchkiss machine
guns. The southern column, commanded by General
Kurapatkine, forced the entrenchment in the rear, and
compelled the Tekkes to evacuate Yangi Kal`a under a
terrific artillery fire and join the main body at Dangil
Teppe. Twice did the garrison sally forth to their
countrymen’s help, and when night fell they made a
determined attempt to recapture Yangi Kal`a, but on each
occasion they were driven back by the Russian artillery.
On the 3rd January the Russians removed their camp
from Samursk to that abandoned by the foe at Yangi
Kal`a, and the following day saw the first parallel laid
against Dangil Teppe, at a distance of 800 yards south
of the fortress. This movement provoked a sortie of the
garrison, who had been reinforced by 5000 warriors from
Merv. They fell with fury on the besiegers, and, seizing
their rifles with one hand, hacked them with their razor-like
blades, covering the soil in places with heads and
limbs. Nothing can be conceived more terrible than
their death-struggle at close quarters, from which arose
the clash of steel, shrieks, oaths, and shouts of “Allah,”
or “Hurrah.”<a id="FNanchor_624" href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">624</a></p>

<div id="ip_292" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_292.jpg" width="600" height="384" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">VIEW FROM THE INTERIOR OF THE FORT OF GEOK TEPPE</div></div>

<p>On the Russian left flank more than 300 dead bodies
remained as witnesses of the Tekkes’ heroic but useless
courage. This encounter cost the besiegers one of their
best and most valiant officers, Colonel Petrusevitch, to
whom we are indebted for most of our knowledge of
Turkomania at the eve of its conquest. The second
parallel was laid on the 4th January, and five days later
another determined sortie was made by the beleaguered
Tekkes. At dusk they poured into the second parallel,
which was held by 2600 men, and took possession of
the outworks and trenches, destroying the artillerymen<span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">294</span>
and capturing four mountain guns and three regimental
standards. But the reserves were hurried up from the
camp at Yangi Kal`a, and after a fearful struggle the
trenches were reoccupied, and all but one of the lost guns
were regained. On the 10th of January the Tekke outposts
were seized after severe fighting; but at half-past
eight the besieged made a third sortie. They stormed a
redoubt on the left flank, cut to pieces the artillerymen
and a company of Transcaspian rifles who defended it,
and dragged the two cannon which it contained towards
the trenches. The Russian reserves again deprived them
of the fruit of victory; for one mountain gun only,
rendered useless by the removal of the breech-piece, was
carried off by the Tekkes.<a id="FNanchor_625" href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">625</a> The time chosen by the
besieged for these very effective operations was always
the dark hour between sunset and the rise of the young
moon. They inspired such terror that it was difficult to
induce the young soldiers to await the Tekkes’ onslaught.
The night of the 16th January was marked by the last
of these mighty encounters, but experience had taught
the Russians many a bitter lesson, and their tactics
rendered the heroic bravery of their opponents useless.<a id="FNanchor_626" href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">626</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">295</span>
On the 16th the sap had been pushed within twenty-four
yards of the east side of the entrenchments.
Breaching began on the 20th; and while a heavy fire
was concentrated on a spot near the south-eastern angle,
a perfect hail of petroleum shells was thrown on the
dense mass of kibitkas packed into the Tekke enclosure.
Fearful must have been the sufferings of the 7000
women and children who had sought refuge there.
Every part of the works was searched by the fragments
of shell and streams of unextinguishable flame. The
traveller who visits the scene of this battle of the giants is
filled with wonder that an undisciplined mob should have
held out for three weeks with defences so paltry. Their
stubbornness inspired respect in Skobeleff himself, who
was as ready as all really brave men are to render justice
to a gallant foe. In a proclamation addressed to his
troops on the eve of the final assault, he told them that
they were face to face with a people “full of courage and
honour.”<a id="FNanchor_627" href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">627</a> But the end was drawing near. Not only was
the breach reported to be practicable on the 23rd, but a
mine had been driven under the eastern face about one
hundred yards from the angle, which was charged with
dynamite by a party of volunteers after nightfall. At
seven on the morning of the 24th of January 1881 four
columns formed for the assault, commanded respectively
by General Skobeleff in person, and by Colonels
Kozelkoff, Kurapatkine, and Gaidaroff. The signal was
given by a vast column of smoke attended by a dull roar
which rose from the eastern front. It proclaimed the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">296</span>
explosion of the mine, which levelled 300 feet of the
rampart, and overwhelmed several hundreds of the
defenders. Instantly the force under Gaidaroff sprang
forward and escaladed the parapet on the south-western
angle. This was intended to be a feigned attack, but it
soon developed into a serious one. Pushing northwards,
Gaidaroff captured the mound which commanded the
camp, and thus convinced the defenders of the impossibility
of further resistance. In the meantime the other
columns had swarmed through the breaches caused by
the mine and the artillery fire, and climbed the parapet on
the southern side between the two. The hand-to-hand
encounter was brief, for the position was clearly untenable.
O’Donovan, who watched the attack from a
spur of the Kopet Dāgh twelve miles off, saw a cloud of
horsemen issuing in disorder from the northern side,
followed by a confused mass of fugitives.<a id="FNanchor_628" href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">628</a> The Russian
flag waved on the mound which gave Dangil Teppe its
name. It was planted at a cost to the assailants of
1200 men<a id="FNanchor_629" href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">629</a> killed and wounded, out of a total engaged
of 8000. That undergone by the garrison will never be
accurately known. Four thousand bodies were found in
the enclosure, and Skobeleff admitted that a flying
column pursued and hacked the fugitives for ten miles.<a id="FNanchor_630" href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">630</a>
General Kurapatkine estimates that the enemy lost 9000
out of a total of 30,000. He strenuously denies the oft-repeated
allegation that Tekke women and children were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">297</span>
intentionally slaughtered. The Russians, he states, did not
wilfully kill a single non-combatant, though, of course,
many must have perished from the hail of petroleum
shells which were poured for three weeks into the doomed
enclosure. So anxious, he affirms, were his countrymen
to avoid shedding innocent blood, that on the eve of the
assault the garrison were formally summoned to send
their families to a distance. The Turkomans’ reply was
characteristic: “If you want our wives and children,”
they said, “you must step over our corpses to seize
them.” Fireside theorists are apt to reprobate the
bloodshed of Geok Teppe and the slaughter of the
wounded foe at Omdurman as unworthy of civilisation.
A superficial acquaintance with the Asiatic character
would convince them that an extreme application of the
Virgilian <i>debellare superbos</i> is the least cruel policy which
can be adopted in dealing with the forces of savagery
and fanaticism. Geok Teppe was the last stronghold of
Central Asian independence, and its capture must rank
among the decisive battles of the world. While civilisation
gained by the Russian victory, it is impossible to
refuse sympathy to those who were crushed by its giant
forces. With the conquest of Turkomania a national
entity disappeared for ever which had been preserved
intact during ages of change and retained many noble
qualities. The world is the poorer by the disappearance
of such types, and by the gradual reduction of all mankind
to a dead level devoid of colour and charm. The news
was received with dismay by the population of the
Khānates, who still cherished hopes of regaining
independence. Geok Teppe inspired the most bigoted of
Russia’s foes with a conviction of the hopelessness of
battling against the decree of fate; and to the lesson thus
learnt is due the unbroken tranquillity which reigned for
eighteen years in Central Asia. The Shāh of Persia<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">298</span>
hailed the extirpation of the hornets’ nest with joy. He
saw his northern provinces delivered from a terrible
scourge, and peace restored to a rich territory which the
corruption and incapacity of his own government was
unable to protect. Thus he at once acceded to a suggestion
made by the Russian ambassador, M. Zinovieff,
that the left bank of the Atrak, which had been virtually
annexed, should be ceded to Persia in return for the
abandonment of her rather shadowy rights as suzerain
over the Merv oasis, and for authority to push the
Transcaspian Railway through territory which was still
nominally subject to her sway.<a id="FNanchor_631" href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">631</a> The absorption by
Russia of the whole area inhabited by the conquered race
was but a matter of time. The Akkal oasis was hers
by right of conquest, and it remained to add that of
Merv to the long list of her conquests. The way was
paved for this measure by diplomacy, the agent being
an astute Mohammedan named Alikhanoff.<a id="FNanchor_632" href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">632</a> He was a
native of Dāghistan in the Caucasus, and had won the
rank of colonel by gallantry in the field. Alikhanoff
found a potent ally in the person of the once beautiful
Gul Jamāl, widow of the last great chieftain, Nūr Verdi
Khān, who enjoyed universal respect, due alike to her
own force of character and the memory of her husband’s
exploits. Her persuasion was seconded by a military
demonstration which took place on December 1883,
under Colonel Masloff; and, on the 31st January 1884,
124 delegates from the various settlements of the Merv
oasis, headed by the four tribal chiefs, met at Askabad,
which had been recently created the headquarters of the
Transcaspian military district. Here they solemnly swore
fidelity to the Tsar in the presence of the governor-general,
Komaroff. A recrudescence of the old lawless
spirit followed, which was prompted by an Afghan adventurer,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">299</span>
but it was stifled on the 3rd of March by military
force. In the following May, Prince Dondukoff-Korsakoff,
governor-general of the Caucasus, paid a formal visit to
the latest and not the least valuable trophy of Russian
diplomacy, and was able to report to his imperial master
that the inhabitants of the oasis had willingly acknowledged
his sway. Soon afterwards the Sārik tribe,
numbering 65,000, who inhabited the Yolatan oasis thirty-six
miles south of Merv, tendered their submission, and
that of the tribes between Giaour and Sarakhs followed.</p>

<p>The tract over which Russia had gained mastery was
a parallelogram lying between the Oxus and the Harī
Rūd, which washes the walls of Herāt, and in Turkomania
is known as the Tajand. The western boundary marched
with that of Persia, and at its northern extremity was
defined by Old Sarakhs, a Turkoman village perched on
an elevation which commanded a once thickly peopled
country extending northwards to Merv. Old Sarakhs
was easily accessible by wheeled traffic from Puli Khatan,
a village on the left bank of the Harī Rūd, thirty-three
miles from the Zū-l-Fikār Pass, through which the Tekke
hordes had often poured into Khorāsān. To the east
of this defile lay the Paropamisus range, a double spur of
the Kūh-i-Bābā Mountains, which consists of low rolling
hills covered with asafœtida and thistles.<a id="FNanchor_633" href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">633</a> The northern
flank of the Paropamisus gives rise to the Murghāb,
which fertilises Merv, and its confluent the river Kushk.
The country between these streams and the Harī
Rūd was known as the Bādghīs,<a id="FNanchor_634" href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">634</a> and is described by
Lessar as presenting the appearance of a stormy sea<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">300</span>
suddenly reduced to solidity. In 1884 it had been
ruined by Tekke incursions. A few thousand Jamshīdīs
still clung to the rich valley of the Kushk, where they
had been planted by Nādir Shāh in the eighteenth
century as a bulwark against Turkoman aggression,
and are described as a peaceable nomad race famed for
their breed of horses.<a id="FNanchor_635" href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">635</a> On the north-west of this forlorn
tract stood Bālā Murghāb, an Afghan fortress commanding
the road to Maymena; and thirty-five miles farther
north the village of Panjdih towered above an oasis
with an area of 170 square miles, peopled by the Sārik
Turkomans. Afghanistan lay to the south of the
debatable land. Its natural boundary was defined by
the Paropamisus, and only eighty miles beyond them
lay Herāt. This city had played a great part in history.
It was regarded as the key to Afghanistān; the only
serious obstacle to a successful invasion of India from
the north-west; and its citadel had been fortified in
1838 under the supervision of British officers. Nor was
the importance of Herāt confined to its strategic position.
It was the emporium of Central Asian trade, and the
centre of a well-watered and fertile country. Thus the
value to Russia of her latest acquisition was immense.
In Merv she possessed a region which had been once the
most fertile on the world’s surface, and needed but
settled government to resume its ancient importance.
The ill-defined area which she claimed to the south of
the Merv oasis commanded the richest province of
Persia and the north of Afghanistān. It was inevitable
that the news of its impending appropriation should
excite a storm of indignation in England, where every
step of the Russian advance was watched with the
keenest suspicion. An attempt to propitiate public
feeling had been made as far back as 1882, when<span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">301</span>
Russia proposed a joint commission to demarcate the
northern boundary of Afghanistān, and at that time
she would doubtless have accepted a line drawn
from Khwāja Sālih on the Oxus to Sarakhs. But the
Government then in power was not inclined to raise so
delicate a question, and it was not until June 1884,
when the situation had been radically modified by the
conquest of Turkomania, that the proposal found acceptance.
A joint commission was appointed in July,
charged with the duty of laying down the disputed
boundary. It was headed on the British side by General
Sir Peter Lumsden, who had won distinction in India;
while General Zelenoi was directed to watch over the
interests of Russia. Sir Peter traversed Afghanistān,
with the Amīr `Abd er-Rahmān’s permission, escorted
by a little army of 500 strong with twice as many
camp followers. This demonstration, for such it was,
excited the suspicion of Lieutenant-General Komaroff,<a id="FNanchor_636" href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">636</a>
the military governor of Transcaspia, and General
Zelenoi was directed to return to Tiflis. In the meantime
the explorations of Lessar in the valleys of the
Murghāb and Kushk had led Russia to modify her
claims. It was contended at the conference which
followed that she should be allotted an ethnological
frontier, based on the submission rendered by the
Sāriks inhabiting the Panjdih oasis. The British
representative, on the other hand, declined to recognise
any other boundary than one based on natural conditions
which excluded from Russian sway all territory
south of an imaginary line drawn from Old Sarakhs to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">302</span>
Khwāja Sālih on the Oxus. The Gordian knot was
cut by the Afghans, who, encouraged by the presence
on the Murghāb of the small British force attending Sir
Peter Lumsden, moved northwards and occupied Bālā
Murghāb and the disputed oasis of Panjdih. This
aggression elicited warm protests from Russia; and,
according to her wont, she brought material force to the
aid of diplomacy. General Komaroff occupied Pul-i-Khatun,
the Zū-l-Fikār Pass, and Ak Rabāt; and, on
February 1885, he took possession of Pul-i-Kishti, at
the edge of the Panjdih oasis. The alarm excited in
England was intense. Engineers were despatched to
place the fortifications of Herāt in a state of defence;
arms and ammunition were poured into Afghan arsenals,
and troops were massed under General (afterwards Lord)
Roberts on the north-western boundary of India. The
match was laid to the train by Lieutenant-General
Komaroff. On the 30th of March 1885 his little force
of 1200 men all told<a id="FNanchor_637" href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">637</a> attacked and routed an Afghan
mob 46,000 strong with six guns, which latter fell into
Komaroff’s hands.<a id="FNanchor_638" href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">638</a> The discomfited Afghans at once
retired to Merūchak, at the eastern extremity of the
oasis. The skirmish, for such it was, aroused a storm
in England, and war was considered inevitable. Parliament
voted unanimously a credit of £11,000,000
sterling for military preparations; while Russia called into
existence a Volunteer Fleet, with the object of preying
upon our commerce. Happily for the tranquillity of Asia,
the two greatest Powers were led to pause ere they
appealed to the awful arbitration of arms. General<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">303</span>
Lumsden and his ablest coadjutor, Captain Yates, used
their influence with the Afghans to prevent a recurrence
of the untoward accident of the 30th of May; while the
tact of the latter prompted him to open overtures which
were completely successful. Diplomacy, thus assisted,
won a peaceful triumph, and a basis for the demarcation
of the frontier was agreed upon. The process was
completed at the close of 1886, and in the April of the
following year the British and Russian representatives
met at St. Petersburg. The outcome of their deliberation
was, on the whole, favourable to Russia. She
obtained the right bank of the Harī Rūd as far as the
Zū-l-Fikār Pass, and the valleys of the Bādghīs south of
and including the Panjdih oasis.</p>

<p>The southern boundary of her Asiatic possessions
has advanced to a point within fifty-three miles of Herāt
as the crow flies, and separated by no natural obstacle
of importance from that great commercial and strategic
centre. On the other hand, the Amīr of Bokhārā surrendered
to the Afghans the rich pastures on the left
bank of the Amū Daryā south of Khwāja Sālih. Russia
has loyally accepted the work performed by the Boundary
Commission, and has concentrated her energies during
the eleven years which have intervened in developing
the commerce and improving the administration of the
rich possessions thus added to her empire.</p>

<p>The successful issue of this enterprise led, in 1895,
to the appointment of a mixed commission to demarcate
the spheres of English and Russian influence on the
Pamirs. The boundaries of the three Asiatic empires
meet in those stupendous hills, but their difficulty of
access had hitherto precluded any attempt to lay them
down authoritatively. The English representatives,
under the direction of Sir M. G. Gerard, K.C.S.I.,
left India on the 30th June; and, a month later, they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">304</span>
met their Russian colleagues on the shore of Lake
Victoria, a wild mountain tarn which gives birth to the
Oxus. No time was lost in tracing the boundary prescribed
in an agreement entered into between the two
Powers. Starting from the eastern side of the lake, it
follows the crest of the Sarikol range until the Chinese
frontier is reached. “From the sixth mile,” wrote Sir
T. Holdich, K.C.I.E., the chief survey officer, “a rugged
and inaccessible spur of the Sarikol range carried the
boundary into regions of perpetual ice and snow to
its junction with the main range. Here, amidst a
solitary wilderness, 20,000 feet above sea-level, absolutely
inaccessible to man, and within the ken of no
living creature except the Pamir eagles, the three great
empires actually meet. No more fitting tri-junction
could possibly have been found.”</p>

<p>The cordiality which marked the relations between the
subjects of Queen and Tsar was even more marked than on
the earlier occasion. On their arrival at the scene of action
the travel-worn Britons were hospitably received in the
Russian camp, and a feeling of good-fellowship was then
and there engendered which never afterwards grew cold.
The scanty leisure left the commissioners by their duty
of traversing ninety miles of the most difficult country
in the world was devoted to races and shooting-matches.</p>

<p>The Kirghiz of the Russian escort astonished our
countrymen by their prowess at ulak, a struggle on
horseback for a goat, similar to the Bokhāran game
of baigha. The Cossacks, too, displayed their wondrous
equestrian skill. August 3rd, the name-day of
the Dowager-Empress of Russia, was the occasion of
an outdoor service, and the sweet plaintive melody of
the anthems of the Greek Church never sounded so
impressively as it did on those remote mountain heights.<a id="FNanchor_639" href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">639</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">305</span>
Every lover of his country will re-echo the hope expressed
by the Russian commissioner at a farewell banquet given
to his colleagues on 11th September 1895, that “the
agreement just concluded would be the beginning of more
cordial relations between the two countries, and of a
better understanding of their national aims and desires.”</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">306</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_VI" class="vspace">CHAPTER VI<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Central Asian Railways</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> conception of a railway between the Caspian and the
heart of Asia took shape, as we have seen, during the
campaign of Geok Teppe, when a little portable line
between the base and a point thirteen miles inland was
of good service to the transport. The new railway
battalion redoubled its efforts after the fall of the Tekke
stronghold, and before the close of 1885 the line had
been carried as far inland as the large Turkoman village
of Kizil Arvat, 135 miles from the Caspian. A mighty
impulse was given to schemes for railway extension by
the cession of the Merv oasis in 1884. The entire
area between the Caspian and the Amū Daryā was now
in Russian hands, and there were no political and few
natural obstacles to delay the construction of a railway
which should connect the great arteries of traffic. But
the advisers of the Tsar were by no means unanimous
in approving of the enterprise. A strong party favoured
the canalisation of the Amū Daryā, and an attempt to
divert its stream to its ancient channel, which entered the
Caspian at Krasnovodsk. Another faction pointed to the
vast results achieved in India by the network of railways,
which enables a European military force barely
60,000 strong to dominate 250,000,000 Asiatics; and
urged the necessity of providing the means of rapid
transport of troops and material between the Caucasus<span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">307</span>
and the new strategic bases. Foremost among the latter
was General Annenkoff, who enjoyed great influence at
St. Petersburg, due less to family connections than to
his experience in the construction of railway lines.<a id="FNanchor_640" href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">640</a>
His opinion was reinforced by events in the Merv oasis,
for the collision with Afghanistān in 1884 convinced the
stubbornest advocates for water-carriage that a post of
vital importance could not be held without the assistance
of a railway. In April 1885 an imperial ukase directed
the construction of a line on the standard gauge between
the Caspian and the new territories, and charged its
designer with the duty of carrying it into execution and
studying the question of extensions. General Annenkoff’s
first care was to devise a system calculated to economise
time and transport, and peculiarly adapted to countries
which present few obstacles to the engineer. A temporary
line was to be laid with the utmost speed, over
which the materials and labour for completing the task
might be conveyed at leisure. The accommodation of the
personnel was of equal importance. The supervising
staff consisted of three engineers-in-chief and an army of
subordinates, military and civil, selected for their exceptional
ability and vigour. Under their orders were two
battalions of railway operatives on a strictly military
basis. The second of these was recruited at Moscow by
the general himself; and both corps showed a devotion
to their arduous duties which it would be difficult to
parallel. The scarcity of water in the desert precluded
the possibility of forming camps at intervals or working<span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">308</span>
in sections. By a brilliant intuition Annenkoff conceived
the idea of a camp on wheels, which would move onwards
as the work progressed, and be furnished with provisions
and material by construction trains. It contained everything
needful for comfort and efficiency. There were
carriages for the office staff; dormitories and restaurants
in two-storeyed cars, a telegraph carriage, and a saloon for
the director, resembling the cabin on a man-of-war in the
compactness and modest luxury of its fittings. Each
vehicle communicated with the others by means of
covered passages; and due attention was paid to ventilation
and warming. Work began on the 30th of June
1885. The rails<a id="FNanchor_641" href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">641</a> were spiked down to the sleepers
without the aid of chairs, and the rolling camp moved
forwards at a speed which was ultimately four miles a
day. When Kizil Arvat had thus been reached the soil
ahead was levelled by 22,000 Tekke labourers, whom
stern necessity had compelled to exchange their long
knives for spades and sacks.<a id="FNanchor_642" href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">642</a> The rails and sleepers,
brought from the base daily by a portable railway on the
Decauville system, were rapidly laid on the soil thus
prepared. Water in this dry and thirsty land is of
prime importance. It was provided at Uzun Ada, the
Caspian terminus, by a huge distilling apparatus. At
other points the streams issuing from the distant hills
were diverted into reservoirs, whence the precious liquid
was carried to the line in pipes. At Merv the source of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">309</span>
supply was a canal connected with the Murghāb. The
waterless tracts were supplied from the nearest spring in
immense wooden tubs placed on trucks. To avoid the
interruption in the flow of materials due to the closure of
the Volga by thick-ribbed ice, great depôts were formed
at Merv, Charjūy, and, later, at Bokhārā, while the
minutest care was given to perfecting every portion of
the complicated mechanism.</p>

<div id="ip_307" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 24.5625em;">
  <img src="images/i_307.jpg" width="393" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption"><span class="smcap">DIVANIS or DERVISHES</span></div></div>

<p>The comfort and efficiency of the directing and the
subordinate staff were the subject of equal anxiety. The
labourers, whether Russian soldiers or natives of the soil,
worked in shifts of six hours, and were free for eighteen
hours out of the twenty-four to enjoy repose in their
moving barracks and kibitkas. The sleepless activity of
the chief was contagious, and his behests were obeyed
with a devotion which few generals on the field have
commanded. But when the arduous day’s work in the
burning sun or the icy blast was done, the sturdy
Russians were wont to break into song. Beautiful,
indeed, was the effect of their melody wafted on the
still desert air; and finer still the spectacle afforded by
groups of the toilers, their faces glowing with the ruddy
bivouac fire, while from their midst came the rhythmic
strain of some chant, now breathing profound melancholy,
and anon rising high in notes of fierce martial passion.
General Annenkoff justly said that “one of the sources
of Russian strength is that we are a singing people.”<a id="FNanchor_643" href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">643</a>
And thus the work of piercing these hitherto unknown
steppes was pushed onwards with a rapidity which was
the wonder and envy of Europe. Merv, 352 miles from
Kizil Arvat, was reached in fourteen months. The
arrival of the latest product of civilisation at the old
robbers’ lair was made the occasion of brilliant fêtes, and
six weeks of rest were given to the toil-spent men.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">310</span>
The works on the section between Merv and Charjūy
began on August 1886. Here the engineers had to
encounter an obstacle even more formidable than Chat
Moss presented to George Stephenson. This was the
famous sandy tract—a stretch of nearly sixty miles
extending to a strip of land fertilised by the great river.
It resembles nothing so closely as the mountains of the
moon as seen through a powerful telescope. The eye
ranges over a boundless expanse of sandhills covered in
the near foreground with camels’ grass. Here, when the
wind blows fresh, the air becomes charged with sand,
which blinds the drivers and accumulates in deep drifts
on the line of rail. At such times night-running is
suspended, and detentions of several days are frequent.
The construction of stone galleries was at first considered
inevitable, but the expense involved was prohibitive.
The desired object has, to some extent, been achieved by
planting the saxaul, a gnarled shrub which thrives on
the desert soil and throws out spreading roots for many
feet. On the Merv and Charjūy section, too, the earthwork
was far heavier than had hitherto been encountered,<a id="FNanchor_644" href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">644</a>
and it is highly creditable to the engineering staff that
141 miles should have been completed in little more
than four months.</p>

<p>Hitherto the bridging operations had been of no
great importance. The river Tajand, at the 434th mile,
had been spanned by a wooden viaduct of 348 feet water-way;
and the Murghāb, at Merv, by a similar structure
with an opening of 197 feet. Charjūy is 664 miles from
the Caspian, and stands on the left bank of the Oxus, or
Amū Daryā, incomparably the mightiest river in Central
Asia, and worthy to rank with the Ganges and the Nile.
At Charjūy it is a mile and a quarter wide, and in
all characteristics it resembles the Mississippi and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">311</span>
rivers of the Gangetic Delta. All have the same wide
fringe of sand on either side, covered in portions with fertilising
silt, the same islands clad with long reeds and
juniper, the same tendency to shift their banks. At present
the Amū Daryā’s main channel has swung to the eastern
bank, and its dull red stream surges with a perilous
velocity. The cost of a steel viaduct at so vast a distance
from the manufacturing centres was not to be faced, and
nothing remained but to attempt a wooden structure.
Happily for the Russian engineers, a stratum of tenacious
clay underlies the sandy bed at no great depth, and
afforded a secure resting-place for the timber piles.
These numbered 3330, and were all brought from Russia
by rail. The first was driven into the river bed in June
1887, and so intense was the energy of the working staff
that on the 18th January 1888, little more than six
months after its commencement, the Amū Daryā was
opened for traffic.<a id="FNanchor_645" href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">645</a> In spite of its fragile construction,
this work must rank with the greatest feats of modern
engineering. The vast distances from which every
portion of the material was brought, the rapidity and
treacherous nature of the stream, and the unforeseen
difficulties grappled with at every step, conspire to render
the Amū Daryā bridge a conspicuous triumph of skill and
energy over the blind forces of nature. The Englishman
cannot view this grand work, dwindling to a mere point as
its interminable length spans the broad river, without a
feeling of respect for the men who carried it into execution.
We have shown the world that nothing is impossible
to modern science, and we can best appreciate the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">312</span>
noble qualities evinced by General Annenkoff and the
devoted band which toiled to execute his grandiose
conceptions.</p>

<p>The Amū Daryā bridge is 4600 yards in length,
including the approaches. The water-way is 2270
yards, and a permanent way is laid 35 feet above the
mean river-level. The small cost of the structure is not
its least recommendation. Official statistics place it at
£44,000, without, however, reckoning the cost of transport
and the pay of the railway battalion engaged in
erecting it. The whole is of wood; and it is impossible
to look down on the rapid current swirling round the
piles without a feeling of wonder that so frail a structure
should have borne the strain of eleven years. But fire is
a far more dangerous foe than water. The rainfall at
Charjūy is insignificant, and the mass of bristling piles as
dry as touchwood. It is crossed daily by trains drawn
by locomotives burning petroleum fuel, and boats loaded
with inflammables constantly pass beneath. There are six
fire-stations, and the bridge is patrolled night and day;
but all protective measures would be useless if the flames
once took hold. It is this consideration which has
induced the authorities to face the immense expense
involved in a steel girder bridge.</p>

<p>A pause of three months followed the conquest of
this great barrier; and, in September 1887, the engineers
attacked the last portion of their task—the 216 miles
between the Amū Daryā and Samarkand. They were
aided by a third railway battalion 1000 strong, incorporated
in 1886, and posted at Charjūy in the beginning
of the following year. The final section, however,
was mere child’s play as compared with those already
traversed. After passing through 28 miles of desert, the
line enters at Kara Kūl on a cultivated zone, watered by
the river Zarafshān and its affluents, which extends as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">313</span>
far as the terminus at Samarkand. The capital of
Tamerlane was reached in May 1888, and on the 1st of
the succeeding month trains began running with regularity
between the Caspian and Samarkand, a distance of 879
miles.<a id="FNanchor_646" href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">646</a> General Annenkoff’s achievement was rewarded
with the generous appreciation meted out to every Russian
servant of the state who distinguishes himself by devotion
to duty. “During three years,” wrote his imperial
master in a rescript dated 5th July 1888, “you have
worked with the energy which distinguishes you in
accomplishing the task, sparing neither health nor
strength in a constant struggle with natural obstacles
which seemed almost insuperable. In just recompense
for the service you have rendered to the state, we
have granted you the insignia in diamonds of the Order
of St. Alexander Nevsky, which we command you to
wear according to regulations.”<a id="FNanchor_647" href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">647</a> In thus hailing the
completion of a line linking the Caspian with Samarkand
the Tsar could hardly have foreseen the vast economic
results of General Annenkoff’s enterprise. Its inception
was due to considerations of politics and strategy,—if
the Central Asian Railway would rob the desert of its
terrors, strengthen Russia’s hold on the newly conquered
territory, and give the means of overawing Persia and
Afghanistān; and so it was treated as a military work
and placed under the governor of Transcaspia, who was
himself subordinate to the Minister of War. But trains
had hardly begun to run ere merchants and passengers<span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">314</span>
flocked to the station; goods accumulated in masses
which defied the slender means of transport. In 1893,
185,000 tons of merchandise and material were carried;
and in 1897 the volume dealt with aggregated 249,000.<a id="FNanchor_648" href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">648</a>
Trade left its old channels and poured into that which
gave merchants steamer communication with the great
consuming centres and the seaboard. Tea, which cheers
the nomad as well as his civilised brother, no longer
enters Central Asia through Afghanistān. It is transhipped
at Bombay into steamers which convey it to
Batum. Thence it crosses the Caucasus by rail and
the Caspian by steamer, and finds the terminus of the
Central Asian Railway at Krasnovodsk. This trade is of
very recent growth. In 1893 none travelled by rail;
in 1897 no less than 6,192,000 pounds. The commerce
with Russia has been equally affected. The wool and
cotton worked up in Moscow factories no longer reaches
them by camel caravan; while the manufactured beet-sugar
and drugs so largely in demand in the Khānates
travel by the new route. That the railway should have
profoundly modified the whole course of Central Asian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">315</span>
commerce is a natural outcome of the line selected by
the Tsar’s advisers. It follows the principal channel
whence the silks, sugars, and stuffs of India and China
poured into Europe during the ages illumined by
Greek culture, and moulded by the governing instincts of
Rome. Balkh in Northern Afghanistān was a rendezvous
for caravans from the south and east. Thence the goods
find water-way to the Oxus, and so, by its ancient course,
to the Balkan Bay on the Caspian. The precious wares
were carried in small vessels across that sea to the
embouchure of the Cyrus, now the Kura, 90 miles south
of the modern town of Baku. Here they were transhipped
into canoes and dragged up stream to the foot
of the Suran Pass. At this point the light vessels were
carried, with their contents, 40 miles over the mountain
to the river Kvirilla, a confluent of the Phasis,<a id="FNanchor_649" href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">649</a> now
called the Riom, which discharges into the Black Sea
near the fever-haunted port of Poti. A glance at the
map will reveal the identity of this ancient highway of
trade with that followed by the railway systems of the
Caucasus and the regions beyond the Caspian.<a id="FNanchor_650" href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">650</a> The
revolution has been recognised by the Russian authorities,
and the Central Asian railways have now lost their
exclusively military character, and have passed under
the direction of the Minister of Ways and Communications.
They will eventually have a central administration<span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">316</span>
at Tashkent, and be managed by the governor-general
at Turkestān.<a id="FNanchor_651" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">651</a> The unlooked-for success which has
attended the opening of the trunk line has given a great
impetus to extensions. In 1895, works were commenced
for branches connecting Samarkand with Tashkent, the
Calcutta of Central Asia, and Andijān in Farghāna, a
point near the Chinese frontier, and little more than
300 miles due north of Chitral. The length of these
sections is 401 miles; their cost has been £2,743,000,
or £6840 for each running mile, exclusive of rolling stock.</p>

<p>The line to Andijān follows pretty closely the old
trade-route eastwards, crossing the Zarafshān by a
viaduct 392 feet long, near the remains of the famous
bridge attributed to Tīmūr, and passing the towns of
Jizāk, Khojend, and Kokand. At Khavast, 110 miles
west of Samarkand, a branch runs to Tashkent which
traverses the Sir Daryā at Chināz by a wooden bridge, on
the Oxus model, 1120 feet in length. Another bifurcation
connects the main line at Khwāja Maghiz with New
Marghilān. The engineers have encountered enormous
difficulties in the construction of these branches, arising
from the fact that they run at right angles to the watershed
of the country. The innumerable torrents which
pour down the mountain flanks on either side cause
extensive inundations during the rainy season. The
water-way on this section is greater than on any other
portion of the line of equal length, and heavy protective
works have been deemed necessary to divert the floods
into the channels provided for them. The activity with
which the construction was pushed forward may be
gauged by the fact that 63,000 tons of railway material<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">317</span>
were carried over the trunk line between July 1897 and
May of the following year. The extensions will serve a
rich and thickly peopled country, and open up the vast
mineral wealth of the mountain system whence the
Zarafshān takes its rise. An annual movement of goods
to the extent of 240,000 tons is predicted, which will
increase by leaps and bounds when the great irrigation
works now under construction in Farghāna are completed.
Another branch line has been constructed
between Merv and Kushk, on the Afghan frontier, a
distance of 192 miles. It follows the left bank of the
Murghāb as far as Pul-i-Kishti at the embouchure of the
river Kushk, and the latter up to the Russian cantonment
bearing that name.<a id="FNanchor_652" href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">652</a> The economic advantages of
this line, which was thrown open for through traffic in
January 1899, are enormous. It passes through a tract
which was once among the richest in the world, and
will soon regain a share of its ancient fertility when
the irrigation projects, which have received favour,
become accomplished facts. Its strategic value is equally
indisputable, for it will enable troops and supplies to be
massed in a few days within striking distance of Herāt.
For Englishmen, however, the importance of the Merv-Kushk
branch lies in the fact that it is designed to serve
as a link in a project which germinated in General Annenkoff’s
fertile brain—that of uniting England with India<span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">318</span>
by railway. A glance at the map of the eastern hemisphere
will show that the shortest practicable line of
communication between London and the Indus passes
through Russia and Central Asia. The direction would
be <i>viâ</i> Calais, Berlin, Warsaw, Rostov-on-Don, Petrovsk,
Baku, Krasnovodsk, Merv, Kushk, Girishk, and Kandahār.
The whole of this distance has now been covered by
railway, with the exception of the 195 miles of Caspian
between Baku and Krasnovodsk, and the gap of 450
miles which still separates Kushk from Chaman. If the
last-named hiatus were bridged the journey from London
to the Indus would easily be performed in seven days,
assuming that the present rate of speed—thirty-two
miles an hour on the European and twenty-five on the
Asiatic lines—were maintained. The net saving in time,
if the railway were completed, would be ten days, while
the horrors of the Red Sea and the monsoon would be
bad dreams to the Anglo-Indian traveller. The country
between Kushk and Chaman presents no obstacle to the
engineer. The Paropamisus range would be crossed by
the Khombau, or the Chashmi Sabz Pass, neither of
which is more than 3400 feet above sea-level, or 1000
higher than that on the tableland on either side.<a id="FNanchor_653" href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">653</a>
From this point, Herāt, the garden and key of Afghanistan,
is only 30 miles; and thence the line would be
carried by way of Sabzawār, Farrah, Girishk, and
Kandahār to Chaman. India is now awaking from her
long sleep, and is permeated by new and unsuspected
forces. If the tie which binds her to ourselves is to be a
lasting one, it must be drawn more tightly.</p>

<p>That the line which is being carried across Siberia will
eventually be linked with the Central Asian system admits
of no doubt whatever. Expert opinion, however, is by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">319</span>
no means in accord as to the route by which the junction
should be effected. General Kurapatkine, while
governor of Transcaspia, had detailed surveys made for
a line between Merv and Orenburg. A strong faction
advocates one which would commence at Tashkent and
run by way of Chimkent, Turkestān, Turgai, Nicholaievsk,
and Troitzk to Chelyabinsk, the starting-point of the
Trans-Siberian Railway. Another party urges the
superior advantages of a route <i>viâ</i> Turkestān, Albasar,
Kokchetav, and Petropavlovsk to Ishim. Prince Khilkoff,
the Director of Ways and Communications, favours
a railway starting from Tashkent, and traversing Verni,
Semipalatinsk, and Barnaul, to end at Tomsk. The
country which would thus be opened up presents no
serious obstacles to the engineer. It has great fertility,
and abounds in coal and other forms of mineral wealth.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">320</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_VII" class="vspace">CHAPTER VII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Transcaspia in 1898</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> intense activity displayed in railway construction
did not imply neglect of the primary duty of a civilised
state towards subject peoples—that of giving them peace
and order. The problem before the Russian administration
bristled with difficulties, for lawless habits were
ingrained in the population of Turkomania. The lesson
taught by Geok Teppe was the first step in the civilising
process, for it inspired the Tekkes, who outnumber all
other tribes combined, with a wholesome dread of the
white man.<a id="FNanchor_654" href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">654</a> Their marauding instincts were controlled
by overwhelming military forces cantoned near the
Persian and Afghan frontiers in posts connected by the
line of rail which traverses the heart of the conquered
territory. Thus the Turkoman tribes had to choose
between starvation and honest labour. They unwillingly
adopted the latter alternative, and their good resolutions
were strengthened by the immense demand for unskilled
labour entailed by the construction of the Transcaspian
Railway. The erstwhile robbers may now be seen
toiling at cotton-presses, and tilling their fields as
assiduously as Indian peasants. But the demeanour of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">321</span>
the elder men show that they have not been effectually
tamed; and until the generation which harried Persia
and defied the “Great White Tsar” has passed away, the
old leaven will still prevail in Turkoman breasts. The
influence of the hereditary chieftains was the great obstacle
in the path of reform. The Russians resolved to suppress
the tribal organisation with its general councils, and make
the village the administrative unit. In other respects the
Whig watchword, the “Government of the People by
the People,” is that of the Russian Government.</p>

<p>Transcaspia, for so the land of the Turkomans is
officially styled, is bounded on the north by the Khivan
and the Kirghiz steppes. Southwards it is separated by
mountain ranges from Persia and Afghanistān; while the
Amū Daryā and the Caspian define its limits on the east
and west. In length it averages 600 miles, in breadth
350; the area being 230,000 square miles, or rather
more than that of France. It is a land of startling
contrasts. The northern portion, amounting to four-fifths
of the whole, is a trackless desert; the remainder is
made up of the oases of Akkal and Merv, and the highlands
watered by the Atrak and Gurgan. The only
minerals hitherto discovered are rock-salt, sulphur, and
naphtha, and the latter alone has any commercial importance.
The south-east corner of the Caspian is a region
of geysers, petroleum springs, and hills of asphalt, which
may in time rival the wonderful tract surrounding Baku
on the western shore. At present, attempts at exploration
are confined to Cheleken Island, in the Bay of Krasnovodsk,
and have met with indifferent success.<a id="FNanchor_655" href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">655</a> In the
absence of mineral wealth, local industries are restricted
to agriculture and stock-raising. Heavy crops of barley,
juwārī (<i>sorghum</i>), and cotton are produced by irrigated<span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">322</span>
land everywhere, and the exports of the latter to Russia
are enormous.<a id="FNanchor_656" href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">656</a> The bulk of the live stock belongs to
the nomad tribes, and it is rising in value. The Turkomans
owned £5, 7s. worth per head of the population in
1890; £7 worth in 1896. This growth has taken place
in spite of epidemics due to the terrible winters of the
northern steppes. The Mangishlāk peninsula, embracing
the Ust Urt Desert, so fatal to Bekovitch’s expedition, lost
40 per cent. of its cattle and sheep from cold and starvation
in 1890. Horses, on the other hand, are decreasing
in number and quality, for the repression of raids by the
strong arm of the law has destroyed the demand for
them. The deterioration has engaged the serious attention
of the Russian. A committee appointed to inquire
into the cause recommended that the Turkoman breed
should be encouraged by prize competitions and the
introduction of English and Arab blood. But the law
governing supply and demand cannot be long evaded,
and we are within measurable distance of the extinction
of this incomparable strain. Domestic industries, as
in old times, are confined to the women, for their
lords and masters disdain sedentary labour. The manufacture
of carpets heads the list. Three-fourths of these
are still made at Merv, where the variety of designs,
handed down from long-past generations, and never
committed to paper, is bewildering. Here, too, the
Russian conquest has brought with it a blight, for the
hideous aniline dyes exported from German chemical
works are supplanting the beautiful and durable colours
extracted from indigo and other vegetable substances.
Exports have fallen considerably during the last seven<span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">323</span>
years,<a id="FNanchor_657" href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">657</a> and the case is the same with the embroidery,
shawls, and dress fabrics once produced in thousands by
the deft fingers of Turkoman maidens. The nomads,
who constitute the vast bulk of the population, have not
yet taken kindly to commerce. The people of Merv,
indeed, accompany the caravans which still ply between
the oasis, Persia, and Khiva, but 3 per cent. only of the
merchants and shopkeepers of Transcaspia are Turkomans.<a id="FNanchor_658" href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">658</a></p>

<div id="ip_323" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 26.75em;">
  <img src="images/i_323.jpg" width="428" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">GENERAL KURAPATKINE</div></div>

<p>Until 1890 Transcaspia was a province of the Caucasus,
but in that year it was constituted a government, and
intrusted to the care of General Alexis Kurapatkine.</p>

<p>No living soldier has had a more brilliant career.
It began at the storming of Samarkand in 1868, when,
as a sub-lieutenant of the Turkestān Rifles, he won the
Orders of St. Stanislaus and St. Anne for special gallantry.
Three years later he was promoted lieutenant-captain,
and entered the Military Staff College for a course of
special training, which lasted till 1874. Then, having
attained the rank of captain, he was posted to the
Turkestān Staff. In the following year he was despatched
on a special mission to Germany and France, in the
course of which he took part in an expedition from
Algiers into the Sahara, and became a Knight of the
Legion of Honour. Returning to his old love, Turkestān,
he was employed in 1876 in the reduction of Tashkent,
and gained the crosses of St. George and St. Vladimir.
In the same year he was sent as envoy to Ya`kūb Beg, a
Mohammedan chieftain who had wrested Kāshghar from
the Chinese, and obtained the cession of the town and
district of Karashara. In 1877 came the Russo-Turkish<span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">324</span>
War, and the Tsar needed the help of his best and bravest
soldiers to hold his own against the stubborn Nizams.
Kurapatkine became lieutenant-colonel and chief of the
Staff under General Skobeleff, commanding the 16th
Division. He covered himself with glory at Lovsha, in
the expedition to the Green Mountain, and at Plevna;
and gained the rank of colonel, with more of those
baubles so dear to the military heart. In 1879 he
exchanged the sword for the pen, and became professor
of Military Statistics at the Staff College. But he pined,
as all true soldiers must, for active service, and his wish
was speedily gratified. He was appointed commandant
of his old corps, the Turkestān Rifles, and in 1880 commanded
as brigadier-general in the reduction of Kulja.
Towards the close of that year he was sent in charge of
reinforcements to General Skobeleff, then engaged in a
death-struggle with the Tekkes of the Akkal oasis. His
prowess in that memorable campaign has been already
noticed. In the next eight years he was attached to the
St. Petersburg Staff, and was employed in framing
schemes for mobilisation and the defence of the western
frontier of the empire. He also gained the Tsar’s special
thanks for his services on a commission for settling
the system of government in Turkestān. As governor
and commander-in-chief of Transcaspia he showed that
he possessed a rare combination of the qualities which
adorn civil life as well as win battles.</p>

<p>His methods were based on an intimate knowledge of
native character, and a keen appreciation of its noble
qualities; and on his translation, in the beginning of
1898, to the great office of Minister of War, he left
behind him the reputation of a firm but sympathetic
ruler.<a id="FNanchor_659" href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">659</a> The charge for which he had laboured so<span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">325</span>
strenuously then became a province of Turkestān, and
was placed under the control of the governor-general
residing at Tashkent.</p>

<p>Transcaspia is divided for administrative purposes
into five districts—Mangishlāk and Krasnovodsk, on the
Caspian littoral; Askabad, which includes the Akkal
oasis; Tajand, watered by the river of that name; and
Merv. At the head of each is a military officer, termed
the district chief, who is responsible for the executive
and fiscal administration. The districts are parcelled out<span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">326</span>
into <i>pristatvos</i>, or subdivisions,<a id="FNanchor_660" href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">660</a> created in order to
facilitate police work, and again into groups of twenty-five
villages for judicial purposes. The village, which, as
we have remarked, is the administrative unit, is called, if
permanent, <i>volost</i>; and if inhabited by nomads, <i>aül</i>. It
is governed by a mayor, on the old Russian model, termed
<i>volostnoi</i>, or <i>aülnoi</i>, as the case might be, but more
commonly <i>starshina</i>.<a id="FNanchor_661" href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">661</a> The village chiefs who replaced
the Khāns of old time are elected by the inhabitants,
subject to the governor’s veto. General Kurapatkine’s
attention was, at an early stage, directed to the defects
of the judicial mechanism, which was wholly independent
of the executive power, and directed by a professional
lawyer sent out from St. Petersburg. The
Supreme Court sat at Baku, and appellants had then
to face a journey of 200 miles across the stormy
Caspian.</p>

<p>In 1892 General Kurapatkine formed a Supreme
Court, which sits at Askabad and disposes of appeals from
the decisions of the lower tribunals. It consists of five
judges, and observes the rules of procedure and evidence
current in Revision Courts. In causes involving native
law and custom, popular judges from the Courts below
are summoned to attend as assessors; while Kāzīs, natives
versed in Mohammedan law, are called in as experts
when questions of marriage and inheritance are concerned.
The sentences in cases of gravity, such as murder, are
subject to the governor’s approval. Next in order to
the Judicial Commission, as that body is called, are the
District Courts, consisting of the chief aided by five
“popular judges” selected from the personnel of the lower
Courts. These latter hold session weekly at the headquarters<span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">327</span>
of each group of twenty-five villages. They are
comprised of five “candidates,” judges elected by the
inhabitants of every village, who sit in rotation. These
Courts of first instance bear a strong resemblance to the
panchayat system of ancient India, which has been so
cruelly shorn of its powers for good by a mistaken policy
of centralisation. Their capacity in criminal cases
extends to the infliction of fines of 100 roubles and
three weeks’ “imprisonment.” On the civil side they
try, without appeal, cases in which the value of the
subject-matter is less than 200 roubles. Further reforms
are in contemplation. The jurisdiction of the lower
Courts will be extended—Kāzīs will be excluded,
and local experts summoned in cases of marriage and
inheritance. But, such as it is, the Russian system
has worked with remarkable smoothness. It recognises
the innate capacity for self-government which every
Eastern race possesses, while the village organisation
remains intact; and has thus gained the entire confidence
of the people. The duty of preserving order and
execution of the Courts’ decrees vests in the district
chief, the pristatvos and the starshinas in their several
degrees. In the quinquennial period ending with
1895 they brought 3436 offenders to justice, a proportion
of nearly 25 per cent. of the population.
It is undeniable that in the eastern districts crime is
far more rife than on the Caspian. Merv had 1450
offenders during the five years, as compared with
419 convicted at Krasnovodsk. The classification of
crimes affords curious results. The offences against
person and property nearly balanced each other in
the Caspian districts, while the contrary is the
case at Merv. Charges of theft constituted the great
bulk of Transcaspian crime; cattle-lifting came next
in order of importance, followed by wounding and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">328</span>
murder.<a id="FNanchor_662" href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">662</a> Capital punishment has been abolished throughout
the empire, except in cases of treason. Murderers
are transported by rail and steamer to the Russian penal
settlements on the North-West Pacific.<a id="FNanchor_663" href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">663</a> As is the case
in India, the volume of crime varies directly with that
of population. The tract in the Caspian is sparsely
inhabited, while in Merv the population is comparatively
thick. Broadly speaking, the numbers rise with the
distance from the barren seashore. The total population
of the province was 235,600 in 1890, and 300,769 in
1895, showing an increase of 65,169, or nearly 26
per cent. The growth of the Kirghiz community during
the same period was no less than 60 per cent. The
Tekke Turkomans are still the most numerous class of
the population;<a id="FNanchor_664" href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">664</a> then, at a long interval, the Sariks and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">329</span>
the Yomuds, a large proportion of whom roam over
Persian as well as Russian territory. Persistent attempts
have been made of late years to encourage Russian
immigration, but with indifferent success. Each family
of new-comers is allowed a subsidy of 100 roubles,
besides seed-corn and land rent free. But the climatic
conditions are unfavourable, and the water-supply is
unsuited to the European constitution. In 1892 one-fifth
of the immigrants succumbed to cholera, and they
suffer terribly from malarial fever.<a id="FNanchor_665" href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">665</a> As traders the
Russians cannot compete successfully with the astute
Armenian and Persian exploiters of Transcaspia. The
Russian immigrants, who are mostly railway servants,
are 3452 in number, not reckoning labourers who arrive
at the beginning of winter and return home before the
fearful tropical heats set in. The rest are scattered in
the mountains south of Askabad on the Afghan frontier
and the Caspian shore. There are ten colonies of
agriculturists, and three of fishermen, with a total
strength of 2174 souls. The besetting curse of these
little settlements is drunkenness. General Kurapatkine,
who strove during his whole term of office to foster
Russian colonisation, endeavoured to check this vice by
prohibiting the sale of spirits; but it is to be feared that
enforced abstinence has only made the exiles’ lot more
forlorn, and their periodical outbursts more bestial. A
semi-tropical climate and a soil either barren or saturated
with malarial poison is not, and can never be, adapted
to the children of the icy north.</p>

<p>The increase in population, large as it has been<span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">330</span>
under Russian rule, would have been still greater but for
the prevalence of intermittent fever. That this scourge
is connected with irrigation is beyond doubt, for the
western districts, where water is scarce, are comparatively
free from it; while in Tajand 30, and in Merv 85, per
cent. of the applications for medical relief were due to
intermittent fevers.<a id="FNanchor_666" href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">666</a> The conditions prevailing in the
irrigated tracts are precisely the same as those in Central
Bengal, which is in process of being slowly depopulated
by malarial fevers. In both countries we have a waterlogged
subsoil, due in the one case to excessive rainfall and
inundations from the rivers; in the other, to the presence
of a network of irrigating channels. The lesson to be
learnt by administrators of both provinces is the necessity
of providing drainage. Smallpox was as fatal in Transcaspia
as malarial fever. Epidemics recurred almost
annually, and 50 per cent. of the children were slain
or disfigured by the pest. One of the first steps taken
by the Russians was to introduce vaccination. They
encountered a vast amount of prejudice, especially among
the priesthood, but the value of the boon conferred on
suffering humanity by Jenner has long been recognised.
Vaccination is decidedly popular, and as a consequence
smallpox is almost unknown.<a id="FNanchor_667" href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">667</a> Enteric fever, which is
increasing in an alarming ratio in Indian garrisons, is rare
in Transcaspian cantonments, and unknown elsewhere in
that province. Epidemics of cholera are also uncommon.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">331</span>
The last took place in 1892, when the infection was
introduced from India by way of Herāt. It ravaged
Meshed, the capital of Khorāsān, in May, and reached
Askabad on the 1st June, having travelled 100 miles in
eighteen days; thence it followed the line of rail, causing
a mortality of 1859 out of 3471 attacks. The health
of the Russian troops in Central Asia is, as might be
expected, less satisfactory than that of the civil population.
The annual admissions to hospital during the six
years ending with 1895 were no less than 705 per mille;
the deaths, 12.5; while 20.2 were discharged as unfit for
further service. Thus the loss by death and incurable
disease to the Russian army serving in Transcaspia
exceeds 3 per cent. annually.</p>

<p>Readers who have followed our description of the
physical conditions encountered in Transcaspia will have
grasped the fact that its tillage depends wholly on the
timely supply of water by artificial means. The Turkoman
farmer is not, like his European comrade, at the
mercy of the seasons, for he taps the rivers and streams
descending from the Persian and Afghan highlands,
which enjoy a fairly constant rainfall.<a id="FNanchor_668" href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">668</a> Dams erected in
channels give a “head” of water which is drawn off into
distributories or <i>arīks</i>, and these, again, are subdivided
into tiny rills which afford to every plot of cultivated land
its portion of the precious fluid. The parent stream
thus gradually loses its speed and volume, and finally
disappears in the arid desert sands. Where visible
water is not met with, the springs on the mountain
flanks are reached by a system of tunnelling. A well
is sunk at a higher level than the area to be irrigated,
and, when water is found, a lateral tunnel is excavated<span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">332</span>
which carries the subterranean water several hundred
feet nearer its object. At its extremity another well is
dug, and the piercing process is repeated till the thirsty
tract is reached. A well-known natural law compels the
water in the last of the chain of wells to rise to the
level of that first sunk; and thus a head is formed which
supplies a system of distributors. The method is known
as the Persian, and is of extreme antiquity. So great is
the skill of the older labourers practising it that the mole-like
excavations in which they work are barely two feet
in diameter by four in height.</p>

<p>On assuming the government of Transcaspia, the
Russians made a special study of this all-important question,
and came to the conclusion that it was impossible
to improve on the methods evolved by ages of practical
experience. Their policy, therefore, as regards irrigation,
has been one of non-interference. Steps were taken to
prevent cultivators in the Persian and Afghan territory
from tampering with the sources of the water-supply.
A chief engineer is posted at the provincial capital,
Askabad, and subordinate ones at the district headquarters;
but their functions are limited to suggesting
improvements and supervising the repairs to canals and
distributories. The task of allotting the water-supply
was left in the hands of the Mīrāb,<a id="FNanchor_669" href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">669</a> a native official
elected by the inhabitants of every village dependent on
irrigation. His operations are guided by the average
quantity of water required by individual peasants. The
unit is termed <i>Sū</i>,<a id="FNanchor_670" href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">670</a> and is by no means a constant
quantity. In some parts it implies the volume of water
sufficient to irrigate a given area, varying between one
and five acres. In Merv the Sū implies the quantity<span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">333</span>
which flows in two hours through a distributory discharging
water at the rate of 1¼ quarts per second. In
Tajand it is equivalent to the needs of an average garden,
or to a discharge of half a gallon per second. In many
parts of the Merv and Akkal oasis the process is simplified
by the existence of associations of peasants, termed
<i>Artel</i>, each of whom receives a <i>Sarkār</i>,<a id="FNanchor_671" href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">671</a> or head of water,
consisting of 8 to 36 Sū. The ordinary irrigation
channels are held in common by the villages which they
supply, but wells and underground aqueducts vest in the
person who excavates them and in his heirs. The
Russians have shown great practical wisdom in avoiding
unnecessary interference with a system so complex; for
an attempt at stringent control would bring them in
contact with fierce prejudices and lead to loss of prestige.</p>

<p>Turning from the system to its operation, we find
the most important works connected with the Murghāb,
that ancient source of Merv’s prosperity. It rises in
Afghanistān, as do its confluents, the Kāshān and Kushk,
a fact which places the Merv oasis at the mercy of the
Amīr. It is more than probable that the next rectification
of frontier demanded by Russia will comprise the
whole watershed of these streams. The course of the
Murghāb in Russian territory is 530 miles long; its
breadth at Merv is 84 feet, and its depth 7. The
Panjdih oasis, with a cultivated area of 75,000 acres,
owes its fertility to this river, whose waters are confined
by a dam called the Kawshut Khān Band. Farther north
we have the Yolatan oasis, inhabited by Sārik Turkomans,
with another huge dam, known as the Kāzī
Keui Band, affording water to 125,000 acres, at a
velocity of 1500 feet per second. Near its site are the
ruins of the Sultān Band, a work far vaster than any of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">334</span>
the present day. It gave a head of 28 feet, and made
the fields and gardens of Old Merv the most fertile
region on the globe’s surface. The Sultān Band was
destroyed in 1784 by the Amīr Murād of Bokhārā,<a id="FNanchor_672" href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">672</a>
a piece of vandalism which ruined Merv’s prosperity
and made it a robbers’ lair. Just a century later the
Tsar, to whose private estates the site of Old Merv
belongs, ordered the construction of an anicut 13 miles
up stream. The work was carried out by Colonel Kashtalinski,
superintendent of the state domains at Bahrām
`Ali, the first railway station east of modern Merv. It
includes a dam which gives a 14 feet head of water,
and is connected with a series of storage basins feeding
a central canal 20 miles long. This, in its turn,
supplies 35 miles of secondary canals and 105 of distributories.
The area thus irrigated amounts to 15,000
acres, 5000 of which are under cotton, and 3675 grow
wheat and barley. The whole is let out to Turkomans
and Bokhārans, and the mountains of cotton waiting for
transport by rail in the season are a standing proof of
the excellence of the crops; the return is indeed said
to be not far short of a hundredfold. So great is the demand
for farms that the natives compete for the privilege
of holding one at a rent in kind amounting to a quarter
of the gross produce. In spite of prohibitions, subletting
is very rife, and the same plot supports several
families. The cost of these splendid operations was
about £105,000, an expenditure which was declared by
an eminent English authority on irrigation to be one-fifth
of what a similar work would entail in India. It
is in contemplation to restore the Sultān Band, at a cost
estimated at £210,000. There can be few better investments<span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">335</span>
for capital than one which will restore to the
brightest jewel of Russia’s Asiatic diadem a portion of
her ancient splendour.</p>

<p>The policy of <i>laissez-faire</i> has been extended by
Russian administration to popular education. Every
village of importance has its Maktab,<a id="FNanchor_673" href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">673</a> or primary school,
where a modicum of corrupt Persian and Arabic is combined
with an inordinate amount of parrot-like repetition
of passages from the Koran. In 1893 these numbered
179, with an attendance of 2629 boys and 331 girls.
The teachers generally belong to the priestly class, which
in old days enjoyed less authority than in any Mohammedan
country. Since the Russian invasion their occult
influence has increased, and it is not exerted in the
invaders’ favour. Throughout Islām, indeed, the mullās
are irreconcilable enemies to Western progress, and a
recent rebellion in Farghāna has led many experts to
doubt whether tenderness to indigenous institutions has
not been carried too far; for the Maktabs are forcing-grounds
for the Madrasas, or colleges, which are to be
found at every district headquarters, and are centres of
obscure intrigue. Russian education has indeed advanced
with giant strides. The first school in which the
difficult tongue of the conqueror was taught dates from
1882, when this was opened at Kizil Arvat for the railway
staff. Mdlle. Komaroff, daughter of the first military
governor, founded one in that headquarter in 1884. It
has now become the “Town School,” with 184 pupils,
including 62 natives. In 1890 there were but 5 schools
throughout the provinces, with an attendance of 395.
General Kurapatkine has spared no effort during his
long term of office to promote Russian education; but,
until 1894, he encountered sullen opposition. In that
year the tide began to turn, and in 1896 there were no<span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">336</span>
fewer than 69 Russian schools, with an attendance of
1196. It is to be hoped, in the best interest of Transcaspia,
that the mistake which has had such sinister
results in India will not be repeated there. Vernacular
education under close Russian supervision is far preferable
to a system which encourages a mechanical study of
an alien tongue by classes which can never be rendered
better or happier by its acquisition.</p>

<p>The method of collecting revenue in Transcaspia
displays the simplicity and reliance on native agency
which are seen in other branches of the administration.
The principal tax is one levied on each “kibitka,” a term
which conventionally includes fixed as well as movable
dwellings. The rate in force at the present day is six
roubles, or nearly thirteen shillings; and the incidence
per head of the population, assuming the kibitka to
shelter five persons, is only two shillings and sevenpence.
The starshina is held responsible for the realisation of
an amount equivalent to the number of kibitkas in the
village multiplied by six, and he pays the sum directly
into the district treasury. In practice the tax is treated
as one on income, and a wide latitude is left to the
starshina. He reduces the demand from widows and
daily labourers to a few pence, and exempts paupers
altogether; while wealthy families are made to pay as
much as £22. As the kibitka tax amounts to no more
than a twenty-fifth of the average family’s earnings, there
is rarely any difficulty in collecting the entire demand.
Malversation is extremely rare, and, in one case at least,
the villagers voluntarily subscribed a sum sufficient to
cover its mayor’s defalcations. In the Sarakhs district
a different system is in force. There a tax is levied proportionately
to the <i>Sū</i>, or unit of water, used in irrigation.
Small excise duties are levied on tobacco, matches, and
kerosene oil, and the owners of cattle driven from Persian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">337</span>
territory to Transcaspian grazing-grounds pay a trifle on
each head. The only other tax is one on trade, which
has long been current in the Central Asian Khānates.
Merchants who are not Russian subjects pay Government
one-fortieth of the value of wares received or despatched
by caravans. No budgets as we understand the term
are published by the provincial governor; for the immense
cost of the garrisons maintained in Central Asia
should fairly be set off against the receipts from taxation.
It is tolerably certain, however, that Russia finds her
Asiatic possessions a source of heavy expenditure from
the imperial treasury, which she is content to endure
in view of indirect advantages which she reaps from
them. Their strategical value is incalculable, for they
place Persia, Afghanistān, and Western China at her
mercy; while the benefit to Russian commerce, by the
daily increasing movement of goods on the Transcaspian
railway system, is equally conspicuous.</p>

<p>The proceeds of taxation are allotted to local as well
as imperial purposes. Among the former, roads are of
the greatest importance. The province possesses 458 miles
of metalled roads, exclusive of one constructed in
1888 between Askabad and Meshed, the capital of
Khorāsān. On this a waggon service plies daily, and
every high-road has its line of telegraph wires. The
latter are connected with 17 offices, which dealt in 1896
with 113,434 messages. There are 25 postal stations,
connected by a series of hand vehicles, which in the same
year cost nearly £50,000 sterling.<a id="FNanchor_674" href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">674</a></p>

<p>The entire system of transport, however, is in a
transition state, for the railway has already revolutionised
the mechanism of commerce. Its length in Transcaspian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">338</span>
territory is 663 miles, and an extension from Merv to
Kushk, on the Afghan frontier, a distance of 192 miles,
will be completed before the 1st June 1899. The old
caravan roads southward lay through Persia and
Afghanistān; but the insecurity which reigns there, and
the transit duties levied, have driven merchants to adopt
the longer but safer route by steamer and railway.
Thus goods for China and India travel by way of
Bombay, Batum, and Baku. The Caspian is traversed
by steamer,<a id="FNanchor_675" href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">675</a> and at Krasnovodsk the railway is met with.
The whole line was placed under the charge of General
Kurapatkine in 1892; but on his transfer in the
beginning of 1898 to the Ministry of War it passed
under the control of the Minister of Ways and Communications.</p>

<p>This necessarily brief sketch of Transcaspian administration
reveals an honest attempt on the part of the
Russians to promote the material welfare of her former
foes. It is too often repeated by writers who are blinded
by political passion, or have no personal knowledge of
Central Asia, that the subject peoples there are groaning
under the heel of a ruthless military oppression.
Englishmen who have visited the heart of the great
continent, and mixed freely with every class of the
population, agree in denying the truth of these charges.
General Kurapatkine, when on the eve of laying
down his high office, declared that Russian policy might
be defined as the maintenance of peace, order, and
prosperity in every class of the population. Those, he
went on to say, who fill responsible positions are expressly
informed by Government that the assumption of sovereignty
over other nationalities must not be attempted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">339</span>
without very serious deliberation, inasmuch as such
become, on annexation, Russian subjects, children of the
Tsar, and invested with every privilege enjoyed by
citizens of the empire.<a id="FNanchor_676" href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">676</a> These noble words reflect the
attitude of General Kurapatkine and his lieutenants.
Many of the latter had a lifelong experience of native
manners and mode of thought; and one at least, Colonel
Arandarenko, district officer of Merv, is adored by the
inhabitants of the oasis. That the forces of disorder
have been rendered impotent is certainly not the case.
The contrast between the prosaic present and the wild
romance of that past which is fast fading into legend
must be bitter indeed to the half-tamed Turkomans.
Nature, we know, <i>nihil facit per saltum</i>; and governments,
however despotic, are incapable of suddenly changing the
trend of a nation’s instincts, the legacy of unnumbered
generations. It may, however, be said with perfect truth
that the Russians in Central Asia strive earnestly,
and with a great measure of success, to promote the
greatest good of the greatest number.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">340</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_VIII" class="vspace">CHAPTER VIII<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Askabad and Merv</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">Krasnovodsk</span>, the western terminus of the Transcaspian
Railway, stands on the northern side of the
Balkan Bay, through which the Oxus once discharged
into the Caspian. It is protected from the groundswell
by a natural breakwater of jagged rock which
stretches nearly twenty-five miles southwards; and from
icy Siberian blasts by a range of barren limestone hills.</p>

<p>The little town which nestles in this bleak amphitheatre
is of recent origin, for it was only in 1897 that
it superseded Uzun Ada, a shallow and insecure port on
the south of the bay. The Government offices, substantially
built of a warm brown freestone, surround a central
square, where a patch of grass and a few scraggy trees
strive in vain to relieve the desolation which recalls the
surroundings of Aden to the Eastern traveller. Nor is the
parallel confined to externals, for Krasnovodsk is dependent
on distillation for its water-supply. The building where
the precious fluid is manufactured from the briny Caspian
is well worth a visit, inasmuch as its designer, M. Yagen,
has solved the problem how to extract a maximum of
fresh water at a minimum expenditure of fuel. The steam,
generated in tubular boilers heated by a roaring fire of
petroleum refuse,<a id="FNanchor_677" href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">677</a> passes through a series of iron vats<span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">341</span>
sheathed with felt, losing some of its heat and aqueous
particles in each. But the chief ornament of Krasnovodsk
is, strange to say, the railway terminus. Unlike those
which disgrace so many English towns, it is a highly
successful effort to blend the ornamental with the useful.
The trains which leave Krasnovodsk for the heart of
Central Asia twice a week are made up of second and
third-class carriages on the corridor system. They are
warmed in the abominable fashion peculiar to Russia, by
air heated in a roaring stove, and their lavatories are on
the most primitive model. The stuffy compartments
contain narrow wooden benches; and upper berths,
which let down at night, form very indifferent beds. In
one of these little purgatories the traveller bound for
Samarkand ensconces himself at 4.30 p.m., after a substantial
meal at the railway buffet, which differs in no
wise from those met with on the Caucasian railways.
But the jolting and discomfort are soon forgotten in the
novelty of the surroundings. For seventy miles the line
skirts the deep blue Caspian, which is covered in winter
with wild fowl, a living contradiction to the travellers’
tales which represent the great lake as nearly destitute of
animal life. The northern horizon is hemmed in by the
rugged outlines of the Great Balkans, a range as desolate
and forbidding as the mountains of the moon. Then the
train plunges into a boundless plain covered with sparse
tufts of wiry grass. This is the great Turkoman Desert,
the habitat of that splendid race which inspired terror in
the Roman legionaries and defied the greatest military
power of modern Europe. But soon the rugged outlines
of the Kopet Dāgh Mountains open southward, and at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">342</span>
6.22 on the following morning the train halts at Kizil
Arvat, the workshops of the Transcaspian Railway, which
break the wild poetry of hill and desert by their prose of
Western industry. They were founded ten years ago by
General Annenkoff, whose modest bungalow is still
pointed out with the respect instinctively rendered to
genius everywhere. The works on the south side of the
railway are as complete in their degree as those at Crewe.
The forges and fitting shops come first in order. They
occupy two masonry sheds, exhibiting lines of blacksmiths’
forges, in each of which an astatki fire burns without the
smallest attention from the operatives. The installation
in the turning-shop, with its lathes and steam hammers,
would interest an Englishman more if it was not too
evident that the appliances were of German origin. It
is a relief to pass into the engine-room and find one of the
five machines, with a horse-power of 52 nominal, bearing
the honoured name of Tangye. The foundry will be
next visited. It can furnish castings up to a maximum
of two tons. In point of fact, locomotives of the latest
pattern may be turned out at Kizil Arvat; though in
practice it is found expedient to import them from
Moscow. The carpenters’ shops are lofty structures,
with a floor area of 36,000 feet, where cars and waggons
are turned out with great rapidity. The inspecting
carriages are marvels of compactness, containing a saloon
upholstered with luxurious settees, a bedroom, bath, and
kitchen. The storehouses are specially worth visiting.
Their sides are lined with masonry compartments, containing
tools, with “plus and minus” slips enabling
stock to be taken in in a few hours. With the exception
of a few files which bear Sheffield trade-marks, the tools
are all the products of Russian and German workshops.
Nor has our declining metallurgic industry any share in
the supply of raw material, for the tariff practically<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">343</span>
excludes its products from the empire in the absence of
a special authorisation of the Ministry of Commerce.
Some attention is paid to the comfort of the workmen
employed at Kizil Arvat. There is an institute, styled a
Casino, containing a restaurant, where meals can be had
at an absurdly low tariff, and a ballroom large enough
to accommodate the 700 workmen and their wives. Some
distraction is a sheer necessity, for the surroundings of
Kizil Arvat are calculated to drive a European to despair.
The town stands in a dreary plain two miles from the
mountains, which supply an abundance of water. Nothing
would be easier than to produce vegetation of surpassing
beauty, for the desert soil needs but irrigation to furnish
everything that could delight the eye. The People’s
Park only serves to make the aspect of the town more
forbidding; and the ugly square boxes serving as married
quarters are entirely destitute of a garden. The place is
said to be healthy, in spite of a summer heat rising to 110
degrees; but another tale is told by the crowd which are
attracted by the band of the 2nd Railway Battalion,
stationed here. The adults are generally ill-favoured
and stunted, and the repulsive sores on their faces are
evidence of bad water and insufficient nutrition. The
working population is Russian, with the exception of a
few Turkomans, who are admitted as apprentices, and
exhibit a mechanical bias which ought to be more
encouraged. Wages and working hours would hardly be
approved of by the pampered British artisan. Foremen
draw a salary of £110 to £130 annually, but the rank
and file are paid on the piece-work system. A carpenter
of average industry can earn 5s. 6d.; a fitter, 4s. 4d. per
diem. The hours of work are from 6 p.m. till noon, with
a break at 7.30 for breakfast; and again from 1.30 till
7 p.m.—an eleven hours’ day.</p>

<p>Geok Teppe, the scene of the crowning mercy of 1881,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">344</span>
is the next halting-place. In this dry atmosphere the vestiges
of the Tekkes’ last refuge enables the traveller to conjure
up the fearful scenes enacted there eighteen years ago.
A hundred yards north of the railway stretches a long
earthen rampart 12 or 15 feet high, broken near its south-east
angle and on the eastern face by huge gaps, through
which the infuriated Russian soldiers pressed on the
memorable 24th of January 1881. The interior of the
rude fortress is still scored with funnel-shaped holes, and
strewn with fragments of iron left by the exploding
shells. The whole scene comes vividly before him who
ascends Dangil Teppe, a mound at the north-west corner
whence the Turkomans plied their only gun during the
siege.<a id="FNanchor_678" href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">678</a> He seems to see beneath, the dense mass of dark
felt kibitkas lit up by the explosion of missiles charged
with petroleum. His ears are stunned by the shrieks
of the agonised women and children who seek shelter in
vain from these messengers of death, the hoarse cries of
the combatants locked in a death-struggle, the roar of
musketry and the clash of steel. While he is fain to
admit that civilisation has gained by the issue of the
tremendous struggle, the Englishman bares his head in
honour of the brave men who bled for freedom here.
The Russian lines can still be distinguished to the east
of the crumbling ramparts; and, as if to point Gray’s
sad moral, “the paths of glory lead but to the grave,”
three graveyards alone remain where the pulse of war<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">345</span>
once beat highest, tenanted by the bones of those who
died at their Tsar’s behest. The Cossack and the
Stavropol Regiments have their own God’s acre, and in
a third, which stands near the site of Skobeleff’s camp,
is a white-washed mound with an iron plate recording
the number of the slain. A little museum of relics of the
siege has lately been opened between the rugged earthen
wall and the railway line. The contrast between past and
present is placed in a startling light by a large cotton-pressing
factory which has been established by a Jew
near the western face of Geok Teppe. Here gangs of
Turkomans, some of whom were doubtless once eager in
war and foray, may be seen toiling at the screw-presses
under the sharp spur of necessity.</p>

<div id="ip_345" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_345.jpg" width="600" height="428" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">A GROUP OF TURKOMANS AT ASKABAD STATION</div></div>

<p>Askabad, the capital of Transcaspia, is 322¼ miles
from Krasnovodsk, and is reached in twenty hours. The
town dates only from 1883, and now has a population of
about 16,000, including a garrison of 10,000. It stands
on the broadest part of the Akkal oasis, at the foot of
the Kopet Dāgh range, which affords a refuge to the European
in the fierce summer heats. There are two sanataria,—Fīrūza,
in a pleasant valley 2800 feet above sea-level,
and Khayrābād, 3000 higher, a Transcaspian Simla
sacred to the Di Majores of the official Pantheon. The
broad streets are lined with vigorous young trees, and
cut each other at right angles. The Anglo-Indian
traveller is forcibly reminded of the cantonments, which
are believed to have furnished the founder, General
Komaroff, with a model for his headquarters. In the
matter of roads, the Russian stations of Central Asia
would give points to any town in the European dominions
of the Tsar. They show no break-neck holes, no
boulders which only a droshky can negotiate; and their
excellence at Askabad is vouched for by the existence of
a flourishing bicycle club, which is the centre of social<span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">346</span>
life for the non-military population. On leaving the
station the tourist passes, on the left, the offices of the
railway staff, with Oriental arcades surrounding a pretty
garden, a technical school, which has recently been
enlarged, and a pro-gymnasium, and thus reaches the
barracks, which stand at the north-east corner of the
town, and accommodate four active and one reserve battalion
of Transcaspian Rifles, a regiment of Cossacks
from Terek in the Caucasus, three batteries of field and
one of mountain guns, and a squadron of 200 Turkoman
militia. Their quarters have been arranged on purely
Indian lines. Every company or squadron has a lofty
one-storeyed building allotted to it, containing a dormitory
with a double row of beds, a chapel, and a hall for
recreation and military instruction. The latter contains
two rifles on stands with targets for aiming-drill, which is
illustrated by books containing photogravures of the
different positions. Here, too, are always seen oleograph
portraits of the reigning Tsar and his consort. So vast
is his empire, that unless the personality of the sovereign
were not brought home to the people by these perpetual
reminders there would be some risk of its becoming a
mere abstraction.</p>

<p>Every care is taken to keep alive the traditions of
the army by coloured prints portraying acts of bravery
and self-devotion in past campaigns. Thus the story
of the soldier Ossipoff is told in nearly every barrack-room.
He belonged to a garrison which defended a
redoubt in the Caucasus during Schamyl’s insurrection.
Besieged by an overwhelming force, the little band held
out to the last extremity; and when the position was
taken by storm, Ossipoff exploded the magazine, blowing
himself and hundreds of the enemy into the air.
To this day his name is borne on the muster-roll of his
battalion, and when it is called the man next on the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_347">347</span>
list replies: “He has died for the honour of the Russian
army!” In the company kitchens the soldiers’ cabbage
soup may be tasted. It is made with stock provided
by the half-pound of fresh meat which, with three
pounds of rye bread, constitutes the daily ration. On
gala days the men have a mess of rice boiled with butter
and raisins. The fare would probably excite loathing
in the British private, but the physique of the troops is
a sufficient proof that it is abundant and nutritious.
The means of developing muscle are not wanting; for
every barrack-ground has a gymnasium as well as a
miniature fort, which is formed by competing companies
at the word of command. The parade-ground adjoins
the barracks. It is overshadowed by the cathedral, a
splendid structure built three years ago in an ornate
Byzantine style, which contains, on the left of the altar,
a beautiful <i>eikon</i> in enamel of the soldier’s saint, Alexander
Nevsky, in full panoply, placed there in memory
of the late Tsar. In the centre of the Champ de Mars
is a pillar commemorating Geok Teppe, flanked at each
corner by an Afghan cannon captured at Dāsh Keupri
in 1885. Manœuvres take place weekly on the broken
ground between the town and the lower spur of the
Kopet Dāgh Mountains. British officers who have
witnessed one of these field-days are unanimous in
praising the workmanlike appearance of the troops.
The riflemen in their tunics, knickerbockers, and long
Russian boots are sturdy, if rather undersized; and the
Cossacks are picturesquely clad in long caftans and
closely fitting astrakhan shakoes. The artillery come
into action at 3500 yards, and show a fair amount of
dash; but the Cossacks’ performance is disappointing.
A water-course encountered during a charge will reduce
a regiment to a disorderly mob, and the ponies are
blown long before the objective is reached. It is the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">348</span>
belief of good judges that a cavalry regiment of Upper
India would be quite a match for a similar Cossack
force. The infantry show that they have been drilled
assiduously, and their movements are executed with
mechanical precision. It is, however, unaccompanied
by the spirit and keen enjoyment which the British
soldier imports into mimic warfare. In point of fact,
the rank and file in Russia are taught to look too exclusively
to their officers for example and support, and
self-reliance is not encouraged. In stubborn endurance
they are as unsurpassed to-day as they were at Borodino,
where the victorious legions of Napoleon found their
match. But it is impossible to conceive the myriads of
the Tsar winning a “soldier’s battle”—wrestling from
the foe a victory imperilled by the incapacity of their
chiefs. Reviews are more frequent in Russian than in
English armies. On specially solemn occasions, such as
the birthday of the sovereign, they are preceded by a
Te Deum at the garrison church, which is attended by
the chief military and civil officials. The connection
between Church and State are far closer than with us.
We have seen that the imperial power owes its evolution
quite as much to priestly influence as to the ambition
of the princes. The obligation has never been forgotten
by the Tsars, who are, literally as well as figuratively,
heads of the Church, and regard its hierarchy as the
mainstay of the whole fabric of their Government.
Brilliant is the display of uniforms at these official
devotions. Combative officers are distinguished by gold
lace, those of the scientific branches by silver; but all
are gorgeously attired, while galaxies are frequent of
fifteen or twenty medals and crosses on the same manly
breast. The review which follows is a mere march-past;
and as each company files before the general he
exclaims, “Good day, my children,” a greeting which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_349">349</span>
elicits the reply in chorus, “We are pleased to render
you service.”<a id="FNanchor_679" href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">679</a></p>

<p>The Askabad Government House is a straggling
one-storeyed edifice resembling an overgrown Indian
bungalow, but it is well adapted for ceremonial. The
other public buildings are a library with 12,000
volumes, a military printing-office, and that of the
<i>Turkestan Gazette</i>—a daily paper edited by a member
of the governor’s staff, which, unlike its Indian contemporary,
is no dry catalogue of promotions, transfers,
and official acts.</p>

<p>The railway between Askabad and Merv follows
the now familiar Kopet Dāgh range for 105
miles, and then, at a roadside station named Dushak,
trends sharply to the north-east. Here the great
mountain barrier between Transcaspia and the dominions
of the Shāh attains the height of 9000 feet;
and its spurs, clad with rich verdure, offer an ever-changing
succession of graceful outlines. The intervening
plain is covered with thorny camel-grass, varied
by patches of cultivation, where mountain torrents
afford the means of irrigation. A wider expanse of
green betrays the vicinity of the river Tajand, better
known to fame as the Harī Rūd, which laves the walls
of Herāt. It is crossed by a girder bridge 347 feet
in length. Merv is reached in thirteen hours from
Askabad. Nowhere in Central Asia is the contrast
more marked between the present and a comparatively
recent past. It is difficult to believe that this pale
copy of an Indian junction can have been the robbers’
den so elaborately described by Marvin from hearsay,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_350">350</span>
and by O’Donovan from bitter personal experience.
A broad metalled road, parallel with the line of railway,
leads to the Murghāb, a canal-like stream crossed by a
bridge with ninety-six feet water-way. On the right
bank of this ancient source of Merv’s prosperity are
the remains of a stupendous line of ramparts, which,
O’Donovan tells us,<a id="FNanchor_680" href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">680</a> were commenced in hot haste by
the Tekkes in the vain hope that they might serve as
a bulwark against the Russian advance. From their
crest, thirty feet above the plain, the barracks of the
garrison are seen embowered in stately trees. Merv
has immense strategic value, and is therefore the headquarters
of a force far larger than would be necessary
to overawe the scanty population of the oasis. There
are four battalions of Transcaspian Rifles, one of
sappers, a railway battalion, and two batteries of field
artillery. On the east of the Murghāb, too, is the
Russian town, laid out with the same depressing regularity
as Askabad. But the bungalows which line
the dusty streets are redeemed by no wealth of tropical
foliage. The humanising effects of gardening are not
appreciated by Russians, and the jealously watered
compounds of the officials enclose only scraggy trees
and stuccoed buildings. The interiors are less forbidding.
The rooms have polished floors, but little in
the way of furniture save low divans spread with
Turkoman carpets and tiger skins.<a id="FNanchor_681" href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">681</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">351</span>
The climate of Merv is detestable. In summer the
temperature rises to 100 degrees, and the houses
must be sealed hermetically between 8 a.m. and sunset.
No punkahs mitigate the sweltering heat, and ice is
tabooed on the ground that it increases the liability
to fever. This latter is the bane of Merv, as it is of
all irrigated tracts without subsoil drainage. In 1896
nearly 5000 of the population perished; and so high
was the death-rate in the Russian garrison that it was
in contemplation to remove the troops temporarily to
healthier quarters. In no place are health-giving
diversions more necessary, but such are unknown even
to the younger officers. A respectable bag of the
brilliant Central Asian pheasant may be made in the
brushwood cover three miles from Merv. In India
the environs of a military station are swept as bare of
game as the Plaine de St. Denis by Parisian gunners.
Polo is unknown, though the ground in all directions
is suited to the noble pastime, and ponies can be picked
up for £10 or £12. The scanty leisure left the young
fellows by the absorbing round of duty is given up to
billiards and dancing. Balls take place on Sundays
at the Casino, an institution which takes the place of
our messroom and club. It belongs to Government,
and is maintained by subscriptions levied from all
civil and military officers. At the entrance is a buffet
covered with bottles and the usual components of the
zakouska. Adjoining it is a restaurant, which offers
an extensive menu at prices much below those of the
railway refreshment-rooms and the miserable hotels.
This opens on to a fine ballroom adorned with portraits
of Tsars and Tsarinas past and present. Guests
are received on their arrival by two members of the
Casino committee, and make their way through a hall
crowded with officers in undress uniform to the ballroom,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_352">352</span>
at the upper end of which the great ladies of
the place sit in state round a table covered with dishes
of apples and bonbons. After making his obeisance,
the visitor is free to enjoy himself—if haply he can
secure a partner, for the dearth of the fair sex at
Central Asian balls is more marked than in India.
Mazurkas and cotillons are practised with a zeal which
would perhaps be considered “bad form” at Simla;
while the majority unable to participate in their ardent
pleasures block the doorways and find solace in frequent
adjournments to the buffet, which is always
thronged with hosts only too willing to pledge their
friends in rassades of vodka and fiery liqueurs. The
close resemblance between Central Asian and Indian
cantonments extends to the bazaars. The lines of
small open shops, the dusty trees, the open drains,
even the indescribable but never-to-be-forgotten odour,
all are common to British and Russian possessions in
the East. The trade of Merv is not confined to the
permanent bazaar. A weekly market is held on a
plain to the east of the town. The roads converging
thither are thronged on Mondays with Turkomans riding
double on their ill-fed ponies and two-wheeled Persian
carts piled high with goods. The latter are exposed
for sale in long lines of covered booths, where Hebrew,
Persian, and Armenian vendors squat, surrounded by
dried fruits, rice from Meshed, coarse beet-sugar from
Russia, and rocky almond paste. The fruit would win
a first prize at any English show. Nowhere are melons
cheaper or more fragrant, apricots and grapes nowhere
more choice. The cheap cutlery, trinkets, leather goods,
and samovars are much the same as one sees in
Russian markets west of the Caspian, but the prices
are at least 100 per cent. dearer. The embroidery,
shawls, and carpets for which Merv was famed have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">353</span>
lost in value and quality since the Russian conquest.
Vast is the concourse of Turkomans from all parts of
the oasis at these weekly gatherings; but there is far
less of the babel of sounds and the eager bargaining
than is seen at Indian bazaars. It is in vast crowds
that national spirit is unconsciously displayed. If that
of Merv be reflected in the thousands of big-boned,
slouching Turkomans in sheep-skin hats and flowing
garments who flock hither to lay in their weekly supplies,
then it is evident that their spirit has been crushed
by conquest.</p>

<div id="ip_353" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_353.jpg" width="600" height="383" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">RUINS OF OLD MERV</div></div>

<p>The ruins of the ancient cities which successively
bore the name of Merv stand in a dismal plain covered
with tamarisk and camels’ thorn ten miles from the
modern cantonments. The railway station whence they
may be visited is called Bahrām `Alī, after an eighteenth
century chieftain who held the neighbouring robber
tribes under stern control, until his overthrow by Amīr
Murād, the founder of the Bokhāran dynasty. Trim
orchards and broad roads surround the halting-place, and
on all sides may be seen huge piles of cotton awaiting
transport. For Bahrām `Alī is the centre of the Tsar’s
private domains, which have of late years received a
plentiful supply of water from one of the old irrigation
works now restored by imperial enterprise. Leaving
this smiling oasis, one enters on a scene of desolation
which can be matched only by the environs of Delhi.
Like that vast tomb of empires, Old Merv is a series
of ruined cities, each built of its predecessors’ materials.<a id="FNanchor_682" href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">682</a>
The most recent is the citadel so stoutly defended by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">354</span>
Bahrām `Alī in 1784. It is an irregular quadrangle
of about 250 yards square, surrounded by a wall with
circular towers of brick. Within, amid a mass of ruins,
is a mosque with a cupola still standing, and in the courtyard
of the citadel, at the north-east corner, are the
remains of the founder’s palace, a quadrangle of three-storeyed
buildings in fair preservation. Passing out of
Bahrām `Alī by the eastern portal, one sees, a mile off,
two arched recesses standing side by side, conspicuous
by their ornamentation of blue enamelled bricks. In
front of each is a tombstone of grey marble, showing
extracts from the Koran in raised Arabic lettering.
According to tradition, they cover the remains of two
standard-bearers of the Prophet. Hard by is a fine
vaulted well; and the group are the sole exceptions to
the tale of ruin told by the heaps of crumbling bricks
which stretch as far as the eye can see. The oldest of
the ruined cities of the plain, called Giaur Kal`a, stood
eastwards of these monuments. It was destroyed in
the seventh century, when the Caliph `Omar’s lieutenants
carried their creed through Central Asia by fire and
sword. Giaur Kal`a is identified by its vast earthen
ramparts, which have proved more durable than the
bricks and mortar of a much later age. As in the case
with Bahrām `Alī, there are the remains of a citadel at its
north-eastern angle, from which an extended view can
be had of the poor relics of vanished splendour. North-west
of Giaur Kal`a are the only buildings of ancient Merv
which continue to serve the purposes of man. They are
a serai and mosque, which have clustered round the ugly
tomb of a saint named Yūsuf Hamadāni. It contains
the usual vaulted chambers for the accommodation of
travellers, ranged in a square in which their goods and
camels find standing room. Beyond it is the tomb of
Sultan Sanjar, exactly in the centre of the site of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">355</span>
second of the towns which successively bore the name of
Merv. It is said to have been modelled on that of
Firdawsi near Meshed, but it closely resembles the great
mausolea of Upper India. All are alike, quadrangular
buildings topped with an echoing dome, which gives a
sense of vastness and solemnity beyond anything that
the “long-drawn aisle and fretted vault” can compass.
Even in its ruin the splendid edifice shows feats of
workmanship in brick and mortar which it would be
difficult to imitate with all the appliances of modern
science. The Sultan who sleeps below was the best of
the Seljūk Turks; and, to judge from the abundance of
offerings piled on the rude clay mound which covers his
remains, he still lives in the hearts of the people. The
noble work was seen in all its majesty by only two
generations; for in 1221 the city of the good Sultan
Sanjar was razed to the ground, with a fearful slaughter
of the inhabitants, by Tulūy Khān, a worthy son of the
ferocious Chingiz. Here the ground is strewn with
fragments of pottery exhibiting strangely beautiful designs,
iridescent glass and enamelled tiles; and no one
can doubt that systematic researches would yield more
substantial tokens of a buried civilisation. The source
of the fabulous wealth of Old Merv stands revealed in
the numerous irrigating channels with which the site is
scored. This is the land <span class="locked">where—</span></p>

<div class="poem-container">
<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
<span class="iq">“——fairest of all streams, the Murga roves,<br /></span>
<span class="i0">Amongst Merou’s bright palaces and groves.”<a id="FNanchor_683" href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">683</a><br /></span>
</div></div>
</div>

<p class="in0">The source of supply was an immense dam erected
across the stream thirty-five miles southwards, called
Sultān Band, the destruction of which 114 years ago by
the Amīr Murād brought utter ruin on the oasis. The
mischief wrought by that fanatic has already been, in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">356</span>
part, repaired by the Russians; and the charming house
of Colonel Kashtalinski, superintendent of the state
domains, is embowered in gardens and orchards which
will soon restore to this much harassed spot some share
of its ancient prosperity.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">357</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_IX" class="vspace">CHAPTER IX<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Bokhārā, a Protected Native State</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> 141 miles which separate Merv from the Bokhāran
frontier were the costliest and the most depressing
section of the Transcaspian Railway. It includes that
terror of Russian engineers known as the Sandy Tract,<a id="FNanchor_684" href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">684</a>
and no trace of cultivation is met with until the weary
eye finds solace in the restful green which marks the
course of the mighty Oxus. The border stronghold,
Charjūy, crowns a hill to the south of the railway line,
and bears in its rugged outlines a faint resemblance
to Edinburgh Castle. The little town which nestles at
its foot is garrisoned by a Russian force consisting of a
battalion of Turkestān Rifles and a squadron of Cossacks.
At Kerki, 110 miles up stream, three more rifle battalions
and a regiment of Cossacks serve as a reminder of the
power of Russia. The source of the Amū Daryā is
Lake Victoria, a beautiful sheet of water embosomed in
the Pamirs 15,600 feet above sea-level, which was visited
by Marco Polo, and rediscovered in 1838 by Captain
Wood of the Indian Marine.<a id="FNanchor_685" href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">685</a> The bed of the great
river is 350 yards wide at the point where it leaves the
hills at Khwāja Sālih, 90 miles north-west of Balkh; and
200 miles down stream it swells to 650 yards. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">358</span>
mean velocity is 3½ miles an hour, the average depth
9 feet, increasing to a maximum of 29 in August
after the annual rains. The course of the Oxus in our
day is north-westerly, and it discharges into the Sea of
Aral above Khiva. The stream once before bifurcated at
Kohna Urganj, 70 miles south of the great inland lake;
and one branch flowed south-westwards, entering the
Caspian by the Balkhan Bay. At some period in the
fifteenth or sixteenth century the Khivans attempted to
restrain the course by a dam, and so caused a diversion
of the western channel, which can still be traced through
the Turkoman Desert.<a id="FNanchor_686" href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">686</a> To restore it has been the dream
of the Russians since the days of Peter the Great.
Elaborate surveys have demonstrated that the operation
is perfectly practicable; and those who advocated it
urged with truth that the canalisation of the river would
turn many thousands of square miles of desert into a
garden. The railway has, however, won the day; and
the only use made of the Amū Daryā by the Russian
authorities is to support a steam flotilla. This service
was inaugurated in 1887,<a id="FNanchor_687" href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">687</a> and is now carried on by
steel-built steamers drawing 2 feet of water, and carrying
200 tons of cargo. Its chief value lies in the
means it gives for the transport of troops and munitions
of war, for the river is navigable up to the Afghan
frontier, 700 miles from its mouth. The Amū Daryā,
however, cannot be made to serve the needs of commerce,
for the channel is constantly shifting, sand-banks
are thrown up and disappear in a few hours, and the
navigating officers are in the hands of native pilots, who
divine obstructions by observing the colour of the water.
We have already described the great viaduct which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_359">359</span>
spans the Amū Daryā near Charjūy. It is admittedly
but a make-shift, and will soon be replaced by a girder
bridge. The traveller glances uneasily at the current
swirling round the slender piers, and feels inwardly
relieved when his train has crept safely to the opposite
bank. On either side of the line there now stretches a
dead level of parched-up loam, broken here and there
by hillocks covered with the outlines of some ancient
citadel. There are many of these Central Asian
Pompeiis, deserted owing to the failure of the water-supply,
or overwhelmed by the ever-encroaching sand.
Mosques, market-places, and palaces stand as they did
centuries back, but the narrow streets show no signs of
human life. But the desert yields again to cultivation,
and the train speeds through fields of cotton and millet,
overshadowed by splendid trees. The fair domains
irrigated from the river Zarafshān have been reached,
and its centre, Bokhārā the Noble, comes into view. A
canon of Russian policy ordains that the European
quarters shall be placed at a considerable distance from
the great cities. Thus the effect of sudden waves of
fanaticism, which are always to be feared in Mohammedan
countries, is lessened, and time is given to organise
defence. The railway station is eight miles by road
from the capital, and is the centre of a Russian town
called New Bokhārā. Its broad thoroughfares are destitute
of trees and flowers, for nothing will grow in this
ill-chosen site. Among many mean buildings of the
bungalow type are some with architectural pretensions—a
handsome residency, built by M. P. Lessar during his
term of office as representative at the Bokhāran Court, a
palace in a hybrid Byzantine style lately erected for
the Amīr, the new buildings of the Imperial Bank, and
the offices of the 3rd Railway Battalion. The Russian
quarter already numbers 6000 inhabitants, and is daily<span class="pagenum" id="Page_360">360</span>
growing in importance at the expense of its older rival.
The highway leading to the latter passes through
a country which is evidently much subdivided, and
cultivated with extreme care. The fertile belt is watered
by distributories from the Zarafshān,<a id="FNanchor_688" href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">688</a> which passes
Samarkand and pours a flood of wealth into Bokhārā’s
lap. These canals are popularly attributed to Alexander
the Great and Tīmūr, heroic figures which serve as a
spur to the imagination of poets and professional story-tellers
throughout Central Asia. They are, in point of
fact, the inevitable result of the natural conditions encountered.
The soil in Bokhārā is either a rich yellow
loam or sandy waste, and the latter is ever encroaching.
The rainfall is scanty; and, but for the help of
irrigation, mankind would long since have given up
the incessant struggle for existence. Nowhere in the
world are the contrasts between desolation and plenty
more startling. A caravan approaching the capital finds
itself, after weary months spent in the sands, suddenly
surrounded by waving crops, and trees laden with
luscious fruit, while its ears are greeted by the ripple of
water. The mechanism by which this wondrous change
is effected would excite the derision of a European
engineer. The surveyor lies prone upon his back in the
direction from which he wishes to bring water, looks
over his forehead, and notes the point when ground is
last seen. This rude substitute for the theodolite involves<span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">361</span>
a great deal of misplaced labour, but its results
are as marvellous as those of the Egyptian irrigation
department. The precious fluid is brought from the
mountains in canals, carried round spurs, and crossing
ravines in pipes, which, like those of our old London
water companies, are often mere hollow trees. When
the plain is reached the gradient is very slight; and
so tenacious is the soil that streams 30 feet in breadth
are restrained by banks 3½ feet high and 3 feet broad
at the base. The whole adult village population are
the labourers, their only implements being a clumsy
hoe, the lap of their long flowing robe, and a hurdle
of plaited branches. The administration of the canals
is on a popular basis. The superintendents, called
“aksakāls,” are elected by the cultivators; and every
village has its own “mīrāb,” who watches over the
repairs and distributories, and is remunerated by a fixed
proportion of the harvests. In years of plenty the
task is an easy one; but it is far otherwise at the
critical weeks which precede the spring melting of the
snows. Every drop of water is then worth its weight
in gold, and it must be so divided that each plot
may get its just proportion. Complications, too, occur
owing to the privileges which certain villages enjoy
by royal grant or immemorial prescription, and by the
absence of any satisfactory method of measuring discharges.<a id="FNanchor_689" href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">689</a>
The Russians have shown wisdom in leaving
the canals in native hands in the territory administered
by them. In Bokhārā, of course, there has never been
any question of introducing reform. The Bokhāran
cultivator manures his fields heavily after harvest, and
until they receive the life-giving water. In the city
streets, old men and boys may be seen gathering every
particle of refuse; and, in spite of the constant supply,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">362</span>
the hungry soil is still unequal to the incessant demands
upon it. Then the task of preparation begins. The
fields are turned up lengthways and again transversely
by a plough clumsily built of wood, its share only being
tipped with iron. A pair of oxen can plough rather
more than one acre during the cool hours between
midnight and 9 a.m.<a id="FNanchor_690" href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">690</a> The soil is then manured and
drenched with water. Spots which show effervescence,
that curse of irrigated soil,<a id="FNanchor_691" href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">691</a> are dug up by hand and
dressed with lime picked out of the ruins which abound
in these ancient seats of population. The harrow, a
plank two feet wide studded with iron nails, is next
passed over the sodden soil in two directions. The enumeration
of the crops thus raised would be as tedious
as Homer’s catalogue of men of war. The stand-by of
the poor is juwārī (<i>holcus sorghum vel saccharatum</i>), a
species of millet which yields two hundredfold of coarse
grain. Cotton is amongst the most lucrative; and a vast
impetus has been given to its growth by the railway,
which carries the raw material to Russian mills. Wheat,
barley, and pulse are also staples, and the vine is made
to produce a heady fluid, like immature sherry, by
Armenians and Jews, who have the monopoly of a
manufacture forbidden to true believers. The entire
cultivated area of Bokhārā is not much in excess of
8000 square miles, and the population which it maintains
is at least 2½ millions. Thus the price of land
is high, and it is much subdivided.<a id="FNanchor_692" href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">692</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_363">363</span>
When viewed from a height the country resembles
a huge shawl of a specially intricate pattern. The eight
miles of dusty road which separate the capital from the
Russian quarter run through fields which are exact
replicas of those of Upper India, and the parallel extends
to the villages of flat-roofed houses with wooden
verandahs, and the shops displaying piles of sticky
sweetmeats. The traveller’s progress is impeded by
rows of ponies tethered in the narrow streets. In Bokhārā
everyone rides. The poorest can afford the hire
of a moiety of a donkey, and beggars on horseback
excite no remark. The approach to the city is lined
with the gardens in which Bokhāran citizens delight.
They are walled in or sheltered from the wintry blast
by rows of silver poplars. A quadrangular pond marks
the centre of four paths at right angles connected by
smaller ones, and overshadowed by fruit trees which are
a mass of tender hues when spring showers bring out
the blossom. Flowers are few: the rose, the blue iris,
sunflower, and poppy well-nigh exhaust the list. The
cultivation of fruit is well understood. The melons
have a more delicate aroma than those of any Eastern
country. Dried apricots are known in India as the
“Ālū-i-Bokhārā”; and every variety of fruit familiar to
the European palate is to be had in a perfection and at
prices which would excite wonder in Covent Garden.</p>

<p>This setting of brilliant vegetation adds dignity to
the crumbling ramparts of Bokhārā. The town-wall, 28
feet high and 7½ miles in circuit, encloses an area of 1760
acres, which seems disproportionate to the dwindling
population, now amounting to no more than 65,000
souls.<a id="FNanchor_693" href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">693</a> Entering one of the eleven gates,<a id="FNanchor_694" href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">694</a> unchallenged<span class="pagenum" id="Page_364">364</span>
by the slouching sentry, the traveller finds himself in a
dædalus of narrow lanes, swarming with human beings
more suggestive of the unadulterated East than any
other city in Asia can show. Sart is the Russian term
for the sedentary population throughout Central Asia;
but the variety of types which it includes is immense.
The Tājiks are a tall well-favoured race, with clear olive
complexions and black eyes and hair.<a id="FNanchor_695" href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">695</a> Their origin is
the subject of much controversy; but, according to a
tradition among them, they migrated to Bokhārā from
the west, and reclaimed a reedy swamp which became the
city’s site.<a id="FNanchor_696" href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">696</a> They were subdued by the fierce Arabs in
the eighth century, and adopted the Mohammedan religion.
As each tide of conquest swept the country the
Tājiks bent their necks, and acquired all the vices of a
race inured to foreign dominion. They are polished,
laborious, and intelligent, with a genius for commerce,
but their greed and faithlessness are as notorious as their
cowardice.<a id="FNanchor_697" href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">697</a> Thus the Tājik is regarded with supreme
contempt by the Uzbegs, who for three centuries have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_365">365</span>
been the dominant race.<a id="FNanchor_698" href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">698</a> They are a stem of the great
Turkish family which, starting from the steppes north of
the Gobi Desert, brought half the world under their
sway. They are middle-sized but sturdy, with high
cheek-bones, ruddy complexions, and dark auburn hair.
In character they resemble the Osmānlīs—not the scum
of the Levant now encountered at Constantinople, but
the rude warriors who supplanted the Cross by the
Crescent there in the fifteenth century. They are brave
and independent, with the grossness of manners and
something of the inborn dignity of the unadulterated
Turk. Like the Kirghiz, who are also met with in
Bokhārā,<a id="FNanchor_699" href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">699</a> and the Turkomans, Uzbegs are either sedentary
or nomads. The first class resemble the Tājiks in
their greed for gain, but they are not so civilised; the
second tend their flocks and herds, dwelling in tents of
dark grey felt hung with bright carpets. The reigning
dynasty is of this race, and belongs to a division of the
Mangit, the chief of the 97 clans<a id="FNanchor_700" href="#Footnote_700" class="fnanchor">700</a> into which Uzbegs
are divided. At the opposite pole stand the Jewish
community, which is traditionally believed to have
migrated hither from Baghdād. Half a century ago
they numbered 10,000,<a id="FNanchor_701" href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">701</a> but they have dwindled to
perhaps half as many under the grinding persecution to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_366">366</span>
which they have been subjected. Bokhārā is not a whit
in advance of mediæval Europe in its treatment of this
forlorn colony. The time, indeed, has gone by when
Jews might be savagely assaulted by a true believer, and
even killed with impunity. But they are still relegated
to a filthy and crowded Ghetto. They are forbidden to
ride in the streets, and must wear a distinctive costume,
a small black cap edged with two fingers’ breadth of
sheep-skin, a dark dressing-gown of camels’ hair, and a
rope girdle, a survival of a time when it might at any
moment be required for its wearer’s execution. This
tyranny, tenfold worse than that endured by the Tājiks,
has ranged the Jew on the side of the white man.</p>

<div id="ip_367" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_367.jpg" width="600" height="421" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">HINDUS OF BOKHĀRĀ</div></div>

<p>In the earlier days of their empire in Central Asia
the Russians received a good deal of valuable information
as to popular feeling from these despised auxiliaries.
The blind hatred which superiority excites in minds of
the lower type is universal in Bokhārā, and the Jews of
the Khānate still groan under disabilities which are more
degrading to their oppressors than to themselves. The
Persian element is a strong one, and the slim figures,
dark eyes, and regular features of the children of poor
worn-out Irān are conspicuous in the motley crowd that
fills the streets. They are descended from slaves sold
by Turkoman raiders, or from 40,000 Persian families
transplanted from Merv by Amīr Murād in 1784.
Being Shī`as, they cordially detest the Uzbegs and Tājiks,
who belong to the rival Sunni sect.<a id="FNanchor_702" href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">702</a> Under former
Amīrs, notably the treacherous Nasrullah, who murdered<span class="pagenum" id="Page_367">367</span>
our countrymen Stoddart and Conolly, the Persians
gained commanding influence.<a id="FNanchor_703" href="#Footnote_703" class="fnanchor">703</a> They are now peaceable
traders, whose patriotism stops at day-dreams of reviving
the glories of the greatest and most ruthless of their
royal line, Nādir Shāh. Broad-shouldered Afghans,
lithe bright-eyed Arabs, who have the secret of dressing
the real Astrakhan lamb-skin, and Indian subjects of Her
Majesty, are common in Bokhārā. The latter are styled
by the natives Multānis, though most of them hail from
Haydarābād in Sindh. They are betrayed by their dark
complexion and the flame-shaped caste-marks on their
swarthy brows. The Hindu shares with the Jew the
immense profits derived from money-lending, which is
forbidden to true believers, and they are eager and
rapacious traders. The large commerce in tea is in the
hands of some wealthy Peshawar Mohammedans. The
Indian colony devote a few years to money-grabbing,
living the while in serais of their own, consisting of a
courtyard surrounded with unfurnished cells, in which
the traveller spreads his bedding, while his goods and
camels occupy the centre of the square. They profess
to be well satisfied with the existing order of things at
Bokhārā, but have some reason to complain of the
absence of any British consular agency.<a id="FNanchor_704" href="#Footnote_704" class="fnanchor">704</a></p>

<p>The variety of features shown by a Bokhāran crowd
hardly extends to the costumes. The wealthier wear
gorgeous khal`ats, or long dressing-gowns of cashmere or
cloth of gold. In the middle class the universal garment<span class="pagenum" id="Page_368">368</span>
is of coloured silk, with a curious pattern of concentric
lines; while the populace is content with blue or striped
cotton. All have huge turbans of white muslin, the size
of which is an evidence of their wearers’ rank. Sometimes
as many as twenty yards are used. It is a curious fact
that, in spite of crushing protective duties, the produce of
Manchester looms is preferred by all who can afford the
luxury.<a id="FNanchor_705" href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">705</a> The feminine element, which gives the greatest
charm to the crowds of Western cities, is entirely absent
in Bokhārā. Such women as venture into the streets are
muffled in a hideous smock<a id="FNanchor_706" href="#Footnote_706" class="fnanchor">706</a> and a thick horse-hair veil.
It must be admitted that the beauties thus concealed lie
chiefly in splendid dark eyes, the lustre of which owes
much to the aid of henna, and arched eyebrows which
are deemed indicators of passion, and therefore heightened
by artificial means. The emancipation of women has
not begun in Bokhārā. Marriage is a sale conducted
with as little delicacy as the cattle-dealer imports into
his transactions. The child-wife never gains her husband’s
love or confidence, and is deserted while her
charms are at their zenith. Custom, in fact, moulds
the Bokhāran’s inmost being, and the degraded position
assigned to women by its teaching places him beyond
the pale of civilisation. Home-life in the Central Asian
Khānates exists no more than it did in ancient Rome.
The citizens’ houses are ranges of dark and cheerless
cells surrounding a central courtyard, and presenting
blind walls to the street. The intense cold of the winter
months is mocked rather than mitigated by charcoal
braziers.<a id="FNanchor_707" href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">707</a> Music is unknown in the cheerless interior,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_369">369</span>
and tobacco was till lately tabooed by the arrogant
priests. When an envoy of the Sultan of Turkey made
his state entry into the city his use of a long amber-tipped
pipe caused universal consternation. Nor do the
pleasures of a refined table solace the tedium of life.
After attending morning prayers at his mosque the
citizen swallows a mess of tea boiled into the consistency
of thick soup, with salt and milk, and at his second meal,
taken at 5 p.m., the standing dish is the pillau of mutton,
rice, and vegetables. The craving for amusement so
deeply implanted in human nature finds an outlet in the
performances of <i>bachas</i><a id="FNanchor_708" href="#Footnote_708" class="fnanchor">708</a>—lads of between eight and
fifteen with long flowing locks, who dance, posture,
and sing with a <i>brio</i> which excites frenzy in Bokhāran
spectators. They supply the place of our opera-singers,
ballet-girls, and actresses. The names of <i>bachas</i> pre-eminent
for beauty and languishing graces are as often
pronounced as those of the extinct race of Divas were by
Englishmen of the last generation. They sometimes
rise to high positions in the state, and oftener amass
great wealth after a few years’ practice of their degrading
trade. The Amīr maintains a troupe of bachas; and
without their aid an entertainment of any description
would be as a performance of Hamlet without the Prince
of Denmark. The European who attends one of these
ceremonies feels instinctively how wide is the gulf between
East and West, when he remarks the enthusiasm excited
by the phases of passion depicted by these children.</p>

<p>To Englishmen an exhibition of the national game of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_370">370</span>
baigha is more interesting. It is a scramble by mounted
players for the carcass of a goat. When all are ready
for the fray, the umpire beheads the creature and throws
its bleeding body into the arena. Then follows a scrimmage
which reminds one of Rugby football. The goat’s
remains become the centre of a dense mass of men and
horses locked in a desperate struggle, in which, wonderful
to relate, players are rarely unseated, and still more seldom
do the animals injure each other. The object of each is
to monopolise the Bokhāran substitute for a ball, and carry
it far from the scene of action, outstripping all competitors.</p>

<p>The great bazaar of Bokhārā makes some amends
for the dulness long drawn out of domestic life. It is,
indeed, a relief to pass from the garish sunshine into the
cool gloom of these lofty arcades, which extend for at
least seven miles in all their ramifications. The roof is
generally of beaten clay, laid upon undressed timber;
and on either side is an endless vista of booths, displaying
every article of luxury and use in demand among Asiatic
people. Carpets and rugs of harmonious tone, piles of
gaudy shawls and dress pieces, snuff-boxes of polished
gourd to hold the pungent green powder affected by the
Bokhārans, and cutlery and trinklets of every description.
Europe here struggles with Asia for mastery, and seems
about to gain the battle; for though all the European
goods bear Russian labels, the great bulk is the produce
of German workshops. The stimulus given to the trade
of the Fatherland by the payment of the French indemnity
in 1871 has led to a constant movement of Teutons
across the Russian frontier. They retain their German
citizenship, while they turn out cheap and nasty wares
under the ægis of a protective fiscal system. One section
of the vast bazaar, roofed by a dome of ancient brickwork,
is sacred to literature, and the counters of its shops
are piled high with standard works in lithograph editions,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_371">371</span>
and here and there a manuscript. Great bargains may
sometimes be obtained by connoisseurs, though there are
still enough native bibliophils in Bokhārā to render good
finds by Europeans exceptional. Money-changers’ stalls
are frequent, with tempting heaps of silver and copper
discs for exchange against Russian money. The state
has been allowed to retain its own coinage, a prerogative
more valued than any other by Eastern sovereigns. The
unit is the tanga, a silver piece which fluctuates as
violently as did the Indian rupee before Sir David
Barbour closed the mints. It is at present worth 15
kopeks, but sudden oscillations of a kopek and even
more are common.<a id="FNanchor_709" href="#Footnote_709" class="fnanchor">709</a> The gold coin in circulation is
styled tilā, and is of unusual purity. It is worth 21
tangas. For the needs of the proletariat there are tiny
brass dumps, 44 of which go to the tanga. Another
quarter of the bazaar displays the silks and velvets for
which Bokhārā was once so famous. The trade is a
dwindling one, owing to the prevalence of disease among
the worms; and the chief beauty of the fabrics lies in
their faintly stamped, flowered patterns.<a id="FNanchor_710" href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">710</a> The vast<span class="pagenum" id="Page_372">372</span>
crowd of loungers in these arcades shows none of the
loathing for the Giaur which the appearance of one in
this hotbed of fanaticism once excited. They civilly
make way for the European’s droshky, and his eyes rarely
encounter an unfriendly glance in those of the shopkeepers
squatting impassively in a setting of rich carpets
and dazzling weapons, or the throng of customers who
watch every phase of the bargaining. But the old spirit
has been scotched, not killed, by Russification. The
European who allows his shadow to flit on a mullā
lolling on his pile of cushions will be roundly cursed for
his impudence. The crowd intent on buying and selling
find the wherewithal to assuage their hunger in the
eating-houses, which exhibit huge caldrons of bubbling
pillau, flat cakes of unleavened bread, and heaps of coarse
sweetmeats made from Russian beet-sugar. The samovar,
which hisses in every eating-house, reveals the Bokhāran’s
predilection for tea. The green variety is alone
consumed, and it retails at 2s. 10d. per pound, in spite of a
Russian import duty of 1s. 10d. In pre-railway days it
was imported through Afghanistān, but the line connecting
Bokhārā with the Caspian has superseded the old
camel caravans, with their leisurely movements and liability
to pillage and exactions. Tea now comes into Bokhārā
by way of Bombay and Batum. China still supplies
the great bulk of the demand; but Indian and Ceylon
teas are slowly making their way even in remote Bokhārā.
Their progress would be far more rapid but for the
crushing import duty levied by the Russian Government.
The Transcaspian Railway has, in point of fact, robbed
Peter to pay Paul. Russians and Russo-Germans find
a ready sale in Central Asia for their wares, but Bokhārā
is no longer a great centre for the distribution of English
and Indian goods, as it was a quarter of a century back.
They will live in the memory of the denizen of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_373">373</span>
prosaic West, those Bokhārā bazaars, with their long lines
of shops rich in dazzling colours, the blue sky peeping
through rents in the time-worn vaulting, and the sunshine
flecking the kaleidoscopic crowd in the galleries below.
Though the chief interest of Bokhārā centres in its
bazaars, it has many public buildings which repay
examination. In the north-west quarter is the Rīgistān,
a market-place surrounded by shops which are cleared of
their contents at nightfall. On its west side is a tank
overshadowed by trees, which are as rare in Bokhārā as
in the city of London, and surrounded by tea and barbers’
shops, the resort of a host of idlers during the daylight
hours. One side of the Rīgistān is occupied by the Ark,
or citadel, which stands on a vast artificial mound, and is
walled by crenellated ramparts forming a square of 450
yards. It dates from the era of the Sāmānides. The
great gate, built by Rahīm Khān in 1742, is flanked by
towers 100 feet high showing traces of faience; and
opens on a vaulted corridor leading to the Amīr’s palace,
treasury, and state prison. In old days this was a loathsome
dungeon full of ticks and other vermin; but the
story so oft repeated, that the insects received rations
of raw meat in the absence of human victims, is probably
untrue.<a id="FNanchor_711" href="#Footnote_711" class="fnanchor">711</a> Here dwells the Kushbegi, or prime minister,
of whom more anon; but the buildings of the citadel are
by no means imposing in size or architectural merit. In
a shed on the right of the gateway is the Artillery Park,
containing about fifty pieces, all of antiquated make. A
smaller market-place, which serves for dealings in raw
cotton, is surrounded by the most imposing of Bokhārā’s
public edifices.</p>

<p>On one side is the great mosque, called the Masjid-i-Jāmi`,
as are those of Delhi and Agra, because it was
built to hold the immense crowd attending a Jum`a, or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_374">374</span>
Friday service. The front is a vast recessed portal
covered with arabesques in faience; its gates give access
to a courtyard spacious enough to contain 10,000
worshippers,<a id="FNanchor_712" href="#Footnote_712" class="fnanchor">712</a> surrounded by a vaulted cloister. Near it
is the Minār Kalān, or Great Minār, a round tower 36 feet
at the base, and tapering upwards to a height of 210.
The whole surface is covered with beautiful designs in
carved brick, which show that it dates from Bokhārā’s
golden age. From the summit criminals were precipitated
into the market-place beneath; but access to
it is now forbidden, lest curious visitors should pry into
the scores of courtyards which it commands. Opposite
to the city mosque is the Madrasa Mīr-i-`Arab, a stately
college with a tall recessed gateway, which ranks first
among the 103 of which Bokhārā boasts. The entrance
is through a door on the left, which opens on a vaulted
corridor leading to a quadrangle surrounded by a double
tier of cells, called <i>hujrats</i>, in which the pupils reside.
Each has its bed-place on a dais spread with carpets and
pillows, and niches in the wall for his books and clothes.
Here the more promising lads from the elementary
schools spend fifteen or twenty years in mastering the
legal and religious system of Islām. This education is so
alien to all that is associated with the process in Western
countries, and its results are so far-reaching, that a description
of its mysteries will interest those who aim at
reading aright the signs of the times in Central Asia.
Primary schools are to be found in every Bokhāran
village, and they abound in the capital. They may be
known from afar by the hum of childish voices, which
resounds from morn till dewy eve in the narrow sunless
streets. The course of teaching embraces the Koran,
the <i>Farz-i-`Ayn</i>, and other books of a religious tendency,
written in Tājikī, a dialect of Persian, and Turkī, the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_375">375</span>
language of the Uzbegs. Those who wish to pursue
their studies further pass into the Madrasas, which are
maintained from the rents of great landed estates
assigned to them by rulers of past ages. The curriculum
here embraces theology, Arabic, law, and “worldly
wisdom.”<a id="FNanchor_713" href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">713</a></p>

<div id="ip_374" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 26.125em;">
  <img src="images/i_374.jpg" width="418" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE MINAR KATAN AT BOKHĀRĀ</div></div>

<p>Students who are conscious of a vocation for the priesthood
are subjected to a probation severer than that
which is prescribed to candidates for admission to La
Trappe or Chartreuse. They must obey all the precepts
of Mohammed’s code, and learn by long and painful
practice to pronounce the shibboleth, <i>Lā Allāh ill Allāh</i>,
thousands of times without drawing breath. Thus they
attain to the coveted degree of Ishān, are qualified to
instruct others, and receive the blindest devotion from
the lower orders. No training can be conceived which
is more calculated to inspire self-conceit and fanaticism.
Now the priesthood of Bokhārā and the other cities of
Central Asia have all been subjected to these sinister
influences at a period of their lives when the plastic mind
receives impressions which can never be effaced; and the
schools and colleges are officered exclusively from the
sacerdotal caste. Before the advent of the Russians to
power, the mullās directed the whole mechanism of
government. The most cruel and treacherous of the old
Amīrs respected their lives and liberties and shaped his
conduct on their counsels. The mullās’ political influence
has been destroyed by the Russians’ advent to
power, for the theory on which Mohammedan states are
ruled is utterly at variance with Western conceptions;
and the insidious energies of the priesthood are restricted
to education and religious observances. There can be
little doubt that the wave of sedition which is sweeping<span class="pagenum" id="Page_376">376</span>
over Central Asia<a id="FNanchor_714" href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">714</a> is due to the teachings of men who
desire the restoration of Islām as a predominant factor
in government. The Russian masters of Central Asia,
like we ourselves in India, are stepping <i>per ignes suppositos
cineri doloso</i>, and a mistaken educational policy is, in both
cases, at the bottom of the mischief that is brewing.
The other Madrasas of Bokhārā are more remarkable for
size than architectural merit. One of them was erected
at the end of last century, at the cost of the Empress
Catherine of Russia, who came under Voltaire’s influence
and displayed a catholicism which outran that of the
philosopher of Ferney.<a id="FNanchor_715" href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">715</a> Adjoining the Great Minār is
the only public building in Bokhārā which has not seen
the march of centuries—the Baths of the Chief Justice,
thrown open to the public in 1897 by the generosity of the
official who held that rank. The innermost chamber is
a huge oven surrounded by marble divans, on which the
bather reclines while an attendant cracks every joint in
his body, scours him with a piece of hair-cloth, and
sluices him with cold water. Thence he passes to a room
heated to a temperature of about 80 degrees, where he
dresses and proceeds to a spacious hall opening on the
street. Here, reclining on a dais spread with carpets and
pillows, he sips his tea in the blissful lassitude which
follows the Turkish bath. The Zindān, or state jail, is a
dilapidated structure of brick, perched on a mound to the
east of the citadel. The entrance is through a dirty
guardroom which gives on a courtyard. A door to the
left leads to the abode of petty offenders—a smoke-stained
shed, tapestried with bundles containing the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_377">377</span>
property of the inmates. The latter squat on the floor
apparently in good health and spirits, albeit that their
rations would not be approved of at Wormwood Scrubbs.
They receive from Government 1½ pounds of bread every
other day, but visitors are allowed to distribute as much
food as they please. On the right of the courtyard is a
vaulted room lit by a barred opening in the ceiling,
which serves as a ward for heinous offenders. Here will
generally be found twenty or thirty wretches fastened
together by a heavy chain attached to an iron ring on
the neck of each. They are all murderers or banditti
under trial or awaiting the Amīr’s confirmation of the
death sentence; and their sullen despair is but too
evident. Punishments were terribly severe in pre-Russian
days. Prisoners were riveted to the wall by iron collars
for years together, and shrunk under the torture to living
skeletons. Twice a week they were dragged to the
Rīgistān, where the Amīr in person pronounced sentence;
and the spectacle of the poor half-naked wretches
shivering in the snow was piteous indeed.<a id="FNanchor_716" href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">716</a> Happy were
those condemned to decapitation, which was always performed
with the knife, to the gratification of the market
crowd. Empalement and flinging from the summit of
the Great Minār were usual forms of destruction, and
women taken in adultery were stoned. The prison, bad
as it is when judged by European standards, is an abode
of bliss when compared with those of the native régime.
Beneath the Zindān is a deep vault, now filled up, which
hardly a decade back served as an <i>oubliette</i> for human
beings condemned to a lingering death, attended by
horrors which no pen can describe. Truly, these dark
places of the earth owe much to the softening influence
of a higher civilisation.</p>

<div id="ip_376" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_376.jpg" width="600" height="429" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">PRISONERS OF THE AMIR OF BOKHĀRĀ</div></div>

<p>Slavery is another practice which has lost its terrors<span class="pagenum" id="Page_378">378</span>
since the advent of the Russians. Bokhārā was once the
greatest market in Asia for the produce of Turkoman
and Kirghiz raids. Eighty years ago 40,000 Persians
and more than 500 subjects of the Tsar were detained
there in bondage. There was a regular tariff for
these human cattle. A labourer fetched £29, a skilled
artisan £64, and a pretty girl nearly £100. The treatment
meted out to them by Bokhāran taskmasters was
more atrocious than anything recorded by Mrs. Beecher
Stowe. Meyendorff met a Russian who had endured
unheard-of tortures, inflicted in order to make him reveal
the route by which a comrade in affliction had escaped.<a id="FNanchor_717" href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">717</a>
Half a century later the effect of European precept and
example was already evident. Mr. Schuyler found the
traffic in human flesh conducted with some approach to
secrecy, but, after much bargaining and intrigue, he was
able to purchase the freedom of a Persian lad for a sum
equivalent to £25. It would be saying too much to
aver that the “peculiar institution” is extinct in Bokhārā.
The needs of the harem and the profound mystery with
which wealthy families enshroud their domestic life render
it impossible that slavery should be stamped out in any
Mohammedan country. India itself is not free from
the canker-spot, though every possible means have been
taken to eradicate it. But the great source of supply
was cut off when the Turkomans were forbidden to raid
into Persia, and the lot of those who have been held in
slavery is rendered endurable by the vigilance of the
Russian Resident. His influence has been limited to
the correction of flagrant abuses, and Bokhārā is the
only Mohammedan state in Russian Asia which has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_379">379</span>
been permitted to retain intact its own system of
administration.</p>

<p>The sovereign, whose official style and title is Khān
of Bokhārā and Commander of the Faithful,<a id="FNanchor_718" href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">718</a> is nominally
absolute master of his realm and of the lives and fortunes
of his subjects. In practice his power is subject to
considerable limitations. As a Mohammedan prince he
is bound to obey the injunctions of the Koran and the
canonical law of Islām.<a id="FNanchor_719" href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">719</a> The clergy were all-powerful
under the last independent Amīr, and their influence is
still widely felt, the more so in that it is occult. The ruler
is surrounded by greedy and venal followers, and his Court
is a centre of intrigues. His prime minister, answering
to the vezīr of the Turkish monarchy, is here styled
Kushbegi, and stands next in rank to the sovereign. He
is official guardian of the state jewels, which, to judge
by the display made by the Amīr on state occasions,
must rival the figments of the Arabian Nights.<a id="FNanchor_720" href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">720</a> He is
responsible for the collection of taxes and customs duties,
and is master of the palace, where he always resides, and
keeps the keys of the city gates. Beneath him is a vast
hierarchy of executive and Court officials, whose rank is
bestowed by patents under the Amīr’s seal, or symbols
such as horse-tails, hatchets, flags, and maces.<a id="FNanchor_721" href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">721</a> The
struggle for these baubles amongst the crowd of courtiers
versed in all the arts of fawning and flattery would
arouse our pity and contempt, were we not conscious that
such sordid aims are still the levers of human action
nearer home.</p>

<div id="ip_382" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 28.75em;">
  <img src="images/i_382.jpg" width="460" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">A BOKHĀRĀN BEAUTY AND HER TWO CHILDREN</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_380">380</span>
For administrative purposes the Khānate is divided
into thirty-six provinces, each under its governor, called
Beg, who is intrusted with the collection of revenue and
the execution of judicial decrees. He reports as to the
state of his charge weekly, and submits death sentences
for the Amīr’s confirmation. Below the Beg are the
Amlākdārs; who exercise similar functions in the amlāks,
or districts. The state is, in theory, the owner of the
soil, and the bulk of its revenue is derived from the land
tax, an impost which has many features common with
feudalism. Estates belong to four categories. <i>Milk</i>
lands are free of rent, because they were originally
bestowed by the sovereign in fee simple on successful
generals. <i>Milk-i-Khārāj</i> are tenures which, at the period
of conquest, were owned by non-Mohammedans, and
remained in their possession subject to the payment of a
land tax. This, in the case of irrigated soil, amounts to
one-fifth, and in that of dry fields to one-tenth of the
gross produce. The third description is <i>Dash Yak</i>, so
styled because one-tenth of the produce is set apart for
the support of a mosque; and the fourth <i>Vakf</i>, which is
an endowment wholly devoted to religious uses. The
Amīr’s proportion of the fruits of the soil is assessed by
the Amlākdārs and their underlings, after actual inspection
of each field just before the harvest is gathered in. If
the cultivator objects to the Government estimate he
may demand a re-measurement. The other sources of
revenue are one-fortieth of the value of goods exposed
for sale; and the jazya, or infidel tax, from which
Russian subjects are exempt, ranging, according to the
assessee’s wealth, between one and four tangas. The
administration of justice is in the hands of Kāzīs—native
judges appointed by the Amīr after an examination
in the laws of Islām, who are assisted by Muftis, or
registrars in charge of the Court’s seal. The Kāzī<span class="pagenum" id="Page_381">381</span>
posted at Bokhārā has two of these subordinates, and is
styled <i>Kalān</i>, or chief, though he has no power to revise
his colleagues’ decisions. Legal procedure is cumbrous
and ineffectual, and litigants in Bokhārā learn by sad
experience what “hell it is in suing long to bide.”
Public morals and the due observance of religious rites
are supposed to be safeguarded by an official styled
<i>Rā´īs</i>. This censor’s insignia of office are a scimetar-shaped
strip of leather, with which he is legally empowered
to administer “forty stripes save one” to evil-doers,
without, however, raising his arm above the
shoulder. He drives the faithful to public prayers like a
flock of sheep, meddles in family affairs, levies blackmail,
and has elevated delation to the rank of a science.
With the Kāzī he serves as a spy on the executive
officers, and is an object of universal dread. These social
pests have been abolished by the Russians in the districts
under their administration, and they have won
more gratitude by this obvious measure than by any of
their reforms. It has been often said that an Eastern
prince’s rule is tempered by the fear of assassination.
In Bokhārā the permanent army was once the skeleton at
the Amīr’s banquet. In order to maintain his authority
and overawe turbulent neighbours he was compelled to
pay a large standing force, of which he stood in as much
dread as the Cæsars did of their Pretorian Guard. In
the days of independence the regulars mustered 10,000
men, armed with matchlocks, and there were about
40,000 men on an irregular footing, of whom perhaps a
third carried serviceable weapons.<a id="FNanchor_722" href="#Footnote_722" class="fnanchor">722</a> At the present time
the army is little more than a plaything, for the “Great
White Tsar” has garrisons at the principal strategic
points, and Bokhārā under his ægis is secure from foreign
aggression. The troops now number only 10,000 men,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_382">382</span>
of whom 1000 are armed with Berdan rifles, presented to
the Amīr some years ago by the Russians, and the rest
with percussion muskets. They are drilled and clad on
European models, but here the parallel ceases. Inefficient
as is the Bokhāran army, the paramount power is anxious
to effect a deduction in its strength, which will ultimately
not exceed 3000 men. It is a significant fact that while
the civil officers, from the Kushbegi down to the Amīn
who measures the crops, receive no remuneration beyond
what they can squeeze from the people, the Amīr’s
forces are well and regularly paid. The company officers
draw about £5 per mensem; the private soldiers, 6s. 6d.
in our money. In the official intercourse between the
Amīr and his suzerain we detect the influence of Anglo-Indian
example. For many years the Khānates were
represented at Tashkent, the administrative capital of
Turkestān, by envoys selected from their own subjects;
but the growth of commerce with Russia, and the necessity
of drawing closer the bonds uniting the protected
state with its master, led to the appointment of a
Russian officer of rank as Resident with the Amīr. His
political relations with the latter are nominally confined
to tendering advice in administrative matters. When,
some years back, frauds were prevalent in the packing of
cotton for export to Russia,<a id="FNanchor_723" href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">723</a> the Resident approached
the Amīr through an unofficial channel as to the means
of checking practices ruinous to trade. The outcome of
these negotiations was the appointment of three cotton
inspectors, whose function it is to visit the markets and
report to the Kāzī all cases in which they suspect that
rubbish is inserted in bales exposed for sale. Again, the
Russians have deemed it to be their duty to foster the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_383">383</span>
production of wine. The grapes of Bokhārā are as fine
as her peaches and apricots—which is saying a good
deal—and a potent fluid resembling Amontillado, with a
pleasant sub-acid after-taste, is retailed at fourpence a
bottle. But intoxicants are denounced in the Koran as
things accursed, and the prohibition has much worldly
wisdom, because Asiatics drink, not in order to cheer the
heart of man, but to drown the senses in brutish oblivion.
A compromise between religious duty and worldly interest
has been arrived at. Bokhārans may not make wine
themselves, but they are at liberty to sell the grapes
to Armenians and Jews, who have a monopoly of the
manufacture. A dealer vending wine or spirits to a
Mohammedan is punished with a fine of 1000 roubles.
The Resident has a court of his own for the decision of
civil and criminal cases in which the injured party is a
foreigner. His jurisdiction is unlimited, and his sentences
without appeal. Documentary evidence is insisted on as
a basis of money claims. The Russian law is administered,
as modified by local custom, and no advocate is
allowed to intervene between the tribunal and the parties.
Where the defendant belongs to that category, the case
comes before a judge of the peace, who is independent
of the Resident and a subordinate of the Ministry of
Justice at St. Petersburg. His sentences run through a
gamut of appeals, precisely as those tried by the courts
of the mother country. This alien jurisdiction is highly
popular, and subterfuges are adopted in order to bring
cases triable by the native judges within its purview.
The post and telegraph services are in Russian hands;
and a hospital is maintained, under European management,
which costs the Amīr £2000 annually. Those
who are cognisant of the perennial friction between Chief
and Resident at many Indian courts will be surprised to
learn that the relations between suzerain and vassal in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_384">384</span>
Bokhārā have invariably been cordial. The Amīr, Sayyid
`Abd ul-Ahad, is now in his thirty-seventh year.<a id="FNanchor_724" href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">724</a> He is
tall and muscular, and would be handsome but for
growing corpulence, that curse of Eastern princes. He
is still devoted to hawking and other forms of sport,
affable and dignified. Every year he visits one of the
hot springs in the Caucasus, and often winters in the
Crimea. The heir-apparent, Sayyid Mīr `Alīm, has been
educated in St. Petersburg, and holds the rank of
lieutenant in a Cossack regiment. In early youth the
Amīr had convincing proof of the resistless power of
Russia. He saw his haughty father die broken-hearted
of the humiliation entailed by his abortive effort to roll
back the tide of European aggression. He knows, too,
that the capital is at the Russians’ mercy, for they own
the rich province of Samarkand, through which the
Zarafshān flows to fertilise his thirsty fields, and that it
would be an easy matter to divert its course; and so he
is always ready to anticipate his master’s wishes. There
was a spice of truth in the late governor-general’s
remark, “the Amīr of Bokhārā is the most zealous of
my lieutenants.” While a ruler so pliant continues to
sit on the throne of Bokhārā he need not fear annexation.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_385">385</span>
The Russians are well aware that the people of the
Khānate prize the measure of national life allowed them,
and prefer the rough-and-ready methods of an Amīr of
their own race to the highly developed mechanism
imported from the West. They dread the responsibility
of granting citizenship to two and a half millions of
Asiatics, spread over an area of 80,000 square miles,
which costs them nothing to administer, while its
products swell the growing volume of the empire’s
commerce.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_386">386</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_X" class="vspace">CHAPTER X<br />

<span class="subhead">SAMARKAND</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">Samarkand</span> is 150 miles by rail from Bokhārā. The
line follows the course of the Zarafshān, and passes
through a carefully tilled country, a large proportion of
which is under cotton.<a id="FNanchor_725" href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">725</a> Rather less than two-thirds is
grown from acclimatised American seed (<i>gorsypium
hirsutum</i>) introduced by the Russians, whose persistent
aim it has been to render their mills independent of the
United States. The seed is sown in April, on soil which
has been well ploughed and harrowed, the proportion
allowed being 21 pounds per acre. The fields are irrigated
thrice and kept scrupulously free from weeds. Towards
the end of September the ripe pods are picked and
exposed in heaps for sale. In average years an acre
yields 1400 pounds, and gives a net return of £5, 10s.,
considerably more than other crops. But the cultivator<span class="pagenum" id="Page_387">387</span>
has to face extraordinary fluctuations in market
prices. In 1895, though the harvest was exceptional in
bulk and quality, the price advanced to 4d. per pound,
and the acre yielded £8. This flood of wealth thus poured
into the cultivator’s lap was the better appreciated because
the lowering of railway rates has rendered the production
of bread stuffs unremunerative. In point of fact, the
Central Asian farmer is suffering, like his comrade of
the West, from the effect of free-trade dogmas. The
Russian Empire is a world within itself, blessed with
every variety of soil and climate, and gives ample scope for
Cobden’s theories. But cotton is essentially an object
for <i>petite culture</i>. Plantations have been tried without
success, and few who raise this lucrative crop devote to it
more than one-eighth of their farm; in other words, a plot
of three-fourths of an acre. The intense pressure of population
on the soil causes a keen demand for cotton lands,
and speculators take advantage of the limited supply
to engross large areas, and sublet them in plots to
tenants who agree to bring them the whole produce.
The profits are supposed to be divided equally, but the
landlord of course retains the lion’s share. The raw
cotton is sold in open market, and is either exported in
the pod or purchased by capitalists owning cotton-cleaning
mills.<a id="FNanchor_726" href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">726</a> Speaking generally, the prospects of the
cultivator in the rich valley of the Zarafshān are not very
promising. The soil is a yellow loam of great natural
richness, but the incessant demands of a teeming population,
continued for hundreds, nay thousands, of years,
have brought it within measurable distance of exhaustion.
Manuring is an imperative necessity, but cattle are few
owing to the absence of grazing grounds and fodder;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_388">388</span>
and the process can be repeated only once in three, or
even six years. Thus corn shows an ominous decrease
in weight; a pound now contains only 16,800 grains,
compared with nearly 20,000 a couple of decades back.
The Russians have to face a problem as difficult in its
degree as that which will one day cause a cataclysm in
British India, the ever-growing tendency of population to
outstrip the means of subsistence.</p>

<p>Soon after passing the spick-and-span Russian town
of Katta Kurgān, the growing freshness of the air proclaims
a higher level; and, in point of fact, Samarkand
is more than 2000 feet above the sea. At last the eye,
which so eagerly scanned the eastern horizon, lights upon
a sea of verdure, from which a fluted dome rises just as
St. Paul’s seems to float like a vast balloon over London
fogs. There are a few cities which touch a chord in him
who sees them for the first time. The glamour of their
fallen majesty is heightened rather than destroyed by the
railway; for it brings before us, as if by magic, a
panorama often seen in spirit, and its prosaic surroundings
serve as a foil to the halo of romance which still
lingers over the seat of a vanquished empire. Who
will ever forget the flood of associations that overpowered
him when he first heard “Roma” shouted by a railway
porter, or when he exchanged the roar of the train for
the peace which broods over the vista of palaces on the
Grand Canal? The famous city is, as in other cases, at
a distance of several miles from the railway station, the
environs of which are crowded with the mean shops and
drinking-dens usually found in such places. The road
thither, as all the chief thoroughfares, is of great width,
and overshadowed by splendid trees. It is this feature
of Samarkand landscapes, not less than the innumerable
gardens and vineyards in which one treads knee-deep
in luscious grapes, that stirred the imagination of Eastern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_389">389</span>
poets. In melodious strains the eternal city is styled
the “Mirror of the World,” “the Garden of Souls,”
“the Fourth Paradise.” But Samarkand was great and
glorious ages before the good Hārūn er-Rashīd reigned
in Baghdād, or Sa´adi planted flowers of poesy in his
Garden of Roses. At Maracanda, in Transoxiana,
Alexander of Macedon paused in his mad career, and
there he slew his faithful Clitus. Centuries glided by, and
it became Sa-mo-kien, the most western province of the
Celestial Empire. Then the tide of Mohammedan conquest
rolled over Samarkand; followed by the rule of
the Seljūk Turks, destined five centuries later to extend
their sway from Mongolia to Constantinople. The old
city now became what Moorish Spain was—a chosen
abode of all the arts that adorn and sweeten life. The
whole fabric of civilisation was drowned in blood by the
ruthless Chingiz Khān, and the ruin of Samarkand
seemed irretrievable. It was lifted from the dust by a
greater genius than Chingiz. Tīmūr made Samarkand
the “eye and star” of an empire which extended over a
third of the known world; and to his loving care belong
the works of art which, in hopeless ruin, still excite the
admiration of mankind. Their glories were soon
obliterated by the uncouth Uzbegs; and 150 years
ago the city site was a waste scored with mounds
and caverns from which the ruined churches and colleges
of a happier age soared heavenwards in desecrated
majesty. It became a province of Bokhārā and the
residence of the Amīrs during the summer heats,
and commerce slowly revived. The story of the last
wave of invasion which swept over Samarkand has already
been told in these pages.</p>

<p>Chief among the monuments of this war-worn city
is the tomb of Tīmūr, spoken of throughout Central
Asia as <i>Gūr Amīr</i>—the Amīr’s sepulchre, just as our<span class="pagenum" id="Page_390">390</span>
fathers styled Wellington “the Duke.” It is approached
through a double avenue of poplars, which terminates at
a gateway ornamented with faience and flanked by
ruined minarets. Behind these stands an octagonal
structure with a deeply fluted dome. The entrance on
the left of the tomb leads to a vaulted corridor, and
then to a chamber 35 feet square, with a cupola 115
feet from the floor. On each side there is an arched
recess with Alhambresque mouldings, and the walls are
covered with six-sided plates of transparent gypsum.
The interior is severely simple, as becomes the last
resting-place of so great a man. “Only a stone,”
whispered the dying emperor; “and my name upon it!”
And so he rests beneath a block of dark-green jade—the
largest in the world.<a id="FNanchor_727" href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">727</a> On the right of the conqueror’s
memorial stone is one of grey marble commemorating
his grandson Ulugh Beg, a distinguished astronomer,
who compiled tables showing the position of the fixed
stars, admitted to be the best which have come down
to us from Mohammedan times. In the recess facing
Mekka there hangs a large standard with a pendant
of horse-hair, emblem of a militant faith; and between it
and Tīmūr’s tomb is a grey marble slab dedicated to his
friend and tutor, Mir Sayyid Barākā, for whom he built
this mausoleum in 1386.<a id="FNanchor_728" href="#Footnote_728" class="fnanchor">728</a> The recess in the east
contains a slab of granite erected to a descendant of the
Prophet, named Hājjī Imām `Umr. The central group of
cenotaphs, numbering eight in all, is surrounded by a balustrade
in fretwork of transparent gypsum. The actual
tombs are in a crypt of exquisite proportions, which is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_391">391</span>
reached by a flight of steps. Here lies all that is mortal
of one whose empire extended from the Vistula to the
China Seas, who in the brief intervals between his
conquering expeditions found time to embellish his
capital with structures which, even in their decay, rank
among the wonders of the world.</p>

<div id="ip_390" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_390.jpg" width="600" height="462" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE SHĪR DĀR MADRASA, SAMARKAND</div></div>

<p>The centre of Samarkand life is the great open
market-square called the Rīgistān. Its southern side is
open to the street, and the other three are occupied
by as many great colleges, or madrasas. That which
stands on the east side was built in the time of Imām
Kulī Khān (1648), and is known as the Shīr Dār (or the
Lion-bearing), from uncouth representations of the Lion
and Sun of Persia on the four corners above its gigantic
recessed portal. At either extremity of the façade rise
melon-shaped domes and tall minarets leaning outwards.
That nearest the street exhibits a frieze of
dog’s-tooth mouldings, resembling those which occur in
our oldest Norman churches. A cloister-like passage
gives access to an immense courtyard surrounded by
cubicles and classrooms in two storeys, each pair
under an enamelled arch. A flight of brickwork stairs
leads to the summit of the lofty gateway, whence one
has a view which is second to none in Asia. The eye
ranges over a leafy sea, from which vast raised arches
and domes emerge, and rests on snow-clad mountains
which close the horizon on the north and east. The
madrasa of Tilā Kārī, on the north side, is so styled
from a plating of gold-foil under translucent enamel
which covers the holy place of a mosque on the left
of its courtyard.<a id="FNanchor_729" href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">729</a> That founded by Tīmūr’s astronomer
grandson, Ulugh Beg, is opposite Shīr Dār, and is
the smallest but most beautiful of the group. Unhappily,
it has suffered even more than the others from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_392">392</span>
earthquakes. Of the five minarets which once adorned
its angles, that on the south-east has fallen, and the
rest are much out of the perpendicular. This universal
tendency of Samarkand minarets is a standing enigma
to visitors. That these minarets are out of the perpendicular
may be easily proved by ascending one of
them and lowering a plumb-line; but it will probably
continue to excite controversy till these forlorn towers
have crumbled into ruins. Such has already been the
fate of the grandest of Samarkand’s monuments, the
Bībī Khānūm, which stands on rising ground north-east
of the Rīgistān. Like the Tāj Mahāl of Agra, it records
a widowed husband’s passionate sorrow; for she who
sleeps below was Tīmūr’s most loved wife, the daughter
of the emperor of China. The actual tomb is a mass
of shapeless ruins, for centuries of gross neglect have
done their work, and a climax was given to the work
of Time’s destroying hand by an earthquake which shook
Samarkand on the 5th November 1897. The approach
lies through a gateway which scarcely retains a trace
of the original design. This opens on a garden with
a mosque on either side, while the front is occupied
by a building which still inspires awe by its grandeur and
perfect proportions. The front exhibits a recessed portal,
sixty feet wide and higher than that of Peterborough
Cathedral, and an octagonal minaret at either extremity.
Between them rises a stupendous dome, with a double
frieze of blue, green, and yellow enamel, on which texts
from the Koran gleam brightly in gold lettering. The
interior is a square of fifty feet, adorned with arabesques.
In the centre once stood a colossal <i>rahla</i>, or lectern of
white marble, which once held a Koran, spreading over
fifty-four square feet when open. A tradition has
it that Bībī Khānūm, who founded this noble mosque,
was wont to read it from a window set high in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_393">393</span>
wall.<a id="FNanchor_730" href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">730</a> The <i>rahla</i> is supported by nine pillars just high
enough to admit of a man crawling under it—a painful
process often undergone as a cure for lumbago and
sciatica. It has now been removed to the courtyard,
to avert the destruction which would result from a
collapse of the entire structure. For the blue sky is
seen through a rent extending over a third of the surface
of the mighty dome; and a side view reveals an
outer and an inner skin, like those of St. Paul’s, with
the staircase leading to the summit. The portal is in
worse plight; but so solid was the old builders’ handiwork
that the arch is still intact though the brickwork
is a mere shell. The Russians must be held responsible
for the forlorn state of the Bībī Khānūm. When they
entered on their glorious inheritance the power of disintegration
might have been arrested. But they were
content to see the stately mosque degraded to the
base uses of a cotton-market and a stable,<a id="FNanchor_731" href="#Footnote_731" class="fnanchor">731</a> and the
vast revenues bequeathed by the piety of another age
diverted from their proper uses by a horde of greedy and
callous priests. They may, however, plead in mitigation
of the world’s censure, that lack of funds has impeded
their efforts to preserve these relics of a mighty past.<a id="FNanchor_732" href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">732</a>
If Generals Kauffman or Abramoff had been asked to
vouchsafe a grant for archæological purposes they would
doubtless have replied, as William Pitt did to Benjamin
Haydon’s suggestion that a national gallery of paintings
should be established: “We want all the money we can
scrape together to buy powder and shot with.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_394">394</span></p>

<div id="ip_392" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_392.jpg" width="600" height="430" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE BĪBĪ KHĀNŪM, SAMARKAND</div></div>

<p>In a suburb half a mile north-east of the Bībī
Khānūm stands a sepulchre of a different type. It is
that of Kāsim ibn `Abbās, a saint who endured martyrdom
in an attempt to convert the fire-worshippers of
Samarkand. Tradition adds that he picked up his
severed head, like St. Denis, and retired with it to a
well, whence he is destined to emerge in the hour of
Islām’s triumph. The Shāh Zindah, “Living Saint,”
has a tomb erected by Tīmūr,<a id="FNanchor_733" href="#Footnote_733" class="fnanchor">733</a> which is entered by a
brick gateway rich in blue and white faience, opening
on a street of tombs with some resemblance to the
Appian Way. On either side of a flight of steps, which
once were of marble, ascending the side of a ravine,
are a series of mausolea erected in honour of members
of Tīmūr’s family, his generals, and trusted servants. The
gates and façades are encrusted with glorious faience.
A photograph might convey a faint impression of the
exquisite form of pillars shaped like palm-trees, the
artistic design of the scrollwork and tracery. A consummate
master of colouring alone could reproduce the
harmony in dark blue, turquoise, yellow, and green
of this unrivalled panelling. The common belief is
that the porcelain which is seen in such perfection at
the Shāh Zindah was evolved in ancient Persia. It
was undoubtedly brought by the Mongols from China.<a id="FNanchor_734" href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">734</a>
The decoration of the Constantinople mosques, especially
those dating from the golden age of Sulaymān the
Magnificent, is similar to the specimens so much
admired at Samarkand. The vista closes with the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_395">395</span>
holy man’s tomb, which is approached by a suite of
halls adorned with arabesques and beautifully carved
wooden pillars. It is a mosque hung with offerings
from the faithful. Visitors are allowed by the attendant
priests to peer through a carved screen into a sombre
vault, in which the faint outline of a funeral stone is
seen, covered with costly shawls. Shāh Zindah has
suffered less than its unfortunate neighbours owing to
its smaller dimensions; but systematic repairs carried
out by experts are urgently needed. All that has been
done by the present masters of Samarkand is to prevent
the wholesale pilfering of coloured tiles.</p>

<p>The ancient citadel of Samarkand is still called
by the people Urda. This “encampment” occupies a
commanding position, and is secured on three sides
by scarped ravines. Its walls are upwards of two miles
in circumference,<a id="FNanchor_735" href="#Footnote_735" class="fnanchor">735</a> and have been adapted to suit the
exigencies of modern warfare. In Russian eyes it is
as sacred as the theatre of a defence as glorious as that
of our Lucknow Residency in 1857.<a id="FNanchor_736" href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">736</a> In those of
the antiquarian it is precious as the repository of the
Kok Tāsh, a coronation stone of the Bokhāran sovereigns,
and of an old Arabic inscription. The former is
in the courtyard of a mean building which once
served as the Amīr’s residence. It is an oblong
block of grey marble, with arabesques at the sides,
measuring 10′ 4″ by 4′ 9″ by 2′ in height.
According to tradition, it fell on this spot from heaven,
and for ages past it was venerated as the ægis of
Bokhāran royalty. No Amīr was considered worthy
of his subjects’ homage till he had sat on this rude<span class="pagenum" id="Page_396">396</span>
throne. Behind it is an oval metal plaque bearing a
funeral inscription dating as far back as <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 550, or
1155 of our era.</p>

<p>The Russians’ quarter of Samarkand lies to the south
of the native city. Their occupation has lasted for thirty
years, and their dwellings have lost the garish newness
which strikes a jarring note at Askabad and Merv.
Broad avenues, at right angles to each other, a leafy park,
and a splendid Boulevard, which Samarkand owes to its
good genius, General Abramoff, who was governor in
1874,<a id="FNanchor_737" href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">737</a> such are the pleasant, if somewhat prosaic, features
of Russian Samarkand. Government House has the
vast reception-rooms met with in such places throughout
the empire, and it has a large garden, which has trees,
water, statues—everything except flowers. The officials’
bungalows mostly face the Abramovsky Boulevard, and
are planned on the familiar Anglo-Indian lines. Then
there is the obligatory military casino, which eclipses the
finest of our mess-houses and has a splendid ballroom.
Hard by is the garrison church, a clumsy erection, which
seems the more insignificant by reason of its juxtaposition
with the glorious remains of Mohammedan days. The
museum is still more unworthy of a provincial capital.
It contains the dreary array of stuffed beasts and wide-mouthed
bottles familiar nearer home. No region in
the world is richer in memorials of past ages than the
valley of the Zarafshān. Heaps of small clay figures,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_397">397</span>
supposed to represent the horse, show that Hinduism
prevailed there at some remote period, for they are
identical in shape with those deposited as <i>ex votos</i> at
many Indian shrines. Crosses figuring on rude bas-reliefs
serve as a reminder of another vanished faith. The
Nestorians, hounded as heretics from Europe in the
fifth century, spread over the Asiatic Continent, and
established bishoprics in Samarkand, Merv, and Herāt.<a id="FNanchor_738" href="#Footnote_738" class="fnanchor">738</a>
With a degree of moderation which belied their uncompromising
tenets, the Caliphs protected the professors
of this rival faith. Its golden age was the
twelfth century; but Tīmūr was not a man to
tolerate any dissidence in his empire. His ruthless
persecution stamped out Christianity in Central Asia.
The museum also exhibits vessels of beautiful iridescent
glass and pottery, the spoils of Afrāsiyāb, a city of
immemorial antiquity, which covered the hills and ravines
between Samarkand and the Zarafshān. The semi-mythical
king whose name it bears<a id="FNanchor_739" href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">739</a> lived, according
to tradition, in the eleventh century before Christ. That
a high degree of civilisation was attained by the people
of his long buried realm is proved by the exquisite
designs of the lamps, urns, and pottery exhumed there.
A rich harvest awaits systematic exploration.<a id="FNanchor_740" href="#Footnote_740" class="fnanchor">740</a> The
collection of mineral specimens is equally unworthy of
Samarkand, for the mountains to the east of the city<span class="pagenum" id="Page_398">398</span>
contain the potentialities of wealth beyond the dreams of
avarice. There is a mountain of fine coal not twenty-five
miles from the walls; and metals of all kinds abound.<a id="FNanchor_741" href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">741</a>
The other modern institutions at Samarkand are more
creditable to Russian enterprise. The jail, a large
castellated structure resembling our own prison at
Holloway, is scrupulously clean, and has most modern
appliances for enforcing labour. The convicts are employed
in weaving cotton, and all are healthy and well
nourished. But the jail population in Central Asia is
a fluctuating one; for criminals sentenced to long terms
of imprisonment are deported by rail and steamer to
Saghaleen, in the North-West Pacific.<a id="FNanchor_742" href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">742</a> Two orphanages
for Russian children flourish; and the little inmates are
happy, clean, and not depressed by that badge of
servitude, a uniform.</p>

<p>Samarkand is still a great emporium of trade,
though it no longer serves as a depôt for the produce of
British India and Afghanistān. The roads are thronged
with shaggy camels, and carts perched on two gigantic
wheels, which preserve their contents from the thorough
wetting which an ordinary vehicle would give them<span class="pagenum" id="Page_399">399</span>
while traversing the innumerable streams. The bazaars
are not under cover as are those of Bokhārā, but the
contents are quite as varied. Hides are a speciality
of those parts—Astrakhans, prepared from the covering
of the unborn lamb by Arabs, beautiful silky goats’ skin,
and nearly every kind of furs are to be purchased at very
moderate prices. An English merchant, who has been
engaged for three years in this trade, avers that the
profits exceed 40 per cent. The manufactures of silk
and cotton are still important, in spite of the competition
of Russian looms.</p>

<div id="ip_398" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img src="images/i_398.jpg" width="600" height="395" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">THE MARKET NEAR BĪBĪ KHĀNŪM, SAMARKAND</div></div>

<p>According to local tradition, the art of weaving dates
back to the expulsion of our first parents from Paradise.
The Archangel Michael, in pity for their forlorn state,
brought Adam a supply of cotton, and taught Eve how
to fashion the fibre into cloth. Russian yarn has now
entirely banished this native product. Before use it
is boiled with soda, dyed, generally with aniline, and
sized with wheaten starch. The looms are worked by
hand, and the largest can turn out muslin nearly 4 yards
wide. The wholesale price is 13s. 6d. for ten pieces
with an aggregate length of 90 yards. Silk velvets
and mixed fabrics are also produced in small factories
with very inadequate light and ventilation. Each loom
produces 16,000 yards annually, worth about £60, and
giving a net profit of £32. Capital fares better than
labour; for the journeyman weaver works ten hours a
day for a weekly pittance of 4s. 6d. Viticulture is a far
more lucrative industry; for Samarkand vineyards are
three times as productive as those of any other part
of the empire. The out-turn per acre is 134 cwt., as
compared with 40 cwt. yielded in the Caucasus and the
Crimea. The cost of cultivation is proportionately less,
and hardly exceeds £22, as compared with £60 in the
western provinces. Thus the area under vines has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_400">400</span>
trebled since the Russians gave Samarkand a just and
settled government. In 1895 it had reached 15,000
acres, and is now probably 20 per cent. greater.
Attempts have been made of late years to introduce
foreign stock; but the native varieties, of which 24
are grown, are more prolific and give produce of greater
body.<a id="FNanchor_743" href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">743</a> The soil selected for vineyards is composed
of equal parts of sand and loam. Three hundred and
seventy vines are planted to the acre. They begin to
yield in their fourth year, and are at their best between
the 8th and 25th. The tops are laid in trenches, and
covered with earth at the beginning of winter; and
when spring comes round they are uncovered and
allowed to trail on the ground without the support of
poles or trellis-work. The vine requires higher cultivation
than any other plant which ministers to our needs or
luxury. In Samarkand manure is applied in the proportion
of 4 cwt. an acre, and the vineyards are thrice
drenched with water. At the end of October the grapes
are fit to gather. The return is enormous, and in one
district it reaches 26 tons an acre. The bulk of the
fruit is dried and exported as <i>kishmish</i>, or raisins.
Though the cost of transport by rail makes this delicacy
dearer than the Persian product, it commands a higher
price; no less than 7300 tons were sent to Russia by rail
in 1896.</p>

<p>The manufacture of brandy is a new industry at
Samarkand. About 155,000 gallons are made annually
for local consumption. The out-turn of wine is on
nearly the same scale. In the opinion of French experts,
the produce of a Central Asian grape is at least as good
as that of the Medoc and Burgundy districts. The wine
is of high alcoholic strength, and mellows rapidly. In
this costly process, however, large capital is required, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_401">401</span>
the manufacture languishes in its absence. Casks, bottles,
and corks are imported at great expense from Russia;
and a reduction of railway rates is urgently called for.
We have not yet exhausted the uses of Central Asian
grapes. Those which are fit for nothing else are boiled
into a syrup which serves to sweeten green tea, ices, and
confectionery.<a id="FNanchor_744" href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">744</a></p>

<p>Samarkand resembles Bokhārā in the character of its
population, which does not exceed 50,000. The Rīgistān
is a happy hunting-ground for the ethnologist.
Here one may listen unmolested to the professional story-teller,
who holds his audience enthralled by oft-repeated
tales of ancient chivalry.</p>

<p>There are two classes of public reciters: the <i>maddāh</i>,
who stands while he relates edifying or amusing anecdotes;
and the <i>risālachi</i>, who, seated on the ground, recites tales
and legends in verse to a monotonous accompaniment on
the two-stringed lute. Among these public entertainers
there exists a system of organised applause. Two or three
men or boys (very often themselves entertainers taking
an interval) sit down at a distance of some ten yards
facing the story-teller, and, throughout the entertainment,
ejaculate at fixed intervals (as it were punctuating the
commas and full stops in the story) such words as <i>hakkan</i>,
“of a truth,” and <i>khūsh</i>, “bravo,” etc.</p>

<p>At the close of every recitation they are warned that
“Amin” must be said, and in pronouncing it they place
their hands with fingers clasped beneath the chin. Then
follows a collection, and as the tiny brass coin rain into
the performer’s cap he acknowledges the generosity of
each giver by a nicely graduated meed of thanks.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_402">402</span>
The legends of Samarkand which these performers
have at their finger-ends are very curious. The popular
hero is a Bokhāran Amīr named `Abdullah, who is credited
with most of the ancient buildings of the provinces.
Once, so the story goes, he marched against this city
with a great army, to crush a rebellious governor, but was
foiled by its triple ramparts. He sat down before it and
waited in vain for the surrender. At last his troops
began to suffer the pangs of hunger; and the Amīr himself
found provisions running short. One evening, while
wandering <i>incognito</i> in the suburbs, he came upon an old
woman preparing her evening porridge, which smelt so
good that the Amīr cast his dignity to the winds and
begged permission to share the repast. It was granted,
but his impatience did not permit him to wait till the
smoking mess was properly served. He thrust a spoon
into the pot and conveyed the contents to his mouth,
burning that sensitive organ severely. His hostess roared
with laughter at his grimaces, and said: “Now thou
resemblest `Abdullah! Hadst thou taken the porridge
from the edge of the dish, thou wouldst not have suffered
thus. So, if our Amīr had begun by closely investing
Samarkand, and allowed the citizens’ passions to be cooled
by hunger, he would not have burnt his fingers as he has
done.” The sovereign took the jest to heart, and starved
out the rebels. In gratitude to his monitress, he bestowed
on her a strip of land on either bank of the Ak Daryā
in fee simple.</p>

<p>A lofty hill called Chūpān Ātā, which commands
Samarkand on the east, is the subject of another legend.
According to tradition, a cruel king invaded Samarkand
and pitched his tents on a plain where Chūpān Ātā now
rears its head. Here he waited for three days in order to
give the people time to concentrate with their treasures
within the city walls. The Samarkandis were then<span class="pagenum" id="Page_403">403</span>
heathen, but the imminence of peril made them turn to the
true God. From the ruler downwards all ascended the flat
house-roofs and wrestled in earnest prayer for deliverance.
Their sight fell on the camp of the enemy, glittering with
lights and resounding with martial music. The besieged
trembled, for they knew that the morrow was the day
fixed for the assault. When the sun rose all was still,
and instead of a plain covered, as far as the eye could
range, with tents, a mountain raised its head heavenwards.
They timidly ventured beyond the walls, but the only
trace of life was a husbandman in strange attire sleeping
with a spade for his pillow. On being waked he rubbed
his eyes, stared around him with astonishment, and asked
where he was. Learning that he was in the heart of
Asia, he told his interlocutors that he was a Syrian. On
the previous evening he had betaken himself to the
mountain-side with his spade, for on the morrow his
turn for irrigation would come round. Spent with
fatigue he had fallen asleep and been wafted 1500
miles, with his farm and the mountain on which it stood!
Then the Samarkandis saw that God had hearkened to
their prayer, and that their foes lay buried in the bowels
of the mountain. Confirmation is found in the fact<a id="FNanchor_745" href="#Footnote_745" class="fnanchor">745</a>
that the conformation of Chūpān Ātā is the same as that
of Syrian hills, and that lethal weapons are often turned
up there by the plough. A variation of the legend has
it that the Syrian waif belonged to that calling, and was
discovered sleeping peacefully among his flock. The
hill once bore a three-storeyed observatory, built by the
astronomer Ulugh Beg, which has been replaced by a
shrine with faience decorations of the patron saint of
shepherds. It stands at the edge of the valley of the
Zarafshān, which is here crossed by a timber viaduct on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_404">404</span>
the line connecting Samarkand with Andijān and
Tashkent. At this point stands a much more curious
piece of engineering, which dates back to the time of
Tīmūr. At right angles to the new railway line a
gigantic brick arch juts into the shallow spreading
stream. It is 100 feet in height, and at least as
broad; and traces of two similar arches are to be seen in
the river-bed beyond. The intention of the designer is
not by any means clear. It could hardly have been to
throw a roadway over the Zarafshān, which is not navigable,
and would not require a bridge more than twenty
feet in height. In the opinion of <i>savants</i>, this huge work
was built to serve as a regulation of the current, forcing a
certain proportion of the water into a channel reserved
for the exclusive use of Bokhārā, which is entirely at the
mercy of Samarkand in the matter of irrigation.</p>

<p>The administration of Samarkand offers much interesting
material for study. We see in Transcaspia a system
of local government imposed on the unsophisticated
Turkomans. At Bokhārā we observe the rules on which
the paramount Power conducts its relations to the ruler
and people of a protected state. It remains to sketch the
means taken by our rivals in Asia to improve a mechanism
evolved in a comparatively civilised community.</p>

<p>Samarkand is a province of Turkestān, and under the
control of the governor-general at Tashkent. It embraces
the four districts of Samarkand proper, Katta
Kurgān, Jizāk, and Khojend. The first-named has an
area of 12,300 square miles, with a population of rather
more than 300,000. It is administered by a chief who
is a military officer of field rank, aided by a personal
assistant.<a id="FNanchor_746" href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">746</a> Under him are officers styled pristas, in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_405">405</span>
charge of subdivisions, which are again split up into
volosts, or groups of 2000 to 2500 houses, governed by
officers termed volostnois. Every village in the volost
has its mayor (starshina). The duties of this class
of officials are purely executive, and confined to the
repression of crime, the execution of judicial decrees, and
the collection of revenue. They form, too, the police
force. On the occurrence of an offence it is reported
to the starshina, who sends information to the volostnoi.
An investigation follows, and, should the charge be considered
<i>primâ facie</i> true, it is reported to one of the two
judges of instruction stationed at Samarkand. These
officers are subordinate to the Ministry of Justice at
St. Petersburg, and have charge of all steps in criminal
inquiries up to the actual trial. When their work is
complete the case comes before the judge of the peace,
who is also an officer of the Ministry of Justice, and is
disposed of under the Russian criminal code. Civil causes
in which either party is a foreigner are tried by this
functionary, whose tribunal is also that for suits referred
to him by both litigants, though both may be natives of
Turkestān. The ordinary tribunals for this latter are
those of the Kāzīs—native judges stationed at the
volost headquarters, who are guided in their decisions by
the Mohammedan law. The executive officials are also
responsible for the collection of revenue. Its chief source
is the land tax, for Samarkand was, before its conquest,
a province of Bokhārā, and the state in all Mohammedan
countries is theoretically the owner of the soil. In this
department things are not yet on a sound footing.
When the Russians assumed the administration of the
country they were compelled to trust to the information as
to the demand from each villager furnished by the officers<span class="pagenum" id="Page_406">406</span>
of the late Government. The statistics thus obtained
were, of course, vitiated by the corruption of public servants
universal throughout the East;<a id="FNanchor_747" href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">747</a> but they still
form the basis of the annual demand which is assessed
collectively on each village by the district chief, and
paid into the treasury by the starshinas. The rate
ranges, with the nature of the soil and the facilities
for irrigation, between 2s. and 3s. 4d. per acre. The
Russians are therefore in much the same predicament
as were the English masters of Bengal in 1793, when
the annual demand was crystallised for ever by that
gigantic fiscal blunder, the Permanent Settlement. They
possess the advantage of having a free hand; and for
several years past a commission has been incubating a
scheme adjusting the burdens on land with some regard
to its actual produce.<a id="FNanchor_748" href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">748</a> The imposts on merchandise and
the poll-tax levied on non-Musulmans under the old régime
have been abolished, and traders are classified in guilds
according to the scale of their operations, and pay a licence
tax on a graduated scale. Irrigation has been left in
native hands, and every village has its <i>ak-sakāl</i> (white-beard),
or superintendent, who has the power to demand
the service of the entire male population for work on the
canals.<a id="FNanchor_749" href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">749</a> Vernacular education has not made much
progress since the conquest; and the system is subject<span class="pagenum" id="Page_407">407</span>
to the same defects as those which render Bokhārā a hotbed
of fanaticism. Many years ago an attempt was made
by Government to introduce the study of Russian; but
priestly influence ran counter to the reform, and the
classes were poorly attended. An administrative order
was, however, issued in 1897 which made a knowledge
of the conqueror’s tongue obligatory on candidates for
the posts of volostnoi and kāzī; and self-interest has
already modified the popular attitude towards the innovation.
Those who wish well to Russian rule must see to
it that the pendulum is not allowed to swing in the
opposite direction. No greater mistake could be made
than to force a superficial study of Russian on classes
rendered unfit to profit by it by social status or inherited
defect.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_408">408</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="CHAPTER_P2_XI" class="vspace">CHAPTER XI<br />

<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Friends or Foes?</span></span></h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">It</span> has been acutely observed that we bring back from
foreign countries no more than we take thither. In
other words, we view them through the medium of
our own personality, which is the growth of heredity, education,
and environment. It is almost impossible for
an Englishman to judge the subjects of the Tsar
dispassionately. Forty-five years ago a friendship
which had lasted for centuries was shattered by that
greatest blunder of the century, our Crimean campaign;
and the fierce passions which it engendered have
not yet spent their force. The Russian advance in Asia,
which we have described as a movement automatic and
uncontrollable, has been interpreted by an influential
school of writers as a menace to our position in India.
Twice of late years have we been landed on the very
brink of war by a public opinion goaded to frenzy by
such baseless fears. For it may be affirmed with
perfect truth that the absorption of India is a dream
too wild for the most aggressive adviser of the Tsar.
Such is the geographical position of the peninsula, that
it can be held by no European Power which is not
Mistress of the Seas. How, it may well be asked,
would it profit Russia to assume the responsibility of
governing three hundred million of Asiatics whose
ignorance of Malthusian doctrines renders them a prey<span class="pagenum" id="Page_409">409</span>
to perennial pestilence and famine? Our prestige,
indeed, is vitally concerned in upholding an empire
which is the wonder and the envy of the world, and we
reap solid advantage from owning so considerable an
outlet for our manufactures and the redundant energies of
our middle class. In Russia social and economic conditions
differ widely from our own; and her conquests
in Eastern Asia will absorb her surplus activity for
many years to come. It is true that the path opened
by nature for her expansion leads southwards. Peter
the Great’s famous will is a forgery,<a id="FNanchor_750" href="#Footnote_750" class="fnanchor">750</a> but no one can
doubt that its promptings have sunk deeply into the
hearts of the Russian people. In their eyes the Tsar
is the heir of the Byzantine Empire which gave them
laws and religion, and they are firmly convinced that a
day will come when the Greek Cross will replace the
Crescent which desecrates the summit of St. Sophia.</p>

<p>Twice has the road to Constantinople been blocked
by England. In 1854 she drew the sword in order
to keep the Key of the World in Turkish hands; and a
quarter of a century later she turned back the Tsar’s
victorious legions when the splendid quarry was within
their grasp. Baffled in an ambition which educated
Russians deem legitimate, their eyes are turned to the
Far East; and here, again, England has set limits to
their expansion. It is this latent antagonism, ever
ready to burst into uncontrollable fury, which constitutes
the chief danger to the stability of our rule in
India. The latter is our one vulnerable point, and,
when national interests are become divergent, it is
in Russia’s power to create a diversion by fomenting
trouble in Afghanistān, in the highlands which
separate the two empires, and within the limits of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_410">410</span>
India itself. Every friend of humanity must deplore
the existence of a gulf between two forces which, if
united, would give civilisation to Asia and assure the
peace of the world. When we pass from the tendency
of Russian policy in the heart of Asia to the results
achieved there, we are on firmer ground—in politics
nothing happens but the unexpected, while ocular
evidence can hardly be impeached. We left home full
of prejudices, the result of a course of Central Asian
literature. The Cassandra notes of Vambéry were
ringing in our ears, and the latent chauvinism of Lord
Curzon of Kedleston<a id="FNanchor_751" href="#Footnote_751" class="fnanchor">751</a> had prejudiced the Russians in
our eyes. But unfavourable prepossessions vanished
when we had seen the results of their rule in Central
Asia, and had gathered estimates of its character in
every class of the population. We are convinced that
the Tsar’s explicit instructions to his lieutenants to
exercise a fatherly care over his Asiatic subjects are
scrupulously obeyed.<a id="FNanchor_752" href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">752</a> The peoples of Asia, from the
Caspian to China, from Siberia to the borders of Persia
and Afghanistān, enjoy as large a measure of happiness
and freedom as those of any part of our Indian
dominions. The fiscal policy of the conquering race is
one of extreme moderation. Imperial and local taxation
are indeed too light; and, in Samarkand at least,
a turn might be given to the screw with great advantage
to an exchequer which finds these Asiatic possessions a
serious drain on its resources. The problem of local
self-government has been solved, and indigenous institutions
have not been ruthlessly trampled upon. Respect
for the dominant race has been inculcated by prompt<span class="pagenum" id="Page_411">411</span>
and severe punishment meted out for revolt or outrage
on a European’s person or property. Every picture
has its shadows, and it is not difficult to point to
defects in the administrative machine. Russia has
carried an attitude of <i>laissez-faire</i> to an extreme limit
in dealing with education, and it has been left in
the hands of a class which must always be bitterly
hostile to infidel rule. The process of Russification has
been pushed with excessive zeal. Local colour and
racial characteristics have been swept away, which were
precious indeed in times when mankind was oppressed by
a deluge of commonplace throughout the Eastern world.
Structures which made the cities of Central Asia the
theme of Eastern poets have been suffered to lapse into
hopeless ruin. And what shall be said of a commercial
policy framed on principles exploded a century ago by
Adam Smith, and proved by the history of our own
East India Company to be positively injurious to the
Government which cherishes them? That policy aims at
nothing less than the maintenance of a Chinese Wall
round the Russian Empire, albeit that railways and
steam navigation have made the whole world kin and
brought about a solidarity between nations which
renders each unit sensitive to the injuries inflicted on
the commerce and manufactures of the rest. The
heavy protective tariff, the unwillingness to admit consular
agents for the protection of English trade, and
the jealous restrictions on the movements of Europeans
are strangely out of date at the dawn of the twentieth
century. An Anglo-Indian official travelling in Central
Asia would find it difficult to avoid instituting comparisons
between our own methods of dealing with
Orientals and those employed by the Russians. The
dissimilarity of the conditions encountered deprives the
process of half its value. We have in India a swarming<span class="pagenum" id="Page_412">412</span>
population, which overtaxes the productive power of
the soil and yet shows no sign of having reached its
utmost limits. In the bitter struggle for life an
enormous criminal class has been evolved, which is a
perpetual thorn in the side of authority. And then,
we are face to face with a civilisation more ancient than
our own, and on its own lines, as complex, presenting
features which baffle the closest study. Nor must the
religious problem be left out of account. Hinduism
is stirred to its inmost being by a revival, and displays
an elasticity and a militant spirit which appear incompatible
with its principles. The forces of Islām are
also equipped for a coming struggle. A Puritan movement,
inaugurated by Wahabi missionaries eighty years
ago, has spread far and wide, and the Mohammedans
of India have formed secret societies which are exploited
by wirepullers for their own ends. Thus we
find arrayed against us millions who firmly believe that
a good Government must necessarily be a theocracy.
Our own institutions, founded as they are on a sincere
regard for the good of subject races, have conspired to
bring about a state of things which is full of political
danger. The dissemination of the English language
and of the half-truths with which our political literature
teems has produced aspirations which can be gratified
only by the abdication of our supremacy. Thus the
prestige of the conquerors, which must be upheld
if 200,000 white men are to govern three hundred
millions of their fellow-creatures, has been declining
for many years past. And we labour under
the immense disadvantage of being aliens in blood,
language, and traditions from the Asiatics whom we
are called upon to rule. For communities which have
arrived at a high pitch of civilisation, conquest is an
anachronism, and assimilation with a subject race an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_413">413</span>
impossibility. We can have no sympathy with the
workings of these enigmatic Oriental minds, for we view
every problem that presents itself from an entirely
different standpoint. Thus we must always be sojourners
in India, and our dominion can never strike
its roots deeply into the soil. But for the bayonets
on which our throne is supported it would fall, even as
those of our predecessors in the purple have fallen.
Central Asia, on the other hand, is thinly peopled, and
the standard of comfort is comparatively high. The
conquerors and conquered are connected by the ties of
blood, and there is a latent and unconscious sympathy
between them which renders the task of government
easy and assures its stability. In one point the difference
between British and Russian methods of administration
is very marked—the relations between the
judicial and executive functions. Our readers are
doubtless aware that in India, under the native rule,
there was an entire separation between the judge and
the ruler. This divorce continued till, under the régime
of Lord William Bentinck, functions apparently dissonant
were united. It was considered essential in a
country so peculiarly constituted as India that the
Central Government should have, in every district, a
single representative in whose hands all the threads of
administration are gathered. In Russian Asia, on the
other hand, offences against the state and individuals
alike come within the purview of courts entirely independent
of the executive, which is on a military basis
and concerns itself only with obedience to these tribunals’
behests. Some friction occurred between the
rival branches when the country was first invaded by
Judges of Instruction and of the Peace, free from the
control of local authorities and subordinate to the
Ministry of Justice at St. Petersburg. This agitation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_414">414</span>
was calmed by a hint from a high quarter that it was
puerile and displeasing. Nowhere is discipline, both in
the army and civil service, maintained so sternly as in
the Russian Empire. The relations between the executive
and the judicial branches are now as cordial as
can be expected, and the system in force gives the
utmost satisfaction to the people. It would carry us
too far from our subject to discuss the merits and
defects of the respective methods. One thing is certain,
that a compliance with the demand of the Indian Congress,
that our district officers should be relegated to
the station of mere rakers-in of revenue, would involve
a fatal weakening of the principle of authority. But
imitation is the sincerest flattery, and that so much of
the Russian edifice is built on Anglo-Indian models is
the strongest proof of their intrinsic excellence. We
were pioneers, and had difficulties to encounter with
which our neighbours were never perplexed; and they
have profited by our experience and mistakes. The
last word of the memorable seventeenth-century controversy,
Ancients against Moderns, was said when
someone remarked that a dwarf could see farther than
a giant if perched upon his shoulders. We believe
that the cause of civilisation would be furthered by a
frank understanding between the two great Asiatic
Powers. The Russians have their faults, which are
often a little exasperating to the perfervid Briton. The
Oriental strain renders them, to say the least of it,
leisurely in business transactions. Their standard of
comfort is not exalted; social etiquette is not without
a tinge of barbarism. But they are a young and
vigorous race, imbued with a passionate love of their
country, a steadfast belief in its high destinies, both rare
and precious in these days of flabby cosmopolitanism.
And there is a great deal in their work in Central Asia<span class="pagenum" id="Page_415">415</span>
which should inspire our admiration and sympathy.
Their railways are the fruit of a dogged perseverance,
and appeal forcibly to the fellow-countrymen of George
Stephenson and Brunel. The broad realm which they
govern consists of little but deserts and swamps, and
the isolation of those who administer it, their banishment
from the sweets of home, give them a special
claim on our regard. When we come to the individuals
we find still more in common. That Englishmen
and Russians are made to understand and appreciate
each other was proved during the operations of
Boundary Commissions of 1885 and 1895, for the personnel
on both sides parted on terms of cordial friendship.
Once given a union of hearts between the two greatest
Powers, how much anxiety would not our statesmen
be saved!</p>

<div id="ip_414" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 26.125em;">
  <img src="images/i_414.jpg" width="418" height="600" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">BAZAAR POLITICS</div></div>

<p>But the Russians must set their own house in
order ere a consummation be reached which will give
tranquillity to this distracted world of ours. Autocracy
has some advantages over any system of popular
government; but it has a drawback equally obvious.
It gives a preponderance to the personal equation
which sometimes menaces the peace of the world. The
dynasty of the Romanoffs during the last century has
produced more men of talent and public spirit than
any other royal house in Europe; but Russians should
remember that a Catherine the Great was followed by
a Paul. What if a Tsar should arise inspired by
dreams of military glory and longing to use the
immense forces at his disposal in a career of universal
conquest? England, the august mother of self-governing
nations, the chosen home of freedom, may well
pause ere she throws in her lot with a state whose
political future is in the hands of a single human
being. The radical difference between our commercial<span class="pagenum" id="Page_416">416</span>
policies is another obstacle to a close Anglo-Russian
alliance. We English are essentially a manufacturing
people, dependent on our foreign commerce for the
wherewithal to feed a redundant population and support
the burden of world-wide empire. Having found
by centuries of experience that perfect freedom of
trade and travel are as essential to a people’s healthy
development as the air we breathe, we so govern that
empire that the human race profits by its existence.
Nations are subject to the same laws as those which
govern the growth and well-being of individuals; and
true progress is impossible unless their policy be swayed
by a scrupulous regard for the interests of others.</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_417">417</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="APPENDIX_I">APPENDIX I</h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">Translation</span> of Prince Gortschakoff’s Circular to the
Great Powers, dated St. Petersburg, 21st November
1864.</p>

<p>“The Russian newspapers have described the military
operations which have been carried out by a detachment
of our troops in the regions of Central Asia, with
remarkable success and vast results. It was inevitable
that these events should excite attention in foreign
countries, and the more so because their theatre lies in
regions which are hardly known.</p>

<p>“Our august Master has directed me to explain
succinctly, but with clearness and precision, our position
in Central Asia, the interests which prompt our action in
that part of the world, and the aims which we pursue.
The position of Russia in Central Asia is that of all
civilised states which come into contact with half-savage,
wandering tribes possessing no fixed social organisation.</p>

<p>“It invariably happens in such cases that the interests
of security on the frontier, and of commercial relations,
compel the more civilised state to exercise a certain
ascendency over neighbours whose turbulence and nomad
instincts render them difficult to live with. First, we
have incursions and pillage to repress. In order to stop
these we are compelled to reduce the tribes on our frontier
to a more or less complete submission. Once this result
is attained they become less troublesome, but in their
turn they are exposed to the aggression of more distant<span class="pagenum" id="Page_418">418</span>
tribes. The state is obliged to defend them against
these depredations, and chastise those who commit
them. Hence the necessity of distant and costly
expeditions, repeated at frequent intervals, against an
enemy whose social organisation enables him to elude
pursuit. If we content ourselves with chastising the
freebooters and then retire, the lesson is soon forgotten.
Retreat is ascribed to weakness, for Asiatics respect
only visible and palpable force; that arising from the
exercise of reason and a regard for the interests of
civilisation has as yet no hold on them. The task
has therefore to be performed over again.</p>

<p>“In order to cut short these perpetual disorders
we established strong places in the midst of a hostile
population, and thus we obtained an ascendency which
shortly but surely reduced them to a more or less willing
submission. But beyond this line there are other tribes
which soon provoke the same dangers, the same repression.
The state then finds itself on the horns of a
dilemma. It must abandon the incessant struggle and
deliver its frontier over to disorder, which renders property,
security, and civilisation impossible; or it must plunge
into the depths of savage countries, where the difficulties
and sacrifices to which it is exposed increase with each
step in advance. Such has been the lot of all countries
placed in the same conditions. The United States in
America, France in Algiers, Holland in her colonies,
England in India,—all have been inevitably drawn into
a course wherein ambition plays a smaller part than
imperious necessity, and where the greatest difficulty
is in knowing where to stop.</p>

<p>“Such are the reasons which have induced the
Imperial Government to establish itself, on the one side,
on the Sir Daryā, and, on the other, on the Lake of
Issik-Kul, and to consolidate the two lines by advanced<span class="pagenum" id="Page_419">419</span>
forts which, little by little, have penetrated the heart of
these distant regions, but have not sufficed to secure
tranquillity on the frontier. The cause of this instability
lies, firstly, in the existence between the extremities of this
double line of forts, of a vast unoccupied tract where the
incursions of robber tribes continue to neutralise our
attempts at colonisation and our caravan traffic. It is, in
the second place, due to perpetual changes in the political
aspect of the countries to the south of our border.
Turkestān and Kokand are sometimes united, sometimes
separated, but are always at war, either with each other
or with Bokhārā, and offer no probability of settled
relations or regular transactions with them.</p>

<p>“Thus, in its own despite, the Imperial Government
finds itself reduced to the dilemma already stated: it must
allow an anarchy to become chronic which paralyses all
security and all progress, and involve distant and expensive
expeditions at frequent intervals; or, on the other hand,
it must enter on a career of conquest and annexation
such as gave England her Indian Empire, in view of
dominating in succession the petty independent states
whose turbulent habits and perpetual revolts leave their
neighbour neither truce nor repose. Neither of these
alternatives is in consonance with the object of my august
Master’s policy, which aims at restricting the extent of
the countries subject to his sceptre within reasonable
limits, while it places his rule thereon on firm foundations,
guarantees their security, and develops their social
organisation, their commerce, well-being, and civilisation.</p>

<p>“Our task, therefore, has been to seek a system fitted
to attain the triple object. In this view the following
principles have been <span class="locked">formulated:—</span></p>

<p>“(1.) It has been considered indispensable that the
two fortified frontier lines, the one stretching from China
to Lake Issik-Kul, the other from the Sea of Aral along<span class="pagenum" id="Page_420">420</span>
the lower course of the Sir Daryā, should be linked
together by a chain of strongholds, so that each fort
should be in a position to afford mutual support and
leave no space open to the incursions of nomad tribes.</p>

<p>“(2.) It was essential that the line of forts thus completed
should be placed in a fertile country, not only in
order to assure supplies, but to facilitate regular colonisation,
which alone can give an occupied country a future
of stability and prosperity, or attract neighbouring tribes
to civilised life.</p>

<p>“(3.) It was a matter of urgency to fix this line in a
definite manner, in order to escape the danger of being
drawn on from repression to reprisals, which might end in
a limitless extension of our empire.</p>

<p>“With this object it was necessary to lay the foundations
of a system founded not merely on considerations of
expediency, but on geographical and political data which
are fixed and permanent.</p>

<p>“This system was disclosed to us by a very simple
fact, the result of long experience, namely, that nomad
tribes which cannot be overtaken, punished, or kept in
hand are the worst neighbours possible; while agricultural
and commercial populations, wedded to the soil,
and given a more highly developed social organisation,
afford for us a basis for friendly relations which may
become all that can be wished.</p>

<p>“Our frontier-line then should include the first, and
stop at the boundaries of the second.</p>

<p>“These three principles afford a clear, natural, and
logical explanation of the recent military operations
accomplished in Central Asia.</p>

<p>“Moreover, our old frontier, stretching along the Sir
Daryā to Fort Perovski on one side, and, on the other, as
far as Lake Issik-Kul, had the disadvantage of being
almost at the edge of the desert. It was interrupted by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_421">421</span>
an immense gap between the farthest points on the
east and west. It offered very insufficient supplies to
our troops, and left beyond it unsettled tribes with which
we could not maintain stable relations.</p>

<p>“In spite of our repugnance to give a wider scope to
our dominion, these conditions were powerful enough to
induce the Imperial Government to establish a frontier
between Lake Issik-Kul and the Sir Daryā by fortifying
the town of Chimkent, recently occupied by us. In
adopting this line we obtain a twofold result. First, the
country which it includes is fertile, well-wooded, and watered
by numerous streams; it is inhabited in part by Kirghiz
tribes which have already acknowledged our supremacy,
and therefore offers conditions favourable to colonisation
and the supply of our garrisons. Then, it gives us the
agricultural and commercial population of Kokand as
our neighbours.</p>

<p>“Thus we find ourselves confronted by a more solid
and compact social organisation,—one less shifting and
better arranged. This consideration marks with geographical
precision the limit where interest and reason
command us to stop. On the one hand, attempts to
extend our rule will no longer encounter such unstable
entities as nomad tribes, but more regularly organised
states, and will therefore be carried out at the cost of great
effort, leading us from annexation to annexation into
difficulties the end of which can not be foreseen. On
the other hand, as we have as our neighbours states of
that description, in spite of their low civilisation and
nebulous political development, we hope that regular
relations may one day, in our common interest, replace
the chronic disorders which have hitherto hampered their
progress.</p>

<p>“Such are the principles which are the mainspring of
our august Master’s policy in Central Asia; such the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_422">422</span>
final goal which His Imperial Majesty has prescribed as
that of his Cabinet’s action.</p>

<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div>

<p>“There is no necessity to insist on the palpable
interest of Russia in restricting the growth of her territory
and preventing the advent of complications in distant
provinces which may retard and paralyse our domestic
development.</p>

<p>“The programme which I have just traced is in strict
accord with this policy.</p>

<p>“People of late years have been pleased to credit us
with a mission to civilise neighbouring countries on the
continent of Asia. The progress of civilisation has no
more efficacious ally than commercial relations. These
require, in all countries, order and stability as conditions
essential to their growth; but in Asia their existence
implies a revolution in the manners of the people.
Asiatics must, before all things, be made to understand
that it is more advantageous to favour and assure trade by
caravans than to pillage them. These elementary principles
can penetrate the public conscience only when
there is a public; that is to say, a social organisation and
a government which directs and represents it. We are
accomplishing the first portion of this task in extending
our frontier to points where these indispensable conditions
are to be met with. We accomplish the second
when we undertake the duty of proving to neighbouring
states, by a policy of firmness as regards the repression
of their misdeeds, but of moderation and justice in the
employment of armed strength and of respect for their
independence, that Russia is not their foe, that she
cherishes no designs of conquest, and that peaceful
and commercial relations with her are more profitable
than disorder, pillage, reprisals, and chronic warfare. In
devoting itself to this task the Russian Cabinet has the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_423">423</span>
interests of the empire in view; but we believe that its
accomplishment will also serve those of civilisation and
humanity at large. We have a right to count upon an
equitable and loyal appreciation of the policy which we
follow, and the principles on which it is framed.</p>

<p class="sigright">
“<span class="smcap">Gortschakoff.</span>”
</p>

<hr />

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_424">424</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 id="APPENDIX_II">APPENDIX II</h2>
</div>

<p class="in0"><span class="smcap">The</span> present Minister of War, General Kurapatkine,
delivered an address at Askabad, on the 25th November
1897, to some members of a party of English tourists,
which is really a remarkably frank enunciation of the
policy of his Government in Central Asia. The full
text runs as <span class="locked">follows:—</span></p>

<p>“The policy of our Government in Central Asia,
since the accession of the late Tsar, has been eminently
one of peace; and recourse has never been had to arms
until every other means of gaining a given object had
failed. Before the extension of the railway and telegraph
to these remote regions, a considerable measure of initiative
was necessarily left in the hands of local officers.
Generals Chernaieff, Skobeleff, and Kauffman were
repeatedly compelled by circumstances to undertake
expeditions without sanction; and their action was
sometimes in opposition to the views of the Central
Government. There has been a radical change in our
administrative system since the Transcaspian provinces
were united to Europe by these powerful civilising
influences. Every case of friction on the frontier is
reported to St. Petersburg, and instructions are obtained
before active measures are adopted. It is now impossible
that there could be a repetition of the events of 1865,
when General Chernaieff took Tashkent, and then reported
having done so to his Imperial Master. No
operations likely to produce serious consequences can<span class="pagenum" id="Page_425">425</span>
now be undertaken without the previous sanction of His
Majesty. I wish to be particularly explicit on this point,
because my nomination as governor of Transcaspia was
regarded by many journals, both in England and India,
as a presage of what is called a “forward policy.” It is
the custom of the present Tsar, as it was of his lamented
father, to furnish detailed instructions on questions of
internal organisations as well as those which concern
foreign affairs. The principles which govern the policy
of Russia are very simple. They are the maintenance of
peace, of order, and of prosperity in all classes of the
population. The means employed to compass these
ends are equally free from complexity. Those who
fill responsible positions are expressly informed by our
Government that the assumption of sovereignty over
alien nationalities must not be attempted without very
serious deliberation, inasmuch as such become, on
annexation, Russian subjects, children of the Tsar, and
invested with every privilege enjoyed by citizens of the
empire. His Majesty has enjoined on his representatives,
as their first duty, the fatherly care of his Asiatic subjects.
In order to prevent the possibility of internal discord,
we have disarmed the natives, and no pains have been
spared to induce them to adopt peaceful pursuits. The
fruits of this action are already visible. A solitary
traveller can now cross Central Asia, from the Caspian to
the Siberian frontier, without incurring the smallest risk
of attack. A few years ago I furnished weapons for
purposes of defence to the Russian colonists in seventeen
villages established by me, and I warned them that it
might be unsafe to undertake journeys without arms.
They have, however, disregarded this advice, and never
carry arms when at a distance from their homes. Last
winter a Russian peasant fell on the roadside in a state
of helpless intoxication near the Afghan frontier south of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_426">426</span>
Merv; but the Turkomans, so far from molesting him,
covered him with carpets and brought him on a camel
before the district chief. Similar occurrences are reported
from Askabad.</p>

<p>“We may boast with perfect truth that the thirty-five
years during which Central Asia has enjoyed the blessings
of a firm and civilised rule have been years of sustained
progress, of daily-increasing strength in the bonds of
attachment and goodwill which unite these subject peoples
to the inhabitants of other Russian provinces. As compared
with India, our territories in that part of the world
are still poor and sparsely populated; but there has been
a considerable increase in the country’s wealth since the
conquest of Turkestān in 1863. The trading classes are
now the staunchest supporters of our authority; next, the
cultivators; lastly, the women. Should any mischief
arise, it will be due to the intrigues of the mullās, whose
powers for evil are great, owing to the ignorance rather
than the fanaticism of the population.</p>

<p>“The large measure of progress attained could not
have been hoped for did we not possess settled frontiers
with which we are perfectly content. Every country in
Central Asia has had its period of war; but it is the
fixed policy of our Tsar to prevent a recurrence of its
horrors arising from our initiative. In the case of the
territory most recently acquired, the disturbances lasted
for seven years—from 1878 to 1885. Between the
latter year and 1888 we established a stable and logical
frontier with the aid of Great Britain; and in the
twelve years which have since elapsed there have
been no expeditions throughout its length of 600 miles
bordering on Persia, and 400 on Afghanistān. The
latter country contains much inflammable material,
but we have taken every means in our power to ensure
that the internal disorders of that state shall not react<span class="pagenum" id="Page_427">427</span>
on our frontier. So scrupulous is our regard for the
<i>status quo</i>, that whole tribes have cast themselves on our
protection in vain. The Piruzkuhis, Khezaris, and Jamshidis
have crossed our borders in troops of as many as
1000 families, but we have always repatriated such
refugees. There have been similar cases in our dealings
with Persian subjects. The whole population of Khelat,
in Khorāsān, came to us with entreaties to protect them
against the oppression of the Shāh’s officers. Our reply
was the despatch of troops who conducted them across
the frontier, but we took diplomatic steps to assure a
pardon for those to whom we had been obliged to refuse
our protection. Turkestān proper has been free from
war since the occupation of Farghāna—twenty-one years
ago. The Bokhārā frontier has remained intact since the
capture of Samarkand in 1868. It is true that within
the last few years the Pamirs Question has been reopened,
and slight modifications have been made in our
boundaries towards Afghanistān; but, as far as we are
concerned, the operations have been carried out against
our wishes—I may almost say, under compulsion. For
the Amīr `Abd er-Rahmān infringed the terms of the
arrangement entered into between England and ourselves
in 1873, when it was agreed that the Afghans should
not cross the Oxus, by pushing his boundary beyond
that river and occupying Shugnān and Roshān on its
right bank. The last complication on the Persian frontier
dates from 1829—nearly seventy years ago. Throughout
our frontier conterminous with China we have had
no disturbance for more than a century. I am led to
mention these significant facts in order to show that our
policy in Asia is essentially a peaceful one, and that we
are perfectly satisfied with our present boundaries. And
I may claim to speak with authority, apart from my
official position, for I have been personally concerned in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_428">428</span>
all our important military and political movements in
Central Asia for many years past. In 1868, when only
twenty, I took part in the storming of Samarkand. In
1875 I was employed in the reduction of the Khānate of
Kokand. In 1880 I led the advance guard in the
conquest of Farghāna; and in 1881 I commanded the
reinforcements sent to General Skobeleff from Turkestān,
in his struggle with the Tekke tribes, and led one of the
assaulting columns at the capture of Geok Teppe.”</p>

<div id="ip_428" class="figcenter" style="max-width: 50em;">
  <img src="images/i_428.jpg" width="800" height="500" alt="" />
  <div class="caption">CENTRAL ASIA<br />
  <span class="hidepub">(<i><a href="images/i_428huge.jpg">much larger</a></i>)</span>
</div></div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_429">429</span></p>

<div class="chapter"><div class="footnotes">
<h2 class="nobreak p1" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</h2>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> The Iranian branch of the Aryans is represented in our times by the
Tājiks of Turkestān. Cf. <i>Les Aryens au nord et au sud de l’Hindou-Kouch</i>,
par Ch. de Ujfalvy, <i>passim</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> More correctly Paropanisus. See an article on “Bactria,” by E.
Drouin, in the <i>Grande Encyclopédie</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> The mention of Bākhdi (= Balkh) in Fargard 1 of the Avesta, is perhaps
still older.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> The Greek historians, following a tradition which made the conquests of
Sesostris (Rameses <span class="smcap">II.</span>) even more extensive than they really were, maintain
that this conqueror penetrated into Bactria and Scythia. Rameses <span class="smcap">II.</span> flourished
in the thirteenth century before our era. Cf. Maspero, <i>Hist. Anc. des
Peuples de l’Orient</i>, p. 225. Equally fabulous is the account given by Diodorus
Siculus of the conquest of Bactria by Ninus and Semiramis in <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span>
2180. Cf. E. Drouin, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> This was the most easterly town of the Persian Empire. Authorities
differ as to the site, some identifying it with Ura Tepe.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> The oases at the embouchure of the Oxus were anciently styled
Khwārazm, from a Persian word signifying eastwards. They constitute
the modern Khiva. Soghdiana comprises Bokhārā and Samarkand, and the
nomenclature is derived from Soghd, the old name for the source of its
wealth, the river known to the Greeks as the Polytimetus and to moderns as
the Zarafshan.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> Cf. Nöldeke, <i>Aufsätze zur Persischen Geschichte</i>, p. 23.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> Called the battle of Arbela, from a neighbouring city, just as the “crowning
mercy” of Waterloo was in reality bestowed at a considerable distance
from the town indelibly associated with it.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> According to Grigorieff, this means the district lying between the Oxus
and Shahrisabz.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> The stadium was 600 feet in length; but, as the foot varied greatly in
ancient time, this measure of length was never certain. The “great stadium,”
otherwise known as the Alexandrian or Egyptian, was .12 of a geographical
mile.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Grigorieff suggests the identification of this place with the old town of
Baykand, or with Hezārasp, in the Khorasmian oasis.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> It may perhaps be identified with Kalāt-i-Nādiri to the north-east of
Meshed, called also the “Soghdian Rock.” The famous Roxana, whom
Alexander soon afterwards married, was the daughter of a certain Oxyartes,
who was among the captives taken with this fort.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> Rollin, <i>Ancient History</i>, v. 210. See also Quintus Curtius.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> He may, for example, have visited Iskander Kul, a lake which to this
day bears his name.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> Cf. Gutschmid, <i>Geschichte Irans</i>, p. 22.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> In <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 327 Seleucus <span class="smcap">I.</span> had been placed in charge of Syria and the East,
and of Babylon—to which, with the aid of Antigonus, he added Susiana. In
316, owing to a quarrel with Antigonus, he fled to Egypt, but in 312 he
re-entered Babylon. The era of the Seleucidæ dates from this event.
Seleucus extended his dominions as far as the Oxus and the Indus. Not till
306 did he officially adopt the title of king. Gutschmid, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 24.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> Cf. E. Drouin, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> Diodotus seems to have prepared his subjects for this change of masters
by issuing coins of the type struck by Antiochus <span class="smcap">II.</span>, but bearing his own
portrait. Cf. Gardner, <i>Greek and Scythian Coins</i>, p. 20.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> <i>Hist.</i> x. <i>ad fin.</i> xi. 34.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> Gardner, <i>Greek and Scythian Coins</i>, p. 21.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> Cf. Justin, xii. 4: “Parthis deinde domitis prefectus his statuitur ex
nobilis Persarum Andragoras: inde postea originem Parthorum reges habuere.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> Parthian Coinage, <i>Numismata Orientalia</i>, vol. i. p. 2. Strabo, xi.
9. 2.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> Justin, xii. 6: “Imperiumque parthorum a monte Caucaso multis populis
indicionem redactis usque flumen Euphratem protulit.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> <i>Ibid.</i> xlii. 1.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> Gardner, <i>ibid.</i> p. 6.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> Gardner, <i>ibid.</i> p. 6.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> See Note 1 at p. 6 of Chap. iii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> Strabo, xi. 8. 2.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> This sentiment finds many echoes in Latin literature. Cf. <i>Odes</i> and
<i>Epistles</i> of Horace, <i>passim</i>. It is curious to note the identity between the
tactics of the Parthians and those of the hordes of Chingiz and Tīmūr. The
usual charge of bad faith is brought by the Romans against their terrible
enemies.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> The Straits of Yenekale.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> The three great reformers Lao-tse, Kung-fu-tse (Confucius), and Meng-tse
(Mencius) flourished under the princes of this dynasty.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> The greatest calamity which this ruthless despot inflicted on his
country was the wholesale destruction of literature which he ordered, in
view of keeping his people in ignorance. This atrocious measure was
attended by the slaughter of many learned men. Cf. Legge, <i>Analects of
Confucius</i>, p. 6.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> Also called Khamil, a town about 700 miles east of Kulja.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> According to Richthofen, the Yué-Chi were of Tibetan stock, but
Vambéry and Gerard de Realle assert that they were Turks. Their nidus
was to the north-east of Tangut.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> Cunningham, <i>Survey of India</i>, vol. ii. p. 62.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> Ct. d’Herbelot, <i>Bib. Orient.</i> vol. vi. p. 10; and Boulger, <i>Hist. of
China</i>, p. 11.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> Cf. Rapson, Indian Coins, in <i>Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie</i>,
p. 7.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> Cf. Ujfalvy, <i>Les Aryens au nord et au sud de l’Hindou-Kouch</i>, p. 64.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> A distinctly Greek type survives to the present time in the mercantile
and settled agricultural population of Bokhārā, and the neighbouring khanates,
who are known as Tājiks.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> Strabo (xi. 8) tells us that the Greek power in Bactria was overthrown
by the Asii, Pasiani, Tokhari, and Sakarauli. The first two names are
probably identical, and represent the royal family of the Tokhari. They
may be identified with the Asiani of Trogus Pompeius. The Sakarauli are
the Sarancæ of Trogus, and correspond with the Chinese <i>Sé</i> or <i>Su</i>, <i>i.e.</i> the
Sakas. Cf. Cunningham, <i>Survey of India</i>, vol. ii. p. 65.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> Cf. <i>Journal Asiatique, Série Nouvelle</i>, vii. p. 162, 1896.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Cf. Colonel Yule, Introduction to Wood’s <i>Oxus</i>, p. xxv.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> Identified with Kandahār.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> Cf. Drouin’s excellent article on “Bactria” in the <i>Grande Encyclopédie</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> General Cunningham states, without quoting any authority, that the
Yué-Chi waged war with the Chinese in Khotan during this year (<i>Survey of
India</i>, ii. 63).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> General Cunningham, <i>Survey</i>, vol. ii. p. 64.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> This point is worthy of note in that eminent scholars used to maintain
that the names were practically identical. Cf. Vivien de St. Martin, <i>Les
Huns Blancs</i>, 1849, p. 64.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> These notes on the Ephthalites are taken principally from M. Drouin’s
excellent <i>Mémoire sur les Huns Ephthalites dans leur rapports avec les
rois Perses Sassanides</i>, privately printed in Louvain, 1895.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> Their chiefs originally bore the title of Shen-Yü, which in the reign
of Tulun (<span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 402) was changed to <i>Khākān</i>, an ancient title which we now
encounter for the first time in history.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> The best accounts of the Sāsānide dynasty are to be found in Nöldeke’s
admirable translation of the portion of Tabari’s annals dealing with that period—<i>Geschichte
der Araber und Perser zur Zeit der Sāsāniden</i>, Leyden 1879, and
his <i>Aufsätze zur Persischen Geschichte</i>, Leipzig, 1887. From these sources
we have derived most of our details, and will therefore give no further
references.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> Or Artabanus.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> Some authorities maintain that this city was founded by Shāpūr <span class="smcap">II.</span>
about 340.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> <i>Gūr</i> means “wild ass.” The king, who is one of the favourites of
Persian tradition, received this <i>sobriquet</i> on account of his passion for hunting
wild asses. He usurped the crown.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> The Sāsānides were fire-worshippers, disciples of Zoroaster.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> This pass is traversed by the famous Georgian Military Road connecting
Vladikavkaz with Tiflis.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> Transoxiana was never included in the kingdom of the Sāsānides; the
possessions of Achemenides stretched far farther east than those of the
Sāsānians.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> Cf. p. 21, note 2, <i>supra</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> Here we follow Malcolm (<i>History of Persia</i>), who bases his account on
those of various well-known Persian historians, such as Mīrkhwānd and
Khwāndamīr.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> We are told that when Bahrām Gūr returned from this expedition to his
capital, Ctesiphon, he appointed his brother Governor of Khorāsān, designating
Balkh as his residence.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> According to the Persian historians, the Khākān was named Khush-Nawāz.
Nöldeke, however, disapproved of this reading, the invention he
thinks of Firdawsi, and employs that of Akh-Shunwar.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> Tabari tells us that Pīrūz had previously ceded to the Khākān the
important frontier town of Tālikān.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> Some of the means would hardly commend themselves to modern economists.
Pīrūz remitted taxes and large sums from the treasury; but he also
compelled the rich to feed their poorer neighbours from these taxes.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> The more ancient form is <i>Kavadh</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> <i>I.e.</i> Ctesiphon.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> We are told that this made him look upon Anūshirawān as a talisman,
and the interesting detail is added that the mother and the boy were conducted
back to Madā´in <i>in a cart</i> as became a princess. Wheeled traffic is unknown
on these roads, but Professor Nöldeke refers us to Plutarch’s <i>Artax.</i> 27,
where we are told that the king’s wife used that means of locomotion. In
recent times Europeans have taken their carriages from Meshed to Teheran on
Kobād’s route.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> Persian historians assert that he was converted by a sham miracle,
and that he continued to believe in Mazdak during the rest of his life.
But his motives were probably purely political, and not based on conversion.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> The famous Orkhon inscriptions which have been deciphered by MM.
Radloff of St. Petersburg, and V. Thomsen of Copenhagen, belong to this
branch of the Turks.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> De Guignes, ii. p. 374.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> Cf. De Guignes, vol. ii. p. 378.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> Persian and Roman writers assert that Anūshirawān conquered Transoxiana,
but this seems most improbable. For, as Nöldeke points out (footnote
to page 159 of his Sāsānides), Huen-Tsang, who visited the country soon
after these events, speaks only of Turkish and other barbarian States. Moreover,
the State of Transoxiana at the time of the Mohammedan invasion augurs
strongly against the extension of Persian rule.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> For a full account of his life—historical and fictitious—we refer the
reader to the Appendix of Nöldeke’s <i>Sāsāniden</i>, p. 474.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> It was reconquered in 629 by Heraclius, the Byzantine emperor, who
set up the Cross in the city which had first beheld the emblem of salvation;
and the Feast of the Elevation of the Cross is kept on the 14th September
in memory of that event.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> The origin of this well-known expression is curious. The designation
Yemen, or the “right hand,” was given by its northern neighbours to a
strip on the south-eastern coast of the Red Sea. But in Arabic, as in the
Latin and many other languages, the right hand is associated with good
fortune. Hence by mistranslation the territory became known to the West
as “The Blessed,” or “Felix.” It is well watered, and is better peopled
than any other part of the Arabian peninsula.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> The <i>Ka`ba</i> is said to have contained 160 idols, each tribe having its
separate God; and so great was the toleration in ante-Mohammedan times that
on the pillars of the temples there were also to be found images of Abraham
and of the Virgin and Child. In the sixth century the primitive religion had
lost its old signification and had developed into fetishism.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> Swedenborg was fifty-eight ere he had his first vision.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> There are two popular fallacies to be noted with regard to the so-called
“<i>Hegira</i>.” In the first place, it should be transcribed as <i>Hijra</i>; and secondly,
the word does not mean <i>flight</i>, but <i>separation</i>, for the incident to be recalled
was not Mohammed’s flight to Medīna—but his <i>separation from his family</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> “Islām” is synonymous for Mohammedanism in all Arabic-speaking
countries. Its literal meaning is “resignation”—a heart-whole submission
to the divine will.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> <i>Khalīfa Rasūl Illāh</i> was the full title of the “Successor of the
Prophet of God.” The correct designation of the holder of the office is
<i>Khalīfa</i>, while the office itself is Khilāfaa. The former word has till quite
lately been transcribed “Khalif,” or Caliph. The self-styled successor of
the Mahdi in the Soudan is, however, known to Europe under the correct
designation, Khalifah.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> The outraged hospitality was avenged, for the murderer was torn to
pieces by the mob, while the body of Yezdijerd was embalmed and buried
in his ancestral tomb at Istakhr.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> He was the Prophet’s son-in-law, and had been elected in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 44 by
a council of six as successor to the stern `Omar, the second Caliph.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> <i>Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire</i>, chap. li.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> Cf. Muir, <i>Decline and Fall of the Caliphate</i>, p. 208.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II. p. 15. From this date until the appearance
in Central Asia of Kutayba in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 86, our history is little more than an
enumeration of Arab governors in Khorāsān, whose rule was usually as
uneventful as it was shortlived. We have, however, considered it fitting to
enter here into detail somewhat disproportionate to the rest of our narrative,
seeing that the facts have hitherto been only accessible in works of Oriental
writers.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> Müller, <i>Der Islam</i>, i. p. 354.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, II. p. 109.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> He was not the son of the famous governor of Basra.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> In the interim the post seems to have been filled for a short time by
Khulayd ibn `Abdullah el-Hanafī (Tabari, II. p. 155).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> Tabari, II. p. 156.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> Vambéry considers <i>Tarkhān</i> (or <i>Tarkhūn</i>) to be an old Turkish title,
which Mohammedan authors have regarded erroneously as a proper name.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> Tabari, II. p. 156.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> Tabari, II. p. 169. Tabari says he was the first to cross the mountains
of Bokhārā on a camel, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> Tabari, II. p. 169. The Persian Tabari does not mention this queen,
but relates the same incident of the <i>king</i> of the Turks; Ba`lami, the
Persian translator, also adds that the shoe was sold by Ubaydullah to the
merchants of Basra. Cf. Zotenberg’s <i>Chroniques de Tabari</i>, tome iv.
p. 19.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> The direm, derived from the Greek drachma, contained 25 grains of
silver, and was worth about 5d. of our money. On this basis the value of
the shoe would be £4166 sterling!</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> Vambéry, <i>History of Bokhārā</i>, p. 20. The author says he has this fact
from “Arabic authors,” but we have been unable to find any mention of it
in either the Arabic or Persian versions of Tabari.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> According to Tabari (II. p. 179), Sa`īd was met by a great Soghdian force
on reaching Samarkand. The rival hosts stood facing each other till nightfall,
but on the following day Sa`īd made a furious onslaught and put the defenders
to flight, taking fifteen young nobles as hostages.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, p. 39.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> Bellew and Vambéry both call him “Muslim,” a reading which has
been adopted in the Russian translation of Narshakhi, published in Tashkent
in 1897. The latter, indeed, contains a note to the effect that the name is
written “Salm” in Arabic sources. It is also the spelling in the Persian
Tabari. Salm was twenty-four years of age on his appointment. His father
was `Ubaydullah, the famous governor of Basra.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> This warrior held command of the Arab troops in Central Asia under
several viceroys in succession, and thus gained the confidence of his troops
and an intimate knowledge of Khorāsān and the adjoining tracts. The
stability in the office of generalissimo went far to neutralise any disadvantages
occurring from the frequent changes in that of viceroy.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> Tabari (II. p. 394) tells us that Salm took his wife Umm Mohammed
with him, and that she was the first Arab woman to cross the Oxus. She
bore him a son, who was surnamed the “Soghdian.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> £55 reckoned in our currency.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> Narshakhi’s account of these events brings the lack of discipline among
the Arabs into a strong light, and serves to account for the vicissitudes of
their rule in Central Asia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> This curious custom still survives in Merv. “One day,” writes
O’Donovan, “the town-crier, accompanied by half a dozen other Turcomans,
entered my hut, each to present me a new-born child. I could not catch
the exact words; all I could understand was that one of the infants was
O’Donovan Beg, another O’Donovan Khan, a third O’Donovan Bahadur.
I forget what the others were. It turned out that the Tekkes’ newly born
children are, as a rule, called after any distinguished strangers who may be
on the oasis at the time of their births, or have resided there a short time
previously, or after some event intimately connected with the tribe” (<i>The
Story of Merv</i>, p. 329).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> Cf. Aug. Müller, <i>Der Islam</i>, p. 411, who gives the date as <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 85.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> An entertaining account of this cruel and witty governor will be found in
d’Herbelot, under the article <i>Heggiage-ben-Josef-al-Thakefi</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> Merv has been styled by almost all European writers on the subject,
“The Queen of the World.” Now the origin of this high-sounding title is
the expression <i>Merv-i-Shāhijān</i>, a title used to distinguish this town from
Merv er-Rūd. This word Shāhijān has been taken as a corruption of Shah-i-jahān,
or “Queen of the World.” Yakūt says that Shāhijān means “Soul of
the King.” The form as it now stands is probably “Arabicised” from an
old Persian form <i>Shahgūn</i>, “what appertains to a king.” Cf. Rückert,
<i>Gram. Poet. und Rhet. der Perser</i> (Gotha, 1874), p. xix. The mistranslation,
if such it be, has shared the fate of most mistranslations of the kind, and
become universal among Europeans.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> It must be remembered that Bokhārā is the name of a kingdom as well
as of a town.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> Between Balkh and Merv er-Rūd, three days’ journey from the latter.
Istakhri, the geographer, speaks of it as the most important place in Tokhāristān.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> <i>Dihakān</i> = the man (<i>i.e.</i> the head man) of the <i>dih</i>, or village.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> Vambéry seems to confuse the two accounts, for he says: “He had not
yet arrived within the limits of ancient Bactria when the inhabitants of Balkh
came out to meet him, and conducted him with honour into their city.”
But Tabari speaks distinctly of an engagement, in connection with which he
remembers an interesting detail. Among the captives taken at that time was
the wife of a certain Barmek. She was taken into the harem of Kutayba’s
brother `Abdullah, by whom she had a son, who was commonly regarded as
the ancestor of the famous Barmecīdes of the court of Baghdād. The story
was probably invented to give the family a less obscure lineage than that
of humble immigrants from Balkh. Cf. Muir, <i>History of the Caliphate</i>,
p. 358.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> Cf. Tabari’s <i>Annales</i>, Series II. p. 1187, and Zotenberg’s <i>Chroniques de
Tabari</i>, vol. iv. p. 157.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> Neither version of Tabari gives any details of this siege, but Narshakhi’s
account, of which we extract a portion, is most vivid.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> Tabari says that he had gone five farsakhs, but mentions no place-name.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> Narshakhi records that the lieutenant, who was named Varkā, was
answerable for this catastrophe. A citizen of Baykand, it seems, had two
beautiful daughters. These the lieutenant abducted, whereupon the father
remonstrated with him, saying: “Baykand is a large town, why, when you
have the whole population to select from, should you carry off my daughters?”
As Varkā gave no answer, the enraged father drew out his knife and stabbed
him, but not mortally.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> Narshakhi tells that in Baykand, Kutayba found a heathen temple in
which was a silver idol weighing 4000 direms; also a quantity of golden
vessels which, when weighed together, amounted to 150,000 <i>mithkals</i>.
But the most remarkable of his discoveries were two pearls, each the size
of a pigeon’s egg. Kutayba on beholding them asked the people whence
such large pearls had been brought. They replied, “that they had been
brought to the temple by birds in their beaks.” When Kutayba sent intelligence
of his conquest of Baykand to Hajjāj, he also despatched these two
pearls, with the account of the tradition relating to them. The reply of
Hajjāj ran thus: “We have read your story, and it has filled us with
wonder; but more wonderful than the two large pearls, and the birds that
brought them, is your generosity in having sent to me these precious prizes
you had taken. May the blessing of God be upon you.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> Ed. Schefer, p. 43. Khartūm may possibly come to offer a parallel.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> Vambéry, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 25.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II. p. 1195.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> Scholars have hitherto failed to read this satisfactorily. The forms that
occur are Kur-Bughanūn, Kurighanūn, etc. Professor Houtsma has suggested
that the termination should be read <i>nūīn</i>, <i>i.e.</i> prince.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> Narshakhi.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> Not, of course, to be confounded with Fārāb opposite Chārjūy; but the
reading of the name is doubtful.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> The italics indicate three excellent puns in the original Arabic. Hajjāj
had a universal reputation as a master of this difficult tongue. The words
may be transcribed as follows: <i>Kiss bi Kissa wansif Nasafan waridd
Wardan</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> Narshakhi’s version of the campaign is full of discrepancies, and the
events of the years 88–91 are perforce presented to the reader without much
regard for chronology or natural sequence. The results are to be found in
Bellew’s epitome (<i>Yarkand Expedition</i>, p. 117).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> <i>Annales</i>, Series II. p. 1201.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> Vambéry says, evidently following his Turkish Tabari: “Their women
... <i>tore their faces</i>!”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> One of the most famous tribes of Yemen.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> Vambéry says a yearly tribute of 2,000,000 direms!</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="fnanchor">127</a> Narshakhi, ed. Paris, p. 40.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="fnanchor">128</a> Vambéry follows Narshakhi in ignoring this revolt, which was certainly
a very serious one as far as Kutayba was concerned, but both versions of
Tabari give detailed accounts of its various phases.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> Old Persian word signifying commander-in-chief.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> He was opposed to Nīzek’s design. We are also told that, in order that
a certain appearance of respect might be kept up, his chains were of gold.
Cf. Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II. p. 1206.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II. p. 1218.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> On the river Jīhūn, one of the three principal towns of Khwārazm, of
which Medīnat-el-Fīl, or the Town of the Elephant, was the largest.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> Tabari relates that one day several Soghdians mounted the rampart and
called out: “Oh ye Arabs, why do ye exert yourselves thus vainly? Know
that we have found written in a book that our town shall not be taken except
by one whose name is “Camel-Saddle,” whereupon Kutayba called out—“God
is great! for verily that is my name.” (In Arabic, Kutayba means
literally “camel-saddle.”)</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> He is said to have obtained no less than 20,000 native levies, men
from Kesh, Nakhshab, and Khwārazm. Cf. Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II.
p. 1256.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> In the year 95 Hajjāj died at the age of fifty-four.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> Welīd had been most anxious to make his own son heir-apparent in the
place of his brother, and in his designs had been supported by Hajjāj and
Kutayba. Hence the bad blood that existed between the conqueror and the
new Caliph.
</p>
<p>
Vambéry adds the following details without reference (not to be found
either in Tabari or Narshakhi): “Having conquered Farghāna, he went
through the Terek Pass into Eastern Turkestān. Here he encountered the
princes of the Uïgurs, who in default of union among themselves were
easily conquered. We are told that the Arabs extended their incursions into
the province of Kansu.... Turfan, on the very first appearance of the
Arabs, embraced Islam.” (<i>Bokhara</i>, pp. 31, 32).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> Gibbon recognised the greatness of Kutayba as a conqueror, while
lamenting the scanty notices to be found of him in European works; cf.
<i>Decline and Fall</i>, chap. li. d’Herbelot, in his <i>Bibliothèque Orientale</i>, dismisses
our hero, under the heading <i>Catbah</i>, in a very summary manner.
“Ce fut un des plus villains Arabes de son siècle, Valid, sixième Khalife de la
race des Ommiades, le fit général de ses armées en Perse, l’an de l’Hégire
88. Il conquît tout le grand pays de Khorazan, et obligea en ces quartiers-là
à brûler leurs idoles et à bâtir de Mosquées. Après cette conquête, il
passa dans la Transoxiana et prit de force les fameuses villes de Samarcande
et de Bokhara, et défit Mazurk roi de Turkestan, qui s’était approché
pour les sécourir. Ce grand capitaine finit ses conquêtes l’an 93 (<i>sic</i>) de
l’Hégire.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II. pp. 1283–96.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> An important town on the Perso-Turkish frontier, north-east of Baghdād.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> This saying is not to be found in the Arabic Tabari, but in the Persian
version. See Zotenberg, vol. iv. p. 204.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> See Zotenberg’s translation of the Persian Tabari, vol. iv. p. 221.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="fnanchor">142</a> After remaining, as Tabari tells us, four months in Khorāsān to settle the
administration of the province.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> Zotenberg, vol. iv. p. 225 <i>et seq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II. p. 1318.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> He directed that converts were to be exempt from all taxes, and placed
on the same footing as the Arabs; while unbelievers were to be taxed to the
utmost. No churches, synagogues, or fire-temples were to be destroyed, but
the erection of new ones was forbidden. Cf. Muir, <i>Caliphate</i>, p. 380.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> His post was the same as Hajjāj’s, and was equivalent to a viceroyalty
of the Eastern conquests of the Caliphate.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> Known by the sobriquet of <i>Khuzayna</i>, “the Village Girl,” because of
his effeminate ways.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> See Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II. pp. 1431 and 1433. Vambéry (who
reads the name as <i>Tarshi</i>) states that this man succeeded Yezīd ibn Muhallab
on the appointment of Maslama. Cf. <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 37. The Persian Tabari
also says that the nomination was made by Maslama. Cf. Zotenberg, vol. iv.
p. 268.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> The <i>Annales</i> devote many pages to his progress, but as the details are of
small importance we refrain from summarising them, and merely follow the
abridged account of the Persian Tabari.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> He seems already to have been dismissed, and to have been reinstated.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> It is very remarkable that from this point in the history the account
in the Arabic is as prolix as that in the Persian translation is compressed and
condensed.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> Vambéry calls him (wrongly) Esresh.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> Called by Vambéry, Jandab. He succeeded to the command in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 111.
He had previously been in Sind, and on his way to join the army at Bokhārā
he narrowly escaped falling into the Khākān’s hands. Tabari relates that he
obtained his promotion by offering to Hishām’s wife a necklace of precious
stones, which the Caliph admired so greatly that Junayd procured another
like it for him. See Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II. p. 1527.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> In this battle a nephew of the Khākān was taken prisoner, and afterwards
sent to the Caliph. Tabari notices that there is a doubt as to the year
in which these engagements took place, some saying <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 112 and others 113
(730, 731).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> This defeat was known as the battle of the Defile (ash-Shīb), <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 112
(730).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II. p. 1539.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> About ten or eleven thousand perished in the battle, the remainder were
betrayed to the Khākān (Tabari, <i>loc. cit.</i> p. 1542).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> Tabari, <i>loc. cit.</i> p. 1543.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> Junayd in his report seems to have laid the blame of his defeat on Saura
for advancing too far out of Samarkand. According to Tabari, his words
were: “Saura disobeyed me; I ordered him to keep near the river,
but he did not do so” (<i>loc. cit.</i> p. 1544). Beladhori also, in his very brief
account of this campaign, makes no mention of defeat or even disaster. He
merely says that Junayd fought the Turks till he had utterly repulsed them,
and then asked the Caliph for reinforcements. The account in the Persian
Tabari is roughly as follows:—Junayd’s first brush with the Turks was
successful; but their Khākān was not discouraged by his reverse. He
mustered a host so formidable that Junayd found it necessary to order Saura,
who had taken possession of Samarkand, to join forces with him. He then
marched against the Khākān with 20,000 men. The Turkish leader adopted
tactics which have again and again enabled a prescient leader to triumph
against immense odds. On learning that Saura had left Samarkand, he
turned and fell upon him with such ferocity that not one of his 20,000 troops
escaped to tell the tale. Thereupon Junayd summoned every town of
Khorāsān and Tokhāristān to send him its quota of reinforcements; and
having thus gathered an army of 43,000 strong, despatched it under a trusted
follower to relieve Samarkand, which was closely besieged by the victorious
Khākān. The Mohammedans reached the city when their garrison was on
the point of surrendering, and attacked the beleaguering host. For the first
time during many disastrous years the banner of Islām prevailed. The
Khākān was smitten hip and thigh, and forced to raise the siege of Samarkand.
Junayd placed a garrison there of 5000 men under Nasr ibn Sayyār,
and returned to Merv, where death soon closed his brilliant career.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="fnanchor">160</a> He appears to have received the appointment from his brother Khālid,
the governor of `Irāk.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> It is worthy of remark that in the Persian Tabari the record of Asad’s
second tenure of office is not only very brief, but even differs essentially from
that of the Arabic original.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> In Schefer’s edition of Narshakhi (p. 59) the date is absurdly given as 166.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> Descendants of `Abbās, uncle of the Prophet. See note below, p. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="fnanchor">164</a> Cf. Tabari, <i>loc. cit.</i> p. 1988 <i>et seq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> Hārith ibn Surayj mentioned above was still with the Turks, and when
Nasr ibn Sayyār reported his victory to the governor of `Irāk the latter
ordered him to capture Hārith, subdue Farghāna, and destroy the town of
Shāsh.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="fnanchor">166</a> By the promulgation of a general amnesty the Soghdians were brought
back to their allegiance.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="fnanchor">167</a> Their names were Welīd <span class="smcap">II.</span>, Yezīd <span class="smcap">II.</span>, Ibrāhīm, and Merwān <span class="smcap">II.</span></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> His father, Mohammed, had died in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 124.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> An amusing incident is given in this connection by Tabari. Kirmānī
was very stout, and the passage by which he had to escape was so narrow that
his servant was obliged to drag him through by main force, and the operation
very nearly killed him.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> See note 1, p. 82.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> For a full account of the story of El-Kirmānī and Hārith ibn Surayj, see
Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series II. pp. 1855–69, 1887–90, and 1917–35.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> The following table will explain the descent of the two branches:—
</p>

<pre class="newpage intact">
       Kossay
          |
    `Abd Menāf
          |
   +------+--------------+
   |                     |
`Abd Shems            Hāshim
   |                     |
 Umayya          `Abd al-Muttalib
                         |
          +--------------+----+------------+
          |                   |            |
      Abū Tālib           `Abdullah     `Abbās
          |                   |
        `Alī              <i>Mohammed</i>
</pre>
</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> Zotenberg, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. iv. p. 323 <i>et seq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> He was then not twenty years of age.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> We are told that Abū Muslim wished to have a distinctive colour for his
party, the Umayyads having adopted white. After making one of his slaves
clothe himself in suits of various colours, he ordered him to dress in black,
and finding the sombre hue the most awe-inspiring adopted it for his party.
Cf. Zotenberg, <i>lot cit.</i> p. 327. Later the Khārijites adopted red, and the
Shi`ites green.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> Nasr ibn Sayyār was a poet of no mean order, and Arabic histories
contain many quotations from his compositions, specimens of which will be
found on p. 87 and 88 of Nöldeke’s <i>Delectus Vet. Carm. Arab</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> Two very different versions of the end of Nasr are to be found in Oriental
histories. That given in the text is the usually accepted one; but in the Persian
translation of Tabari (cf. Zotenberg, <i>loc cit.</i> p. 329), in the <i>Tārīkh-i-Guzīda</i>,
etc., we are told that he fled unaccompanied as far as Ray, where
he died. No mention is made here of the engagements with Kahtaba, who,
according to the author of the <i>Guzīda</i>, gained possession of Jurjān, Ray,
Sāva, and Kum without striking a blow.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> His horse ran away with him and, slipping on the banks of the river,
threw its rider into the water, where he was drowned. His disappearance
was not remarked until daybreak. The <i>Guzīda</i> says that Ibn Hobayra also
perished in the battle.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> Numbering, according to the Persian Tabari, more than 30,000 men.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> The Caliph’s two uncles, Dā´ūd and `Abdullah,—the former in Mekka and
Medīna, the latter in Palestine,—were responsible for the wholesale extermination
of the Umayyads in those countries. The historians tell us that
`Abdullah on one occasion invited seventy members of the house of Umayya
to a feast, under promises of a full amnesty, and that, at a given signal, the
servants fell upon the unsuspecting guests and put them all to death. This
tragedy recalls the famous “Blood bath” in Stockholm, but the Umayyads
had no Gustav Wasa to avenge their death. We are told that the spirit of
revenge carried them so far that they caused all the tombs of the Umayyad
Caliph to be opened, and what remained of their corpses to be scattered to
the winds. Cf. <i>Chroniques de Tabari</i>, vol. iv. p. 343.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> <i>History of Bokhara</i>, p. 40.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> Es-Saffāh was ten years younger than Abū Ja`far, but, as Weil suggests,
was preferred to the latter, because his mother was a free woman, while
his brother’s was a slave.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> See Weil, <i>Geschichte der Khalifen</i>, vol. ii. pp. 24, 25.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> The correspondence is fully reported by Tabari; and Weil, recognising
its historical interest, has translated in full three of the letters. Cf. Weil,
<i>op. cit.</i> vol. ii. pp. 27, 28.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series III. p. 122.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> An account of this man may be found in the <i>Siasset Namèh</i>, pp. 122–23
of Schefer’s text.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> In the Arabic, <i>Wadhālika innahu kāna min sanāyi`ihi</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> Numbering 6000 men.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> Wrongly read by Weil as <i>Jumhur</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> Tabari, <i>loc cit.</i> p. 120.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> According to both versions of Tabari, he fell from a window and broke
his back.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> El-Mahdi, who was at this time about twenty years of age, had, we are
told, a lieutenant to assist him in his duties as governor.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> The <i>Rāvandīs</i> believed in the transmigration of souls, and held that the
soul of the Deity was temporarily resident in the body of the Caliph, while
the souls of Adam and Gabriel were residing in the bodies of two of
his generals. For accounts of this sect, see Weil, <i>Geschichte der Khalifen</i>,
vol. ii. p. 36 <i>et seq.</i>; Muir, <i>The Caliphate</i>, p. 448; Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series
III. p. 129 <i>et seq.</i>; and Zotenberg, <i>Chroniques de Tabari</i>, vol. iv. p. 137 <i>et
seq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> In the preceding pages undue space may appear to have been given
to the history of the Caliphs, but the growing importance of Central Asia will
in future render our history almost independent of events at Baghdād.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> The famous <i>Annales</i> of Tabari (which have been our <i>Haupt-Quelle</i> for
the history of the Arabs in Central Asia), like those of Ibn el-Athīr, are
arranged under the heading of each succeeding year. We make a point
of giving throughout the name of each governor of Khorāsān appointed by
the Caliphs, for, though such details are in themselves trivial, no list of them
has, to our knowledge, appeared in any European work.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> Weil, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. ii. p. 65, says that he gave himself out as a <i>prophet</i>,
but Tabari says nothing of this. Cf. Tabari, <i>Annales</i>, Series III. p. 149.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> El-Mahdi had held this post since <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 141 (758).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> We have not thought fit to dwell at any length on the adventures of this
famous impostor. Professor Vambéry, in his <i>History of Bokhara</i>, devotes no
less than ten pages to the rising. The story, in its main outlines, is familiar
to Englishmen from Moore’s <i>Lalla Rookh</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> Cf. Tabari, <i>loc. cit.</i> p. 631.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> This powerful family took its descent from one Barmek, a physician of
Balkh. One of its members, Khālid ibn Barmek, became vezīr of the first
`Abbāsid Caliph, and under El-Mahdi was intrusted with the education of
the heir-apparent Hārūn. Khālid’s son Yahya succeeded him as vezīr in
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 170 (786), and showed himself one of the most capable rulers of his age.
For an account of their fall consult Sec. iii. of the Terminal Essay in vol. x.
of Burton’s <i>Thousand and One Nights</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> August Müller, generally so accurate, calls him erroneously Isā ibn Alī,
and equally erroneously states that he was killed in battle in the year 191,
whereas he did not die till 195 (see below).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="fnanchor">202</a> Zotenberg, <i>op. cit.</i> iv. p. 469.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> Cf. Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 497; Vambéry, <i>Bokhara</i>, pp. 53, 54; Zotenberg,
<i>op. cit.</i> iv, 71 <i>et seq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> Its exact nature is not known, but it was probably the fruits of a life of
reckless dissipation.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> Cf. Zotenberg, <i>op. cit.</i> tome iv. p. 481.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="fnanchor">206</a> He was minister of both the civil and military departments, and was
hence known as <i>Dhu-l-Rīyāsatayn</i>, or “Lord of the two Ministries.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> Cf. Weil, <i>Geschichte der Khalifen</i>, vol. ii. p. 197.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> He was called “the Magian, the son of a Magian.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> Ma´mūn had conceived an aversion for Tāhir (some authors say because
Tāhir reminded him of his brother Amīn’s death), and, being conscious of
this, Tāhir naturally feared the proximity of the Caliph. He superseded a
certain Ghassān, whom Ma´mūn had left in charge of Khorāsān.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> Who died <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 166 (782).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> His full title was Sāmān-Khudāt, being lord of a village which he himself
had built and given the name of Sāmān. He claimed descent from the
Sāsānide Bahrām Chūbīn. Cf. Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, pp. 57, 58.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> Vambéry (<i>Bokhara</i>, p. 55) notes that “the fact that Sāmān, whilst still a
heretic, had held a command long after the Arab conquest, proves the
small progress Islāmism had at first made among the followers of Zoroaster.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> See above, p. 96.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> See note 1 above, p. 100.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="fnanchor">215</a> Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, reads absurdly 292!</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> Cf. Mīrkhwānd, <i>Historia Samanidarum</i>, ed. Wilken, p. 3. Narshakhi
says that Ahmed was made governor of Merv, but from what follows this
seems erroneous.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> d’Herbelot quotes a Persian quatrain in which the Tāhirides are enumerated—
</p>

<div class="poem-container">
<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"><i>
<span class="i0">Dar Khorāsān zi āl-i-Massābshāh,<br /></span>
<span class="i0">Tāhir u Talha būd u Abdullāh,<br /></span>
<span class="i0">Bāz Tāhir, digar Mohammad dān<br /></span>
<span class="i0">Kū be Ya`kūb dād takht u kulāh.<br /></span></i>
</div></div>
</div>

<p>
<i>Translation.</i>—In Khorāsān, of the house of Massāb (Tāhir’s name was
Tāhir ibn Husayn ibn Massāb) there were the following princes—Tāhir,
Talha, `Abdullah, another Tāhir and then Mohammad, who gave up throne
and crown to Ya`kūb.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="fnanchor">218</a> He ruled from <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 232–247 (846–861).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> In Arabic <i>Saffār</i>, whence the dynasty took its name.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> Cf. Khwāndamīr’s account of the Saffārides in his <i>Habīb-us-Siyar</i>. We
refer the reader also to Nöldeke’s brilliant sketch of this man’s career, entitled
“Ya`qūb the Coppersmith” (<i>Sketches from Persian History</i>, pp. 176–206).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> Malcolm, <i>History of Persia</i>, vol. i. p. 148.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="fnanchor">222</a> Cf. Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. ii. p. 29.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="fnanchor">223</a> Narshakhi (ed. Schefer, p. 78) gives the date as <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 260 (872),
Mīrkhwānd (ed. Wilken, p. 4) as <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 261 (873).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="fnanchor">224</a> Narshakhi, <i>loc. cit.</i> Muwaffak is here spoken of as Caliph, but he was
merely chief minister of state to his brother the Caliph Mu`tamid.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="fnanchor">225</a> This point is not made clear by Persian historians. The Saffārides had
by their victories become masters of all the provinces ruled by the Tāhirides,
of which Transoxiana was certainly one. It is hard to conceive either that
they should have renounced their claim on Transoxiana, or that the feeble
Caliph should have taken upon himself to pronounce the Samānīdes independent
of Khorāsān.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, p. 79.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> Vambéry is in this place (see <i>Bokhārā</i>, p. 58) guilty of a curious error,
for he says that this Rāfi` was the <i>Rāfi` ibn Layth</i> who had rebelled against
Hārūn er-Rashīd in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 190 and was pardoned in 196 by Ma´mūn. He
would by the year 272 have been rather old to receive a governorship of
a province.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> Mīrkhwānd (ed. Wilken, p. 6) says that it was in connection with this
friendship that certain mean persons poisoned the mind of Nasr against his
brother. This author tells us that Isma`īl had requested and received of
Rāfi` the province of Khwārazm, and this, so Nasr’s advisers said, was merely a
plot to deprive Nasr of Transoxiana.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="fnanchor">229</a> See below, p. <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> Five farsakhs to the south of Aulié-ātā. For a full account of what is
known of Christianity in Central Asia in early times we refer the reader to an
excellent monograph on this subject by M. Barthold, of St. Petersburg, which
was published in vol. viii. of the <i>Zapiski</i>, or Journal of the St. Petersburg
University Oriental Faculty. Much valuable information on this subject is
also to be found in Col. Yule’s <i>Cathay and the Way Thither</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> Ed. Schefer, p. 84.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> Bellew (<i>Forsyth Mission</i>, p. 119) says that Isma`īl received his patent
of succession from the Caliph while engaged in this campaign; but this is not
in agreement with Narshakhi, whom he gives as his authority.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="fnanchor">233</a> See above, p. 105.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> Cf. Weil, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. p. 483.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> Weil, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. p. 485, hints at this duplicity, basing his statement on the
fact that the Caliph praised and rewarded Isma`īl when he heard of his victory
over `Amr. Khwāndamīr, in his <i>Habīb-us-Siyar</i>, leaves the question open, and
expressly says that Isma`īl acted “either on the Khalif’s orders or on his own
initiative.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> Nizām ul-Mulk, in his <i>Siyāset Namé</i>, tells an amusing anecdote in this
connection. After `Amr had been taken prisoner, towards nightfall one of his
fellows, having procured some meat and borrowed a saucepan, was preparing
a meal for his master: while he for a moment left his cooking to fetch some
salt, a dog came and poked his head into the saucepan. In trying to pull
out a bone the handle of the pot fell round his neck, and he scampered off,
carrying the scalding pot with him. On seeing this, `Amr remarked: “This
morning 300 camels bore my kitchen, and to-night a dog has carried it off.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="fnanchor">237</a> Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, p. 90. The editor was here (as in only too
many places in this uncritical edition) guilty of allowing an absurd date to be
printed in his text; for the date of `Amr’s death is given as 280!</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> Narshakhi, <i>loc. cit.</i> Vambéry points out (<i>op. cit.</i> note to p. 66) that
Sind and Hind are “a random boast” of the author.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> The governor before him had made Bokhārā his residence.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="fnanchor">240</a> A very striking description of the literary talent gathered there is given
by <i>ath-Tha`labi</i>, in the <i>Yatīmatu ´d-Dahr</i>, vol. iv. p. 30 (Damascus ed.).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> Vambéry (<i>Bokhara</i>, p. 67) adds to this list Kazwīn, Shīrāz, and Isfahān,
which were towns in the dominion of the Būyides. The Būyides and the
Sāmānides practically shared the whole of Persia and Central Asia as follows:—
</p>
<p>
<i>Sāmānides</i>—Khorāsān, Sīstān, Balkh, Bokhārā, and Samarkand.
</p>
<p>
<i>Būyides</i>—The two `Irāks, Fars, Kirmān, Khuzistān, and Luristān.
</p>
<p>
Tabaristān and Jurjān were continually changing hands.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="fnanchor">242</a> He died of some malady at a place called Zarmān, whither the doctors
had sent him for change of air.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> Dawlat Shāh, in his <i>Lives of the Poets</i> (see Browne’s edition, p. 44),
quotes from `Unsuri the following quatrain in which the rulers of the house
of Sāmān are enumerated—
</p>

<div class="poem-container">
<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
<span class="i0"><i>Nūh kas būdand zi āl-i-Sāmān mazkūr</i><br /></span>
<span class="i0"><i>Dā´īm bi imārat-i-Khorāsān mashhūr</i><br /></span>
<span class="i0"><i>Ismā`īl ast u Ahmadī u Nasrī</i><br /></span>
<span class="i0"><i>Dū Nūh u dū `Abd-ul-Malik u dū Mansūr.</i><br /></span>
</div></div>
</div>

<p>
<i>Translation.</i>—Nine members of the house of Sāmān were famous in the
government of Khorāsān, namely, Ismā`īl, one Ahmad, one Nasr, two Nūh’s,
two `Abd el-Melik’s, and two Mansūr’s.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> Cf. Vambéry, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 81, and Bretschneider, <i>Mediæval Researches
from Eastern Asiatic Sources</i> (London, 1888), vol. i. p. 236 <i>seqq</i>. An interesting
article was published in 1874 by Grigorieff in the <i>Memoirs of the
Eastern Branch of the St. Petersburg Archæological Society</i>, vol. xviii. p. 191
<i>seqq.</i> This article contains the Turkish text of an extract from the <i>Tārīkh-i-Munajjim-Bāshī</i>,
with an introduction, a translation, and copious notes. The
name of Kara-Khānides was first suggested by Grigorieff for this dynasty,
after Satuk Kara Khān, who was the first of its kings to embrace Islām.
The title is more convenient than the others by which this dynasty has been
known, such as Uïghūrs, Ilek-khāns, and Ilkhāns, as will appear from note
below, p. <a href="#Page_116">116</a>. Bretschneider, whom on such subjects it is hard to contradict,
was by no means convinced by Grigorieff’s positive assertion that the Kara-Khānides
were not Uïghūrs.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> The passage from his famous history, the <i>Tārīkh-i-Jahān-Kushāy</i>, dealing
at great length with the Uïghūrs, has been translated by d’Ohsson. Cf.
<i>Histoire des Mongols</i>, vol. i. p. 430 <i>et seq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="fnanchor">246</a> Narshakhi (ed. Schefer, p. 233) calls this dynasty of “Turkish Khāns”
the “house of Afrāsiyāb.” Afrāsiyāb is one of the most prominent figures in
Firdawsi’s great epic of kings, the <i>Shāh Namé</i>. <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 700 is given as a
conjectural date of the first migration of the Turks across the Oxus—as far as
India and Asia Minor. According to the coins, it appears that the Turks
(under what name it is not known) entered the Greek kingdom of Bactria.
Cf. Reinaud, <i>Rélations de l’Empire, Rom. avec l’Asie Centrale</i> (Paris, 1863),
p. 227. Tradition has it that Afrāsiyāb flourished about <span class="smcap smaller">B.C.</span> 580. He was
the emperor of Tūrān, of which Turkestān was a province, and was the great
foe of Īrān. During his reign Siyāwush, son of the emperor of Īrān, Kay-Kā´ūs,
having incurred his father’s displeasure, fled across the Oxus, which
formed the boundary between the two kingdoms, to Afrāsiyāb, who held court
at Rāmtīn. Siyāwush received Afrāsiyāb’s daughter Ferengis in marriage,
with the provinces of Khotan and Chīn as her dowry. Afrāsiyāb’s brother
Gersīwaz, jealous of the strangers growing power, set his brother’s mind
against Siyāwush, and induced him to take the field against his son-in-law,
who was captured and conveyed to Rāmtīn and there put to death. Siyāwush
left a posthumous son by Ferengis, named Kay-Khosrū, who became emperor
of Īrān. Kay-Khosrū, bent on avenging his father’s death, besieged Rāmtīn,
drove Afrāsiyāb out of his country, and occupied it for seven years; Afrāsiyāb
afterwards returned and recovered his capital, but was finally defeated and slain.
Kay-Khosrū now became master of Samarkand and Bokhārā; but, wishing to
devote his days to religious contemplation, resigned his government to Lohrāsp,
the son-in-law of Kay-Kā´ūs, who soon exacted homage from the rulers of
Tartary. Thus the Persian dynasty existed till the overthrow of Darius <span class="smcap">II.</span></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> The accurate transcription of this name is <i>Khitā´ī</i>; however, for convenience
the more familiar spelling of <i>Khitāy</i> has been retained throughout.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> The exact position of this town, which during the tenth and eleventh
centuries was the capital of the Khāns of Turkestān (see Ibn el-Athīr), is not
known. Abulfeda says it was not far from Kāshghar. Juvaynī says that in
the days of the Mongols it was called Gu-Balik.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="fnanchor">249</a> Grigorieff, in his well-known but harsh, and indeed unjust, review of Vambéry’s
<i>Bokhara</i>, published as an Appendix to vol. i. of Schuyler’s <i>Turkestan</i>, says
(1) that the Ilik Khāns were not Uïghūrs, but Karlukhs, and (2) that the Kara-Khitāys
were their descendants. Though he takes M. Vambéry to task for not
knowing such “facts,” neither of these statements will bear the light of modern
research. Vambéry was, however, wrong in calling the Kara-Khitāys Uïghūrs.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> Klaproth (<i>Sprache und Schrift der Uiguren</i>) proves convincingly that
the Hui-ho of the Chinese authors anterior to the Mongol period are identical
with the Uïghūrs, and that the Uïghūrs are to be classed among the Eastern
Turks. The term Hui-ho was, however, used by Chinese writers of the
Mongol period to designate Mohammedans generally (cf. Bretschneider’s
article on the Uïghūrs in his <i>Mediæval Researches from Eastern Asiatic
Sources</i>, to which excellent monograph most of these notes are due). Translations
of the principal Chinese records of the Uïghūrs are to be found in
Videlou’s supplement to d’Herbelot’s <i>Bib. Orient.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> The name <i>Uïghūr</i> is first found in Mohammedan histories at the beginning
of the thirteenth century. Previously to this they seem to have been
known by the name of Taghazghaz, which is doubtless a corruption. Cf.
<i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, or, <i>History of the Moghuls of Central Asia</i>, by Ney Elias
and E. Denison Ross, p. 94 of Introduction.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="fnanchor">252</a> For notices of these places, consult Grigorieff’s article on the <i>Kara-Khānides</i>,
and Bretschneider’s <i>Mediæval Researches</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="fnanchor">253</a> He was not actually the last of the Sāmānides, for one member of the
family named Isma`īl el-Muntazir had escaped from Ilik’s hands. His subsequent
adventures would go to make an exciting story. For six years he
maintained himself at the head of a faithful following. With the help of the
Ghuz he twice defeated Ilik’s troops, and (in 391–1001) actually wrested
Nīshāpūr from the hands of the governor, Mahmūd of Ghazna’s brother. He
finally perished at the hands of a Bedouin in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 395 (1005).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> His name was Abū-l-Husayn Nasr <span class="smcap">I.</span></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="fnanchor">255</a> A tentative list of the Khāns of Turkestān is given in S. Lane-Poole’s
<i>Mohammedan Dynasties</i>, p. 134. They ruled, according to this author’s
computation, from about <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 320–560 (932–1165).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> He was born in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 333 (944). Cf. <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, p. 287.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="fnanchor">257</a> Cf. Forsyth’s <i>Mission to Yarkand</i>,—Dr. Bellew’s chapter on the History
of Kāshghar, p. 121. The account of the first introduction of Islām into
Kāshghar is given in a Turki work entitled the <i>Tazkira Bughra Khān</i> (which
was translated from the Persian of Shaykh `Attār). Extracts from this somewhat
fantastic work have been published in the original in Shaw’s <i>Turki
Grammar</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="fnanchor">258</a> Ed. Schefer, p. 233.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> They advanced within three stages of Balāsāghūn. They are spoken of
as coming from <i>Sīn</i> (China), but they were probably not Chinese but Eastern
Uïghūrs (cf. Bretschneider, i. 253).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="fnanchor">260</a> His name is often given in Oriental histories as <i>Kadr</i>. See Raverty,
<i>Tabakāt-i-Nāsiri</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="fnanchor">261</a> Cf. Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, p. 234.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="fnanchor">262</a> We are told by this same author that they had caused much depredation
among the Mohammedans, which seems inconsistent with what has been said
of them before.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="fnanchor">263</a> S. Lane-Poole gives the date of Boghrā Khān’s death as 435, and makes
no mention of his son Ibrāhīm.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="fnanchor">264</a> Narshakhi, ed. Schefer, reads this name <i>Tumghāch</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> S. Lane-Poole (<i>loc. cit.</i>) says Ibrāhīm died in 460, and was succeeded by
his son Nasr, who died in 472. It will be seen that great confusion exists
with regard to these Khāns. Major Raverty, in his translation of the
<i>Tabakāt-i-Nāsiri</i>, furnishes a long list of Ilik Khāns; but it is hard to reconcile
any two accounts, so much do the names and dates differ.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="fnanchor">266</a> S. Lane-Poole (<i>Mohammedan Dynasties</i>, p. 135) says Mahmūd Khān <span class="smcap">II.</span></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> S. Lane-Poole (<i>loc. cit.</i>) reads Mahmūd Khān <span class="smcap">III.</span>, and from this point
the list he gives no longer corresponds with Narshakhi’s account.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="fnanchor">268</a> Mīrkhwānd (Vüllers, <i>Historia Seldschukidarum</i>, p. 176), and Vambéry
following him, say that Mohammad was reinstated.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="fnanchor">269</a> The modern Khiva.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> See chap. XX.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> This history, by Hamdullah Mustawfi, is one of the most important
Persian chronicles. The whole text has never yet been published, but the
portion relating to the Seljūks was edited and translated by M. Defrémery.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> There is some confusion as to the precise origin of this branch of the
Turks. Aug. Müller says that during the disorders which attended the
downfall of the Sāmānides and the struggles between the Ghaznavides and
the Khāns of Kāshghar, the Ghuz, through internal dissensions, became split
up into subdivisions. The foremost of these was a branch who in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 345
(956) settled down in Jend (east of Khwārazm). They received the name of
Seljūk from their chief, who had been compelled to quit the court of his
master Pighu Khān of the Kipchāk Turks. He is said to have embraced
Islām (Müller, <i>Islām</i>, ii. 74).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="fnanchor">273</a> He was the first prince to bear the title of <i>Sultān</i>. Cf. Gibbon,
chap. 47.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="fnanchor">274</a> Malcolm, <i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 195.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> Cf. Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. p. 76.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> The son of Altuntāsh mentioned above, p. 123.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="fnanchor">277</a> Gibbon (chap, lvii.) speaks of this victory as the “memorable day of
Qandacan” which “founded in Persia the dynasty of the shepherd kings.”
He gives the date as <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 1038.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> Mohammad, who, as stated above, had been nominated by his father
Mahmūd to succeed him in Ghazna, had been almost immediately deposed by
his brother Mas`ūd.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> Malcolm, <i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 199.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="fnanchor">280</a> Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 77.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="fnanchor">281</a> <i>Vide supra</i>, p. 112, note 1.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> Cf. Gibbon, chap. lvii. De Guignes gives a somewhat different version
of the relations between the Emperor and the Turk (vol. iii. p. 191). He
says: “Constantin-Monomaque qui regnoit alors à Constantinople, ne crut
pas devoir négliger l’alliance d’un prince qui faisoit trembler toute l’Asie:
il lui envoya des ambassadeurs pour lui proposer de faire la paix, et Thogrulbegh
y consentit.” This difference is due to the fact that Gibbon’s authorities
were Byzantine, while De Guignes’ were Mohammedan.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="fnanchor">283</a> It would, however, be wrong to regard these Turks as uncultured people;
for though few traces of their early literature have come down to us, testimony
is not wanting to the fact that they had, long before they began their
westward migrations, a written language and perhaps a literature.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> He was not received in audience by the Caliph till <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 451 (1059). In
455 (1063), in spite of his outward show of respect, Toghrul Beg practically
forced the Caliph to give him his daughter in marriage. But, in the same
year, as Toghrul was about to claim his bride, fortune suddenly deserted him,
and he died at the age of seventy in Ray, where, according to Mīrkhwānd
(see ed. Vüllers, p. 65), he wished to celebrate his nuptials.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> His name is familiar to the English public through the medium of `Omar
Khayyām. All who have read Fitzgerald’s admirable translation of the
<i>Rubaiyāt</i> know the story of the three famous schoolfellows—`Omar Khayyām,
the poet; Nizām ul-Mulk, the statesman; and Hasan ibn Sabbāh, “the Old
Man of the Mountain.” These three, as schoolboys at Nīshāpūr, had sworn
that whichever of them should rise highest in the world should help the
others. Of two of them we shall have to speak below.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> His was not actually their first expedition, for, in 1050, parts of Armenia
had been laid waste and countless Christians massacred by the Turks. Cf.
Gibbon, chap. xlvii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="fnanchor">287</a> We refer the reader to Gibbon’s 57th chapter for a vivid account of Alp
Arslān’s dealings with the Romans (see also Malcolm, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 209–213).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="fnanchor">288</a> This was a chief named Yūsuf, who had long held out against the Sultan
in his fortress of Berzem in Khwārazm. Cf. Malcolm, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 213; and De
Guignes, iii. 213.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="fnanchor">289</a> Notably his uncle Kāwurd (see Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 94),—whom Vambéry
calls <i>Kurd</i>; and Vüllers (in Mīrkhwānd’s Seljūks), <i>Kādurd</i>; and Malcolm
(<i>op. cit.</i> i. 216), <i>Cawder</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 94.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="fnanchor">291</a> See below, chap. <a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">xix</a>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="fnanchor">292</a> Vambéry (<i>op. cit.</i> p. 100) qualifies these statements as the “mere fabrications
of partial Arab and Persian writers.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="fnanchor">293</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> ii. 95.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="fnanchor">294</a> This assassin was one of the emissaries (or <i>fadāwi</i>) of Hasan ibn Sabbāh,
Nizām ul-Mulk’s old school friend. For an account of the Assassins we refer
the reader to the article under that heading in the <i>Encyclopædia Britannica</i>.
For more than a century the devotees of the Old Man of the Mountain played
a part in politics not dissimilar to that of the Jesuits at certain periods in
Europe. See J. von Hammer’s <i>Hist. de l’Ordre des Assassins</i> (Paris, 1833);
S. Guyard’s “Un Grand Maître des Assassins,” <i>Journal Asiatique</i>, 1877;
and an article by Mr. E. G. Browne in <i>St. Bartholomew’s Hosp. Journ.</i>,
March 1897.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="fnanchor">295</a> The history of the remaining Seljūk kings (of the original branch) is so
admirably epitomised by Malcolm that it was considered unnecessary in this
place to do more than quote from his well-known <i>History of Persia</i> (vol. ii.
p. 222 <i>et seq.</i>). These sons were Berkiyāruk, Mohammad, Sanjar, and
Mahmūd.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> He was himself but fourteen years of age at the time of his father’s death.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="fnanchor">297</a> <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 487–498 (1094–1104). Malcolm throughout his otherwise excellent
history scarcely ever condescends to supply the reader with a date of any
kind.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> He died of consumption at the early age of twenty-seven (perhaps even
younger). Cf. Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 120.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="fnanchor">299</a> He allowed his nephew the two `Irāks on condition that his (Sanjar’s)
name should be mentioned first in the public prayers (cf. <i>Habīb-us-Siyar</i>).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="fnanchor">300</a> The modern Khānate of Khiva.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="fnanchor">301</a> The Khāns of Khiva still bear the title of Ewer-bearers to the Sultan
of Constantinople.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="fnanchor">302</a> About <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 470 (1077).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="fnanchor">303</a> He was a descendant in the eighth generation of <i>T’ai-tsu</i>, or Apaoki,
the first Liao emperor. Cf. Bretschneider, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 211; Visdelou, p. 28.
For the various forms his name has taken, cf. Howorth on the “Kara-Khitāy,”
<i>J.R.A.S.</i>, New Series VIII. 273, 274.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="fnanchor">304</a> De Guignes called him <i>Taigir</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="fnanchor">305</a> Called by the Mohammedans <i>Churché</i>, which corresponds to the <i>Niuchi</i>
of Chinese historians. Cf. Bretschneider, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 224, note.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="fnanchor">306</a> Cf. d’Ohsson, <i>Histoire des Mongols</i>, i. 163.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> Some scholars have wished to identify this name with Kirmān in Persia,
but this seems most improbable. Bretschneider (<i>op. cit.</i> i. 216, note)
suggests Kerminé, which is the site of the summer quarters of the present
Amīr of Bokhārā. Cf. also Howorth, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="fnanchor">308</a> P. 134.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="fnanchor">309</a> Cf. De Guignes, iii. pt. ii. p. 253.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="fnanchor">310</a> Some confusion exists as to whether Kāshghar or Balāsāghūn was his
residence. It seems improbable that he should have changed in so short
a space.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="fnanchor">311</a> <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 521 (1127).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 533 (1138).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="fnanchor">313</a> Il-Kilij, the son of Atsiz, perished in the battle.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="fnanchor">314</a> Cf. d’Herbelot, article “Atsiz”; and De Guignes, vol. ii. pt. ii. p.
254.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> Thus, according to Narshakhi (p. 243). The statements of historians are
somewhat conflicting in this place. De Guignes, following Abulfidā, says
that Ye-liu Ta-shi (whom he calls Taigir) died in 1136, when about to abandon
Kāshghar and return to his ancient settlements in Tartary. The Khitāys
then set upon the throne his infant son, Y-li, with his mother Liao-chi as
queen-regent. Bretschneider has translated a Chinese work which gives a list
of all the line of Kara-Khitāy rulers, whose dynasty became extinct about 1203.
We have not thought it necessary to reproduce a list of their names in this
place. It may be mentioned, however, that Bretschneider’s account does not
agree with De Guignes.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> Cf. De Guignes, vol. iii. pt. i. p. 254; Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. ii. p. 173.
Rashīd ud-Dīn tells us he had drawn auxiliaries from all parts of his
dominions.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="fnanchor">317</a> The Kara-Khitāys were Buddhists.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="fnanchor">318</a> Cf. Müller, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="fnanchor">319</a> <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 537 (1142).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="fnanchor">320</a> Cf. De Guignes, <i>loc. cit.</i>; and Müller, ii. p. 174.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> Cf. De Guignes, iii. pt. i. pp. 256, 257.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="fnanchor">322</a> De Guignes (following Abulfidā) says <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 550 (1155).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="fnanchor">323</a> Cf. Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 173.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="fnanchor">324</a> Mīrkhwānd (ed. Vüllers, p. 183). Khwāndamīr (<i>Habīb-us-Siyar</i>) adds
“Kunduz and Baklān” to the list.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="fnanchor">325</a> The word used is <i>Khānsālār</i>, which means the “Taster,” or “Table-Decker
of the Household.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> Mīrkhwānd (ed. Vüllers, p. 185) says that Kamāj and his son perished
in this battle, but Hamdullah Mustawfi, in the <i>Tārīkh-i-Guzīda</i>, says they
were spared.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> De Guignes, vol. iii. pt. i. p. 256.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328" class="fnanchor">328</a> Mīrkhwānd relates (ed. Vüllers, p. 188) that when Sanjar fled with his
army, and was hotly pursued by the Ghuz, a man who bore a striking
resemblance to the Sultan was captured. Say what he might, the Ghuz
would not be convinced that this was not Sanjar, and paid him all the respect
due to royalty, until finally some one recognised him as the son of Sanjar’s
cook, whereupon he was beheaded.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329" class="fnanchor">329</a> Professor Shukovski, of St. Petersburg, published in 1894 an excellent
and exhaustive monograph on the ruins and past history of Merv, under the
title <i>Razvilini starago Merva</i>, “The Ruins of Old Merv.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330" class="fnanchor">330</a> Ed. Vüllers, p. 189.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331" class="fnanchor">331</a> Mīrkhwānd has in this place evidently followed Hafiz Abru (the author
of the <i>Zubdat-ut-Tawārīkh</i>), who says that the first day of plunder was
devoted to articles of gold, brass, and silver; the second to bronzes, carpets,
and vases; and the third to whatever of value was left, such as cotton-stuffs,
glass, wooden doors, and the like. Cf. Professor Shukovski’s <i>Ruins of Old
Merv</i>, pp. 29, 30.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332" class="fnanchor">332</a> He is said to have been kept in a cage at night. Cf. De Guignes, iii.
pt. i. 257. Mīrkhwānd has been followed in this relation, and we have seen
what he considered to be the cause of the hostilities between the Ghuz and Sanjar.
From Ibn el-Athīr (<i>Tārīkh-i-Kāmil</i>, xi. 118, as quoted by Professor Shukovski,
<i>Merv</i>, p. 29) it would appear that the cause of the conflict was
Sanjar’s refusal to give up Merv to the Ghuz, on the plea that he could not
be expected to abandon his royal residence. De Guignes (iii. pt. i. p. 257)
introduces this anecdote after the capture of Sanjar.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333" class="fnanchor">333</a> Many say he died of an internal malady, <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 552 (1157). He was in
his seventy-third year.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334" class="fnanchor">334</a> The modern Chārjūy.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335" class="fnanchor">335</a> Cf. De Guignes, iii. pt. ii. p. 258.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336" class="fnanchor">336</a> Cf. De Guignes, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337" class="fnanchor">337</a> He entered into a union with the Khān of the Kipchāk, named Ikrān,
and married his daughter, who became the mother of the famous Sultan
Mohammad Khwārazm Shāh; cf. <i>Tabakāt-i-Nāsiri</i>, Raverty’s translation, i.
240. This Khān of the Kipchāks is called, on p. 254 of the same work,
<i>Kadr Khān</i>, a discrepancy which escaped the notice of Major Raverty, who,
however, calls attention to three different Kadr Khāns in one chapter (see
<i>op. cit.</i> p. 267, note).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338" class="fnanchor">338</a> Cf. <i>Habīb-us-Siyar</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339" class="fnanchor">339</a> In this account of the reign of Tekish we have followed the <i>Habīb-us-Siyar</i>.
There is, however, a great discrepancy in this part of the history,
for in one place Khwāndamīr says that the hostilities lasted only ten years
(<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 568–578), when they were brought to a close by a treaty between the
two brothers, in which Tekish granted the rule of certain towns in Khorāsān
to his brother. An account of Sultan Shāh Mahmūd may be found in the
<i>Tabakāt-i-Nāsiri</i>, trans., i. 245–249.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340" class="fnanchor">340</a> There is a misprint in d’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 180, the date being given as
1149. He also waged war on the Assassins in `Irāk and Kūhistan, and took
from them their strongest fort, Arslān Kushāy.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341" class="fnanchor">341</a> <i>Tārīkh-i-Jahān-Kushāy</i>, as quoted by Bretschneider, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 229, from
d’Ohsson.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342" class="fnanchor">342</a> Cf. d’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 180; and <i>Tabakāt-i-Nāsiri</i>, trans., i. 253–260.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343" class="fnanchor">343</a> He had solicited the hand of a daughter of the Gūr-Khān, and, having
been refused, had become his secret enemy. Howorth, <i>J.R.A.S.</i>, New
Series VIII. p. 282.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344" class="fnanchor">344</a> Cf. d’Ohsson (<i>op. cit.</i> i. 181), who does not quote his authority.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345" class="fnanchor">345</a> Thus according to d’Ohsson. But De Guignes gives a very different
account of Mohammad’s first Eastern campaign, which he dates <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 604
(1209). He says that Bokhārā and Samarkand were delivered over to him
by the friendly Turkish princes, that on entering the Kara-Khitāy territory
he gained a splendid victory. Thus the first disastrous campaign is wholly
ignored. De Guignes, <i>op. cit.</i> i. pt. ii. pp. 266, 267.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346" class="fnanchor">346</a> Cf. De Guignes, i. pt. ii. p. 267. d’Ohsson says as far as Uzkend, <i>op.
cit.</i> p. 182.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347" class="fnanchor">347</a> The name of this famous conqueror has been spelled in many different
ways,—<i>e.g.</i>, <i>Genghiz</i> (De Guignes), <i>Gengis</i> (Voltaire, in his tragedy of that
name), <i>Zingis</i> (Gibbon), <i>Tchinguiz</i> (d’Ohsson), etc. We have adopted the
one which most nearly approaches the Turkish and Persian pronunciation of
the name. For authorities we would refer the reader to Sir H. Howorth’s
<i>History of the Mongols</i>, part i. (1876); R. K. Douglas, <i>Life of Jinghiz Khān</i>
(1877); an article by same author in the <i>Encyclopædia Britannica</i>; Erdmann’s
<i>Temudschin der Unerschütterliche</i> (1862); and d’Ohsson and De
Guignes (vol. iv.). The principal <i>original</i> sources for the history of Chingiz
Khān are: (1) the Chinese account of a contemporary named <i>Men-Hun</i>,
which has been translated into Russian by Professor Vassilief, and published
in his <i>History and Antiquities of the Eastern Part of Central Asia</i> (see
Transactions of Oriental Section of the Russian Archæological Society,
vol. iv.); and (2) the <i>Tabakāt-i-Nāsiri</i> of Juzjānī, translated by Major
Raverty. This important work comprises a collection of the accounts of
Chingiz Khān written by his Mohammedan contemporaries. Other Chinese
and Persian sources might be mentioned, but the above are the most important.
</p>
<p>
One very important authority for the Mongol period is the compilation,
from Chinese sources, by Father Hyacinth, entitled <i>History of the first four
Khāns of the House of Chingiz</i>, St. Petersburg, 1829. This Russian work is
comparatively little known outside Russia. Both Erdmann and d’Ohsson
often lay it under contribution. It may be added that Sir Henry Howorth,
in his first volume on the Mongols (published in 1876), gives a complete
bibliography of all the available sources for the history of Chingiz and his
successors.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348" class="fnanchor">348</a> M. Barthold, of the St. Petersburg University, has devoted much time to
the study of the Mongol period in Central Asia, the fruits of which he has
not yet published on an extended scale, though some shorter articles of great
value have appeared in Baron Rosen’s <i>Zapiski</i>. The expeditions of Chingiz
Khān and Tamerlane were admirably treated by M. M. I. Ivanin in a work
published after his death, entitled <i>On the Military Art and Conquests of the
Mongol-Tatars under Chingiz Khān and Tamerlane</i>, St. Petersburg.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349" class="fnanchor">349</a> Since the discovery and decipherment of the Orkon inscriptions it may
be regarded as certain that the form <i>Khitan</i>, or <i>Kidan</i>, is but the Chinese
transcription of the word <i>Kitai</i>, which is the name of a people, most probably
of Manchurian origin, who, as is well known, ruled over Northern China
during the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries. It was borrowed by some
of the tribes inhabiting those parts. Cf. note on p. 106 of vol. x. of Baron
Rosen’s <i>Zapiski</i>, article by M. Barthold.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350" class="fnanchor">350</a> Precisely the same thing occurred in the case of the Yué-Chi and the
Kushans.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351" class="fnanchor">351</a> This admirable summary is taken from S. Lane-Poole’s <i>Catalogue of
Oriental Coins in the British Museum</i>, vol. vi. (also reprinted in his <i>Mohammedan
Dynasties</i>, pp. 201, 202). It is a condensation of what may be read
in great detail in Howorth’s <i>Mongols</i>, vol. i. pp. 27–50. Cf. also De Guignes,
vol. iv. p. 1 <i>et seq.</i>; and d’Ohsson, vol. i. chaps. i. and ii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352" class="fnanchor">352</a> For information with regard to this name, cf. d’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i> vol. i.
pp 36, 37, note.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353" class="fnanchor">353</a> Thus according to the Chinese authorities. The Mohammedan historians
give the date of his birth as <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 550 (1155).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354" class="fnanchor">354</a> The above remarks on the Mongols have been translated from an article
in Russian by M. Barthold in Baron Rosen’s <i>Zapiski</i>, vol. x. (St. Petersburg,
1897) pp. 107–8.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355" class="fnanchor">355</a> Rashīd ud-Dīn, <i>Jāmi`-ut-Tawārikh</i>, Berezine’s ed. i. 89.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356" class="fnanchor">356</a> The Chinese and Persian authorities are here again at variance.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357" class="fnanchor">357</a> They had been converted to Christianity by the Nestorians at the beginning
of the eleventh century. See very interesting note in d’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i>
i. p. 48. This Toghrul received the title of Oang, or King, and called himself
Oang-Khān. The similarity of this in sound to the name <i>Johan</i>, or Johannes
(John), led to the fabulous personage so familiar in Marco Polo and
other travellers, as Prester John. Cf. Yule’s <i>Cathay</i> and <i>Marco Polo</i>,
<i>passim</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358" class="fnanchor">358</a> Cf. d’Ohsson, i. p. 47.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359" class="fnanchor">359</a> Cf. S. Lane-Poole, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360" class="fnanchor">360</a> The exact date is uncertain.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361" class="fnanchor">361</a> This word may be read either <i>Kuriltāy</i> or <i>Kurultāy</i>. Cf. Pavet de
Courteille, <i>Dictionnaire Turk-Oriental</i>, p. 429.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362" class="fnanchor">362</a> Cf. d’Ohsson, i. 86.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363" class="fnanchor">363</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 89.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364" class="fnanchor">364</a> Cf. Howorth, <i>J.R.A.S.</i>, New Series VIII. p. 283.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365" class="fnanchor">365</a> The above facts are from the <i>Jahān-Kushāy</i>. Cf. Bretschneider, <i>op. cit.</i>
i. 230, 231; the <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, p. 289; and d’Ohsson, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 166
<i>et seq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366" class="fnanchor">366</a> Cf. d’Ohsson, i. 170 <i>et seq.</i>; Bretschneider, <i>op. cit.</i> i. 231.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367" class="fnanchor">367</a> This occupied him between the years 1210 and 1214.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368" class="fnanchor">368</a> S. Lane-Poole, <i>loc. cit.</i> See also Gibbon’s 64th chapter.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369" class="fnanchor">369</a> Cf. Bretschneider, <i>loc. cit.</i>; and on the subject of the religious tolerance
of Chingiz, Gibbon, chap. lxiv.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370" class="fnanchor">370</a> Cf. d’Ohsson, i. 204.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371" class="fnanchor">371</a> He had put his former ally `Othman to death in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 607 (1210). See
d’Ohsson, i. 183.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372" class="fnanchor">372</a> Abū-l-Ghāzi, ed. Desmaisons, p. 99.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373" class="fnanchor">373</a> Abū-l-Ghāzi, ed. Desmaisons, p. 100.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374" class="fnanchor">374</a> Abū-l-Ghāzi, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375" class="fnanchor">375</a> Abū-l-Ghāzi, pp. 101–103 of Desmaison’s text.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376" class="fnanchor">376</a> The route he took was Kazwīn, Gilān, and Māzenderān (<i>Tarikh-i-Mukīm
Khānī</i>).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377" class="fnanchor">377</a> He is said to have died a lunatic. The island in question has long since
been swallowed up by the sea. Cf. <i>Tabakāt-i-Nāsiri</i>, Major Raverty’s trans.,
vol. i. p. 278, note.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378" class="fnanchor">378</a> We refer the reader especially to Müller’s <i>Geschichte des Islams</i>, pp.
213–225.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379" class="fnanchor">379</a> <i>Mohammedan Dynasties</i>, p. 204.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380" class="fnanchor">380</a> The best account of this offshoot is to be found in an excellent paper
entitled “The Chaghatai Mughals,” by W. E. E. Oliver, in the Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xx. New Series, p. 72, sec. 9. It will be
found in a condensed form in Ney Elias and Ross’s Introduction to the
<i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, or “History of the Mughals of Central Asia.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381" class="fnanchor">381</a> <i>Vide ante</i> on p. 155.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382" class="fnanchor">382</a> In the valley of the Upper Ili, near the site of the present Kulja.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383" class="fnanchor">383</a> During the reign of Chaghatāy Khān a curious rising occurred in the
province of Bokhārā. A half-witted sieve-maker, from a village near
Bokhārā, managed by various impostures to gather round him a number of
disciples from among the common people, and so numerous and powerful did
they become that in 630 (1232) they drove the Chaghatāy government out of the
country, and, assuming the government of Bokhārā, proceeded to put to death
many of its most distinguished citizens. They at first successfully repulsed
the Mongol forces sent against them, but were finally vanquished, and order
was again restored in Bokhārā. For this episode consult Vambéry, <i>op. cit.</i>
p. 143 <i>et seq.</i>; Major Price’s <i>Mohammedan History</i>, iii. 2.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384" class="fnanchor">384</a> <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, Introduction, p. 32.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385" class="fnanchor">385</a> Chaghatāy is said to have died from grief at his brother’s death (<i>Habīb-us-Siyar</i>).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386" class="fnanchor">386</a> For historical data we have already referred the reader to Mr. Oliver’s
paper and Vambéry’s <i>Bokhara</i>. S. Lane-Poole, in his <i>Mohammedan Dynasties</i>,
gives a list of twenty-six Khāns of this house who ruled in Central
Asia from <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 624 to 771 (<span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 1227 to 1358), <i>i.e.</i> 140 years. The <i>Zafar-Nāmé</i>
of Nizām Shāmī (see note below, p. <a href="#Page_168">168</a>) gives a list of thirty-one
Khāns of this line.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387" class="fnanchor">387</a> Cf. Müller’s <i>Geschichte des Islams</i>, ii. p. 217.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388" class="fnanchor">388</a> In <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 671 (1273) Bokhārā was sacked by the Mongols of Persia (Müller,
<i>op. cit.</i> ii. p. 260).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389" class="fnanchor">389</a> <i>Bokhara</i>, pp. 159–60.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390" class="fnanchor">390</a> This Khānate embraced the present Zungaria and the greater part of
Eastern and Western Turkestān; but the exact meaning of this geographical
term is still undetermined. The subject has been fully discussed in the
<i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i> (<i>passim</i>). Cf. also Bretschneider, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 225 <i>et seq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391" class="fnanchor">391</a> See <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, Introduction, p. 37.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392" class="fnanchor">392</a> The Calcutta text of the <i>Zafar-Nāmé</i> of Sheref ud-Dīn `Alī Yazdī,
the famous biographer of Tīmūr, reads throughout <i>Karān</i>. S. Lane-Poole,
<i>op. cit.</i>, gives the date of his accession as 744 (<span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 1343),—upon
what authority it is not clear. Price (following the <i>Khulāsat ul-Akhbār</i>) is
in agreement with the <i>Zafar-Nāmé</i>. We are, moreover, expressly told
that he ruled fourteen years, and died in 747.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393" class="fnanchor">393</a> <i>Zafar-Nāmé</i> (ed. Calcutta), i. p. 27.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394" class="fnanchor">394</a> This took place in the plains round the village of <i>Dara-Zangi</i> (<i>Zafar-Nāmé</i>,
ii. p. 28).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395" class="fnanchor">395</a> The third son of Chingiz, who had inherited the kingdom of Mongolia
proper.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396" class="fnanchor">396</a> <i>Zafar-Nāmé</i> (ed. Calcutta) reads Dānishmand Oghlān.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397" class="fnanchor">397</a> Perhaps a corruption of the older form <i>Berūlās</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398" class="fnanchor">398</a> The modern Shahr-i-Sabz.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399" class="fnanchor">399</a> Sheref ud-Dīn affirms that his love of wine was so inveterate that he
was not sober for a week in the whole year (<i>Zafar-Nāmé</i> (Calcutta edition),
i. p. 41).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400" class="fnanchor">400</a> He was born in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 730. In 748 he became Khān of Jatah; in 754 he
was converted to Islām; in 764 he died. His history, and the story of his
conversion, is told at some length in the <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, pp. 5–23.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401" class="fnanchor">401</a> Our readers will have traced for themselves the parallel afforded by
France, exhausted by the horrors of the Revolution at the outset of
Napoleon’s career.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402" class="fnanchor">402</a> The sources for the biography of Tīmūr are plentiful. The best known,
both in the East and in Europe, is the <i>Zafar-Nāmé</i>, by Sheref ud-Dīn `Alī, of
Yezd. This was completed in 1424 by the order of Ibrāhīm, the son of Shāh
Rukh, the son of Tīmūr. It was first translated into French in 1722 by M.
Petis de la Croix, whose work was in turn englished shortly afterwards. It is
this history that has served as a basis for all European historians, Gibbon
included. There is, however, an older biography of Tīmūr, which, owing to
its scarcity, is very little known. The only MS. in Europe is in the British
Museum. It, too, bears the title of <i>Zafar-Nāmé</i>, or <i>Book of Victory</i>. It was
compiled at Tīmūr’s own order by a certain Nizām Shāmī, and is brought down
to <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 806, <i>i.e.</i> one year before Tīmūr’s death. The MS. itself bears the
date of <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 838 (1434). Owing to the vast interest attaching to such a contemporary
account, Professor Denison Ross has undertaken to prepare an
edition of the text for the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403" class="fnanchor">403</a> He had gained the sobriquet “Leng” from a wound which caused him to
halt through life, inflicted during the siege of Sīstān (Wolff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 243).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404" class="fnanchor">404</a> For example, the names Jalā´ir, Berūlās, and Seldūz are those of well-known
Turkish tribes.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405" class="fnanchor">405</a> According to the <i>Zafar-Nāmé</i> of Sheref ud-Dīn `Alī Yazdi, and other
historians who follow him, Hāji Birlās was the uncle of Tīmūr. The <i>Zafar-Nāmé</i>
of Nizām Shāmī, however, states that he was Tīmūr’s brother.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406" class="fnanchor">406</a> He was at this period about twenty-seven years of age, and had served
with some distinction under Amīr Kazghan (Wolff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 245).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407" class="fnanchor">407</a> We refer the reader to Gibbon’s 65th chapter for a striking account of
Tīmūr’s wanderings in the desert, and to Petis de la Croix’s translation of the
<i>Zafar-Nāmé</i> for Tīmūr’s thrilling adventures with his friend Amīr Husayn.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408" class="fnanchor">408</a> <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 244.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409" class="fnanchor">409</a> The famous order of dervishes called <i>Nakshabandi</i> was founded in
Tīmūr’s reign by a certain Khwāja Bahā ud-Dīn, who died in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 791 (1388).
The three saints held in reverence by the dervishes next after him are
Khwāja Ahrār (whose mausoleum is to be seen a few miles outside Samarkand),
Ishān Mahzūm Kāshāni, and Sūfi Allah Yār. It is a group of
members of this mendicant brotherhood which forms the subject of the
frontispiece to this work by M. Verestchagin. There are two other sects of
dervishes in Samarkand—(1) the <i>Kādiriyya</i>, whose founder was `Abd el-Kādiri
Gīlāni, and (2) the <i>Alf Tsāni</i>, an order whereof the founder seems to be
unknown, and which is sparsely represented.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410" class="fnanchor">410</a> “He was of great stature, of an extraordinary large head, open forehead,
of a beautiful red and white complexion, and with long hair—white from his
birth, like Zal, the renowned hero of Persian history. In his ears he wore
two diamonds of great value. He was of a serious and gloomy expression of
countenance; an enemy to every kind of joke or jest, but especially to falsehood,
which he hated to such a degree that he preferred a disagreeable truth to
an agreeable lie,—in this respect far different from the character of Alexander,
who put to death Clitus, his friend and companion in arms, as well as the
philosopher Callisthenes, for uttering disagreeable truths to him. Tīmūr
never relinquished his purpose or countermanded his order; never regretted
the past, nor rejoiced in the anticipation of the future; he neither loved poets
nor buffoons, but physicians, astronomers, and lawyers, whom he frequently
desired to carry on discussions in his presence; but most particularly he
loved those dervishes whose fame of sanctity paved his way to victory by
their blessing. His most darling books were histories of wars and biographies
of warriors and other celebrated men. His learning was confined to the
knowledge of reading and writing, but he had such a retentive memory that
whatever he read or heard once he never forgot. He was only acquainted
with three languages—the Turkish, Persian, and Mongolian. The Arabic
was foreign to him. He preferred the Tora of Chingiz Khān to the Koran,
so that the Ulemas found it necessary to issue a Fetwa by which they
declared those to be infidels who preferred human laws to the divine. He
completed Chingiz Khān’s Tora by his own code, called Tuzukat, which
comprised the degrees and ranks of his officers. Without the philosophy of
Antonius or the pedantry of Constantine, his laws exhibit a deep knowledge
of military art and political science. Such principles were imitated successfully
by his successors, Shāh Baber and the great Shāh Akbar, in Hindustān.
The power of his civil as well as military government consisted in a deep
knowledge of other countries, which he acquired by his interviews with
travellers and dervishes, so that he was fully acquainted with all the plans,
manœuvres, and political movements of foreign courts and armies. He himself
despatched travellers to various parts, who were ordered to lay before him the
maps and descriptions of other foreign countries” (Wolff’s <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 243).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411" class="fnanchor">411</a> Shāh Rukh was Tīmūr’s favourite son. He derived his name, which
means “King and Castle,” from a well-known move in chess, which royal
game was one of Tīmūr’s few amusements (Wolff’s <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 244).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412" class="fnanchor">412</a> Cf. Price’s <i>Mohammedan History</i>, iii. 492, quoting the <i>Khulāsat-ul-Akhbār</i>.
As a fact, Pīr Mohammad only obtained the government of Balkh,
and was murdered in Kandahār in <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 809 (1406). Cf. De Guignes, v. 79.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413" class="fnanchor">413</a> Cf. De Guignes, v. 81.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414" class="fnanchor">414</a> De Guignes, v. 81. Khalīl spent some years in Moghūlistan, but, unable
to bear a longer separation from Shād Mulk, joined her in Herāt.
Shāh Rukh gave him the government of Khorāsān, and he died the same year
(<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 812).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415" class="fnanchor">415</a> His astronomical tables are amongst the most accurate and complete
that come down to us from Eastern sources. They treat of the measurement
of time, the course of the planets, and of the position of fixed stars.
The best editions are those printed in Latin in 1642–48 by an Oxford professor
named Greaves, and reprinted in 1767. The remains of his celebrated
observatory still crown the hill known as Chupān Ata in an eastern suburb
of Samarkand.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416" class="fnanchor">416</a> Shāh Rukh’s authority, to judge by the coins which have come down to
us, extended nearly as far as his more celebrated father’s. We have his
superscription on the issues of mints as widely distant as Shīrāz, Kaswīn,
Sabzawār, Herāt, Kum, Shuster, and Astarābād.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417" class="fnanchor">417</a> Vambéry’s <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 223.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418" class="fnanchor">418</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 244.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419" class="fnanchor">419</a> The young prince was born in 1483, the son of `Omar Shaykh Mīrzā,
whom he succeeded in the sovereignty of the eastern portion of Tīmūr’s
dominions. His conquest of India, and foundation of the Moghul dynasty
of Delhi, do not come within the scope of this work. He was equally great
in war, administration, and literature: perhaps the most remarkable figure of
his age.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420" class="fnanchor">420</a> <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 903 (1497).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421" class="fnanchor">421</a> An excellent table, showing the ramifications of the Tīmūrides, will be
found in vol. vii. of the <i>Mohammedan Coins of the British Museum</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422" class="fnanchor">422</a> In the case of possessive pronouns and verbal inflexions, for example,
we find direct and obvious imitations of the Turkish grammar.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423" class="fnanchor">423</a> The “Great Caan” of Marco Polo.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424" class="fnanchor">424</a> Cf. Bretschneider, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. pp. 139, 140.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425" class="fnanchor">425</a> Cf. Bretschneider, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426" class="fnanchor">426</a> <i>Idem.</i> Tūkā Tīmūr, from whom sprang the Khāns of the Crimea, was the
youngest son of Jūjī. Cf. Lane-Poole’s <i>Mohammedan Dynasties</i>, p. 233.
Tokhtamish, the inveterate foe of Tamerlane, belonged to the Crimean branch
of the Khāns of Dasht-i-Kipchāk. The Khānate of Kazan was founded in 1439,
on the remains of the Bulgarian Empire, by Ulugh Mohammed of the same line.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427" class="fnanchor">427</a> Bretschneider, <i>loc. cit.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428" class="fnanchor">428</a> There seems some confusion on this point; I have followed Veliaminof-Zernof,
but Bretschneider does not call this movement a migration of Uzbegs
but a flight of the White Horde, whom he says were expelled from their
original seats by Abū-l-Khayr. Cf. <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, p. 82.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429" class="fnanchor">429</a> The results of M. Veliaminof-Zernof’s careful researches into the history
of the Kazāks were published in three volumes of the <i>Memoirs of the Eastern
Branch of St. Petersburg Archæological Society</i>, under the title of <i>The
Emperors and Princes of the Line of Kasim</i>. He called this dynasty the
<i>Kasimovski</i>, after Kāsim Khān, the son of Jānībeg. Cf. also Levshin’s
<i>Description of the Hordes and Steppes of the Kirghiz-Kazaks</i>, St. Petersburg,
1864. Mīrzā Haydar says: “The Kazāk Sultans began to reign in
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 870 (1465), and continued to enjoy absolute power in the greater part of
Uzbegistān till the year <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 940” (1533). See <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, p. 82.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430" class="fnanchor">430</a> <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, pp. 82 and 92.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431" class="fnanchor">431</a> Thus according to both the <i>Tārikh-i-Tīmūrī</i> and the <i>Tārīkh-i-Abū-l-Khayr</i>,
quoted by Howorth, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. 695.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432" class="fnanchor">432</a> There is in the British Museum a silver coin of Shaybānī Khān, dated
<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 910: Merv.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433" class="fnanchor">433</a> An account of this campaign will be found in the <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, p.
243 <i>et seq.</i> The account of the Emperor Bāber’s doings at this period are all
the more interesting and valuable from the fact that in the famous <i>Memoirs
of Baber</i> a break occurs from the year 1508 to the beginning of the year 1519;
though an account is also given in the <i>Tārīkh-i-Ālam-Ārāy</i> of Mirza Sikandar,
which was used by Erskine in his <i>History of India</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434" class="fnanchor">434</a> <i>Lubb ut-Tawārīkh</i>, book III. pt. iii. chap. vi.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435" class="fnanchor">435</a> Cf. Veliaminof-Zernof, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 247.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436" class="fnanchor">436</a> <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, p. 245.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437" class="fnanchor">437</a> Cf. <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, p. 259. Cf. also Veliaminof-Zernof (p. 353), who
bases his statements on the <i>`Abdullah Nāmé</i> of Hāfiz ibn Tānish. Copies of
this valuable work are very scarce. Its scope and contents have been
described (from a copy in the Imperial Academy in St. Petersburg) by M.
Veliaminof-Zernof. See <i>Mélanges Asiatiques de St. Petersburg</i>, vol. iii. p. 258
<i>et seq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438" class="fnanchor">438</a> “The Seven Wells.” V.-Zernof reads Yati Kurūk, which might mean
“the Seven Walls.” The former reading seems more probable.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439" class="fnanchor">439</a> On the locality of this place, cf. Vambéry’s <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 257.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440" class="fnanchor">440</a> Cf. <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, p. 260.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441" class="fnanchor">441</a> Probably to be identified with Panjakand, in the Zarafshān valley, forty
miles east of Samarkand.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442" class="fnanchor">442</a> Some distance north of Bokhārā.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443" class="fnanchor">443</a> Cf. <i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, p. 261. Howorth (ii. 713) says `Ubaydullah was
in this fort.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444" class="fnanchor">444</a> Mirza Haydar does hesitate to speak thus of the fortunes of his own
cousin Bāber, who had in his opinion sold himself to the heretic Persians.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445" class="fnanchor">445</a> As Grigorieff suggested, the name Abū-l-Khayride would fit this dynasty
far better than that of Shaybānide.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446" class="fnanchor">446</a> “Bokharan and Khivan Coins,” a monograph published in the <i>Memoirs
of the Eastern Branch of the Russian Archæological Society</i>, vol. iv., St.
Petersburg, 1859. This excellent and original monograph is extensively laid
under contribution in the present chapter, as it was also by Sir H. Howorth
in his chapter on the Shaybānides, pt. ii. div. ii. chap. ix.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447" class="fnanchor">447</a> See note, p. 190.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448" class="fnanchor">448</a> The <i>Tazkira Mukīm Khānī</i>, being a history of the appanage of Bokhārā,
makes no mention of Kuchunji, or Abū Sa`īd, who ruled in Samarkand, though
they both attained the position of Khākān. Cf. <i>Histoire de la Grande Bokharie,
par Mouhamed Joussouf el-Munshi</i>, etc., par Senkovsky, St. Petersburg,
1824.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449" class="fnanchor">449</a> Their names were—Abū Sa`īd, `Ubaydullah, `Abdullah I., `Abd ul-Latīf,
Nawrūz Ahmed, Pīr Mohammad, and Iskandar. All are described at some
length by Vambéry and Howorth, the latter basing his account on a great
variety of authorities.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450" class="fnanchor">450</a> P. 284 <i>et seq.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451" class="fnanchor">451</a> <i>Cat. Coins Brit. Mus.</i> vii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452" class="fnanchor">452</a> Cf. Howorth, ii. 876.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453" class="fnanchor">453</a> Khwārazm had never properly belonged to Chaghatāy’s territories in
Transoxiana, and accordingly it is a common mint name on coinage of the
Golden Horde (<i>Cat. Orient. Coins Brit. Mus.</i> vii. p. 26).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454" class="fnanchor">454</a> <i>Vide ante</i>, p. 169.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455" class="fnanchor">455</a> His genealogy is very doubtful; but, according to the best authorities,
his ancestor was Jūjī Khān, one of the mighty conqueror’s sons, who had
predeceased him (note at p. 304 of Vambéry’s <i>History of Bokhara</i>). Cf.
Howorth’s <i>Mongols</i>, part ii. p. 744.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456" class="fnanchor">456</a> Vambéry relates that when, in the great mosque of Bokhārā, the public
prayers were read for the first time for the new ruler, the whole congregation
burst into sobs and bitter tears (<i>History of Bokhara</i>, p. 319).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457" class="fnanchor">457</a> Vambéry, p. 323.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458" class="fnanchor">458</a> This prince was famed throughout the East for his love of letters. He
was a poet of no mean skill, and an adept at prose composition. His end
was untimely. Enticed to give a private interview to some of his brother
Subhān Kulī Khān’s party, he was foully murdered by them (Vambéry,
P. 323).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459" class="fnanchor">459</a> Vambéry tells us that he was a man of amazing corpulence; and one of
his historians avers that a child four years old could find accommodation in
one of his boots! (<i>History of Bokhara</i>, p. 325).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460" class="fnanchor">460</a> Vambéry, <i>History of Bokhara</i>, p. 333.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461" class="fnanchor">461</a> <i>History of Bokhara</i>, p. 339.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462" class="fnanchor">462</a> Page 95, <i>History of Central Asia</i>, by `Abd ul-Kerīm Bokhārī; translated
into French by Charles Schefer, Paris, 1876.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463" class="fnanchor">463</a> This throne was “so called from its having the figures of two peacocks
standing behind it, their tails being expanded, and the whole so inlaid with
sapphires, rubies, emeralds, pearls, and other precious stones of appropriate
colours as to represent life. The throne itself was six feet long by four broad;
it stood on six massive feet, which, with the body, were of solid gold, inlaid
with rubies, emeralds, and diamonds. It was surmounted by a canopy of
gold supported by twelve pillars, all richly emblazoned with costly gems, and
a fringe of pearls ornamented the borders of the canopy. Between the two
peacocks stood the figure of a parrot of the ordinary size, said to have been
carved out of a single emerald. On either side of the throne stood an
umbrella, one of the Oriental emblems of royalty. They were formed of
crimson velvet, richly embroidered and fringed with pearls. The handles
were eight feet high, of solid gold and studded with diamonds. The cost of
this superb work of art has been variously stated at sums varying from one
to six millions sterling. It was planned and executed under the supervision
of Austin de Bordeaux, already mentioned as the artist who executed the
Mosaic work in the Ám Khás” (Beresford’s <i>Delhi</i>, quoted by Mr. H. G.
Keene at p. 20 of the third edition of his <i>Handbook for Visitors to Delhi</i>,
Calcutta, 1876). Tavernier, who was himself a jeweller, and visited India in
1665, valued this piece of extravagance at two hundred million of livres,
£8,000,000; Jonas Hanway estimated it as worth, with nine other thrones,
£11,250,000 (<i>Travels</i>, ii. 383). It stood on a white marble plinth, on which
are still to be deciphered the world-renowned motto in flowing Persian characters:
“If there be a paradise on earth, it is even this, even this, even this.”
</p>

<div class="poem-container">
<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"><i>
<span class="i0">Agar Fardawsi ba ruyi zamīn ast:<br /></span>
<span class="i0">Hamīn ast, hamīn ast, hamīn ast.<br /></span></i>
</div></div>
</div>
</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464" class="fnanchor">464</a> `Abd ul-Kerīm Bokhārī, p. 106.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465" class="fnanchor">465</a> Vambéry gives the date of this <i>coup d’état</i> as 1737 (p. 343); but `Abd ul-Kerīm
Bokhārī makes it follow the assassination of Nādir Shāh, the epoch of
which is not open to question (p. 110). The dates of events of the eighteenth
century in Bokhārā are strangely uncertain, contemporary chroniclers rarely
deigning to aid posterity by recording them.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466" class="fnanchor">466</a> “Bi” is an Uzbeg word meaning “judge.” It is not spelt “bai,” nor does
it mean “superior grey-beard,” as M. Vambéry supposes (<i>History of Bokhara</i>,
p. 347).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467" class="fnanchor">467</a> There are many versions of the death of `Abd ul-Mū`min. The most
probable is that related by `Abd ul-Kerīm of Bokhārā, at p. 115, which is to
the effect that Rahīm Bi had the young prince taken by his own followers
on a pleasure-party, and then pushed into a well while he was dreamily
peering into its depths.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468" class="fnanchor">468</a> This is the highest degree in the Bokhārān official hierarchy (see
Khanikoff’s <i>Bokhara: its Amir and People</i>, p. 239; Meyendorff’s <i>Voyage à
Bokhara</i>, p. 259).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469" class="fnanchor">469</a> Note at p. 120 of Schefer’s edition of `Abd ul-Kerīm Chronicles.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470" class="fnanchor">470</a> See note at p. 135, <i>ibid.</i> The editor corrects an obvious <i>lapsus calami</i>,—<span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span>
1148 for 1184.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471" class="fnanchor">471</a> With characteristic Pharisaism, `Abd ul-Kerīm tells us that “fear and
terror fell upon Ma´sūm’s brethren, even as they had possessed the brethren
of Joseph. He set himself to repress their iniquities, and had their accomplices
in crime put to death. He suppressed prostitution, and tolerated no
disorders condemned by law. Bokhārā became the image of Paradise!” (p.
125).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472" class="fnanchor">472</a> `Abd ul-Kerīm, p. 132.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473" class="fnanchor">473</a> His mother belonged to the noble Salor tribe, <i>ibid.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474" class="fnanchor">474</a> `Abd ul-Kerīm, p. 137. For descriptions of ancient Merv the reader is
referred to vol. v. <i>Dictionnaire géographique de la Perse</i>, by C. Barbier de
Meynard, p. 526; Burnes’ <i>Travels into Bokhara</i>, London, 1834; Khanikoff’s
<i>Mémoire sur la partie Méridionale de l’Asie Centrale</i>, pp. 53, 57, 113, and
128; and Prof. Shukovski’s exhaustive work referred to on p. 144—note 3,
<i>supra</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475" class="fnanchor">475</a> `Abd ul-Kerīm assures us that this prince was the Plato of the century, a
man full of wisdom and knowledge (p. 135).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476" class="fnanchor">476</a> `Abd ul-Kerīm tells us that the number of families then deported was
17,000, which would give a total of about 85,000 individuals (p. 142).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477" class="fnanchor">477</a> Vambéry, <i>History of Bokhara</i>, p. 354.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478" class="fnanchor">478</a> `Abd ul-Kerīm (p. 151) gives the date as Friday, 14th Rajab <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span> 1214.
Vambéry is apparently in error in placing it as 1802 (p. 360).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479" class="fnanchor">479</a> P. 151.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480" class="fnanchor">480</a> See Meyendorff’s <i>Voyage d’Orenbourg à Boukhara en 1820</i>, p. 281;
<i>Bokhara: its Amir and People</i>, by Khanikoff, p. 248; Vambéry, <i>History
of Bokhara</i>, p. 360.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481" class="fnanchor">481</a> Amīr Haydar was the first of the present dynasty to assume the title
of Pādishāh.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482" class="fnanchor">482</a> `Abd ul-Kerīm, pp. 154–156. Vambéry gives a different version (<i>History
of Bokhara</i>, p. 462), but we prefer to follow the native chronicler, who held
high diplomatic posts in Bokhārā at the commencement of the century, and
may be presumed to have had personal knowledge of the events which he
records (see M. Charles Schefer’s Introduction to his Chronicle, p. iii).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483" class="fnanchor">483</a> `Abd ul-Kerīm, pp. 163, 164.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484" class="fnanchor">484</a> “He always has four legitimate wives: when he wishes to espouse a new
wife he divorces one of her predecessors, giving her a house and pension corresponding
with her condition. Every month he receives a young virgin,
either as wife or slave. He marries the slaves who have not given him
children, either to priests or soldiers” (`Abd ul-Kerīm, p. 163).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485" class="fnanchor">485</a> <i>History of Bokhara</i>, p. 365. A long chapter is devoted to Amīr
Nasrullah by Sir H. Howorth. See his <i>History of the Mongols</i>, part ii.
pp. 790–809.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486" class="fnanchor">486</a> “General of artillery.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487" class="fnanchor">487</a> Khanikoff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 296.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488" class="fnanchor">488</a> The Kushbegi was vehemently suspected of removing him by poison
(Khanikoff, p. 298).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489" class="fnanchor">489</a> About four shillings.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490" class="fnanchor">490</a> Khanikoff, p. 301.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491" class="fnanchor">491</a> <i>1 Vambéry, p. 366.</i></p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492" class="fnanchor">492</a> Wolff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 232.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493" class="fnanchor">493</a> Khanikoff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 304.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494" class="fnanchor">494</a> Wolff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 233.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495" class="fnanchor">495</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 233.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496" class="fnanchor">496</a> Wolff, p. 181.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497" class="fnanchor">497</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 232.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498" class="fnanchor">498</a> “Sed periit postquam cerdonibus esse timenduæs Cœperat” (Sat.
IV. 153).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499" class="fnanchor">499</a> Wolff, p. 248.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500" class="fnanchor">500</a> Vambéry, p. 372.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_501" href="#FNanchor_501" class="fnanchor">501</a> Khanikoff, p. 306; Wolff, p. 152, <i>et passim</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_502" href="#FNanchor_502" class="fnanchor">502</a> Vambéry, p. 373.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_503" href="#FNanchor_503" class="fnanchor">503</a> Under `Abd us-Samad’s advice he had organised a corps of soldiers who
were drilled and accoutred in the European fashion.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_504" href="#FNanchor_504" class="fnanchor">504</a> Khanikoff, p. 313.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_505" href="#FNanchor_505" class="fnanchor">505</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 314. Wolff adds that the unfortunate Khān’s pregnant wife
was also butchered (<i>Bokhara</i>, p. 232).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_506" href="#FNanchor_506" class="fnanchor">506</a> He published an interesting account of his wanderings in his <i>Travels
into Bokhara, being an account of a Journey from India to Cabool, Tartary,
and Persia in 1831–33</i>. London, 1834–39.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_507" href="#FNanchor_507" class="fnanchor">507</a> Wolff, p. 176. It appears that he drew his sword on the court official
charged with the duty of presenting him to His Majesty.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_508" href="#FNanchor_508" class="fnanchor">508</a> “He delights to hear that people tremble at his name, and laughs with
violence when he hears of their apprehensions” (Wolff, p. 233).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_509" href="#FNanchor_509" class="fnanchor">509</a> The first regular Russian embassy to Bokhārā was that of M. Regni in
1820, which was described by Colonel Baron Meyendorff in his <i>Voyage
d’Orenbourg à Boukhara</i>, Paris, 1826. The Russian reply to Burnes’
mission were those of Desmaison in 1834, and of Vitkovich in the following
year (Vambéry, p. 380).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_510" href="#FNanchor_510" class="fnanchor">510</a> The issue of our first attempt to meddle in the affairs of Afghanistān is too
well known for recapitulation. The British forces left Kābul on January 1842
on their homeward march, and, out of 16,500 troops and camp followers,
only one man lived to carry the news of disaster to Jalālābād. See Kaye’s
<i>History of the War in Afghanistan</i>, 1851.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_511" href="#FNanchor_511" class="fnanchor">511</a> Nasrullah was tormented by remorse to his dying day. He told the
Shaykh ul-Islām of Bokhārā that “he had given himself a terrible wound by
having killed Stoddart and Conolly.” And the chief-justice assured Wolff
that the Amīr had more than once exclaimed, “The wounds of my heart, for
having slain these English people, will never heal!” (Wolff’s <i>Bokhara</i>,
pp. 176, 233). Even this black heart had one white spot. But we must not
judge a bad man by the good he may do on impulse, nor a good one by the
evil which alloys the finest nature.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_512" href="#FNanchor_512" class="fnanchor">512</a> Wolff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 231. It is not exhaustive, for Vambéry (p. 389)
mentions a poor Italian watchmaker named Giovanni Orlando as one of
Nasrullah’s victims. Wolff’s work is disfigured by its author’s eccentricities,
and is deficient in information of value as to the manners and economy of the
country. But his courage and self-devotion are beyond all praise.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_513" href="#FNanchor_513" class="fnanchor">513</a> Vambéry, p. 391. The date which he gives tentatively, 1840, is certainly
wrong: had it occurred then, details would have appeared in the works of
Wolff and Khanikoff. H. Moser, who twice visited Bokhārā during his
reign, says that he lived in idleness till his father’s death, the date of which
he inexplicably states to have been 1842 (<i>A Travers l’Asie Centrale</i>, p. 156).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_514" href="#FNanchor_514" class="fnanchor">514</a> Vambéry, p. 391.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_515" href="#FNanchor_515" class="fnanchor">515</a> H. Moser, p. 156.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_516" href="#FNanchor_516" class="fnanchor">516</a> It was regarded in Central Asia as a bird of ill omen, and nicknamed
<i>Kara-Kush</i>, “black bird” (Vambéry, p. 394).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_517" href="#FNanchor_517" class="fnanchor">517</a> The Kipchāks are a race of Turkish origin, who, according to Howorth
(<i>History of the Mongols</i>, part ii.), settled on the south-eastern Russian steppes,
in the tenth and eleventh centuries. They afterwards split up into hordes,
the “Golden” and the “Eastern,” but were united under Tīmūr’s great
antagonist, Tokhtamish Khān. When his power was shattered the Kipchāks
dispersed over Central Asia, and large numbers found their way to Kokand,
then styled by its present name, Farghāna.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_518" href="#FNanchor_518" class="fnanchor">518</a> Vambéry, p. 395.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_519" href="#FNanchor_519" class="fnanchor">519</a> H. Moser, <i>A Travers l’Asie Centrale</i>, p. 156.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_520" href="#FNanchor_520" class="fnanchor">520</a> Born at Pelusum in Egypt, <span class="smcap smaller">A.D.</span> 70, and flourished under M. Antoninus
and Hadrian.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_521" href="#FNanchor_521" class="fnanchor">521</a> Our authority here is Jornandes, more properly styled Jordanes, who
lived at Byzantium under Justinian <span class="smcap">II.</span> His work, <i>De Gothorum Origine et
Rebus Gestis</i>, is to be found in Muratori’s <i>Rerum Italicarum Scriptores ab
Anno 500 ad 1500</i>, 27 vols. folio.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_522" href="#FNanchor_522" class="fnanchor">522</a> The Grand Dukes of Mecklenburg claim a Wendish origin, and are
officially styled “Princes of the Wends.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_523" href="#FNanchor_523" class="fnanchor">523</a> Slav, originally Slovene or Slovane, was, according to Miklositch, <i>Vergleichende
Grammatik den Slavischen Sprachen</i> (Vienna, 1879), the tribal
name of one of several Aryan clans, whose settlements stretched from the
Arctic Ocean to the Ægæan Sea, from Kamskatka to the Elbe.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_524" href="#FNanchor_524" class="fnanchor">524</a> “God” in Sanskrit is Bhagvan. Siva was the devoted wife of the
demigod Rama, who is worshipped by Hindus with a fervour like that inspired
by the Virgin Mary in Catholic lands.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_525" href="#FNanchor_525" class="fnanchor">525</a> They were judges rather than jurymen of the British type. Their
number was twelve, half of whom were chosen by the plaintiff and half by
the defendant. See Stubbs’ <i>Constitutional History</i>, chap. xiii.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_526" href="#FNanchor_526" class="fnanchor">526</a> Other writers give Cherson as the scene of this historic rite. Vladimir
wears a halo in monkish legend, and is commonly styled the Saint, or the
Great.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_527" href="#FNanchor_527" class="fnanchor">527</a> According to Ujfalvy, the Mongols were leading a peaceful and patriarchal
life round Lake Baikal in the second century before our era. Richthofen
thinks that the primitive land of the Turks was not in the Altaï Mountains,
as their legends would have it, but rather in the country below the Anan, the
Lena, and the Seleuga (<i>Les Aryens</i> (Paris, 1896), p. 25).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_528" href="#FNanchor_528" class="fnanchor">528</a> Khwārazm, an old Persian word said to mean “eastwards,” comprises the
embouchure of the Sir Daryā, and is now known as Khiva.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_529" href="#FNanchor_529" class="fnanchor">529</a> “Horde” is derived from the Old Turkish <i>Urdu</i>, meaning encampment.
Hence Urdu, the <i>lingua franca</i> evolved in the progresses which the Mongolian
emperors of India used to make yearly throughout the peninsula. The
people of Samarkand still call the citadel <i>Urda</i>, “the encampment.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_530" href="#FNanchor_530" class="fnanchor">530</a> <i>A Historical Sketch of Russian Policy in Central Asia</i>, by Professor V.
Grigorieff; Schuyler’s <i>Turkestan</i>, App. IV. vol. ii. p. 391.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_531" href="#FNanchor_531" class="fnanchor">531</a> For further details consult Howorth’s <i>Mongols</i>, pt. ii. div. i. p. 507.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_532" href="#FNanchor_532" class="fnanchor">532</a> <i>Russia in Central Asia</i>, by Hugo Stumm, pp. 2, 3; <i>En Asie Centrale</i>,
by N. Ney, p. 203.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_533" href="#FNanchor_533" class="fnanchor">533</a> The Cossacks have never been able to shake off the stigma imprinted by
this dire necessity. They are still called “Man-eaters” in many parts of
Central Asia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_534" href="#FNanchor_534" class="fnanchor">534</a> <i>En Asie Centrale</i>, by N. Ney, pp. 203–5.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_535" href="#FNanchor_535" class="fnanchor">535</a> Stumm, p. 5.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_536" href="#FNanchor_536" class="fnanchor">536</a> Tradition has it that the Khān retaliated by tearing in pieces a letter,
subsequently received from Peter, and giving it to his children to play with
(<i>Peter the Great</i>, by Oscar Browning, p. 323).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_537" href="#FNanchor_537" class="fnanchor">537</a> The Kirghiz affirm that they were divided into three Hordes by an
ancient chieftain named Alash. The Great Horde wander over Chinese
and Russian Turkestān, near Lake Balkash; the Middle occupy the
northern and eastern shores of the Sea of Aral; the Little Horde, now
more numerous than the others combined, feed their flocks between the
Tobol and the Aral Sea. An interesting account is given by Stumm of their
manners and character. See <i>Russia in Central Asia</i>, pp. 227–34.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_538" href="#FNanchor_538" class="fnanchor">538</a> Stumm, pp. 20, 21.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_539" href="#FNanchor_539" class="fnanchor">539</a> Meyendorf, <i>Voyage d’Orenburg à Boukhara</i>, p. 285.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_540" href="#FNanchor_540" class="fnanchor">540</a> For a detailed account of the Khivan expedition, see Hugo Stumm’s
<i>Russia in Central Asia</i>, chap. ii. p. 26.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_541" href="#FNanchor_541" class="fnanchor">541</a> It is well known that the Tsar Nicholas, on learning the disasters
suffered by the allied forces during the terrible Crimean winter of 1854–55,
complacently remarked that there were two generals who fought for Russia—Generals
January and February.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_542" href="#FNanchor_542" class="fnanchor">542</a> Stumm, p. 50.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_543" href="#FNanchor_543" class="fnanchor">543</a> See Appendix.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_544" href="#FNanchor_544" class="fnanchor">544</a> The Cossacks numbered only 104, under Sub-Lieutenant Saroff. They
made a zariba of their horses’ bodies, and, after repelling incessant attacks
for two days, they cut a path through the dense masses of their foes, and
joined a relief column from Turkestān. Only nine escaped unwounded, and
the killed numbered fifty-seven. Such actions abound in modern Central
Asian annals, and they are as glorious as any performed by our own brave
troops in India (Ney, p. 213).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_545" href="#FNanchor_545" class="fnanchor">545</a> Ney, p. 214.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_546" href="#FNanchor_546" class="fnanchor">546</a> Ney, <i>En Asie Centrale</i>, p. 214. Stumm asserts that the Bokhāran
Amīr made the exiled Khān named Khudā Yār his Bey, or governor of
Kokand (<i>The Russians in Central Asia</i>, p. 57).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_547" href="#FNanchor_547" class="fnanchor">547</a> The chief was Colonel Von Struve, who afterwards attended Kauffman
in a diplomatic capacity during his campaign against Khiva in 1873, and,
at a later period of his career, was envoy of Japan. Among the other members
was Colonel Glukhovsky, who was an ardent pioneer for Russia in these
little-known tracts (see Schuyler’s <i>Turkestan</i>, ii. 354, 386), and published an
interesting account of his mission in the Paris Geographical Society’s <i>Bulletin</i>
for September 1868.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_548" href="#FNanchor_548" class="fnanchor">548</a> This illustrious soldier never regained imperial favour, and died almost
unnoticed in August 1898.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_549" href="#FNanchor_549" class="fnanchor">549</a> See Schuyler’s <i>Turkestan</i>, i. 312.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_550" href="#FNanchor_550" class="fnanchor">550</a> It is to be found <i>in extenso</i> in the <i>Journal de St. Petersburg</i> of 16th July
1867.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_551" href="#FNanchor_551" class="fnanchor">551</a> 500,000 roubles; equivalent to about £53,000. This ultimatum is
omitted in Vambéry’s admirable description of the Samarkand campaign in the
<i>Monatsschrift für deutsche Litteratur</i>, 1896. He alleges that Kauffman ignored
the Amīr’s embassies, and fell unexpectedly on Samarkand when the preparation
for the campaign was complete.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_552" href="#FNanchor_552" class="fnanchor">552</a> Schuyler denies that this affair was really a battle. Judged by his
standard, Plassey was a mere skirmish. The two battles closely resemble one
another. See his <i>Turkestan</i>, i. 242.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_553" href="#FNanchor_553" class="fnanchor">553</a> Sarts, as we shall presently see, is the Russian term for the sedentary
inhabitants of Central Asia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_554" href="#FNanchor_554" class="fnanchor">554</a> Schuyler denies that the attack on a small isolated garrison was an act of
treachery. It may not have been so on the part of the people of Shahrisabz;
but the inhabitants of Samarkand were undoubtedly guilty of the basest
dissimulation in welcoming the Russians and then secretly conspiring their
destruction (<i>Turkestan</i>, i. 246).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_555" href="#FNanchor_555" class="fnanchor">555</a> This is now a Russian cantonment.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_556" href="#FNanchor_556" class="fnanchor">556</a> Quoted by Ney, <i>En Asie Centrale</i>, p. 221.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_557" href="#FNanchor_557" class="fnanchor">557</a> Hugo Stumm, <i>Russia in Central Asia</i>, p. 104.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_558" href="#FNanchor_558" class="fnanchor">558</a> The best account is one compiled by the Russian staff,—<i>The Khivan
Campaign</i>, St. Petersburg, 1873.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_559" href="#FNanchor_559" class="fnanchor">559</a> Schuyler, who visited the capital just before the annexation, mentions that
500 prisoners taken in one of these emeutes had their throats cut in the bazaar,
which literally streamed with blood (<i>Turkestan</i>, ii. 16).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_560" href="#FNanchor_560" class="fnanchor">560</a> Moser, <i>A Travers l’Asie Centrale</i>, p. 314.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_561" href="#FNanchor_561" class="fnanchor">561</a> Moser, <i>A Travers l’Asie Centrale</i>, p. 298.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_562" href="#FNanchor_562" class="fnanchor">562</a> The desert wells are termed <i>urpa</i> when shallow, and <i>kuduk</i> or <i>kuyu</i>
when they are deep and afford a constant supply. The only sign of their
existence is the tracks converging on them from every quarter. They are
mere holes, without kerb or fencing, and the sides are roughly shored up by
the branches of desert shrubs (<i>ibid.</i> p. 299).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_563" href="#FNanchor_563" class="fnanchor">563</a> “In the Turkoman Desert is a species of antelope almost as numerous as
the wild ass. It is smaller than a sheep, which it resembles in body, neck,
and head, and has the delicate limbs, horns, and hair of the antelope; the
horn, however, is not opaque but white, and like a cow’s horn. The nostrils
are directly in front, and are closed by a muscle acting vertically. The
nose is greatly arched, and provided with an integument which can be
inflated at pleasure. The head is extremely ugly. The animal ... is
called by the natives <i>kaigh</i>” (Abbott, <i>Narrative of a Journey to Khiva</i>,
1856).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_564" href="#FNanchor_564" class="fnanchor">564</a> Moser, p. 309. The Kārakūm is the portion of the Turkoman Desert
lying between Khiva and the Akkal and Merv oases.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_565" href="#FNanchor_565" class="fnanchor">565</a> “Our path lay through fields and natural meadows of the richest verdure,
among groves of oak clothed in young leaves of the most delicate hues,
broken into glades and lawns of velvet” (<i>Narrative of a Journey through
Khorasan in the Years 1821–1822</i>, by James Baillie Fraser; London, 1825).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_566" href="#FNanchor_566" class="fnanchor">566</a> M. P. Lessar, whose knowledge of Central Asian geography is profound,
affirms that the Paropamisus, as the range was anciently called, offers no
difficulty to the engineer. The summit is reached by an almost imperceptible
incline. In fact, the traveller crosses the range almost without perceiving that
he has done so.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_567" href="#FNanchor_567" class="fnanchor">567</a> Vambéry, in a lecture delivered in London on 10th April 1880.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_568" href="#FNanchor_568" class="fnanchor">568</a> See Rawlinson’s <i>History of Parthia</i>, 1873.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_569" href="#FNanchor_569" class="fnanchor">569</a> <i>Travels in Bokhārā</i>, 1834.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_570" href="#FNanchor_570" class="fnanchor">570</a> Kibitka is the Russian term for the nomads’ tent. It is composed of
portable felt carpets secured by strips of raw hide to a circular collapsible
wooden frame. An old tent, black with age and smoke, is called by the
Turkomans “kara ev”; a new one, still whitish-grey, “ak ev.” The kibitka
is the Russian administrative unit, and is supposed to connote five inhabitants.
A group of kibitkas ranging between twenty-five and fifty is called <i>aul</i>,
“portable village.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_571" href="#FNanchor_571" class="fnanchor">571</a> The subsequent history of this once powerful tribe is a curious example
of the process of agglomeration which raised the Tekkes to supremacy.
In 1871 the remnant of the Salors were forcibly deported by the former
tribe to Merv, and incorporated with themselves. Petrusevitch, quoted by
Marvin (<i>Merv</i>, p. 80).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_572" href="#FNanchor_572" class="fnanchor">572</a> O’Donovan, who visited these works in 1880, describes them as follows:
“For twenty yards on either side the river-bank was revetted with stout
fascines of giant reeds, solidly lashed to stakes planted on the bank to
prevent the friction of the current, as it neared the dam, from washing away
the earth surface. Huge masses of earthwork closed the narrow gorge by
which the stream found exit in the lower level by a passage scarce ten feet
wide. The waters rushed thunderously through this narrow gap to a level
eight feet below their upper surface. The passage was some fifty yards in
length, and, like its approaches, was lined with reed fascines” (<i>The Story
of Merv</i>, p. 210). Petrusevitch states that the repairs of distributories were
provided for by the labour of a contingent of one man in every twenty-four
families (Marvin’s <i>Merv</i>, p. 80).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_573" href="#FNanchor_573" class="fnanchor">573</a> O’Donovan saw them in 1881. One was an eighteen, the others six-pounders;
all were bronze smooth-bores (<i>The Story of Merv</i>, p. 198).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_574" href="#FNanchor_574" class="fnanchor">574</a> Petrusevitch, quoted by Marvin, <i>Merv</i>, p. 81.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_575" href="#FNanchor_575" class="fnanchor">575</a> Grodekoff found the burial-places full of murdered victims, the villages
in ruins, and the fields out of cultivation (Marvin’s <i>Merv</i>, p. 207).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_576" href="#FNanchor_576" class="fnanchor">576</a> O’Donovan, p. 182; Moser, p. 319.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_577" href="#FNanchor_577" class="fnanchor">577</a> Petrusevitch, quoted by Marvin, pp. 82, 83. For an enumeration of the
Turkoman clans the reader is referred to Marvin’s <i>Merv</i>, which is a mosaic of
quotations from writers of different value. Petrusevitch is by far the most
trustworthy.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_578" href="#FNanchor_578" class="fnanchor">578</a> “Residence among these lawless tribes convinces me more than ever
that there cannot be a worse despotism than the despotism of a mob. There
is nothing, in my eyes, more pregnant with fatal consequences than the sway
and power of an ignorant and uncivilised multitude governed by no other
motives than its own maddening impulses” (Wolff’s <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 262).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_579" href="#FNanchor_579" class="fnanchor">579</a> O’Donovan, <i>Story of Merv</i>, p. 220.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_580" href="#FNanchor_580" class="fnanchor">580</a> Nūr Verdi Khān was one of those exceptional men, to be found in widely
divergent societies, who acquire the commanding influence which all strong
personalities must attain. His death, at the comparatively early age of fifty,
just before the Russian invasion, was the death-knell of Tekke independence
(Moser, p. 319).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_581" href="#FNanchor_581" class="fnanchor">581</a> Wolff found a “Calipha,” or high priest, named `Abd er-Rahmān enjoying
great influence at Merv in 1843. This was another case of force of character
leading to the attainment of greatness (<i>Bokhara</i>, pp. 114, 115).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_582" href="#FNanchor_582" class="fnanchor">582</a> <i>Sardār</i> is a Persian word signifying “head-man.” Tokma Sardār, who
had commanded the garrison of Geok Teppe during the memorable siege by
the Russians, visited O’Donovan at Merv soon after that event. “He was
slightly under middle height, very quiet, almost subdued in manner, his small
grey eyes lighting up with a humorous twinkle” (<i>The Story of Merv</i>, p. 178).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_583" href="#FNanchor_583" class="fnanchor">583</a> The weapons were a long flintlock, laboriously loaded with the contents
of a powder-horn and leather bullet bag, but the Tekke trusted chiefly to his
sabre and a long murderous dagger, called <i>pshak</i> (Moser, p. 296).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_584" href="#FNanchor_584" class="fnanchor">584</a> Moser, p. 324.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_585" href="#FNanchor_585" class="fnanchor">585</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 300.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_586" href="#FNanchor_586" class="fnanchor">586</a> Moser, p. 247.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_587" href="#FNanchor_587" class="fnanchor">587</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 320.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_588" href="#FNanchor_588" class="fnanchor">588</a> <i>Ibid.</i>; also O’Donovan, p. 298.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_589" href="#FNanchor_589" class="fnanchor">589</a> O’Donovan, p. 297. The training consisted in a gradual reduction of the
rations of food and water. Dry lucern gave place to chopped straw; barley
and juwārī (<i>sorghum</i>), to a mixture of flour and matter-fat.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_590" href="#FNanchor_590" class="fnanchor">590</a> Moser, p. 322. It is remarkable that the Tekke seat is precisely the
same as that in use among the nomads of the Mongolian plateau north of
the Great Wall, who, according to Mr. E. H. Parker in a letter addressed to
the <i>Pall Mall Gazette</i>, “always ride with very short stirrups, the knee bent
forward almost to the withers, the reins grasped short, and (when there is any
speed) the body well over the horse’s neck. Possibly this is the reason why
the Mongol saddle always has a high peak, for it prevents the rider being
chucked over the horse’s neck.” This method is also identical with that
adopted by the jockey Tod Sloan.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_591" href="#FNanchor_591" class="fnanchor">591</a> The felt blankets were worked by the cavaliers’ women-folk. “The
finer the courser’s felt,” ran a Turkoman proverb, “the greater the love of the
maker for the horseman” (Moser, p. 331).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_592" href="#FNanchor_592" class="fnanchor">592</a> Moser, p. 274.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_593" href="#FNanchor_593" class="fnanchor">593</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 319.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_594" href="#FNanchor_594" class="fnanchor">594</a> See chapter iv. of Marvin’s <i>Merv</i>, which is a translation of Petrusevitch’s
account of the Turkomans.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_595" href="#FNanchor_595" class="fnanchor">595</a> “The eyes of a cat, with the extremity raised towards the temple”
(Ney, <i>En Asie Centrale</i>, p. 193).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_596" href="#FNanchor_596" class="fnanchor">596</a> A Turkoman, while travelling in the desert with Wolff, said, “I smell a
caravan of Uzbegs”; and in a few hours one was met with. They can hear
conversation at a great distance by flinging themselves on the ground and
listening intently (Wolff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 242). They can name the tribe and
even the individual cavalier by his traces on the sand (Moser, p. 300).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_597" href="#FNanchor_597" class="fnanchor">597</a> “The Tekke is the only woman in Central Asia who knows how to
walk. Nothing is more graceful than a girl of this race going to fetch water
from a well and carrying the tall amphora on her shoulder.” (Moser, p. 330).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_598" href="#FNanchor_598" class="fnanchor">598</a> O’Donovan, p. 193.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_599" href="#FNanchor_599" class="fnanchor">599</a> Moser, p. 330.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_600" href="#FNanchor_600" class="fnanchor">600</a> O’Donovan, p. 254.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_601" href="#FNanchor_601" class="fnanchor">601</a> It is generally admitted that these rules are slowly evolved by the community
to which the individual who adopts them belongs. There are some
still amongst us who looked with complacency at the cruelties once perpetrated
in this Christian country in the name of justice. We see our own manners
at earlier stages of our growth reflected in those of contemporary savages.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_602" href="#FNanchor_602" class="fnanchor">602</a> Pilaw, a dish which has now spread over the Eastern world, had its
origin in Central Asia. It is a stew composed of hot mutton-fat into which
meat has been shredded, carrots and rice, and, cooked as only a Turkoman
knows how to prepare it, is a dish fit for a royal table.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_603" href="#FNanchor_603" class="fnanchor">603</a> Moser, p. 332.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_604" href="#FNanchor_604" class="fnanchor">604</a> The efforts of Tekke musicians can only be described as grotesque.
They perform on long bamboo trumpets, called <i>twidak</i>, with an accompaniment
of bowings and contortions which is in ridiculous contrast to the bird-like
notes emitted.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_605" href="#FNanchor_605" class="fnanchor">605</a> No Turkoman troubled his head about the ordinary business of life after
fifty. His work was then done by the women and younger men; and his
attitude was one of ease with dignity. In raids, however, and warfare, he was
always ready to take an active part up to an advanced age (O’Donovan, p. 306).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_606" href="#FNanchor_606" class="fnanchor">606</a> O’Donovan, pp. 307, 308; Moser, pp. 330, 331.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_607" href="#FNanchor_607" class="fnanchor">607</a> A small mat costs £40, and a work of larger size sometimes as much
as £400 (Moser, p. 331). The ordinary kinds were made of sheep’s wool
and camel’s hair, with a little cotton; the better, wholly of silk. O’Donovan
saw one, eight feet square, priced at £50 (p. 308). Carpets of the highest
quality are now not procurable. They are cherished as heirlooms, and all
are essential parts of a Turkoman maiden’s dowry. Those of the second
grade, but coloured with honest native dyes, fetch 13s. a square yard.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_608" href="#FNanchor_608" class="fnanchor">608</a> Marvin, quoting Vambéry and Conolly, mentions more ancient forms of
marriage customs—the simulated abduction of the bride and the pursuit of
her on horseback. These, however, are obsolete. For a considerable time
after the fall of Geok Teppe the price of Tekke spouses sank to a low ebb,
owing to the fearful slaughter of eligible males.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_609" href="#FNanchor_609" class="fnanchor">609</a> The Merv oasis is a wedge driven between Persia and Afghanistān.
Meshed is only 150 miles from the centre, Herāt about 240; and the Paropamisus
range which intervenes was no deterrent in the eyes of Tekke
horsemen.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_610" href="#FNanchor_610" class="fnanchor">610</a> According to the agents employed by a London relief committee, a
fifth of the population perished (Petrusevitch, quoted by Marvin, <i>Merv</i>,
p. 326).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_611" href="#FNanchor_611" class="fnanchor">611</a> Petrusevitch, quoted by Marvin, <i>Merv</i>, p. 321.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_612" href="#FNanchor_612" class="fnanchor">612</a> Astrabad Consular Report for 1879.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_613" href="#FNanchor_613" class="fnanchor">613</a> Provisory Ordinance of the 21st March 1874, quoted by Ney, p. 225.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_614" href="#FNanchor_614" class="fnanchor">614</a> Ney, p. 225.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_615" href="#FNanchor_615" class="fnanchor">615</a> In 1875 a caravan, fitted out by the energetic Colonel Glukhovsky, was
destroyed between Krasnovodsk and Khiva. In 1877 the Turkomans looted
one proceeding northwards from the Atrak; and a little later they cut up,
near Krasnovodsk, some of their brethren who had accepted Russian rule, and
intercepted many postal couriers (Petrusevitch, quoted by Marvin, <i>Merv</i>,
p. 331).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_616" href="#FNanchor_616" class="fnanchor">616</a> Ney, p. 226. It is now the site of a great railway workshop.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_617" href="#FNanchor_617" class="fnanchor">617</a> In 1878, when Russia was within an ace of going to war with England
on the Eastern question, it was arranged that columns from Turkestān and
the Caspian should meet at Merv and subdue that almost unknown region;
but the Congress of Berlin rendered the measure unnecessary (Ney,
p. 227).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_618" href="#FNanchor_618" class="fnanchor">618</a> Geok Teppe, which will for ever be associated with the final struggle
for independence, is the name of a district; Dangil Teppe, that of the famous
entrenched camp. It was originally that of a mound at the north-western
angle.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_619" href="#FNanchor_619" class="fnanchor">619</a> Ney, p. 240.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_620" href="#FNanchor_620" class="fnanchor">620</a> Skobeleff was in politics an Anglophobe, though his relations with our
countrymen individually were cordial. There is not an iota of truth in his
belief that Lomakin’s failure was due to British intrigue. It is fully accounted
for by his incapacity. The result was only what might have been expected.
Russian authority in Central Asia was ill cemented, and it needed but the
news of a crushing reverse to produce the wildest hopes in the Khānates.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_621" href="#FNanchor_621" class="fnanchor">621</a> He was born in 1841.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_622" href="#FNanchor_622" class="fnanchor">622</a> General Lomakin started from his base with 12,000 camels, and had lost
the whole of them by the twentieth day of his march (Ney, p. 315).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_623" href="#FNanchor_623" class="fnanchor">623</a> He wrote from Krasnovodsk in June: “If we wish to recoup our immense
expenditure in Asia we must popularise the desert journey between the
Caspian and the basin of the Amū Daryā; and, after rendering the steppes
safe for transit, we must make a railway to Askabad and on to the Amū
Daryā” (Ney, p. 286).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_624" href="#FNanchor_624" class="fnanchor">624</a> Moser, p. 315.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_625" href="#FNanchor_625" class="fnanchor">625</a> According to the official accounts, the artillery taken by the Turkomans
included six mountain guns and three mortars, two of which were actually
dragged within the entrenchment. General Kurapatkine, however, has stated
the number of cannon captured by the Tekkes as fourteen. All of them,
save one, were recaptured by the reserves. The fourteenth remained in the
enemy’s hands until the final assault, when it was retaken, decked with green
boughs, and paraded through the lines, accompanied by music and the frantic
cheers of the troops.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_626" href="#FNanchor_626" class="fnanchor">626</a> Skobeleff relates that, during one of his nightly rounds, he heard a
private soldier remark to another that the Russians were at a great disadvantage,
for they were huddled in the trenches, while the enemy hacked and
stabbed them from above. He suggested that the trenches should be left
empty, and the troops be posted ten paces to the rear. The hint was acted
on with brilliant results, for the Turkomans on the following night sallied out
in force and leapt into the trenches, where they were shot and bayoneted with
ease (Moser, p. 315).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_627" href="#FNanchor_627" class="fnanchor">627</a> He was much impressed by the punctilio with which the Tekkes had
observed an armistice agreed on for the purpose of burying the dead on the
19th January. Skobeleff’s appreciation of the really noble qualities elicited
by severe trial is shared by General Kurapatkine, who humorously alludes to
Tokma Sardār, the commander of the entrenchment, as <i>mon vainqueur</i>, and
styles him <i>un magnifique soldat</i>. An account of a visit paid by this leader to
O’Donovan shortly after the siege will be found at p. 274.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_628" href="#FNanchor_628" class="fnanchor">628</a> <i>The Story of Merv</i>, p. 155.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_629" href="#FNanchor_629" class="fnanchor">629</a> The official list admits only 937 casualties during the siege, including
268 killed (Marvin, <i>Merv</i>, p. 401). An iron tablet on a white-washed mound
in the little cemetery behind the site of the Russian camp substantiates these
figures, but the extent of the three burial-places which lie to the east of the
entrenchment, including separate ones for the Cossacks and the Stavropol
Regiment, would imply a much greater sacrifice of life. General Kurapatkine
states the total casualties to have been 1200, including 400 killed. The
Russians in Central Asia have adopted Napoleon’s system of minimising losses.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_630" href="#FNanchor_630" class="fnanchor">630</a> Telegram quoted by Marvin, p. 399.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_631" href="#FNanchor_631" class="fnanchor">631</a> Ney, p. 249.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_632" href="#FNanchor_632" class="fnanchor">632</a> Moser, p. 343.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_633" href="#FNanchor_633" class="fnanchor">633</a> See Moser, p. 344. M. Paul Lessar, who was charged by the Russian
authorities with the duty of surveying the debatable land in 1884, was the
first to dissipate the “Paropamisus myth,” which made these insignificant
hills an impenetrable barrier to the passage of troops.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_634" href="#FNanchor_634" class="fnanchor">634</a> The meaning of Bādghīs is “windy.” It was suggested by the storms
which sweep over the plateau in winter.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_635" href="#FNanchor_635" class="fnanchor">635</a> Moser, p. 345.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_636" href="#FNanchor_636" class="fnanchor">636</a> This very distinguished officer had been educated at the Petersburg
Military Academy. He had seen much service in the Caucasus, when he had
been governor of Southern Dāghistan, and afterwards of Darbend. He had
gained eminence in the fields of archaeology and ethnology. As an administrator
he was equally successful; and Askabad, the present capital of Transcaspia,
owes much to his genius.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_637" href="#FNanchor_637" class="fnanchor">637</a> It was composed of four companies of Transcaspian Chasseurs, three
squadrons of Cossacks from the Kuban, one of Turkoman militia, and four
guns (Ney, p. 252, note).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_638" href="#FNanchor_638" class="fnanchor">638</a> Four of them now adorn a monument on the Askabad parade-ground
commemorating Geok Teppe.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_639" href="#FNanchor_639" class="fnanchor">639</a> The Englishmen were particularly struck by the eagerness shown by their
rivals to support the national sports of the nomads, the liberal prizes awarded
and the careful observance of ceremony in their official intercourse with
Asiatics,—a policy which inspired the latter with a sense of their liberality and
power. This is an attitude which would do much to consolidate our own
power in India (<i>Report of the Pamirs Boundary Commission</i>).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_640" href="#FNanchor_640" class="fnanchor">640</a> The late Major-General L. M. Annenkoff was then in the prime of life.
He had won his spurs as a railway engineer by the rapid construction of a
strategic line in Lithuania, and was afterwards appointed chief of the mobilisation
department in the Ministry of War. At the outbreak of the Tekke campaign
he volunteered for service under General Skobeleff, and was wounded
at Geok Teppe. On returning to Russia he was appointed superintendent of
transport throughout the empire (Ney, <i>En Asie Centrale</i>, p. 283).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_641" href="#FNanchor_641" class="fnanchor">641</a> The rails were steel, flat-footed, weighing 68 pounds to the yard, and
cost £16 a ton. The sleepers came from the Baltic and Caucasus. The
rolling stock consisted of 80 locomotives on the Siegl system, and 1400 cars
and waggons. Everything was produced in Russian workshops.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_642" href="#FNanchor_642" class="fnanchor">642</a> They earned rather less than £2 per mensem. They were allowed to
work in their own fashion, just as if they were repairing their <i>arīks</i>, or
irrigation canals. It is said that in India, when the contractors insisted on
the use of wheelbarrows, the native labourers carried the vehicles and their
contents on their heads.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_643" href="#FNanchor_643" class="fnanchor">643</a> Ney, p. 321.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_644" href="#FNanchor_644" class="fnanchor">644</a> It cost 6½ d. per cubic yard.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_645" href="#FNanchor_645" class="fnanchor">645</a> The moral effect produced by the spanning of the Amū Daryā was
immense and far reaching. General Annenkoff told the members of the St.
Petersburg Technical Society that when the first locomotive, draped with the
imperial flag, crossed the river, loud cheers echoed from the hosts that lined the
banks (Ney, p. 304).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_646" href="#FNanchor_646" class="fnanchor">646</a> It is interesting to compare the cost of the Russian Asiatic railways with
that of Indian lines constructed under similar conditions. It averaged £6144
per mile. The report of the Director of Indian Railways for 1872–1873 gives
that of the earlier lines as £18,000 to £20,000. It is probable that the
cost of the three railway battalions has not been taken into account. But,
allowing for that item, we must admit that the Russian railways were far
cheaper than our Indian trunk lines.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_647" href="#FNanchor_647" class="fnanchor">647</a> Ney, p. 305.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_648" href="#FNanchor_648" class="fnanchor">648</a> The following statistics for 1897 have been furnished by
Colonel Brunelli, the much respected commandant of the railway battalion
stationed at Merv:—
</p>

<table id="railroad" summary="railroad revenues 1897">
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Revenue, gross</td>
    <td class="tdr" colspan="2">£751,000</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl"><span class="in2">”</span> <span class="in2">nett</span></td>
    <td class="tdr" colspan="2">615,000</td></tr>
  <tr class="tpad">
    <td class="tdl" colspan="2">Train mileage</td>
    <td class="tdr">2,402,625</td></tr>
  <tr class="tpad bpad">
    <td class="tdc" colspan="3"><i>Exports.</i></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Raw cotton</td>
    <td class="tdr">81,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">tons</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Wool</td>
    <td class="tdr">8,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Dried fruit</td>
    <td class="tdr">5,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Barley</td>
    <td class="tdr">2,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Skins and hides</td>
    <td class="tdr">5,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Salt</td>
    <td class="tdr">3,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Miscellaneous</td>
    <td class="tdr bb">5,000</td>
    <td class="tdc bb">”</td></tr>
  <tr class="tpad">
    <td class="tdl in2">Grand total</td>
    <td class="tdr bbd">109,000</td>
    <td class="tdc bbd">tons</td></tr>
  <tr class="tpad bpad">
    <td class="tdc" colspan="3"><i>Imports.</i></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Manufactures</td>
    <td class="tdr">15,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">tons</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Sugar</td>
    <td class="tdr">12,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Tea</td>
    <td class="tdr">6,192,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">lbs.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Metals</td>
    <td class="tdr">5,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">tons</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Kerosene oil</td>
    <td class="tdr">5,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Wool</td>
    <td class="tdr">8,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Miscellaneous, including tan,<br />naphtha, rice, spices,<br />wine, brandy, beer, and thread</td>
    <td class="tdr bb">22,000</td>
    <td class="tdc bb vb">”</td></tr>
  <tr class="tpad">
    <td class="tdl in2">Grand total</td>
    <td class="tdr bbd">70,000</td>
    <td class="tdc bbd">tons</td></tr>
  <tr class="tpad">
    <td class="tdl">Intermediate traffic</td>
    <td class="tdr">70,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">tons</td></tr>
  <tr class="tpad">
    <td class="tdl">Total movement of goods</td>
    <td class="tdr">249,000</td>
    <td class="tdc">”</td></tr>
</table>
</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_649" href="#FNanchor_649" class="fnanchor">649</a> Phasis, Φᾶσις, a river of Colchis emptying itself into the Euxine. Its banks
are clothed with forests whence pheasants were brought to delight Roman
epicures (Mart. Ep. xiii. 45, 72).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_650" href="#FNanchor_650" class="fnanchor">650</a> See an interesting paper read before the London Chamber of Commerce
in 1866, by Colonel C. Stewart, C. B., H. B. M. Consul-General at Odessa. Sir
W. W. Hunter, K.C.S.I., the brilliant historian of India, has also pointed
out the striking correspondence between the former paths of trade and those
mapped out by Russian engineers. It is, he explains, a question of correspondence
rather than identity of work, but the section between the Black Sea
and the Caspian follows the ancient ways very closely (<i>History of British
India</i>, p. 32).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_651" href="#FNanchor_651" class="fnanchor">651</a> Extensive additions to the station accommodation and rolling stock are
contemplated. Estimates have received sanction which place the cost at two
millions sterling. The question will shortly be studied by a committee of
experts.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_652" href="#FNanchor_652" class="fnanchor">652</a> An officer in command of the post at Kushk told one of the writers
that the friendliest relations prevailed between the Russians and Afghans.
On one occasion the staff of the Amīr’s Regiment, invited to a banquet by
their brethren in arms, arrived in a <i>grande tenue</i> of second-hand railway
uniforms. Thus the colonel’s collar exhibited the magic words “Ticket
collector,” and a major strutted proudly with a label of “Guard.” The
Russians were under the impression that a portion of our ally’s subsidy was
taken out in cast-off accoutrements, but the fact is that His Highness, being
a prince of frugal mind, is a bidder by proxy at the periodical sales of
unserviceable railway stores held in Upper India.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_653" href="#FNanchor_653" class="fnanchor">653</a> M. P. Lessar, who surveyed these hills in 1884–1885, states their height
above sea-level as 3140 feet.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_654" href="#FNanchor_654" class="fnanchor">654</a> Colonel Arandarenko, district chief of Merv, states that only two
assassinations of Russian officials had occurred during the last thirty years.
General Kurapatkine, too, gives numerous instances of kindness and respect
shown to disabled Russians by Turkomans (see Appendix II.).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_655" href="#FNanchor_655" class="fnanchor">655</a> Messrs. Nobel have works there which produce a thick ropy petroleum.
The out-turn in 1890 was nearly 3000 tons, but had fallen in 1895 to 1300.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_656" href="#FNanchor_656" class="fnanchor">656</a> The movement by rail in 1896 was upwards of 60,000 tons. Transcaspian
cotton is rapidly ousting the American product, thanks to protective
tariff. It is a remarkable fact that the market price of cotton is higher
in Transcaspia than at Manchester.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_657" href="#FNanchor_657" class="fnanchor">657</a> The value of exported carpets and rugs in 1891 was 160,000 roubles. In
1894 it had fallen to 60,000, and is now probably 25,000 only.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_658" href="#FNanchor_658" class="fnanchor">658</a> The official statistics for 1896 give the following percentages:—Persians,
39.2; Armenians, 32.2; Tartars, 11.7; Russians, 6.8; Jews, 5.0; Turkomans,
3; and “others,” 2.1.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_659" href="#FNanchor_659" class="fnanchor">659</a> Mr. E. C. Ringler Thomson, late assistant agent to the Governor-General
of India in Khorāsān, who knows General Kurapatkine well, wrote
thus of him in the <i>National Review</i> for February 1898: “He is still in the
prime of life, not yet fifty years of age, has served from the commencement of
his career in Central Asia, has taken a leading part in its conquest, and has
made some important contributions towards its literature. He thoroughly
knows the various countries, and thoroughly understands the people inhabiting
them, and their modes of diplomacy and warfare. He was chief of the
Staff to the great Skobeleff during the Russo-Turkish War, and greatly
distinguished himself in it. Indeed there is little doubt that some of
Skobeleff’s laurels were won by him. Skobeleff was the dashing, impetuous,
reckless leader; Kurapatkine the cool, patient, calculating corrective who
restrained him. He is a man of indomitable will, of untiring industry,
master of his profession as a soldier, a great civil administrator, deliberate of
speech, exceedingly gentle and modest in manner, and with a temper always
under control. He wears the first class of the Order of Saint George
(equivalent to our Victoria Cross), and his courage is of the type which does
not comprehend fear. He is the strictest of disciplinarians, but beloved and
respected by all, and his own good qualities are perforce in a great measure
reflected in those serving under him. He is, indeed, the equal in every
respect of any commander we could place in the field to oppose him.
General Kurapatkine has brought Transcaspia in all matters, both civil and
military, to a high state of perfection. He works from sunrise till late into
the night, inquires personally into the minutest details, and finds time to be
constantly making long and fatiguing journeys of inspection throughout his
extensive command. This man, if he took the field against us, would be
hard to beat. He has told me more than once that he has seen too much
of war not to hate it, that neither he nor his Government have the least
desire to fight us, and to suggest that they wish to invade India is absurd.
I believe him. But all the same, he is a Russian of Russians, and, if he
thought there was just cause for it, would delight in trying conclusions with
us. In diplomacy, of course, General Kurapatkine is a thoroughbred
Russian.”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_660" href="#FNanchor_660" class="fnanchor">660</a> Krasnovodsk has two. They are administered by subordinate executive
officers called <i>pristavs</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_661" href="#FNanchor_661" class="fnanchor">661</a> The Russian equivalent for mayor.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_662" href="#FNanchor_662" class="fnanchor">662</a> The statistics for 1890–1895 are given below:—
</p>

<table id="crimes" class="lrpad" summary="crimes 1890-1895">
  <tr class="smaller">
    <td class="tdc bl bt bb" rowspan="2">District.</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br bt bb" colspan="2">Crimes against</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br bt bb" rowspan="2">Percentage of<br />Crime to<br />Population.</td></tr>
  <tr class="smaller">
    <td class="tdc bl br bb">the Person.</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br bb">Property.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl bl">Mangishlāk</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br"> 273</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br"> 239</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br">23</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl bl">Krasnovodsk</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br"> 147</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br"> 315</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br">14</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl bl">Askabad</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br"> 213</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br"> 206</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br">27</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl bl">Tajand</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br"> 104</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br"> 416</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br">41</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl bl">Merv</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br"> 537</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br"> 913</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br">22</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl bl bt bb"><span class="in2">Total</span></td>
    <td class="tdc bl br bt bb">1271</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br bt bb">2089</td>
    <td class="tdc bl br bt bb">25</td></tr>
</table>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_663" href="#FNanchor_663" class="fnanchor">663</a> Murderers are sometimes sent to serve their term of imprisonment at
Chikisliar, a dismal place on the south-eastern Caspian shore, made to
enhance the penalty and also to lessen the opportunity for vendetta, to which
the Turkomans are greatly given.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_664" href="#FNanchor_664" class="fnanchor">664</a> They numbered, in 1895, 161,618 souls. It is curious to compare these
figures with former calculations. Burnes, in 1832, estimated the number of
Tekkes as 200,000; Vambéry, in 1863, as 180,000; and Petrusevitch, writing
in 1878 on the eve of the Russian conquest, at 240,000. But these figures
are mere guesswork. They are based on an average of five persons to each
kibitka, or tent, while experience shows that four is nearer the mark
(chap. iii. Marvin’s <i>Merv</i>).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_665" href="#FNanchor_665" class="fnanchor">665</a> The families of the operatives of the Kizil Arvat Railway workshops,
especially the children, are pallid, anæmic, and a prey to skin diseases.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_666" href="#FNanchor_666" class="fnanchor">666</a> The percentages in 1895 were—in Mangishlāk, 11 per cent.; Krasnovodsk,
11 per cent.; Askabad, 11 per cent.; Tajand, 30 per cent.; and Merv,
85 per cent. It is a remarkable fact that the hospitals and dispensaries
maintained so generously by Russia at the administrative centres have conquered
the prejudice entertained at first for European treatment. The
applicants for medical and surgical relief in 1890 were only 6000. In 1895
the number had risen to 34,950.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_667" href="#FNanchor_667" class="fnanchor">667</a> This would be an object-lesson for the “Conscientious objector,” were
it not that fanaticism is impervious to teaching or argument.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_668" href="#FNanchor_668" class="fnanchor">668</a> For the system of irrigation before the Russian conquest, the reader is
referred to chap. xviii. of O’Donovan’s <i>Story of Merv</i>, and p. 81 of Marvin’s
<i>Merv</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_669" href="#FNanchor_669" class="fnanchor">669</a> Mīrāb, lord of water, an old Persian title.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_670" href="#FNanchor_670" class="fnanchor">670</a> <i>Sū</i> is a Turkish word for water. It is met with in the nomenclature
of many streams near Constantinople.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_671" href="#FNanchor_671" class="fnanchor">671</a> A Persian word meaning, primarily, government; secondarily, an estate
or property.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_672" href="#FNanchor_672" class="fnanchor">672</a> Marvin’s <i>Merv</i>, p. 263. The date is there given as 1787; as a matter of
fact, the invasion of Murād, alias Ma´sūm, commonly styled “Begi Jān,” took
place three years earlier.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_673" href="#FNanchor_673" class="fnanchor">673</a> Maktab, an Arabic word meaning school.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_674" href="#FNanchor_674" class="fnanchor">674</a> The income from posts and telegraphs is increasing, though the statistics
are still insignificant. It was 82,832 roubles in 1890, and 133,005 roubles in
1895.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_675" href="#FNanchor_675" class="fnanchor">675</a> Three steamer companies ply on the Caspian; the oldest is the “Caucasus
Mercury,” and the others are termed the “Caspian” and “Eastern.” The
steamers are better suited for goods than passengers.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_676" href="#FNanchor_676" class="fnanchor">676</a> A verbatim reproduction of this remarkable utterance is to be found in
the Appendix. General Kurapatkine’s great master, Skobeleff, was equally
explicit in a proclamation issued to his troops on the day after his victory at
Geok Teppe. “A new era,” he said, “has opened for the Tekkes—an era of
equality and of a guaranteed possession of property for all, without distinction.
Our Central Asian policy recognises no pariahs. Herein lies our superiority
over the English” (Ney, <i>En Asie Centrale</i>, p. 248).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_677" href="#FNanchor_677" class="fnanchor">677</a> This is a by-product of petroleum distillation, and termed, in Russian,
astatki. After the more volatile illuminants have passed over, a residue
remains in the shape of a ropy greenish-brown fluid, which in former days
was considered valueless. It is now rapidly superseding coal as a steam
raiser, and the recent rise in the market price of crude petroleum is in great
measure due to the constantly extending use of astatki on steamers and railways.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_678" href="#FNanchor_678" class="fnanchor">678</a> This ancient piece, a prize taken from the cowardly Persians, very nearly
cost Skobeleff his life. Moser relates that the general, while reconnoitring the
defences, became a mark for a brisk fusilade which wounded several of his
staff. He was implored not to expose himself unnecessarily; but his only
reply was to call for a chair and a glass of tea. There he sat indulging
calmly in a cigarette while the bullets whistled round him. When, however,
the cannon spoke, and its projectile plunged deeply into the soil close to his
chair, Skobeleff adopted the “best part of valour.” He rose, saluted the
Tekke gunners, and walked slowly back to his quarters (<i>A Travers l’Asie
Centrale</i>, p. 315).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_679" href="#FNanchor_679" class="fnanchor">679</a> This little ceremony is of ancient date in the Russian army. There is no
hard-and-fast rule as to the wording of the general’s greeting. In some
favoured corps, such as the Nijni Dragoons, etiquette ordains that it shall be
followed by the name of the regiment.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_680" href="#FNanchor_680" class="fnanchor">680</a> <i>The Story of Merv</i>, p. 194.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_681" href="#FNanchor_681" class="fnanchor">681</a> The Central Asian tiger has a shaggier coat than his Bengal relative,
and his disposition is less truculent. He never molests human beings or
shows fight unless attacked. About a year ago one strayed during the noonday
heat into a kibitka near the Sir Daryā, pushed aside the occupant, a
woman who was spinning at the door, and coiled himself up in a dark corner
for a nap. Alas for outraged hospitality! Information was given at the
nearest post, and a party of riflemen soon arrived and did the poor beast to
death.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_682" href="#FNanchor_682" class="fnanchor">682</a> Three have been identified—Giaur Kal`a, Sultan Sanjar, and Bahrām
`Alī. Some entrenchments are fabled to represent a fourth, older than the rest,
built by Alexander the Great. But, as is well known, Iskandar Zū-l-Karnayn,
“Alexander the Two-horned,” shares with Tīmūr and the Amīr `Abdullah the
credit of having built nearly everything worth seeing in Central Asia.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_683" href="#FNanchor_683" class="fnanchor">683</a> Moore’s <i>Veiled Prophet of Khorasan</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_684" href="#FNanchor_684" class="fnanchor">684</a> A description of the difficulties encountered has already been given.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_685" href="#FNanchor_685" class="fnanchor">685</a> Khanikoff’s <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 18; <i>Journal of the Royal Geographical Society</i>,
8th June 1840.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_686" href="#FNanchor_686" class="fnanchor">686</a> “Mémoire sur l’ancien cours de l’Oxus,” par M. Jaubert, <i>Nouveau
Journal Asiatique</i>, Dec. 1833.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_687" href="#FNanchor_687" class="fnanchor">687</a> Ney, <i>En Asie Centrale</i>, p. 300.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_688" href="#FNanchor_688" class="fnanchor">688</a> The Zarafshān, called by the ancients Polytimætus, takes its rise in a
tremendous glacier of the Kharlatau Mountains, 270 miles due east of
Samarkand. Its upper reaches are little but a succession of cataracts, and it
is too rapid and shallow for navigation. The average width is 210 feet.
More than 100 canals are supplied by this source of Bokhārā’s prosperity,
some of which are 140 feet broad. The capital is watered by one of them,
called the Shari Rūd, which is 35 feet wide, and supplies innumerable
smaller distributories (Khanikoff’s <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 39; Meyendorff’s <i>Bokhara</i>
(Paris, 1820), p. 148).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_689" href="#FNanchor_689" class="fnanchor">689</a> Moser, <i>A Travers l’Asie Centrale</i>, p. 120.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_690" href="#FNanchor_690" class="fnanchor">690</a> Khanikoff, p. 188.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_691" href="#FNanchor_691" class="fnanchor">691</a> Throughout Central Asia the unit of surface measure is the tanap, which
is equivalent to 44,100 square feet. This pest is termed reh in India, and
is fought in a very half-hearted way by the ryots.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_692" href="#FNanchor_692" class="fnanchor">692</a> Khanikoff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 9. This author, who wrote in 1845, gives as the
average price of good land a sum equivalent to £20 of our currency (p. 154).
Forty years later the Russians paid £16 per acre for land required for their
railway (Ney, <i>En Asie Centrale</i>, p. 311).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_693" href="#FNanchor_693" class="fnanchor">693</a> According to Wolff, it numbered 180,000 in 1843 (<i>Bokhara</i>, p. 163).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_694" href="#FNanchor_694" class="fnanchor">694</a> They are named Imām, Samarkand, Mazār, Kārshi, Salahkhānā, Namāziyya,
Shaykh Jalāl, Kārākul, Shīr-Gīrān, Talipash, and Oghlān.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_695" href="#FNanchor_695" class="fnanchor">695</a> For the ethnology of Bokhārā the reader should consult Meyendorff,
p. 189; Khanikoff, chaps. vii., viii., and ix.; and Moser, <i>A Travers l’Asie
Centrale</i>, p. 68.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_696" href="#FNanchor_696" class="fnanchor">696</a> The etymology of Bokhārā is also a moot point. There can be little
doubt, however, that the word is derived from the Sanskrit <i>vihára</i>, or hermit-cell,
which was adopted by the Buddhists and became <i>búhára</i> in Mongolian.
The city clustered round the retreat of an early ascetic.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_697" href="#FNanchor_697" class="fnanchor">697</a> Ujfalvy states that the Tājiks of the plains, as distinguished from their
brethren of the hills, and the branch called Galchas inhabiting the Pamirs,
have a triple origin. They are (<i>a</i>) descendants from the Iranian aborigines
of Bactriana and Soghdiana, who remained in the level country throughout the
successive invasions of Turko-Tartars, Mongols, and Arabs; they accepted the
domination of each new-comer, and were compelled to give their daughters
in marriage to the conquerors; (<i>b</i>) immigrants who from time to time arrived
in Bokhārā from Khorāsān; (<i>c</i>) mixed alliances between the wealthier inhabitants
of the Khānate and Persian slaves brought thither during many
centuries by Turkoman freebooters. This author adds that many Tājiks show
signs of Arab blood in their aquiline noses and brilliant eyes (<i>Les Aryens</i>,
Paris, 1896).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_698" href="#FNanchor_698" class="fnanchor">698</a> An Uzbeg proverb has it: “When a Tājik tells the truth he has a fit of
colic!”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_699" href="#FNanchor_699" class="fnanchor">699</a> The Kirghiz style themselves <i>Kazāk</i>, “warriors.” They roam over the
Khānates, and love to shelter themselves from the icy blasts in the long
reeds lining the banks of the Sir Daryā. They are cruel, treacherous, and
given to rapine. Government is exercised by hereditary Khāns, but the
personal equation is everything, and the Khān who derogates is lost. Fighting
men are called <i>Bahādurs</i>; the relatives of the tribal Khān, <i>Sultāns</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_700" href="#FNanchor_700" class="fnanchor">700</a> A native chronicle called “Nassed Nameti Uzbekia,” giving a catalogue
of these clans, is quoted by Khanikoff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 74.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_701" href="#FNanchor_701" class="fnanchor">701</a> Wolff’s <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 163. The doctor states that their synagogue possesses
an ancient version of the Prophet Daniel, giving the variant “2400”
in the place of “2300” in chap. viii. ver. 14.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_702" href="#FNanchor_702" class="fnanchor">702</a> As is well known, the Mohammedans everywhere are ranged into two
sections. The Sunnis are the orthodox, and owe their name to their adhesion
to the traditionary teaching, <i>Sunna</i>, of the Prophet. The Shī`as reject it; and
are also champions of the claim to succeed Mohammed of `Alī, his cousin and
son-in-law, and of his sons in their turn, Hasan and Husayn. With the exception
of the Persians, who are Shī`as, almost the whole of the Mohammedan
world is Sunni. The two sects hate each other with the true <i>odium theologium</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_703" href="#FNanchor_703" class="fnanchor">703</a> These unhappy victims were British officers sent to Bokhārā on diplomatic
service. After a long imprisonment they were cruelly beheaded by
order of the Amīr Nasrullah in 1843. See Wolff’s <i>Bokhara</i>, <i>passim</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_704" href="#FNanchor_704" class="fnanchor">704</a> This neglect of one of the chief duties of government—the protection of
its subjects abroad—is universal in Central Asia. We have no consul farther
east than Baku. The Russians excuse their persistent refusal to grant an
exequatur to a consul at Tiflis by the allegation that we would not permit
them to establish such agencies on our Indian frontiers.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_705" href="#FNanchor_705" class="fnanchor">705</a> The local phrase for turban is “salla.” A Russian-made one costs
1½ roubles; the cheapest Manchester turban being 3½, and the dearest 15
roubles.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_706" href="#FNanchor_706" class="fnanchor">706</a> Called “paranji.” It has balloon sleeves meeting at the shoulders.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_707" href="#FNanchor_707" class="fnanchor">707</a> Bokhārā stands in lat. 39° 46′ N., in the same parallel as Northern Spain,
Naples, and Philadelphia. It is 1200 feet above sea-level, and exposed to
Siberian blasts which make the winter climate very severe. The average
winter temperature of London is nearly twice that of Bokhārā. In February
heavy rains usher in a springtime as glorious as that which clothes our English
woods, but suffocating summer heats follow which are broken by a fortnight’s
rain in October. The climate is one of extremes (Khanikoff, <i>Bokhara</i>,
chap. v).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_708" href="#FNanchor_708" class="fnanchor">708</a> Bacha, a Persian word signifying the young of any animal.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_709" href="#FNanchor_709" class="fnanchor">709</a> It is a curious fact that M. P. Lessar, while Resident at Bokhārā,
anticipated Sir D. Barbour’s financial policy in India by inducing the Amīr to
close his mint. The stiffening effect which might have been expected was
not attained. Before the great recoinage of 1834 Indian silver underwent
similar oscillations. The difference in weight and intrinsic value between
rupees of different descriptions gave native brokers an opportunity of feathering
their nests. They met in secret conclave periodically, and decided how many
copper coins should be exchanged against each species of rupee. A recoinage,
or adoption of the Russian monetary system, is the only possible remedy.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_710" href="#FNanchor_710" class="fnanchor">710</a> In 1872 M. Petrofsky, agent of the Minister of Finance, visited Bokhārā
in order to study the commercial system. He stated, in the <i>European
Messenger</i> for March 1873, that the city was then an entrepôt for English and
Afghan wares. Green tea in those days arrived by way of Afghanistān, and
was distributed throughout the Khānates from Bokhārā. “Who can guarantee,”
he asks plaintively, “that with our carelessness with regard to the Bokhāran
market, all the trade with Central Asia will not pass into the hands of the
English and Afghans?” This fearful contingency has been obviated by
protective tariffs and the Transcaspian Railway.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_711" href="#FNanchor_711" class="fnanchor">711</a> Schuyler, <i>Turkestan</i>, vol ii. p. 90.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_712" href="#FNanchor_712" class="fnanchor">712</a> Schuyler, p. 92.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_713" href="#FNanchor_713" class="fnanchor">713</a> For a detailed account of the curriculum the reader is referred to Khanikoff,
chap. xxix.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_714" href="#FNanchor_714" class="fnanchor">714</a> The leader in the serious rising in Farghāna last spring was named Ishān
Mohammed `Alī Khalīfa. In July 1898 a Russian was murdered at New
Bokhārā, and the life of another was attempted by one of these fanatics.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_715" href="#FNanchor_715" class="fnanchor">715</a> Schuyler retails an old scandal to the effect that the 40,000 roubles which
the Madrasas cost were bestowed by the empress on a Bokhāran envoy at her
Court after a <i>liaison</i> with him (<i>Turkestan</i>, ii. p. 93).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_716" href="#FNanchor_716" class="fnanchor">716</a> Moser, p. 151; Khanikoff, pp. 101–2.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_717" href="#FNanchor_717" class="fnanchor">717</a> Meyendorff writes: “The lot of slaves in Bokhārā is terrible. Nearly
all the Russians complain of being badly fed and severely beaten. I met one
whose master had cut off his ears, driven nails through his palms, flayed his
back, and poured boiling oil on his arms” (p. 286).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_718" href="#FNanchor_718" class="fnanchor">718</a> “Amīr ul Mu´minīn,” the title adopted by the Caliphs.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_719" href="#FNanchor_719" class="fnanchor">719</a> Fath `Alī, Shāh of Persia, asked a European, who told him that his
sovereign’s acts were subject to public approbation: “Wherein lies the
pleasure of ruling if one can’t do exactly as one pleases?”</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_720" href="#FNanchor_720" class="fnanchor">720</a> Moser, p. 160.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_721" href="#FNanchor_721" class="fnanchor">721</a> A very elaborate description of the old Court régime is given in chaps.
xxiv. and xxv. of Khanikoff’s <i>Bokhara</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_722" href="#FNanchor_722" class="fnanchor">722</a> Khanikoff, p. 233.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_723" href="#FNanchor_723" class="fnanchor">723</a> Since the opening of the Transcaspian Railway this has become a staple
export, and it has ousted the produce of the United States. The term for
unripe cotton is <i>gūza</i>; that for pods ready for export is <i>pakhta</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_724" href="#FNanchor_724" class="fnanchor">724</a> The genealogy of the reigning house is not quite so clear as such matters
usually are in Eastern countries. The founder was an Uzbeg general of the
tribe of Mangit, named Mahammad Rahīm Bi. He was succeeded by his
nephew, Dāniyāl Bi, whose son, Shāh Murād, alias Ma´sūm, commonly
styled “Begi Jān,” was a soldier of the type of Chingiz Khān. He
conquered Merv in 1784, and raised Bokhārā to a pinnacle of glory to which
it had never attained since the spacious days of the Amīr `Abdullah, a
contemporary of our own Elizabeth. Murād attained sovereignty in 1796,
and died about 1801. His successor, Mīr Haydar, was a capable soldier, and
the military caste had things entirely their own way during his reign, which
ended in 1826. His successor was Nasrullah, a moody and treacherous tyrant,
who gained an infamous reputation in England by the cruel slaughter of our
envoys Stoddart and Conolly. His son Muzaffar resembled his father in
cruelty and fanaticism. The story of his overthrow by the Russians has
already been told.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_725" href="#FNanchor_725" class="fnanchor">725</a> The official figures for each district in 1896 were—
</p>

<table id="cotton" summary="Samarkand cotton 1896">
  <tr class="smaller">
    <td class="tdc">District</td>
    <td class="tdc">Dessiatines of 2½ acres<br />under cotton.</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Samarkand</td>
    <td class="tdc"> 5,252</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Katta Kurgan</td>
    <td class="tdc"> 8,920</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Jizāk</td>
    <td class="tdc"> 1,188</td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl">Khojend</td>
    <td class="tdc"><span class="bb"> 2,784</span></td></tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdl in4">Total</td>
    <td class="tdc"><span class="bbd">18,144</span></td></tr>
</table>

<p class="in0">In round figures, 45,000 acres. This is about 5 per cent. of the entire cultivated
area of the province of Samarkand, which is officially stated as 364,200
dessiatines.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_726" href="#FNanchor_726" class="fnanchor">726</a> There were, in 1896, twenty, nine of which were worked by steam or oil
engines, ten by water, and one by horse-power. Three hydraulic and seventeen
hand-screw presses were at work.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_727" href="#FNanchor_727" class="fnanchor">727</a> The exact measurements of this stone are 6′ 4¼″ × 1′ 3¾″ × 1′ 5½″ deep.
Round the edge is an Arabic inscription giving Tīmūr’s style and title, his
genealogy, and the date of his death,—807 <span class="smcap smaller">A.H.</span>, or 1405 of our era.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_728" href="#FNanchor_728" class="fnanchor">728</a> M. Schuyler states this man’s name as Mir Seid Belki Shaikh, and the
date of his death as two years after Tīmūr’s, <i>i.e.</i> 1407 (ii. p. 253).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_729" href="#FNanchor_729" class="fnanchor">729</a> Schuyler, ii. p. 252. Tilā = gold.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_730" href="#FNanchor_730" class="fnanchor">730</a> Khanikoff, p. 134. In a note he adds that a Russian named Efremoff,
who visited Samarkand in 1770, saw this gigantic book.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_731" href="#FNanchor_731" class="fnanchor">731</a> Schuyler’s <i>Turkestan</i>, i. p. 250.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_732" href="#FNanchor_732" class="fnanchor">732</a> This Philistinism has its parallel in India. We believe it to be a fact
that a Viceroy proposed the sale of the Tāj Mahāl at Agra to serve as a
quarry for marble. The same Vandal had a vast number of seventeenth-century
cannon at Allahabad broken up and disposed of as old metal.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_733" href="#FNanchor_733" class="fnanchor">733</a> Not, however, in 1323, as Schuyler asserts (i. p. 247), for he was not
born till fourteen years afterwards.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_734" href="#FNanchor_734" class="fnanchor">734</a> M. Simakoff, a distinguished Russian archæologist, and the author of
<i>Central Asian Art</i>, has arrived at the conclusion that the Persian ornamentation,
which has hitherto been considered original, is but an imitation of that
introduced by the Mongols into Central Asia. Moser, <i>A Travers l’Asie
Centrale</i>, p. 118.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_735" href="#FNanchor_735" class="fnanchor">735</a> Three versts and 100 sajenes in circuit (Khanikoff, <i>Bokhara</i>, p. 131).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_736" href="#FNanchor_736" class="fnanchor">736</a> For a detailed account of this splendid feat of arms the reader is
referred to Schuyler’s <i>Turkestan</i>, i. p. 224.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_737" href="#FNanchor_737" class="fnanchor">737</a> Schuyler gives a very brief biography of this excellent man at p. 267 of
his <i>Turkestan</i>. Like Kurapatkine, he was equally great in war and in civil
life, and of that very high type of officials produced only in the Panjāb and
Turkestān. The earnestness and keen sympathy with the people which
characterised Henry Lawrence, Montgomery, and Herbert Edwardes shine
conspicuous in the “Chernaieff school,” so called from an illustrious soldier
and statesman who inspired his lieutenants with his own devotion. His
unmerited disgrace, which followed a display of splendid moral courage, and
his old age spent in the cold shade of imperial neglect, are not the most
creditable episodes in Central Asian annals.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_738" href="#FNanchor_738" class="fnanchor">738</a> Nestorius, a Syrian priest, became Patriarch of Constantinople in the
fifth century; but his views as to Christ’s personality were declared heretical
by a General Council held at Ephesus in 431. He was deposed from his
high office, and his followers were driven from Europe.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_739" href="#FNanchor_739" class="fnanchor">739</a> Afrāsiyāb is synonymous in Persian legend for anything of extreme
antiquity.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_740" href="#FNanchor_740" class="fnanchor">740</a> Moser was present when the Russian researches began. Every stroke of
the spade, he says, revealed new treasures. Enamelled bricks of the finest
designs, coins, a lamp like those exhumed at Pompeii, but covered with
brilliant enamel, an urn splendidly adorned, and many other discoveries
worthy to occupy a <i>savant</i>, were made in twenty-four hours (p. 116).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_741" href="#FNanchor_741" class="fnanchor">741</a> No attempt has yet been made to exploit these regions; but the Russian
Government is ready and willing to encourage prospectors. An Englishman
is now engaged in searching for the precious metals, and has met with every
possible assistance from the authorities.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_742" href="#FNanchor_742" class="fnanchor">742</a> During Mr. Skrine’s stay at Samarkand a large gang started for this remote
destination. Most of them were native bandits, who regarded their expatriation
with true Oriental phlegm. But among the group who squatted on the
station platform in their sheep-skin cloaks, from which their heavy manacles
protruded, were several who inspired more sympathy: a young European
girl, who clung piteously to her only treasure—a China teapot; a middle-aged
man, evidently belonging to a higher social stratum than the rest, was
deeply moved by the prospect of exile. The cause was but too apparent, for
a little son clung to him, a sharer in his grief; while among the silent crowd,
which was kept at a distance by a ring of soldiers with fixed bayonets, was
his unhappy wife, come with her three young daughters to bid him a long
farewell.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_743" href="#FNanchor_743" class="fnanchor">743</a> Khanikoff enumerates 13 as grown in his time (<i>Bokhara</i>, p. 156).</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_744" href="#FNanchor_744" class="fnanchor">744</a> The local term is Chāy Kâbūd, or blue tea, a more faithful rendering of
the colour. Like that drunk in Bokhārā, it is imported from China by
steamer and rail; and absorbed from porcelain bowls, whence the spent leaves
are deftly thrown on the floor by a practised jerk.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_745" href="#FNanchor_745" class="fnanchor">745</a> See the description of ancient Samarkand by the Emperor Bāber in
Schuyler’s <i>Turkestan</i>, p. 239.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_746" href="#FNanchor_746" class="fnanchor">746</a> Colonel Kulchanoff now holds these functions. He is a Tartar from
Orenburg, and is a perfect mine of information on the history and usages of
the province. Though a Mohammedan, he lives in European style, and
associates freely with his colleagues. Madame Kulchanoff presides at table,
and converses with a charming grace with strangers who know Russian.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_747" href="#FNanchor_747" class="fnanchor">747</a> Lord Cornwallis encountered similar difficulties in fixing the demand on
which the Permanent Settlement in Bengal was based. An eminent Hindu
reformer, who at that period (1793) was head native officer in the district of
Rangpur, is said to have received a bribe of a lakh of rupees (£10,000) for
omitting a cipher in the reported gross revenue of a single estate.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_748" href="#FNanchor_748" class="fnanchor">748</a> By far the best work done by the Civil Service of India is that
which is known as Settlement, <i>i.e.</i> the land valuation on a vast scale. The
Russians would gain enormously could they obtain the service of a few of
the younger men who have taken up this branch of executive duty.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_749" href="#FNanchor_749" class="fnanchor">749</a> The dimensions of some of the ancient works in Samarkand are stupendous.
In one case the wells attain a maximum depth of 420 feet, and are
connected by a tunnel in which a man can walk upright.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_750" href="#FNanchor_750" class="fnanchor">750</a> See a very interesting note at pp. 258–9, vol. ii. of Schuyler’s
<i>Turkestan</i>.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_751" href="#FNanchor_751" class="fnanchor">751</a> Lord Curzon’s great work on Central Asia is considered by the Russians
themselves as a text-book, though they vigorously combat his views on their
policy.</p></div>

<div class="footnote">

<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_752" href="#FNanchor_752" class="fnanchor">752</a> See Appendix, p. 425.</p></div>
</div></div>

<div class="chapter"><div class="p4 index">
<h2 class="nobreak p1" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2>

<ul class="index">
<li class="ifrst">Abbās the Great, Shāh, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Abbasids"></a>`Abbāsids, the, genealogy of `Abbās, <a href="#Page_80">80</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rise of dynasty and increase in power, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80–85</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">emissaries sent to Khorāsān, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">black standard raised in Khorāsān by Abū Muslim, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Abū-l-`Abbās (Es-Saffāh) proclaimed Caliph, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd el `Azīz, <a href="#Page_196">196–98</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd el-Jabbār, revolt against El-Mansūr, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd el-Melik, <a href="#Page_43">43–44</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd el-Melik <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd er-Rahmān (brother of Kutayba), <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd er-Rahmān ibn Muslim (<i>see <a href="#Abu_Muslim">Abū Muslim</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd ul-Ahad, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd ul-Kerīm, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_204">204</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd ul-Latīf, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd ul-Latīf the Uzbeg, <a href="#Page_191">191</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd ul-Mū´min, assassinated, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abd us-Samad Khān, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah (brother of Kutayba), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah ibn `Āmir, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah ibn Kazghan, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah ibn Khāzim, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah ibn Rabī`, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah ibn Tāhir, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah ibn Zobayr, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah Mīrzā, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>`Abdullah Nāmé</i> of Hāfiz ibn Tānish, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_186">186</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah (uncle of Abū-l-`Abbās), <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah <span class="smcap">I.</span>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Abdullah <span class="smcap">II.</span>, genealogy of, <a href="#Page_193">190</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reign, <a href="#Page_191">191–92</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Abramoff, General, defence of Yani Kurgān, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">appointed governor of Samarkand, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Katti Tūra defeated and completion of Bokhāran conquest, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Abū `Alī Sīmjūr, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Abū Bekr, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Abū Dā´ūd Khālid ibn Ibrāhīm, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Abū Ja`far (<i>see <a href="#El-Mansur">El-Mansūr</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Abū-l-`Abbās (<i>see <a href="#Es-Saffah">Es-Saffāh</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Abū-l-Fayz, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Abū-l-Ghāzi Khān (grandson of Abū-l-Fayz), <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Abū-l-Ghāzi, Khān of Khiva, revolt against Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Abū-l-Husayn Nasr <span class="smcap">I.</span> (<i>see Ilik Khān</i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Abū-l-Khayr, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_193">190</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Abu_Muslim"></a>Abū Muslim, early life, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">black banner raised in Khorāsān by, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">entry into Merv, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">enmity of Caliph towards, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">murder, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Abū Sa`īd Khān, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_193">190</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Abū Sālama, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Afrāsiyāb identified with Būkū Khān, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Āgha Mohammad, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ahmed ibn Asad, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ahmed Khān, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ahmed, Sultan, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Akkal Oasis, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Alā ud-Dawlé, war with Ulugh Beg, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Alā ud-Dīn Mohammad, revolt against the Gūr-Khān, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">extent of possessions on downfall of Kara-Khitāys, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rupture with Chingiz Khān, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">flight and death, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alakush-Tekin, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alexander the Great, conquest of Persian Empire, <a href="#Page_4">4–9</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alexander <span class="smcap">II.</span>, Tashkent captured contrary to orders of, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">annexation of Kokand authorised by, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conference with Skobeleff, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alexandria, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Al-Hakam ibn `Āmir al-Ghifārī, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Alī ibn `Isā, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_430">430</span></li>

<li class="indx">`Ali ibn Talha, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Ali, Sultan, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alikhanoff, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Almāligh, made his capital by Chaghatāy, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alp Arslān, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Alptagin, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Altagin, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Altuntāsh, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amīn, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amīr `Abd ul-Ahad, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amīr Bāyazīd Jalā´ir, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amīr Haydar (Sayyid Haydar Tura), <a href="#Page_208">208–10</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amīr Husayn, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amīr Kazghan, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amīr Tīmūr (<i>see <a href="#Timur_Leng">Tīmūr Leng</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">`Amr ibn Layth, Ya`kūb succeeded by, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">career and death, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109–11</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Amu_Darya"></a>Amū Daryā, crossed by Alexander, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">boundary between Turkish and Persian dominions, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Al-Hakam first Arabian general to cross, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">course, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">shifting of bed, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">navigation, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">viaduct over, <a href="#Page_310">310–312</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amūya, ancient name for Charjūy, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Amyntas, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Andakhūy, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Andarāl (Drapsaca), <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Andijān, Kokandis defeated at, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Annenkoff, General, Transcaspian railway constructed by, <a href="#Page_307">307–10</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Antes, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Antiochus <span class="smcap">I.</span> and <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Anūsha Khān, Bokhārā invaded by, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Anūshirawān (<i>see <a href="#Chosrau">Chosrau <span class="smcap">I.</span></a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Aornos (Gori, Khulum), taken by Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Apaoki (T’ai-tsu), <a href="#Page_137">137</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Arabia Felix, origin of name, <a href="#Page_34">34</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Arabs, rise of Islām and spread of conquests, <a href="#Page_34">34–44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Arabic literature, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Arachosia (<i>see <a href="#Kandahar">Kandahār</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Arbela (Gaugamela), battle of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ardashīr, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ardavān (Artaban), battle with Ardashīr, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Arimazes, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Arsaces"></a>Arsaces, Andragoras overthrown by, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Arsacidæ dynasty founded by, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kābul partly possessed by Arsacidæ, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Arslān Khān, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Artabanus <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Artaxerxes <span class="smcap">IV.</span> (Bessus), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Aryan race, Pamirs birthplace of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Asad ibn `Abdullah el-Kasrī, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75–77</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ashras ibn `Abdullah (the Perfect), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Āsim ibn `Abdullah, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Askabad, <a href="#Page_345">345–9</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Astatke, <a href="#Page_340">340</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Astrakhan conquered by Russia, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Astrakhan dynasty, <a href="#Page_194">194–203</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Atsiz, revolt against Sanjar, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ayāz Topchi-bāshi, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Bāber (<i>see <a href="#Zahir_ud-Din_Baber">Zahīr ud-Din Bāber</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Bachas</i>, definition, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Bactria"></a>Bactria</b> (district), ancient extent, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Cyrus <span class="smcap">I.</span>, sovereignty assumed by Bessus, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_4">4–10</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Græco-Bactrian</b> kingdom, founder of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">districts ceded to Parthia, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invasion by Sakas, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">downfall, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Yué-Chi</b> invasion, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">partition among clans, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kushans expelled, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Ephthalite</b> settlement, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">expedition of Bahrām Gūr, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">annexed by Persia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bactria (town) (<i>see <a href="#Balkh">Balkh</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Badakshān incorporated with Transoxiana, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bādghīs, definition, <a href="#Page_299">299</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Baghdād captured by Tāhir, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bahrām `Ali Khān, slain in battle with Ma´sūm, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Merv railway station named after, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bahrām Chūbīn, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bahrām Gūr, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Baigha, Bokhāran national game, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bākhdi (<i>see <a href="#Balkh">Balkh</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Bākī Mohammad, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Balāsāghūn, built by Būkū Khān, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">capital chosen by Ye-liu Ta-shi, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Balāsh, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Balkategin, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Balkh"></a>Balkh</b> (Bactria, Bākhdi), <a href="#Page_3">3</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taken by Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">included in Tokhāristān, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_431">431</span></li>
<li class="isub1">annexed by Persians, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Islām introduced into, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reduced by Rabī` ibn Ziyād, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kutayba’s expeditions to, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">coalition with Nīzek, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">temporary Mohammedan capital of Central Asia, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sāmānanatire of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">siege and capture by Isma`īl, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">centre of Mohammedan learning, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeat of Sanjar, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">`Alā ud-Dīn master of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Chaghatāy in possession of, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bamian, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Barmecides, fall of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Barmek, <a href="#Page_95">95</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Barthold, M., <a href="#Page_150">150</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Batanieff, Major, mission to Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bātū Khān, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bayān Kulī, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bayān Seldūz, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bāyazīd Jalā´ir Amīr, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bāyazīd <span class="smcap">I.</span>, Sultan of Turkey, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Baykand (City of Merchants), identification with Zariaspa, <a href="#Page_8">8</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">importance of, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">partial conquest by `Ubaydullah ibn Ziyād, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle and siege of, <a href="#Page_47">47–49</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">restoration, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Baysunkur, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Begi Jān (<i>see <a href="#Shah_Murad">Shāh Murād</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Bektuzun, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bellew, Dr., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_41">41</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bendoe, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Beni Rabī`a, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Berkiyāruk, <a href="#Page_133">133</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bessus (Artaxerxes <span class="smcap">IV.</span>), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>..</li>

<li class="indx">Bi, definition, <a href="#Page_204">204</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bishkand, identified with Panjakand, <a href="#Page_187">187</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bistām, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Boghrā Khān, brother and successor of Arslān Khān, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Boghrā Khān, first Uīghūr Khān of Turkestān, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Bokhara"></a>Bokhārā</b> (Sherīf or “the Noble”), settlement of Bactrians in confines of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Arabs, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">king defeated by Habīb, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kutayba’s expeditions, <a href="#Page_46">46–55</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Ism`l sent to and superseded by Ishak, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">capital of Transoxiana and Khwārazm, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">centre of Mohammedan culture and learning, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">destroyed by Chingiz, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rising in, during reign of Chaghatāy, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">loss of position as capital, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sub-dynasty abolished, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Astrakhan dynasty in, <a href="#Page_194">194–203</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">prosperity regained in, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Khivan revolt against, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mangit dynasty in, <a href="#Page_204">204–21</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">effect of Ma´sūm’s rule on, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieged by Nasrullah, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">English and Russian missions to, <a href="#Page_217">217–18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Russian conquest, <a href="#Page_250">250–56</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">climate, soil, and productions, <a href="#Page_360">360–63</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">varied character of population, <a href="#Page_364">364–367</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">women of, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">customs and amusements, <a href="#Page_368">368–70</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">bazaar, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">public buildings, <a href="#Page_373">373–77</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">coinage, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Islāmic education, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">government, <a href="#Page_379">379–85</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">decline of slave-market, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dialect, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bolars (Boyars), rise of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">influence of, shaken off by Ivan <span class="smcap">IV.</span>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bosphorus, Caucasian (Straits of Yenekale), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bretschneider, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_139">139</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Browne, E. G., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_133">133</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Browning, Oscar, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_242">242</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Bukayr, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Būkū Khān, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Burnes, Alexander, mission to Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_207">207</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Buyide (Daylamite) dynasty, increase in power, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overthrow by Toghrul Beg, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Buyr-Nūr, China invaded by, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst"><a id="Caliphs"></a>Caliphs, the—Abū Bekr first to assume title, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rise and fall of, <a href="#Page_36">36–102</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">various caliphs (<i>see their names</i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Cawder (Kāwurd, Kurd, Kādurd), <a href="#Page_131">131</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chaghatāy dialect, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chaghatāy Khānate, <a href="#Page_160">160–64</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overthrown by Tīmūr, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chakir, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chandra Gupta, Seleucus defeated by, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chang-Kien, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Charjūy, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chernaieff, Colonel, Chimkent stormed by, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">siege of Tashkent, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advance on and retreat from Jizāk, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">superseded by General Romanovski, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_432">432</span></li>

<li class="indx">Chi Hwang-ti, Tsin, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chighān, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Children, custom concerning naming of, in Merv, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chimkent, stormed by Russians, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">burnt by Kokandis, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>China</b>—Han dynasty, founder of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Chow dynasty, fall of and subsequent events, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Great Wall, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">march against Mothé, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">alliance with Yué-Chi, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">direct commercial intercourse with West, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Hans defeated by, and enrolled in empire, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Umayyads aided, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Buyr-Nūr invasion, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">partial conquest by Chingiz, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Yuen dynasty, founder of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Ming dynasty, founder of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Chingiz"></a>Chingiz Khān, birth and early life, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152–54</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Tāi Yāng, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Guchluk, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Khwārazm Shāh, <a href="#Page_157">157–59</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><i>Dār ul-Ākhirat</i> destroyed by, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquests of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Chosrau"></a>Chosrau <span class="smcap">I.</span> (Anūshirawān “the Just”), <a href="#Page_27">27</a> and <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_29">29–31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chosrau <span class="smcap">II.</span> (Parvīz “the Victorious”), <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Christianity"></a>Christianity</b>—Persecution prohibited during reign of Bahrām Gūr by truce with Rome, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Christians induced to embrace Islām, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Holy War against Christians of Tarāz, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">crusades contemporaneous with Mohammed, son of Melik, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Black Mongols converted to, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">persecution by Nasrullah, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">introduction into Russia, and subsequent influence of priests upon government, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">authorities on Christianity in Central Asia in ancient times, <a href="#Page_109">109</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chupān Ātā, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Chu Yuān Chang, founder of Ming dynasty, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cleitus, death of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Confucius (Kung-fu-tse), <a href="#Page_14">14</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Conolly, Captain Arthur, imprisoned and killed by Nasrullah, <a href="#Page_217">217–18</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cossacks, Siberians attacked by, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">raiding expedition into Siberia and Khwārazm, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kokandis repulsed, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cotton, cultivation of, in valley of Zarafshān, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Crusades contemporaneous with Sultan Sanjar, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ctesias, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cube (Ka`ba), the</li>

<li class="indx">Cunningham, General, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a> <i>notes</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cyropolis, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Cyrus <span class="smcap">I.</span>, conquest of Bactria, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Damascus, conquered by Parvīz, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taken by Arabs, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">stormed by Tīmūr, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dāniyāl Bi, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dangil Teppe, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dāneshmandja, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Dār ul-Ākhirat</i>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Darbend, building of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dariel Pass, Roman subsidy for fortification of, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Darius Hystaspes, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Darius <span class="smcap">II.</span> overthrown by Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dasht-i-Kipchāk, extent of empire, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dā ūd, uncle of Abū-l-`Abbās, instrumental in exterminating Umayyads, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dawlat Bi, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dawlat Girāy (Bekovitch Cherkaski), expedition to Khiva, <a href="#Page_240">240–42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dawlat Girāy, Khān, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dawlat Shāh, <i>quo.</i> <a href="#Page_113">113</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Daylamite (Būyide) dynasty, increase in power, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overthrow by Toghrul Beg, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">De Bode, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_393">393</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">De Guignes, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a> <i>notes</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">De Maynard, C. Barbier, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_207">207</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Defile, battle of the (Ash-Shi`b), <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dervishes, various orders in Samarkand, <a href="#Page_171">171</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">d’Herbelot, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a> <i>notes</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dhirār ibn Haspan, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dihakān, definition, <a href="#Page_46">46</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dīn Mahammad, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Diodotus, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_433">433</span></li>

<li class="indx">Direm, value of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dirgham, battle in valley of, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dirham ibn Nasr, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Dmitri, Prince, attempt to throw off Mongol yoke, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">d’Ohsson, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a> <i>notes</i>; <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Don (Tanaïs), Jaxartes mistaken by Alexander for, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Douglas, R. K., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_149">149</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Drangiana (<i>see <a href="#Sistan">Sīstān</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Drapsaca (Andarāb), <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Drouin, E., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_11">11</a> <i>note</i>; <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Eagle, regarded as bird of ill-omen, <a href="#Page_220">220</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Edighei, Khān, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">El-`Abbās el-Ash`ath, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">El Barm (Yūsuf ibn Ibrāhīm), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">El-Fadhl ibn Sulaymān Tūsī, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">El-Fadhl ibn Yahya, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">El-Ghatrīf ibn `Atā, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">El-Hādi, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">El-Mahdi, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="El-Mansur"></a>El-Mansūr (Abū Ja`far), Es-Saffāh succeeded by, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">enmity towards and murder of Abū Muslim, <a href="#Page_86">86–88</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolts against, <a href="#Page_90">90–93</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>England</b>—missions to Nasrullah, <a href="#Page_216">216–17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Russia</b> and, Siberian advance viewed with disfavour, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">appropriation of territory south of Merv, English indignation, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">appointment of joint commission to decide boundary, <a href="#Page_301">301–303</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">commission to demarcate spheres of influence on Pamirs, <a href="#Page_303">303–305</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">route of Indian overland railway, <a href="#Page_317">317–19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">methods of dealing with Orientals contrasted, <a href="#Page_410">410–15</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">desirability of union, <a href="#Page_414">414–16</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Ephthalites"></a>Ephthalites, origin, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kushans expelled from Bactria, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeated by Bahrām Gūr, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Yezdijerd <span class="smcap">II.</span> defeated, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Fīrūz aided, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rupture with Fīrūz, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Persia overrun, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kobād received, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">territory divided between Turks and Persians, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Erdmann, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_149">149</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Es-Saffah"></a>Es-Saffāh (Abū-l-`Abbās), <a href="#Page_85">85–86</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ersaris, the, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Euthydemus, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Fadhl ibn Sahl, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Fā´ik, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Farghāna, besieged by El-Harashī, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mohammedan governor appointed to, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">railway to Andijān, <a href="#Page_316">316</a> (<i>see also <a href="#Kokand">Kokand</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Fath `Ali Shāh, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Fāzil Bi, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ferengis, <a href="#Page_115">115</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Feudalism, introduced into Russia from Germany, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Forsyth, Mr., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_119">119</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Fraser, James Baillie, <i>quo.</i> <a href="#Page_264">264</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Gāndhāra (<i>see <a href="#Kandahar">Kandahār</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Gardner, <i>quo.</i> <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a> <i>notes</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gaugamela (Arbela), battle of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gengis, Genghiz (<i>see <a href="#Chingiz">Chingiz</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Geok Teppe, battle of, <a href="#Page_291">291–97</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gerard, Major-General M. G., <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gersīwaz, <a href="#Page_115">115</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ghassān, <a href="#Page_100">100</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ghazā, definition, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ghaznavides, Alptagin ruler in Ghazna, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sabuktagin, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117–18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><a id="Mahmud"></a>Mahmūd of Ghazna (<i>see that <a href="#Mahmud_of_Ghazna">title</a></i>);</li>
<li class="isub1">Mas`ūd, <a href="#Page_126">126–28</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">truce with Seljūks, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ghujduvān, battle of, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ghuz, the, migrations of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">incursions into Khorāsān, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sanjar defeated, and Merv and Khorāsān laid waste, <a href="#Page_141">141–42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ghuzek, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gibbon, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a> <i>notes</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Girāy, Sultan, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Glukhovsky, Colonel, <a href="#Page_251">251</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Golden Horde, the, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gori (Aornos, Khulum) taken by Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gortschakoff, Prince, circular to Great Powers, <a href="#Page_247">247</a> and Appendix I.</li>

<li class="indx">Græco-Bactrian Empire (<i>see under <a href="#Bactria">Bactria</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Grigorieff, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a> <i>notes</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Grodekoff, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_272">272</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Guchluk, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Gūr</i>, definition, <a href="#Page_24">24</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Gūr Amīr</i>, Tamerlane’s tomb, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Gūr-Khān</i>, title assumed by Ye-liu Ta-shi, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Gutschmid, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_10">10</a> <i>note</i>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_434">434</span></li>

<li class="indx">Guyard, S., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_133">133</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Hāji Biklās, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hajjāj, Khorāsān, appointments by, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">instructions to Kutayba, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_61">61</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hakīm Bi, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Haloxylon Ammodendron</i> (Saxaul), <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hamdullah Mustawfi, <i>quo.</i> <a href="#Page_125">125</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hami (Khamil), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hamza el-Khuzā`ī, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hamza Sultan, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hārith ibn Surayj, revolt against `Āsim, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">against Nasr, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Harthama, despatched to Samarkand, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Samarkand taken, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hasan Beg, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hasan ibn `Alī (Nizām ul-Mulk), <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hasan ibn Kahtaba, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hasan ibn Sabbāh, the Assassin, <a href="#Page_131">131</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hāshimites (<i>see <a href="#Abbasids">`Abbāsids</a></i>), <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hārūn (governor of Khwārazm) revolt, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hārūn er-Raschīd, <a href="#Page_95">95–97</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hayāthila (<i>see <a href="#Ephthalites">Ephthalites</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Hayyān, the Nabatæan, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hegira, the, <a href="#Page_35">35</a> and <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Herāt, importance of, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Ya`kūb, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">acquired by `Abdullah <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">`Alā ud-Dīn, master of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">plundered by Turkomans, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hexapolis, settlement of Sakas in, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hezārasp, identity with Zariaspa suggested, <a href="#Page_8">8</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hishām, Yezid <span class="smcap">II.</span> succeeded by, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Asad dismissed, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reinforcements sent to Junayd, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Junayd dismissed, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">`Asim dismissed, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hiung-nu (<i>see <a href="#Huns">Huns</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Holwan, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Horde, derivation, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hormuz <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hormuz <span class="smcap">III.</span>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hormuz <span class="smcap">IV.</span>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Howorth, Sir Henry, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a> <i>notes</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Huen-Tsang, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Humayd ibn Kahtaba, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Huns"></a>Huns (<i>see also <a href="#Ephthalites">Ephthalites</a> or <a href="#White_Huns">White Huns</a></i>), war with Tung-nu, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kaotsu’s troops surrounded, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeated and enrolled in Chinese Empire, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Slav progress impeded by, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hunter, Sir W. W., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_315">315</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Husayn, Amīr, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Husayn Khān, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Husayn Mīrzā (Sultan Husayn Baykara), <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Hyacinth, Father, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_149">149</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Ibn Hobayra, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ibrāhīm, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ikrān, <a href="#Page_145">145</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Il-Arslān, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ilbars, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Il-Kilij, <a href="#Page_138">138</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Ilik_Khan"></a>Ilik Khān, <a href="#Page_117">117–19</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Iliyās Khwāja Oghlān, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Iltūza Khān of Khiva, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ilyiās, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Imām Kulī Khān, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>India</b>—Alexander’s conquest of, date of setting out, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Seleucus defeated by Chandra Gupta, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Saka invasion, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Parthian characteristics on Saka coins, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Shāh Kator, title of chief of Chitral, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kashmir lost by Kushans, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Gangetic delta and Panjāb overrun by Tīmūr, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invasion by Nādir Shāh, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Peacock Throne, the, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>England</b> in—“Permanent Settlement,” the, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">methods compared with Russian in Central Asia, <a href="#Page_410">410–15</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fears of Russian absorption baseless, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">route of overland railway from England, <a href="#Page_317">317–19</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Irjai, battle of, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Irkutsk founded, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ishāk, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ishān Mohammad `Alī Khalīfa, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Iskandar the Uzbeg, <a href="#Page_191">191</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Iskander Kul, <a href="#Page_9">9</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Islam"></a>Islām</b>—definition, <a href="#Page_36">36</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">origin and rise, <a href="#Page_34">34–44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">spread of, on downfall of Sāmānides, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">established in Kābul, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sectarian dissensions, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kutayba’s zeal for, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Guchluk’s intolerance of, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_435">435</span></li>
<li class="isub1">embraced by immigrant Tibetan Turks to Balāsāghūn, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Moslems subject to enemies of faith, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">education, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">influence of mullās on government, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">impression left by Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">persecution of Christians (<i>see <a href="#Christianity">Christianity</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Isma`īl el-Muntazir, <a href="#Page_118">118</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Isma`īl ibn Ahmed, sent to Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeat of Nasr, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Nasr succeeded by, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">hostilities with `Amr, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">campaign against Turks, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Isma`īl, Shāh, the Safavī, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ispāhbād, definition, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Issus, overthrow of Darius <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Istakhr, capital of Persia under Ardashīr, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Istakhri, <i>quo.</i> <a href="#Page_46">46</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ivan <span class="smcap">IV.</span> (the Terrible), <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Ja`far el-Ash`ath, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ja`far ibn Yahya, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jahwar ibn Marrār el-`Ijlī, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jalāl-ud-Dīn, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jāmāsp, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jāni Khān, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Janibeg"></a>Jānībeg, Sultan, descent traced, <a href="#Page_193">190</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle with Bāber, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">made Kālgha, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">territory of, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jarrāh, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jaxartes (<i>see <a href="#Sir_Darya">Sir Daryā</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Jerusalem, conquered by Parvīz, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jews, condition in Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jighāya, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jizāk, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jornandes, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_225">225</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Juday` el Kirmānī, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Juen-Juen, conquests, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">subdued by Tumen and Mokan-khān, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jūjī Khān, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Junayd (Jandab) ibn `Abd er-Rahmān, <a href="#Page_72">72–75</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jurjān, importance of, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Justin, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a> <i>notes</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Juvayni, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Jūzajān, king of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Ka`ba (Cube), the, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kābul, overrun by Kushans, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Islam established in, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kādir (Kadr) Khān, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kahtaba ibn Shebīb, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kā´im, Caliph, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Kālgha</i>, title of heir-apparent among the Uzbegs, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kamāj, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Kandahar"></a>Kandahār (Arachosia, Gāndhāra, Kiphin), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kao-tsu, Emperor, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Karāchār Nuyān, ancestor of Tīmūr Leng, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Kara-Khitāys</b>—origin of empire, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Transoxiana tributary to, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sanjar defeated, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Khwārazm invaded, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Tekish aided, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rupture with Tekish and reconciliation, <a href="#Page_145">145–47</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">independence of, asserted by Mohammad Shāh, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Gūr-Khān dethroned by Guchluk, <a href="#Page_155">155–56</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">downfall of kingdom, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">urban life, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kara-Khānides (<i>see <a href="#Uighurs">Uīghūrs</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Karmā, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Kāshghar</b>—Juen-Juen masters of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupied by Great Yué-Chi, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Kutayba, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">by Kādir Khān, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">by the Tufghāj, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">by Ye-liu Ta-shi and made capital, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Seljūk suzerainty recognised, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in possession of Guchluk, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">part of Mongol Empire, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dialect, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kāsim Mohammad, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kasimovski, <a href="#Page_183">183</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Katti Tūra, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kauffman, General, appointed governor-general of Turkestān, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Samarkand taken, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kokand invaded, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Yomud Turkomans, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kavādh (<i>see <a href="#Kobad">Kobād</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Kāwurd (Kurd, Kādurd, Cawder), <a href="#Page_131">131</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kay-Khosrū, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kays ibn al-Haytham, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kazāks, the, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kazān (Karān) Khān, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kazghan, Amīr, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kerbelā, battle near, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kerz, siege of, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kesh (<i>see <a href="#Shahrisabz">Shahrisabz</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Khadīja, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khālid, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khālid ibn `Abdullah al-Kasrī, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khālid ibn Barmek, <a href="#Page_95">95</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Khalīfa</i> (<i>see <a href="#Caliphs">Caliphs</a></i>).<span class="pagenum" id="Page_436">436</span></li>

<li class="indx">Khalīl Sultan, <a href="#Page_173">173–76</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khamil (Hami), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khanikoff, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_207">207</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khānsālār, definition, <a href="#Page_141">141</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kharashar, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khārijites, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khātūn, Princess, <a href="#Page_40">40–42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khātūn Turkān, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khazars, force sent against Darbend, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khāzim ibn Khuzayma, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khidhr Khān, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khitā´ī, <a href="#Page_115">115</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khitan, definition, <a href="#Page_150">150</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khitāys (Khitā´ī) harassed by Kara-Khānides, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Khiva"></a>Khiva</b> (Khwārazm)—definition of Khwārazm, <a href="#Page_233">233</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Persians defeated by Ibn Āmir, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mufaddhal’s expeditions against, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Chighān aided by Kutayba, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Mahmūd, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">by Seljūks, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">anarchy in, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><a id="Khwarazm"></a>Khwārazm Shāhs, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144–48</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">tribute paid to Kara-Khitāys, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Chingiz, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overrun by Abū-l-Khayr, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Shaybānī Khān, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">made an independent principality, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolt against Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invasion of Bokhārā and subservience to, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conflict with Haydar, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Nādir Shāh, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Nasrullah’s hostile relations with, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Turkomans, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Russian conquest</b>, Cossack invasion, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">expedition against, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty concluded, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations in reign of Peter the Great, <a href="#Page_240">240–42</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treacherous conduct of Khivans, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Bokhāran campaign joined by Khiva, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">final conquest, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khodāydād, revolt against Khalīl Sultan, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khojend, surrender to Nasrullah, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">siege of, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Khorāsān</b> (Ta-hia)—conquered by Yué-Chi, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Caliph suzerain over, <a href="#Page_38">38–127</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rising in, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">massacre of inhabitants by `Abdullah, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">disorder in, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rising under Ustādsīs, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">various revolts, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rule of Tāhirides, <a href="#Page_102">102–5</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Ya`kūb master of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Ghaznavide rule, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Seljūk rule, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">ravaged by Atsiz, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">laid waste by Ghuz, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">acquired by Khwārazm-Shāhs, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overrun by Chingiz, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">acquired by Shāh Rukh, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in possession of Husayn Mīrzā, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Shaybānī Khān, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">by Shāh Isma`īl, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">by `Abdullah <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">incursions by Ma´sūm, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overrun by Tekkes, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">famine, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khorazmia, <a href="#Page_4">4</a> (<i>see also <a href="#Khwarazm">Khwārazm</a> and <a href="#Khiva">Khiva</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Khorzād, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khotan, Juen-Juen masters of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupied by Great Yué-Chi, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sultan harassed by Toghān Khān, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquest by Ye-liu Ta-shi, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khudā Yār, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khulayd ibn `Abdullah el-Hanafī, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khulum (Gori, Aornos), <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khunuk-Khudāt, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khwāja Ahrār, Nakshabandi, <a href="#Page_171">171</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khwāja Bahā ud-Dīn, founder of the Nakshabandis, <a href="#Page_170">170</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khwāja Nefes, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Khwārazm (<i>see <a href="#Khiva">Khiva</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Kibitka, definition, <a href="#Page_268">268</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kipchāks, struggle with Tīmūr, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolt against Khudā Yār, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kiphin (<i>see <a href="#Kandahar">Kandahār</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Kirghiz"></a>Kirghiz, origin and haunts of, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">characteristics, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conflict with Cossacks, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">submission of Middle Horde to Russia, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">raids on caravans, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kitolo, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kizil Arvat, workshops, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Klaproth, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_116">116</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Kobad"></a>Kobād, <a href="#Page_26">26–29</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Kokand</b>—invaded by Mozaffar ud-Dīn, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kipchāk rebellion against Khudā Yār, <a href="#Page_220">220–21</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Bokhārā suzerain over, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Russian conquest</b>, Ak Mechet taken, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Chimkent stormed, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Tashkent attacked and taken, <a href="#Page_247">247–49</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invasion of, and annexation, <a href="#Page_259">259–61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ko-lo, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Komaroff, General, Afghans attacked and routed, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_437">437</span></li>
<li class="isub1">Askabad founded by, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kiphin, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Koran, the, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Krasnovodsk, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kubilāy Khān, founder of Yuen dynasty, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kuchunji Khān, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">descent, <a href="#Page_193">190</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kūhistān, Turks defeated by Arabs at, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kulchanoff, Colonel, <a href="#Page_404">404</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kung-fu-tse (Confucius), <a href="#Page_14">14</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kurapatkine, Colonel Alexis, sent with reinforcements to General Skobeleff, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sketch of career, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">policy of Russia in Central Asia, <a href="#Page_338">338</a> and Appendix II.</li>

<li class="indx">Kurd (Kāwurd, Kādurd, Cawder), <a href="#Page_131">131</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kur-Maghānūn, Prince, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kūrsūl, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kushans (<i>see <a href="#Yue-Chi">Yué-Chi</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Kutayba ibn Muslim el-Bāhili, appointed governor of Khorāsān, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">expeditions to Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_46">46–55</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Nīzek’s rebellion, <a href="#Page_56">56–59</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">hostages of king of Jūzajān put to death, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Chighān aided, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Soghdiana invaded, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Shāsh, Khojend, and Kāshān reduced, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first Arab leader to establish Islām in place of Zoroastrian religion, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">zeal for Islām, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kāshghar conquered, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fall and death, <a href="#Page_63">63–66</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kutb ed-Dīn Mohammad, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kutluk, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Kwei-shuang (<i>see <a href="#Yue-Chi">Yué-Chi</a></i>).</li>

<li class="ifrst">Languages spoken in Samarkand and Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lao-tse, <a href="#Page_14">14</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Leignitz, battle of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lessar, M. P., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_265">265</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Liao-chi, <a href="#Page_139">139</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lohrāsp, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lomakin, General, governor of Transcaspian military district, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">expedition against Turkomans, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Lumsden, Sir Peter, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Maddāh, public entertainers, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mahmūd Bi, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mahmūd ibn Mohammad, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mahmūd ibn Melik, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mahmūd Khān, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Mahmud_of_Ghazna"></a>Mahmūd of Ghazna, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125–26</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Malcolm, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a> <i>notes</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Ma_mun"></a>Ma´mūn, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98–102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mangit dynasty (<i>see under <a href="#Uzbegs">Uzbegs</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Mansūr el-Himyari, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mansūr <span class="smcap">I.</span>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Marcanda (<i>see <a href="#Samarkand">Samarkand</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Margiana, annexed by Cyrus <span class="smcap">I.</span>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overrun by Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Greeks deprived of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a> (<i>see also <a href="#Merv">Merv</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Marvin, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_270">270</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Maslama, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Massagetæ, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mas`ūd ibn Mahmūd, <a href="#Page_126">126–28</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mas`ūd ibn Mohammad, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mas`ūd Khān, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ma´sūm (Shāh Murād), <a href="#Page_205">205–8</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mausoleum of Sanjar, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mavarā-un-Nahr (<i>see <a href="#Transoxiana">Transoxiana</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Maymena, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mazdak, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mecklenburg, Grand Dukes of, descent claimed from Wends, <a href="#Page_226">226</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Medīna, Mohammed’s flight to, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mekka, capital of Arabia, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mohammed’s flight from, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Melik Shāh, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131–33</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Melik Shāh <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mencius (Meng-tse), <a href="#Page_14">14</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Merūchak, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Merv"></a>Merv, “Queen of the World,” origin of title, <a href="#Page_44">44</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">custom regarding naming of children, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">capital of Khorāsān under Arab rule, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Muhallab, governor of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Yezīd, governor of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">entry of Abū Muslim into, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">standard of Hārith set up in, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">made capital of Caliphate, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">laid waste by Ghuz, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Ma´sūm, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Russia made suzerain over, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">railway to Samarkand, <a href="#Page_310">310–313</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">branch of railway to Kushk, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">irrigation of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">general description, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349–56</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Merv er-Rūd, storming of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Merwān <span class="smcap">I.</span>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Merwān, governor of Irāk, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Meyendorf, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_244">244</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mikā´īl, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_438">438</span></li>

<li class="indx">Miklositch, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_226">226</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mīr `Alī Shīr, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mīrāb, definition, <a href="#Page_332">332</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mīrkhwānd, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_101">101</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mīrzā Haydar, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mīrzā Husayn (Husayn Mīrzā), <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mirza Sikandar, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_185">185</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mithridates <span class="smcap">I.</span>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mithridates <span class="smcap">II.</span> (the Great), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mo`awiya <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Modharites, war with Yemenites, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">divisions of, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad (great-grandson of `Abbās), <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad `Ali, Khān of Khiva, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad Amīn Khān, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad Rahīm Bi, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad ibn Abū Sa`īd, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad ibn el-Ash`ath, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad ibn Mahmūd, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad ibn Melik, <a href="#Page_133">133</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad Khān ibn Nasr, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad Khān ibn Sulaymān, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad Khwārazm Shāh, <a href="#Page_145">145</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammad Shaybānī (Shāhī Beg), <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammed (Prophet), <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mohammedanism (<i>see <a href="#Islam">Islām</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Mokan-khān, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mokanna` (veiled prophet of Khorāsān), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mokhallad, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mollā Khān, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Mongols</b>—early history, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">divisions of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">religions, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">civilisation of, attributed to Tatatungo, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">nomadic habits, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invasion of Central Asia, <a href="#Page_155">155–60</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Russia invaded, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">influence on Russian character and characteristics, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dissensions among, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Russian attempts to throw off Mongol yoke, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">decline of power, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Moscow, rise of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mongol attacks on, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Moser, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_262">262</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mostadhhir, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mothé, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mu`ayyad, governor of Nīshāpūr, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mu`ayyad ud-Dawlé, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mu`āz ibn Muslim, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mufaddhal, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mughal, first use of word, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Muhallab, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Muir, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_38">38</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mukīm Khān, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Muktadi, Caliph, death of, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mulabbab esh-Shaybāni, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Müller, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_39">39</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Murghāb, the, <a href="#Page_333">333–35</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Musayyah ibn Zobayr, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Muslim ibn Sa`īd, the Kilābite, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mu`tadhid, <a href="#Page_109">109–10</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mu`tamid, Caliph, <a href="#Page_104">104–05</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Mutawakkil, Caliph, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Muwaffak, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Muzaffar ud-Dīn (Sayyid Muzaffar ud-Dīn), <a href="#Page_219">219–21</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Nādir Shāh, <a href="#Page_200">200–3</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nahāvend, Zoroastrians defeated by Arabs at, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captured by Hāshimite troops, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Nakshabandi</i>, order of dervishes, <a href="#Page_170">170</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Naphthalites (<i>see <a href="#Ephthalites">Ephthalites</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Narshakhi, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a> <i>notes</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nāsir, Caliph, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nasr ibn Ahmed, <a href="#Page_105">105–8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nasr ibn Sayyār, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77–83</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nasrullah Khān, <a href="#Page_211">211–19</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nautaca, district covered by, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nawrūz Ahmed, <a href="#Page_191">191</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nāzir Mohammad, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nestorius, followers persecuted by Tamerlane, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ney, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a> <i>notes</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nicator (Seleucus <span class="smcap">I.</span>), <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nijni Novogorod, building of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">a principality, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nīshāpūr, conquest ascribed to Shāpūr, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>; <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nīzak Tarkhūn, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nizām ul-Mulk (Hasan ibn `Alī), <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nīzek, peace concluded with Kutayba, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rebellion and death, <a href="#Page_56">56–59</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nöldeke, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_22">22</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Novogorod, a republic, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">added to Russia by Vassili <span class="smcap">III.</span>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Vladimir of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nūh <span class="smcap">III.</span>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_439">439</span></li>

<li class="indx">Nūh, Amīr of Samarkand, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nūr Verdi Khān, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Nūshtegin, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">O’Donovan, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_42">42</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ogdāy, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Oliver, W. E. E., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_161">161</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Omar Bi, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Omar, Caliph, assassination of, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Omar ibn `Abd ul-`Azīz, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Omar ibn Hobayra, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Omar Khān, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Omar Khayyām, <a href="#Page_131">131</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Omar Shaykh, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Omāra ibn Horaym, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Omsk acquired by Russia, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Orenburg, founding of, and importance for caravans, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defective as basis for expeditions, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Orkhon inscriptions, <a href="#Page_29">29</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Oshrūsana, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Othmān, prince of Samarkand, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Osmānlīs, origin of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ossipoff, story of, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Othmān, Caliph, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Oxus (<i>see <a href="#Amu_Darya">Amū Daryā</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Oxyartes, father of Roxana, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Palestine, conquest by Arabs, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Damascus and Jerusalem conquered by Parvīz, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Damascus stormed by Tīmūr, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pamirs, birthplace of Aryan race, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">commission to demarcate English and Russian influence on, <a href="#Page_303">303–5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Panchao, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Panjakand, identified with Bishkand, <a href="#Page_187">187</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pāpak, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Paropamisus mountains, boundary of Bactria, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Parthia, <a href="#Page_11">11–13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Greeks deprived of Margiana by, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">encounters with the Yué-Chi, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overthrow of dynasty by Ardashīr, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Parthians identical with Turkomans, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">characteristics on early Indian Saka coins, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Parvīz, “the Victorious” (Chosrau <span class="smcap">II.</span>), <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pasargadæ, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Perofski, Count, expedition against Khiva, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Persepolis, plundered by Alexander, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Persia</b>—Bactria annexed to, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">condition in third century, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Ardashīr, king of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">famine in, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">loss of eyesight a bar to ruling, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Arab conquest, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">acquired by Turks, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overrun by troops of Tīmūr, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Bākī Mohammad, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Nādir Shāh, <a href="#Page_200">200–3</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Turkomans, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269–72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Persian literary language in time of Tāhirides, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Parthia (<i>see that <a href="#CHAPTER_II">title</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Peter the Great, <a href="#Page_240">240–42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Petra Oxiana, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Petrofsky, M., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_371">371</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Petrusevitch, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a> <i>notes</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Philippus of Elymeus, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Phraates, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pīr Mohammad, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pīr Mohammad, grandson of Tīmūr, the Uzbeg, <a href="#Page_191">191</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pīrūz, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pishagar, destroyed by Nasrullah, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Polotsk, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Poole, Mr. S. Lane, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_60">60</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Powers, the Great, Russian circular to, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, Appendix I.</li>

<li class="indx">Price, Major, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_161">161</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Pskov, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Rabī` ibn Ziyād el-Hārithī, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rāfi` ibn Harthama, appointed governor of Khorāsān, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">peace between Nasr and Isma`īl, obtained by, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">murder of, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rāfi` ibn Layth, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rahīm Bi, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Railways (<i>see under <a href="#Russia">Russia</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Rāmtīna, conquered by Ubaydullah ibn Ziyād, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rapson, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_16">16</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Rāvandis, the, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Raverty, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_120">120</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Riazan, Russian principality, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Risālachi</i>, public entertainers, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Romanovski, General, General Chernaieff superseded by, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle of Irjai, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Romans</b>, struggle with Mithridates, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_440">440</span></li>
<li class="isub1">Kushan Empire recognised by, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Shāpūr <span class="smcap">I.</span> at war with, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Bahrām Gūr, and truce, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rupture between Pīrūz and Ephthalites attributed to, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">hostilities with Kobād, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Hormuz <span class="smcap">IV.</span>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">alliance between Turks and Persians regarded with apprehension by, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeated by Arabs, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first Turkish invasion of Rome, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Roxana, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Russia"></a>Russia</b>—ethnological origin of Russians, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">influence of physical surroundings, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">growth of cities, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">origin of serfs, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">origin, customs, and territory of Slavs, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">growth of princely rule, <a href="#Page_228">228–31</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">introduction of Christianity and influence of priests upon government, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">feudalism introduced from Germany, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mongol invasion and results, <a href="#Page_233">233–34</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mongolian yoke thrown off by Vassili the Great, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">growth of Moscow, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Cossack invasion of Siberia, <a href="#Page_238">238–39</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Khiva</b>, Bekovitch expedition, <a href="#Page_240">240–42</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Perofski expedition, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquest, <a href="#Page_257">257–59</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Kokand</b>, invasion of, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Tashkent taken, <a href="#Page_247">247–49</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">action with Khān of Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">annexation, <a href="#Page_259">259–61</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Bokhārā</b>, mission to, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquest, <a href="#Page_250">250–57</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">general description, <a href="#Page_357">357–85</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Samarkand</b>, annexation, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">general description, <a href="#Page_386">386–407</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Turkomania</b>, conquest of, <a href="#Page_285">285–97</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle of Geok Teppe, <a href="#Page_292">292–97</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Merv acquired, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">administration in Transcaspia, <a href="#Page_325">325–39</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Afghanistān</b>, joint commission with England to demarcate northern boundary, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">skirmish with Afghans, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">result of deliberations, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">commission to demarcate English and Russian influence on Pamirs, <a href="#Page_303">303–5</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">condition of roads in Central Asia, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">methods of dealing with Orientals compared with English, <a href="#Page_410">410–15</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">desirability of union with England, <a href="#Page_414">414–16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Railways</b>, used by military transport between Caspian and Amū Daryā, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overland route to India, <a href="#Page_317">317–19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Transcaspian Railway, construction, <a href="#Page_307">307–13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">branch lines, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316–17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">importance of and effect on Central Asian commerce, <a href="#Page_313">313–15</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">journey described, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Sabuktagin, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sacæ (<i>see <a href="#Scythians">Scythians</a>, <a href="#Sakas">Sakas</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Sadr-i-sharī`at</i>, influence of, in towns of Transoxiana, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sāghir Beg, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sa`īd ibn `Abd ul-`Azīz, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sa`īd ibn `Amr el-Harashī, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sa`īd ibn `Othmān, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sālih ibn Nasr, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Salm ibn Ziyād, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Salors, the, territory of, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">settlement at Zarābād, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sāmān, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sāmānides, the, <a href="#Page_109">109–18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Transoxiana wrested from, and territory subsequently owned by, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Samarkand"></a>Samarkand</b> (Marcanda)—besieged by Spitamenes and relieved, <a href="#Page_7">7–8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">stormed by Sa`īd ibn `Othmān, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taken by Harthama, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieged and taken by Chingiz, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taken by Khān of Jatah, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">improvement under Tīmūr, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">capital transferred to, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">throne seized by Khalīl Sultan, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">plundered by Uzbegs, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">beautifying of, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fall of Tīmūr’s dynasty and accession of Mohammad Khān Shaybāni, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captured by Zahīr ud-Dīn Bāber, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sub-dynasty abolished, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrender to Russians, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">citadel defended against Sarts, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">incorporated with Turkestān, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">railways from Merv, <a href="#Page_310">310–13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to Tashkent, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">height above sea, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">the Rīgistān, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">mosques and tombs, <a href="#Page_391">391–95</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Urda, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Russian quarter, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">mineral wealth, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">trade and industries, <a href="#Page_398">398–401</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">professional story-tellers and legends, <a href="#Page_401">401–3</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">administration, <a href="#Page_404">404–7</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">summary of history, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dialect, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sanjar, Sultan, parentage, <a href="#Page_133">133</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">governor of Khorāsān, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mahmūd succeeded by, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolt of Atsiz, <a href="#Page_138">138–40</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeat of Kara-Khitāys, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_441">441</span></li>
<li class="isub1">by Turkomans, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">irrigation of Merv, work of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fall and death, <a href="#Page_140">140–42</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">tomb, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sarakhs, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sardār, definition, <a href="#Page_274">274</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sārikhs, the, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Saripul, established by Alexander, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sarkār, definition, <a href="#Page_333">333</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sarts, definition, <a href="#Page_245">245</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sāsānides, the, <a href="#Page_22">22–33</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death of Yezdijerd, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Satuk Boghrā Khān, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Saura ibn el-Hurr, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Saxaul (<i>haloxylon ammodendron</i>), <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sayyid `Abdul Ahad, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sayyid el-Harashī, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sayyid Haydar Tūra, <a href="#Page_208">208–10</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sayyid Mīr `Alīm, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sayyid Muzaffar ud-Dīn, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">expedition against and submission to Russia, <a href="#Page_250">250–56</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Schefer, Ed., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_50">50</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Schuyler, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_254">254</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Scythians"></a>Scythians</b>—Arsaces (<i>see that <a href="#Arsaces">title</a></i>), defeated by Alexander, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Thogari, the, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b><a id="Sakas"></a>Sakas</b>, Phraates slain by, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">portion of Bactria wrested from, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">settlement in Hexapolis, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">expulsion from Soghdiana and subsequent fate, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">settlement in Bactria and subsequent expulsion, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">driven from Kiphin by Kushans, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sé (<i>see <a href="#Scythians">Scythians</a>, <a href="#Sakas">Sakas</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Sefīd-Jāmegān</i>, followers of Mokanna`, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Seljūks, the, districts invaded by, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">origin of, and founders, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mahmūd’s expedition against, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rise of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty with Ibrāhīm;</li>
<li class="isub1">Khwārazm conquered, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">division into various branches, and downfall of authority, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">various rules (<i>see their names</i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Seleucus <span class="smcap">I.</span> (Nicator), <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Semirechensk, extent of, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Serikūl, settlement of Sakas in, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shāba, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shaburgān, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shād Mulkh, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Shah_Ismail"></a>Shāh Isma`īl, the Safavī, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shāh Kator, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shāh Mahmūd Sultan, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Shah_Murad"></a>Shāh Murād (Ma´sūm), <a href="#Page_205">205–8</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shāh Rukh, <a href="#Page_174">174–76</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shāhī Beg (Mohammad Shaybānī), <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Shahrisabz"></a>Shahrisabz, `Abdullah (son of Amīr Kazghan) defeated at, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attacked by Nasrullah, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolt, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">subdued by General Abramoff, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shāpūr (brother of Ardashīr), <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shāpūr <span class="smcap">I.</span>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shāpūr, conquest of, ascribed to Shāpūr I., <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shāsh, king of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shaybānī Khān (Shāhī Beg), <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Shaybānides (<i>see <a href="#Uzbegs">Uzbegs</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Shaykh Nūr-ed-Dīn, revolt against Khalīl Sultan, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shen-Yü, title borne by Juen-Juen chiefs, <a href="#Page_21">21</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shi`ites, origin of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolt in Khorāsān, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in Daylam, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><a href="#Ma_mun">Ma´mūn</a>, <a href="#Shah_Ismail">Shāh Isma`īl</a>, etc. (<i>see those titles</i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Shugnān, Sakas established in, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Shukovski, Prof., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_141">141</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sibir captured, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sīhūn (<i>see <a href="#Sir_Darya">Sir Daryā</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Sinbad, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Sir_Darya"></a>Sir Daryā, northern boundary of Turkestān, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">chain of Russian forts on, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Sistan"></a>Sīstān (Drangiana), occupied by Sakas, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Pīrūz made governor, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Arab expedition, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Shāh Rukh, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Siyāwush, <a href="#Page_115">115</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Skobeleff, Michael Dmitriavitch, governor of Kokand, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Russian policy in Central Asia, <a href="#Page_339">339</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">anecdote, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">exploits, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Smolensk, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Soghd, assistance rendered to Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Kutayba, and treaty, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolt against chief, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captured by Zahīr ud-Dīn Bāber, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Soghdiana</b>—annexation by Cyrus <span class="smcap">I.</span>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolt against Alexander, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">subdued by Alexander, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">loss of Grecian power in, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">expulsion of Sakas by Yué-Chi, and re-occupation, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolt in, and invasion by Kutayba, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_442">442</span></li>
<li class="isub1">retreats of Asad, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Spitamenes, Bessus betrayed by, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rebellion against Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_7">7–8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stadium, definition, <a href="#Page_7">7</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stasanor, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stewart, Colonel C., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_315">315</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stoddart, Colonel, mission to Bokhārā, and death, <a href="#Page_217">217–18</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stolietoff, General, Krasnovodsk founded by, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Strabo, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_13">13</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Strogonoff, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stumm, Hugo, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a> <i>notes</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Stylites, Joseph, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Su (<i>see <a href="#Scythians">Scythians</a>, <a href="#Sakas">Sakas</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Sū</i>, definition, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Subhān Kulī Khān, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sukhrā (Zermihr), <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sulaymān Shāh (governor of Khwārazm), <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sulaymān (son of `Abd ul-Melik), accession to Caliphate, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kutayba’s letters to, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sultan `Ali, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sultan Girāy, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sultan Hamza, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sultan Husayn Baykara (Husayn Mīrzā), <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sultan Jānībeg (<i>see <a href="#Janibeg">Jānībeg</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Sultan Khalīl, <a href="#Page_173">173–76</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sultan Mohammad Khwārazm Shāh, <a href="#Page_145">145</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Sultan Shāh Mahmūd, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Suyunjik, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Suzdal, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Syria, conquered by Arabs, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Tabari, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_25">25</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tabaristān, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tāhir ibn `Amr, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tāhirides, the, Tāhir, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Talha and `Abdullah, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Tāhir <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeated by Ya`kūb, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">length of rule, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Persian literary language in time of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Taigir, Ye-liu Ta-shi, also known as, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">T’ai-tsu (Apaoki), <a href="#Page_137">137</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tāi Yāng, Khān, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tājiki dialect, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tājiks, the, origin and characteristics, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Iranian branch of Aryans represented by, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Talha, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tālikān, battle at, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tanaïs (Don), Sir Daryā, mistaken for, by Alexander the Great, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tanap, definition, <a href="#Page_362">362</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tandar, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tanga, value of, <a href="#Page_212">212</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Tarikh-i-Rashidi</i>, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tashkent, siege and storming of, by Colonel Chernaieff, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">made capital of Turkestān, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">railway to, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tatatungo, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tchinghiz (<i>see <a href="#Chingiz">Chingiz</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Tea, importation of, to Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Chāy Kabūd, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tekish, <a href="#Page_145">145–47</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tekkes (<i>see <a href="#Turkomans">Turkomans</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Temūchin (<i>see <a href="#Chingiz">Chingiz</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Thogari, the, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Thomson, E. C. Ringler, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_324">324</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Timur_Leng"></a>Tīmūr Leng (Tamerlane), <a href="#Page_168">168–72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquests, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">brilliancy of age, <a href="#Page_179">179–82</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fall of dynasty, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tīmūr Shāh Oghlān, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tiridates, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tiu-ping, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tobolsk, building of, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Toghān Khān, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Toghrul Beg, parentage, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mas`ūd defeated by, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquests and death, <a href="#Page_129">129–30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Toghrul, Khān of the Keraits, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Toghrul <span class="smcap">III.</span>, overthrown by Tekish, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tokhāristān, Yué-Chi settlement in, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Persians masters of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">occupied by Al-Hakam, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">incorporated with Transoxiana, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tokhtamish Khān, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a> <i>note</i>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Transcaspia"></a>Transcaspia</b>—boundaries and physical features, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">productions and industries, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">administration, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taxation, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">transport, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">irrigation methods, <a href="#Page_331">331–34</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">education, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">drunkenness, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">statistics of crime, <a href="#Page_327">327–28</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">epidemics, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><a id="Turkomans"></a>Turkomans (<i>see that <a href="#CHAPTER_P2_IV">title</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx"><b><a id="Transoxiana"></a>Transoxiana</b>—Yué-Chi powerful in, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_443">443</span></li>
<li class="isub1">Ephthalites in, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">tribes defeated by Bahrām Gūr, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Turks masters of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">suggested conquest by Anūshirawān, <a href="#Page_30">30</a> <i>note</i>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kutayba’s expeditions to, <a href="#Page_47">47–55</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Turks driven out, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolt of Nīzek, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reduced by `Omāra ibn Horaym, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Rāfi` master of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">governorship held by Sāmānides, <a href="#Page_105">105–13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fall of Sāmānides, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Melik Shāh master of, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kara-Khitāys in possession of, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">inherited by Chaghatāy, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Amīr Kazghan master of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Bayān Seldūz and Hāji Birlās rulers of, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invaded by Khān of Jatah, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sultan Khalīl in possession of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Ulugh Beg governor of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invasion by `Abd ul-Latīf, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Abū Sa`īd master of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">condition under Sultan Ahmad, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Uzbeg rule in, <a href="#Page_184">184–92</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Bāber master of, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Tokhāristān and Badakshān incorporated with, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Astrakhan dynasty in, <a href="#Page_192">192–203</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dialect in, <a href="#Page_180">180</a> (<i>see also <a href="#Bokhara">Bokhārā</a>, <a href="#Samarkand">Samarkand</a>, etc.</i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Tsin Chi Hwang-ti, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tufghāj, the, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tūghluk Tīmūr Khān, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tūkā Tīmūr, <a href="#Page_183">183</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tu-kiué, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tukta, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tūlī, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tulun, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tumen, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Tung-nu (Eastern Tartars), war with Hiung-nu, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><a id="Yue-Chi"></a>Yué-Chi (<i>see that <a href="#CHAPTER_III">title</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Turkān, Queen, <a href="#Page_142">142–45</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Turkestān</b>—boundaries and earliest references, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Turkish migration to, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Ye-liu Ta-shi, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">social conditions under successors of Chaghatāy, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">partly overrun by Abū-l-Khayr, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attacked by Kokandis, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">made frontier district, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">governor-general appointed to, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Samarkand incorporated with, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><a id="Kokand"></a>Kokand incorporated, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dialect, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Turkī dialect, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Turkomans</b>—derivation, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">branch of Western Turks, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">migration, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">various tribes, <a href="#Page_266">266–68</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">government of, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">growth of hereditary principle, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">raids, <a href="#Page_274">274–76</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">slavery, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">horses of, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">appearance and dress, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">characteristics, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">weaving, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">extent and physical features of territory, <a href="#Page_262">262–65</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeat by Uzbegs, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conflicts with Persia, <a href="#Page_267">267–68</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269–70</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conflict with Khiva, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Merv occupied by, <a href="#Page_269">269–72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><b>Russian conquest</b>, war of extermination by General Kauffman, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">expedition of Lomakin, <a href="#Page_286">286–87</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">of Skobeleff, <a href="#Page_289">289–99</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">battle of Geok Teppe, <a href="#Page_291">291–97</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Transcaspia (<i>see that <a href="#Transcaspia">title</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Turks</b>—divisions of, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">migrations, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Persians, <a href="#Page_30">30–32</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeated by Rabī` ibn Ziyād, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Islām embraced by Turks in Balāsāghūn, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><a href="#Kirghiz">Kirghiz</a>, <a href="#Turkomans">Turkomans</a>, <a href="#Uzbegs">Uzbegs</a>, etc. (<i>see those titles</i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Tver, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">`Ubaydullah ibn Ziyād, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Ubaydullah (son of Subhān Kulī Khān), <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">`Ubaydullah, Sultan, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_193">190</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Uighurs"></a>Uīghūrs (Kara-Khānides), <a href="#Page_114">114–22</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first mention of name, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Sakas intermixed with, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">urban life, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ujfalvy, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_17">17</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ulugh Beg, governor of Transoxiana, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">proclaimed emperor, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">murdered by son, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">arithmetician and astronomer, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Umayya ibn `Abdullah ibn Khālid, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Umayyads, the, various Caliphs (<i>see their titles</i>);</li>
<li class="isub1">descent of Umayya traced, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">origin of dispute with `Abbāsids, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">downfall, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Urdu Bālik, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ustādsīs, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Usuns, territory of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Uzbegī dialect, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Uzbegs"></a>Uzbegs, the, <a href="#Page_183">183–93</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kazaks, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">characteristics, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_444">444</span></li>
<li class="isub1">Samarkand plundered by, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">mastery gained over Sultan Ahmad, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Mangit dynasty, <a href="#Page_204">204–21</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Valerian, Emperor, captured by Shāpūr <span class="smcap">I.</span>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vāli Mahammad, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vambéry, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_39">39</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vardān, battle of, <a href="#Page_52">52–54</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vardān-Khudāt, the, king of Bokhārā, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Varkā, <a href="#Page_49">49</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vassili <span class="smcap">I.</span>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vassili <span class="smcap">III.</span>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vassilief, Prof., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_149">149</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">“Veiled Prophet of Khorāsān” (Mokanna`), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Veliaminof-Zernof, M., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a> <i>seq.</i></li>

<li class="indx">Veneti, plains of Eastern Europe invaded by, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vine cultivation in Samarkand, <a href="#Page_399">399–401</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vladimir, building of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Vladimir of Novogorod, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Von Hammer, J., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_133">133</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Von Struve, Colonel, <a href="#Page_251">251</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Wakī`, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Weaving, tradition concerning, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Weil, <i>quo.</i> <a href="#Page_87">87</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wei-wu-rh, Kara-Khānides known to Chinese as, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Welīd, Caliph, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wends, the, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wheeled traffic on Persian roads, <a href="#Page_27">27</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">White Horde, the, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="White_Huns"></a>White Huns (<i>see <a href="#Ephthalites">Ephthalites</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Wolff, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_170">170</a> <i>note</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Wu-ti, Emperor, alliance with Yué-Chi, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Yādgār Mīrzā, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yahya, Amīr of Shāsh, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ya`kūb ibn Layth, <a href="#Page_103">103–5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yamuds, the, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yani Kurgān, conquered by Russians, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yār Mohammad Khān, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yarkand, occupied by Great Yué-Chi, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquered by Ye-liu Ta-shi, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dialect of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yarkand Daryā, Sakas driven to upper valleys of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yaroslav the Wise, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Yatīmatu ’d-Dahr</i>, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_111">111</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ye-liu Ta-shi, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yemenites, war with Modharites, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yenekale, Straits of (Caucasian Bosphorus), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yetha (<i>see <a href="#Ephthalites">Ephthalites</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Yezdijerd <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yezdijerd <span class="smcap">III.</span>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yezīd ibn Mazyad, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yezīd ibn Merwān, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yezīd ibn Muhallab, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64–70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yezīd <span class="smcap">II.</span>, <a href="#Page_69">69–71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yissugāy, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Y-li, <a href="#Page_139">139</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><b>Yué-Chi</b>—extent of empire, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">divisions of, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">alliance with China, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Bactria in possession of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">encounters with Parthians, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Kushan clan, sovereignty of, recognised, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">founder of Little Yué-Chi, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fall of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yule, Colonel, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_19">19</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yūsuf, Alp Arslān killed by, <a href="#Page_131">131</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Yūsuf ibn Ibrāhīm (El-Barm), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="ifrst">Zāb, battle of the, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"><i>Zafar-Nāmé</i>, Life of Tamerlane, two works of that name, <a href="#Page_168">168</a> <i>note</i>.</li>

<li class="indx"><a id="Zahir_ud-Din_Baber"></a>Zahīr ud-Dīn Bāber, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Uzbegs, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Zarafshān, Bokhārā watered by, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">cultivation of cotton on banks of, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Zariaspa, identification of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Zelenoi, General, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Zermihr (Sukhrā), <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Zernof, Veliaminof, M., <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a> <i>notes</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Zingis (<i>see <a href="#Chingiz">Chingiz</a></i>).</li>

<li class="indx">Ziyād (brother of Caliph Mo`awiya), <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Ziyād, governor of Samarkand, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Zoroastrianism, toleration of, provided in truce between Rome and Bahrām Gūr, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">supplanted by Islām, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolt of Sinbad, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Zotenberg’s translation of Tabari, <i>cited</i> <a href="#Page_67">67</a> <i>notes</i>, <i>passim</i>.</li>

<li class="indx">Zulkarnayn, or Two Horned, title of Alexander, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>

<li class="indx">Zungaria, Sakas driven to, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
</ul>
</div></div>

<div class="chapter"><div class="transnote">
<h2 class="nobreak p1" id="Transcribers_Notes">Transcriber’s Notes</h2>

<p>Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant
preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed. Due
to the large number of transliterated/accented words, no attempt was
made to check spelling in this eBook.</p>

<p>Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced
quotation marks retained.</p>

<p>Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained; occurrences of
inconsistent hyphenation have not been changed.</p>

<p>Transcriber has attempted to show macrons, `ayns, and hamzas as
they were printed in the source book, using the accent grave (`) to
represent `ayn, and the accent acute (´) to represent hamza. However:
as with English words, when there was a predominant transliterated
spelling, with or without such marks, variants were changed to match
them. All-caps words, such as the ones in headings and illustration
captions, generally were unmarked in the source book, but are shown
here with the marks.</p>

<p>Frequent occurrences of variants of some words were retained here,
including:</p>

<p class="in0 in4">
`Othmān, `Othman;<br />
`Irāk, Irāk;<br />
Islām, Islam;<br />
Bokhara, Bokhāra, Bokhārā.
</p>

<p>Illustrations have been moved to fall between paragraphs, so the
page numbers in the List of Illustration do not always correspond to
the positions in this eBook. In versions of this eBook that support
hyperlinks, the links lead directly to the correct illustrations.</p>

<p>Footnotes originally began on the same pages as the text that referred
to them. In this eBook, the footnotes have been collected together,
renumbered sequentially, and moved to just precede the Index.</p>

<p>Index not systematically checked for proper alphabetization, correct
page references, or spelling that matched the referenced text.
When spelling differences were found between Index entries and the
referenced text, the Index was changed to match the text.</p>

<p>Index referenced footnotes by the page numbers on which they appeared.
The footnotes have been moved to the end of this eBook, but those
references still are to their original pages.</p>

<p>Page <a href="#Page_48">48</a>: Unmatched opening quotation mark before “the efforts”.</p>

<p>Page 102 (<a href="#Footnote_217">footnote</a>): “Abdullāh” was printed that way; all other
occurrences in the book were printed as “`Abdullah”.</p>

<p>Page <a href="#Page_124">124</a>: “Leignitz” was printed that way in the text and the Index.</p>

<p>Page <a href="#Page_131">131</a>: Date errors. The Christian year “1063” was converted
incorrectly: it should be 1073. Later in the same paragraph, the A.H.
date “446” is a typographical error for “466”.</p>

<p>Page <a href="#Page_193">193</a>: The Geneaolgy chart originally appeared on page 190, but was
moved to the end of the chapter so that it would not interrupt the flow
of the narrative. Consequently, all Index references to page 190 will be
found at the <a href="#appanges">bottom</a> of page 193 (the links have been adjusted to do this).</p>

<p>Page <a href="#Page_215">215</a>: “western frontier” may be a misprint for “eastern frontier”.</p>

<p>Page <a href="#Page_371">371</a>: “bibliophils” was printed that way.</p>
</div></div>








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