summaryrefslogtreecommitdiff
path: root/57152-0.txt
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 57152 ***












                           Transcriber’s Note


When italics were used in the original book, the corresponding text has
been surrounded by _underscores_. Superscripted characters are preceded
by ^.

Some corrections have been made to the printed text. These are listed in
a second transcriber’s note at the end of the text.




[Illustration: Canoe of New Zealand.]




                                  THE

                                 THREE

                                VOYAGES

                                   OF

                           CAPTAIN JAMES COOK

                            ROUND THE WORLD.

                                COMPLETE

                           In Seven Volumes.

                             --------------

                      _WITH MAP AND OTHER PLATES._

                             --------------

                                VOL. II.
                 BEING THE SECOND OF THE FIRST VOYAGE.

                             --------------

                                LONDON:
                              PRINTED FOR
                 LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,
                            PATERNOSTER-ROW.
                                 1821.




                                CONTENTS

                                   OF

                          _THE SECOND VOLUME_.


                             --------------

                              FIRST VOYAGE.

                                BOOK II.

                               CHAP. VII.

                                                                   Page

 Range from Cape Turnagain southward along the eastern coast of    1
   Poenammoo, round Cape South, and back to the western Entrance
   of Cook’s Strait, which completed the Circumnavigation of this
   Country; with a Description of the Coast, and of Admiralty Bay.
   The Departure from New Zealand, and various Particulars

                               CHAP. VIII.

 A general Account of New Zealand; its first Discovery, Situation, 24
   Extent, Climate, and Productions

                                CHAP. IX.

 A Description of the Inhabitants, their Habitations, Apparel,     34
   Ornaments, Food, Cookery, and Manner of Life

                                CHAP. X.

 Of the Canoes and Navigation of the Inhabitants of New Zealand;   49
   their Tillage, Weapons, and Music; Government, Religion, and
   Language: with some Reasons against the Existence of a Southern
   Continent

                                BOOK III.

                                CHAP. I.

 The Run from New Zealand to Botany Bay, on the East Coast of New  67
   Holland, now called New South Wales; various Incidents that
   happened there; with some Account of the Country and its
   Inhabitants

                                CHAP. II.

 The Range from Botany Bay to Trinity Bay; with a farther Account  91
   of the Country, its Inhabitants, and Productions

                               CHAP. III.

 Dangerous Situation of the Ship in her Course from Trinity Bay to 127
   Endeavour River

                                CHAP. IV.

 Transactions while the Ship was refitting in Endeavour River.—A   139
   Description of the adjacent Country, its Inhabitants, and
   Productions

                                CHAP. V.

 Departure from Endeavour River.—A particular Description of the   170
   Harbour there, in which the Ship was refitted, the adjacent
   Country, and several Islands near the Coast.—The Range from
   Endeavour River to the Northern Extremity of the Country, and
   the Dangers of that Navigation

                                CHAP. VI.

 Departure from New South Wales.—A particular Description of the   202
   Country, its Products and People.—A Specimen of the Language,
   and some Observations upon the Currents and Tides

                               CHAP. VII.

 The Passage from New South Wales to New Guinea, with an Account   228
   of what happened upon landing there

                               CHAP. VIII.

 The Passage from New Guinea to the Island of Savu, and the        240
   Transactions there

                                CHAP. IX.

 A particular Description of the Island of Savu, its Produce and   258
   Inhabitants, with a Specimen of their Language

                                CHAP. X.

 The Run from the Island of Savu to Batavia, and an Account of the 280
   Transactions there while the Ship was refitting

                                CHAP. XI.

 Some Account of Batavia, and the adjacent Country, with their     299
   Fruits, Flowers, and other Productions

                               CHAP. XII.

 Some Account of the Inhabitants of Batavia, and the adjacent      322
   Country, their Manners. Customs, and Manner of Life

                               CHAP. XIII.

 The Passage from Batavia to the Cape of Good Hope.—Some Account   339
   of Prince’s Island, and its Inhabitants, and a comparative View
   of their Language, with the Malay and Javanese

                               CHAP. XIV.

 Our Arrival at the Cape of Good Hope.—Some Remarks on the Run     352
   from Java Head to that Place.—A Description of the Cape and of
   Saint Helena.—With some Account of the Hottentots, and the
   Return of the Ship to England




                                   AN

                                ACCOUNT

                                  OF A

                        VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD,

                     IN 1768, 1769, 1770, AND 1771.

                             --------------




                                BOOK II.

                               CHAP. VII.

     RANGE FROM CAPE TURNAGAIN SOUTHWARD ALONG THE EASTERN COAST OF
POENAMMOO, ROUND CAPE SOUTH, AND BACK TO THE WESTERN ENTRANCE OF COOK’S
 STREIGHT, WHICH COMPLETED THE CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THIS COUNTRY; WITH A
 DESCRIPTION OF THE COAST, AND OF ADMIRALTY BAY: THE DEPARTURE FROM NEW
                   ZEALAND, AND VARIOUS PARTICULARS.


AT four o’clock in the afternoon of Friday the 9th of February, we
tacked, and stood S. W. till eight o’clock the next morning; when, being
not above three or four miles from the shore, we stood off two hours,
and then again S. W. till noon, when, at the distance of about two miles
from the shore, we had twenty-six fathom water.

We continued to make sail to the southward till sunset on the 11th, when
a fresh breeze at N. E. had carried us back again the length of Cape
Palliser, of which as the weather was clear we had a good view. It is of
a height sufficient to be seen in clear weather at the distance of
twelve or fourteen leagues, and the land is of a broken and hilly
surface. Between the foot of the high land and the sea there is a low
flat border, off which there are some rocks that appear above water.
Between this Cape and Cape Turnagain, the land near the shore is, in
many places, low and flat, and has a green and pleasant appearance; but
farther from the sea it rises into hills. The land between Cape Palliser
and Cape Tierawitte is high and makes in table-points; it also seemed to
us to form two bays, but we were at too great a distance from this part
of the coast to judge accurately from appearances. The wind having been
variable, with calms, we had advanced no farther by the 12th at noon
than latitude 41° 52ʹ, Cape Palliser then bearing north, distant about
five leagues; and the snowy mountain S. 83 W.

At noon on the 13th, we found ourselves in the latitude of 42° 2ʹ S.;
Cape Palliser bearing N. 20 E. distant eight leagues. In the afternoon,
a fresh gale sprung up at N. E., and we steered S. W. by W. for the
southermost land in sight, which at sunset bore from us S. 74 W. At this
time the variation was 15° 4ʹ E.

At eight o’clock in the morning of the 14th, having run one-and-twenty
leagues S. 58 W. since the preceding noon, it fell calm. We were then
abreast of the snowy mountain which bore from us N. W. and in this
direction lay behind a mountainous ridge of nearly the same height,
which rises directly from the sea, and runs parallel with the shore,
which lies N. E. ½ N. and S. W. ½ S. The north-west end of the ridge
rises inland, not far from Cape Campbell; and both the mountain and the
ridge are distinctly seen as well from Cape Koamaroo as Cape Palliser:
from Koamaroo they are distant two-and-twenty leagues S. W. ½ S.; and
from Cape Palliser thirty leagues W. S. W.; and are of a height
sufficient to be seen at a much greater distance. Some persons on board
were of opinion that they were as high as Teneriffe; but I did not think
them as high as Mount Egmont on the south-west coast of Eahienomauwe;
because the snow, which almost entirely covered Mount Egmont, lay only
in patches upon these. At noon this day, we were in latitude 42° 34ʹ S.
The southernmost land in sight bore S. W. ½ W.; and some low land that
appeared like an island, and lay close under the foot of the ridge, bore
N. W. by N. about five or six leagues.

In the afternoon, when Mr. Banks was out in the boat a shooting, we saw
with our glasses four double canoes, having on board fifty-seven men,
put off from that shore, and make towards him; we immediately made
signals for him to come on board; but the ship, with respect to him,
being right in the wake of the sun, he did not see them. We were at a
considerable distance from the shore, and he was at a considerable
distance from the ship, which was between him and the shore; so that, it
being a dead calm, I began to be in some pain for him, fearing that he
might not see the canoes time enough to reach the ship before they
should get up with him: soon after, however, we saw his boat in motion,
and had the pleasure to take him on board before the Indians came up,
who probably had not seen him, as their attention seemed to be wholly
fixed upon the ship. They came within about a stone’s cast, and then
stopped, gazing at us with a look of vacant astonishment: Tupia exerted
all his eloquence to prevail upon them to come nearer, but without any
effect. After surveying us for some time, they left us, and made towards
the shore; but had not measured more than half the distance between that
and the ship before it was dark. We imagined that these people had heard
nothing of us, and could not but remark the different behaviour and
dispositions of the inhabitants of the different parts of this coast
upon their first approaching the vessel. These kept aloof with a mixture
of timidity and wonder; others had immediately commenced hostilities, by
pelting us with stones: the gentleman whom we had found alone, fishing
in his boat, seemed to think us entirely unworthy of his notice; and
some, almost without invitation, had come on board with an air of
perfect confidence and good-will. From the behaviour of our last
visitors, I gave the land from which they had put off, and which, as I
have before observed, had the appearance of an island, the name of
LOOKERS-ON.

At eight o’clock in the evening, a breeze sprung up at S. S. W. with
which I stretched off south-east, because some on board thought they saw
land in that quarter. In this course we continued till six o’clock the
next morning, when we had run eleven leagues, but saw no land, except
that which we had left.—Having stood to the S. E. with a light breeze,
which veered from the west to the north, till noon, our latitude by
observation was 42° 56ʹ S., and the high land that we were abreast of
the preceding noon bore N. N. W. ½ W. In the afternoon we had a light
breeze at N. E. with which we steered west, edging in for the land,
which was distant about eight leagues. At seven in the evening, we were
about six leagues from the shore, and the southermost extremity of the
land in sight bore W. S. W.

At daybreak on the 16th, we discovered land bearing S. by W. and
seemingly detached from the coast we were upon. About eight, a breeze
sprung up, at N. by E. and we steered directly for it. At noon, we were
in latitude 43° 19ʹ S. the peak on the snowy mountain bore N. 20 E.
distant twenty-seven leagues; the southern extremity of the land we
could see bore west, and the land which had been discovered in the
morning appeared like an island extending from S. S. W. to S. W. by W. ½
W. distant about eight leagues. In the afternoon, we stood to the
southward of it, with a fresh breeze at north: at eight in the evening,
we had run eleven leagues, and the land then extended from S. W. by W.
to N. by W. We were then distant about three or four leagues from the
nearest shore, and in this situation had fifty fathom water, with a fine
sandy bottom. The variation of the compass by this morning’s amplitude
was 14° 39ʹ E.

At sunrise, the next morning, our opinion that the land we had been
standing for was an island, was confirmed, by our seeing part of the
land of Tovy Poenammoo open to the westward of it, extending as far as
W. by S. At eight in the morning, the extremes of the island bore N. 76
W. and N. N. E. ½ E.; and an opening near the south point, which had the
appearance of a bay or harbour, N. 20 W. distant between three and four
leagues: in this situation we had thirty-eight fathom water with a brown
sandy bottom.

This island, which I named after Mr. Banks, lies about five leagues from
the coast of Tovy Poenammoo; the south point bears S. 21 W. from the
highest peak on the snowy mountain, and lies in latitude 43° 32ʹ S. and
in longitude 186° 30ʹ W. by an observation of the sun and moon which was
made this morning: it is of a circular figure, and about twenty-four
leagues in compass: it is sufficiently high to be seen at the distance
of twelve or fifteen leagues, and the land has a broken irregular
surface, with the appearance rather of barrenness than fertility; yet it
was inhabited, for we saw smoke in one place, and a few straggling
natives in another.

When this island was first discovered in the direction of S. by W. some
persons on board were of opinion that they also saw land bearing S. S.
E. and S. E. by E. I was myself upon the deck at the time, and told
them, that in my opinion it was no more than a cloud, and that as the
sun rose it would dissipate and vanish. However, as I was determined to
leave no subject for disputation which experiment could remove, I
ordered the ship to be wore, and steered E. S. E. by compass, in the
direction which the land was said to bear from us at that time. At noon
we were in latitude 44° 7ʹ S.; the south point of Banks’s Island bearing
north, distant five leagues. By seven o’clock at night we had run
eight-and-twenty miles, when seeing no land, nor any signs of any, but
that which we had left, we bore away S. by W. and continued upon that
course till the next day at noon, when we were in latitude 45° 16ʹ, the
south point of Banks’s Island bearing N. 6° 30ʹ W. distant twenty-eight
leagues. The variation by the azimuth this morning was 15° 30ʹ E. As no
signs of land had yet appeared to the southward, and as I thought that
we had stood far enough in that direction to weather all the land we had
left, judging from the report of the natives in Queen Charlotte’s Sound,
I hauled to the westward.

We had a moderate breeze at N. N. W. and N. till eight in the evening,
when it became unsettled; and at ten fixed at south: during the night,
it blew with such violence that it brought us under our close reefed
topsails. At eight the next morning, having run twenty-eight leagues
upon a W. by N. ½ N. course, and judging ourselves to be to the westward
of the land of Tovy Poenammoo, we bore away N. W. with a fresh gale at
south. At ten, having run eleven miles upon this course, we saw land
extending from the S. W. to the N. W. at the distance of about ten
leagues, which we hauled up for. At noon, our latitude by observation
was 44° 38ʹ, the south-east point of Banks’s Island bore N. 58° 30ʹ E.
distant thirty leagues, and the main body of the land in sight W. by N.
A head sea prevented us from making much way to the southward; at seven
in the evening the extremes of the land stretched from S. W. by S. to N.
by W.; and at six leagues from the shore we had thirty-two fathom water.
At four o’clock the next morning we stood in for the shore W. by S., and
during a course of four leagues our depth of water was from thirty-two
to thirteen fathom. When it was thirteen fathom we were but three miles
distant from the shore, and therefore stood off; its direction is here
nearly N. and S. The surface, to the distance of about five miles from
the sea, is low and flat; but it then rises into hills of a considerable
height. It appeared to be totally barren, and we saw no signs of its
being inhabited. Our latitude, at noon, was 44° 44ʹ; and the longitude
which we made from Banks’s Island to this place was 2° 22ʹ W. During the
last twenty-four hours, though we carried as much sail as the ship would
bear, we were driven three leagues to the leeward.

We continued to stand off and on all this day and the next, keeping at
the distance of between four and twelve leagues from the shore, and
having water from thirty-five to fifty-three fathom. On the 22d, at
noon, we had no observation, but by the land judged ourselves to be
about three leagues farther north than we had been the day before. At
sunset, the weather, which had been hazy, clearing up, we saw a mountain
which rose in a high peak, bearing N. W. by N.; and at the same time we
saw the land more distinctly than before, extending from N. to S. W. by
S. which, at some distance within the coast, had a lofty and mountainous
appearance. We soon found that the accounts which had been given us by
the Indians in Queen Charlotte’s Sound of the land to the southward were
not true; for they had told us that it might be circumnavigated in four
days.

On the 23d, having a hollow swell from the S. E. and expecting wind from
the same quarter, we kept plying between seven and fifteen leagues from
the shore, having from seventy to forty-four fathom. At noon, our
latitude by observation was 44° 40ʹ S. and our longitude from Banks’s
Island 1° 31ʹ W. From this time to six in the evening it was calm; but a
light breeze then springing up at E. N. E. we steered S. S. E. all
night, edging off from the land, the hollow swell still continuing; our
depth of water was from sixty to seventy-five fathom. While we were
becalmed, Mr. Banks, being out in the boat, shot two Port Egmont hens,
which were in every respect the same as those that are found in great
numbers upon the island of Faro, and were the first of the kind we had
seen upon this coast, though we fell in with some a few days before we
made land.

At daybreak, the wind freshened, and before noon we had a strong gale at
N. N. E. At eight in the morning we saw the land extending as far as S.
W. by S. and steered directly for it. At noon, we were in latitude 45°
22ʹ S.; and the land, which now stretched from S. W. ½ S. to N. N. W.
appeared to be rudely diversified by hill and valley. In the afternoon,
we steered S. W. by S. and S. W. edging in for the land with a fresh
gale at north; but though we were at no great distance, the weather was
so hazy that we could see nothing distinctly upon it, except a ridge of
high hills lying not far from the sea, and parallel to the coast, which
in this place stretches S. by W. and N. by E., and seemed to end in a
high bluff point to the southward. By eight in the evening we were
abreast of this point; but it being then dark, and I not knowing which
way the land trended, we brought to for the night. At this time, the
point bore west, and was distant about five miles: our depth of water
was thirty-seven fathom, and the bottom consisted of small pebbles.

At daybreak, having made sail, the point bore north, distant three
leagues, and we now found that the land trended from it S. W. by W. as
far as we could see. This point I named CAPE SAUNDERS, in honour of Sir
Charles. Our latitude was 45° 35ʹ S., and longitude 189° 4ʹ W. By the
latitude, and the angles that are made by the coast, this point will be
sufficiently known; there is, however, about three or four leagues to
the south-west of it, and very near the shore, a remarkable saddle-hill,
which is a good direction to it on that quarter. From one league to four
leagues north of Cape Saunders, the shore forms two or three bays, in
which there appeared to be good anchorage, and effectual shelter from
the S. W. westerly, and N. westerly winds; but my desire of getting to
the southward, in order to ascertain whether this country was an island
or a continent, prevented my putting into any of them.

We kept at a small distance from the shore all this morning, with the
wind at S. W., and had a very distinct view of it: it is of a moderate
height, and the surface is broken by many hills which are green and
woody; but we saw no appearance of inhabitants. At noon, Cape Saunders
bore N. 30 W. distant about four leagues. We had variable winds and
calms till five o’clock in the evening, when it fixed at W. S. W. and
soon blew so hard that it put us past our topsails, and split the
foresail all to pieces: after getting another to the yard, we continued
to stand to the southward under two courses; and at six the next
morning, the southermost land in sight bore W. by N. and Cape Saunders
N. by W. distant eight leagues: at noon, it bore N. 20 W. fourteen
leagues; and our latitude by observation was 46° 36ʹ. The gale
continued, with heavy squalls and a large hollow sea all the afternoon;
and at seven in the evening, we lay to under our foresail, with the
ship’s head to the southward: at noon on the 27th, our latitude was 46°
54ʹ, and our longitude from Cape Saunders 1° 24ʹ E. At seven in the
evening, we made sail under our courses; and at eight the next morning
set the topsails close reefed. At noon, our latitude was 47° 43ʹ, and
our longitude east from Cape Saunders 2° 10ʹ. At this time, we wore and
stood to the northward: in the afternoon, we found the variation to be
16° 34ʹ E. At eight in the evening, we tacked and stood to the
southward, with the wind at west.

At noon this day, our latitude by account was 47° 52ʹ, and our longitude
from Cape Saunders 1° 8ʹ E. We stood to the southward till half an hour
past three in the afternoon; and then, being in latitude 48° S. and
longitude 188° W., and seeing no appearance of land, we tacked and stood
to the northward, having a large swell from the S. W. by W. At noon the
next day, our latitude was 46° 42ʹ S.; and Cape Saunders bore N. 46° W.
distant eighty-six miles. The south-west swell continuing till the 3d,
confirmed our opinion, that there was no land in that quarter. At four
in the afternoon, we stood to the westward with all the sail we could
make. In the morning of the 4th, we found the variation to be 16° 16ʹ E.
This day we saw some whales and seals, as we had done several times
after our having passed the streight; but we saw no seal while we were
upon the coast of Eahienomauwe. We sounded both in the night and this
morning, but had no ground with one hundred and fifty fathom. At noon,
we saw Cape Saunders bearing N. ½ W.; and our latitude by observation
was 46° 31ʹ S. At half an hour past one o’clock, we saw land bearing W.
by S., which we steered for, and before it was dark were within three or
four miles of it: during the whole night we saw fires upon it, and at
seven in the morning were within about three leagues of the shore, which
appeared to be high, but level. At three o’clock in the afternoon, we
saw the land extending from N. E. by N. to N. W. ½ N.; and soon after we
discovered some low land, which appeared like an island, bearing S. ½ W.
We continued our course to the W. by S., and in two hours we saw high
land over the low land, extending to the southward as far as S. W. by
S.; but did not appear to be joined to the land to the northward, so
that there is either water, a deep bay, or low land between them.

At noon on the 6th, we were nearly in the same situation as at noon on
the day before: in the afternoon we found the variation, by several
azimuths and the amplitude, to be 15° 10ʹ E. On the 7th at noon, we were
in latitude 47° 6ʹ S., and had made twelve miles easting during the last
twenty-four hours. We stood to the westward the remainder of this day,
and all the next till sunset, when the extremes of the land bore from N.
by E. to W. distant about seven or eight leagues: in this situation our
depth of water was fifty-five fathom, and the variation by amplitude 16°
29ʹ E. The wind now veered from the N. to the W., and as we had fine
weather, and moonlight, we kept standing close upon the wind to the S.
W. all night. At four in the morning, we had sixty fathom water; and at
daylight we discovered under our bow a ledge of rocks, extending from S.
by W. to W. by S. upon which the sea broke very high: they were not more
than three quarters of a mile distant, yet we had five-and-forty fathom
water. As the wind was at N. W. we could not now weather them, and as I
was unwilling to run to leeward, I tacked and made a trip to the
eastward; the wind however soon after coming to the northward, enabled
us to get clear of all. Our soundings, while we were passing within the
ledge, were from thirty-five to forty-seven fathom, with a rocky bottom.

This ledge lies S. E. six leagues from the southermost part of the land,
and S. E. by E. from some remarkable hills which stand near the shore:
about three leagues to the northward of it, there is another ledge,
which lies full three leagues from the shore, and on which the sea broke
in a dreadful surf. As we passed these rocks to the north in the night,
and discovered the others under our bow at break of day, it is manifest
that our danger was imminent, and our escape critical in the highest
degree: from the situation of these rocks, so well adapted to catch
unwary strangers, I called them the TRAPS. Our latitude at noon was 47°
26ʹ S. The land in sight, which had the appearance of an island,
extended from N. E. by N. to N. W. by W., and seemed to be about five
leagues distant from the main; the eastermost ledge of rocks bore S. S.
E. distant one league and an half, and the northermost N. E. ½ E.
distant about three leagues. This land is high and barren, with nothing
upon it but a few straggling shrubs, for not a single tree was to be
seen; it was however remarkable for a number of white patches, which I
took to be marble, as they reflected the sun’s rays very strongly: other
patches of the same kind we had observed in different parts of this
country, particularly in Mercury Bay: we continued to stand close upon a
wind to the westward, and at sunset the southermost point of land bore
N. 38 E. distant four leagues, and the westermost land in sight bore N.
2 E. The point which lies in latitude 47° 19ʹ S. longitude 192° 12ʹ W. I
named SOUTH CAPE; the westermost land was a small island, lying off the
point of the main.

Supposing South Cape to be the southern extremity of this country, as
indeed it proved to be, I hoped to get round it by the west, for a large
hollow swell from the south-west, ever since our last hard gale, had
convinced me that there was no land in that direction.

In the night we had a hard gale at N. E. by N. and N. which brought us
under our courses, but about eight in the morning it became moderate;
and at noon, veering to the west, we tacked and stood to the northward,
having no land in sight. Our latitude, by observation, was 47° 33ʹ S.,
our longitude, west from the South Cape, 59ʹ. We stood away N. N. E.
close upon a wind, without seeing any land, till two the next morning,
when we discovered an island bearing N. W. by N. distant about five
leagues: about two hours afterwards we saw land a-head, upon which we
tacked and stood off till six, when we stood in to take a nearer view of
it: at eleven we were within three leagues of it, but the wind seeming
to incline upon the shore, I tacked and stood off to the southward. We
had now sailed round the land which we had discovered on the 5th, and
which then did not appear to be joined to the main which lay north of
it; and being now come to the other side of what we supposed to be
water, a bay, or low land, it had the same appearance, but when I came
to lay it down upon paper I saw no reason to suppose it to be an island;
on the contrary, I was clearly of opinion that it made part of the main.
At noon, the western extremity of the main bore N. 59 W., and the island
which we had seen in the morning S. 59 W. distant about five leagues. It
lies in latitude 46° 31ʹ S. longitude 192° 49ʹ W., and is nothing but a
barren rock about a mile in circuit, remarkably high, and lies full five
leagues distant from the main. This island I named after Dr. Solander,
and called it SOLANDER’S ISLAND. The shore of the main lies nearest E.
by S. and W. by N. and forms a large open bay, in which there is no
appearance of any harbour or shelter for shipping against S. W. and
southerly winds: the surface of the country is broken into craggy hills,
of a great height, on the summits of which are several patches of snow:
it is not, however, wholly barren, for we could see wood not only in the
valleys, but upon the highest ground, yet we saw no appearance of its
being inhabited.

We continued to stand to the S. W. by S. till eleven o’clock the next
morning, when the wind shifted to the S. W. by W., upon which we wore,
and stood to the N. N. W., being then in latitude 47° 40ʹ S. longitude
193° 50ʹ W., and having a hollow sea from the S. W.

During the night, we steered N. N. W. till six in the morning, when,
seeing no land, we steered N. by E. till eight, when we steered N. E. by
E. ½ E. to make the land, which at ten we saw bearing E. N. E., but it
being hazy, we could distinguish nothing upon it. At noon, our latitude,
by observation, was 46° S. About two it cleared up, and the land
appeared to be high, rude, and mountainous: about half an hour after
three I hauled in for a bay, in which there appeared to be good
anchorage; but in about an hour, finding the distance too great to run
before it would be dark, and the wind blowing too hard to make the
attempt safe in the night, I bore away along the shore.

This bay, which I called DUSKY BAY, lies in latitude 45° 47ʹ S.: it is
between three and four miles broad at the entrance, and seems to be full
as deep as it is broad: it contains several islands, behind which there
must be shelter from all winds, though possibly there may not be
sufficient depth of water. The north point of this bay, when it bears S.
E. by S., is rendered very remarkable by five high peaked rocks which
lie off it, and have the appearance of the four fingers and thumb of a
man’s hand, for which reason I called it POINT FIVE FINGERS: the land of
this point is farther remarkable, for being the only level land within a
considerable distance. It extends near two leagues to the northward, is
lofty, and covered with wood: the land behind it is very different,
consisting wholly of mountains, totally barren and rocky; and this
difference gives the Cape the appearance of an island.

At sunset, the southermost land in sight bore due south, distant about
five or six leagues; and as this is the westermost point of land upon
the whole coast, I called it WEST CAPE. It lies about three leagues to
the southward of Dusky Bay, in the latitude of 45° 54ʹ S. and in the
longitude of 193° 17ʹ W. The land of this Cape is of a moderate height
next the sea, and has nothing remarkable about it, except a very white
cliff, two or three leagues to the southward of it: to the southward of
it also the land trends away to the S. E. and to the northward it trends
N. N. E.

Having brought to for the night, we made sail along the shore at four in
the morning, in the direction of N. E. ½ N. with a moderate breeze at S.
S. E. At noon our latitude, by observation, was 45° 13ʹ S. At this time,
being about a league and a half from the shore, we sounded, but had no
ground with seventy fathom: we had just passed a small narrow opening in
land, where there seemed to be a very safe and convenient harbour,
formed by an island, which lay in the middle of the opening at east. The
opening lies in latitude 45° 16ʹ S., and on the land behind it are
mountains, the summits of which were covered with snow, that appeared to
have been recently fallen; and indeed for two days past we had found the
weather very cold. On each side of the entrance of the opening, the land
rises almost perpendicularly from the sea to a stupendous height, and
this indeed was the reason why I did not carry the ship into it, for no
wind could blow there but right in, or right out, in the direction of
either east or west, and I thought it by no means advisable to put into
a place whence I could not have got out but with a wind which experience
had taught me did not blow more than one day in a month. In this,
however, I acted contrary to the opinion of some persons on board, who
in very strong terms expressed their desire to harbour for present
convenience, without any regard to future disadvantages.

In the evening, being about two leagues from the shore, we sounded, and
had no ground with 108 fathom: the variation of the needle, by azimuth,
was 14° E. and by amplitude 15° 2ʹ. We made the best of our way along
the shore with what wind we had, keeping at the distance of between two
and three leagues. At noon, we were in latitude 44° 47ʹ, having run only
twelve leagues upon a N. E. ¼ N. course, during the last four-and-twenty
hours.

We continued to steer along the shore, in the direction of N. E. ¼ E.
till six o’clock in the evening, when we brought to for the night. At
four in the morning, we stood in for the land, and when the day broke we
saw what appeared to be an inlet; but upon a nearer approach proved to
be only a deep valley between two high lands: we proceeded therefore in
the same course, keeping the shore at the distance of between four and
five miles. At noon on the 16th, the northermost point of land in sight
bore N. 60 E. at the distance of ten miles; and our latitude, by
observation, was 44° 5ʹ, our longitude from Cape West 2° 8ʹ E. About
two, we past the point which at noon had been distant ten miles, and
found it to consist of high red cliffs, down which there fell a cascade
of water in four small streams, and I therefore gave it the name of
Cascade Point. From this Point, the land trends first N. 76 E. and
afterwards more to the northward. At the distance of eight leagues from
Cascade Point, in the direction of E. N. E., and at a little distance
from the shore, lies a small low island, which bore from us S. by E. at
the distance of about a league and a half.

At seven in the evening, we brought to, in thirty-three fathom, with a
fine sandy bottom; at ten we had fifty fathom, and at twelve wore in
sixty-five fathom, having driven several miles N. N. W. after our having
brought to. At two in the morning, we had no ground with 140 fathom, by
which it appears that the soundings extend but a little way from the
shore. About this time it fell calm; at eight, a breeze sprung up at S.
W. with which we steered along the shore, in the direction of N. E. by
E. ½ E. at the distance of about three leagues. At six in the evening,
being about one league from the shore, we had seventeen fathom; and at
eight, being about three leagues from the shore, we had forty-four; we
now shortened sail, and brought to, having run ten leagues N. E. by E.
since noon.

It was calm most part of the night; but at ten in the morning a light
breeze sprung up at S. W. by W. when we made sail again along the shore
N. E. by N. having a large swell from the W. S. W. which had risen in
the night; at noon, our latitude, by observation, was 43° 4ʹ S. and our
longitude from Cape West 4° 12ʹ E. We observed, that the valleys as well
as the mountains were this morning covered with snow, part of which we
supposed to have fallen during the night, when we had rain. At six in
the evening we shortened sail, and at ten brought to, at the distance of
about five leagues from the shore, where we had 115 fathom. At midnight,
there being little wind, we made sail, and at eight in the morning we
stood to the N. E. close upon a wind till noon, when we tacked, being
about three leagues from the land, and, by observation, in latitude 42°
8ʹ, and longitude from Cape West 5° 5ʹ E.

We continued to stand westward till two in the morning, when we made a
trip to the eastward, and afterwards stood westward till noon, when, by
our reckoning, we were in the latitude 42° 23ʹ, and longitude from Cape
West 3° 55ʹ E. We now tacked and stood eastward, with a fresh gale at N.
by W. till six in the evening, when the wind shifted to the S. and S. S.
W. with which we steered N. E. by N. till six in the morning, when we
hauled in E. by N. to make the land, which we saw soon afterwards; at
noon, our latitude, by account, was 41° 37ʹ, and our longitude from Cape
West 5° 42ʹ E. We were now within three or four leagues of the land, but
it being foggy, we could see nothing upon it distinctly, and as we had
much wind, and a vast swell rolling in upon the shore, from the W. S. W.
I did not think it safe to go nearer.

In the afternoon, we had a gentle breeze from the S. S. W. with which we
steered north along the shore till eight, when, being within between two
and three leagues, we sounded, and had but thirty-four fathom; upon
which we hauled off N. W. by N. till eleven at night, and then brought
to, having sixty-four fathom. At four in the morning, we made sail to
the N. E. with a light breeze at S. S. W. which at eight veered to the
westward, and soon after died away; at this time we were within three or
four miles of the land, and had fifty-four fathom, with a large swell
from the W. S. W. rolling obliquely upon the shore, which made me fear
that I should be obliged to anchor; but by the help of a light air now
and then from the S. W. I was able to keep the ship from driving. At
noon, the northermost land in sight bore N. E. by E. ½ E. distant about
ten leagues; our latitude, by account, was 40° 55ʹ S. longitude from
Cape West 6° 35ʹ E. From this time we had light airs from the southward,
with intervals of calm, till noon on the 23d, when our latitude, by
observation, was 40° 36ʹ 30ʺ S. and our longitude from Cape West 6° 52ʹ
E. The eastermost point of land in sight bore E. 10 N. at the distance
of seven leagues, and a bluff head or point, of which we had been
abreast at noon the day before, and off which lay some rocks above
water, bore S. 18 W. at the distance of six leagues. This point I called
ROCK’S POINT. Our latitude was now 40° 55ʹ S., and having nearly run
down the whole of the north-west coast of Tovy Poenammoo, I shall give
some account of the face of the country.

I have already observed, that on the 11th, when we were off the southern
part, the land then seen was craggy and mountainous, and there is great
reason to believe that the same ridge of mountains extends nearly the
whole length of the island. Between the westermost land which we saw
that day, and the eastermost which we saw on the 13th, there is a space
of about six or eight leagues, of which we did not see the coast, though
we plainly discovered the mountains inland. The sea-coast near Cape West
is low, rising with an easy and gradual ascent to the foot of the
mountains, and being in most parts covered with wood. From Point Five
Fingers, down to latitude 44° 20ʹ, there is a narrow ridge of hills that
rises directly from the sea, and is covered with wood: close behind
these hills are the mountains, extending in another ridge of a
stupendous height, and consisting of rocks that are totally barren and
naked, except where they are covered with snow, which is to be seen in
large patches upon many parts of them; and has probably lain there ever
since the creation of the world: a prospect more rude, craggy, and
desolate than this country affords from the sea, cannot possibly be
conceived, for, as far inland as the eye can reach, nothing appears but
the summits of rocks, which stand so near together, that instead of
valleys there are only fissures between them. From the latitude of 44°
20ʹ, to the latitude of 42° 8ʹ, these mountains lie farther inland, and
the sea-coast consists of woody hills and valleys, of various height and
extent, and has much appearance of fertility: many of the valleys form
plains of considerable extent, wholly covered with wood, but it is very
probable that the ground, in many places, is swampy, and interspersed
with pools of water. From latitude 42° 8ʹ, to 41° 30ʹ, the land is not
distinguished by any thing remarkable: it rises into hills directly from
the sea, and is covered with wood; but the weather being foggy while we
were upon this part of the coast, we could see very little inland,
except now and then the summits of the mountains, towering above the
cloudy mists that obscured them below, which confirmed my opinion that a
chain of mountains extended from one end of the island to the other.

In the afternoon, we had a gentle breeze at S. W., which, before it was
quite dark, brought us abreast of the eastern point which we had seen at
noon; but not knowing what course the land took on the other side of it,
we brought to in thirty-four fathom, at the distance of about one league
from the shore. At eight in the evening, there being little wind, we
filled and stood on till midnight, and then we brought to till four in
the morning, when we again made sail, and at break of day we saw low
land extending from the point to the S. S. E. as far as the eye could
reach, the eastern extremity of which appeared in round hillocks: by
this time the gale had veered to the eastward, which obliged us to ply
to windward. At noon next day, the eastern point bore S. W. by S.
distant sixteen miles, and our latitude was 40° 19ʹ: the wind continuing
easterly, we were nearly in the same situation at noon on the day
following. About three o’clock the wind came to the westward, and we
steered E. S. E. with all the sail we could set till it was dark, and
then shortened sail till the morning: as we had thick hazy weather all
night, we kept sounding continually, and had from thirty-seven to
forty-two fathom. When the day broke we saw land bearing S. E. by E. and
an island lying near it, bearing E. S. E. distant about five leagues:
this island I knew to be the same that I had seen from the entrance of
Queen Charlotte’s Sound, from which it bears N. W. by N. distant nine
leagues. At noon, it bore south, distant four or five miles, and the
north-west head of the sound S. E. by S. distant ten leagues and a half.
Our latitude, by observation, was 40° 33ʹ S.

As we had now circumnavigated the whole country, it became necessary to
think of quitting it; but as I had thirty tons of empty water casks on
board, this could not be done till I had filled them: I therefore hauled
round the island, and entered a bay, which lies between that and Queen
Charlotte’s Sound, leaving three more islands, which lay close under the
western shore, between three or four miles within the entrance, on our
starboard hand: while we were running in, we kept the lead continually
going, and had from forty to twelve fathom. At six o’clock in the
evening, we anchored in eleven fathom with a muddy bottom, under the
west shore, in the second cove, that lies within three islands; and as
soon as it was light the next morning, I took a boat, and went on shore
to look for a watering place, and a proper birth for the ship, both
which I found, much to my satisfaction. As soon as the ship was moored,
I sent an officer on shore to superintend the watering, and the
carpenter, with his crew, to cut wood, while the long-boat was employed
in landing the empty casks.

In this employment we were busy till the 30th, when the wind seeming to
settle at S. E. and our water being nearly completed, we warped the ship
out of the cove, that we might have room to get under sail; and at noon
I went away in the pinnace to examine as much of the bay as my time
would admit.

After rowing about two leagues up it, I went ashore upon a point of land
on the western side, and having climbed a hill, I saw the western arm of
this bay run in S. W. by W. about five leagues farther, yet I could not
discover the end of it: there appeared to be several other inlets, or at
least small bays, between this and the north-west head of Queen
Charlotte’s Sound, in each of which, I make no doubt, there is anchorage
and shelter, as they are all covered from the sea wind by the islands
which lie without them. The land about this bay, as far as I could see
of it, is of a hilly surface, chiefly covered with trees, shrubs, and
fern, which render travelling difficult and fatiguing. In this excursion
I was accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, who found several new
plants. We met with some huts, which seemed to have been long deserted,
but saw no inhabitants. Mr. Banks examined several of the stones that
lay upon the beach, which were full of veins, and had a mineral
appearance; but he did not discover any thing in them which he knew to
be ore: if he had had an opportunity to examine any of the bare rocks,
perhaps he might have been more fortunate. He was also of opinion that
what I had taken for marble in another place, was a mineral substance;
and that, considering the correspondence of latitude between this place
and South America, it was not improbable but that, by a proper
examination, something very valuable might be found.

At my return in the evening, I found all the wood and water on board,
and the ship ready for the sea; I resolved therefore to quit the
country, and return home by such a route as might be of most advantage
to the service; and upon this subject took the opinion of my officers. I
had myself a strong desire to return by Cape Horn, because that would
have enabled me finally to determine, whether there is or is not a
southern continent; but against this it was a sufficient objection that
we must have kept in a high southern latitude in the very depth of
winter, with a vessel which was not thought sufficient for the
undertaking; and the same reason was urged against our proceeding
directly for the Cape of Good Hope, with still more force, because no
discovery of moment could be hoped for in that route; it was therefore
resolved that we should return by the East Indies, and that with this
view we should, upon leaving the coast, steer westward, till we should
fall in with the east coast of New Holland, and then follow the
direction of that coast to the northward, till we should arrive at its
northern extremity; but if that should be found impracticable, it was
further resolved that we should endeavour to fall in with the land, or
islands, said to have been discovered by Quiros.

With this view, at break of day on Saturday the 31st of March, 1770, we
got under sail, and put to sea, with the advantage of a fresh gale at S.
E. and clear weather, taking our departure from the eastern point, which
we had seen at noon on the 23d, and to which, on this occasion, I gave
the name of CAPE FAREWELL.

The bay out of which we had just sailed I called ADMIRALTY BAY, giving
the name of CAPE STEPHENS to the north-west point, and CAPE JACKSON to
the south east, after the two gentlemen who at this time were
Secretaries to the Board.

Admiralty Bay may easily be known by the island that has been just
mentioned, which lies two miles N. E. of Cape Stephens, in latitude 40°
37ʹ S. longitude 185° 6ʹ W., and is of a considerable height. Between
this island and Cape Farewell, which are between fourteen and fifteen
leagues distant from each other, in the direction of W. by N. and E. by
S. the shore forms a large deep bay, the bottom of which we could
scarcely see while we were sailing in a straight line from one Cape to
the other; it is, however, probably of less depth than it appeared to
be, for as we found the water shallower here than at the same distance
from any other part of the coast, there is reason to suppose, that the
land at the bottom which lies next the sea is low, and therefore not
easily to be distinguished from it. I have for this reason called it
BLIND BAY, and am of opinion that it is the same which was called
Murderer’s Bay by Tasman.

Such particulars of this country and its inhabitants, with their manners
and customs, as could be learnt while we were circumnavigating the
coast, shall now be related.




                              CHAP. VIII.

   A GENERAL ACCOUNT OF NEW ZEALAND: ITS FIRST DISCOVERY, SITUATION,
                   EXTENT, CLIMATE, AND PRODUCTIONS.


  NEW ZEALAND was first discovered by Abel Jansen Tasman, a Dutch
navigator, whose name has been several times mentioned in this
narrative, on the 13th of December, in the year 1642. He traversed the
eastern coast from latitude 34° to 43°, and entered the streight which
divides the two islands, and in the chart is called COOK’S STREIGHT; but
being attacked by the natives soon after he came to an anchor, in the
place to which he gave the name of Murderer’s Bay, he never went on
shore. He gave the country the name of STAATEN LAND, or the land of the
States, in honour of the States-General, and it is now generally
distinguished in our maps and charts by the name of NEW ZEALAND. As the
whole of this country, except that part of the coast which was seen by
Tasman from on board his ship, has from his time, to the voyage of the
Endeavour, remained altogether unknown, it has by many been supposed to
be part of a southern continent. It is, however, now known to consist of
two large islands, divided from each other by a streight or passage,
which is about four or five leagues broad.

These islands are situated between the latitudes of 34° and 48° S. and
between the longitudes of 181° and 194° W., which is now determined with
uncommon exactness, from innumerable observations of the sun and moon,
and one of the transits of Mercury, by Mr. Green, a person of known
abilities, who, as has been mentioned before, was sent out by the Royal
Society, to observe the transit of Venus in the South Seas.

The northermost of these islands is called by the natives Eaheinomauwe,
and the southermost Tovy, or Tavai Poenammoo; yet, as I have observed
before, we are not sure whether the name Tovy Poenammoo comprehends the
whole southern island, or only part of it. The figure and extent of
these islands, with the situation of the bays and harbours they contain,
and the smaller islands that lie about them, will appear from the chart
that I have drawn, every part of which, however, I cannot vouch to be
equally accurate. The coast of Eaheinomauwe, from Cape Palliser to East
Cape, is laid down with great exactness, both in its figure, and the
course and distance from point to point; for the opportunities that
offered, and the methods that I used, were such as could scarcely admit
of an error. From East Cape to St. Maria van Diemen, the chart, though
perhaps not equally exact, is without any error of moment, except
possibly in some few places which are here, and in other parts of the
chart, distinguished by a dotted line, and which I had no opportunity to
examine: from Cape Maria van Diemen to latitude 36° 15ʹ, we were seldom
nearer the shore than between five and eight leagues; and therefore the
line that marks the sea-coast may possibly be erroneous. From latitude
36° 15ʹ, to nearly the length of Entry Island, our course was very near
the shore, and in this part of the chart therefore there can be no
material error, except perhaps at Cape Tierawitte. Between Entry Island
and Cape Palliser we were again farther from the shore, and this part of
the coast therefore may not be laid down with minute exactness; yet,
upon the whole, I am of opinion that this island will be found not much
to differ from the figure that I have given it, and that upon the coast
there are few or no harbours which are not noticed in the journal, or
delineated in the chart. I cannot however say as much of Tovy Poenammoo:
the season of the year, and the circumstances of the voyage, would not
permit me to spend so much time about this island as I had employed upon
the other; and the storms that we met with made it both difficult and
dangerous to keep near the shore. However, from Queen Charlotte’s Sound
to Cape Campbell, and as far to the S. W. as latitude 43°, the chart
will be found pretty accurate. Between latitude 43° and latitude 44° 20ʹ
the line may be doubted, for of some part of the coast which it
represents we had scarcely a view. From latitude 44° 20ʹ, to Cape
Saunders, our distance would not permit me to be particular, and the
weather was besides extremely unfavourable. From Cape Saunders to Cape
South, and even to Cape West, there is also reason to fear that the
chart will in many places be found erroneous, as we were seldom able to
keep the shore, and were sometimes blown to such a distance that it
could not be seen. From Cape West to Cape Farewell, and even to
Charlotte’s Sound, it is not more to be trusted.

Tovy Poenammoo is for the most part a mountainous, and to all appearance
a barren country; and the people whom we saw in Queen Charlotte’s Sound,
those that came off to us under the snowy mountains, and the fires to
the west of Cape Saunders, were all the inhabitants, and signs of
inhabitants, that we discovered upon the whole island.

Eaheinomauwe has a much better appearance; it is indeed not only hilly
but mountainous, yet even the hills and mountains are covered with wood,
and every valley has a rivulet of water: the soil in these valleys, and
in the plains, of which there are many that are not overgrown with wood,
is in general light but fertile, and in the opinion of Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander, as well as of every other gentleman on board, all kinds of
European grain, plants, and fruit, would flourish here in the utmost
luxuriance: from the vegetables that we found here, there is reason to
conclude, that the winters are milder than those in England, and we
found the summer not hotter, though it was more equally warm; so that if
this country should be settled by people from Europe, they would, with a
little industry, be very soon supplied not only with the necessaries,
but the luxuries of life in great abundance.

In this country there are no quadrupeds but dogs and rats, at least we
saw no other, and the rats are so scarce that many of us never saw them.
The dogs live with the people, who breed them for no other purpose than
to eat: there might indeed be quadrupeds that we did not see; but this
is not probable, because the chief pride of the natives, with respect to
their dress, is in the skins and hair of such animals as they have, and
we never saw the skin of any animal about them but those of dogs and
birds: there are indeed seals upon the coast, and we once saw a sea
lion, but we imagine they are seldom caught, for though we saw some of
their teeth, which were fashioned into an ornament like a bodkin, and
worn by the natives at their breast, and highly valued, we saw none of
their skins: there are whales also upon this coast, and though the
people did not appear to have any art or instrument by which such an
animal could be taken and killed, we saw pattoo-pattoos in the
possession of some of them, which were made of the bone of a whale, or
of some other animal whose bone had exactly the same appearance.

Of birds the species are not many; and of these none, except perhaps the
gannet, is the same with those of Europe: here are ducks indeed, and
shags of several kinds, sufficiently resembling those of Europe, to be
called the same, by those who have not examined them very nicely. Here
are also hawks, owls, and quails, which differ but little from those of
Europe at first sight; and several small birds, whose song, as has been
remarked in the course of the narrative, is much more melodious than any
that we had ever heard.

The sea-coast is also visited by many oceanic birds, particularly
albatrosses, sheerwaters, pintados, and a few of the birds which Sir
John Narborough has called Penguins, and which indeed are what the
French call _Nuance_, and seem to be a middle species between bird and
fish; for their feathers, especially those upon their wings, differ very
little from scales; and their wings themselves, which they use only in
diving, and not to accelerate their motion even upon the surface of the
water, may, perhaps with equal propriety, be called fins.

Neither are insects in greater plenty than birds: a few butterflies and
beetles, flesh flies, very like those in Europe, and some musquitos and
sand flies, perhaps exactly the same with those of North America, make
up the whole catalogue. Of musquitos and sand flies, however, which are
justly accounted the curse of every country where they abound, we did
not see many: there were indeed a few in almost every place where we
went on shore, but they gave us so little trouble, that we did not make
use of the shades which we had provided for the security of our faces.

For this scarcity of animals upon the land, the sea, however, makes an
abundant recompense; every creek swarming with fish, which are not only
wholesome, but equally delicious with those of Europe: the ship seldom
anchored in any station, or with a light gale passed any place, that did
not afford us enough with hook and line to serve the whole ship’s
company, especially to the southward: when we lay at anchor, the boats,
with hook and line, near the rocks, could take fish in any quantity; and
the seine seldom failed of producing a still more ample supply; so that
both times when we anchored in Cook’s Streight, every mess in the ship,
that was not careless and improvident, salted as much as lasted many
weeks after they went to sea. Of this article, the variety was equal to
the plenty; we had mackrel of many kinds, among which, one was exactly
the same as we have in England: these came in immense shoals, and were
taken by the natives in their seines, who sold them to us at a very easy
rate. Besides these, there were fish of many species which we had never
seen before, but to all which the seamen very readily gave names: so
that we talked here as familiarly of hakes, bream, cole-fish, and many
others, as we do in England; and though they are by no means of the same
family, it must be confessed that they do honour to the name. But the
highest luxury which the sea afforded us, even in this place, was the
lobster or sea cray-fish, which are probably the same that in the
account of Lord Anson’s Voyage are said to have been found at the island
of Juan Fernandes, except that, although large, they are not quite equal
in size: they differ from ours in England in several particulars, they
have a greater number of prickles on their backs, and they are red when
first taken out of the water. These we also bought every where to the
northward in great quantities of the natives, who catch them by diving
near the shore, and finding out where they lie with their feet. We had
also a fish that Frezier, in his Voyage to the Spanish Main in South
America, has described by the names of _Elefant_, _Pejegallo_, or
_Poison coq_, which, though coarse, we eat very heartily. Several
species of the skate, or sting-ray, are also found here, which were
still coarser than the _Elefant_; but as an atonement, we had among many
kinds of dog-fish one spotted with white, which was in flavour exactly
similar to our best skate, but much more delicious. We had also flat
fish resembling both soles and flounders, besides eels and congers of
various kinds, with many others of which those who shall hereafter visit
this coast will not fail to find the advantage; and shell-fish in great
variety, particularly clams, cockles, and oysters.

Among the vegetable productions of this country, the trees claim a
principal place; for here are forests of vast extent, full of the
straightest, the cleanest, and the largest timber trees that we had ever
seen: their size, their grain, and apparent durability, render them fit
for any kind of building, and indeed for every other purpose except
masts; for which, as I have already observed, they are too hard, and too
heavy: there is one in particular which, when we were upon the coast,
was rendered conspicuous by a scarlet flower, that seemed to be a
compendage of many fibres; it is about as large as an oak, and the wood
is exceedingly hard and heavy, and excellently adapted to the use of the
millwright. There is another which grows in the swamps, remarkably tall
and straight, thick enough to make masts for vessels of any size, and,
if a judgment may be formed by the direction of its grain, very tough:
this, which, as has been before remarked, our carpenter thought to
resemble the pitch-pine, may probably be lightened by tapping, and it
will then make the finest masts in the world: it has a leaf not unlike a
yew, and bears berries in small bunches.

Great part of the country is covered with a luxuriant verdure, and our
natural historians were gratified by the novelty, if not the variety of
the plants. Sow-thistle, garden night-shade, one or two kinds of grass,
the same as in England, and two or three kinds of fern, like those of
the West Indies, with a few of the plants that are to be found in almost
every part of the world, were all, out of about four hundred species,
that have hitherto been described by any botanists, or had been seen
elsewhere during the course of this voyage, except about five or six
which had been gathered at Terra del Fuego.

Of eatable vegetables there are but few; our people, indeed, who had
been long at sea, eat, with equal pleasure and advantage, of wild
celery, and a kind of cresses, which grew in great abundance upon all
parts of the sea-shore. We also, once or twice, met with a plant like
what the country people in England call _Lamb’s quarters_, or Fat-hen,
which we boiled instead of greens; and once we had the good fortune to
find a cabbage-tree, which afforded us a delicious meal; and, except the
fern-root, and one other vegetable, totally unknown in Europe, and
which, though eaten by the natives, was extremely disagreeable to us, we
found no other vegetable production that was fit for food, among those
that appeared to be the wild produce of the country; and we could find
but three esculent plants among those which are raised by cultivation,
yams, sweet potatoes, and coccos. Of the yams and potatoes there are
plantations consisting of many acres; and I believe that any ship which
should happen to be here in the autumn, when they are dug up, might
purchase them in any quantity.

Gourds are also cultivated by the natives of this place, the fruit of
which furnishes them with vessels for various uses. We also found here
the Chinese paper mulberry-tree, the same as that of which the
inhabitants of the South Sea islands make their cloth; but it is so
scarce, that though the New Zealanders also make cloth of it, they have
not enough for any other purpose than to wear as an ornament in the
holes which they make in their ears, as I have observed before.

But among all the trees, shrubs, and plants of this country, there is
not one that produces fruit, except a berry which has neither sweetness
nor flavour, and which none but the boys took pains to gather, should be
honoured with that appellation. There is, however, a plant that serves
the inhabitants instead of hemp and flax, which excels all that are put
to the same purposes in other countries. Of this plant there are two
sorts; the leaves of both resemble those of flags, but the flowers are
smaller, and their clusters more numerous; in one kind they are yellow,
and in the other a deep red. Of the leaves of these plants, with very
little preparation, they make all their common apparel; and of these
they make also their strings, lines, and cordage for every purpose,
which are so much stronger than any thing we can make with hemp, that
they will not bear a comparison. From the same plant, by another
preparation, they draw long slender fibres which shine like silk, and
are as white as snow: of these, which are also surprisingly strong, the
finer clothes are made; and of the leaves, without any other preparation
than splitting them into proper breadths, and tying the strips together,
they make their fishing nets; some of which, as I have before remarked,
are of an enormous size.

A plant which, with such advantage, might be applied to so many useful
and important purposes, would certainly be a great acquisition to
England, where it would probably thrive with very little trouble, as it
seems to be hardy, and to affect no particular soil; being found equally
in hill and valley; in the driest mould, and the deepest bogs: the bog,
however, it seems rather to prefer, as near such places we observed it
to be larger than elsewhere.

I have already observed, that we found great plenty of iron sand in
Mercury Bay, and therefore that iron ore is undoubtedly to be found at
no great distance. As to other metals we had scarcely knowledge enough
of the country for conjecture.

If the settling of this country should ever be thought an object worthy
the attention of Great Britain, the best place for establishing a colony
would be either on the banks of the Thames, or in the country bordering
upon the Bay of Islands. In either place there would be the advantage of
an excellent harbour; and, by means of the river, settlements might be
extended, and a communication established with the inland parts of the
country: vessels might be built of the fine timber which abounds in
these parts, at very little trouble and expence, fit for such a
navigation as would answer the purpose. I cannot indeed exactly assign
the depth of water which a vessel intended to navigate this river, even
as far up as I went with the boat, should draw, because this depends
upon the depth of water that is upon the bar, or flats, which lie before
the narrow part of the river, for I had no opportunity to make myself
acquainted with them; but I am of opinion, that a vessel which should
draw not more than twelve feet would perfectly answer the purpose.

When we first arrived upon the coast of this country, we imagined it to
be much better peopled than we afterwards found it, concluding that the
inland parts were populous from the smoke that we saw at a considerable
distance from the shore; and, perhaps, that may really be the case with
respect to the country behind Poverty Bay, and the Bay of Plenty, where
the inhabitants appeared to be more numerous than in other places. But
we had reason to believe, that, in general, no part of the country but
the sea-coast is inhabited; and even there we found the people but
thinly scattered, all the western coast from Cape Maria Van Diemen to
Mount Egmont being totally desolate; so that upon the whole the number
of inhabitants bears no proportion to the extent of country.




                               CHAP. IX.

A DESCRIPTION OF THE INHABITANTS, THEIR HABITATIONS, APPAREL, ORNAMENTS,
                   FOOD, COOKERY, AND MANNER OF LIFE.


THE stature of the men in general is equal to the largest of those in
Europe: they are stout, well limbed, and fleshy; but not fat, like the
lazy and luxurious inhabitants of the islands in the South Seas: they
are also exceedingly vigorous and active; and have an adroitness and
manual dexterity in an uncommon degree, which are discovered in whatever
they do. I have seen the strokes of fifteen paddles on a side in one of
their canoes made with incredible quickness, and yet with such minute
exactness of time, that all the rowers seemed to be actuated by one
common soul. Their colour in general is brown; but in few deeper than
that of a Spaniard, who has been exposed to the sun; in many not so
deep. The women have not a feminine delicacy in their appearance, but
their voice is remarkably soft; and by that, the dress of both sexes
being the same, they are principally distinguished: they have, however,
like the women of other countries, more airy cheerfulness, and a greater
flow of animal spirits, than the other sex. Their hair, both of the head
and beard, is black; and their teeth extremely regular, and as white as
ivory: the features of both sexes are good: they seem to enjoy high
health; and we saw many who appeared to be of a great age. The
dispositions both of the men and women seemed to be mild and gentle:
they treat each other with the tenderest affection, but are implacable
towards their enemies, to whom, as I have before observed, they never
give quarter. It may, perhaps, at first, seem strange, that where there
is so little to be got by victory, there should so often be war; and
that every little district of a country inhabited by people so mild and
placid, should be at enmity with all the rest. But possibly more is to
be gained by victory among these people than at first appears, and they
may be prompted to mutual hostilities by motives which no degree of
friendship or affection is able to resist. It appears, by the account
that has already been given of them, that their principal food is fish,
which can only be procured upon the sea-coast; and there, in sufficient
quantities, only at certain times; the tribes, therefore, who live
inland, if any such there are, and even those upon the coast, must be
frequently in danger of perishing by famine. Their country produces
neither sheep, nor goats, nor hogs, nor cattle; tame fowls they have
none, nor any art by which those that are wild can be caught in
sufficient plenty to serve as provision. If there are any whose
situation cuts them off from a supply of fish, the only succedaneum of
all other animal food, except dogs, they have nothing to support life,
but the vegetables that have already been mentioned, of which the chief
are fern-root, yams, clams, and potatoes; when by any accident these
fail, the distress must be dreadful; and even among the inhabitants of
the coast, many tribes must frequently be reduced to nearly the same
situation, either by the failure of their plantations, or the deficiency
of their dry stock, during the season when but few fish are to be
caught. These considerations will enable us to account, not only for the
perpetual danger in which the people who inhabit this country appear to
live, by the care which they take to fortify every village, but for the
horrid practice of eating those who are killed in battle; for the hunger
of him who is pressed by famine to fight, will absorb every feeling, and
every sentiment which would restrain him from allaying it with the body
of his adversary. It may, however, be remarked, that, if this account of
the origin of so horrid a practice is true, the mischief does by no
means end with the necessity that produced it: after the practice has
been once begun on one side by hunger, it will naturally be adopted on
the other by revenge. Nor is this all, for though it may be pretended,
by some who wish to appear speculative and philosophical, that whether
the dead body of an enemy be eaten or buried is in itself a matter
perfectly indifferent; as it is, whether the breasts or thighs of a
woman should be covered or naked; and that prejudice and habit only make
us shudder at the violation of custom in one instance, and blush at it
in the other: yet, leaving this as a point of doubtful disputation, to
be discussed at leisure, it may safely be affirmed, that the practice of
eating human flesh, whatever it may be in itself, is relatively, and in
its consequences, most pernicious; tending manifestly to eradicate a
principle which is the chief security of human life, and more frequently
restrains the hand of murder than the sense of duty, or even the fear of
punishment.

Among those who are accustomed to eat the dead, death must have lost
much of its horror; and where there is little horror at the sight of
death, there will not be much repugnance to kill. A sense of duty, and
fear of punishment, may be more easily surmounted than the feelings of
nature, or those which have been ingrafted upon nature by early
prejudice and uninterrupted custom. The horror of the murderer arises
less from the guilt of the fact, than its natural effect; and he who has
familiarised the effect, will consequently lose much of the horror. By
our laws, and our religion, murder and theft incur the same punishment,
both in this world and the next; yet, of the multitude who would
deliberately steal, there are but very few who would deliberately kill,
even to procure much greater advantage. But there is the strongest
reason to believe, that those who have been so accustomed to prepare a
human body for a meal, that they can with as little feeling cut up a
dead man, as our cook-maids divide a dead rabbit for a fricassee, would
feel as little horror in committing a murder as in picking a pocket, and
consequently would take away life with as little compunction as
property; so that men, under these circumstances, would be made
murderers by the slight temptations that now make them thieves. If any
man doubts whether this reasoning is conclusive, let him ask himself,
whether in his own opinion he should not be safer with a man in whom the
horror of destroying life is strong, whether in consequence of natural
instinct unsubdued, or of early prejudice, which has nearly an equal
influence, than in the power of a man who under any temptation to murder
him would be restrained only by considerations of interest; for to these
all motives of mere duty may be reduced, as they must terminate either
in hope of good, or fear of evil.

The situation and circumstances, however, of these poor people, as well
as their temper, are favourable to those who shall settle as a colony
among them. Their situation sets them in need of protection, and their
temper renders it easy to attach them by kindness; and whatever may be
said in favour of a savage life among people who live in luxurious
idleness upon the bounty of nature, civilization would certainly be a
blessing to those whom her parsimony scarcely furnishes with the bread
of life, and who are perpetually destroying each other by violence, as
the only alternative of perishing by hunger.

But these people, from whatever cause, being inured to war, and by habit
considering every stranger as an enemy, were always disposed to attack
us when they were not intimidated by our manifest superiority. At first,
they had no notion of any superiority but numbers; and when this was on
their side, they considered all our expressions of kindness as the
artifices of fear and cunning, to circumvent them, and preserve
ourselves: but when they were once convinced of our power, after having
provoked us to the use of our fire-arms, though loaded only with small
shot; and of our clemency, by our forbearing to make use of weapons so
dreadful except in our defence, they became at once friendly, and even
affectionate, placing in us the most unbounded confidence, and doing
every thing which could incite us to put equal confidence in them. It is
also remarkable, that when an intercourse was once established between
us, they were very rarely detected in any act of dishonesty. Before,
indeed, and while they considered us as enemies, who came upon their
coast only to make an advantage of them, they did not scruple by any
means to make any advantage of us; and would, therefore, when they had
received the price of any thing they had offered to sell, pack up both
the purchase and the purchase money with all possible composure, as so
much lawful plunder from people who had no view but to plunder them.

I have observed that our friends in the South Seas had not even the idea
of indecency, with respect to any object or any action; but this was by
no means the case with the inhabitants of New Zealand, in whose carriage
and conversation there was as much modesty, reserve, and decorum with
respect to actions, which yet in their opinion were not criminal, as are
to be found among the politest people in Europe. The women were not
impregnable; but the terms and manner of compliance were as decent as
those in marriage among us, and according to their notions the agreement
was as innocent. When any of our people made an overture to one of their
young women, he was given to understand that the consent of her friends
was necessary, and by the influence of a proper present it was generally
obtained; but when these preliminaries were settled, it was also
necessary to treat the wife for a night with the same delicacy that is
here required by the wife for life, and the lover who presumed to take
any liberties by which this was violated, was sure to be disappointed.

One of our gentlemen having made his addresses to a family of the better
sort, received an answer, which, translated into our language, according
to the mode and spirit of it, as well as the letter, would have been
exactly in these terms: “Any of these young ladies will think themselves
honoured by your addresses, but you must first make me a suitable
present, and you must then come and sleep with us on shore, for daylight
must by no means be a witness of what passes between you.”

I have already observed, that in personal cleanliness they are not quite
equal to our friends at Otaheite; because, not having the advantage of
so warm a climate, they do not so often go into the water; but the most
disgustful thing about them is the oil, with which, like the islanders,
they anoint their hair: it is certainly the fat either of fish or of
birds, melted down, and though the better sort have it fresh, their
inferiors use that which is rancid, and consequently are almost as
disagreeable to the smell as a Hottentot; neither are their heads free
from vermin, though we observed that they were furnished with combs,
both of bone and wood: these combs are sometimes worn stuck upright in
the hair as an ornament, a fashion which at present prevails among the
ladies of England. The men generally wear their beards short, and their
hair tied upon the crown of the head in a bunch, in which they stick the
feathers of various birds in different manners, according to their
fancies; sometimes one is placed on each side of the temples, pointing
forwards, which we thought made a very disagreeable appearance. The
women wear their hair sometimes cropped short, and sometimes flowing
over their shoulders.

The bodies of both sexes are marked with the black stains called Amoco,
by the same method that is used at Otaheite, and called Tattowing; but
the men are more marked, and the women less. The women in general stain
no part of their bodies but the lips, though sometimes they are marked
with small black patches on other parts: the men, on the contrary, seem
to add something every year to the ornaments of the last, so that some
of them, who appeared to be of an advanced age, were almost covered from
head to foot. Besides the Amoco, they have marks impressed by a method
unknown to us, of a very extraordinary kind: they are furrows of about a
line deep, and a line broad, such as appear upon the bark of a tree
which has been cut through, after a year’s growth: the edges of these
furrows are afterwards indented by the same method, and being perfectly
black, they make a most frightful appearance. The faces of the old men
are almost covered with these marks; those who are very young, black
only their lips like the women; when they are somewhat older, they have
generally a black patch upon one cheek, and over one eye, and so proceed
gradually, that they may grow old and honourable together: but though we
could not but be disgusted with the horrid deformity which these stains
and furrows produced in the “human face divine,” we could not but admire
the dexterity and art with which they were impressed. The marks upon the
face in general are spirals, which are drawn with great nicety, and even
elegance, those on one side exactly corresponding with those on the
other: the marks on the body somewhat resemble the foliage in old chased
ornaments, and the convolutions of fillagree work; but in these they
have such a luxuriance of fancy, that of an hundred, which at first
sight appeared to be exactly the same, no two were, upon a close
examination, found to be alike. We observed, that the quantity and form
of these marks were different in different parts of the coast, and that
as the principal seat of them at Otaheite was the breech, in New Zealand
it was sometimes the only part which was free, and in general was less
distinguished than any other.

The skins of these people, however, are not only dyed, but painted; for,
as I have before observed, they smear their bodies with red oker, some
rubbing it on dry, and some applying it in large patches mixed with oil,
which is always wet, and which the least touch will rub off, so that the
transgressions of such of our people as were guilty of ravishing a kiss
from these blooming beauties, were most legibly written upon their
faces.

The dress of a New Zealander is certainly, to a stranger at first sight,
the most uncouth that can be imagined. It is made of the leaves of the
flag, which has been described among the vegetable productions of this
country: these leaves are split into three or four slips, and the slips,
when they are dry, interwoven with each other into a kind of stuff
between netting and cloth, with all the ends, which are eight or nine
inches long, hanging out on the upper side, like the shag or thrump
mats, which we sometimes see lying in a passage. Of this cloth, if cloth
it may be called, two pieces serve for a complete dress; one of them is
tied over their shoulders with a string, and reaches as low as the
knees; to the end of this string is fastened a bodkin of bone, which is
easily passed through any two parts of this upper garment, so as tack
them together; the other piece is wrapped round the waist, and reaches
nearly to the ground: the lower garment, however, is worn by the men
only upon particular occasions; but they wear a belt, to which a string
is fastened, for a very singular use. The inhabitants of the South Sea
islands slit up the prepuce so as to prevent it from covering the glans
of the penis; but these people, on the contrary, bring the prepuce over
the glans, and to prevent it from being drawn back by the contraction of
the part, they tie the string which hangs from their girdle round the
end of it. The glans, indeed, seemed to be the only part of their body
which they were solicitous to conceal, for they frequently threw off all
their dress but the belt and string, with the most careless
indifference, but showed manifest signs of confusion, when, to gratify
our curiosity, they were requested to untie the string, and never
consented but with the utmost reluctance and shame. When they have only
their upper garment on, and sit upon their hams, they bear some
resemblance to a thatched house; but this covering, though it is ugly,
is well adapted to the use of those who frequently sleep in the open
air, without any other shelter from the rain.

But besides this coarse shag or thatch, they have two sorts of cloth,
which have an even surface, and are very ingeniously made, in the same
manner with that manufactured by the inhabitants of South America, some
of which we procured at Rio de Janeiro. One sort is as coarse as our
coarsest canvass, and somewhat resembles it in the manner of laying the
threads, but it is ten times as strong; the other is formed by many
threads lying very close one way, and a few crossing them the other, so
as to bind them together; but these are about half an inch asunder,
somewhat like the round pieces of cane matting which are sometimes
placed under the dishes upon a table. This is frequently striped, and
always had a pretty appearance, for it is composed of the fibres of the
same plant, which are prepared so as to shine like silk. It is made in a
kind of frame of the size of the cloth, generally about five feet long,
and four broad, across which the long threads, which lie close together,
or warp, are strained, and the cross threads, or woof, are worked in by
hand, which must be a very tedious operation.

To both these kinds of cloth they work borders of different colours, in
stitches, somewhat like carpeting, or rather like those used in the
samplars which girls work at school. These borders are of various
patterns, and wrought with a neatness, and even an elegance, which,
considering they have no needle, is surprising: but the great pride of
their dress consists in the fur of their dogs, which they use with such
economy, that they cut it into stripes, and sew them upon their cloth at
a distance from each other, which is a strong proof that dogs are not
plenty among them; these stripes are also of different colours, and
disposed so as to produce a pleasing effect. We saw some dresses that
were adorned with feathers instead of fur, but these were not common;
and we saw one that was entirely covered with the red feathers of the
parrot.

The dress of the man who was killed when we first went ashore in Poverty
Bay has been described already; but we saw the same dress only once more
during our stay upon the coast, and that was in Queen Charlotte’s Sound.

The women, contrary to the custom of the sex in general, seemed to
affect dress rather less than the men: their hair, which, as I have
observed before, is generally cropt short, is never tied upon the top of
the head when it is suffered to be long, nor is it ever adorned with
feathers. Their garments were made of the same materials, and in the
same form, as those of the other sex, but the lower one was always bound
fast round them, except when they went into the water to catch lobsters,
and then they took great care not to be seen by the men. Some of us
happening one day to land upon a small island in Tolaga Bay, we
surprised several of them at this employment; and the chaste Diana, with
her nymphs, could not have discovered more confusion and distress at the
sight of Actæon than these women expressed upon our approach. Some of
them hid themselves among the rocks, and the rest crouched down in the
sea till they had made themselves a girdle and apron of such weeds as
they could find, and when they came out, even with this veil, we could
perceive that their modesty suffered much pain by our presence. The
girdle and apron which they wear in common have been mentioned before.

Both sexes bore their ears, and, by stretching them, the holes become
large enough to admit a finger at least. In these holes they wear
ornaments of various kinds, cloth, feathers, bones of large birds, and
even sometimes a stick of wood; and to these receptacles of finery they
generally applied the nails which we gave them, and every thing which it
was possible they could contain. The women sometimes thrust through them
the down of the albatros, which is as white as snow, and which,
spreading before and behind the hole in a bunch almost as big as the
fist, makes a very singular, and, however strange it may be thought, not
a disagreeable appearance. Besides the ornaments that are thrust through
the holes of the ears, many others are suspended to them by strings;
such as chissels or bodkins made of green talc, upon which they set a
high value, the nails and teeth of their deceased relations, the teeth
of dogs, and every thing else that they can get, which they think either
curious or valuable. The women also wear bracelets and anclets, made of
the bones of birds, shells, or any other substances which they can
perforate and string upon a thread. The men had sometimes hanging to a
string, which went round the neck, a piece of green talc, or whalebone,
somewhat in the shape of a tongue, with the rude figure of a man carved
upon it; and upon this ornament they set a high value. In one instance,
we saw the gristle that divides the nostrils, and called by anatomists
the _septum nasi_, perforated, and a feather thrust through the hole,
which projected on each side over the cheeks: it is probable that this
frightful singularity was intended as an ornament; but of the many
people we saw, we never observed it in any other, nor even a perforation
that might occasionally serve for such a purpose.

Their houses are the most inartificially made of any thing among them,
being scarcely equal, except in size, to an English dog-kennel: they are
seldom more than eighteen or twenty feet long, eight or ten broad, and
five or six high, from the pole that runs from one end to the other, and
forms the ridge, to the ground. The framing is of wood, generally
slender sticks, and both walls and roof consist of dry grass and hay,
which, it must be confessed, is very tightly put together; and some are
also lined with the bark of trees, so that in cold weather they must
afford a very comfortable retreat. The roof is sloping, like those of
our barns, and the door is at one end, just high enough to admit a man,
creeping upon his hands and knees: near the door is a square hole, which
serves the double office of window and chimney, for the fire-place is at
that end, nearly in the middle between the two sides. In some
conspicuous part, and generally near the door, a plank is fixed, covered
with carving after their manner: this they value as we do a picture, and
in their estimation it is not an inferior ornament. The side-walls and
roof project about two feet beyond the walls at each end, so as to form
a kind of porch, in which there are benches for the accommodation of the
family. That part of the floor which is allotted for the fire-place is
enclosed in a hollow square, by partitions either of wood or stone, and
in the middle of it the fire is kindled. The floor, along the inside of
the walls, is thickly covered with straw, and upon this the family
sleep.

Their furniture and implements consist of but few articles, and one
chest commonly contains them all, except their provision-baskets, the
gourds that hold their fresh water, and the hammers that are used to
beat their fern-root, which generally stand without the door: some rude
tools, their clothes, arms, and a few feathers to stick in their hair,
make the rest of their treasure.

Some of the better sort, whose families are large, have three or four
houses enclosed within a court-yard, the walls of which are constructed
of poles and hay, and are about ten or twelve feet high.

When we were on shore in the district called Tolaga, we saw the ruins,
or rather the frame of a house, for it had never been finished, much
superior in size to any that we saw elsewhere: it was thirty feet in
length, about fifteen in breadth, and twelve high: the sides of it were
adorned with many carved planks, of a workmanship much superior to any
other that we had met with in the country; but for what purpose it was
built, or why it was deserted, we could never learn.

But these people, though in their houses they are so well defended from
the inclemency of the weather, seem to be quite indifferent whether they
have any shelter at all during their excursions in search of fern-roots
and fish, sometimes setting up a small shade to windward, and sometimes
altogether neglecting even that precaution, sleeping with their women
and children under bushes, with their weapons ranged round them, in the
manner that has already been described. The party, consisting of forty
or fifty, whom we saw at Mercury Bay, in a district which the natives
call Opoorage, never erected the least shelter while we staid there,
though it sometimes rained incessantly for four-and-twenty hours
together.

The articles of their food have been enumerated already; the principal,
which to them is what bread is to the inhabitants of Europe, is the
roots of the fern which grows upon the hills, and is nearly the same
with what grows upon our high commons in England, and is called
indifferently fern, bracken, or brakes. The birds, which sometimes serve
them for a feast, are chiefly penguins and albatrosses, with a few other
species that have been occasionally mentioned in this narrative.

Having no vessel in which water can be boiled, their cookery consists
wholly of baking and roasting. They bake nearly in the same manner as
the inhabitants of the South Seas, and to the account that has been
already given of their roasting, nothing need be added, but that the
long skewer or spit to which the flesh is fastened is placed sloping
towards the fire, by setting one stone against the bottom of it, and
supporting it near the middle with another, by the moving of which, to a
greater or less distance from the end, the degree of obliquity is
increased or diminished at pleasure.

To the northward, as I have observed, there are plantations of yams,
sweet potatoes, and coccos, but we saw no such to the southward; the
inhabitants, therefore, of that part of the country must subsist wholly
upon fern root and fish, except the scanty and accidental resource which
they may find in sea-fowl and dogs; and that fern and fish are not to be
procured at all seasons of the year, even at the sea-side, and upon the
neighbouring hills, is manifest from the stores of both that we saw laid
up dry, and the reluctance which some of them expressed at selling any
part of them to us when we offered to purchase them, at least the fish,
for sea stores. And this particular seems to confirm my opinion, that
this country scarcely sustains the present number of its inhabitants,
who are urged to perpetual hostilities by hunger, which naturally
prompted them to eat the dead bodies of those who were slain in the
contest.

Water is their universal and only liquor, as far as we could discover,
and if they have really no means of intoxication, they are, in this
particular, happy beyond any other people that we have yet seen or heard
of.

As there is, perhaps, no source of disease, either critical or chronic,
but intemperance and inactivity, it cannot be thought strange that these
people enjoy perfect and uninterrupted health. In all our visits to
their towns, where young and old, men and women, crowded about us,
prompted by the same curiosity that carried us to look at them, we never
saw a single person who appeared to have any bodily complaint, nor among
the numbers that we have seen naked did we once perceive the slightest
eruption upon the skin, or any marks that an eruption had left behind.
At first, indeed, observing that some of them when they came off to us
were marked in patches with a white flowery appearance upon different
parts of their bodies, we thought that they were leprous, or highly
scorbutic; but upon examination we found that these marks were owing to
their having been wetted by the spray of the sea in their passage,
which, when it was dried away, left the salts behind it in a fine white
powder.

Another proof of health, which we have mentioned upon a former occasion,
is the facility with which the wounds healed that had left scars behind
them, and that we saw in a recent state; when we saw the man who had
been shot with a musket-ball through the fleshy part of his arm, his
wound seemed to be so well digested, and in so fair a way of being
perfectly healed, that if I had not known no application had been made
to it, I should certainly have enquired, with a very interested
curiosity, after the vulnerary herbs and surgical art of the country.

A farther proof that human nature is here untainted with disease, is the
great number of old men that we saw, many of whom, by the loss of their
hair and teeth, appeared to be very ancient, yet none of them were
decrepit; and though not equal to the young in muscular strength, were
not a whit behind them in cheerfulness and vivacity.




                                CHAP. X.

 OF THE CANOES AND NAVIGATION OF THE INHABITANTS OF NEW ZEALAND: THEIR
 TILLAGE, WEAPONS, AND MUSIC: GOVERNMENT, RELIGION, AND LANGUAGE: WITH
      SOME REASONS AGAINST THE EXISTENCE OF A SOUTHERN CONTINENT.


THE ingenuity of these people appears in nothing more than in their
canoes: they are long and narrow, and in shape very much resemble a New
England whale-boat: the larger sort seem to be built chiefly for war,
and will carry from forty to eighty, or an hundred armed men. We
measured one which lay ashore at Tolaga: she was sixty-eight feet and a
half long, five feet broad, and three feet and a half deep; the bottom
was sharp, with straight sides like a wedge, and consisted of three
lengths, hollowed out to about two inches, or an inch and a half thick,
and well fastened together with strong plaiting: each side consisted of
one entire plank, sixty-three feet long, ten or twelve inches broad, and
about an inch and quarter thick, and these were fitted and lashed to the
bottom part with great dexterity and strength. A considerable number of
thwarts were laid from gunwale to gunwale, to which they were securely
lashed on each side, as a strengthening to the boat. The ornament at the
head projected five or six feet beyond the body, and was about four feet
and a half high; the ornament at the stern was fixed upon that end, as
the stern-post of a ship is upon her keel, and was about fourteen feet
high, two feet broad, and an inch and a half thick. They both consisted
of boards of carved work, of which the design was much better than the
execution. All their canoes, except a few at Opoorage or Mercury Bay,
which were of one piece, and hollowed by fire, are built after this
plan, and few are less than twenty feet long: some of the smaller sort
have outriggers, and sometimes two of them are joined together, but this
is not common. The carving upon the stern and head ornaments of the
inferior boats, which seemed to be intended wholly for fishing, consists
of the figure of a man, with a face as ugly as can be conceived, and a
monstrous tongue thrust out of the mouth, with the white shells of
sea-ears stuck in for the eyes. But the canoes of the superior kind,
which seem to be their men-of-war, are magnificently adorned with open
work, and covered with loose fringes of black feathers, which had a most
elegant appearance: the gunwale boards were also frequently carved in a
grotesque taste, and adorned with tufts of white feathers placed upon a
black ground. Of visible objects that are wholly new, no verbal
description can convey a just idea, but in proportion as they resemble
some that are already known, to which the mind of the reader must be
referred: the carving of these people being of a singular kind, and not
in the likeness of any thing that is known on our side of the ocean,
either “in the heaven above, or in the earth beneath, or in the waters
that are under the earth,” I must refer wholly to the representations
which will be found of it in Plate XV.

The paddles are small, light, and neatly made; the blade is of an oval
shape, or rather of a shape resembling a large leaf, pointed at the
bottom, broadest in the middle, and gradually losing itself in the
shaft, the whole length being about six feet, of which the shaft or loom
including the handle is four, and the blade two. By the help of these
oars they push on their boats with amazing velocity.

In sailing they are not expert, having no art of going otherwise than
before the wind: the sail is of netting or matt, which is set up between
two poles that are fixed upright upon each gunwale, and serve both for
masts and yards: two ropes answered the purpose of sheets, and were
consequently fastened above to the top of each pole. But clumsy and
inconvenient as this apparatus is, they make good way before the wind,
and are steered by two men who sit in the stern, with each a paddle in
his hand for that purpose.

Having said thus much of their workmanship, I shall now give some
account of their tools: they have adzes, axes, and chisels, which serve
them also as augers for the boring of holes: as they have no metal,
their adzes and axes are made of a hard black stone, or of a green talc,
which is not only hard but tough; and their chisels of human bone, or
small fragments of jasper, which they chip off from a block in sharp
angular pieces like a gun-flint. Their axes they value above all that
they possess, and never would part with one of them for any thing that
we could give: I once offered one of the best axes I had in the ship,
besides a number of other things, for one of them, but the owner would
not sell it; from which I conclude that good ones are scarce among them.
Their small tools of jasper, which are used in finishing their nicest
work, they use till they are blunt, and then, as they have no means of
sharpening them, throw them away. We had given the people at Tolaga a
piece of glass, and in a short time they found means to drill a hole
through it, in order to hang it round the neck as an ornament by a
thread; and we imagine the tool must have been a piece of this jasper.
How they bring their large tools first to an edge, and sharpen the
weapon which they call Patoo-Patoo, we could not certainly learn; but
probably it is by bruising the same substance to powder, and, with this,
grinding two pieces against each other.

Their nets, particularly their seine, which is of an enormous size, have
been mentioned already: one of these seems to be the joint work of a
whole town, and I suppose it to be the joint property also: the other
net, which is circular, and extended by two or three hoops, has been
particularly described, as well as the manner of baiting and using it.
Their hooks are of bone or shell, and in general are ill made. To
receive the fish when it is caught, and to hold their other provisions,
they have baskets of various kinds and dimensions, very neatly made of
wickerwork.

They excel in tillage, as might naturally be expected where the person
that sows is to eat the produce, and where there is so little besides
that can be eaten: when we first came to Tegadoo, a district between
Poverty Bay and East Cape, their crops were just covered, and had not
yet begun to sprout; the mould was as smooth as in a garden, and every
root had its small hillock, ranged in a regular quincunx by lines, which
with the pegs were still remaining in the field. We had not an
opportunity to see any of these husbandmen work, but we saw what serves
them at once for spade and plough: this instrument is nothing more than
a long narrow stake sharpened to an edge at one end, with a short piece
fastened transversely at a little distance above it, for the convenience
of pressing it down with the foot. With this they turn up pieces of
ground six or seven acres in extent, though it is not more than three
inches broad; but as the soil is light and sandy, it makes little
resistance.

Tillage, weaving, and the other arts of peace, seem to be best known and
most practised in the northern part of this country; for there is little
appearance of any of them in the south: but the arts of war flourish
equally through the whole coast.

Of weapons they have no great variety, but such as they have are well
fitted for destruction; they have spears, darts, battle-axes, and the
Patoo-Patoo. The spear is fourteen or fifteen feet long, pointed at both
ends, and sometimes headed with bone: these are grasped by the middle,
so that the part behind balancing that before, makes a push more
difficult to be parried, than that of a weapon which is held by the end.
The dart and other weapons have been sufficiently described already; and
it has also been remarked, that these people have neither sling nor bow.
They throw the dart by hand, and so they do stones; but darts and stones
are seldom used, except in defending their forts. Their battles, whether
in boats or on shore, are generally hand to hand, and the slaughter must
consequently be great, as a second blow with any of their weapons is
unnecessary, if the first takes place: their trust, however, seems to be
principally placed in the Patoo-Patoo, which is fastened to their wrists
by a strong strap, lest it should be wrenched from them, and which the
principal people generally wear sticking in their girdles, considering
it as a military ornament, and part of their dress, like the poniard of
the Asiatic, and the sword of the European. They have no defensive
armour; but, besides their weapons, the chiefs carry a staff of
distinction, in the same manner as our officers do the spontoon: this
was generally the rib of a whale, as white as snow, with many ornaments
of carved work, dog’s hair, and feathers; but sometimes it was a stick,
about six feet long, adorned in the same manner, and inlaid with a shell
like mother-of-pearl. Those who bore this mark of distinction were
generally old, at least past the middle age, and were also more marked
with the _Amoco_ than the rest.

One or more persons, thus distinguished, always appeared in each canoe,
when they came to attack us, according to the size of it. When they came
within about a cable’s length of the ship, they used to stop; and the
chiefs rising from their seat, put on a dress which seemed appropriated
to the occasion, generally of dog’s skin, and holding out their
decorated staff, or weapon, directed the rest of the people what they
should do. When they were at too great a distance to reach us with a
lance or a stone, they presumed that we had no weapon with which we
could reach them; here then the defiance was given, and the words were
almost universally the same,—_Haromai, haromai, harre uta a patoo-patoo
oge_: “Come to us, come on shore, and we will kill you all with our
patoo-patoos.” While they were uttering these menaces, they came
gradually nearer and nearer, till they were close alongside; talking at
intervals in a peaceable strain, and answering any questions that we
asked them; and at intervals renewing their defiance and threats, till
being encouraged by our apparent timidity, they began their war-song and
dance, as a prelude to an attack, which always followed, and was
sometimes continued till it became absolutely necessary to repress them
by firing some small shot; and sometimes ended after throwing a few
stones on board, as if content with having offered us an insult, which
we did not dare to revenge.

The war-dance consists of a great variety of violent motions, and
hideous contortions of the limbs, during which the countenance also
performs its part: the tongue is frequently thrust out to an incredible
length, and the eye-lids so forcibly drawn up, that the white appears
both above and below, as well as on each side of the iris, so as to form
a circle round it; nor is any thing neglected that can render the human
shape frightful and deformed: at the same time they brandish their
spears, shake their darts, and cleave the air with their patoo-patoos.
This horrid dance is always accompanied by a song; it is wild, indeed,
but not disagreeable, and every strain ends in aloud and deep sigh,
which they utter in concert. In the motions of the dance, however
horrid, there is a strength, firmness, and agility, which we could not
but behold with admiration; and in their song they keep time with such
exactness, that I have often heard above an hundred paddles struck
against the sides of their boats at once, so as to produce but a single
sound, at the divisions of their music.

A song not altogether unlike this, they sometimes sing without the
dance, and as a peaceable amusement: they have also other songs which
are sung by the women, whose voices are remarkably mellow and soft, and
have a pleasing and tender effect; the time is slow, and the cadence
mournful; but it is conducted with more taste than could be expected
among the poor ignorant savages of this half-desolate country;
especially as it appeared to us, who were none of us much acquainted
with music as a science, to be sung in parts; it was at least sung by
many voices at the same time.

They have sonorous instruments, but they can scarcely be called
instruments of music; one is the shell, called the Triton’s trumpet,
with which they make a noise not unlike that which our boys sometimes
make with a cow’s horn: the other is a small wooden pipe, resembling a
child’s nine-pin, only much smaller, and in this there is no more music
than in a pea-whistle. They seem sensible indeed that these instruments
are not musical; for we never heard an attempt to sing to them, or to
produce with them any measured tones that bore the least resemblance to
a tune.

To what has been already said of the practice of eating human flesh, I
shall only add, that in almost every cove where we landed, we found
flesh-bones of men near the places where fires had been made; and that
among the heads that were brought on board by the old man, some seemed
to have false eyes, and ornaments in their ears as if alive. That which
Mr. Banks bought was sold with great reluctance by the possessor: the
head was manifestly that of a young person about fourteen or fifteen
years of age, and by the contusions on one side appeared to have
received many violent blows, and indeed a part of the bone near the eye
was wanting. These appearances confirmed us in the opinion that the
natives of this country give no quarter, nor take any prisoners to be
killed and eaten at a future time, as is said to have been a practice
among the Indians of Florida: for if prisoners had been taken, this poor
young creature, who cannot be supposed capable of making much
resistance, would probably have been one, and we knew that he was killed
with the rest, for the fray had happened but a few days before.

The towns or Hippahs of these people, which are all fortified, have been
sufficiently described already, and from the Bay of Plenty to Queen
Charlotte’s Sound they seem to be the constant residence of the people:
but about Poverty Bay, Hawke’s Bay, Tegadoo, and Tolaga, we saw no
Hippahs, but single houses scattered at a distance from each other; yet
upon the sides of the hills there were stages of a great length,
furnished with stones and darts, probably as retreats for the people at
the last extremity, as upon these stages a fight may be carried on with
much advantage against those below, who may be reached with great effect
by darts and stones, which it is impossible for them to throw up with
equal force. And indeed the forts themselves seem to be no farther
serviceable than by enabling the possessors to repress a sudden attack;
for as there is no supply of water within the lines, it would be
impossible to sustain a siege. A considerable stock of fern-root and dry
fish is indeed laid up in them; but they may be reserved against seasons
of scarcity, and that such seasons there are, our observations left us
no room to doubt; besides, while an enemy should be prowling in the
neighbourhood, it would be easy to snatch a supply of water from the
side of the hill, though it would be impossible to dig up fern-root or
catch fish.

In this district, however, the people seemed to live in a state of
conscious security, and to avail themselves of their advantage: their
plantations were more numerous, their canoes were more decorated, and
they had not only finer carving, but finer clothes. This part of the
coast also was much the most populous, and possibly their apparent peace
and plenty might arise from their being united under one Chief, or King;
for the inhabitants of all this part of the country told us, that they
were the subjects of Teratu: when they pointed to the residence of this
Prince, it was in a direction which we thought inland; but which, when
we knew the country better, we found to be the Bay of Plenty.

It is much to be regretted that we were obliged to leave this country
without knowing any thing of Teratu but his name. As an Indian monarch,
his territory is certainly extensive: he was acknowledged from Cape
Kidnappers to the northward, and westward as far as the Bay of Plenty, a
length of coast upwards of eighty leagues; and we do not yet know how
much farther westward his dominions may extend. Possibly the fortified
towns which we saw in the Bay of Plenty may be his barrier; especially
as at Mercury Bay he was not acknowledged, nor indeed any other single
chief: for wherever we landed, or spoke with the people upon that coast,
they told us that we were at but a small distance from their enemies.

In the dominions of Teratu we saw several subordinate chiefs, to whom
great respect was paid, and by whom justice was probably administered;
for upon our complaint to one of them, of a theft that had been
committed on board the ship by a man that came with him, he gave him
several blows and kicks, which the other received as the chastisement of
authority, against which no resistance was to be made, and which he had
no right to resent. Whether this authority was possessed by appointment
or inheritance we could not learn; but we observed that the chiefs, as
well here as in other parts, were elderly men. In other parts, however,
we learnt that they possessed their authority by inheritance.

The little societies which we found in the southern parts seemed to have
several things in common, particularly their fine clothes, and fishing
nets. Their fine clothes, which possibly might be the spoils of war,
were kept in a small hut, which was erected for that purpose in the
middle of the town: the nets we saw making in almost every house, and
the several parts being afterwards collected were joined together. Less
account seems to be made of the women here than in the South Sea
islands; such at least was the opinion of Tupia, who complained of it as
an indignity to the sex. We observed that the two sexes eat together;
but how they divide their labour we do not certainly know. I am inclined
to believe that the men till the ground, make nets, catch birds, and go
out in their boats to fish; and that the women dig up fern-roots,
collect lobsters and other shell-fish near the beach, dress the
victuals, and weave cloth: such at least were their employments when we
had an opportunity of observing them, which was but seldom; for in
general our appearance made a holiday wherever we went, men, women and
children, flocking round us, either to gratify their curiosity, or to
purchase some of the valuable merchandise which we carried about with
us, consisting principally of nails, paper, and broken glass.

Of the religion of these people it cannot be supposed that we could
learn much; they acknowledge the influence of superior beings, one of
whom is supreme, and the rest subordinate; and gave nearly the same
account of the origin of the world, and the production of mankind, as
our friends in Otaheite: Tupia, however, seemed to have a much more deep
and extensive knowledge of these subjects than any of the people here;
and whenever he was disposed to instruct them, which he sometimes did in
a long discourse, he was sure of a numerous audience, who listened in
profound silence, with such reverence and attention, that we could not
but wish them a better teacher.

What homage they pay to the deities they acknowledge we could not learn;
but we saw no place of public worship, like the Morais of the South Sea
islands: yet we saw, near a plantation of sweet potatoes, a small area,
of a square figure, surrounded with stones, in the middle of which one
of the sharpened stakes which they use as a spade was set up, and upon
it was hung a basket of fern-roots: upon inquiry, the natives told us,
that it was an offering to the gods, by which the owner hoped to render
them propitious, and obtain a plentiful crop.

As to their manner of disposing of their dead, we could form no certain
opinion of it, for the accounts that we received by no means agreed. In
the northern parts, they told us that they buried them in the ground;
and in the southern, that they threw them into the sea: it is however
certain that we saw no grave in the country, and that they affected to
conceal every thing relating to their dead with a kind of mysterious
secrecy. But whatever may be the sepulchre, the living are themselves
the monuments; for we saw scarcely a single person of either sex whose
body was not marked by the scars of wounds which they had inflicted upon
themselves as a testimony of their regret for the loss of a relation or
friend: some of these wounds we saw in a state so recent that the blood
was scarcely staunched, which shows that death had been among them while
we were upon the coast; and makes it more extraordinary that no funeral
ceremony should have fallen under our notice: some of the scars were
very large and deep, and in many instances had greatly disfigured the
face. One monument indeed we observed of another kind,—the cross that
was set up near Queen Charlotte’s Sound.

Having now given the best account in my power of the customs and
opinions of the inhabitants of New Zealand, with their boats, nets,
furniture, and dress, I shall only remark, that the similitude between
these particulars here and in the South Sea islands is a very strong
proof that the inhabitants have the same origin; and that the common
ancestors of both, were natives of the same country. They have both a
tradition that their ancestors, at a very remote period of time, came
from another country; and according to the tradition of both, that the
name of that country was HEAWIJE; but the similitude of the language
seems to put the matter altogether out of doubt. I have already
observed, that Tupia, when he accosted the people here in the language
of his own country, was perfectly understood; and I shall give a
specimen of the similitude by a list of words in both languages,
according to the dialect of the northern and southern islands of which
New Zealand consists, by which it will appear that the language of
Otaheite does not differ more from that of New Zealand, than the
language of the two islands from each other.

  ENGLISH.                     NEW ZEALAND.            OTAHEITE.

                   _Northern._       _Southern._

 _A Chief_,        Eareete,          Eareete,          Earee.

 _A man_,          Taata,            Taata,            Taata.

 _A woman_,        Whahine,          Whahine,          Ivahine.

 _The head_,       Eupo,             Heaowpoho,        Eupo.

 _The hair_,       Macauwe,          Heoo-oo,          Roourou.

 _The ear_,        Terringa,         Hetaheyei,        Terrea.

 _The forehead_,   Erai,             Heai,             Erai.

 _The eyes_,       Mata,             Hemata,           Mata.

 _The cheeks_,     Paparinga,        Hepapaeh,         Paparea.

 _The nose_,       Ahewh,            Heeih,            Ahew.

 _The mouth_,      Hangoutou,        Hegaowai,         Outou.

 _The chin_,       Ecouwai,          Hakaoewai,

 _The arm_,        Haringaringu,                       Rema.

 _The finger_,     Maticara,         Hermaigawh,       Maneow.

 _The belly_,      Ateraboo,                           Oboo.

 _The navel_,      Apeto,            Heeapeto,         Peto.

 _Come hither_,    Haromai,          Haromai,          Herromai.

 _Fish_,           Heica,            Heica,            Eyea.

 _A lobster_,      Kooura,           Kooura,           Tooura.

 _Coccos_,         Taro,             Taro,             Taro.

 _Sweet potatoes_, Cumala,           Cumala,           Cumala.

 _Yams_,           Tuphwhe,          Tuphwhe,          Tuphwhe.

 _Birds_,          Mannu,            Mannu,            Mannu.

 _No_,             Kaoura,           Kaoura,           Oure.

 _One_,            Tahai,                              Tahai.

 _Two_,            Rua,                                Rua.

 _Three_,          Torou,                              Torou.

 _Four_,           Ha,                                 Hea.

 _Five_,           Rema,                               Rema.

 _Six_,            Ono,                                Ono.

 _Seven_,          Etu,                                Hetu.

 _Eight_,          Warou,                              Warou.

 _Nine_,           Iva,                                Heva.

 _Ten_,            Angahourou,                         Ahourou.

 _The teeth_,      Hennihew,         Heneaho,          Nihio.

 _The wind_,       Mehow,                              Mattai.

 _A thief_,        Amootoo,                            Teto.

 _To examine_,     Mataketake,                         Mataitai.

 _To sing_,        Eheara,                             Heiva.

 _Bad_,            Keno,             Keno,             Eno.

 _Trees_,          Eratou,           Eratou,           Eraou.

 _Grandfather_,    Toubouna,         Toubouna,         Toubouna.

 _What do you call Owy Terra,                          Owy Terra,
 this or that_,

By this specimen, I think it appears to demonstration that the language
of New Zealand and Otaheite is radically the same. The language of the
northern and southern parts of New Zealand differs chiefly in the
pronunciation, as the same English word is pronounced _gate_ in
Middlesex, and _geäte_ in Yorkshire: and as the southern and northern
words were not written down by the same person, one might possibly use
more letters to produce the same sound than the other.

I must also observe, that it is the genius of the language, especially
in the southern parts, to put some article before a noun, as we do _the_
or _a_; the articles used here were generally _he_ or _ko_; it is also
common here to add the word _öeia_ after another word as an iteration,
especially if it is an answer to a question; as we say, _yes indeed_,
_to be sure_, _really_, _certainly_: this sometimes led our gentlemen
into the formation of words of an enormous length, judging by the ear
only, without being able to refer each sound into its signification. An
example will make this perfectly understood.

In the Bay of Islands there is a remarkable one, called by the natives
MATUARO. One of our gentlemen having asked a native the name of it, he
answered, with the particle, _Kematuaro_; the gentleman hearing the
sound imperfectly, repeated his question, and the Indian repeating his
answer, added _öeia_, which made the word _Kematuaroöeia_; and thus it
happened that in the log book I found _Metuaro_ transformed into
_Cumettiwarroweia_: and the same transformation by the same means, might
happen to an English word. Suppose a native of New Zealand at Hackney
church, to inquire “What village is this?” the answer would be, “It is
Hackney:” suppose the question to be repeated with on air of doubt and
uncertainty, the answer might be, “it is Hackney indeed,” and the New
Zealander, if he had the use of letters, would probably record, for the
information of his countrymen, that during his residence among us he had
visited a village called “Ityshak neeindede.” The article used by the
inhabitants of the South Sea islands, instead of _he_ or _ko_, is _to_
or _ta_, but the word _öeia_ is common to both; and when we began to
learn the language, it led us into many ridiculous mistakes.

But supposing these islands, and those in the South Seas, to have been
peopled originally from the same country, it will perhaps for ever
remain a doubt what country that is: we were, however, unanimously of
opinion, that the people did not come from America, which lies to the
eastward; and except there should appear to be a continent to the
southward, in a moderate latitude, it will follow that they came from
the westward.

Thus far our navigation has certainly been unfavourable to the notion of
a southern continent, for it has swept away at least three-fourths of
the positions upon which it has been founded. The principal navigators,
whose authority has been urged on this occasion, are Tasman, Juan
Fernandes, Hermite, the commander of a Dutch squadron, Quiros, and
Roggewein; and the track of the Endeavour has demonstrated that the land
seen by these persons, and supposed to be part of a continent, is not
so; it has also totally subverted the theoretical arguments which have
been brought to prove that the existence of a southern continent is
necessary to preserve an equilibrium between the two hemispheres; for
upon this principle what we have already proved to be water, would
render the southern hemisphere too light. In our route to the northward,
after doubling Cape Horn, when we were in the latitude of 40°, our
longitude was 110°; and in our return to the southward, after leaving
Ulietea, when we were again in latitude 40°, our longitude was 145°; the
difference is 35°. When we were in latitude 30° the difference of
longitude between the two tracks was 21°, which continued till we were
as low as 20°; but a single view of the chart will convey a better idea
of this than the most minute description: yet as upon a view of the
chart it will appear that there is a large space extending quite to the
tropics, which neither we, nor any other navigators to our knowledge,
have explored, and as there will appear to be room enough for the Cape
of a southern continent to extend northward into a low southern
latitude, I shall give my reason for believing there is no Cape of any
southern continent, to the northward of 40° south.

Notwithstanding what has been laid down by some geographers in their
maps, and alleged by Mr. Dalrymple, with respect to Quiros, it is
improbable in the highest degree that he saw to the southward of two
islands, which he discovered in latitude 25 or 26, and which I suppose
may lie between the longitude of 130° and 140° W., any signs of a
continent, much less any thing which, in his opinion, was a known or
indubitable sign of such land; for if he had, he would certainly have
sailed southward in search of it, and if he had sought, supposing the
signs to have been indubitable, he must have found: the discovery of a
southern continent was the ultimate object of Quiros’s voyage, and no
man appears to have had it more at heart; so that if he was in latitude
26° S. and in longitude 146° W., where Mr. Dalrymple has placed the
islands he discovered, it may fairly be inferred, that no part of a
southern continent extends to that latitude.

It will, I think, appear with equal evidence from the accounts of
Roggewein’s voyage, that between the longitudes of 130° and 150° W.
there is no main land to the northward of 35° S. Mr. Pingre, in a
treatise concerning the transit of Venus, which he went out to observe,
has inserted an extract of Roggewein’s voyage, and a map of the South
Seas; and for reasons which may be seen at large in his work, supposes
him, after leaving Easter Island, which he places in latitude 28-½ S.
longitude 123° W., to have steered S. W. as high as 34° S. and
afterwards W. N. W.; and if this was indeed his route, the proof that
there is no main land to the northward of 35° S. is irrefragable. Mr.
Dalrymple indeed supposes his route to have been different, and that
from Easter Isle he steered N. W., taking a course afterwards very
little different from that of La Maire; but I think it is highly
improbable that a man, who, at his own request was sent to discover a
southern continent, should take a course in which La Maire had already
proved no continent could be found: it must, however, be confessed, that
Roggewein’s track cannot certainly be ascertained, because, in the
accounts that have been published of his voyage, neither longitudes nor
latitudes are mentioned. As to myself, I saw nothing that I thought a
sign of land in my route, either to the northward, southward, or
westward, till a few days before I made the east coast of New Zealand. I
did indeed frequently see large flocks of birds, but they were generally
such as are found at a very remote distance from any coast; and it is
also true that I frequently saw pieces of rock-weed, but I could not
infer the vicinity of land from these, because I have been informed,
upon indubitable authority, that a considerable quantity of the beans
called _ox-eyes_, which are known to grow no where but in the West
Indies, are every year thrown up on the coast of Ireland, which is not
less than twelve hundred leagues distant.

Thus have I given my reasons for thinking that there is no continent to
the northward of latitude 40° S. Of what may lie farther to the
southward than 40°, I can give no opinion; but I am so far from wishing
to discourage any future attempt, finally to determine a question which
has long been an object of attention to many nations; that now this
voyage has reduced the only possible site of a continent in the southern
hemisphere, north of latitude 40°, to so small a space, I think it would
be pity to leave that any longer unexamined, especially as the voyage
may turn to good account, besides determining the principal question, if
no continent should be found, by the discovery of new islands in the
tropical regions, of which there is probably a great number that no
European vessel has ever yet visited. Tupia, from time to time, gave us
an account of about one hundred and thirty; and, in a chart drawn by his
own hand, he actually laid down no less than seventy-four.




                               BOOK III.

                                CHAP. I.

    THE RUN FROM NEW ZEALAND TO BOTANY BAY, ON THE EAST COAST OF NEW
  HOLLAND, NOW CALLED NEW SOUTH WALES; VARIOUS INCIDENTS THAT HAPPENED
      THERE; WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE COUNTRY AND ITS INHABITANTS.


HAVING sailed from Cape Farewell, which lies in latitude 40° 33ʹ S.,
longitude 186° W., on Saturday the 31st of March, 1770, we steered
westward, with a fresh gale at N. N. E., and at noon, on the 2d of
April, our latitude, by observation, was 40°, our longitude from Cape
Farewell 2° 31ʹ W.

In the morning of the 9th, being in latitude 38° 29ʹ S., we saw a tropic
bird, which, in so high a latitude, is very uncommon.

In the morning of the 10th, being in latitude 38° 51ʹ S., longitude 202°
43ʹ W., we found the variation, by the amplitude, to be 11° 25ʹ E., and
by the azimuth 11° 20ʹ.

In the morning of the 11th, the variation was 13° 48ʹ, which is two
degrees and a half more than the day before, though I expected to have
found it less.

In the course of the 13th, being in latitude 39° 23ʹ S., longitude 204°
2ʹ W., I found the variation to be 12° 27ʹ E., and in the morning of the
14th it was 11° 30ʹ, this day we also saw some flying fish. On the 15th,
we saw an egg bird and a gannet, and as these are birds that never go
far from the land, we continued to sound all night, but had no ground
with 130 fathom. At noon, on the 16th, we were in latitude 39° 45ʹ S.,
longitude 208° W. At about two o’clock the wind came about to the W. S.
W., upon which we tacked and stood to the N. W.; soon after, a small
land-bird perched upon the rigging, but we had no ground with 120
fathom. At eight we wore and stood to the southward till twelve at
night, and then wore and stood to the N. W. till four in the morning,
when we again stood to the southward, having a fresh gale at W. S. W.,
with squalls and dark weather till nine, when the weather became clear,
and there being little wind, we had an opportunity to take several
observations of the sun and moon, the mean result of which gave 207° 56ʹ
W. longitude: our latitude at noon was 39° 36ʹ S. We had now a hard gale
from the southward, and a great sea from the same quarter, which obliged
us to run under our fore-sail and mizen all night, during which we
sounded every two hours, but had no ground with 120 fathom.

In the morning of the 18th, we saw two Port Egmont hens, and a pintado
bird, which are certain signs of approaching land, and, indeed, by our
reckoning, we could not be far from it, for our longitude was now one
degree to the westward of the east side of Van Diemen’s land, according
to the longitude laid down by Tasman, whom we could not suppose to have
erred much in so short a run as from this land to New Zealand; and by
our latitude we could not be above fifty or fifty-five leagues from the
place whence he took his departure. All this day we had frequent squalls
and a great swell. At one in the morning we brought to and sounded, but
had no ground with 130 fathom; at six we saw land extending from N. E.
to W., at the distance of five or six leagues, having eighty fathom
water, with a fine sandy bottom.

We continued standing westward, with the wind at S. S. W., till eight,
when we made all the sail we could, and bore away along the shore N. E.
for the eastermost land in sight, being at this time in latitude 37° 58ʹ
S., and longitude 210° 39ʹ W. The southermost point of land in sight,
which bore from us W. ¼ S., I judged to lie in latitude 38°, longitude
211° 7ʹ, and gave it the name of POINT HICKS, because Mr. Hicks, the
first lieutenant, was the first who discovered it. To the southward of
this Point no land was to be seen, though it was very clear in that
quarter, and by our longitude, compared with that of Tasman, not as it
is laid down in the printed charts, but in the extracts from Tasman’s
journal, published by Rembrantse, the body of Van Diemen’s land ought to
have borne due south; and, indeed, from the sudden falling of the sea
after the wind abated, I had reason to think it did; yet as I did not
see it, and as I found this coast trend N. E. and S. W., or rather more
to the eastward, I cannot determine whether it joins to Van Diemen’s
land or not.

At noon we were in latitude 37° 5ʹ, longitude 210° 29ʹ W. The extremes
of the land extended from N. W. to E. N. E., and a remarkable point bore
N. 20 E., at the distance of about four leagues. This point rises in a
round hillock, very much resembling the Ram Head at the entrance of
Plymouth Sound, and therefore I called it by the same name. The
variation by an azimuth, taken this morning, was 3° 7ʹ E.; and what we
had now seen of the land, appeared low and level: the sea-shore was a
white sand, but the country within was green and woody. About one
o’clock, we saw three water-spouts at once; two were between us and the
shore, and the third at some distance, upon our larboard quarter: this
phenomenon is so well known, that it is not necessary to give a
particular description of it here.

At six o’clock in the evening we shortened sail, and brought to for the
night, having fifty-six fathom water, and a fine sandy bottom. The
northermost land in sight then bore N. by E. ½ E., and a small island
lying close to a point on the main bore W. distant two leagues. This
point, which I called CAPE HOWE, may be known by the trending of the
coast, which is north on the one side and south-west on the other; it
may also be known by some round hills upon the main, just within it.

We brought to for the night, and at four in the morning made sail along
shore to the northward. At six, the northermost land in sight bore N. N.
W. and we were at this time about four leagues from the shore. At noon
we were in latitude 36° 51ʹ S., longitude 209° 53ʹ W., and about three
leagues distant from the shore. The weather being clear, gave us a good
view of the country, which has a very pleasing appearance: it is of a
moderate height, diversified by hills and valleys, ridges and plains,
interspersed with a few lawns of no great extent, but in general covered
with wood: the ascent of the hills and ridges is gentle, and the summits
are not high. We continued to sail along the shore to the northward,
with a southerly wind, and in the afternoon we saw smoke in several
places, by which we knew the country to be inhabited. At six in the
evening we shortened sail, and sounded: we found forty-four fathom
water, with a clear sandy bottom, and stood on under an easy sail till
twelve, when we brought to for the night, and had ninety fathom water.

At four in the morning we made sail again, at the distance of about five
leagues from the land, and at six, we were abreast of a high mountain,
lying near the shore, which, on account of its figure, I called MOUNT
DROMEDARY. Under this mountain the shore forms a point, to which I gave
the name of POINT DROMEDARY, and over it there is a peaked hillock. At
this time, being in latitude 36° 18ʹ S., longitude 209° 55ʹ W., we found
the variation to be 10° 42ʹ E.

Between ten and eleven, Mr. Green and I took several observations of the
sun and moon, the mean result of which gave 209° 17ʹ longitude W. By an
observation made the day before, our longitude was 210° 9ʹ W., from
which 20ʹ being subtracted, there remains 209° 49ʹ, the longitude of the
ship this day at noon, the mean of which, with this day’s observation,
gives 209° 33ʹ, by which I fix the longitude of this coast. At noon our
latitude was 35° 49ʹ S., Cape Dromedary bore S. 30 W., at the distance
of twelve leagues, and an open bay, in which were three or four small
islands, bore N. W. by W., at the distance of five or six leagues. This
bay seemed to afford but little shelter from the sea winds, and yet it
is the only place where there appeared a probability of finding
anchorage upon the whole coast. We continued to steer along the shore N.
by E. and N. N. E., at the distance of about three leagues, and saw
smoke in many places near the beach. At five in the evening we were
abreast of a point of land which rose in a perpendicular cliff, and
which, for that reason, I called POINT UPRIGHT. Our latitude was 35° 35ʹ
S. when this point bore from us due west, distant about two leagues: in
this situation, we had about thirty-one fathom water, with a sandy
bottom. At six in the evening, the wind falling, we hauled off E. N. E.,
and at this time the northermost land in sight bore N. by E. ½ E. At
midnight, being in seventy fathom water, we brought to till four in the
morning, when we made sail in for the land; but at day-break found our
situation nearly the same as it had been at five the evening before, by
which it was apparent that we had been driven about three leagues to the
southward, by a tide or current, during the night. After this we steered
along the shore N. N. E. with a gentle breeze at S. W., and were so near
the land as to distinguish several of the natives upon the beach, who
appeared to be of a black, or very dark colour. At noon, our latitude,
by observation, was 35° 27ʹ S. and longitude 209° 23ʹ W., Cape Dromedary
bore S. 28 W., distant nineteen leagues, a remarkable peaked hill, which
resembled a square dove-house, with a dome at the top, and which for
that reason I called the PIGEON HOUSE, bore N. 32° 30ʹ W., and a small
low island, which lay close under the shore, bore N. W., distant about
two or three leagues. When I first discovered this island, in the
morning, I was in hopes, from its appearance, that I should have found
shelter for the ship behind it; but when we came near it, it did not
promise security even for the landing of a boat. I should however have
attempted to send a boat on shore, if the wind had not veered to that
direction, with a large hollow sea rolling in upon the land from the S.
E., which indeed had been the case ever since we had been upon it. The
coast still continued to be of a moderate height, forming alternately
rocky points and sandy beaches; but within, between Mount Dromedary and
the Pigeon House, we saw high mountains, which, except two, are covered
with wood: these two lie inland behind the Pigeon House, and are
remarkably flat at the top, with steep rocky cliffs all round them, as
far as we could see. The trees, which almost every where clothe this
country, appear to be large and lofty. This day the variation was found
to be 9° 50ʹ E., and for the two last days, the latitude, by
observation, was twelve or fourteen miles to the southward of the ship’s
account, which could have been the effect of nothing but a current
setting in that direction. About four in the afternoon, being near five
leagues from the land, we tacked, and stood off S. E. and E., and the
wind having veered in the night, from E. to N. E. and N., we tacked
about four in the morning, and stood in, being then about nine or ten
leagues from the shore. At eight, the wind began to die away, and soon
after it was calm. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 35° 38ʹ,
and our distance from the land about six leagues. Cape Dromedary bore S.
37 W., distant seventeen leagues, and the Pigeon House N. 40 W. In this
situation we had 74 fathom water. In the afternoon, we had variable
light airs and calms, till six in the evening, when a breeze sprung up
at N. by W.: at this time, being about four or five leagues from the
shore, we had seventy fathom water. The Pigeon House bore N. 45 W.,
Mount Dromedary S. 30 W., and the northermost land in sight N. 19 E.

We stood to the north-east till noon the next day, with a gentle breeze
at N. W., and then we tacked and stood westward. At this time our
latitude by observation, was 35° 10ʹ S., and longitude 208° 51ʹ W. A
point of land which I had discovered on St. George’s day, and which
therefore I called CAPE GEORGE, bore W. distant nineteen miles, and the
Pigeon House (the latitude and longitude of which I found to be 35° 19ʹ
S. and 209° 42ʹ W.) S. 75 W. In the morning we had found the variation,
by amplitude, to be 7° 50ʹ E., and by several azimuths 7° 54ʹ E. We had
a fresh breeze at N. W. from noon till three; it then came to the west,
when we tacked and stood to the northward. At five in the evening, being
about five or six leagues from the shore, with the Pigeon House bearing
W. S. W. distant about nine leagues, we had eighty-six fathom water; and
at eight, having thunder and lightning, with heavy squalls, we brought
to in 120 fathom.

At three in the morning, we made sail again to the northward, having the
advantage of a fresh gale at S. W. At noon we were about three or four
leagues from the shore, and in latitude 34° 22ʹ S., longitude 208° 36ʹ
W. In the course of this day’s run from the preceding noon, which was
forty-five miles north-east, we saw smoke in several places near the
beach. About two leagues to the northward of Cape George, the shore
seemed to form a bay, which promised shelter from the north-east winds,
but as the wind was with us, it was not in my power to look into it
without beating up, which would have cost me more time than I was
willing to spare. The north point of this bay, on account of its figure,
I named LONG NOSE; its latitude is 35° 6ʹ, and about eight leagues north
of it there lies a point, which, from the colour of the land about it, I
called RED POINT: its latitude is 34° 29ʹ, and longitude 208° 45ʹ W. To
the north-west of Red Point, and a little way inland, stands a round
hill, the top of which looks like the crown of a hat. In the afternoon
of this day we had a light breeze at N. N. W. till five in the evening,
when it fell calm. At this time, we were between three and four leagues
from the shore, and had forty-eight fathom water: the variation by
azimuth was 8° 48ʹ E. and the extremities of this land were from N. E.
by N. to S. W. by S. Before it was dark, we saw smoke in several places
along the shore, and a fire two or three times afterwards. During the
night we lay becalmed, driving in before the sea till one in the
morning, when we got a breeze from the land, with which we steered N.
E., being then in thirty-eight fathom. At noon it veered to N. E. by N.,
and we were then in latitude 34° 10ʹ S., longitude 208° 27ʹ W.: the land
was distant about five leagues, and extended from S. 37 W. to N. ½ E. In
this latitude there are some white cliffs, which rise perpendicularly
from the sea to a considerable height. We stood off the shore till two
o’clock, and then tacked and stood in till six, when we were within four
or five miles of it, and at that distance had fifty fathom water. The
extremities of the land bore from S. 28 W. to N. 25° 30ʹ E. We now
tacked and stood off till twelve, then tacked and stood in again till
four in the morning, when we made a trip off till daylight; and during
all this time we lost ground, owing to the variableness of the winds. We
continued at the distance of between four and five miles from the shore,
till the afternoon, when we came within two miles, and I then hoisted
out the pinnace and yawl to attempt a landing, but the pinnace proved to
be so leaky that I was obliged to hoist her in again. At this time we
saw several of the natives walking briskly along the shore, four of whom
carried a small canoe upon their shoulders. We flattered ourselves that
they were going to put her into the water, and come off to the ship, but
finding ourselves disappointed, I determined to go on shore in the yawl,
with as many as it would carry. I embarked, therefore, with only Mr.
Banks, Dr. Solander, Tupia, and four rowers: we pulled for that part of
the shore where the Indians appeared, near which four small canoes were
lying at the water’s edge. The Indians sat down upon the rocks, and
seemed to wait for our landing; but to our great regret, when we came
within about a quarter of a mile, they ran away into the woods. We
determined, however, to go ashore, and endeavour to procure an
interview; but in this we were again disappointed, for we found so great
a surf beating upon every part of the beach, that landing with our
little boat was altogether impracticable. We were therefore obliged to
be content with gazing at such objects as presented themselves from the
water. The canoes, upon a near view, seemed very much to resemble those
of the smaller sort at New Zealand. We observed, that among the trees on
shore, which were not very large, there was no underwood; and could
distinguish that many of them were of the palm kind, and some of them
cabbage trees: after many a wishful look we were obliged to return, with
our curiosity rather excited than satisfied, and about five in the
evening got on board the ship. About this time it fell calm, and our
situation was by no means agreeable. We were now not more than a mile
and a half from the shore, and within some breakers, which lay to the
southward; but happily a light breeze came off the land, and carried us
out of danger. With this breeze we stood to the northward, and at
day-break we discovered a bay, which seemed to be well sheltered from
all winds, and into which, therefore, I determined to go with the ship.
The pinnace being repaired, I sent her, with the master, to sound the
entrance, while I kept turning up, having the wind right out. At noon,
the mouth of the bay bore N. N. W., distant about a mile, and seeing a
smoke on the shore, we directed our glasses to the spot, and soon
discovered ten people, who, upon our nearer approach, left their fire,
and retired to a little eminence, whence they could conveniently observe
our motions. Soon after two canoes, each having two men on board, came
to the shore just under the eminence, and the men joined the rest on the
top of it. The pinnace, which had been sent a-head to sound, now
approached the place, upon which all the Indians retired farther up the
hill, except one, who hid himself among some rocks near the
landing-place. As the pinnace proceeded along the shore, most of the
people took the same route, and kept abreast of her at a distance. When
she came back, the master told us, that in a cove a little within the
harbour, some of them had come down to the beach, and invited him to
land by many signs and words, of which he knew not the meaning; but that
all of them were armed with long pikes, and a wooden weapon shaped
somewhat like a cimeter. The Indians who had not followed the boat,
seeing the ship approach, used many threatening gestures, and brandished
their weapons; particularly two, who made a very singular appearance,
for their faces seemed to have been dusted with a white powder, and
their bodies painted with broad streaks of the same colour, which
passing obliquely over their breasts and backs, looked not unlike the
cross-belts worn by our soldiers; the same kind of streaks were also
drawn round their legs and thighs, like broad garters. Each of these men
held in his hand the weapon that had been described to us as like a
cimeter, which appeared to be about two feet and a half long; and they
seemed to talk to each other with great earnestness.

We continued to stand into the bay, and early in the afternoon anchored
under the south shore, about two miles within the entrance, in six
fathom water, the south point bearing S. E., and the north point East.
As we came in we saw, on both points of the bay, a few huts, and several
of the natives, men, women, and children. Under the south head we saw
four small canoes, with each one man on board, who were very busily
employed in striking fish with a long pike or spear. They ventured
almost into the surf, and were so intent upon what they were doing, that
although the ship passed within a quarter of a mile of them, they
scarcely turned their eyes toward her; possibly, being deafened by the
surf, and their attention wholly fixed upon their business or sport,
they neither saw nor heard her go past them.

The place where the ship had anchored was abreast of a small village,
consisting of about six or eight houses; and while we were preparing to
hoist out the boat, we saw an old woman, followed by three children,
come out of the wood; she was loaded with fire-wood, and each of the
children had also its little burden. When she came to the houses, three
more children, younger than the others, came out to meet her: she often
looked at the ship, but expressed neither fear nor surprise. In a short
time she kindled a fire, and the four canoes came in from fishing. The
men landed, and having hauled up their boats, began to dress their
dinner, to all appearance, wholly unconcerned about us, though we were
within half a mile of them. We thought it remarkable that all of the
people we had yet seen, not one had the least appearance of clothing,
the old woman herself being destitute even of a fig-leaf.

After dinner the boats were manned, and we set out from the ship, having
Tupia of our party. We intended to land where we saw the people, and
began to hope that as they had so little regarded the ship’s coming into
the bay, they would as little regard our coming on shore. In this,
however, we were disappointed; for as soon as we approached the rocks,
two of the men came down upon them to dispute our landing, and the rest
ran away. Each of the two champions was armed with a lance about ten
feet long, and a short stick, which he seemed to handle as if it was a
machine to assist him in managing or throwing the lance. They called to
us in a very loud tone, and in a harsh dissonant language, of which
neither we nor Tupia understood a single word: they brandished their
weapons, and seemed resolved to defend their coast to the uttermost,
though they were but two, and we were forty. I could not but admire
their courage, and being very unwilling that hostilities should commence
with such inequality of force between us, I ordered the boat to lie upon
her oars: we then parlied by signs for about a quarter of an hour, and
to bespeak their good-will, I threw them nails, beads, and other
trifles, which they took up, and seemed to be well pleased with. I then
made signs that I wanted water, and, by all the means that I could
devise, endeavoured to convince them that we would do them no harm. They
now waved to us, and I was willing to interpret it as an invitation; but
upon our putting the boat in, they came again to oppose us. One appeared
to be a youth about nineteen or twenty, and the other a man of middle
age: as I had now no other resource, I fired a musket between them. Upon
the report, the youngest dropped a bundle of lances upon the rock, but
recollecting himself in an instant, he snatched them up again with great
haste. A stone was then thrown at us, upon which I ordered a musket to
be fired with small shot, which struck the eldest upon the legs, and he
immediately ran to one of the houses, which was distant about an hundred
yards. I now hoped that our contest was over, and we immediately landed;
but we had scarcely left the boat when he returned, and we then
perceived that he had left the rock only to fetch a shield or target for
his defence. As soon as he came up, he threw a lance at us, and his
comrade another; they fell where we stood thickest, but happily hurt
nobody. A third musket with small shot was then fired at them, upon
which one of them threw another lance, and both immediately ran away: if
we had pursued, we might probably have taken one of them; but Mr. Banks
suggesting that the lances might be poisoned, I thought it not prudent
to venture into the woods. We repaired immediately to the huts, in one
of which we found the children, who had hidden themselves behind a
shield and some bark; we peeped at them, but left them in their retreat,
without their knowing that they had been discovered, and we threw into
the house, when we went away, some beads, ribbons, pieces of cloth, and
other presents, which we hoped would procure us the good-will of the
inhabitants when they should return; but the lances which we found lying
about, we took away with us, to the number of about fifty: they were
from six to fifteen feet long, and all of them had four prongs in the
manner of a fish-gig, each of which was pointed with fish-bone, and very
sharp: we observed that they were smeared with a viscous substance of a
green colour, which favoured the opinion of their being poisoned, though
we afterwards discovered that it was a mistake: they appeared, by the
sea-weed that we found sticking to them, to have been used in striking
fish. Upon examining the canoes that lay upon the beach, we found them
to be the worst we had ever seen: they were between twelve and fourteen
feet long, and made of the bark of a tree in one piece, which was drawn
together and tied up at each end, the middle being kept open by sticks,
which were placed across them from gunwale to gunwale as thwarts. We
then searched for fresh water, but found none, except in a small hole
which had been dug in the sand.

Having reimbarked in our boat, we deposited our lances on board the
ship, and then went over to the north point of the bay, where we had
seen several of the inhabitants when we were entering it, but which we
now found totally deserted. Here, however, we found fresh water, which
trickled down from the top of the rocks, and stood in pools among the
hollows at the bottom; but it was situated so as not to be procured for
our use without difficulty.

In the morning, therefore, I sent a party of men to that part of the
shore where we first landed, with orders to dig holes in the sand where
the water might gather; but going ashore myself with the gentlemen soon
afterwards, we found, upon a more diligent search, a small stream, more
than sufficient for our purpose.

Upon visiting the hut where we had seen the children, we were greatly
mortified to find that the beads and ribbons which we had left there the
night before had not been moved from their places, and that not an
Indian was to be seen.

Having sent some empty water-casks on shore, and left a party of men to
cut wood, I went myself in the pinnace to sound, and examine the bay;
during my excursion I saw several of the natives, but they all fled at
my approach. In one of the places where I landed, I found several small
fires, and fresh muscles broiling upon them; here also I found some of
the largest oyster-shells I had ever seen.

As soon as the wooders and waterers came on board to dinner, ten or
twelve of the natives came down to the place, and looked with great
attention and curiosity at the casks, but did not touch them: they took
away, however, the canoes which lay near the landing-place, and again
disappeared. In the afternoon, when our people were again ashore,
sixteen or eighteen Indians, all armed, came boldly within about an
hundred yards of them, and then stopped: two of them advanced somewhat
nearer; and Mr. Hicks, who commanded the party on shore, with another,
advanced to meet them, holding out presents to them as he approached,
and expressing kindness and amity by every sign he could think of, but
all without effect; for before he could get up with them they retired,
and it would have answered no purpose to pursue. In the evening I went
with Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander to a sandy cove on the north side of the
bay, where, in three or four hauls with the seine, we took above three
hundred weight of fish, which was equally divided among the ship’s
company.

The next morning, before day-break, the Indians came down to the houses
that were abreast of the ship, and were heard frequently to shout very
loud. As soon as it was light, they were seen walking along the beach;
and soon after they retired to the woods, where, at the distance of
about a mile from the shore, they kindled several fires.

Our people went ashore as usual, and with them Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander, who, in search of plants, repaired to the woods. Our men, who
were employed in cutting grass, being the farthest removed from the main
body of the people, a company of fourteen or fifteen Indians advanced
towards them, having sticks in their hands, which, according to the
report of the serjeant of marines, shone like a musket. The
grass-cutters upon seeing them approach, drew together, and repaired to
the main body. The Indians, being encouraged by this appearance of a
flight, pursued them; they stopped, however, when they were within about
a furlong of them, and after shouting several times, went back into the
woods. In the evening they came again in the same manner, stopped at the
same distance, shouted and retired. I followed them myself, alone and
unarmed, for a considerable way along the shore, but I could not prevail
upon them to stop.

This day Mr. Green took the sun’s meridian altitude a little within the
south entrance of the bay, which gave the latitude 34° S., the variation
of the needle was 11° 3ʹ E.

Early the next morning, the body of Forby Sutherland, one of our seamen,
who died the evening before, was buried near the watering-place; and
from this incident I called the south point of this bay Sutherland
Point. This day we resolved to make an excursion into the country. Mr.
Banks, Dr. Solander, myself, and seven others, properly accoutred for
the expedition, set out, and repaired first to the huts near the
watering-place, whither some of the natives continued every day to
resort; and though the little presents which we had left there before
had not yet been taken away, we left others of somewhat more value,
consisting of cloth, looking-glasses, combs, and beads, and then went up
into the country. We found the soil to be either swamp or light sand,
and the face of the country finely diversified by wood and lawn. The
trees are tall, straight, and without underwood, standing at such a
distance from each other, that the whole country, at least where the
swamps do not render it incapable of cultivation, might be cultivated
without cutting down one of them. Between the trees the ground is
covered with grass, of which there is great abundance, growing in tufts
about as big as can well be grasped in the hand, which stand very close
to each other. We saw many houses of the inhabitants, and places where
they had slept upon the grass without any shelter; but we saw only one
of the people, who, the moment he discovered us, ran away. At all these
places we left presents, hoping that at length they might produce
confidence and good-will. We had a transient and imperfect view of a
quadruped, about as big as a rabbit. Mr. Banks’s greyhound, which was
with us, got sight of it, and would probably have caught it, but the
moment he set off he lamed himself against a stump which lay concealed
in the long grass. We afterwards saw the dung of an animal which fed
upon grass, and which we judged could not be less than a deer; and the
footsteps of another, which was clawed like a dog, and seemed to be
about as big as a wolf. We also tracked a small animal, whose foot
resembled that of a polecat or weasel. The trees over our head abounded
with birds of various kinds, among which were many of exquisite beauty,
particularly loriquets and cockatoos, which flew in flocks of several
scores together. We found some wood which had been felled by the natives
with a blunt instrument, and some that had been barked. The trees were
not of many species; among others there was a large one which yielded a
gum not unlike the _sanguis draconis_; and in some of them steps had
been cut at about three feet distance from each other, for the
convenience of climbing them.

From this excursion we returned between three and four o’clock, and
having dined on board, we went ashore again at the watering-place, where
a party of men were filling casks. Mr. Gore, the second lieutenant, had
been sent out in the morning with a boat to dredge for oysters at the
head of the bay; when he had performed this service, he went ashore, and
having taken a midshipman with him, and sent the boat away, set out to
join the waterers by land. In his way he fell in with a body of
two-and-twenty Indians, who followed him, and were often not more than
twenty yards distant. When Mr. Gore perceived them so near, he stopped,
and faced about, upon which they stopped also; and when he went on
again, continued their pursuit. They did not, however, attack him,
though they were all armed with lances, and he and the midshipman got in
safety to the watering-place. The Indians, who had slackened their
pursuit when they came in sight of the main body of our people, halted
at about the distance of a quarter of a mile, where they stood still.
Mr. Monkhouse and two or three of the waterers took it into their head
to march up to them; but seeing the Indians keep their ground till they
came pretty near them, they were seized with a sudden fear very common
to the rash and fool-hardy, and made a hasty retreat. This step, which
insured the danger that it was taken to avoid, encouraged the Indians,
and four of them running forward, discharged their lances at the
fugitives, with such force, that flying no less than forty yards, they
went beyond them. As the Indians did not pursue, our people, recovering
their spirits, stopped to collect the lances when they came up to the
place where they lay; upon which the Indians, in their turn, began to
retire. Just at this time I came up, with Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, and
Tupia; and being desirous to convince the Indians that we were neither
afraid of them, nor intended them any mischief, we advanced towards
them, making signs of expostulation and entreaty; but they could not be
persuaded to wait till we could come up. Mr. Gore told us, that he had
seen some of them up the bay, who had invited him by signs to come on
shore, which he, certainly with great prudence, declined.

The morning of the next day was so rainy, that we were all glad to stay
on board. In the afternoon, however, it cleared up, and we made another
excursion along the sea-coast to the southward: we went ashore, and Mr.
Banks and Dr. Solander gathered many plants; but besides these we saw
nothing worthy of notice. At our first entering the woods, we met with
three of the natives, who instantly ran away: more of them were seen by
some of the people, but they all disappeared, with great precipitation,
as soon as they found that they were discovered. By the boldness of
these people at our first landing, and the terror that seized them at
the sight of us afterwards, it appears that they were sufficiently
intimidated by our fire-arms: not that we had any reason to think the
people much hurt by the small shot which we were obliged to fire at
them, when they attacked us at our coming out of the boat; but they had
probably seen the effects of them, from their lurking-places, upon the
birds that we had shot. Tupia, who was now become a good marksman,
frequently strayed from us to shoot parrots; and he had told us, that
while he was thus employed, he had once met with nine Indians, who, as
soon as they perceived he saw them, ran from him, in great confusion and
terror.

The next day, twelve canoes, in each of which was a single Indian, came
towards the watering-place, and were within half a mile of it a
considerable time: they were employed in striking fish, upon which, like
others that we had seen before, they were so intent, that they seemed to
regard nothing else. It happened, however, that a party of our people
were out a shooting near the place, and one of the men, whose curiosity
might at length, perhaps, be roused by the report of the fowling-pieces,
was observed by Mr. Banks to haul up his canoe upon the beach, and go
towards the shooting-party. In something more than a quarter of an hour,
he returned, launched his canoe, and went off in her to his companions.
This incident makes it probable that the natives acquired a knowledge of
the destructive power of our fire-arms, when we knew nothing of the
matter; for this man was not seen by any of the party whose operations
he had reconnoitred.

While Mr. Banks was gathering plants near the watering-place, I went
with Dr. Solander and Mr. Monkhouse to the head of the bay, that I might
examine that part of the country, and make farther attempts to form some
connexion with the natives. In our way we met with eleven or twelve
small canoes, with each a man in it, probably the same that were
afterwards abreast of the shore, who all made into shoal water upon our
approach. We met other Indians on shore the first time we landed, who
instantly took to their canoes, and paddled away. We went up the country
to some distance, and found the face of it nearly the same with that
which has been described already, but the soil was much richer; for,
instead of sand, I found a deep black mould, which I thought very fit
for the production of grain of any kind. In the woods we found a tree
which bore fruit that in colour and shape resembled a cherry: the juice
had an agreeable tartness, though but little flavour. We found also
interspersed some of the finest meadows in the world: some places,
however, were rocky, but these were comparatively few: the stone is
sandy, and might be used with advantage for building. When we returned
to the boat, we saw some smoke upon another part of the coast, and went
thither in hopes of meeting with the people, but at our approach, these
also ran away. We found six small canoes, and six fires very near the
beach, with some muscles roasting upon them, and a few oysters lying
near: by this we judged that there had been one man in each canoe, who
having picked up some shell fish, had come ashore to eat it, and made
his separate fire for that purpose. We tasted of their cheer, and left
them in return some strings of beads, and other things which we thought
would please them. At the foot of a tree in this place we found a small
well of fresh water, supplied by a spring; and the day being now far
spent, we returned to the ship. In the evening, Mr. Banks made a little
excursion with his gun, and found such a number of quails, resembling
those in England, that he might have shot as many as he pleased; but his
object was variety and not number.

The next morning, as the wind would not permit me to sail, I sent out
several parties into the country to try again whether some intercourse
could not be established with the natives. A midshipman, who belonged to
one of these parties, having straggled a long way from his companions,
met with a very old man and woman, and some little children; they were
sitting under a tree by the water side, and neither party saw the other
till they were close together. The Indians showed signs of fear, but did
not attempt to run away. The man happened to have nothing to give them
but a parrot that he had shot; this he offered, but they refused to
accept it, withdrawing themselves from his hand either through fear or
aversion. His stay with them was but short, for he saw several canoes
near the beach fishing, and being alone, he feared they might come
ashore and attack him. He said, that these people were very
dark-coloured, but not black; that the man and woman appeared to be very
old, being both grey-headed; that the hair of the man’s head was bushy,
and his beard long and rough; that the woman’s hair was cropped short;
and both of them were stark naked. Mr. Monkhouse, the surgeon, and one
of the men, who were with another party near the watering-place, also
strayed from their companions, and as they were coming out of a thicket,
observed six Indians standing together, at the distance of about fifty
yards. One of them pronounced a word very loud, which was supposed to be
a signal, for a lance was immediately thrown at him out of the wood,
which very narrowly missed him. When the Indians saw that the weapon had
not taken effect, they ran away with the greatest precipitation; but on
turning about towards the place whence the lance had been thrown, he saw
a young Indian, whom he judged to be about nineteen or twenty years old,
come down from a tree, and he also ran away with such speed as made it
hopeless to follow him. Mr. Monkhouse was of opinion that he had been
watched by these Indians in his passage through the thicket, and that
the youth had been stationed in the tree to discharge the lance at him,
upon a signal, as he should come by; but however this be, there could be
no doubt but that he was the person who threw the lance.

In the afternoon, I went myself with a party over to the north shore,
and while some of our people were hauling the seine, we made an
excursion a few miles into the country, proceeding afterwards in the
direction of the coast. We found this place without wood, and somewhat
resembling our moors in England; the surface of the ground, however, was
covered with a thin brush of plants, about as high as the knees. The
hills near the coast are low, but others rise behind them, increasing by
a gradual ascent to a considerable distance, with marshes and morasses
between. When we returned to the boat, we found that our people had
caught with the seine a great number of small fish, which are well known
in the West-Indies, and which our sailors call leather-jackets, because
their skin is remarkably thick. I had sent the second lieutenant out in
the yawl a striking, and when we got back to the ship, we found that he
also had been very successful. He had observed that the large
sting-rays, of which there is great plenty in the bay, followed the
flowing tide into very shallow water; he therefore took the opportunity
of flood, and struck several in not more than two or three feet water:
one of them weighed no less than two hundred and forty pounds after his
entrails were taken out.

The next morning, as the wind still continued northerly, I sent out the
yawl again, and the people struck one still larger, for when his
entrails were taken out he weighed three hundred and thirty-six pounds.

The great quantity of plants which Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander collected
in this place induced me to give it the name of BOTANY BAY. It is
situated in the latitude of 34° S., longitude 208° 37ʹ W. It is
capacious, safe, and convenient, and may be known by the land on the
sea-coast, which is nearly level, and of a moderate height; in general
higher than it is farther inland, with steep rocky cliffs next the sea,
which have the appearance of a long island lying close under the shore.
The harbour lies about the middle of this land, and in approaching it
from the southward, is discovered before the ship comes abreast of it;
but from the northward it is not discovered so soon: the entrance is a
little more than a quarter of a mile broad, and lies in W. N. W. To sail
into it, the southern shore should be kept on board, till the ship is
within a small bare island, which lies close under the north shore;
within this island the deepest water on that side is seven fathom
shallowing to five a good way up. At a considerable distance from the
south shore there is a shoal reaching from the inner south point quite
to the head of the harbour; but over towards the north and north-west
shore there is a channel of twelve or fourteen feet at low water, for
three or four leagues, up to a place where there is three or four
fathom; but here I found very little fresh water. We anchored near the
south shore, about a mile within the entrance, for the convenience of
sailing with a southerly wind, and because I thought it the best
situation for watering; but I afterwards found a very fine stream on the
north shore, in the first sandy cove within the island, before which a
ship might lie almost land-locked, and procure wood as well as water in
great abundance. Wood, indeed, is every where plenty, but I saw only two
kinds which may be considered as timber. These trees are as large, or
larger, than the English oak, and one of them has not a very different
appearance; this is the same that yields the reddish gum like _sanguis
draconis_, and the wood is heavy, hard, and dark-coloured, like _lignum
vitæ_: the other grows tall and straight, something like the pine; and
the wood of this, which has some resemblance to the live oak of America,
is also hard and heavy. There are a few shrubs, and several kinds of the
palm: mangroves also grow in great plenty near the head of the bay. The
country in general is level, low, and woody, as far as we could see. The
woods, as I have before observed, abound with birds of exquisite beauty,
particularly of the parrot kind: we found also crows here, exactly the
same with those in England. About the head of the harbour, where there
are large flats of sand and mud, there is great plenty of water-fowl,
most of which were altogether unknown to us; one of the most remarkable
was black and white, much larger than a swan, and in shape somewhat
resembling a pelican. On these banks of sand and mud there are great
quantities of oysters, muscles, cockles, and other shell-fish, which
seem to be the principal subsistence of the inhabitants, who go into
shoal water with their little canoes, and pick them out with their
hands. We did not observe that they eat any of them raw, nor do they
always go on shore to dress them, for they have frequently fires in
their canoes for that purpose. They do not, however, subsist wholly upon
this food, for they catch a variety of other fish, some of which they
strike with gigs, and some they take with hook and line. All the
inhabitants that we saw were stark naked; they did not appear to be
numerous, nor to live in societies, but, like other animals, were
scattered about along the coast, and in the woods. Of their manner of
life, however, we could know but little, as we were never able to form
the least connection with them: after the first contest at our landing,
they would never come near enough to parley; nor did they touch a single
article of all that we had left at their huts, and the places they
frequented, on purpose for them to take away.

During my stay in this harbour I caused the English colours to be
displayed on shore every day, and the ship’s name, and the date of the
year, to be inscribed upon one of the trees near the watering-place.

It is high-water here at the full and change of the moon about eight
o’clock, and the tide rises and falls perpendicularly between four and
five feet.




                               CHAP. II.

THE RANGE FROM BOTANY BAY TO TRINITY BAY; WITH A FARTHER ACCOUNT OF THE
               COUNTRY, ITS INHABITANTS, AND PRODUCTIONS.


AT day-break, on Sunday, the 6th of May, 1770, we set sail from Botany
Bay, with a light breeze at N. W., which soon after coming to the
southward, we steered along the shore N. N. E.; and at noon, our
latitude, by observation, was 33° 50ʹ S. At this time we were between
two and three miles distant from the land, and abreast of a bay or
harbour, in which there appeared to be good anchorage, and which I
called PORT JACKSON. This harbour lies three leagues to the northward of
Botany Bay: the variation, by several azimuths, appeared to be 8° E. At
sun-set, the northermost land in sight bore N. 26 E., and some broken
land, that seemed to form a bay, bore N. 40 W., distant four leagues.
This bay, which lies in latitude 33° 42ʹ, I called BROKEN BAY. We
steered along the shore N. N. E. all night, at the distance of about
three leagues from the land, having from thirty-two to thirty-six fathom
water, with a hard sandy bottom.

Soon after sun-rise on the 7th, I took several azimuths, with four
needles belonging to the azimuth compass, the mean result of which gave
the variation 7° 56ʹ E. At noon our latitude, by observation, was 33°
22ʹ S.: we were about three leagues from the shore, the northermost land
in sight bore N. 19 E., and some lands which projected in three bluff
points, and which, for that reason, I called CAPE THREE POINTS, bore S.
W., distant five leagues. Our longitude from BOTANY BAY was 19ʹ E. In
the afternoon, we saw smoke in several places upon the shore, and in the
evening, found the variation to be 8° 25ʹ E. At this time we were
between two and three miles from the shore, in twenty-eight fathom; and
at noon, the next day, we had not advanced one step to the northward. We
stood off shore, with the winds northerly, till twelve at night, and at
the distance of about five leagues, had seventy fathom; at the distance
of six leagues we had eighty fathom, which is the extent of the
soundings; for at the distance of ten leagues, we had no ground with 150
fathom.

The wind continuing northerly till the morning of the 10th, we continued
to stand in and off the shore, with very little change of situation in
other respects; but a gale then springing up at S. W., we made the best
of our way along the shore to the northward. At sun-rise, our latitude
was 33° 2ʹ S., and the variation 8° E. At nine in the forenoon, we
passed a remarkable hill, which stood a little way inland, and somewhat
resembled the crown of a hat; and at noon, our latitude, by observation,
was 32° 53ʹ S., and our longitude 208° W. We were about two leagues
distant from the land, which extended from N. 41 E. to S. 41 W., and a
small round rock, or island, which lay close under the land, bore S. 82
W., distant between three and four leagues. At four in the afternoon, we
passed, at the distance of about a mile, a low rocky point, which I
called POINT STEPHENS; on the north side of which is an inlet, which I
called PORT STEPHENS: this inlet appeared to me, from the masthead, to
be sheltered from all winds. It lies in latitude 32° 40ʹ, longitude 207°
51ʹ, and at the entrance are three small islands, two of which are high;
and on the main near the shore are some high round hills, which at a
distance appear like islands. In passing this bay, at the distance of
two or three miles from the shore, our soundings were from thirty-three
to twenty-seven fathom, from which I conjectured that there must be a
sufficient depth of water within it. At a little distance within land,
we saw smoke in several places; and at half an hour past five, the
northermost land in sight bore N. 36 E. and Point Stephens S. W.,
distant four leagues. Our soundings in the night were from forty-eight
to sixty-two fathom, at the distance of between three and four leagues
from the shore, which made in two hillocks. This Point I called CAPE
HAWKE: it lies in the latitude of 32° 14ʹ S., longitude 207° 30ʹ W.; and
at four o’clock in the morning bore W., distant about eight miles; at
the same time the northermost land in sight bore N. 6 E. and appeared
like an island. At noon, this land bore N. 8 E., the northermost land in
sight N. 13 E., and Cape Hawke S. 37 W. Our latitude, by observation,
was 32° 2ʹ S. which was twelve miles to the southward of that given by
the log; so that probably we had a current setting that way: by the
morning amplitude and azimuth, the variation was 9° 10ʹ E. During our
run along the shore, in the afternoon, we saw smoke in several places,
at a little distance from the beach, and one upon the top of a hill,
which was the first we had seen upon elevated ground since our arrival
upon the coast. At sunset, we had twenty-three fathom, at the distance
of a league and a half from the shore: the northermost land then bore N.
13 E., and three hills, remarkably large and high, lying contiguous to
each other, and not far from the beach, N. N. W. As these hills bore
some resemblance to each other, we called them THE THREE BROTHERS. They
lie in latitude 31° 40ʹ, and may be seen fourteen or sixteen leagues. We
steered N. E. by N. all night, having from twenty-seven to sixty-seven
fathom, at the distance of between two and six leagues from the shore.

At day-break, we steered north, for the northermost land in sight. At
noon, we were four leagues from the shore, and, by observation, in
latitude 31° 18ʹ S., which was fifteen miles to the southward of that
given by the log; our longitude 206° 58ʹ W. In the afternoon, we stood
in for the land, where we saw smoke in several places, till six in the
evening, when, being within three or four miles of it, and in
twenty-four fathom of water, we stood off with a fresh breeze at N. and
N. N. W. till midnight, when we had 118 fathom, at the distance of eight
leagues from the land, and then tacked. At three in the morning, the
wind veered to the westward, when we tacked and stood to the northward.
At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 30° 43ʹ S., and our longitude
206° 45ʹ W. At this time we were between three and four leagues from the
shore, the northermost part of which bore from us N. 13 W. and a point,
or head-land, on which we saw fires that produced a great quantity of
smoke, bore W., distant four leagues. To this point I gave the name of
SMOKEY CAPE: it is of a considerable height, and over the pitch of the
point is a round hillock; within it are two others, much higher and
larger, and within them the land is very low. Our latitude was 30° 31ʹ
S., longitude 206° 54ʹ W.: this day the observed latitude was only five
miles south of the log. We saw smoke in several parts along the coast,
besides that seen upon Smokey Cape.

In the afternoon, the wind being at N. E., we stood off and on, and at
three or four miles distance from the shore had thirty fathom water: the
wind afterwards coming cross off land, we stood to the northward, having
from thirty to twenty-one fathom, at the distance of four or five miles
from the shore.

At five in the morning, the wind veered to the north, and blew fresh,
attended with squalls: at eight it began to thunder and rain, and in
about an hour it fell calm, which gave us an opportunity to sound, and
we had eighty-six fathom at between four and five leagues from the
shore. Soon after this we had a gale from the southward, with which we
steered N. by W. for the northermost land in sight. At noon we were
about four leagues from the shore, and by observation, in latitude 30°
22ʹ, which was nine miles to the southward of our reckoning, longitude
206° 39ʹ W. Some lands near the shore, of a considerable height, bore W.

As we advanced to the northward from Botany Bay, the land gradually
increased in height, so that in this latitude it may be called a hilly
country. Between this latitude and the Bay, it exhibits a pleasing
variety of ridges, hills, vallies, and plains, all clothed with wood, of
the same appearance with that which has been particularly described. The
land near the shore is in general low and sandy, except the points,
which are rocky, and over many of them are high hills, which, at their
first rising out of the water, have the appearance of islands. In the
afternoon, we had some small rocky islands between us and the land, the
southermost of which lies in latitude 30° 10ʹ, and the northermost in
29° 58ʹ, and somewhat more than two leagues from the land: about two
miles without the northermost island we had thirty-three fathom water.
Having the advantage of a moon, we steered along the shore all night, in
the direction of N. and N. by E., keeping at the distance of about three
leagues from the land, and having from twenty to twenty-five fathom
water. As soon as it was light, having a fresh gale, we made all the
sail we could; and at nine o’clock in the morning, being about a league
from the shore, we discovered smoke in many places, and having recourse
to our glasses, we saw about twenty of the natives, who had each a large
bundle upon his back, which we conjectured to be palm-leaves for
covering their houses. We continued to observe them above an hour,
during which they walked upon the beach, and up a path that led over a
hill of a gentle ascent, behind which we lost sight of them: not one of
them was observed to stop and look towards us, but they trudged along,
to all appearance, without the least emotion, either of curiosity or
surprise, though it is impossible they should not have seen the ship by
a casual glance as they walked along the shore; and though she must,
with respect to every other object they had yet seen, have been little
less stupendous and unaccountable than a floating mountain with all its
woods would have been to us. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was
28° 39ʹ S., and longitude 206° 27ʹ W. A high point of land, which I
named CAPE BYRON, bore N. W. by W., at the distance of three miles. It
lies in latitude 28° 37ʹ 30ʺ S., longitude 206° 30ʹ W., and may be known
by a remarkable sharp-peaked mountain, which lies inland, and bears from
it N. W. by W. From this point the land trends N. 13 W.: inland it is
high and hilly, but low near the shore: to the southward of the point it
is also low and level. We continued to steer along the shore with a
fresh gale, till sun-set, when we suddenly discovered breakers a-head,
directly in the ship’s course, and also on our larboard bow. At this
time we were about five miles from the land, and had twenty fathom
water: we hauled up east till eight, when we had run eight miles, and
increased our depth of water to forty-four fathom; we then brought to,
with the ship’s head to the eastward, and lay upon this tack till ten,
when, having increased our sounding to seventy-eight fathom, we wore and
lay with the ship’s head to the land till five in the morning, when we
made sail, and, at day-light, were greatly surprised to find ourselves
farther to the southward than we had been the evening before, though the
wind had been southerly, and blown fresh all night. We now saw the
breakers again within us, and passed them at the distance of one league.
They lie in latitude 28° 8ʹ S., stretching off east two leagues from a
point of land, under which is a small island. Their situation may always
be known by the peaked mountain which has been just mentioned, and which
bears from them S. W. by W.: for this reason I have named it MOUNT
WARNING. It lies seven or eight leagues inland, in latitude 28° 22ʹ S.
The land about it is high and hilly, but it is of itself sufficiently
conspicuous to be at once distinguished from every other object. The
point off which these shoals lie I have named POINT DANGER. To the
northward of this point the land is low, and trends N. W. by N.; but it
soon turns again more to the northward.

At noon we were about two leagues from the land, and, by observation, in
latitude 27° 46ʹ S., which was seventeen miles to the southward of the
log: our longitude was 206° 26ʹ W. Mount Warning bore S. 26 W. distant
fourteen leagues, and the northernmost land in sight bore N. We pursued
our course along the shore, at the distance of about two leagues, in the
direction of N. ¾ E. till between four and five in the afternoon, when
we discovered breakers on our larboard bow. Our depth of water was
thirty-seven fathom, and at sunset, the northernmost land bore N. by W.,
the breakers N. W. by W., distant four miles, and the northernmost land
set at noon, which formed a point, and to which I gave the name of POINT
LOOK-OUT, W. distant five or six miles, in the latitude of 27° 6ʹ. On
the north side of this point, the shore forms a wide open bay, which I
called MORETON’S BAY, in the bottom of which the land is so low that I
could but just see it from the top-mast head. The breakers lie between
three or four miles from Point Look-out; and at this time we had a great
sea from the southward, which broke upon them very high. We stood on N.
N. E. till eight o’clock, when having passed the breakers, and deepened
our water to fifty-two fathom, we brought to till midnight, when we made
sail again to the N. N. E. At four in the morning we had 135 fathom, and
when the day broke, I perceived that during the night I had got much
farther northward, and from the shore, than I expected from the course
we steered, for we were distant at least seven leagues; I therefore
hauled in N. W. by W., with a fresh gale at S. S. W. The land that was
farthest to the north the night before now bore S. S. W., distant six
leagues, and I gave it the name of CAPE MORETON, it being the north
point of Moreton’s Bay: its latitude is 26° 56ʹ, and its longitude is
206° 28ʹ. From Cape Moreton the land trends away west, farther than can
be seen, for there is a small space, where at this time no land is
visible; and some on board having also observed that the sea looked
paler than usual, were of opinion that the bottom of Moreton’s Bay
opened into a river. We had here thirty-four fathom water, and a fine
sandy bottom: this alone would have produced the change that had been
observed in the colour of the water; and it was by no means necessary to
suppose a river to account for the land at the bottom of the bay not
being visible; for supposing the land there to be as low as we knew it
to be in a hundred other parts of the coast, it would have been
impossible to see it from the station of the ship; however, if any
future navigator should be disposed to determine the question, whether
there is or is not a river in this place, which the wind would not
permit us to do, the situation may always be found by three hills which
lie to the northward of it, in the latitude of 26° 53ʹ. These hills lie
but a little way inland, and not far from each other: they are
remarkable for the singular form of their elevation, which very much
resembles a glass-house, and for which reason I called them the
GLASS-HOUSES. The northernmost of the three is the highest and largest:
there are also several other peaked hills inland to the northward of
these, but they are not nearly so remarkable. At noon our latitude was,
by observation, 26° 28ʹ S., which was ten miles to the northward of the
log, a circumstance which had never before happened upon this coast; our
longitude was 206° 46ʹ. At this time we were between two and three
leagues from the land, and had twenty-four fathom water. A low bluff
point, which was the south head of a sandy bay, bore N. 62 W., distant
three leagues, and the northernmost point of land in sight bore N. ¼ E.
This day we saw smoke in several places, and some at a considerable
distance inland.

In steering along the shore at the distance of two leagues, our
soundings were from twenty-four to thirty-two fathom, with a sandy
bottom. At six in the evening the northernmost point of the land bore N.
¼ W., distant four leagues; at ten it bore N. W. by W. ½ W., and as we
had seen no land to the northward of it, we brought to, not well knowing
which way to steer.

At two in the morning, however, we made sail with the wind at S. W., and
at day-light, we saw the land extending as far as N. ¾ E.: the point we
had set the night before bore S. W. by W., distant between three and
four leagues. It lies in latitude 25° 58ʹ, longitude 206° 48ʹ W.: the
land within it is of a moderate and equal height, but the point itself
is so unequal, that it looks like two small islands lying under the
land, for which reason I gave it the name of DOUBLE ISLAND POINT: it may
also be known by the white cliffs on the north side of it. Here the land
trends to the N. W., and forms a large open bay, the bottom of which is
so low a flat that from the deck it could scarcely be seen. In crossing
this bay, our depth of water was from thirty to twenty-two fathom, with
a white sandy bottom. At noon we were about three leagues from the
shore, in latitude 25° 34ʹ S., longitude 206° 45ʹ W.: Double Island
Point bore S. ¾ W., and the northernmost land in sight N. ¾ E. This part
of the coast, which is of a moderate height, is more barren than any we
had seen, and the soil more sandy. With our glasses we could discover
that the sands, which lay in great patches of many acres, were moveable,
and that some of them had not been long in the place they possessed; for
we saw in several parts trees half buried, the tops of which were still
green; and in others, the naked trunks of such as the sand had
surrounded long enough to destroy. In other places the woods appeared to
be low and shrubby, and we saw no signs of inhabitants. Two water-snakes
swam by the ship: they were beautifully spotted, and in every respect
like land snakes, except that their tails were broad and flat, probably
to serve them instead of fins in swimming. In the morning of this day
the variation was 8° 20ʹ E., and in the evening 8° 36ʹ. During the night
we continued our course to the northward, with a light breeze from the
land, being distant from it between two and three leagues, and having
from twenty-three to twenty-seven fathom, with a fine sandy bottom.

At noon, on the 19th, we were about four miles from the land, with only
thirteen fathom. Our latitude was 25° 4ʹ, and the northernmost land in
sight bore N. 21 W., distant eight miles. At one o’clock, being still
four miles distant from the shore, but having seventeen fathom water, we
passed a black bluff head, or point of land, upon which a great number
of the natives were assembled, and which therefore I called INDIAN HEAD:
it lies in latitude 25° 3ʹ. About four miles N. by W. of this head is
another very like it, from whence the land trends away somewhat more to
the westward: next to the sea it is low and sandy, and behind it nothing
was to be seen, even from the mast-head. Near Indian Head we saw more of
the natives, and upon the neighbouring shore fires by night, and smoke
by day. We kept to the northward all night, at the distance of from four
miles to four leagues from the shore, and with a depth of water from
seventeen to thirty-four fathom. At day-break, the northernmost land
bore from us W. S. W., and seemed to end in a point, from which we
discovered a reef running out to the northward as far as we could see.
We had hauled our wind to the westward before it was light, and
continued the course till we saw the breakers upon our lee-bow. We now
edged away N. W. and N. N. W. along the eastside of the shoal, from two
to one mile distant, having regular soundings from thirteen to seven
fathom, with a fine sandy bottom. At noon our latitude, by observation,
was 20° 26ʹ, which was thirteen miles to the northward of the log: we
judged the extreme point of the shoal to bear from us about N. W., and
the point from which it seemed to run out bore S. ¾ W., distant twenty
miles. This point I named SANDY CAPE, from two very large patches of
white sand which lay upon it. It is sufficiently high to be seen at the
distance of twelve leagues, in clear weather, and lies in latitude 24°
45ʹ, longitude 206° 51ʹ: the land trends from it S. W. as far as can be
seen. We kept along the east side of the shoal till two in the
afternoon, when, judging that there was a sufficient depth of water upon
it to allow passage for the ship, I sent the boat a-head to sound, and
upon her making the signal for more than five fathom, we hauled our
wind, and stood over the tail of it in six fathom. At this time we were
in latitude 24° 22ʹ, and Sandy Cape bore S. ½ E., distant eight leagues;
but the direction of the shoal is nearest N. N. W. and S. S. E. It is
remarkable that when on board the ship we had six fathom, the boat,
which was scarcely a quarter of a mile to the southward, had little more
than five, and that immediately after six fathom we had thirteen, and
then twenty, as fast as the man could cast the lead: from these
circumstances, I conjectured that the west side of the shoal was steep.
This shoal I called the BREAK SEA SPIT, because we had now smooth water,
and to the southward of it we had always a high sea from the S. E. At
six in the evening, the land of Sandy Cape extended from S. 17 E. to S.
27 E., at the distance of eight leagues; our depth of water was
twenty-three fathom: with the same soundings we stood to the westward
all night. At seven in the morning, we saw, from the mast-head, the land
of Sandy Cape bearing S. E. ½ E., distant about thirteen leagues: at
nine, we discovered land to the westward, and soon after saw smoke in
several places. Our depth of water was now decreased to seventeen
fathom, and by noon we had no more than thirteen, though we were seven
leagues from the land, which extended from S. by W. to W. N. W. Our
latitude at this time was 24° 28ʹ S. For a few days past we had seen
several of the sea-birds called boobies, not having met with any of them
before; last night a small flock of them passed the ship, and went away
to the N. W., and in the morning, from about half an hour before sunrise
to half an hour after, flights of them were continually coming from the
N. N. W. and flying to the S. S. E., nor was one of them seen to fly in
any other direction; we therefore conjectured that there was a lagoon,
river, or inlet of shallow water, in the bottom of the deep bay, to the
southward of us, whither these birds resorted to feed in the day, and
that not far to the northward there were some islands to which they
repaired in the night. To this bay I gave the name of HERVEY’S BAY, in
honour of Captain Hervey. In the afternoon we stood in for the land,
steering S. W., with a gentle breeze at S. E. till four o’clock, when,
being in latitude 24° 36ʹ, about two leagues from the shore, and having
nine fathom water, we bore away along the coast N. W. by W., and at the
same time could see land extending to the S. S. E. about eight leagues.
Near the sea the land is very low, but within there are some lofty
hills, all thickly clothed with wood. While we were running along the
shore, we shallowed our water from nine to seven fathom, and at one time
we had but six, which determined us to anchor for the night.

At six in the morning we weighed, with a gentle breeze from the
southward, and steered N. W. ¼ W., edging in for the land, till we got
within two miles of it, with water from seven to eleven fathom; we then
steered N. N. W. as the land lay, and at noon our latitude was 24° 19ʹ.
We continued in the same course, at the same distance, with from twelve
fathom to seven, till five in the evening, when we were abreast of the
south point of a large open bay, in which I intended to anchor. During
this course, we discovered with our glasses that the land was covered
with palm-nut trees, which we had not seen from the time of our leaving
the islands within the tropic: we also saw two men walking along the
shore, who did not condescend to take the least notice of us. In the
evening, having hauled close upon a wind, and made two or three trips,
we anchored about eight o’clock in five fathom, with a fine sandy
bottom. The south point of the bay bore E. ¾ S. distant two miles, the
north point N. W. ¼ N., and about the same distance from the shore.

Early the next morning I went ashore, with a party of men, in order to
examine the country, accompanied by Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, the other
gentlemen, and Tupia: the wind blew fresh, and we found it so cold, that
being at some distance from the shore, we took our cloaks as a necessary
equipment for the voyage. We landed a little within the south point of
the bay, where we found a channel leading into a large lagoon: this
channel I proceeded to examine, and found three fathom water till I got
about a mile up it, where I met with a shoal, upon which there was
little more than one fathom, but having passed over it, I had three
fathom again. The entrance of this channel lies close to the south point
of the bay, being formed by the shore on the east, and on the west by a
large spit of sand: it is about a quarter of a mile broad, and lies in
S. by W. In this place there is room for a few ships to lie in great
security, and a small stream of fresh water: I would have rowed into the
lagoon, but was prevented by shallows. We found several bogs, and swamps
of salt water, upon which, and by the sides of the lagoon, grows the
true mangrove, such as is found in the West Indies, and the first of the
kind that we had met with. In the branches of these mangroves there were
many nests of a remarkable kind of ant, that was as green as grass: when
the branches were disturbed they came out in great numbers, and punished
the offender by a much sharper bite than ever we had felt from the same
kind of animal before. Upon these mangroves also we saw small green
caterpillars in great numbers: their bodies were thick set with hairs,
and they were ranged upon the leaves side by side like a file of
soldiers, to the number of twenty or thirty together: when we touched
them, we found that the hair of their bodies had the quality of a
nettle, and gave us a much more acute, though less durable pain. The
country here is manifestly worse than about Botany Bay: the soil is dry
and sandy, but the sides of the hills are covered with trees, which grow
separately, without underwood. We found here the tree that yields a gum
like the _sanguis draconis_; but it is somewhat different from the trees
of the same kind which we had seen before, for the leaves are longer,
and hang down like those of the weeping willow. We found also much less
gum upon them, which is contrary to the established opinion, that the
hotter the climate the more gums exude. Upon a plant also, which yielded
a yellow gum, there was less than upon the same kind of plant in Botany
Bay. Among the shoals and sand-banks we saw many large birds, some in
particular of the same kind that we had seen in Botany Bay, much bigger
than swans, which we judged to be pelicans; but they were so shy that we
could not get within gun-shot of them. Upon the shore we saw a species
of the bustard, one of which we shot: it was as large as a turkey, and
weighed seventeen pounds and a half. We all agreed that this was the
best bird we had eaten since we left England; and in honour of it we
called this inlet BUSTARD BAY. It lies in latitude 24° 4ʹ, longitude
208° 18ʹ. The sea seemed to abound with fish; but, unhappily, we tore
our seine all to pieces at the first haul. Upon the mud banks, under the
mangroves, we found innumerable oysters of various kinds; among others,
the hammer-oyster, and a large proportion of small pearl-oysters: if in
deeper water there is equal plenty of such oysters at their full growth,
a pearl fishery might certainly be established here to very great
advantage.

The people who were left on board the ship said, that while we were in
the woods about twenty of the natives came down to the beach, abreast of
her, and having looked at her some time, went away; but we that were
ashore, though we saw smoke in many places, saw no people: the smoke was
at places too distant for us to get to them by land, except one, to
which we repaired: we found ten small fires still burning within a few
paces of each other; but the people were gone. We saw near them several
vessels of bark, which we supposed to have contained water, and some
shells and fish-bones, the remains of a recent meal. We saw also, lying
upon the ground, several pieces of soft bark, about the length and
breadth of a man, which we imagined might be their beds; and, on the
windward side of the fires, a small shade, about a foot and a half high,
of the same substance. The whole was in a thicket of close trees, which
afforded good shelter from the wind. The place seemed to be much
trodden, and as we saw no house, nor any remains of a house, we were
inclined to believe that, as these people had no clothes, they had no
dwelling, but spent their nights, among the other commoners of nature,
in the open air; and Tupia himself, with an air of superiority and
compassion, shook his head, and said, that they were _Taata Enos_, “poor
wretches.” I measured the perpendicular height of the last tide, and
found it to be eight feet above low water-mark; and from the time of low
water this day, I found that it must be high-water at the full and
change of the moon at eight o’clock.

At four o’clock in the morning we weighed, and with a gentle breeze at
south made sail out of the bay. In standing out, our soundings were from
five to fifteen fathom; and at daylight, when we were in the greatest
depth, and abreast of the north head of the bay, we discovered breakers
stretching out from it N. N. E. between two and three miles, with a rock
at the outermost point of them, just above water. While we were passing
these rocks, at the distance of about half a mile, we had from fifteen
to twenty fathom, and as soon as we had passed them, we hauled along
shore W. N. W. for the farthest land we had in sight. At noon our
latitude, by observation, was 23° 52ʹ S.; the north part of Bustard Bay
bore S. 62 E., distant ten miles, and the northernmost land in sight N.
60 W.; the longitude was 208° 37ʹ, and our distance from the nearest
shore six miles, with fourteen fathom water.

Till five in the afternoon it was calm, but afterwards we steered before
the wind N. W. as the land lay till ten at night, and then brought to,
having had all along fourteen and fifteen fathom. At five in the morning
we made sail; and at daylight the northernmost point of the main bore N.
70 W. Soon after we saw more land, making like islands, and bearing N.
W. by N. At nine we were abreast of the point, at the distance of one
mile, with fourteen fathom water. This point I found to lie directly
under the tropic of Capricorn; and for that reason I called it CAPE
CAPRICORN: its longitude is 208° 58ʹ W.: it is of a considerable height,
looks white and barren, and may be known by some islands which lie to
the N. W. of it, and some small rocks at the distance of about a league
S. E. On the west side of the Cape there appeared to be a lagoon, and on
the two spits which formed the entrance, we saw an incredible number of
the large birds that resemble a pelican. The northernmost land now in
sight bore from Cape Capricorn N. 24 W., and appeared to be an island;
but the main land trended W. by N. ½ N., which course we steered, having
from fifteen to six fathom, and from six to nine, with a hard sandy
bottom. At noon our latitude, by observation, was 23° 24ʹ S.; Cape
Capricorn bore S. 60 E. distant two leagues; and a small island N. by E.
two miles: in this situation we had nine fathom, being about four miles
from the main, which, next the sea, is low and sandy, except the points
which are high and rocky. The country inland is hilly, but by no means
of a pleasing aspect. We continued to stand to the N. W. till four
o’clock in the afternoon, when it fell calm; and we soon after anchored
in twelve fathom, having the main land and islands in a manner all round
us, and Cape Capricorn bearing S. 54 E., distant four leagues. In the
night we found the tide rise and fall near seven feet; and the flood to
set to the westward, and the ebb to the eastward, which is just contrary
to what we found when we were at anchor to the eastward of Bustard Bay.

At six in the morning we weighed, with a gentle breeze at south, and
stood away to the N. W. between the outermost range of islands and the
main, leaving several small islands between the main and the ship, which
we passed at a very little distance: our soundings being irregular, from
twelve to four fathom, I sent a boat ahead to sound. At noon we were
about three miles from the main, and about the same distance from the
islands without us: our latitude, by observation, was 23° 7ʹ S. The main
land here is high and mountainous; the islands which lie off it are also
most of them high, and of a small circuit, having an appearance rather
of barrenness than fertility. At this time we saw smoke in many places
at a considerable distance inland, and therefore conjectured that there
might be a lagoon, river, or inlet, running up the country, the rather
as we had passed two places which had the appearance of being such; but
our depth of water was too little to encourage me to venture where I
should probably have less. We had not stood to the northward above an
hour, before we suddenly fell into three fathom; upon which I anchored,
and sent away the master to sound the channel which lay to leeward of
us, between the northernmost island and the main: it appeared to be
pretty broad, but I suspected that it was shallow, and so indeed it was
found; for the master reported at his return that in many places he had
only two fathom and a half, and where we lay at anchor we had only
sixteen feet, which was not two feet more than the ship drew. While the
master was sounding the channel, Mr. Banks tried to fish from the cabin
windows with hook and line. The water was too shallow for fish; but the
ground was almost covered with crabs, which readily took the bait, and
sometimes held it so fast in their claws, that they did not quit their
hold till they were considerably above water. These crabs were of two
sorts, and both of them such as we had not seen before: one of them was
adorned with the finest blue that can be imagined, in every respect
equal to the ultra-marine, with which all his claws and every joint was
deeply tinged: the under part of him was white, and so exquisitely
polished, that in colour and brightness it exactly resembled the white
of old china. The other was also marked with the ultra-marine upon his
joints and his toes, but somewhat more sparingly; and his back was
marked with three brown spots, which had a singular appearance. The
people who had been out with the boat to sound, reported, that, upon an
island where we had observed two fires, they had seen several of the
inhabitants, who called to them, and seemed very desirous that they
should land. In the evening the wind veered to E. N. E., which gave us
an opportunity to stretch three or four miles back by the way we came;
after which, the wind shifted to the south, and obliged us again to
anchor in six fathom.

At five in the morning I sent away the master to search for a passage
between the islands, while we got the ship under sail; and as soon as it
was light we followed the boat, which made a signal that a passage had
been found. As soon as we had got again into deep water, we made sail to
the northward, as the land lay, with soundings from nine fathom to
fifteen, and some small islands still without us. At noon we were about
two leagues distant from the main; and, by observation, in latitude 22°
53ʹ S. The northernmost point of land in sight now bore N. N. W.,
distant ten miles. To this point I gave the name of CAPE MANIFOLD, from
the number of high hills which appeared over it: it lies in latitude 22°
43ʹ S., and distant about seventeen leagues from Cape Capricorn, in the
direction of N. 26 W. Between these capes the shore forms a large bay,
which I called KEPPEL BAY; and I also distinguished the islands by the
name of KEPPEL’S ISLANDS. In this bay there is good anchorage; but what
refreshments it may afford I know not: we caught no fish, though we were
at anchor; but probably there is fresh water in several places, as both
the islands and the main are inhabited. We saw smoke and fires upon the
main; and upon the islands we saw people. At three in the afternoon we
passed Cape Manifold, from which the land trends N. N. W. The land of
the Cape is high, rising in hills directly from the sea; and may be
known by three islands which lie off it, one of them near the shore, and
the other two eight miles out at sea. One of these islands is low and
flat, and the other high and round. At six o’clock in the evening we
brought to, when the northernmost part of the main in sight bore N. W.,
and some islands which lie off it N. 31 W. Our soundings after twelve
o’clock were from twenty to twenty-five fathom, and in the night from
thirty to thirty-four.

At daybreak we made sail, Cape Manifold bearing S. by E., distant eight
leagues, and the islands which I had set the night before were distant
four miles in the same direction. The farthest visible point of the main
bore N. 67 W., at the distance of twenty-two miles; but we could see
several islands to the northward of this direction. At nine o’clock in
the forenoon we were abreast of the point which I called CAPE TOWNSHEND.
It lies in latitude 22° 15ʹ; longitude 209° 43ʹ: the land is high and
level, and rather naked than woody. Several islands lie to the northward
of it, at the distance of four or five miles out at sea; three or four
leagues to the S. E. the shore forms a bay, in the bottom of which there
appeared to be an inlet or harbour. To the westward of the Cape the land
trends S. W. ½ S., and there forms a very large bay, which turns to the
eastward, and probably communicates with the inlet, and makes the land
of the Cape an island. As soon as we got round this Cape, we hauled our
wind to the westward, in order to get within the islands, which lie
scattered in the bay in great numbers, and extend out to sea as far as
the eye could reach even from the mast-head. These islands vary, both in
height and circuit, from each other; so that, although they are very
numerous, no two of them are alike. We had not stood long upon a wind
before we came into shoal water, and were obliged to tack at once to
avoid it. Having sent a boat ahead, I bore away W. by N., many small
islands, rocks, and shoals, lying between us and the main, and many of a
larger extent without us. Our soundings till near noon were from
fourteen to seventeen fathom, when the boat made the signal for meeting
with shoal water. Upon this we hauled close upon a wind to the eastward,
but suddenly fell into three fathom and a quarter: we immediately
dropped an anchor, which brought the ship up with all her sails
standing. When the ship was brought up we had four fathom, with a coarse
sandy bottom, and found a strong tide setting to the N. W. by W. ½ W. at
the rate of near three miles an hour, by which we were so suddenly
carried upon the shoal. Our latitude by observation was 22° 8ʹ S.; Cape
Townshend bore E. 16 S., distant thirteen miles; and the westernmost
part of the main in sight W. ¾ N. At this time a great number of islands
lay all round us.

In the afternoon, having sounded round the ship, and found that there
was water sufficient to carry her over the shoal, we weighed, and about
three o’clock made sail and stood to the westward, as the land lay,
having sent a boat ahead to sound. At six in the evening we anchored in
ten fathom, with a sandy bottom, at about two miles distance from the
main; the westernmost part of which bore W. N. W., and a great number of
islands, lying a long way without us, were still in sight.

At five o’clock the next morning I sent away the master with two boats
to sound the entrance of an inlet which bore from us west, at about the
distance of a league, into which I intended to go with the ship, that I
might wait a few days till the moon should increase, and in the mean
time examine the country. As soon as the ship could be got under sail,
the boats made the signal for anchorage; upon which we stood in, and
anchored in five fathom water, about a league within the entrance of the
inlet; which, as I observed a tide to flow and ebb considerably, I
judged to be a river that ran up the country to a considerable distance.
In this place I had thoughts of laying the ship ashore, and cleaning her
bottom; I therefore landed with the master in search of a convenient
place for that purpose, and was accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander. We found walking here exceedingly troublesome, for the ground
was covered with a kind of grass, the seeds of which were very sharp,
and bearded backwards; so that whenever they stuck into our clothes,
which indeed was at every step, they worked forwards by means of the
beard, till they got at the flesh; and at the same time we were
surrounded by a cloud of musquitos, which incessantly tormented us with
their stings. We soon met with several places where the ship might
conveniently be laid ashore; but to our great disappointment we could
find no fresh water. We proceeded, however, up the country, where we
found gum-trees like those that we had seen before, and observed that
here also the gum was in very small quantities. Upon the branches of
these trees, and some others, we found ants’ nests, made of clay, as big
as a bushel, something like those described in Sir Hans Sloan’s Natural
History of Jamaica, vol. ii. p. 221. tab. 258., but not so smooth: the
ants which inhabited these nests were small, and their bodies white. But
upon another species of the tree we found a small black ant, which
perforated all the twigs, and having worked out the pith, occupied the
pipe which had contained it; yet the parts in which these insects had
thus formed a lodgment, and in which they swarmed in amazing numbers,
bore leaves and flowers, and appeared to be in as flourishing a state as
those that were sound. We found also an incredible number of
butterflies, so that for the space of three or four acres the air was so
crowded with them, that millions were to be seen in every direction, at
the same time that every branch and twig was covered with others that
were not upon the wing. We found here also a small fish of a singular
kind; it was about the size of a minnow, and had two very strong breast
fins: we found it in places that were quite dry, where we supposed it
might have been left by the tide; but it did not seem to have become
languid by the want of water; for upon our approach it leaped away, by
the help of the breast fins, as nimbly as a frog: neither, indeed, did
it seem to prefer water to land; for when we found it in the water, it
frequently leaped out, and pursued its way upon dry ground: we also
observed, that when it was in places where small stones were standing
above the surface of the water at a little distance from each other, it
chose rather to leap from stone to stone, than to pass through the
water; and we saw several of them pass entirely over puddles in this
manner, till they came to dry ground, and then leap away.

In the afternoon, we renewed our search after fresh water, but without
success; and therefore I determined to make my stay here but short:
however, having observed from an eminence that the inlet penetrated a
considerable way into the country, I determined to trace it in the
morning.

At sun-rise I went ashore, and climbing a considerable hill, I took a
view of the coast and the islands that lie off it, with their bearings,
having an azimuth compass with me for that purpose; but I observed that
the needle differed very considerably in its position, even to thirty
degrees, in some places more, in others less; and once I found it differ
from itself no less than two points in the distance of fourteen feet. I
took up some of the loose stones that lay upon the ground, and applied
them to the needle, but they produced no effect; and I therefore
concluded that there was iron ore in the hills, of which I had remarked
other indications both here and in the neighbouring parts. After I had
made my observations upon the hill, I proceeded with Dr. Solander up the
inlet; I set out with the first of the flood, and long before high water
I had advanced above eight leagues. Its breadth thus far was from two to
five miles, upon a S. W. by S. direction; but here it opened every way,
and formed a large lake, which to the N. W. communicated with the sea;
and I not only saw the sea in this direction, but found the tide of
flood coming strongly in from that point: I also observed an arm of this
lake extending to the eastward, and it is not improbable that it may
communicate with the sea in the bottom of the bay, which lies to the
westward of Cape Townshend. On the south side of the lake is a ridge of
high hills, which I was very desirous to climb; but it being high-water,
and the day far spent, I was afraid of being bewildered among the shoals
in the night, especially as the weather was dark and rainy; and
therefore I made the best of my way to the ship. In this excursion I saw
only two people, and they were at a distance; they followed the boat
along the shore a good way, but the tide running strongly in my favour,
I could not prudently wait for them; I saw, however, several fires in
one direction, and smoke in another, but they also were at a distance.
While I was tracing the inlet with Dr. Solander, Mr. Banks was
endeavouring to penetrate into the country, where several of the people
who had leave to go ashore were also rambling about. Mr. Banks and his
party found their course obstructed by a swamp, covered with mangroves,
which however they resolved to pass; the mud was almost knee-deep, yet
they resolutely went on; but before they got half way, they repented of
their undertaking: the bottom was covered with branches of trees
interwoven with each other, sometimes they kept their footing upon them,
sometimes their feet slipped through, and sometimes they were so
entangled among them, that they were forced to free themselves by
groping in the mud and slime with their hands. In about an hour,
however, they crossed it, and judged it might be about a quarter of a
mile over. After a short walk, they came up to a place where there had
been four small fires, and near them some shells and bones of fish that
had been roasted: they found also heaps of grass laid together, where
four or five people appeared to have slept. The second lieutenant, Mr.
Gore, who was at another place, saw a little water lying in the bottom
of a gulley, and near it the track of a large animal: some bustards were
also seen, but none of them shot, nor any other bird except a few of the
beautiful loriquets which we had seen in Botany Bay. Mr. Gore, and one
of the midshipmen, who were in different places, said that they had
heard the voices of Indians near them, but had seen none: the country in
general appeared sandy and barren, and being destitute of fresh water,
it cannot be supposed to have any settled inhabitants. The deep gulleys,
which were worn by torrents from the hills, prove, that at certain
seasons the rains here are very copious and heavy.

The inlet in which the ship lay, I called THIRSTY SOUND, because it
afforded us no fresh water. It lies in latitude 22° 10ʹ S., and
longitude 210° 18ʹ W.; and may be known by a group of small islands
lying under the shore, from two to five leagues distant, in the
direction of N. W., and by another group of islands that lie right
before it, between three and four leagues out at sea. Over each of the
points that form the entrance is a high round hill, which, on the N. W.,
is a peninsula that at high water is surrounded by the sea: they are
bold to both the shores, and the distance between them is about two
miles. In this inlet is good anchorage in seven, six, five, and four
fathom; and places very convenient for laying a ship down, where, at
spring-tides, the water does not rise less than sixteen or eighteen
feet. The tide flows at the full and change of the moon about eleven
o’clock. I have already observed that here is no fresh water, nor could
we procure refreshment of any other kind: we saw two turtles, but we
were not able to take either of them: neither did we catch either fish
or wild-fowl, except a few small land birds: we saw indeed the same
sorts of water-fowl as in Botany Bay, but they were so shy that we could
not get a shot at them.

As I had not therefore a single inducement to stay longer in this place,
I weighed anchor at six o’clock in the morning of Thursday the 31st of
May, and put to sea. We stood to the N. W. with a fresh breeze at S. S.
E., and kept without the group of islands that lie in shore, and to the
N. W. of Thirsty Sound, as there appeared to be no safe passage between
them and the main; at the same time we had a number of islands without
us, extending as far as we could see: during our run in this direction,
our depth of water was ten, eight, and nine fathom. At noon, the west
point of Thirsty Sound, which I have called PIER HEAD, bore S. 36 E.,
distant five leagues; the east point of the other inlet, which
communicates with the Sound, bore S. by W., distant two leagues; the
group of islands just mentioned lay between us and the point, and the
farthest part of the main in sight, on the other side of the inlet, bore
N. W. Our latitude by observation was 21° 53ʹ. At half an hour after
twelve, the boat, which was sounding ahead, made the signal for
shoal-water, and we immediately hauled our wind to the N. E. At this
time we had seven fathom, at the next cast five, and at the next three,
upon which we instantly dropped an anchor, that brought the ship up.
Pier-head, the north-west point of Thirsty Sound, bore S. E. distant six
leagues, being half-way between the islands which lie off the east point
of the western inlet, and three small islands which lie directly without
them. It was now the first of the flood, which we found to set N. W. by
W. ½ W.; and having sounded about the shoal, upon which we had three
fathom, and found deep water all round it, we got under sail, and having
hauled round the three islands that have been just mentioned, came to an
anchor under the lee of them, in fifteen fathom water; and the weather
being dark, hazy, and rainy, we remained there till seven o’clock in the
morning. At this time we got again under sail, and stood to the N. W.
with a fresh breeze at S. S. E.; having the main land in sight, and a
number of islands all round us, some of which lay out at sea as far as
the eye could reach. The western inlet, which, in the chart, is
distinguished by the name of Broad Sound, we had now all open; at the
entrance, it is at least nine or ten leagues wide: in it, and before it,
lie several islands, and probably shoals also; for our soundings were
very irregular, varying suddenly from ten to four fathom. At noon, our
latitude by observation was 21° 29ʹ S.; a point of land which forms the
north-west entrance into Broad Sound, and which I have named CAPE
PALMERSTON, lying in latitude 21° 30ʹ, longitude 210° 54ʹ W. bore W. by
N. distant three leagues. Our latitude was 21° 27ʹ, our longitude 210°
57ʹ. Between this Cape and Cape Townshend lies the bay which I have
called the BAY OF INLETS. We continued to stand to the N. W. and N. W.
by N., as the land lay, under an easy sail, having a boat ahead to
sound: at first the soundings were very irregular, from nine to four
fathom; but afterwards they were regular, from nine to eleven. At eight
in the evening, being about two leagues from the main land, we anchored
in eleven fathom, with a sandy bottom; and soon after, we found the tide
setting with a slow motion to the westward. At one o’clock, it was
slack, or low water; and at half an hour after two, the ship tended to
the eastward, and rode so till six in the morning, when the tide had
risen eleven feet. We now got under sail, and stood away in the
direction of the coast, N. N. W. From what we had observed of the tide
during the night, it is plain, that the flood came from the N. W.;
whereas, the preceding day, and several days before, it came from the S.
E.; nor was this the first, or even second time that we had remarked the
same thing. At sun-rise this morning, we found the variation to be 6°
45ʹ E.; and in steering along the shore, between the island and the
main, at the distance of about two leagues from the main, and three or
four from the island, our soundings were regular from twelve to nine
fathom; but about eleven o’clock in the forenoon, we were again
embarrassed with shoal water, having at one time not more than three
fathom; yet we got clear, without casting anchor. At noon we were about
two leagues from the main, and four from the islands without us. Our
latitude by observation was 20° 56ʹ, and a high promontory, which I
named CAPE HILLSBOROUGH, bore W. ½ N., distant seven miles. The land
here is diversified by mountains, hills, plains, and valleys, and seems
to be well clothed with herbage and wood: the islands which lie parallel
to the coast, and from five to eight or nine miles distant, are of
various height and extent; scarcely any of them are more than five
leagues in circumference, and many are not four miles: besides this
chain of islands, which lies at a distance from the coast, there are
others much less, which lie under the land, from which we saw smoke
rising in different places. We continued to steer along the shore at the
distance of about two leagues, with regular soundings from nine to ten
fathom. At sun-set, the farthest point of the main bore N. 48 W., and to
the northward of this lay some high land, which I took to be an island,
and of which the north-west point bore 41 W.; but not being sure of a
passage, I came to an anchor about eight o’clock in the evening, in ten
fathom water, with a muddy bottom. About ten we had a tide setting to
the northward, and at two it had fallen nine feet; after this it began
to rise, and the flood came from the northward, in the direction of the
islands which lay out to sea; a plain indication that there was no
passage to the N. W. This, however, had not appeared at day-break, when
we got under sail and stood to the N. W. At eight o’clock in the
morning, we discovered low land quite across what we took for an
opening, which proved to be a bay, about five or six leagues deep; upon
this we hauled our wind to the eastward round the north point of the
bay, which at this time bore from us N. E. by N., distant four leagues:
from this point we found the land trend away N. by W. ½ W., and a
straight or passage between it and a large island, or islands, lying
parallel to it. Having the tide of ebb in our favour, we stood for this
passage, and at noon were just within the entrance: our latitude by
observation was 20° 26ʹ S.; Cape Hillsborough bore S. by E. distant ten
leagues; and the north point of the bay S. 19 W., distant four miles.
This point, which I named CAPE CONWAY, lies in latitude 26° 36ʹ S.,
longitude 211° 28ʹ W.; and the bay which lies between this Cape and Cape
Hillsborough, I called REPULSE BAY. The greatest depth of water which we
found in it was thirteen fathom, and the least eight. In all parts there
was safe anchorage, and I believe that, upon proper examination, some
good harbours would be found in it; especially at the north side within
Cape Conway; for just within that Cape, there lie two or three small
islands, which alone would shelter that side of the bay from the
southerly and south-easterly winds, that seem to prevail here as a
Trade. Among the many islands that lie upon this coast, there is one
more remarkable than the rest; it is of a small circuit, very high and
peaked, and lies E. by S. ten miles from Cape Conway, at the south end
of the passage. In the afternoon, we steered through this passage, which
we found to be from three to seven miles broad, and eight or nine
leagues in length, N. by W. ½ W., S. by E. ½ E. It is formed by the main
on the west, and by the islands on the east, one of which is at least
five leagues in length: our depth of water in running through was from
twenty to five and twenty fathom, with good anchorage every where, and
the whole passage may be considered as one safe harbour, exclusive of
the small bays and coves which abound on each side, where ships might
lie as in a bason. The land, both upon the main and islands, is high,
and diversified by hill and valley, wood and lawn, with a green and
pleasant appearance. On one of the islands, we discovered with our
glasses two men and a woman, and a canoe with an outrigger, which
appeared to be larger, and of a construction very different from those
of bark tied together at the ends, which we had seen upon other parts of
the coast; we hoped therefore that the people here had made some farther
advances beyond mere animal life than those that we had seen before. At
six o’clock in the evening, we were nearly the length of the north end
of the passage; the north westermost point of the main in sight bore N.
54 W., and the north end of the island N. N. E., with an open sea
between the two points. As this passage was discovered on Whitsunday, I
called it WHITSUNDAY’S PASSAGE; and I called the islands that form it
CUMBERLAND ISLANDS, in honour of his Royal Highness the Duke. We kept
under an easy sail, with the lead going all night, being at the distance
of about three leagues from the shore, and having from twenty-one to
twenty-three fathom water. At day-break, we were abreast of the point
which had been the farthest in sight to the north-west the evening
before, which I named CAPE GLOUCESTER. It is a lofty promontory, in
latitude 19° 59ʹ S., longitude 211° 49ʹ W., and may be known by an
island which lies out at sea N. by W. ½ W. at the distance of five or
six leagues from it, and which I called HOLBORNE ISLE; there are also
islands lying under the land between Holborne Isle and Whitsunday’s
Passage. On the west side of Cape Gloucester the land trends away S. W.
and S. S. W., and forms a deep bay, the bottom of which I could but just
see from the mast-head: it is very low, and a continuation of the low
land which we had seen at the bottom of Repulse Bay. This bay I called
EDGECUMBE BAY, but without staying to look into it, we continued our
course to the westward, for the farthest land we could see in that
direction, which bore W. by N. ½ N. and appeared very high. At noon, we
were about three leagues from the shore, by observation in latitude 19°
47ʹ S., and Cape Gloucester bore S. 63 E., distant seven leagues and a
half. At six in the evening, we were abreast of the westermost point
just mentioned, at about three miles distance; and because it rises
abruptly from the low lands which surround it, I called it CAPE UPSTART.
It lies in latitude 19° 39ʹ S., longitude 212° 32ʹ W., fourteen leagues
W. N. W. from Cape Gloucester, and is of a height sufficient to be seen
at the distance of twelve leagues: inland there are some high hills or
mountains, which, like the Cape, afford but a barren prospect. Having
passed this Cape, we continued standing to the W. N. W. as the land lay,
under an easy sail, having from sixteen to ten fathom, till two o’clock
in the morning, when we fell into seven fathom; upon which we hauled our
wind to the northward, judging ourselves to be very near land: at
day-break, we found our conjecture to be true, being within little more
than two leagues of it. In this part of the coast, the land being very
low, is nearer than it appears to be, though it is diversified with here
and there a hill. At noon, we were about four leagues from the land, in
fifteen fathom water, and our latitude, by observation, was 19° 12ʹ S.,
Cape Upstart bearing S. 32° 30ʹ E., distant twelve leagues. About this
time some very large columns of smoke were seen rising from the low
lands. At sun-set, the preceding night, when we were close under Cape
Upstart, the variation was nearly 9° E., and at sun-rise this day, it
was no more than 5° 35ʹ; I judged therefore that it had been influenced
by iron ore, or other magnetical matter, contained under the surface of
the earth.

We continued to steer W. N. W. as the land lay, with twelve or fourteen
fathom water, till noon on the 6th, when our latitude by observation was
19° 1ʹ S. and we had the mouth of a bay all open, extending from S. ½ E.
to S. W. ½ S. distant two leagues. This bay, which I named CLEAVELAND
BAY, appeared to be about five or six miles in extent every way: the
east point I named CAPE CLEAVELAND, and the west, which had the
appearance of an island, MAGNETICAL ISLE, as we perceived that the
compass did not traverse well when we were near it: they are both high,
and so is the main land within them, the whole forming a surface the
most rugged, rocky, and barren of any we had seen upon the coast; it was
not however without inhabitants, for we saw smoke in several parts of
the bottom of the bay. The northermost land that was in sight at this
time, bore N. W., and it had the appearance of an island, for we could
not trace the main land farther than W. by N. We steered W. N. W.
keeping the main land on board, the outermost part of which, at sun-set,
bore W. by N.; but without it lay high land, which we judged not to be
part of it. At day-break, we were abreast of the eastern part of this
land, which we found to be a group of islands, lying about five leagues
from the main: at this time, being between the two shores, we advanced
slowly to the N. W. till noon, when our latitude, by observation, was
18° 49ʹ S. and our distance from the main about five leagues: the
north-west part of it bore from us N. by W. ½ W. the islands extending
from N. to E., and the nearest being distant about two miles: Cape
Cleaveland bore S. 50 E. distant eighteen leagues. Our soundings, in the
course that we had sailed between this time and the preceding noon, were
from fourteen to eleven fathom.

In the afternoon, we saw several large columns of smoke upon the main;
we saw also some people and canoes, and upon one of the islands what had
the appearance of cocoa-nut trees: as a few of these nuts would now have
been very acceptable, I sent Lieutenant Hicks ashore, and with him went
Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, to see what refreshment could be procured,
while I kept standing in for the island with the ship. About seven
o’clock in the evening, they returned, with an account that what we had
taken for cocoa-nut trees, were a small kind of cabbage palm, and that,
except about fourteen or fifteen plants, they had met with nothing worth
bringing away. While they were ashore, they saw none of the people, but
just as they had put off, one of them came very near the beach, and
shouted with a loud voice; it was so dark that they could not see him,
however they turned towards the shore, but when he heard the boat
putting back, he ran away or hid himself, for they could not get a
glimpse of him, and though they shouted he made no reply. After the
return of the boats, we stood away N. by W. for the northermost land in
sight, of which we were abreast at three o’clock in the morning, having
passed all the islands three or four hours before. This land, on account
of its figure, I named POINT HILLOCK: it is of a considerable height,
and may be known by a round hillock, or rock, which joins to the Point,
but appears to be detached from it. Between this Cape and Magnetical
Isle, the shore forms a large bay, which I called HALIFAX BAY: before it
lay the group of islands which has been just mentioned, and some others,
at a less distance from the shore. By these islands the bay is sheltered
from all winds, and it affords good anchorage. The land near the beach,
in the bottom of the bay, is low and woody, but farther back it is one
continued ridge of high land, which appeared to be barren and rocky.
Having passed Point Hillock, we continued standing to the N. N. W. as
the land trended, having the advantage of a light moon. At six, we were
abreast of a point of land which lies N. by W. ½ W., distant eleven
miles from Point Hillock, which I named CAPE SANDWICH. Between these two
points, the land is very high, and the surface is craggy and barren.
Cape Sandwich may be known not only by the high craggy land over it, but
by a small island which lies east of it, at the distance of a mile, and
some others that lie about two leagues to the northward. From Cape
Sandwich the land trends W. and afterwards N., forming a fine large bay,
which I called ROCKINGHAM BAY, where there appears to be good shelter,
and good anchorage, but I did not stay to examine it: I kept ranging
along the shore to the northward, for a cluster of small islands, which
lie off the northern point of the bay. Between the three outermost of
these islands, and those near the shore, I found a channel of about a
mile broad, through which I passed, and upon one of the nearest islands,
we saw with our glasses about thirty of the natives, men, women, and
children, all standing together, and looking with great attention at the
ship; the first instance of curiosity that we had seen among them: they
were all stark naked, with short hair, and of the same complexion with
those that we had seen before. At noon, our latitude, by observation,
was 17° 59ʹ, and we were abreast of the north point of Rockingham Bay,
which bore from us W., at the distance of about two miles. This boundary
of the bay is formed by an island of considerable height, which in the
chart is distinguished by the name of DUNK ISLE, and which lies so near
the shore as not to be easily distinguished from it. Our longitude was
213° 57ʹ W. Cape Sandwich bore S. by E. ½ E. distant nineteen miles, and
the northermost land in sight N. ½ W.: our depth of water for the last
ten hours had not been more than sixteen, nor less than seven fathom. At
sun-set, the northern extremity of the land bore N. 25 W., and we kept
our course N. by W. along the coast, at the distance of between three
and four leagues, with an easy sail all night, having from twelve to
fifteen fathom water.

At six o’clock in the morning, we were abreast of some small islands,
which we called FRANKLAND’S ISLES, and which lie about two leagues
distant from the main land. The most distant point in sight to the
northward bore N. by W. ½ W., and we thought it was part of the main,
but afterwards found it to be an island of considerable height, and
about four miles in circuit. Between this island and a point on the
main, from which it is distant about two miles, I passed with the ship.
At noon, we were in the middle of the channel, and by observation in the
latitude of 16° 57ʹ S. with twenty fathom water. The point on the main,
of which we were now abreast, I called CAPE GRAFTON: its latitude is 16°
57ʹ S., and longitude 214° 6ʹ W.; and the land here, as well as the
whole coast for about twenty leagues to the southward, is high, has a
rocky surface, and is thinly covered with wood: during the night we had
seen several fires, and about noon some people. Having hauled round Cape
Grafton, we found the land trend away N. W. by W.; and three miles to
the westward of the cape, we found a bay, in which we anchored about two
miles from the shore, in four fathom water, with an ouzey bottom. The
east point of the bay bore S. 74 E., the west point S. 83 W., and a low,
green, woody island, which lies in the offing, N. 35 E. This island,
which lies N. by E. ½ E., distant three or four leagues from Cape
Grafton, is called in the chart GREEN ISLAND.

As soon as the ship was brought to an anchor, I went ashore, accompanied
by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander. As my principal view was to procure some
fresh water, and as the bottom of the bay was low land covered with
mangroves, where it was not probable fresh water was to be found, I went
out towards the cape, and found two small streams, which however were
rendered very difficult of access by the surf and rocks upon the shore:
I saw also, as I came round the cape, a small stream of water run over
the beach in a sandy cove, but I did not go in with the boat, because I
saw that it would not be easy to land. When we got ashore, we found the
country every where rising into steep rocky hills; and as no fresh water
could conveniently be procured, I was unwilling to lose time by going in
search of lower land elsewhere: we therefore made the best of our way
back to the ship, and about midnight we weighed and stood to the N. W.,
having but little wind, with some showers of rain. At four in the
morning, the breeze freshened at S. by E., and the weather became fair:
we continued steering N. N. W. ½ W. as the land lay, at about three
leagues distance, with ten, twelve, and fourteen fathom water. At ten,
we hauled off north, in order to get without a small low island, which
lay at about two leagues distance from the main, and great part of which
at this time, it being high-water, was overflowed: about three leagues
to the north-west of this island, close under the main land, is another
island, the land of which rises to a greater height, and which at noon
bore from us N. 55 W. distant seven or eight miles. At this time our
latitude was 16° 20ʹ S.; Cape Grafton bore S. 29 E. distant forty miles,
and the northermost point of land in sight N. 20 W.; our depth of water
was fifteen fathom. Between this point and Cape Grafton, the shore forms
a large, but not a very deep bay, which being discovered on Trinity
Sunday, I called TRINITY BAY.




                               CHAP. III.

   DANGEROUS SITUATION OF THE SHIP IN HER COURSE FROM TRINITY BAY TO
                            ENDEAVOUR RIVER.


HITHERTO we had safely navigated this dangerous coast, where the sea in
all parts conceals shoals that suddenly project from the shore, and
rocks that rise abruptly like a pyramid from the bottom, for an extent
of two and twenty degrees of latitude, more than one thousand three
hundred miles; and therefore hitherto none of the names which
distinguish the several parts of the country that we saw, are memorials
of distress; but here we became acquainted with misfortune, and we
therefore called the point which we had just seen farthest to the
northward, CAPE TRIBULATION.

This cape lies in latitude 16° 6ʹ S., and longitude 214° 39ʹ W. We
steered along the shore N. by W. at the distance of between three and
four leagues, having from fourteen to twelve, and ten fathom water: in
the offing we saw two islands, which lie in latitude 16° S., and about
six or seven leagues from the main. At six in the evening, the
northermost land in sight bore N. by W. ½ W., and two low woody islands,
which some of us took to be rocks above water, bore N. ½ W. At this time
we shortened sail, and hauled off shore E. N. E. and N. E. by E. close
upon a wind, for it was my design to stretch off all night, as well to
avoid the danger we saw ahead, as to see whether any islands lay in the
offing, especially as we were now near the latitude assigned to the
islands which were discovered by Quiros, and which some geographers, for
what reason I know not, have thought fit to join to this land. We had
the advantage of a fine breeze, and a clear moonlight night, and in
standing off from six till near nine o’clock, we deepened our water from
fourteen to twenty-one fathom; but while we were at supper, it suddenly
shoaled, and we fell into twelve, ten, and eight fathom, within the
space of a few minutes; I immediately ordered every body to their
station, and all was ready to put about and come to an anchor, but
meeting at the next cast of the lead with deep water again, we concluded
that we had gone over the tail of the shoals which we had seen at
sun-set, and that all danger was past: before ten, we had twenty and
one-and-twenty fathom, and this depth continuing, the gentlemen left the
deck in great tranquillity, and went to bed; but a few minutes before
eleven, the water shallowed at once from twenty to seventeen fathom, and
before the lead could be cast again, the ship struck, and remained
immoveable, except by the heaving of the surge, that beat her against
the craggs of the rock upon which she lay. In a few moments every body
was upon the deck, with countenances which sufficiently expressed the
horrors of our situation. We had stood off the shore three hours and a
half, with a pleasant breeze, and therefore knew that we could not be
very near it, and we had too much reason to conclude that we were upon a
rock of coral, which is more fatal than any other, because the points of
it are sharp, and every part of the surface so rough as to grind away
whatever is rubbed against it, even with the gentlest motion. In this
situation all the sails were immediately taken in, and the boats hoisted
out to examine the depth of water round the ship: we soon discovered
that our fears had not aggravated our misfortune, and that the vessel
had been lifted over a ledge of the rock, and lay in a hollow within it:
in some places there was from three to four fathom, and in others not so
many feet. The ship lay with her head to the N. E.; and at the distance
of about thirty yards on the starboard side, the water deepened to
eight, ten, and twelve fathom. As soon as the long boat was out, we
struck our yards and topmasts, and carried out the stream anchor on the
starboard bow, got the coasting anchor and cable into the boat, and were
going to carry it out the same way; but upon sounding a second time
round the ship, the water was found to be deepest astern: the anchor
therefore was carried out from the starboard quarter instead of the
starboard bow, that is, from the stern instead of the head, and having
taken ground, our utmost force was applied to the capstern, hoping that
if the anchor did not come home, the ship would be got off, but to our
great misfortune and disappointment we could not move her: during all
this time she continued to beat with great violence against the rock, so
that it was with the utmost difficulty that we kept upon our legs; and
to complete the scene of distress, we saw by the light of the moon the
sheathing boards from the bottom of the vessel floating away all round
her, and at last her false keel, so that every moment was making way for
the sea to rush in which was to swallow us up. We had now no chance but
to lighten her, and we had lost the opportunity of doing that to the
greatest advantage, for unhappily we went on shore just at high water,
and by this time it had considerably fallen, so that after she should be
lightened so as to draw as much less water as the water had sunk, we
should be but in the same situation as at first; and the only
alleviation of this circumstance was, that as the tide ebbed the ship
settled to the rocks, and was not beaten against them with so much
violence. We had indeed some hope from the next tide, but it was
doubtful whether she would hold together so long, especially as the rock
kept grating her bottom under the starboard bow with such force as to be
heard in the fore store-room. This however was no time to indulge
conjecture, nor was any effort remitted in despair of success: that no
time might be lost, the water was immediately started in the hold, and
pumped up; six of our guns, being all we had upon the deck, our iron and
stone ballast, casks, hoop staves, oil jars, decayed stores, and many
other things that lay in the way of heavier materials, were thrown
overboard with the utmost expedition, every one exerting himself with an
alacrity almost approaching to cheerfulness, without the least repining
or discontent; yet the men were so far imprest with a sense of their
situation, that not an oath was heard among them, the habit of
profaneness, however strong, being instantly subdued by the dread of
incurring guilt when death seemed to be so near.

While we were thus employed, day broke upon us, and we saw the land at
about eight leagues distance, without any island in the intermediate
space, upon which, if the ship should have gone to pieces, we might have
been set ashore by the boats, and from which they might have taken us by
different turns to the main: the wind however gradually died away, and
early in the forenoon it was a dead calm; if it had blown hard, the ship
must inevitably have been destroyed. At eleven in the forenoon we
expected high water, and anchors were got out, and every thing made
ready for another effort to heave her off if she should float, but to
our inexpressible surprise and concern, she did not float by a foot and
a half, though we had lightened her near fifty ton; so much did the
day-tide fall short of that in the night. We now proceeded to lighten
her still more, and threw overboard every thing that it was possible for
us to spare: hitherto she had not admitted much water, but as the tide
fell, it rushed in so fast, that two pumps, incessantly worked, could
scarcely keep her free. At two o’clock, she lay heeling two or three
streaks to starboard, and the pinnace, which lay under her bows, touched
the ground: we had now no hope but from the tide at midnight, and to
prepare for it we carried out our two bower anchors, one on the
starboard quarter, and the other right a-stern, got the blocks and
tackle which were to give us a purchase upon the cables in order, and
brought the falls, or ends of them, in abaft, straining them tight, that
the next effort might operate upon the ship, and by shortening the
length of the cable between that and the anchors, draw her off the ledge
upon which she rested, towards the deep water. About five o’clock in the
afternoon, we observed the tide begin to rise, but we observed at the
same time that the leak increased to a most alarming degree, so that two
more pumps were manned, but unhappily only one of them would work: three
of the pumps however were kept going, and at nine o’clock the ship
righted; but the leak had gained upon us so considerably, that it was
imagined she must go to the bottom as soon as she ceased to be supported
by the rock: this was a dreadful circumstance, so that we anticipated
the floating of the ship not as an earnest of deliverance, but as an
event that would probably precipitate our destruction. We well knew that
our boats were not capable of carrying us all on shore, and that when
the dreadful crisis should arrive, as all command and subordination
would be at an end, a contest for preference would probably ensue, that
would increase even the horrors of shipwreck, and terminate in the
destruction of us all by the hands of each other; yet we knew that if
any should be left on board to perish in the waves, they would probably
suffer less upon the whole than those who should get on shore, without
any lasting or effectual defence against the natives, in a country,
where even nets and fire-arms would scarcely furnish them with food; and
where, if they should find the means of subsistence, they must be
condemned to languish out the remainder of life in a desolate
wilderness, without the possession, or even hope, of any domestic
comfort, and cut off from all commerce with mankind, except the naked
savages who prowled the desert, and who perhaps were some of the most
rude and uncivilized upon the earth.

To those only who have waited in a state of such suspense, death has
approached in all his terrors; and as the dreadful moment that was to
determine our fate came on, every one saw his own sensations pictured in
the countenances of his companions: however, the capstan and windlace
were manned with as many hands as could be spared from the pumps, and
the ship floating about twenty minutes after ten o’clock, the effort was
made, and she was heaved into deep water. It was some comfort to find
that she did not now admit more water than she had done upon the rock;
and though, by the gaining of the leak upon the pumps, there was no less
than three feet nine inches water in the hold, yet the men did not
relinquish their labour, and we held the water as it were at bay; but
having now endured excessive fatigue of body and agitation of mind for
more than four-and-twenty hours, and having but little hope of
succeeding at last, they began to flag: none of them could work at the
pump more than five or six minutes together, and then, being totally
exhausted, they threw themselves down upon the deck, though a stream of
water was running over it from the pumps between three and four inches
deep; when those who succeeded them had worked their spell, and were
exhausted in their turn, they threw themselves down in the same manner,
and the others started up again, and renewed their labour; thus
relieving each other till an accident was very near putting an end to
their efforts at once. The planking which lines the inside of the ship’s
bottom is called the ceiling, and between this, and the outside
planking, there is a space of about eighteen inches: the man who till
this time had attended the well to take the depth of water, had taken it
only to the ceiling, and gave the measure accordingly; but he being now
relieved, the person who came in his stead, reckoned the depth to the
outside planking, by which it appeared in a few minutes to have gained
upon the pumps eighteen inches, the difference between the planking
without and within. Upon this, even the bravest was upon the point of
giving up his labour with his hope, and in a few minutes every thing
would have been involved in all the confusion of despair. But this
accident, however dreadful in its first consequences, was eventually the
cause of our preservation: the mistake was soon detected, and the sudden
joy which every man felt upon finding his situation better than his
fears had suggested, operated like a charm, and seemed to possess him
with a strong belief that scarcely any real danger remained. New
confidence and new hope, however founded, inspired new vigour; and
though our state was the same as when the men first began to slacken in
their labour, through weariness and despondency, they now renewed their
efforts with such alacrity and spirit, that before eight o’clock in the
morning the leak was so far from having gained upon the pumps, that the
pumps had gained considerably upon the leak. Every body now talked of
getting the ship into some harbour, as a thing not to be doubted, and as
hands could be spared from the pumps, they were employed in getting up
the anchors: the stream anchor and best bower we had taken on board; but
it was found impossible to save the little bower, and therefore it was
cut away at a whole cable: we lost also the cable of the stream anchor
among the rocks; but in our situation these were trifles which scarcely
attracted our notice. Our next business was to get up the fore-top-mast
and fore-yard, and warp the ship to the south-east, and at eleven,
having now a breeze from the sea, we once more got under sail and stood
for the land.

It was, however, impossible long to continue the labour by which the
pumps had been made to gain upon the leak; and as the exact situation of
it could not be discovered, we had no hope of stopping it within. In
this situation, Mr. Monkhouse, one of my midshipmen, came to me, and
proposed an expedient that he had once seen used on board a
merchant-ship, which sprung a leak that admitted above four feet water
an hour, and which, by this expedient, was brought safely from Virginia
to London; the master having such confidence in it, that he took her out
of harbour, knowing her condition, and did not think it worth while to
wait till the leak could be otherwise stopped. To this man, therefore,
the care of the expedient, which is called fothering the ship, was
immediately committed, four or five of the people being appointed to
assist him, and he performed it in this manner: he took a lower studding
sail, and having mixed together a large quantity of oakum and wool,
chopped pretty small, he stitched it down in handfuls upon the sail, as
lightly as possible, and over this he spread the dung of our sheep and
other filth; but horse-dung, if we had had it, would have been better.
When the sail was thus prepared, it was hauled under the ship’s bottom
by ropes, which kept it extended, and when it came under the leak, the
suction which carried in the water, carried in with it the oakum and
wool from the surface of the sail, which in other parts the water was
not sufficiently agitated to wash off. By the success of this expedient
our leak was so far reduced, that instead of gaining upon three pumps,
it was easily kept under with one. This was a new source of confidence
and comfort; the people could scarcely have expressed more joy if they
had been already in port; and their views were so far from being limited
to running the ship ashore in some harbour, either of an island or the
main, and building a vessel out of her materials to carry us to the East
Indies, which had so lately been the utmost object of our hope, that
nothing was now thought of but ranging along the shore in search of a
convenient place to repair the damage she had sustained, and then
prosecuting the voyage upon the same plan as if nothing had happened.
Upon this occasion I must observe, both in justice and gratitude to the
ship’s company, and the gentlemen on board, that although in the midst
of our distress every one seemed to have a just sense of his danger, yet
no passionate exclamations or frantic gestures were to be heard or seen;
every one appeared to have the perfect possession of his mind; and every
one exerted himself to the uttermost, with a quiet and patient
perseverance, equally distant from the tumultuous violence of terror,
and the gloomy inactivity of despair.

In the mean time, having light airs at E. S. E., we got up the
main-top-mast, and main-yard, and kept edging in for the land, till
about six o’clock in the evening, when we came to an anchor in seventeen
fathom water, at the distance of seven leagues from the shore, and one
from the ledge of rocks upon which we had struck.

This ledge or shoal lies in latitude 15° 45ʹ S., and between six and
seven leagues from the main. It is, not, however, the only shoal on this
part of the coast, especially to the northward; and at this time we saw
one to the southward, the tail of which we passed over, when we had
uneven soundings about two hours before we struck. A part of this shoal
is always above water, and has the appearance of white sand: a part also
of that upon which we had lain is dry at low water, and in that place
consists of sand stones; but all the rest of it is a coral rock.

While we lay at anchor for the night, we found that the ship made about
fifteen inches water an hour, from which no immediate danger was to be
apprehended; and at six o’clock in the morning, we weighed and stood to
the N. W., still edging in for the land with a gentle breeze at S. S. E.
At nine we passed close without two small islands that lie in latitude
15° 41ʹ S. and about four leagues from the main: to reach these islands
had, in the height of our distress, been the object of our hope, or
perhaps rather of our wishes, and therefore I called them HOPE ISLANDS.
At noon we were about three leagues from the land, and in latitude 15°
37ʹ S.; the northernmost part of the main in sight bore N. 30 W.; and
Hope Islands extended from S. 30 E. to S. 40 E. In this situation we had
twelve fathom water, and several sand-banks without us. At this time the
leak had not increased; but that we might be prepared for all events, we
got the sail ready for another fothering. In the afternoon, having a
gentle breeze at S. E. by E., I sent out the master with two boats, as
well to sound a-head of the ship, as to look out for a harbour where we
might repair our defects, and put the ship in a proper trim. At three
o’clock, we saw an opening that had the appearance of a harbour, and
stood off and on while the boats examined it; but they soon found that
there was not depth of water in it sufficient for the ship. When it was
near sunset, there being many shoals about us, we anchored in four
fathom, at the distance of about two miles from the shore, the land
extending from N. ½ E. to S. by E. ½ E. The pinnace was still out with
one of the mates; but at nine o’clock she returned, and reported, that
about two leagues to leeward she had discovered just such a harbour as
we wanted, in which there was a sufficient rise of water, and every
other convenience that could be desired, either for laying the ship
ashore, or heaving her down.

In consequence of this information, I weighed at six o’clock in the
morning, and having sent two boats a-head, to lie upon the shoals that
we saw in our way, we ran down to the place; but notwithstanding our
precaution, we were once in three fathom water. As soon as these shoals
were passed, I sent the boats to lie in the channel that led to the
harbour, and by this time it began to blow. It was happy for us that a
place of refuge was at hand; for we soon found that the ship would not
work, having twice missed stays: our situation, however, though it might
have been much worse, was not without danger; we were entangled among
shoals, and I had great reason to fear being driven to leeward, before
the boats could place themselves so as to prescribe our course. I
therefore anchored in four fathom, about a mile from the shore, and then
made the signal for the boats to come on board. When this was done, I
went myself and buoyed the channel, which I found very narrow; the
harbour also I found smaller than I expected, but most excellently
adapted to our purpose; and it is remarkable, that in the whole course
of our voyage we had seen no place which, in our present circumstances,
could have afforded us the same relief. At noon, our latitude was 15°
26ʹ S. During all the rest of this day, and the whole night, it blew too
fresh for us to venture from our anchor and run into the harbour; and
for our farther security, we got down the top-gallant yards, unbent the
mainsail and some of the small sails; got down the fore-top-gallant
mast, and the gib-boom, and sprit-sail, with a view to lighten the ship
forwards as much as possible, in order to come at her leak, which we
supposed to be somewhere in that part; for in all the joy of our
unexpected deliverance, we had not forgot that at this time there was
nothing but a lock of wool between us and destruction. The gale
continuing, we kept our station all the 15th. On the 16th, it was
somewhat more moderate; and about six o’clock in the morning, we hove
the cable short, with a design to get under sail, but were obliged to
desist, and veer it out again. It is remarkable that the sea-breeze,
which blew fresh when we anchored, continued to do so almost every day
while we stayed here; it was calm only while we were upon the rock,
except once; and even the gale that afterwards wafted us to the shore,
would then certainly have beaten us to pieces. In the evening of the
preceding day, we had observed a fire near the beach over against us;
and as it would be necessary for us to stay some time in this place, we
were not without hope of making an acquaintance with the people. We saw
more fires upon the hills to-day, and with our glasses discovered four
Indians going along the shore, who stopped and made two fires; but for
what purpose it was impossible we should guess.

The scurvy now began to make its appearance among us, with many
formidable symptoms. Our poor Indian, Tupia, who had some time before
complained that his gums were sore and swelled, and who had taken
plentifully of our lemon juice by the surgeon’s direction, had now livid
spots upon his legs, and other indubitable testimonies that the disease
had made a rapid progress, notwithstanding all our remedies, among which
the bark had been liberally administered. Mr. Green, our astronomer, was
also declining; and these, among other circumstances, embittered the
delay which prevented our going ashore.

In the morning of the 17th, though the wind was still fresh, we ventured
to weigh, and push in for the harbour; but in doing this we twice run
the ship aground: the first time she went off without any trouble, but
the second time she stuck fast. We now got down the fore-yard,
fore-top-masts, and booms, and taking them overboard, made a raft of
them alongside of the ship. The tide was happily rising, and about one
o’clock in the afternoon, she floated. We soon warped her into the
harbour, and having moored her along side of a steep beach to the south,
we got the anchors, cables, and all the hawsers on shore before night.




                               CHAP. IV.

    TRANSACTIONS WHILE THE SHIP WAS REFITTING IN ENDEAVOUR RIVER; A
 DESCRIPTION OF THE ADJACENT COUNTRY, ITS INHABITANTS, AND PRODUCTIONS.


IN the morning of Monday the 18th, a stage was made from the ship to the
shore, which was so bold that she floated at twenty feet distance: two
tents were also set up, one for the sick, and the other for stores and
provisions, which were landed in the course of the day. We also landed
all the empty water-casks, and part of the stores. As soon as the tent
for the sick was got ready for their reception, they were sent ashore to
the number of eight or nine, and the boat was dispatched to haul the
seine, in hopes of procuring some fish for their refreshment; but she
returned without success. In the mean time, I climbed one of the highest
hills among those that overlooked the harbour, which afforded by no
means a comfortable prospect: the low land near the river is wholly
over-run with mangroves, among which the salt-water flows every tide;
and the high land appeared to be every where stony and barren. In the
mean time Mr. Banks had also taken a walk up the country, and met with
the frames of several old Indian houses, and places where they had
dressed shell-fish; but they seemed not to have been frequented for some
months. Tupia, who had employed himself in angling, and lived entirely
upon what he caught, recovered in a surprising degree; but Mr. Green
still continued to be extremely ill.

The next morning I got the four remaining guns out of the hold, and
mounted them upon the quarter-deck; I also got a spare anchor and
anchor-stock ashore, and the remaining part of the stores and ballast
that were in the hold: set up the smith’s forge, and employed the
armourer and his mate to make nails and other necessaries for the repair
of the ship. In the afternoon, all the officers’ stores and the ground
tier of water were got out; so that nothing remained in the fore and
main hold, but the coals, and a small quantity of stone ballast. This
day Mr. Banks crossed the river to take a view of the country on the
other side: he found it consist principally of sand hills, where he saw
some Indian houses, which appeared to have been very lately inhabited.
In this walk, he met with vast flocks of pigeons and crows: of the
pigeons, which were exceedingly beautiful, he shot several; but the
crows, which were exactly like those in England, were so shy that he
could not get within reach of them.

On the 20th, we landed the powder, and got out the stone ballast and
wood, which brought the ship’s draught of water to eight feet ten inches
forward, and thirteen feet abaft; and this I thought, with the
difference that would be made by trimming the coals aft, would be
sufficient; for I found that the water rose and fell perpendicularly
eight feet at the spring-tides: but as soon as the coals were trimmed
from over the leak, we could hear the water rush in a little abaft the
foremast, about three feet from the keel: this determined me to clear
the hold entirely. This evening, Mr. Banks observed that in many parts
of the inlet there were large quantities of pumice stones, which lay at
a considerable distance above high-water mark; whither they might have
been carried either by the freshes or extraordinary high tides, for
there could be no doubt but that they came from the sea.

The next morning we went early to work, and by four o’clock in the
afternoon had got out all the coals, cast the moorings loose, and warped
the ship a little higher up the harbour, to a place which I thought most
convenient for laying her ashore, in order to stop the leak. Her draught
of water forward was now seven feet nine inches, and abaft thirteen feet
six inches. At eight o’clock, it being high-water, I hauled her bow
close ashore; but kept her stern afloat, because I was afraid of neiping
her; it was however necessary to lay the whole of her as near the ground
as possible.

At two o’clock in the morning of the 22d, the tide left her, and gave us
an opportunity to examine the leak, which we found to be at her floor
heads, a little before the starboard fore-chains. In this place the
rocks had made their way through four planks, and even into the timbers;
three more planks were much damaged, and the appearance of these
breaches was very extraordinary: there was not a splinter to be seen,
but all was as smooth, as if the whole had been cut away by an
instrument: the timbers in this place were happily very close, and if
they had not, it would have been absolutely impossible to have saved the
ship. But after all, her preservation depended upon a circumstance still
more remarkable: one of the holes, which was big enough to have sunk us,
if we had had eight pumps instead of four, and been able to keep them
incessantly going, was in great measure plugged up by a fragment of the
rock, which, after having made the wound, was left sticking in it; so
that the water which at first had gained upon our pumps, was what came
in at the interstices, between the stone and the edges of the hole that
received it. We found also several pieces of the fothering, which had
made their way between the timbers, and in a great measure stopped those
parts of the leak which the stone had left open. Upon further
examination, we found that, besides the leak, considerable damage had
been done to the bottom; great part of the sheathing was gone from under
the larboard bow; a considerable part of the false keel was also
wanting; and these indeed we had seen swim away in fragments from the
vessel, while she lay beating against the rock: the remainder of it was
in so shattered a condition that it had better have been gone; and the
fore-foot and main keel were also damaged, but not so as to produce any
immediate danger: what damage she might have received abaft could not
yet be exactly known, but we had reason to think it was not much, as but
little water made its way into her bottom, while the tide kept below the
leak which has already been described. By nine o’clock in the morning
the carpenters got to work upon her, while the smiths were busy in
making bolts and nails. In the mean time, some of the people were sent
on the other side of the water to shoot pigeons for the sick, who at
their return reported that they had seen an animal as large as a
grey-hound, of a slender make, a mouse colour, and extremely swift; they
discovered also many Indian houses, and a fine stream of fresh water.

The next morning, I sent a boat to haul the seine; but at noon it
returned with only three fish, and yet we saw them in plenty leaping
about the harbour. This day the carpenter finished the repairs that were
necessary on the starboard side; and at nine o’clock in the evening, we
heeled the ship the other way, and hauled her off about two feet for
fear of neiping. This day almost every body had seen the animal which
the pigeon-shooters had brought an account of the day before; and one of
the seamen, who had been rambling in the woods, told us at his return,
that he verily believed he had seen the devil: we naturally inquired in
what form he had appeared, and his answer was in so singular a style
that I shall set down his own words: “He was,” says John, “as large as a
one gallon keg, and very like it; he had horns and wings, yet he crept
so slowly through the grass, that if I had not been _afeard_ I might
have touched him.” This formidable apparition we afterwards discovered
to have been a batt; and the batts here must be acknowledged to have a
frightful appearance, for they are nearly black, and full as large as a
partridge; they have indeed no horns, but the fancy of a man who thought
he saw the devil, might easily supply that defect.

Early on the 24th, the carpenters began to repair the sheathing under
the larboard bow, where we found two planks cut about half through; and
in the mean time I sent a party of men, under the direction of Mr. Gore,
in search of refreshments for the sick: this party returned about noon,
with a few palm cabbages, and a bunch or two of wild plantain; the
plantains were the smallest I had ever seen, and the pulp, though it was
well tasted, was full of small stones. As I was walking this morning at
a little distance from the ship, I saw, myself, one of the animals which
had been so often described: it was of a light mouse colour, and in size
and shape very much resembling a greyhound; it had a long tail also,
which it carried like a greyhound; and I should have taken it for a wild
dog, if, instead of running, it had not leapt like a hare or deer: its
legs were said to be very slender, and the print of its foot to be like
that of a goat; but where I saw it, the grass was so high that the legs
were concealed, and the ground was too hard to receive the track. Mr.
Banks also had an imperfect view of this animal, and was of opinion that
its species was hitherto unknown.

After the ship was hauled ashore, all the water that came into her of
course went backwards; so that although she was dry forwards, she had
nine feet water abaft: as in this part therefore her bottom could not be
examined on the inside, I took the advantage of the tide being out this
evening to get the master and two of the men to go under her, and
examine her whole larboard side without. They found the sheathing gone
about the floor-heads abreast of the main-mast, and part of a plank a
little damaged; but all agreed that she had received no other material
injury. The loss of her sheathing alone was a great misfortune, as the
worm would now be let into her bottom, which might expose us to great
inconvenience and danger; but as I knew no remedy for the mischief but
heaving her down, which would be a work of immense labour and long time,
if practicable at all in our present situation, I was obliged to be
content. The carpenters however continued to work under her bottom in
the evening till they were prevented by the tide; the morning tide did
not ebb out far enough to permit them to work at all, for we had only
one tolerable high and low tide in four-and-twenty hours, as indeed we
had experienced when we lay upon the rock. The position of the ship,
which threw the water in her abaft, was very near depriving the world of
all the knowledge which Mr. Banks had endured so much labour, and so
many risks, to procure; for he had removed the curious collection of
plants which he had made during the whole voyage, into the bread-room,
which lies in the after-part of the ship, as a place of the greatest
security; and nobody having thought of the danger to which laying her
head so much higher than the stern would expose them, they were this day
found under water. Most of them however were, by indefatigable care and
attention, restored to a state of preservation, but some were entirely
spoilt and destroyed.

The 25th was employed in filling water and overhauling the rigging; and
at low water the carpenters finished the repairs under the larboard bow,
and every other place which the tide would permit them to come at: some
casks were then lashed under her bows to facilitate her floating; and at
night, when it was high water, we endeavoured to heave her off, but
without success, for some of the casks that were lashed to her gave way.

The morning of the 26th was employed in getting more casks ready for the
same purpose, and in the afternoon we lashed no less than eight and
thirty under the ship’s bottom, but to our great mortification these
also proved ineffectual, and we found ourselves reduced to the necessity
of waiting till the next spring-tide.

This day, some of our gentlemen who had made an excursion into the
woods, brought home the leaves of a plant, which was thought to be the
same that in the West Indies is called coccos; but upon trial, the roots
proved too acrid to be eaten; the leaves however were little inferior to
spinnage. In the place where these plants were gathered, grew plenty of
the cabbage trees which have occasionally been mentioned before, a kind
of wild plantain, the fruit of which was so full of stones as scarcely
to be eatable; another fruit was also found about the size of a small
golden pippin, but flatter, and of a deep purple colour: when first
gathered from the tree, it was very hard and disagreeable, but after
being kept a few days became soft, and tasted very much like an
indifferent damascene.

The next morning we began to move some of the weight from the after-part
of the ship forward, to ease her; in the mean time the armourer
continued to work at the forge, the carpenter was busy in calking the
ship, and the men employed in filling water and overhauling the rigging:
in the forenoon, I went myself in the pinnace up the harbour, and made
several hauls with the seine, but caught only between twenty and thirty
fish, which were given to the sick and convalescent.

On the 28th, Mr. Banks went with some of the seamen up the country, to
show them the plant which in the West Indies is called Indian kale, and
which served us for greens. Tupia had much meliorated the root of the
coccos, by giving them a long dressing in his country oven, but they
were so small that we did not think them an object for the ship. In
their walk they found one tree which had been notched for the
convenience of climbing it, in the same manner with those we had seen in
Botany Bay: they saw also many nests of white ants, which resemble those
of the East Indies, the most pernicious insects in the world. The nests
were of a pyramidical figure, from a few inches to six feet high, and
very much resembled the stones in England, which are said to be
monuments of the Druids. Mr. Gore, who was also this day four or five
miles up the country, reported that he had seen the footsteps of men,
and tracked animals of three or four different sorts, but had not been
fortunate enough to see either man or beast.

At two o’clock in the morning of the 29th, I observed, in conjunction
with Mr. Green, an emersion of Jupiter’s first satellite; the time here
was 2^h 18ʹ 53ʺ, which gave the longitude of this place 214° 42ʹ 30ʺ W.:
its latitude is 15° 26ʹ S. At break of day, I sent the boat out again
with the seine, and, in the afternoon, it returned with as much fish as
enabled me to give every man a pound and an half. One of my midshipmen,
an American, who was this day abroad with his gun, reported that he had
seen a wolf, exactly like those which he had been used to see in his own
country, and that he had shot at it, but did not kill it.

The next morning, encouraged by the success of the day before, I sent
the boat again to haul the seine, and another party to gather greens: I
sent also some of the young gentlemen to take a plan of the harbour, and
went myself upon a hill, which lies over the south point, to take a view
of the sea. At this time it was low water, and I saw with great concern,
innumerable sand banks and shoals lying all along the coast in every
direction. The innermost lay about three or four miles from the shore,
the outermost extended as far as I could see with my glass, and many of
them did but just rise above water. There was some appearance of a
passage to the northward, and I had no hope of getting clear but in that
direction, for, as the wind blows constantly from the S. E., it would
have been difficult, if not impossible, to return back to the southward.

Mr. Gore reported, that he had this day seen two animals like dogs, of a
straw colour, that they ran like a hare, and were about the same size.
In the afternoon, the people returned from hauling the seine, with still
better success than before, for I was now able to distribute two pounds
and an half to each man: the greens that had been gathered I ordered to
be boiled among the pease, and they made an excellent mess, which, with
two copious supplies of fish, afforded us unspeakable refreshment.

The next day, July the 1st, being Sunday, every body had liberty to go
ashore, except one from each mess, who were again sent out with the
seine. The seine was again equally successful, and the people who went
up the country gave an account of having seen several animals, though
none of them were to be caught. They saw a fire also about a mile up the
river, and Mr. Gore, the second lieutenant, picked up the husk of a
cocoa nut, which had been cast upon the beach, and was full of
barnacles: this probably might come from some island to windward,
perhaps from the Terra del Espirito Santo of Quiros, as we were now in
the latitude where it is said to lie. This day the thermometer in the
shade rose to 87, which was higher than it had been on any day since we
came upon this coast.

Early the next morning, I sent the master in the pinnace out of the
harbour, to sound about the shoals in the offing, and look for channel
to the northward: at this time we had a breeze from the land, which
continued till about nine o’clock, and was the first we had since our
coming into the river. At low water we lashed some empty casks under the
ship’s bows, having some hope that, as the tides were rising, she would
float the next high water. We still continued to fish with great
success, and at high water we again attempted to heave the ship off, but
our utmost efforts were still ineffectual.

The next day at noon, the master returned, and reported, that he had
found a passage out to sea between the shoals, and described its
situation. The shoals, he said, consisted of coral rocks, many of which
were dry at low water, and upon one of which he had been ashore. He
found here some cockles of so enormous a size, that one of them was more
than two men could eat, and a great variety of other shell-fish, of
which he brought us a plentiful supply: in the evening, he had also
landed in a bay about three leagues to the northward of our station,
where he disturbed some of the natives who were at supper: they all fled
with the greatest precipitation at his approach, leaving some fresh sea
eggs, and a fire ready kindled behind them, but there was neither house
nor hovel near the place. We observed, that although the shoals that lie
just within sight of the coast, abound with shell-fish, which may be
easily caught at low water; yet we saw no such shells about the fire
places on shore. This day an alligator was seen to swim about the ship
for some time, and at high water we made another effort to float her,
which happily succeeded: we found however that by lying so long with her
head a-ground, and her stern a-float, she had sprung a plank between
decks, a-breast of the main chains, so that it was become necessary to
lay her ashore again.

The next morning was employed in trimming her upon an even keel, and in
the afternoon, having warped her over, and waited for high water, we
laid her ashore on the sand bank on the south side of the river, for the
damage she had received already from the great descent of the ground,
made me afraid to lay her broadside to the shore in the same place from
which we had just floated her. I was now very desirous to make another
trial to come at her bottom, where the sheathing had been rubbed off,
but though she had scarcely four feet water under her, when the tide was
out, yet that part was not dry.

On the 5th, I got one of the carpenter’s crew, a man in whom I could
confide, to go down again to the ship’s bottom, and examine the place.
He reported, that three streaks of the sheathing, about eight feet long,
were wanting, and that the main plank had been a little rubbed; this
account perfectly agreed with the report of the master, and others, who
had been under her bottom before: I had the comfort however to find the
carpenter of opinion that this would be of little consequence, and
therefore the other damage being repaired, she was again floated at high
water, and moored along-side the beach, where the stores had been
deposited; we then went to work to take the stores on board, and put her
in a condition for the sea. This day, Mr. Banks crossed to the other
side of the harbour, where, as he walked along a sandy beach, he found
innumerable fruits, and many of them, such as no plants which he had
discovered in this country produced: among others were some cocoa nuts,
which Tupia said had been opened by a kind of crab, which from his
description we judged to be the same that the Dutch call _Bears Krabbe_,
and which we had not seen in these seas. All the vegetable substances
which he found in this place, were encrusted with marine productions,
and covered with barnacles; a sure sign that they must have come far by
sea, and, as the trade-wind blows right upon the shore, probably from
Terra del Espirito Santo, which has been mentioned already.

The next morning, Mr. Banks, with lieutenant Gore, and three men, set
out in a small boat up the river, with a view to spend two or three days
in an excursion, to examine the country, and kill some of the animals
which had been so often seen at a distance.

On the 7th, I sent the master again out to sound about the shoals, the
account which he had brought me of the channel being by no means
satisfactory; and we spent the remainder of this day, and the morning of
the next, in fishing, and other necessary occupations.

About four o’clock in the afternoon, Mr. Banks and his party returned,
and gave us an account of their expedition. Having proceeded about three
leagues among swamps and mangroves, they went up into the country, which
they found to differ but little from what they had seen before: they
pursued their course therefore up the river, which at length was
contracted into a narrow channel, and was bounded, not by swamps and
mangroves, but by steep banks, that were covered with trees of a most
beautiful verdure, among which was that which in the West Indies is
called Mohoe, or the bark-tree, the _hibiscus tiliaceus_; the land
within was in general low, and had a thick covering of long grass: the
soil seemed to be such as promised great fertility, to any who should
plant and improve it. In the course of the day, Tupia saw an animal,
which, by his description, Mr. Banks judged to be a wolf: they also saw
three other animals, but could neither catch nor kill one of them, and a
kind of bat, as large as a partridge, but this also eluded all their
diligence and skill. At night, they took up their lodging close to the
banks of the river, and made a fire, but the musquitos swarmed about
them in such numbers, that their quarters were almost untenable; they
followed them into the smoke, and almost into the fire, which, hot as
the climate was, they could better endure than the stings of these
insects, which were an intolerable torment. The fire, the flies, and the
want of a better bed than the ground, rendered the night extremely
uncomfortable, so that they passed it, not in sleep, but in restless
wishes for the return of day. With the first dawn they set out in search
of game, and in a walk of many miles, they saw four animals of the same
kind, two of which Mr. Banks’s greyhound fairly chased, but they threw
him out at a great distance, by leaping over the long thick grass, which
prevented his running: this animal was observed not to run upon four
legs, but to bound or hop forward upon two, like the _Jerbua_, or _Mus
Jaculus_. About noon, they returned to the boat, and again proceeded up
the river, which was soon contracted into a fresh-water brook, where,
however, the tide rose to a considerable height: as evening approached,
it became low water, and it was then so shallow that they were obliged
to get out of the boat and drag her along, till they could find a place
in which they might, with some hope of rest, pass the night. Such a
place at length offered, and while they were getting the things out of
the boat, they observed a smoke at the distance of about a furlong: as
they did not doubt but that some of the natives, with whom they had so
long and earnestly desired to become personally acquainted, were about
the fire, three of the party went immediately towards it, hoping that so
small a number would not put them to flight: when they came up to the
place, however, they found it deserted, and therefore they conjectured,
that before they had discovered the Indians, the Indians had discovered
them. They found the fire still burning, in the hollow of an old tree
that was become touch-wood, and several branches of trees newly broken
down, with which children appeared to have been playing: they observed
also many footsteps upon the sand, below high-water mark, which were
certain indications that the Indians had been recently upon the spot.
Several houses were found at a little distance, and some ovens dug in
the ground, in the same manner as those of Otaheite, in which victuals
appeared to have been dressed since the morning, and scattered about
them lay some shells of a kind of clamm, and some fragments of roots,
the refuse of the meal. After regretting their disappointment, they
repaired to their quarters, which was a broad sand-bank, under the
shelter of a bush. Their beds were plantain leaves, which they spread
upon the sand, and which were as soft as a mattress; their cloaks served
them for bed-clothes, and some bunches of grass for pillows: with these
accommodations they hoped to pass a better night than the last,
especially as, to their great comfort, not a musquito was to be seen.
Here then they lay down, and, such is the force of habit, they resigned
themselves to sleep, without once reflecting upon the probability and
danger of being found by the Indians in that situation. If this appears
strange, let us for a moment reflect, that every danger, and every
calamity, after a time, becomes familiar, and loses its effect upon the
mind. If it were possible that a man should first be made acquainted
with his mortality, or even with the inevitable debility and infirmities
of old age, when his understanding had arrived at its full strength, and
life was endeared by the enjoyments of youth, and vigour, and health,
with what an agony of terror and distress would the intelligence be
received? yet, being gradually acquainted with these mournful truths, by
insensible degrees, we scarce know when, they lose all their force, and
we think no more of the approach of old age and death, than these
wanderers of an unknown desert did of a less obvious and certain evil,
the approach of the native savages, at a time when they must have fallen
an easy prey to their malice or their fears. And it is remarkable, that
the greater part of those who have been condemned to suffer a violent
death, have slept the night immediately preceding their execution,
though there is perhaps no instance of a person accused of a capital
crime having slept the first night of his confinement. Thus is the evil
of life in some degree a remedy for itself, and though every man at
twenty deprecates fourscore, almost every man is as tenacious of life at
fourscore as at twenty; and if he does not suffer under any painful
disorder, loses as little of the comforts that remain by reflecting that
he is upon the brink of the grave, where the earth already crumbles
under his feet, as he did of the pleasures of his better days, when his
dissolution, though certain, was supposed to be at a distance.

Our travellers having slept, without once awaking, till the morning,
examined the river, and finding the tide favoured their return, and the
country promised nothing worthy of a farther search, they reimbarked in
their boat, and made the best of their way to the ship.

Soon after the arrival of this party, the master also returned, having
been seven leagues out to sea, and he was now of opinion that there was
no getting out where before he thought there had been a passage; his
expedition, however, was by no means without its advantage, for having
been a second time upon the rock where he had seen the large cockles, he
met with a great number of turtle, three of which he caught, that
together weighed seven hundred and ninety-one pounds, though he had no
better instrument than a boat-hook.

The next morning, therefore, I sent him out again, with proper
instruments for taking them, and Mr. Banks went with him, but the
success did not at all answer our expectations, for, by the
unaccountable conduct of the officer, not a single turtle was taken, nor
could he be persuaded to return: Mr. Banks, however, went ashore upon
the reef, where he saw several of the large cockles, and having
collected many shells, and marine productions, he returned at eleven
o’clock at night, in his own small boat, the master still continuing
with the large one upon the rock. In the afternoon, seven or eight of
the natives had appeared on the south side of the river, and two of them
came down to the sandy point, opposite to the ship; but upon seeing me
put off in a boat to speak with them, they all ran away with the
greatest precipitation.

As the master continued absent with the boat all night, I was forced to
send the second lieutenant for him, early the next morning in the yawl;
and soon after four of the natives appeared upon the sandy point, on the
north side of the river, having with them a small wooden canoe, with
out-riggers: they seemed for some time to be busily employed in striking
fish: some of our people were for going over to them in a boat, but this
I would by no means permit, repeated experience having convinced me that
it was more likely to prevent, than procure an interview. I was
determined to try what could be done by a contrary method, and
accordingly let them alone, without appearing to take the least notice
of them: this succeeded so well, that at length two of them came in the
canoe within a musket shot of the ship, and there talked a great deal in
a very loud tone: we understood nothing that they said, and therefore
could answer their harangue only by shouting, and making all the signs
of invitation and kindness that we could devise. During this conference,
they came insensibly nearer and nearer, holding up their lances, not in
a threatening manner, but as if to intimate that if we offered them any
injury, they had weapons to revenge it. When they were almost along-side
of us, we threw them some cloth, nails, beads, paper, and other trifles,
which they received without the least appearance of satisfaction: at
last, one of the people happened to throw them a small fish, at this
they expressed the greatest joy imaginable, and, intimating by signs,
that they would fetch their companions, immediately paddled away towards
the shore. In the mean time some of our people, and among them Tupia,
landed on the opposite side of the river: the canoe, with all the four
Indians, very soon returned to the ship, and came quite alongside,
without expressing any fear or distrust. We distributed some more
presents among them, and soon after they left us, and landed on the same
side of the river where our people had gone ashore: every man carried in
his hand two lances, and a stick, which is used in throwing them, and
advanced to the place where Tupia and the rest of our people were
sitting. Tupia soon prevailed upon them to lay down their arms, and come
forward without them: he then made signs that they should sit down by
him, with which they complied, and seemed to be under no apprehension or
constraint: several more of us then going ashore, they expressed some
jealousy lest we should get between them and their arms; we took care
however to show them that we had no such intention, and having joined
them, we made them some more presents, as a farther testimony of our
good-will, and our desire to obtain theirs. We continued together, with
the utmost cordiality, till dinner-time, and then giving them to
understand that we were going to eat, we invited them, by signs, to go
with us: this however they declined, and as soon as we left them, they
went away in their canoe. One of these men was somewhat above the middle
age, the other three were young; they were in general of the common
stature, but their limbs were remarkably small; their skin was of the
colour of wood-soot, or what would be called a dark chocolate colour;
their hair was black, but not woolly; it was short cropped, in some
lank, and in others curled. Dampier says, that the people whom he saw on
the western coast of this country, wanted two of their fore-teeth, but
these had no such defect: some part of their bodies had been painted
red, and the upper lip and breast of one of them was painted with
streaks of white, which he called _Carbanda_; their features were far
from disagreeable, their eyes were lively, and their teeth even and
white, their voices were soft and tunable, and they repeated many words
after us with great facility. In the night, Mr. Gore and the master
returned with the long-boat, and brought one turtle and a few
shell-fish. The yawl had been left upon the shoal with six men, to make
a farther trial for turtle.

The next morning, we had another visit from four of the natives; three
of them had been with us before, but the fourth was a stranger, whose
name, as we learnt from his companions who introduced him, was YAPARICO.
This gentleman was distinguished by an ornament of a very striking
appearance: it was the bone of a bird, nearly as thick as a man’s
finger, and five or six inches long, which he had thrust into a hole,
made in the gristle that divides the nostrils; of this we had seen one
instance, and only one, in New Zealand; but, upon examination, we found
that among all these people this part of the nose was perforated, to
receive an ornament of the same kind: they had also holes in their ears,
though nothing was then hanging to them, and had bracelets upon the
upper part of their arms, made of platted hair, so that, like the
inhabitants of Terra del Fuego, they seem to be fond of ornament, though
they are absolutely without apparel; and one of them, to whom I had
given part of an old shirt, instead of throwing it over any part of his
body, tied it as a fillet round his head. They brought with them a fish,
which they gave us, as we supposed, in return for the fish that we had
given them the day before. They seemed to be much pleased, and in no
haste to leave us, but seeing some of our gentlemen examine their canoe
with great curiosity and attention, they were alarmed, and jumping
immediately into it, paddled away without speaking a word.

About two the next morning, the yawl, which had been left upon the
shoal, returned with three turtles and a large skeat. As it seemed now
probable that this fishery might be prosecuted with advantage, I sent
her out again after breakfast, for a further supply. Soon after, three
Indians ventured down to Tupia’s tent, and were so well pleased with
their reception, that one of them went with the canoe to fetch two
others whom we had never seen: when he returned, he introduced the
strangers by name, a ceremony which, upon such occasions, was never
omitted. As they had received the fish that was thrown into their canoe,
when they first approached the ship, with so much pleasure, some fish
was offered to them now, and we were greatly surprised to see that it
was received with the greatest indifference: they made signs, however,
to some of the people, that they should dress it for them, which was
immediately done, but after eating a little of it, they threw the rest
to Mr. Banks’s dog. They staid with us all the forenoon, but would never
venture above twenty yards from their canoe. We now perceived that the
colour of their skin was not so dark as it appeared, what we had taken
for their complexion, being the effects of dirt and smoke, in which we
imagined, they contrived to sleep, notwithstanding the heat of the
climate, as the only means in their power to keep off the musquitos.
Among other things that we had given them when we first saw them, were
some medals, which we had hung round their necks by a ribband; and these
ribbands were so changed by smoke, that we could not easily distinguish
of what colour they had been: this incident led us more narrowly to
examine the colour of their skin. While these people were with us, we
saw two others on the point of land that lay on the opposite side of the
river, at the distance of about two hundred yards, and by our glasses
discovered them to be a woman and a boy; the woman, like the rest, being
stark naked. We observed, that all of them were remarkably clean-limbed,
and exceedingly active and nimble. One of these strangers had a necklace
of shells, very prettily made, and a bracelet upon his arm, formed of
several strings, so as to resemble what in England is called gymp: both
of them had a piece of bark tied over the forehead, and were disfigured
by the bone in the nose. We thought their language more harsh than that
of the Islanders in the South Sea, and they were continually repeating
the word _chercau_, which we imagined to be a term expressing
admiration, by the manner in which it was uttered: they also cried out,
when they saw any thing new, _cher, tut, tut, tut, tut!_ which probably
had a similar signification. Their canoe was not above ten feet long,
and very narrow, but it was fitted with an outrigger, much like those of
the islands, though in every respect very much inferior: when it was in
shallow water, they set it on with poles, and when in deep, they worked
it with paddles about four feet long: it contained just four people, so
that the people who visited us to-day went away at two turns. Their
lances were, like those that we had seen in Botany Bay, except that they
had but a single point, which in some of them was the sting of the ray,
and barbed with two or three sharp bones of the same fish: it was indeed
a most terrible weapon, and the instrument which they used in throwing
it, seemed to be formed with more art than any we had seen before. About
twelve o’clock next day, the yawl returned, with another turtle, and a
large sting-ray, and in the evening, was sent out again.

The next morning, two of the Indians came on board, but after a short
stay, went along the shore, and applied themselves with great diligence
to the striking of fish. Mr. Gore, who went out this day with his gun,
had the good fortune to kill one of the animals which had been so much
the subject of our speculation: an idea of it will best be conceived by
the cut, plate XX, without which, the most accurate verbal description
would answer very little purpose, as it has not similitude enough to any
animal already known, to admit of illustration by reference. In form, it
is most like the gerbua, which it also resembles in its motion, as has
been observed already, but it greatly differs in size, the gerbua not
being larger than a common rat, and this animal, when full grown, being
as big as a sheep: this individual was a young one, much under its full
growth, weighing only thirty-eight pounds. The head, neck, and
shoulders, are very small in proportion to the other parts of the body;
the tail is nearly as long as the body, thick near the rump, and
tapering towards the end: the fore-legs of this individual were only
eight inches long, and the hind-legs two and twenty: its progress is by
successive leaps or hops, of a great length, in an erect posture; the
fore-legs are kept bent close to the breast, and seemed to be of use
only for digging: the skin is covered with a short fur, of a dark mouse
or grey colour, excepting the head and ears, which bear a slight
resemblance to those of a hare. This animal is called by the natives
_Kanguroo_.

The next day, our kanguroo was dressed for dinner, and proved most
excellent meat; we might now indeed be said to fare sumptuously every
day, for we had turtle in great plenty, and we all agreed that they were
much better than any we had tasted in England, which we imputed to their
being eaten fresh from the sea, before their natural fat had been
wasted, or their juices changed by a diet and situation so different
from what the sea affords them, as garbage and a tub. Most of those that
we caught here, were of the kind called green turtle, and weighed from
two to three hundred weight, and when these were killed, they were
always found to be full of turtle grass, which our naturalists took to
be a kind of _conferva_: two of them were logger-heads, the flesh of
which was much less delicious, and in their stomachs nothing was to be
found but shells.

In the morning of the 16th, while the people were employed as usual in
getting the ship ready for the sea, I climbed one of the hills on the
north side of the river, from which I had an extensive view of the
inland country, and found it agreeably diversified by hills, vallies,
and large plains, which in many places were richly covered with wood.
This evening, we observed an emersion of Jupiter’s first satellite,
which gave 214° 53ʹ 45ʺ of longitude. The observation which was made on
the 29th of June gave 214° 42ʹ 30ʺ, the mean is 214° 48ʹ 7-½ʺ, the
longitude of this place west of Greenwich.

On the 17th, I sent the master and one of the mates in the pinnace to
look for a channel to the northward; and I went myself with Mr. Banks
and Dr. Solander into the woods on the other side of the water. Tupia,
who had been thither by himself, reported, that he had seen three
Indians who had given him some roots about as thick as a man’s finger,
in shape not much unlike a radish, and of a very agreeable taste. This
induced us to go over, hoping that we should be able to improve our
acquaintance with the natives; in a very little time we discovered four
of them in a canoe, who as soon as they saw us come ashore, and, though
they were all strangers, walked up to us, without any signs of suspicion
or fear. Two of these had necklaces of shells, which we could not
persuade them to part with for any thing we could give them: we
presented them, however, with some beads, and after a short stay they
departed. We attempted to follow them, hoping that they would conduct us
to some place where we should find more of them, and have an opportunity
of seeing their women; but they made us understand, by signs, that they
did not desire our company.

At eight o’clock the next morning, we were visited by several of the
natives, who were now become quite familiar. One of them, at our desire,
threw his lance, which was about eight feet long; it flew with a
swiftness and steadiness that surprised us, and though it was never more
than four feet from the ground, it entered deeply into a tree at fifty
paces’ distance. After this they ventured on board, where I left them,
to all appearance, much entertained, and went again with Mr. Banks to
take a view of the country; but chiefly to indulge an anxious curiosity,
by looking round us upon the sea, of which our wishes almost persuaded
us we had formed an idea more disadvantageous than the truth. After
having walked about seven or eight miles along the shore to the
northward, we ascended a very high hill, and were soon convinced that
the danger of our situation was at least equal to our apprehensions; for
in whatever direction we turned our eyes, we saw rocks and shoals
without number, and no passage out to sea but through the winding
channels between them, which could not be navigated without the last
degree of difficulty and danger. We returned therefore to the ship, not
in better spirits than when we left it: we found several natives still
on board, and we were told that the turtles, of which we had no less
than twelve upon the deck, had fixed their attention more than any thing
else in the ship.

On the 19th, in the morning, we were visited by ten of the natives, the
greater part from the other side of the river, where we saw six or seven
more, most of them women, and, like all the rest of the people we had
seen in this country, they were stark naked. Our guests brought with
them a greater number of lances than they had ever done before, and
having laid them up in a tree, they set a man and a boy to watch them:
the rest then came on board, and we soon perceived that they had
determined to get one of our turtle, which was probably as great a
dainty to them as to us. They first asked us by signs to give them one;
and being refused, they expressed, both by looks and gestures, great
disappointment and anger. At this time we happened to have no victuals
dressed, but I offered one of them some biscuit, which he snatched and
threw overboard with great disdain. One of them renewed his request to
Mr. Banks, and upon a refusal stamped with his foot, and pushed him from
him in a transport of resentment and indignation. Having applied by
turns to almost every person who appeared to have any command in the
ship, without success, they suddenly seized two of the turtles, and
dragged them towards the side of the ship where their canoe lay: our
people soon forced them out of their hands, and replaced them with the
rest. They would not however relinquish their enterprise, but made
several other attempts of the same kind, in all which being equally
disappointed, they suddenly leaped into their canoe in a rage, and began
to paddle towards the shore. At the same time, I went into the boat with
Mr. Banks and five or six of the ship’s crew, and we got ashore before
them, where many more of our people were already engaged in various
employments. As soon as they landed, they seized their arms, and before
we were aware of their design, they snatched a brand from under a
pitch-kettle which was boiling, and making a circuit to the windward of
the few things we had on shore, they set fire to the grass in their way,
with surprising quickness and dexterity: the grass, which was five or
six feet high, and as dry as stubble, burnt with amazing fury; and the
fire made a rapid progress towards a tent of Mr. Banks’s, which had been
set up for Tupia when he was sick, taking in its course a sow and pigs,
one of which it scorched to death. Mr. Banks leaped into a boat, and
fetched some people from on board, just time enough to save his tent, by
hauling it down upon the beach; but the smith’s forge, at least such
part of it as would burn, was consumed. While this was doing, the
Indians went to a place at some distance, where several of our people
were washing, and where our nets, among which was the seine, and a great
quantity of linen, were laid out to dry; here they again set fire to the
grass, entirely disregarding both threats and entreaties. We were
therefore obliged to discharge a musket, loaded with small shot, at one
of them, which drew blood at the distance of about forty yards, and thus
putting them to flight, we extinguished the fire at this place before it
had made much progress; but where the grass had been first kindled, it
spread into the woods to a great distance. As the Indians were still in
sight, I fired a musket, charged with ball, abreast of them among the
mangroves, to convince them that they were not yet out of our reach:
upon hearing the ball they quickened their pace, and we soon lost sight
of them. We thought they would now give us no more trouble; but soon
after we heard their voices in the woods, and perceived that they came
nearer and nearer. I set out, therefore, with Mr. Banks and three or
four more to meet them. When our parties came in sight of each other,
they halted; except one old man, who came forward to meet us: at length
he stopped, and having uttered some words, which we were very sorry we
could not understand, he went back to his companions, and the whole body
slowly retreated. We found means, however, to seize some of their darts,
and continued to follow them about a mile: we then sat down upon some
rocks, from which we could observe their motions, and they also sat down
at about an hundred yards’ distance. After a short time, the old man
again advanced towards us, carrying in his hand a lance without a point:
he stopped several times, at different distances, and spoke; we answered
by beckoning, and making such signs of amity as we could devise; upon
which the messenger of peace, as we supposed him to be, turned and spoke
aloud to his companions, who then set up their lances against a tree,
and advanced towards us in a friendly manner: when they came up, we
returned the darts or lances that we had taken from them, and we
perceived with great satisfaction that this rendered the reconciliation
complete. We found in this party four persons whom we had never seen
before, who as usual were introduced to us by name; but the man who had
been wounded in the attempt to burn our nets and linen, was not among
them; we knew, however, that he could not be dangerously hurt, by the
distance at which the shot reached him. We made all of them presents of
such trinkets as we had about us, and they walked back with us towards
the ship. As we went along, they told us, by signs, that they would not
set fire to the grass any more; and we distributed among them some
musket-balls, and endeavoured to make them understand their use and
effect. When they came abreast of the ship, they sat down, but could not
be prevailed upon to come on board; we therefore left them, and in about
two hours they went away, soon after which we perceived the woods on
fire at about two miles’ distance. If this accident had happened a very
little while sooner, the consequence might have been dreadful; for our
powder had been aboard but a few days, and the store-tent, with many
valuable things which it contained, had not been removed many hours. We
had no idea of the fury with which grass would burn in this hot climate,
nor consequently of the difficulty of extinguishing it; but we
determined, that if it should ever again be necessary for us to pitch
our tents in such a situation, our first measure should be to clear the
ground round us.

In the afternoon, we got every thing on board the ship, new birthed her,
and let her swing with the tide; and at night the master returned, with
the discouraging account that there was no passage for the ship to the
northward.

The next morning, at low water, I went and sounded and buoyed the bar,
the ship being now ready for sea. We saw no Indians this day, but all
the hills round us for many miles were on fire, which at night made a
most striking and beautiful appearance.

The 21st passed without our getting sight of any of the inhabitants, and
indeed without a single incident worth notice. On the 22d we killed a
turtle for the day’s provision, upon opening which we found a wooden
harpoon or turtle-peg, about as thick as a man’s finger, near fifteen
inches long, and bearded at the end, such as we had seen among the
natives, sticking through both shoulders: it appeared to have been
struck a considerable time, for the wound had perfectly healed up over
the weapon.

Early in the morning of the 23d I sent some people into the country to
gather a supply of the greens which have been before mentioned by the
name of Indian kale; one of them having straggled from the rest,
suddenly fell in with four Indians, three men and a boy, whom he did not
see till, by turning short in the wood, he found himself among them.
They had kindled a fire, and were broiling a bird of some kind, and part
of a kanguroo, the remainder of which, and a cockatoo, hung at a little
distance upon a tree. The man, being unarmed, was at first greatly
terrified; but he had the presence of mind not to run away, judging,
very rightly, that he was most likely to incur danger by appearing to
apprehend it; on the contrary, he went and sat down by them, and, with
an air of cheerfulness and good-humour, offered them his knife, the only
thing he had about him which he thought would be acceptable to them;
they received it, and having handed it from one to the other, they gave
it him again: he then made an offer to leave them, but this they seemed
not disposed to permit; still, however, he dissembled his fears, and sat
down again; they considered him with great attention and curiosity,
particularly his clothes, and then felt his hands and face, and
satisfied themselves that his body was of the same texture with their
own. They treated him with the greatest civility, and having kept him
about half an hour, they made signs that he might depart: he did not
wait for a second dismission, but when he left them, not taking the
direct way to the ship, they came from their fire and directed him, so
that they well knew whence he came.

In the mean time, Mr. Banks, having made an excursion on the other side
of the river to gather plants, found the greatest part of the cloth that
had been given to the Indians lying in a heap together, probably as
useless lumber, not worth carrying away; and perhaps, if he had sought
further, he might have found the other trinkets; for they seemed to set
very little very value upon any thing we had, except our turtle, which
was a commodity that we were least able to spare.

The blowing weather, which prevented our attempt to get out to sea,
still continuing, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went out again on the 24th
to see whether any new plant could be picked up: they traversed the
woods all day without success; but as they were returning through a deep
valley, the sides of which, though almost as perpendicular as a wall,
were covered with trees and bushes, they found lying upon the ground
several marking nuts, the _anacardium orientale_; these put them upon a
new scent, and they made a most diligent search after the tree that bore
them, which perhaps no European botanist ever saw; but to their great
mortification they could not find it: so that, after spending much time,
and cutting down four or five trees, they returned quite exhausted with
fatigue to the ship.

On the 25th, having made an excursion up the river, I found a canoe
belonging to our friends the Indians, whom we had not seen since the
affair of the turtle; they had left it tied to some mangroves, about a
mile distant from the ship, and I could see by their fires that they
were retired at least six miles directly inland.

As Mr. Banks was again gleaning the country for his Natural History, on
the 26th he had the good fortune to take an animal of the _Opossum_
tribe: it was a female, and with it he took two young ones: it was found
much to resemble the remarkable animal of the kind, which Mons. de
Buffon has described in his Natural History by the name of _Phalanger_,
but it was not the same. Mons. Buffon supposes this tribe to be peculiar
to America, but in this he is certainly mistaken; and, probably, as
Pallas has observed in his Zoology, the Phalanger itself is a native of
the East Indies, as the animal which was caught by Mr. Banks resembled
it in the extraordinary conformation of the feet, in which it differs
from animals of every other tribe.

On the 27th Mr. Gore shot a kanguroo, which, with the skin, entrails,
and head, weighed eighty-four pounds. Upon examination, however, we
found that this animal was not at its full growth, the innermost
grinders not being yet formed. We dressed it for dinner the next day,
but to our great disappointment, we found it had a much worse flavour
than that we had eaten before.

The wind continued in the same quarter, and with the same violence, till
five o’clock in the morning of the 29th, when it fell calm; soon after a
light breeze sprung up from the land, and it being about two hours’ ebb,
I sent a boat to see what water was upon the bar; in the mean time we
got the anchor up, and made all ready to put to sea. But when the boat
came back, the officer reported that there was only thirteen feet water
upon the bar, which was six inches less than the ship drew. We were
therefore obliged to come to, and the sea-breeze setting in again about
eight o’clock, we gave up all hope of sailing that day.

We had fresh gales at S. E., with hazy weather and rain, till two in the
morning of the 31st, when the weather being something more moderate, I
had thoughts of trying to warp the ship out of the harbour; but upon
going out myself first in the boat, I found it still blow too fresh for
the attempt. During all this time the pinnace and yawl continued to ply
the net and hook with tolerable success; sometimes taking a turtle, and
frequently bringing in from two to three hundred weight of fish.

On the 1st of August the carpenter examined the pumps, and, to our great
mortification, found them all in a state of decay, owing, as he said, to
the sap having been left in the wood; one of them was so rotten, as,
when hoisted up, to drop to pieces, and the rest were little better; so
that our chief trust was now in the soundness of our vessel, which
happily did not admit more than one inch of water in an hour.

At six o’clock in the morning of Friday, the 3d, we made another
unsuccessful attempt to warp the ship out of the harbour; but at five
o’clock in the morning of the 4th, our efforts had a better effect, and
about seven we got once more under sail, with a light air from the land,
which soon died away, and was followed by the sea-breezes from S. E. by
S., with which we stood off to sea E. by N., having the pinnace ahead,
which was ordered to keep sounding continually. The yawl had been sent
to the turtle bank, to take up the net which had been left there; but as
the wind freshened, we got out before her. A little before noon we
anchored in fifteen fathom water, with a sandy bottom; for I did not
think it safe to run in among the shoals till I had well viewed them at
low water from the mast-head, which might determine me which way to
steer; for, as yet, I was in doubt whether I should beat back to the
southward, round all the shoals, or seek a passage to the eastward or
the northward, all which at present appeared to be equally difficult and
dangerous. When we were at anchor, the harbour from which we sailed bore
S. 70 W., distant about five leagues; the northernmost point of the main
in sight, which I named CAPE BEDFORD, and which lies in latitude 15° 16ʹ
S., longitude 214° 45ʹ W., bore N. 20 W., distant three leagues and a
half; but to the N. E. of this cape we could see land which had the
appearance of two high islands: the turtle banks bore east, distant one
mile: our latitude, by observation, was 15° 32ʹ S., and our depth of
water in standing off from the land was from three and a half to fifteen
fathom.




                                CHAP. V.

DEPARTURE FROM ENDEAVOUR RIVER; A PARTICULAR DESCRIPTION OF THE HARBOUR
THERE, IN WHICH THE SHIP WAS REFITTED, THE ADJACENT COUNTRY, AND SEVERAL
 ISLANDS NEAR THE COAST: THE RANGE FROM ENDEAVOUR RIVER TO THE NORTHERN
     EXTREMITY OF THE COUNTRY, AND THE DANGERS OF THAT NAVIGATION.


TO the harbour which we had now left, I gave the name of ENDEAVOUR
RIVER. It is only a small bar harbour, or creek, which runs in a winding
channel three or four leagues inland, and at the head of which there is
a small brook of fresh water. There is not depth of water for shipping
above a mile within the bar, and at this distance only on the north
side, where the bank is so steep for near a quarter of a mile, that a
ship may lie afloat at low water, so near the shore as to reach it with
a stage, and the situation is extremely convenient for heaving down; but
at low water, the depth upon the bar is not more than nine or ten feet,
nor more than seventeen or eighteen at the height of the tide; the
difference between high and low water, at spring tides, being about nine
feet. At the new and full of the moon it is high water between nine and
ten o’clock. It must also be remembered, that this part of the coast is
so barricaded with shoals, as to make the harbour still more difficult
of access; the safest approach is from the southward, keeping the main
land close upon the board all the way. Its situation may always be found
by the latitude, which has been very accurately laid down. Over the
south point is some high land, but the north point is formed by a low
sandy beach, which extends about three miles to the northward, where the
land begins again to be high.

The chief refreshment that we procured here was turtle, but as they were
not to be had without going five leagues out to sea, and the weather was
frequently tempestuous, we did not abound with this dainty: what we
caught, as well as the fish, was always equally divided among us all by
weight, the meanest person on board having the same share as myself; and
I think every commander, in such a voyage as this, will find it his
interest to follow the same rule. In several parts of the sandy beaches,
and sand hills near the sea, we found purslain, and a kind of bean that
grows upon a stalk, which creeps along the ground: the purslain we found
very good when it was boiled, and the beans are not to be despised, for
we found them of great service to our sick: the best greens, however,
that could be procured here were the tops of the coccos, which have been
mentioned already, as known in the West Indies by the name of _Indian
kale_: these were, in our opinion, not much inferior to spinnage, which
in taste they somewhat resemble; the roots indeed are not good, but they
might probably be meliorated by proper cultivation. They are found here
chiefly in boggy ground. The few cabbage palms that we met with, were in
general small, and yielded so little cabbage, that they were not worth
seeking.

Besides the kanguroo, and the opossum, that have been already mentioned,
and a kind of polecat, there are wolves upon this part of the coast, if
we were not deceived by the tracks upon the ground, and several species
of serpents: some of the serpents are venemous, and some harmless. There
are no tame animals here except dogs, and of these we saw but two or
three, which frequently came about the tents, to pick up the scraps and
bones that happened to lie scattered near them. There does not indeed
seem to be many of any animal, except the kanguroo; we scarcely saw any
other above once, but this we met with almost every time we went into
the woods. Of land fowls we saw crows, kites, hawks, cockatoos of two
sorts, one white and the other black, a very beautiful kind of
loriquets, some parrots, pigeons of two or three sorts, and several
small birds not known in Europe. The water-fowls are herns, whistling
ducks, which perch, and, I believe, roost upon trees, wild geese,
curlieus, and a few others; but these do not abound. The face of the
country, which has been occasionally mentioned before, is agreeably
diversified by hill and valley, lawn and wood. The soil of the hills is
hard, dry, and stony, yet it produces coarse grass besides wood: the
soil of the plains and valleys is in some places sand, and in some clay;
in some also it is rocky and stony, like the hills; in general, however,
it is well clothed, and has at least the appearance of fertility. The
whole country, both hill and valley, wood and plain, abounds with
ant-hills, some of which are six or eight feet high, and twice as much
in circumference. The trees here are not of many sorts; the gum-tree,
which we found on the southern part of the coast, is the most common,
but here it is not so large: on each side of the river, through its
whole course, there are mangroves in great numbers, which in some places
extend a mile within the coast. The country is in all parts well
watered, there being several fine rivulets at a small distance from each
other, but none in the place where we lay, at least not during the time
we were there, which was the dry season; we were, however, well supplied
with water by springs, which were not far off.

In the afternoon of the 4th we had a gentle breeze at S. E. and clear
weather, but as I did not intend to sail till the morning, I sent all
the boats to the reef, to get what turtle and shell-fish they could. At
low water I went up to the mast-head, and took a view of the shoals,
which made a very threatening appearance: I could see several at a
remote distance, and part of many of them was above water. The sea
appeared most open to the north-east of the turtle reef, and I came to a
resolution to stretch out that way close upon a wind, because if we
should find no passage, we could always return the way we went. In the
evening the boats brought in a turtle, a sting-ray, and as many large
cockles as came to about a pound and a half a man, for in each of them
there was not less than two pounds of meat: in the night also we caught
several sharks, which, though not a dainty, were an acceptable increase
of our fresh provision.

In the morning I waited till half ebb before I weighed, because at that
time the shoals begin to appear, but the wind then blew so hard that I
was obliged to remain at anchor: in the afternoon, however, the gale
becoming more moderate, we got under sail, and stood out upon a wind N.
E. by E., leaving the turtle reef to windward, and having the pinnace
sounding a-head. We had not kept this course long, before we discovered
shoals before us, and upon both the bows; and at half an hour after
four, having run about eight miles, the pinnace made the signal for
shoal water, where we little expected it: upon this we tacked, and stood
on and off, while the pinnace stretched farther to the eastward, and
night approaching, I came to an anchor in twenty fathom water, with a
muddy bottom. Endeavour River then bore S. 52 W.; Cape Bedford W. by N.
½ N., distant five leagues; the northernmost land in sight, which had
the appearance of an island N.; and a shoal, a small sandy part of which
appeared above water, bore N. E., distant between two and three miles:
in standing off from turtle reef to this place, we had from fourteen to
twenty fathom water, but when the pinnace was about a mile farther to
the E. N. E. there was no more than four or five feet water, with rocky
ground; and yet this did not appear to us in the ship. In the morning of
the 6th we had a strong gale, so that instead of weighing, we were
obliged to veer away more cable, and strike our top-gallant yards. At
low water, myself, with several of the officers, kept a look-out at the
mast-head, to see if any passage could be discovered between the shoals,
but nothing was in view except breakers, extending from the S. round by
the E. as far as N. W., and out to sea beyond the reach of our sight;
these breakers, however, did not appear to be caused by one continued
shoal, but by several which lay detached from each other: on that which
lay farthest to the eastward the sea broke very high, which made me
think it was the outermost, for upon many of these within, the breakers
were inconsiderable, and from about half ebb to half flood, they were
not to be seen at all, which makes sailing among them still more
dangerous, especially as the shoals here consist principally of coral
rocks, which are as steep as a wall; upon some of them, however, and
generally at the north end, there are patches of sand, which are covered
only at high water, and which are to be discerned at some distance.
Being now convinced that there was no passage to sea, but through the
labyrinth formed by these shoals, I was altogether at a loss which way
to steer, when the weather should permit us to get under sail. It was
the master’s opinion, that we should beat back the way we came, but this
would have been an endless labour, as the wind blew strongly from that
quarter, almost without intermission; on the other hand, if no passage
could be found to the northward, we should be compelled to take that
measure at last. These anxious deliberations engaged us till eleven
o’clock at night, when the ship drove, and obliged us to veer away to a
cable and one-third, which brought her up; but in the morning, the gale
increasing, she drove again, and we therefore let go the small bower,
and veered away to a whole cable upon it, and two cables on the other
anchors, yet she still drove, though not so fast; we then got down
top-gallant masts, and struck the yards and top-masts close down, and at
last had the satisfaction to find that she rode. Cape Bedford now bore
W. S. W. distant three leagues and a half, and in this situation we had
shoals to the eastward, extending from the S. E. by S. to the N. N. W.,
the nearest of which was about two miles distant. As the gale continued,
with little remission, we rode till seven o’clock in the morning of the
10th, when, it being more moderate, we weighed, and stood in for the
land, having at length determined to seek a passage along the shore to
the northward, still keeping the boat ahead: during our run in we had
from nineteen to twelve fathom: after standing in about an hour, we
edged away for three small islands that lay N. N. E. ½ E., three leagues
from Cape Bedford, which the master had visited while we were in port.
At nine o’clock we were abreast of them, and between them and the main:
between us and the main there was another low island, which lies N. N.
W. four miles from the three islands; and in this channel we had
fourteen fathom water. The northernmost point of land in sight now bore
N. N. W. ½ W., distant about two leagues. Four or five leagues to the
north of this head-land we saw three islands, near which lay some that
were still smaller, and we could see the shoals and reefs without us,
extending to the northward, as far as these islands: between these reefs
and the head-land we directed our course, leaving to the eastward a
small island, which lies N. by E., distant four miles from the three
islands. At noon we were got between the head-land and the three
islands: from the head-land we were distant two leagues, and from the
islands four; our latitude, by observation, was 14° 51ʹ. We now thought
we saw a clear opening before us, and hoped that we were once more out
of danger; in this hope, however, we soon found ourselves disappointed,
and for that reason I called the head-land CAPE FLATTERY. It lies in
latitude 14° 56ʹ S., longitude 214° 43ʹ W., and is a lofty promontory,
making next the sea in two hills, which have a third behind them, with
low sandy ground on each side: it may however be still better known by
the three islands out at sea: the northernmost and largest lies about
five leagues from the cape, in the direction of N. N. E. From Cape
Flattery the land trends away N. W., and N. W. by W. We steered along
the shore N. W. by W. till one o’clock, for what we thought the open
channel, when the petty officer at the mast-head cried out that he saw
land ahead, extending quite round to the islands that lay without us,
and a large reef between us and them: upon this I ran up to the
mast-head myself, from whence I very plainly saw the reef, which was now
so far to windward, that we could not weather it, but the land ahead,
which he had supposed to be the main, appeared to me to be only a
cluster of small islands. As soon as I got down from the mast-head, the
master, and some others went up, who all insisted that the land ahead
was not islands, but the main, and to make their report still more
alarming, they said that they saw breakers all round us. In this dilemma
we hauled upon a wind in for the land, and made the signal for the boat
that was sounding ahead to come on board, but as she was far to leeward,
we were obliged to edge away to take her up, and soon after we came to
an anchor, under a point of the main, in somewhat less than five fathom,
and at about the distance of a mile from the shore. Cape Flattery now
bore S. E., distant three leagues and a half. As soon as the ship was at
anchor, I went ashore upon the point, which is high, and afforded me a
good view of the sea coast, trending away N. W. by W. eight or ten
leagues, which, the weather not being very clear, was as far as I could
see. Nine or ten small low islands, and some shoals, appeared off the
coast; I saw also some large shoals between the main and the three high
islands, without which I was clearly of opinion there were more islands,
and not any part of the main. Except the point I was now upon, which I
called POINT LOOK-OUT, and Cape Flattery, the main land, to the
northward of Cape Bedford, is low, and chequered with white sand and
green bushes, for ten or twelve miles inland, beyond which it rises to a
considerable height. To the northward of Point Look-out the coast
appeared to be shoal and flat for a considerable distance, which did not
encourage the hope that the channel we had hitherto found in with the
land would continue. Upon this point, which was narrow, and consisted of
the finest white sand we had ever seen, we discovered the footsteps of
people, and we saw also smoke and fire at a distance up the country.

In the evening I returned to the ship, and resolved the next morning to
visit one of the high islands in the offing, from the top of which, as
they lay five leagues out to sea, I hoped to discover more distinctly
the situation of the shoals, and the channel between them.

In the morning therefore of the 11th I set out in the pinnace,
accompanied by Mr. Banks, whose fortitude and curiosity made him a party
in every expedition, for the northernmost and largest of the three
islands, and at the same time I sent the master in the yawl to leeward,
to sound between the low islands and the main. In my way I passed over a
reef of coral rock and sand, which lies about two leagues from the
island, and I left another to leeward, which lies about three miles from
it: on the north part of the reef, to the leeward, there is a low sandy
island, with trees upon it; and upon the reef which we passed over, we
saw several turtle: we chased one or two, but having little time to
spare, and the wind blowing fresh, we did not take any.

About one o’clock we reached the island, and immediately ascended the
highest hill, with a mixture of hope and fear, proportioned to the
importance of our business, and the uncertainty of the event. When I
looked round, I discovered a reef of rocks lying between two and three
leagues without the islands, and extending in a line N. W. and S. E.
farther than I could see, upon which the sea broke in a dreadful surf;
this, however, made me think that there were no shoals beyond them, and
I conceived hopes of getting without these, as I perceived several
breaks or openings in the reef, and deep water between that and the
islands. I continued upon this hill till sunset, but the weather was so
hazy during the whole time, that I came down much disappointed. After
reflecting upon what I had seen, and comparing the intelligence I had
gained with what I expected, I determined to stay upon the island all
night, hoping that the morning might be clearer, and afford me a more
distinct and comprehensive view. We therefore took up our lodging under
the shelter of a bush which grew upon the beach, and at three in the
morning, having sent the pinnace with one of the mates whom I had
brought out with me, to sound between the island and the reefs, and
examine what appeared to be a channel through them, I climbed the hill a
second time, but to my great disappointment found the weather much more
hazy than it had been the day before. About noon the pinnace returned,
having been as far as the reef, and found between fifteen and
twenty-eight fathom of water; but it blew so hard, that the mate did not
dare to venture into one of the channels, which he said appeared to him
to be very narrow: this, however, did not discourage me, for I judged
from his description of the place he had been at, that he had seen it to
disadvantage. While I was busy in my survey, Mr. Banks was attentive to
his favourite pursuit, and picked up several plants which he had not
before seen. We found the island, which is visible at twelve leagues’
distance, to be about eight leagues in circumference, and in general
very rocky and barren. On the north-west side, however, there are some
sandy bays, and some low land, which is covered with long thin grass,
and trees of the same kind with those upon the main: this part also
abounded with lizards of a very large size, some of which we took. We
found also fresh water in two places: one was a running stream, but that
was a little brackish where I tasted it, which was close to the sea; the
other was a standing pool, close behind the sandy beach, and this was
perfectly sweet and good. Notwithstanding the distance of this island
from the main, we saw, to our great surprise, that it was sometimes
visited by the natives; for we found seven or eight frames of their
huts, and vast heaps of shells, the fish of which we supposed had been
their food. We observed that all these huts were built upon eminences,
and entirely exposed to the S. E., contrary to those which we had seen
upon the main; for they were all built either upon the side of a hill,
or under some bushes, which afforded them shelter from the wind. From
these huts, and their situation, we concluded that at some seasons of
the year the weather here is invariably calm and fine; for the
inhabitants have no boat which can navigate the sea to so great a
distance, in such weather as we had from the time of our first coming
upon the coast. As we saw no animals upon this place but lizards, I
called it LIZARD ISLAND. The other two high islands, which lie at the
distance of four or five miles from it, are comparatively small; and
near them lie three others smaller still, and low, with several shoals
or reefs, especially to the S. E.: there is, however, a clear passage
from Cape Flattery to these islands, and even quite to the outward
reefs, leaving Lizard Island to the north-west, and the others to the
south-east.

At two in the afternoon, there being no hope of clear weather, we set
out from Lizard Island to return to the ship, and in our way landed upon
the low sandy island with trees upon it, which we had remarked in our
going out. Upon this island we saw an incredible number of birds,
chiefly sea-fowl: we found also the nest of an eagle, with young ones,
which we killed; and the nest of some other bird, we knew not what, of a
most enormous size: it was built with sticks upon the ground, and was no
less than six-and-twenty feet in circumference, and two feet eight
inches high. We found, also, that this place had been visited by the
Indians, probably to eat turtle, many of which we saw upon the island,
and a great number of their shells, piled one upon another in different
places.

To this spot we gave the name of EAGLE ISLAND; and after leaving it, we
steered S. W. directly for the ship, sounding all the way, and we had
never less than eight fathom, nor more than fourteen, the same depth of
water that I had found between this and Lizard Island.

When I got on board, the master informed me that he had been down to the
low islands, between which and the main I had directed him to sound;
that he judged them to lie about three leagues from the main; that
without them he found from ten to fourteen fathom, and between them and
the main, seven; but that a flat, which ran two leagues out from the
main, made this channel narrow. Upon one of these low islands he slept,
and was ashore upon others; and he reported, that he saw every where
piles of turtle-shells, and fins hanging upon the trees in many places,
with the flesh upon them, so recent, that the boat’s crew ate of them:
he saw also two spots, clear of grass, which appeared to have been
lately dug up, and from the shape and size of them, he conjectured they
were graves.

After considering what I had seen myself; and the report of the master,
I was of opinion that the passage to leeward would be dangerous, and
that, by keeping in with the main, we should run the risk of being
locked in by the great reef, and at last be compelled to return back in
search of another passage, by which, or any other accident that should
cause the same delay, we should infallibly lose our passage to the East
Indies, and endanger the ruin of the voyage, as we had now but little
more than three months’ provisions on board at short allowance.

Having stated this opinion, and the facts and appearances upon which it
was founded, to the officers, it was unanimously agreed, that the best
thing we could do would be to quit the coast altogether, till we could
approach it with less danger.

In the morning, therefore, at break of day, we got under sail, and stood
out N. E. for the north-west end of Lizard Island, leaving Eagle Island
to windward, and some other islands and shoals to the leeward, and
having the pinnace a-head to ascertain the depth of water in every part
of our course. In this channel we had from nine to fourteen fathom. At
noon, the north-west end of Lizard Island bore E. S. E., distant one
mile; our latitude by observation was 14° 38ʹ, and our depth of water
fourteen fathom. We had a steady gale at S. E., and by two o’clock we
just fetched to windward of one of the channels or openings in the outer
reef, which I had seen from the island. We now tacked, and made a short
trip to the S. W., while the master in the pinnace examined the channel:
he soon made the signal for the ship to follow, and in a short time she
got safe out. As soon as we had got without the breakers, we had no
ground with one hundred and fifty fathom, and found a large sea rolling
in from the S. E., a certain sign that neither land nor shoals were near
us in that direction.

Our change of situation was now visible in every countenance, for it was
most sensibly felt in every breast: we had been little less than three
months entangled among shoals and rocks, that every moment threatened us
with destruction; frequently passing our nights at anchor within hearing
of the surge that broke over them; sometimes driving towards them even
while our anchors were out, and knowing that if by any accident, to
which an almost continual tempest exposed us, they should not hold, we
must in a few minutes inevitably perish. But now, after having sailed no
less than three hundred and sixty leagues, without once having a man out
of the chains heaving the lead, even for a minute, which perhaps never
happened to any other vessel, we found ourselves in an open sea, with
deep water; and enjoyed a flow of spirits, which was equally owing to
our late dangers and our present security: yet the very waves, which by
their swell convinced us that we had no rocks or shoals to fear,
convinced us also that we could not safely put the same confidence in
our vessel as before she had struck; for the blows she received from
them so widened her leaks, that she admitted no less than nine inches’
water an hour, which, considering the state of our pumps, and the
navigation that was still before us, would have been a subject of more
serious consideration to people whose danger had not so lately been so
much more imminent.

The passage or channel, through which we passed into the open sea beyond
the reef, lies in latitude 14° 32ʹ S., and may always be known by the
three high islands within it, which I have called the ISLANDS OF
DIRECTION, because by these a stranger may find a safe passage through
the reef quite to the main. The channel lies from Lizard Island N. E. ½
N., distant three leagues, and is about one third of a mile broad, and
not more in length. Lizard island, which is, as I have before observed,
the largest and the northernmost of the three, affords safe anchorage
under the north-west side, fresh water, and wood for fuel. The low
islands and shoals also which lie between it and the main abound with
turtle and fish, which may probably be caught in all seasons of the
year, except when the weather is very tempestuous; so that, all things
considered, there is not perhaps a better place for ships to refresh at
upon the whole coast than this island. And, before I dismiss it, I must
observe, that we found upon it, as well as upon the beach in and about
Endeavour River, bamboos, cocoa-nuts, pumice-stone, and the seeds of
plants which are not the produce of this country, and which it is
reasonable to suppose are brought from the eastward by the trade winds.
The islands which were discovered by Quiros, and called Australia del
Espiritu Santa, lie in this parallel; but how far to the eastward cannot
now be ascertained: in most charts they are placed in the same longitude
with this country, which, as appears by the account of his voyage that
has been published, he never saw; for that places his discoveries no
less than two-and-twenty degrees to the eastward of it.

As soon as we were without the reef, we brought to, and having hoisted
in the boats, we stood off and on upon a wind all night; for I was not
willing to run to leeward till I had a whole day before me. In the
morning, at daybreak, Lizard Island bore S. 15 E., distant ten leagues;
and we then made sail, and stood away N. N. W. ½ W. till nine o’clock,
when we stood N. W. ½ N., having the advantage of a fresh gale at S. E.
At noon, our latitude by observation was 13° 46ʹ S., and at this time we
had no land in sight. At six in the evening we shortened sail, and
brought the ship to, with her head to the N. E.; and at six in the
morning made sail, and steered west, in order to get within sight of the
land, that I might be sure not to overshoot the passage, if a passage
there was, between this land and New Guinea. At noon, our latitude by
observation was 13° 2ʹ S., longitude 216° W.; which was 1° 23ʹ W. of
Lizard Island: at this time we had no land in sight; but a little before
one o’clock we saw high land from the mast-head, bearing W. S. W. At
two, we saw more land to the N. W. of that we had seen before: it
appeared in hills, like islands; but we judged it to be a continuation
of the main land. About three, we discovered breakers between the land
and the ship, extending to the southward farther than we could see; but
to the north we thought we saw them terminate abreast of us. What we
took for the end of them in this direction, however, soon appeared to be
only an opening in the reef; for we presently saw them again, extending
northward beyond the reach of our sight. Upon this we hauled close upon
a wind, which was now at E. S. E., and we had scarcely trimmed our sails
before it came to E. by N., which was right upon the reef, and
consequently made our clearing it doubtful. At sunset the northernmost
part of it that was in sight bore from us N. by E., and was two or three
leagues distant; this however being the best tack to clear it, we kept
standing to the northward with all the sail we could set till midnight;
when, being afraid of standing too far in this direction, we tacked and
stood to the southward, our run from sunset to this time being six
leagues N. and N. by E. When we had stood about two miles S. S. E. it
fell calm; we had sounded several times during the night, but had no
bottom with one hundred and forty fathom, neither had we any ground now
with the same length of line; yet, about four in the morning, we plainly
heard the roaring of the surf, and at break of day saw it foaming to a
vast height, at not more than a mile’s distance. Our distress now
returned upon us with double force; the waves, which rolled in upon the
reef, carried us towards it very fast; we could reach no ground with an
anchor, and had not a breath of wind for the sail. In this dreadful
situation, no resource was left us but the boats; and to aggravate our
misfortune the pinnace was under repair: the long-boat and yawl,
however, were put into the water, and sent a-head to tow, which, by the
help of our sweeps abaft, got the ship’s head round to the northward;
which, if it could not prevent our destruction, might at least delay it.
But it was six o’clock before this was effected, and we were not then a
hundred yards from the rock upon which the same billow which washed the
side of the ship, broke to a tremendous height the very next time it
rose; so that between us and destruction there was only a dreary valley,
no wider than the base of one wave, and even now the sea under us was
unfathomable, at least no bottom was to be found with a hundred and
twenty fathom. During this scene of distress the carpenter had found
means to patch up the pinnace; so that she was hoisted out, and sent
a-head, in aid of the other boats, to tow; but all our efforts would
have been ineffectual, if, just at this crisis of our fate, a light air
of wind had not sprung up, so light, that at any other time we should
not have observed it, but which was enough to turn the scale in our
favour, and, in conjunction with the assistance, which was afforded us
by the boats, to give the ship a perceptible motion obliquely from the
reef. Our hopes now revived; but in less than ten minutes it was again a
dead calm, and the ship was again driven towards the breakers, which
were not now two hundred yards distant. The same light breeze, however,
returned before we had lost all the ground it had enabled us to gain,
and lasted about ten minutes more. During this time we discovered a
small opening in the reef, at about the distance of a quarter of a mile:
I immediately sent one of the mates to examine it, who reported that its
breadth was not more than the length of the ship, but that within it
there was smooth water: this discovery seemed to render our escape
possible, and that was all, by pushing the ship through the opening,
which was immediately attempted. It was uncertain, indeed, whether we
could reach it; but if we should succeed thus far, we made no doubt of
being able to get through: in this however we were disappointed, for
having reached it by the joint assistance of our boats and the breeze,
we found that in the mean time it had become high water, and to our
great surprise we met the tide of ebb rushing out of it like a
mill-stream. We gained, however, some advantage, though in a manner
directly contrary to our expectations; we found it impossible to go
through the opening, but the stream that prevented us, carried us out
about a quarter of a mile; it was too narrow for us to keep in it
longer; yet this tide of ebb so much assisted the boats, that by noon we
had got an offing of near two miles. We had, however, reason to despair
of deliverance, even if the breeze, which had now died away, should
revive, for we were still embayed in the reef; and the tide of ebb being
spent, the tide of flood, notwithstanding our utmost efforts, again
drove the ship into the bight. About this time, however, we saw another
opening, near a mile to the westward, which I immediately sent the first
lieutenant, Mr. Hicks, in the small boat to examine: in the mean time we
struggled hard with the flood, sometimes gaining a little, and sometimes
losing; but every man still did his duty, with as much calmness and
regularity as if no danger had been near. About two o’clock Mr. Hicks
returned, with an account that the opening was narrow and dangerous, but
that it might be passed: the possibility of passing it was sufficient
encouragement to make the attempt, for all danger was less imminent than
that of our present situation. A light breeze now sprung up at E. N. E.,
with which, by the help of our boats, and the very tide of flood that,
without an opening, would have been our destruction, we entered it, and
were hurried through with amazing rapidity, by a torrent that kept us
from driving against either side of the channel, which was not more than
a quarter of a mile in breadth. While we were shooting this gulf, our
soundings were from thirty to seven fathom, very irregular, and the
ground at bottom very foul.

As soon as we had got within the reef we anchored in nineteen fathom,
over a bottom of coral and shells. And now, such is the vicissitude of
life, we thought ourselves happy in having regained a situation, which
but two days before it was the utmost object of our hope to quit. Rocks
and shoals are always dangerous to the mariner, even where their
situation has been ascertained; they are more dangerous in seas which
have never before been navigated, and in this part of the globe they are
more dangerous than in any other; for here they are reefs of coral rock,
rising like a wall almost perpendicularly out of the unfathomable deep,
always overflowed at highwater, and at low water dry in many places; and
here the enormous waves of the vast Southern Ocean meeting with so
abrupt a resistance, break, with inconceivable violence, in a surf which
no rocks or storms in the northern hemisphere can produce. The danger of
navigating unknown parts of this ocean was now greatly increased by our
having a crazy ship, and being short of provisions and every other
necessary; yet the distinction of a first discoverer made us cheerfully
encounter every danger, and submit to every inconvenience; and we chose
rather to incur the censure of imprudence and temerity, which the idle
and voluptuous so liberally bestow upon unsuccessful fortitude and
perseverance, than leave a country which we had discovered unexplored,
and give colour to a charge of timidity and irresolution.

Having now congratulated ourselves upon getting within the reef,
notwithstanding we had so lately congratulated ourselves upon getting
without it, I resolved to keep the main land on board in my future route
to the northward, whatever the consequence might be; for if we had now
gone without the reef again, it might have carried us so far from the
coast as to prevent my being able to determine, whether this country
did, or did not join to New Guinea; a question which I was determined to
resolve from my first coming within sight of land. However, as I had
experienced the disadvantage of having a boat under repair, at a time
when it was possible I might want to use her, I determined to remain
fast at anchor, till the pinnace was perfectly refitted. As I had no
employment for the other boats, I sent them out in the morning to the
reef, to see what refreshments could be procured, and Mr. Banks, in his
little boat, accompanied by Dr. Solander, went with them. In this
situation I found the variation by amplitude and azimuth to be 4° 9ʹ E.;
and at noon, our latitude, by observation, was 12° 38ʹ S., and our
longitude 216° 45ʹ W. The main land extended from N. 66 W. to S. W. by
S., and the nearest part of it was distant about nine leagues. The
opening through which we had passed, I called PROVIDENTIAL CHANNEL; and
this bore E. N. E., distant ten or twelve miles: on the main land within
us was a lofty promontory, which I called CAPE WEYMOUTH; on the north
side of which is a bay, which I called WEYMOUTH BAY: they lie in
latitude 12° 42ʹ S., longitude 217° 15ʹ W. At four o’clock in the
afternoon the boats returned with two hundred and forty pounds of the
meat of shell-fish, chiefly of cockles, some of which were as much as
two men could move, and contained twenty pounds of good meat. Mr. Banks
also brought back many curious shells, and _Mollusca_; besides many
species of coral, among which was that called the _Tubipora musica_.

At six o’clock in the morning we got under sail, and stood away to the
N. W., having two boats a-head to direct us; our soundings were very
irregular, varying five or six fathom every cast, between ten and
twenty-seven. A little before noon, we passed a low sandy island, which
we left on our starboard side, at the distance of two miles. At noon our
latitude was 12° 28ʹ, and our distance from the main about four leagues:
it extended from S. by W. to N. 71 W., and some small islands from N. 40
W. to 54 W. Between us and the main were several shoals, and some
without us, besides the main or outermost reef, which we could see from
the mast head, stretching away to the N. E. At two in the afternoon, as
we were steering N. W. by N. we saw a large shoal right a-head,
extending three or four points upon each bow; upon this we hauled up N.
N. E. and N. E. by N. to get round the north point of it, which we
reached by four, and then edged away to the westward, and ran between
the north end of this shoal and another which lies two miles to the
northward of it, having a boat all the way a-head sounding; our depth of
water was still very irregular, from twenty-two to eight fathom. At half
an hour after six, we anchored in thirteen fathom: the northernmost of
the small islands seen at noon bore W. ½ S., distant three miles: these
islands are distinguished in the chart by the name of FORBES’S ISLANDS,
and lie about five leagues from the main, which here forms a high point
that we called BOLT HEAD, from which the land trends more westerly, and
is in that direction all low and sandy; to the southward it is high and
hilly, even near the sea.

At six in the morning we got again under sail, and steered for an island
which lay at a small distance from the main, and at this time bore from
us N. 40 W., distant about five leagues: our course was soon interrupted
by shoals; however, by the help of the boats, and a good look-out from
the top of the mast, we got into a fair channel that led us down to the
island, between a very large shoal on our starboard side, and several
small ones towards the main: in this channel we had from twenty to
thirty fathom water. Between eleven and twelve o’clock we hauled round
the north-east side of the island, leaving it between us and the main,
from which it is distant about seven or eight miles. This island is
about a league in circuit, and we saw upon it five of the natives, two
of whom had lances in their hands; they came down upon a point, and
having looked a little while at the ship, retired. To the N. W. of it
are several low islands and quays, which lie not far from the main; and
to the northward and eastward are several other islands and shoals; so
that we were now encompassed on every side: but having lately been
exposed to much greater danger, and rocks and shoals being grown
familiar, we looked at them comparatively with little concern. The main
land appeared to be low and barren, interspersed with large patches of
the very fine white sand which we had found upon Lizard Island and
different parts of the main. The boats had seen many turtle upon the
shoals which they passed, but it blew too hard for them to take any. At
noon our latitude, by observation was 12°, and our longitude 217° 25ʹ:
our depth of water was fourteen fathom; and our course and distance,
reduced to a straight line, was, between this time and the preceding
noon, N. 29 W. thirty-two miles.

The main land within the islands that have been just mentioned forms a
point, which I called CAPE GRENVILLE: it lies in latitude 11° 58ʹ,
longitude 217° 38ʹ; and between it and Bolt Head is a bay, which I
called TEMPLE BAY. At the distance of nine leagues from Cape Grenville,
in the direction of E. ½ N. lie some high islands, which I called SIR
CHARLES HARDY’S ISLES; and those which lie off the Cape I called
COCKBURN’S ISLES. Having lain by for the boats, which had got out of
their station, till about one o’clock, we then took the yawl in tow; and
the pinnace having got a-head, we filled, and stood N. by W. for some
small islands which lay in that direction; such at least they were in
appearance, but upon approaching them we perceived that they were joined
together by a large reef: upon this we edged away N. W. and left them on
our starboard hand; we steered between them and the islands that lay off
the main, having a clear passage, and from fifteen to twenty-three
fathom water. At four o’clock we discovered some low islands and rocks,
bearing W. N. W., and stood directly for them: at half an hour after six
we anchored on the north-east side of the northernmost of them, at one
mile distance, and in sixteen fathom. These islands lie N. W. four
leagues from Cape Grenville, and from the number of birds that I saw
upon them, I called them BIRD ISLES. A little before sun-set, we were in
sight of the main land, which appeared all very low and sandy, extending
as far to the northward as N. W. by N., some shoals, quays, and low
sandy isles stretching away to the N. E.

At six o’clock in the morning we got again under sail, with a fresh
breeze at E., and stood away N. N. W. for some low islands in that
direction, but were soon obliged to haul close upon a wind to weather a
shoal which we discovered upon our larboard bow, having, at the same
time, others to the eastward: by the time we had weathered this shoal to
leeward, we had brought the islands well upon our lee-bow, but, seeing
some shoals run off from them, and some rocks on our starboard bow,
which we did not discover till we were very near them, I was afraid to
go to windward of the islands, and therefore brought to, and having made
the signal for the pinnace, which was a-head, to come on board, I sent
her to leeward of the islands, with orders to keep along the edge of the
shoal, which ran off from the south side of the southernmost island,
sending the yawl at the same time to run over the shoal in search of
turtle. As soon as the pinnace had got to a proper distance, we wore,
and stood after her: as we ran to leeward of this island, we took the
yawl in tow, she having seen only one small turtle, and therefore made
but little stay upon the shoal. The island we found to be a small spot
of sand with some trees upon it, and we could discern many huts, or
habitations of the natives, whom we supposed occasionally to visit these
islands from the main, they being only five leagues distant, to catch
turtle when they come ashore to lay their eggs. We continued to stand
after the pinnace N. N. E., and N. by E. for two other low islands,
having two shoals without us, and one between us and the main. At noon
we were about four leagues from the main, which we saw extending to the
northward, as far as N. W. by N., all flat and sandy. Our latitude, by
observation, was 11° 23ʹ S., and our longitude 217° 46ʹ W., our
soundings were from fourteen to twenty-three fathom; but these, as well
as the shoals and islands, which are too numerous to be particularly
mentioned, will be best seen upon the chart. By one o’clock we had run
nearly the length of the southernmost of the two islands in sight, and
finding that the going to windward of them would carry us too far from
the main, we bore up and ran to leeward, where, finding a fair open
passage, we steered N. by W. in a direction parallel to the main,
leaving a small island which lay between it and the ship, and some low
sandy isles and shoals without us, of all which we lost sight by four
o’clock, and saw no more before the sun went down: at this time the
farthest part of the land in sight bore N. N. W. ½ W., and soon after we
anchored in thirteen fathom, upon soft ground, at the distance of about
five leagues from the land, where we lay till daylight.

Early in the morning we made sail again, and steered N. N. W. by
compass, for the northernmost land in sight; and at this time, we
observed the variation of the needle to be 3° 6ʹ E. At eight o’clock we
discovered shoals a-head, and on our larboard bow, and saw that the
northernmost land, which we had taken for the main, was detached from
it, and that we might pass between them, by running to leeward of the
shoals on our larboard bow, which were now near us: we therefore wore
and brought to, sending away the pinnace and yawl to direct us, and then
steered N. W. along the S. W. or inside of the shoals, keeping a good
look-out from the mast-head, and having another shoal on our larboard
side: we found, however, a good channel of a mile broad between them, in
which we had from ten to fourteen fathom. At eleven o’clock, we were
nearly the length of the land detached from the main, and there appeared
to be no obstruction in the passage between them; yet, having the
long-boat astern and rigged, we sent her away to keep in shore upon our
larboard bow, and at the same time dispatched the pinnace a starboard;
precautions which I thought necessary, as we had a strong flood that
carried us an end very fast, and it was near high water: as soon as the
boats were a-head, we stood after them, and by noon, got through the
passage. Our latitude, by observation, was then 10° 36ʹ and the nearest
part of the main, which we soon after found to be the northermost, bore
W. 2 S., distant between three or four miles: we found the land, which
was detached from the main, to be a single island, extending from N. to
N. 75 E., distant between two and three miles; at the same time we saw
other islands at a considerable distance, extending from N. by W. to W.
N. W., and behind them another chain of high land, which we judged also
to be islands; there were still other islands, extending as far as N. 71
W., which at this time we took for the main.

The point of the main which forms the side of the channel through which
we passed, opposite to the island, is the northern promontory of the
country, and I called it YORK CAPE. Its longitude is 218° 24ʹ W., the
latitude of the north point is 10° 37ʹ, and of the east point 10° 42ʹ S.
The land over the east point, and to the southward of it, is rather low,
and as far as the eye can reach, very flat, and of a barren appearance.
To the southward of the Cape the shore forms a large open bay, which I
called NEWCASTLE BAY, and in which are some small low islands and
shoals; the land adjacent is also very low, flat, and sandy. The land of
the northern part of the Cape is more hilly, the valleys seem to be well
clothed with wood, and the shore forms some small bays, in which there
appeared to be good anchorage. Close to the eastern point of the Cape
are three small islands, from one of which a small ledge of rocks runs
out into the sea: there is also an island close to the northern point.
The island that forms the strait or channel through which we had passed,
lies about four miles without these, which, except two, are very small:
the southermost is the largest, and much higher than any part of the
main land. On the north-west side of this island there appeared to be
good anchorage, and on shore, valleys that promised both wood and water.
These islands are distinguished in the chart by the name of YORK ISLES.
To the southward and south-east, and even to the eastward and northward
of them, there are several other low islands, rocks, and shoals: our
depth of water, in sailing between them and the main, was twelve,
thirteen, and fourteen fathom.

We stood along the shore to the westward, with a gentle breeze at S. E.
by S., and when we had advanced between three and four miles, we
discovered the land a-head, which, when we first saw it, we took for the
main, to be islands detached from it by several channels. Upon this we
sent away the boats, with proper instructions, to lead us through that
channel which was next the main; but soon after discovering rocks and
shoals in this channel, I made a signal for the boats to go through the
next channel to the northward, which lay between these islands, leaving
some of them between us and the main: the ship followed, and had never
less than five fathom water in the narrowest part of the channel, where
the distance from island to island was about one mile and a half.

At four o’clock in the afternoon, we anchored, being about a mile and a
half, or two miles, within the entrance, in six fathom and a half, with
clear ground: the channel here had begun to widen, and the islands on
each side of us were distant about a mile: the main land stretched away
to the S. W., the farthest point in view bore S. 48 W., and the
southermost point of the islands, on the north-west side of the passage,
bore S. 76 W. Between these two points we could see no land, so that we
conceived hopes of having, at last, found a passage into the Indian sea;
however, that I might be able to determine with more certainty, I
resolved to land upon the island which lies at the south-east point of
the passage. Upon this island we had seen many of the inhabitants when
we first came to an anchor; and when I went into the boat with a party
of men, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, in order to go
ashore, we saw ten of them upon a hill: nine of them were armed with
such lances as we had been used to see, and the tenth had a bow, and a
bundle of arrows, which we had never seen in the possession of the
natives of this country before: we also observed, that two of them had
large ornaments of mother-of-pearl hanging round their necks. Three of
these, one of whom was the bowman, placed themselves upon the beach
abreast of us, and we expected that they would have opposed our landing,
but when we came within about a musket’s shot of the beach, they walked
leisurely away. We immediately climbed the highest hill, which was not
more than three times as high as the mast-head, and the most barren of
any we had seen. From this hill, no land could be seen between the S. W.
and W. S. W., so that I had no doubt of finding a channel through. The
land to the north-west of it consisted of a great number of islands of
various extent, and different heights, ranged one behind another, as far
to the northward and westward as I could see, which could not be less
than thirteen leagues. As I was now about to quit the eastern coast of
New Holland, which I had coasted from latitude 38 to this place, and
which I am confident no European had ever seen before, I once more
hoisted English colours, and though I had already taken possession of
several particular parts, I now took possession of the whole eastern
coast, from latitude 38° to this place, latitude 10-½ S., in right of
his Majesty King George the Third, by the name of NEW SOUTH WALES, with
all the bays, harbours, rivers, and islands situated upon it: we then
fired three vollies of small arms, which were answered by the same
number from the ship. Having performed this ceremony upon the island,
which we called POSSESSION ISLAND, we reimbarked in our boat, but a
rapid ebb tide setting N. E. made our return to the vessel very
difficult and tedious. From the time of our last coming among the
shoals, we constantly found a moderate tide, the flood setting to the N.
W. and the ebb to the S. E. At this place, it is high water at the full
and change of the moon, about one or two o’clock, and the water rises
and falls perpendicularly about twelve feet. We saw smoke rising in many
places from the adjacent lands and islands, as we had done upon every
part of the coast, after our last return to it through the reef.

We continued at anchor all night, and between seven and eight o’clock in
the morning, we saw three or four of the natives upon the beach
gathering shell-fish; we discovered, by the help of our glasses, that
they were women, and, like all the other inhabitants of this country,
stark naked. At low water, which happened about ten o’clock, we got
under sail, and stood to the S. W. with a light breeze at E., which
afterwards veered to N. by E.: our depth of water was from six to ten
fathom, except in one place, where we had but five. At noon, Possession
Island bore N. 53 E., distant four leagues, the western extremity of the
main land in sight bore S. 43 W., distant between four and five leagues,
and appeared to be extremely low, the south-west point of the largest
island on the north-west side of the passage bore N. 71 W., distant
eight miles, and this point I called CAPE CORNWALL. It lies in latitude
10° 43ʹ S., longitude 219° W.; and some low lands that lie about the
middle of the passage, which I called WALLIS’S ISLES, bore W. by S. ½
S., distant about two leagues: our latitude, by observation, was 10° 46ʹ
S. We continued to advance with the tide of flood W. N. W., having
little wind, and from eight to five fathom water. At half an hour after
one, the pinnace, which was ahead, made the signal for shoal water, upon
which we tacked, and sent away the yawl to sound also: we then tacked
again, and stood after them: in about two hours, they both made the
signal for shoal water, and the tide being nearly at its greatest
height, I was afraid to stand on, as running aground at that time might
be fatal; I therefore came to an anchor in somewhat less than seven
fathom, sandy ground. Wallis’s Islands bore S. by W. ½ W., distant five
or six miles, the islands to the northward extended from S. 73 E. to N.
10 E., and a small island, which was just in sight, bore N. W. ½ W. Here
we found the flood tide set to the westward, and the ebb to the
eastward.

After we had come to an anchor, I sent away the master in the long-boat
to sound, who, upon his return in the evening, reported, that there was
a bank stretching north and south, upon which there were but three
fathom, and that beyond it there were seven. About this time it fell
calm, and continued so till nine the next morning, when we weighed, with
a light breeze at S. S. E., and steered N. W. by W. for the small island
which was just in sight, having first sent the boats ahead to sound: the
depth of water was eight, seven, six, five, and four fathom, and three
fathom upon the bank, it being now the last quarter ebb. At this time,
the northermost island in sight bore N. 9 E., Cape Cornwall E., distant
three leagues, and Wallis’s Isles S. 3 E., distant three leagues. This
bank, at least so much as we have sounded, extends nearly N. and S., but
to what distance I do not know: its breadth is not more than half a mile
at the utmost. When we had got over the bank, we deepened our water to
six fathom three quarters, and had the same depth all the way to the
small island ahead, which we reached by noon, when it bore S., distant
about half a mile. Our depth of water was now five fathom, and the
northermost land in sight, which is part of the same chain of islands
that we had seen to the northward from the time of our first entering
the strait, bore N. 71 E. Our latitude, by observation, was 10° 33ʹ S.,
and our longitude 219° 22ʹ W.: in this situation, no part of the main
was in sight. As we were now near the island, and had but little wind,
Mr. Banks and I landed upon it, and found it, except a few patches of
wood, to be a barren rock, the haunt of birds, which had frequented it
in such numbers, as to make the surface almost uniformly white with
their dung: of these birds, the greater part seemed to be boobies, and I
therefore called the place BOOBY ISLAND. After a short stay, we returned
to the ship, and in the mean time the wind had got to the S. W.; it was
but a gentle breeze, yet it was accompanied by a swell from the same
quarter, which, with other circumstances, confirmed my opinion that we
were got to the westward of Carpentaria, or the northern extremity of
New Holland, and had now an open sea to the westward, which gave me
great satisfaction, not only because the dangers and fatigues of the
voyage were drawing to an end, but because it would no longer be a doubt
whether New Holland, and New Guinea were two separate islands, or
different parts of the same.

The north-east entrance of this passage or strait, lies in the latitude
of 10° 39ʹ S., and in the longitude of 218° 36ʹ W. It is formed by the
main, or the northern extremity of New Holland, on the S. E., and by a
congeries of islands, which I called the PRINCE OF WALES’S ISLANDS, to
the N. W., and it is probable that these islands extend quite to New
Guinea. They differ very much both in height and circuit, and many of
them seemed to be well clothed with herbage and wood: upon most, if not
all of them, we saw smoke, and therefore there can be no doubt of their
being inhabited: it is also probable, that among them there are at least
as good passages as that we came through, perhaps better, though better
would not need to be desired, if the access to it, from the eastward,
were less dangerous: that a less dangerous access may be discovered, I
think there is little reason to doubt, and to find it, little more seems
to be necessary than to determine how far the principal, or outer reef,
which bounds the shoals to the eastward, extends towards the north,
which I would not have left to future navigators if I had been less
harassed by danger and fatigue, and had had a ship in better condition
for the purpose.

To this channel, or passage, I have given the name of the ship, and
called it ENDEAVOUR STRAITS. Its length from N. E. to S. W. is ten
leagues, and it is about five leagues broad, except at the north-east
entrance, where it is somewhat less than two miles, being contracted by
the islands which lie there. That which I called Possession Island is of
a moderate height and circuit, and this we left between us and the main,
passing between it and two small round islands which lie about two miles
to the N. W. of it. The two small islands, which I called Wallis’s
Islands, lie in the middle of the south-west entrance, and these we left
to the southward. Our depth of water in the strait was from four to nine
fathom, with every where good anchorage, except upon the bank, which
lies two leagues to the northward of Wallis’s Islands, where, at low
water, there are but three fathom: for a more particular knowledge of
this strait, and of the situations of the several islands and shoals on
the eastern coast of New Wales, I refer to the chart, where they are
delineated with all the accuracy that circumstances would admit; yet,
with respect to the shoals, I cannot pretend that one half of them are
laid down, nor can it be supposed possible that one half of them should
be discovered in the course of a single navigation: many islands also
must have escaped my pencil, especially between latitude 20° and 22°,
where we saw islands out at sea as far as an island could be
distinguished; it must not therefore be supposed, by future navigators,
that where no shoal or island is laid down in my chart, no shoal or
island will be found in these seas: it is enough that the situation of
those that appear in the chart is faithfully ascertained, and, in
general, I have the greatest reason to hope that it will be found as
free from error as any that has not been corrected by subsequent and
successive observations. The latitudes and longitudes of all, or most of
the principal head-lands and bays, may be confided in, for we seldom
failed of getting an observation once at least every day, by which to
correct the latitude of our reckoning, and observations for settling the
longitude were equally numerous, no opportunity that was offered by the
sun and moon being suffered to escape. It would be injurious to the
memory of Mr. Green, not to take this opportunity of attesting that he
was indefatigable both in making observations and calculating upon them;
and that, by his instructions and assistance, many of the petty officers
were enabled both to observe and calculate with great exactness. This
method of finding the longitude at sea, may be put into universal
practice, and may always be depended upon within half a degree, which is
sufficient for all nautical purposes. If, therefore, observing and
calculating were considered as necessary qualifications for every sea
officer, the labours of the speculative theorist to solve this problem
might be remitted, without much injury to mankind: neither will it be so
difficult to acquire this qualification, or put it in practice, as may
at first appear; for, with the assistance of the nautical almanack, and
astronomical ephemeris, the calculations for finding the longitude will
take up little more time than the calculation of an azimuth for finding
the variation of the compass.




                               CHAP. VI.

DEPARTURE FROM NEW SOUTH WALES; A PARTICULAR DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY,
     ITS PRODUCTS, AND PEOPLE: A SPECIMEN OF THE LANGUAGE, AND SOME
               OBSERVATIONS UPON THE CURRENTS AND TIDES.


OF this country, its products, and its people, many particulars have
already been related in the course of the narrative, being so interwoven
with the events as not to admit of a separation. I shall now give a more
full and circumstantial description of each, in which, if some things
should happen to be repeated, the greater part will be found new.

New Holland, or, as I have now called the eastern coast, New South
Wales, is of a larger extent than any other country in the known world
that does not bear the name of a continent: the length of coast along
which we sailed, reduced to a straight line, is no less than
twenty-seven degrees of latitude, amounting to near 2000 miles, so that
its square surface must be much more than equal to all Europe. To the
southward of 33 or 34, the land in general is low and level; farther
northward it is hilly, but in no part can be called mountainous; and the
hills and mountains, taken together, make but a small part of the
surface, in comparison with the valleys and plains. It is, upon the
whole, rather barren than fertile; yet the rising ground is chequered by
woods and lawns, and the plains and valleys are in many places covered
with herbage: the soil, however, is frequently sandy, and many of the
lawns, or savannahs, are rocky and barren, especially to the northward,
where, in the best spots, vegetation was less vigorous than in the
southern part of the country; the trees were not so tall, nor was the
herbage so rich. The grass in general is high, but thin, and the trees,
where they are largest, are seldom less than forty feet asunder; nor is
the country inland, as far as we could examine it, better clothed than
the sea-coast. The banks of the bays are covered with mangroves, to the
distance of a mile within the beach, under which the soil is a rank mud,
that is always overflowed by a spring-tide; farther in the country we
sometimes met with a bog, upon which the grass was very thick and
luxuriant, and sometimes with a valley, that was clothed with underwood:
the soil in some parts seemed to be capable of improvement, but the far
greater part is such as can admit of no cultivation. The coast, at least
that part of it which lies to the northward of 25° S., abounds with fine
bays and harbours, where vessels may lie in perfect security from all
winds.

If we may judge by the appearance of the country while we were there,
which was in the very height of the dry season, it is well watered: we
found innumerable small brooks and springs, but no great rivers; these
brooks, however, probably become large in the rainy season. Thirsty
Sound was the only place where fresh water was not to be procured for
the ship, and even there one or two small pools were found in the woods,
though the face of the country was every where intersected by salt
creeks and mangrove land.

Of trees, there is no great variety. Of those that could be called
timber, there are but two sorts: the largest is the gum-tree, which
grows all over the country, and has been mentioned already: it has
narrow leaves, not much unlike a willow; and the gum, or rather resin,
which it yields, is of a deep red, and resembles the _sanguis draconis_;
possibly it may be the same, for this substance is known to be the
produce of more than one plant. It is mentioned by Dampier, and is
perhaps the same that Tasman found upon Diemen’s Land, where he says he
saw “Gum of the trees, and gum lac of the ground.” The other timber-tree
is that which grows somewhat like our pines, and has been particularly
mentioned in the account of Botany Bay. The wood of both these trees, as
I have before remarked, is extremely hard and heavy. Besides these, here
are trees covered with a soft bark that is easily peeled off, and is the
same that in the East Indies is used for the calking of ships.

We found here the palm of three different sorts. The first, which grows
in great plenty to the southward, has leaves that are platted like a
fan: the cabbage of these is small, but exquisitely sweet; and the nuts,
which it bears in great abundance, are very good food for hogs. The
second sort bore a much greater resemblance to the true cabbage-tree of
the West Indies; its leaves were large and pinnated, like those of the
cocoa-nut; and these also produced a cabbage, which, though not so sweet
as the other, was much larger. The third sort, which, like the second,
was found only in the northern parts, was seldom more than ten feet
high, with small pinnated leaves, resembling those of some kind of fern:
it bore no cabbage, but a plentiful crop of nuts, about the size of a
large chesnut, but rounder. As we found the hulls of these scattered
round the places where the Indians had made their fires, we took for
granted that they were fit to eat; those, however, who made the
experiment, paid dear for their knowledge of the contrary, for they
operated both as an emetic and cathartic with great violence. Still,
however, we made no doubt but that they were eaten by the Indians; and,
judging that the constitution of the hogs might be as strong as theirs,
though our own had proved to be so much inferior, we carried them to the
stye; the hogs ate them indeed, and for some time, we thought, without
suffering any inconvenience; but in about a week they were so much
disordered, that two of them died, and the rest were recovered with
great difficulty. It is probable, however, that the poisonous quality of
these nuts may lie in the juice, like that of the cassada of the West
Indies; and that the pulp, when dried, may be not only wholesome, but
nutritious. Besides these species of the palm, and mangroves, there were
several small trees and shrubs altogether unknown in Europe,
particularly one which produced a very poor kind of fig; another that
bore what we called a plum, which it resembled in colour, but not in
shape, being flat on the sides like a little cheese; and a third, that
bore a kind of purple apple, which, after it had been kept a few days,
became eatable, and tasted somewhat like a damascene.

Here is a great variety of plants to enrich the collection of a
botanist, but very few of them are of the esculent kind. A small plant,
with long, narrow, grassy leaves, resembling that kind of bulrush which
in England is called the Cat’s-tail, yields a resin of a bright yellow
colour, exactly resembling gambouge, except that it does not stain; it
has a sweet smell, but its properties we had no opportunity to discover,
any more than those of many others with which the natives appear to be
acquainted, as they have distinguished them by names.

I have already mentioned the root and leaves of a plant resembling the
coccos of the West Indies, and a kind of bean; to which may be added, a
sort of parsley and purselain, and two kinds of yams, one shaped like a
radish, and the other round, and covered with stringy fibres: both sorts
are very small, but sweet; and we never could find the plants that
produced them, though we often saw the places where they had been newly
dug up; it is probable that the drought had destroyed the leaves, and we
could not, like the Indians, discover them by the stalks.

Most of the fruits of this country, such as they are, have been
mentioned already. We found one in the southern part of the country
resembling a cherry, except that the stone was soft; and another, not
unlike a pine-apple in appearance, but of a very disagreeable taste,
which is well known in the East Indies, and is called by the Dutch _Pyn
Appel Boomen_.

Of the quadrupeds, I have already mentioned the dog, and particularly
described the kanguroo, and the animal of the opossum kind, resembling
the phalanger of Buffon; to which I can add only one more, resembling a
polecat, which the natives call _Quoll_; the back is brown, spotted with
white, and the belly white unmixed. Several of our people said they had
seen wolves; but, perhaps, if we had not seen tracks that favoured the
account, we might have thought them little more worthy of credit than he
who reported that he had seen the devil.

Of bats, which hold a middle place between the beasts and the birds, we
saw many kinds, particularly one which, as I have observed already, was
larger than a partridge; we were not fortunate enough to take one either
alive or dead, but it was supposed to be the same as Buffon has
described by the name of _Rouset_ or _Rouget_.

The sea and other water-fowl of this country, are gulls, shaggs, soland
geese, or gannets, of two sorts; boobies, noddies, curlieus, ducks,
pelicans of an enormous size, and many others. The land-birds are,
crows, parrots, paroquets, cockatoos, and other birds of the same kind,
of exquisite beauty; pigeons, doves, quails, bustards, herons, cranes,
hawks, and eagles. The pigeons flew in numerous flocks, so that,
notwithstanding their extreme shyness, our people frequently killed ten
or twelve of them in a day: these birds are very beautiful, and crested
very differently from any we had seen before.

Among other reptiles, here are serpents of various kinds, some noxious,
and some harmless; scorpions, centipedes, and lizards. The insects are
but few. The principal are the musquito, and the ant. Of the ant there
are several sorts; some are as green as a leaf, and live upon trees,
where they build their nests of various sizes, between that of a man’s
head and his fist. These nests are of a very curious structure: they are
formed by bending down several of the leaves, each of which is as broad
as a man’s hand, and gluing the points of them together, so as to form a
purse; the viscus used for this purpose, is an animal juice, which
Nature has enabled them to elaborate. Their method of first bending down
the leaves, we had not an opportunity to observe; but we saw thousands
uniting all their strength to hold them in this position, while other
busy multitudes were employed within, in applying the gluten that was to
prevent their returning back. To satisfy ourselves that the leaves were
bent, and held down by the effort of these diminutive artificers, we
disturbed them in their work, and as soon as they were driven from their
station, the leaves on which they were employed sprung up with a force
much greater than we could have thought them able to conquer by any
combination of their strength. But, though we gratified our curiosity at
their expence, the injury did not go unrevenged; for thousands
immediately threw themselves upon us, and gave us intolerable pain with
their stings, especially those who took possession of our necks and our
hair, from whence they were not easily driven: the sting was scarcely
less painful than that of a bee; but, except it was repeated, the pain
did not last more than a minute.

Another sort are quite black, and their operations and manner of life
are not less extraordinary. Their habitations are the inside of the
branches of a tree, which they contrive to excavate by working out the
pith almost to the extremity of the slenderest twig; the tree at the
same time flourishing, as if it had no such inmate. When we first found
the tree, we gathered some of the branches, and were scarcely less
astonished than we should have been to find that we had profaned a
consecrated grove, where every tree, upon being wounded, gave signs of
life; for we were instantly covered with legions of these animals,
swarming from every broken bough, and inflicting their stings with
incessant violence. They are mentioned by Rumphius in his _Herbarium
Amboinense_, vol. ii. p. 257.; but the tree in which he saw their
dwelling, is very different from that in which we found them.

A third kind we found nested in the root of a plant, which grows on the
bark of trees in the manner of misletoe, and which they had perforated
for that use. This root is commonly as big as a large turnip, and
sometimes much bigger: when we cut it, we found it intersected by
innumerable winding passages, all filled with these animals, by which
however the vegetation of the plant did not appear to have suffered any
injury. We never cut one of these roots that was not inhabited, though
some were not bigger than a hazle-nut. The animals themselves are very
small, not more than half as big as the common red ant in England. They
had stings, but scarcely force enough to make them felt; they had
however a power of tormenting us in an equal, if not a greater degree;
for the moment we handled the root, they swarmed from innumerable holes,
and running about those parts of the body that were uncovered, produced
a titillation more intolerable than pain, except it is increased to
great violence. Rumphius has also given an account of this bulb and its
inhabitants, vol. vi. p. 120, where he mentions another sort that are
black.

We found a fourth kind, which are perfectly harmless, and almost exactly
resemble the white ants of the East Indies; the architecture of these is
still more curious than that of the others. They have houses of two
sorts, one is suspended on the branches of trees, and the other erected
upon the ground: those upon the trees are about three or four times as
big as a man’s head, and are built of a brittle substance, which seems
to consist of small parts of vegetables kneaded together with a
glutinous matter, which their bodies probably supply; upon breaking this
crust, innumerable cells, swarming with inhabitants, appear in a great
variety of winding directions, all communicating with each other, and
with several apertures that lead to other nests upon the same tree; they
have also one large avenue, or covered way, leading to the ground, and
carried on under it to the other nest or house that is constructed
there. This house is generally at the root of a tree, but not of that
upon which their other dwellings are constructed: it is formed like an
irregularly sided cone, and sometimes is more than six feet high, and
nearly as much in diameter. Some are smaller, and these are generally
flat-sided, and very much resemble in figure the stones which are seen
in many parts of England, and supposed to be the remains of druidical
antiquity. The outside of these is of well-tempered clay, about two
inches thick; and within are the cells, which have no opening outwards,
but communicate only with the subterranean way to the houses on the
tree, and to the tree near which they are constructed, where they ascend
up the root, and so up the trunk and branches, under covered ways of the
same kind as those by which they descended from their other dwellings.
To these structures on the ground they probably retire in the winter, or
rainy seasons, as they are proof against any wet that can fall; which
those in the tree, though generally constructed under some overhanging
branch, from the nature and thinness of their crust or wall, cannot be.

The sea in this country is much more liberal of food to the inhabitants
than the land; and though fish is not quite so plenty here as they
generally are in higher latitudes, yet we seldom hauled the seine
without taking from fifty to two hundred weight. They are of various
sorts; but, except the mullet, and some of the shell-fish, none of them
are known in Europe: most of them are palatable, and some are very
delicious. Upon the shoals and reef there are incredible numbers of the
finest green turtle in the world, and oysters of various kinds,
particularly the rock-oyster and the pearl-oyster. The gigantic cockles
have been mentioned already; besides which there are sea-crayfish, or
lobsters, and crabs; of these however we saw only the shells. In the
rivers and salt creeks there are alligators.

The only person who has hitherto given any account of this country or
its inhabitants is Dampier; and though he is, in general, a writer of
credit, yet in many particulars he is mistaken. The people whom he saw
were indeed inhabitants of a part of the coast very distant from that
which we visited; but we also saw inhabitants upon parts of the coast
very distant from each other; and their being a perfect uniformity in
person and customs among them all, it is reasonable to conclude that
distance in another direction has not considerably broken it.

The number of inhabitants in this country appears to be very small in
proportion to its extent. We never saw so many as thirty of them
together but once, and that was at Botany Bay, when men, women, and
children, assembled upon a rock to see the ship pass by: when they
manifestly formed a resolution to engage us, they never could muster
above fourteen or fifteen fighting men, and we never saw a number of
their sheds or houses together that could accommodate a larger party. It
is true, indeed, that we saw only the sea-coast on the eastern side; and
that, between this and the western shore, there is an immense tract of
country wholly unexplored: but there is great reason to believe that
this immense tract is either wholly desolate, or at least still more
thinly inhabited than the parts we visited. It is impossible that the
inland country should subsist inhabitants at all seasons without
cultivation: it is extremely improbable that the inhabitants of the
coast should be totally ignorant of arts of cultivation, which were
practised inland; and it is equally improbable that, if they knew such
arts, there should be no traces of them among them. It is certain, that
we did not see one foot of ground in a state of cultivation in the whole
country, and therefore it may well be concluded, that where the sea does
not contribute to feed the inhabitants, the country is not inhabited.

The only tribe with which we had any intercourse we found where the ship
was careened: it consisted of one-and-twenty persons, twelve men, seven
women, one boy, and one girl: the women we never saw but at a distance,
for when the men came over the river they were always left behind. The
men, here and in other places, were of a middle size, and in general
well made, clean limbed, and remarkably vigorous, active, and nimble;
their countenances were not altogether without expression, and their
voices were remarkably soft and effeminate.

Their skins were so uniformly covered with dirt, that it was very
difficult to ascertain their true colour: we made several attempts, by
wetting our fingers and rubbing it, to remove the incrustations, but
with very little effect. With the dirt, they appear nearly as black as a
negro, and according to our best discoveries, the skin itself is of the
colour of wood soot, or what is commonly called a chocolate colour.
Their features are far from being disagreeable; their noses are not
flat, nor are their lips thick; their teeth are white and even, and
their hair naturally long and black, it is, however, universally cropped
short; in general, it is straight, but sometimes it has a slight curl;
we saw none that was not matted and filthy, though without oil or
grease, and to our great astonishment free from lice. Their beards were
of the same colour with their hair, and bushy and thick; they are not,
however, suffered to grow long. A man, whom we had seen one day with his
beard somewhat longer than his companions, we saw the next with it
somewhat shorter, and upon examination found the ends of the hairs
burnt: from this incident, and our having never seen any sharp
instrument among them, we concluded that both the hair and the beard
were kept short by singeing them.

Both sexes, as I have already observed, go stark naked, and seem to have
no more sense of indecency in discovering the whole body, than we have
in discovering our hands and face. Their principal ornament is the bone,
which they thrust through the cartilage that divides the nostrils from
each other. What perversion of taste could make them think this a
decoration, or what could prompt them, before they had worn it or seen
it worn, to suffer the pain and inconvenience that must of necessity
attend it, is perhaps beyond the power of human sagacity to determine.
As this bone is as thick as a man’s finger, and between five and six
inches long, it reaches quite across the face, and so effectually stops
up both the nostrils, that they are forced to keep their mouths wide
open for breath, and snuffle so when they attempt to speak, that they
are scarcely intelligible even to each other. Our seamen, with some
humour, called it their spritsail-yard; and, indeed, it had so ludicrous
an appearance, that till we were used to it, we found it difficult to
refrain from laughter. Beside this nose-jewel, they had necklaces made
of shells, very neatly cut and strung together; bracelets of small cord,
wound two or three times about the upper part of their arm, and a string
of plaited human hair about as thick as a thread of yarn, tied round the
waist. Besides these, some of them had gorgets of shells hanging round
the neck, so as to reach cross the breast. But though these people wear
no clothes, their bodies have a covering besides the dirt, for they
paint them both white and red: the red is commonly laid on in broad
patches upon the shoulders and breast, and the white in stripes, some
narrow, and some broad: the narrow were drawn over the limbs, and the
broad over the body, not without some degree of taste. The white was
also laid on in small patches upon the face, and drawn in a circle round
each eye. The red seemed to be ochre, but what the white was we could
not discover: it was close grained, saponaceous to the touch, and almost
as heavy as white lead; possibly it might be a kind of _Steatites_, but
to our great regret we could not procure a bit of it to examine. They
have holes in their ears, but we never saw any thing worn in them. Upon
such ornaments as they had, they set so great a value, that they would
never part with the least article for any thing we could offer; which
was the more extraordinary, as our beads and ribbons were ornaments of
the same kind, but of a more regular form and more showy materials. They
had, indeed, no idea of traffic, nor could we communicate any to them:
they received the things that we gave them, but never appeared to
understand our signs when we required a return. The same indifference
which prevented them from buying what we had, prevented them also from
attempting to steal: if they had coveted more, they would have been less
honest; for when we refused to give them a turtle, they were enraged,
and attempted to take it by force, and we had nothing else upon which
they seemed to set the least value; for, as I have before observed, many
of the things that we had given them we found left negligently about in
the woods, like the playthings of children, which please only while they
are new. Upon their bodies we saw no marks of disease or sores, but
large scars in irregular lines, which appeared to be the remains of
wounds which they had inflicted upon themselves with some blunt
instrument, and which we understood by signs to have been memorials of
grief for the dead.

They appeared to have no fixed habitations, for we saw nothing like a
town or village in the whole country. Their houses, if houses they may
be called, seem to be formed with less art and industry than any we had
seen, except the wretched hovels at Terra del Fuego, and in some
respects they are inferior even to them. At Botany Bay, where they were
best, they were just high enough for a man to sit upright in, but not
large enough for him to extend himself in his whole length in any
direction: they are built with pliable rods about as thick as a man’s
finger, in the form of an oven, by sticking the two ends into the
ground, and then covering them with palm-leaves and broad pieces of
bark: the door is nothing but a large hole at one end, opposite to which
the fire is made, as we perceived by the ashes. Under these houses, or
sheds, they sleep, coiled up with their heels to their head, and in this
position one of them will hold three or four persons. As we advanced
northward, and the climate became warmer, we found these sheds still
more slight: they were built, like the others, of twigs, and covered
with bark; but none of them were more than four feet deep, and one side
was entirely open: the close side was always opposed to the course of
the prevailing wind, and opposite to the open side was the fire,
probably more as a defence from the musquitos than the cold. Under these
hovels it is probable that they thrust only their heads and the upper
part of their bodies, extending their feet towards the fire. They were
set up occasionally by a wandering horde in any place that would furnish
them for a time with subsistence, and left behind them when, after it
was exhausted, they went away; but in places where they remained only
for a night or two, they slept without any shelter, except the bushes or
grass, which is here near two feet high. We observed, however, that
though the sleeping huts, which we found upon the main, were always
turned from the prevailing wind, those upon the islands were turned
towards it; which seems to be a proof that they have a mild season here,
during which the sea is calm, and that the same weather which enables
them to visit the islands makes the air welcome even while they sleep.

The only furniture belonging to these houses that fell under our
observation is a kind of oblong vessel made of bark, by the simple
contrivance of tying up the two ends with a withy, which not being cut
off serves for a handle; these we imagined were used as buckets to fetch
water from the spring, which may be supposed sometimes to be at a
considerable distance. They have, however, a small bag, about the size
of a moderate cabbage-net, which is made by laying threads loop within
loop, somewhat in the manner of knitting used by our ladies to make
purses. This bag the man carries loose upon his back by a small string
which passes over his head; it generally contains a lump or two of paint
and resin, some fish-hooks and lines, a shell or two, out of which their
hooks are made, a few points of darts, and their usual ornaments, which
includes the whole worldly treasure of the richest man among them.

Their fish-hooks are very neatly made, and some of them are exceedingly
small. For striking turtle they have a peg of wood which is about a foot
long, and very well bearded; this fits into a socket at the end of a
staff of light wood, about as thick as a man’s wrist, and about seven or
eight feet long: to the staff is tied one end of a loose line about
three or four fathom long, the other end of which is fastened to the
peg. To strike the turtle, the peg is fixed into the socket, and when it
has entered his body, and is retained there by the barb, the staff flies
off, and serves for a float to trace their victim in the water; it
assists also to tire him, till they can overtake him with their canoes,
and haul him ashore. One of these pegs, as I have mentioned already, we
found buried in the body of a turtle, which had healed up over it. Their
lines are from the thickness of a half-inch rope to the fineness of a
hair, and are made of some vegetable substance, but what in particular
we had no opportunity to learn.

Their food is chiefly fish, though they sometimes contrive to kill the
kanguroo, and even birds of various kinds; notwithstanding, they are so
shy that we found it difficult to get within reach of them with a
fowling-piece. The only vegetable that can be considered as an article
of food is the yam; yet doubtless they eat the several fruits which have
been mentioned among other productions of the country; and indeed we saw
the shells and hulls of several of them lying about the places where
they had kindled their fire.

They do not appear to eat any animal food raw; but having no vessel in
which water can be boiled, they either broil it upon the coals, or bake
it in a hole by the help of hot stones, in the same manner as is
practised by the inhabitants of the islands in the South Seas.

Whether they are acquainted with any plant that has an intoxicating
quality, we do not know; but we observed that several of them held
leaves of some sort constantly in their mouths, as an European does
tobacco, and an East Indian betle: we never saw the plant, but when they
took it from their mouths at our request; possibly it might be a species
of the betle, but whatever it was, it had no effect upon the teeth or
the lips.

As they have no nets, they catch fish only by striking, or with a hook
and line, except such as they find in the hollows of the rocks and
shoals, which are dry at half ebb.

Their manner of hunting we had no opportunity to see; but we conjectured
by the notches which they had every where cut in large trees in order to
climb them, that they took their station near the tops of them, and
there watched for such animals as might happen to pass near enough to be
reached by their lances: it is possible, also, that in this situation
they might take birds when they came to roost.

I have observed that when they went from our tents upon the banks of
Endeavour River, we could trace them by the fires which they kindled in
their way; and we imagined that these fires were intended some way for
the taking the kanguroo, which we observed to be so much afraid of fire,
that our dogs could scarcely force it over places which had been newly
burnt, though the fire was extinguished.

They produce fire with great facility, and spread it in a wonderful
manner. To produce it they take two pieces of dry soft wood, one is a
stick about eight or nine inches long, the other piece is flat: the
stick they shape into an obtuse point at one end, and pressing it upon
the other, turn it nimbly by holding it between both their hands as we
do a chocolate mill, often shifting their hands up, and then moving them
down upon it, to increase the pressure as much as possible. By this
method they get fire in less than two minutes, and from the smallest
spark, they increase it with great speed and dexterity. We have often
seen one of them run along the shore, to all appearance with nothing in
his hand, who stooping down for a moment, at the distance of every fifty
or a hundred yards, left fire behind him, as we could see first by the
smoke, and then by the flame among the drift wood, and other litter
which was scattered along the place. We had the curiosity to examine one
of these planters of fire, when he set off, and we saw him wrap up a
small spark in dry grass, which, when he had run a little way, having
been fanned by the air that his motion produced, began to blaze; he then
laid it down in a place convenient for his purpose, inclosing a spark of
it in another quantity of grass, and so continued his course.

There are perhaps few things in the history of mankind more
extraordinary than the discovery and application of fire: it will
scarcely be disputed that the manner of producing it, whether by
collision or attrition, was discovered by chance: but its first effects
would naturally strike those to whom it was a new object, with
consternation and terror: it would appear to be an enemy to life and
nature, and to torment and destroy whatever was capable of being
destroyed or tormented; and therefore it seems not easy to conceive what
should incline those who first saw it receive a transient existence from
chance, to reproduce it by design. It is by no means probable that those
who first saw fire approached it with the same caution as those who are
familiar with its effects, so as to be warmed only, and not burnt; and
it is reasonable to think that the intolerable pain which, at its first
appearance, it must produce upon ignorant curiosity, would sow perpetual
enmity between this element and mankind; and that the same principle
which incites them to crush a serpent would incite them to destroy fire,
and avoid all means by which it would be produced, as soon as they were
known. These circumstances considered, how men became sufficiently
familiar with it to render it useful, seems to be a problem very
difficult to solve: nor is it easy to account for the first application
of it to culinary purposes, as the eating both animal and vegetable food
raw, must have become a habit, before there was fire to dress it, and
those who have considered the force of habit will readily believe, that
to men who had always eaten the flesh of animals raw, it would be as
disagreeable dressed, as to those who have always eaten it dressed, it
would be raw. It is remarkable that the inhabitants of Terra del Fuego
produce fire from a spark by collision, and that the happier natives of
this country, New Zealand, and Otaheite, produce it by the attrition of
one combustible substance against another: is there not, then, some
reason to suppose that these different operations correspond with the
manner in which chance produced fire in the neighbourhood of the torrid
and frigid zones? Among the rude inhabitants of a cold country, neither
any operation of art, or occurrence of accident, could be supposed so
easily to produce fire by attrition, as in a climate where every thing
is hot, dry, and adust, teeming with a latent fire which a slight degree
of motion was sufficient to call forth; in a cold country, therefore, it
is natural to suppose that fire was produced by the accidental collision
of two metallic substances, and in a cold country, for that reason, the
same expedient was used to produce it by design: but in hot countries,
where two combustible substances easily kindle by attrition, it is
probable that the attrition of such substances first produced fire, and
here it was therefore natural for art to adopt the same operation, with
a view to produce the same effect. It may indeed be true that fire is
now produced in many cold countries by attrition, and in many hot by a
stroke; but perhaps upon enquiry there may appear reason to conclude
that this has arisen from the communication of one country with another,
and that with respect to the original production of fire in hot and cold
countries, the distinction is well founded.

There may perhaps be some reason to suppose that men became gradually
acquainted with the nature and effects of fire, by its permanent
existence in a volcano, there being remains of volcanoes, or vestiges of
their effects, in almost every part of the world: by a volcano, however,
no method of producing fire, otherwise than by contact, could be learnt;
the production and application of fire, therefore, still seem to afford
abundant subject of speculation to the curious.

The weapons of these people are spears or lances, and these are of
different kinds: some that we saw upon the southern part of the coast
had four prongs, pointed with bone, and barbed; the points were also
smeared with a hard resin, which gave them a polish, and made them enter
deeper into what they struck. To the northward, the lance has but one
point: the shaft is made of cane, or the stalk of a plant somewhat
resembling a bulrush, very straight and light, and from eight to
fourteen feet long, consisting of several joints, where the pieces are
let into each other, and bound together; to this are fitted points of
different kinds; some are of hard heavy wood, and some are the bones of
fish: we saw several that were pointed with the stings of the sting-ray,
the largest that they could procure, and barbed with several that were
smaller, fastened on in a contrary direction; the points of wood were
also sometimes armed with sharp pieces of broken shells, which were
stuck in, and at the junctures covered with resin: the lances that are
thus barbed are indeed dreadful weapons; for when once they have taken
place, they can never be drawn back without tearing away the flesh, or
leaving the sharp ragged splinters of the bone or shell which forms the
beard, behind them in the wound. These weapons are thrown with great
force and dexterity: if intended to wound at a short distance, between
ten and twenty yards, simply with the hand, but if at the distance of
forty or fifty, with an instrument which we called a throwing stick.
This is a plain smooth piece of a hard reddish wood, very highly
polished, about two inches broad, half an inch thick, and three feet
long, with a small knob, or hook at one end, and a cross piece about
three or four inches long at the other: the knob at one end is received
in a small dent or hollow, which is made for that purpose in the shaft
of the lance near the point, but from which it easily slips, upon being
impelled forward: when the lance is laid along upon this machine, and
secured in a proper position by the knob, the person that is to throw it
holds it over his shoulder, and after shaking it, delivers both the
throwing stick and lance with all his force; but the stick being stopped
by the cross piece which comes against the shoulder, with a sudden jerk,
the lance flies forward with incredible swiftness, and with so good an
aim, that at the distance of fifty yards these Indians were more sure of
their mark than we could be with a single bullet. Besides these lances,
we saw no offensive weapon upon this coast, except when we took our last
view of it with our glasses, and then we thought we saw a man with a bow
and arrows, in which it is possible we might be mistaken. We saw,
however, at Botany Bay, a shield or target of an oblong shape, about
three feet long, and eighteen inches broad, which was made of the bark
of a tree: this was fetched out of a hut by one of the men that opposed
our landing, who, when he ran away, left it behind him, and upon taking
it up, we found that it had been pierced through with a single pointed
lance near the centre. These shields are certainly in frequent use among
the people here; for though this was the only one that we saw in their
possession, we frequently found trees from which they appeared
manifestly to have been cut, the marks being easily distinguished from
those that were made by cutting buckets: sometimes also we found the
shields cut out, but not yet taken off from the tree, the edges of the
bark only being a little raised by wedges, so that these people appear
to have discovered that the bark of a tree becomes thicker and stronger
by being suffered to remain upon the trunk after it has been cut round.

The canoes of New Holland are as mean and rude as the houses. Those on
the southern part of the coast are nothing more than a piece of bark,
about twelve feet long, tied together at the ends, and kept open in the
middle by small bows of wood: yet in a vessel of this construction we
once saw three people. In shallow water they are set forward by a pole,
and in deeper by paddles, about eighteen inches long, one of which the
boatman holds in each hand; mean as they are, they have many
conveniencies, they draw but little water, and they are very light, so
that they go upon mud banks to pick up shell-fish, the most important
use to which they can be applied, better perhaps than vessels of any
other construction. We observed, that in the middle of these canoes
there was a heap of sea-weed, and upon that a small fire; probably that
the fish may be broiled and eaten the moment it is caught.

The canoes that we saw when we advanced farther to the northward, are
not made of bark, but of the trunk of a tree hollowed, perhaps by fire.
They are about fourteen feet long, and, being very narrow, are fitted
with an outrigger to prevent their oversetting. These are worked with
paddles, that are so large as to require both hands to manage one of
them: the outside is wholly unmarked by any tool, but at each end the
wood is left longer at the top than at the bottom, so that there is a
projection beyond the hollow part resembling the end of a plank; the
sides are tolerably thin, but how the tree is felled and fashioned, we
had no opportunity to learn. The only tools that we saw among them are
an adze, wretchedly made of stone, some small pieces of the same
substance in form of a wedge, a wooden mallet, and some shells and
fragments of coral. For polishing their throwing sticks, and the points
of their lances, they use the leaves of a kind of wild fig-tree, which
bites upon wood almost as keenly as the shave-grass of Europe, which is
used by our joiners: with such tools, the making even such a canoe as I
have described must be a most difficult and tedious labour: to those who
have been accustomed to the use of metal, it appears altogether
impracticable; but there are few difficulties that will not yield to
patient perseverance; and he who does all he can, will certainly produce
effects that greatly exceed his apparent power.

The utmost freight of these canoes is four people; and if more at any
time wanted to come over the river, one of those who came first was
obliged to go back for the rest: from this circumstance, we conjectured
that the boat we saw, when we were lying in Endeavour River, was the
only one in the neighbourhood: we have however some reason to believe
that the bark canoes are also used where the wooden ones are
constructed; for upon one of the small islands where the natives had
been fishing for turtle, we found one of the little paddles which had
belonged to such a boat, and would have been useless on board any other.

By what means the inhabitants of this country are reduced to such a
number as it can subsist, is not perhaps very easy to guess; whether,
like the inhabitants of New Zealand, they are destroyed by the hands of
each other in contests for food; whether they are swept off by
accidental famine, or whether there is any cause which prevents the
increase of the species, must be left for future adventurers to
determine. That they have wars, appears by their weapons; for supposing
the lances to serve merely for the striking of fish, the shield could be
intended for nothing but a defence against men; the only mark of
hostility, however, which we saw among them, was the perforation of the
shield by a spear, which has been just mentioned, for none of them
appeared to have been wounded by an enemy. Neither can we determine
whether they are pusillanimous or brave; the resolution with which two
of them attempted to prevent our landing, when we had two boats full of
men, in Botany Bay, even after one of them was wounded with small shot,
gave us reason to conclude that they were not only naturally courageous,
but that they had acquired a familiarity with the dangers of hostility,
and were, by habit as well as nature, a daring and warlike people; but
their precipitate flight from every other place that we approached,
without even a menace, while they were out of our reach, was an
indication of uncommon tameness and timidity, such as those who had only
been occasionally warriors must be supposed to have shaken off, whatever
might have been their natural disposition. I have faithfully related
facts, the reader must judge of the people for himself.

From the account that has been given of our commerce with them, it
cannot be supposed that we should know much of their language; yet as
this is an object of great curiosity, especially to the learned, and of
great importance in their researches into the origin of the various
nations that have been discovered, we took some pains to bring away such
a specimen of it as might, in a certain degree, answer the purpose, and
I shall now give an account how it was procured. If we wanted to know
the name of a stone, we took a stone up into our hands, and as well as
we could, intimated by signs, that we wished they should name it: the
word that they pronounced upon the occasion, we immediately wrote down.
This method, though it was the best we could contrive, might certainly
lead us into many mistakes; for if an Indian was to take up a stone, and
ask us the name of it, we might answer a pebble or a flint; so when we
took up a stone, and asked an Indian the name of it, he might pronounce
a word that distinguished the species and not the genus, or that,
instead of signifying stone simply, might signify a rough stone, or a
smooth stone; however, as much as possible to avoid mistakes of this
kind, several of us contrived, at different times, to get from them as
many words as we could, and having noted them down, compared our lists:
those which were the same in all, and which, according to every one’s
account, signified the same thing, we ventured to record, with a very
few others, which, from the simplicity of the subject, and the ease of
expressing our question with plainness and precision by a sign, have
acquired equal authority.

      ENGLISH.                      NEW HOLLAND.

     _The head_,                    Wageegee.

     _Hair_,                        Morye.

     _Eyes_,                        Meul.

     _Ears_,                        Melea.

     _Lips_,                        Yembe.

     _Nose_,                        Bonjoo.

     _Tongue_,                      Unjar.

     _Nails_,                       Kulke.

     _Sun_,                         Gallan.

     _Fire_,                        Meanang.

     _A stone_,                     Walba.

     _Sand_,                        Yowall.

     _A rope_,                      Gurka.

     _A man_,                       Bama.

     _Beard_,                       Wallar.

     _Neck_,                        Doomboo.

     _Nipples_,                     Cayo.

     _Hands_,                       Marigal.

     _Thighs_,                      Coman.

     _Navel_,                       Toolpoor.

     _Knees_,                       Pongo.

     _Feet_,                        Edamal.

     _Heel_,                        Kniorror.

     _Cockatoo_,                    Wanda.

     _The sole of the foot_,        Chumal.

     _Ankle_,                       Chongurn.

     _Arms_,                        Aco, _or_ Acol.

     _Thumb_,                       Eboorbalga.

     _The fore, middle, and ring    Egalbaiga.
     fingers_,

     _The little finger_,           Nakil, _or_ Eboornakil.

     _The sky_,                     Kere, _or_ Kearre.

     _A father_,                    Dunjo.

     _A son_,                       Jumurre.

     _A male turtle_,               Poinga.

     _A female_,                    Mameingo.

     _A canoe_,                     Marigan.

     _To paddle_,                   Pelenyo.

     _Sit down_,                    Takai.

     _Smooth_,                      Mier Carrar.

     _A dog_,                       Cotta, _or_ Kota.

     _A loriquet_,                  Perpere, _or_ pier-pier.

     _Blood_,                       Garmbe.

     _Wood_,                        Yocou.

     _The bone in the nose_,        Tapool.

     _A bag_,                       Charngala.

     _A great cockle_,              Moingo.

     _Cocos_, _Yams_,               Maracotu.

     Cherr, Cherco, Yarcaw, Tut,    _Expressions, as we supposed,
     tut, tut, tut,                 of admiration, which they
                                    continually used when they
                                    were in company with us._

I shall now quit this country, with a few observations relative to the
currents and tides upon the coast. From latitude 32°, and somewhat
higher, down to Sandy Cape, in latitude 24° 46ʹ, we constantly found a
current setting to the southward, at the rate of about ten or fifteen
miles a day, being more or less, according to our distance from the
land, for it always ran with more force in shore than in the offing; but
I could never satisfy myself whether the flood-tide came from the
southward, the eastward, or the northward; I inclined to the opinion
that it came from the south-east, but the first time we anchored off the
coast, which was in latitude 24° 30ʹ, about ten leagues to the
south-east of Bustard Bay, I found it come from the north-west; on the
contrary, thirty leagues farther to the north-west, on the south side of
Keppel Bay, I found that it came from the east, and at the northern part
of that Bay it came from the northward, but with a much slower motion
than it had come from the east: on the east side of the Bay of Inlets,
it set strongly to the westward, as far as the opening of Broad Sound;
but on the north side of that sound, it came with a very slow motion
from the north-west; and when we lay at anchor before Repulse Bay, it
came from the northward: to account for its course in all this variety
of directions, we need only admit that the flood-tide comes from the
east, or south-east. It is well known, that where there are deep inlets,
and large creeks into low lands, running up from the sea, and not
occasioned by rivers of fresh water, there will always be a great
indraught of the flood-tide, the direction of which will be determined
by the position or direction of the coast which forms the entrance of
such inlet, whatever be its course at sea; and where the tides are weak,
which upon this coast is generally the case, a large inlet will, if I
may be allowed the expression, attract the flood-tide for many leagues.

A view of the chart will at once illustrate this position. To the
northward of Whitsunday’s Passage there is no large inlet, consequently
the flood sets to the northward, or north-westward, according to the
direction of the coast, and the ebb to the south, or south-eastward; at
least such is their course at a little distance from the land, for very
near it they will be influenced by small inlets. I also observed, that
we had only one high tide in twenty-four hours, which happened in the
night. The difference between the perpendicular rise of the water in the
day and the night, when there is a spring-tide, is no less than three
feet, which, where the tides are so inconsiderable as they are here, is
a great proportion of the whole difference between high and low water.
This irregularity of the tides, which is worthy of notice, we did not
discover till we were run ashore, and perhaps farther to the northward
it is still greater: after we got within the reef the second time, we
found the tides more considerable than we had ever done before, except
in the Bay of Inlets, and possibly this may be owing to the water being
more confined between the shoals; here also the flood sets to the
north-west, and continues in the same direction to the extremity of New
Wales, from whence its direction is west and south-west into the Indian
sea.




                               CHAP. VII.

THE PASSAGE FROM NEW SOUTH WALES TO NEW GUINEA, WITH AN ACCOUNT OF WHAT
                      HAPPENED UPON LANDING THERE.


IN the afternoon of Thursday, August the 23d, after leaving Booby
Island, we steered W. N. W., with light airs from the S. S. W. till five
o’clock, when it fell calm, and the tide of ebb soon after setting to
the N. E., we came to an anchor in eight fathom water, with a soft sandy
bottom. Booby Island bore S. 50 E., distant five miles, and the Prince
of Wales’s Isles extended from N. E. by N. to S. 55 E.; between these
there appeared to be a clear open passage, extending from N. 46 E. to E.
by N.

At half an hour after five, in the morning of the 24th, as we were
purchasing the anchor, the cable parted at about eight or ten fathom
from the ring: the ship then began to drive, but I immediately dropped
another anchor, which brought her up before she got more than a cable’s
length from the buoy; the boats were then sent to sweep for the anchor,
but could not succeed. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 10°
30ʹ S. As I was resolved not to leave the anchor behind, while there
remained a possibility of recovering it, I sent the boats again after
dinner, with a small line, to discover where it lay; this being happily
effected, we swept for it with a hawser, and by the same hawser hove the
ship up to it: we proceeded to weigh it, but just as we were about to
ship it, the hawser slipped, and we had all our labour to repeat. By
this time it was dark, and we were obliged to suspend our operations
till the morning.

As soon as it was light, we sweeped it again, and heaved it to the bows;
by eight o’clock, we weighed the other anchor, got under sail, and, with
a fine breeze at E. N. E., stood to the north-west. At noon, our
latitude, by observation, was 10° 18ʹ S., longitude 219° 39ʹ W. At this
time we had no land in sight, but about two miles to the southward of us
lay a large shoal, upon which the sea broke with great violence, and
part of which, I believe, is dry at low water. It extends N. W. and S.
E., and is about five leagues in circuit. Our depth of water, from the
time we weighed till now, was nine fathom, but it soon shallowed to
seven fathom; and at half an hour after one, having run eleven miles
between noon and that time, the boat which was a-head made the signal
for shoal water; we immediately let go an anchor, and brought the ship
up with all the sails standing, for the boat having just been relieved,
was at but a little distance: upon looking out from the ship, we saw
shoal water almost all round us, both wind and tide at the same time
setting upon it. The ship was in six fathom, but upon sounding round
her, at the distance of half a cable’s length, we found scarcely two.
This shoal reached from the east, round by the north and west, as far as
the south-west, so that there was no way for us to get clear but that
which we came. This was another hair’s-breadth escape, for it was near
high-water, and there run a short cockling sea, which must very soon
have bulged the ship if she had struck; and if her direction had been
half a cable’s length more either to the right or left, she must have
struck before the signal for the shoal was made. The shoals which, like
these, lie a fathom or two under water, are the most dangerous of any,
for they do not discover themselves till the vessel is just upon them,
and then indeed the water looks brown, as if it reflected a dark cloud.
Between three and four o’clock, the tide of ebb began to make, and I
sent the master to sound to the southward and south-westward, and in the
mean time, as the ship tended, I weighed anchor, and with a little sail
stood first to the southward, and afterwards edging away to the
westward, got once more out of danger. At sunset, we anchored in ten
fathom, with a sandy bottom, having a fresh gale at E. S. E.

At six in the morning, we weighed again and stood west, having, as
usual, first sent a boat a-head to sound. I had intended to steer N. W.
till I had made the south coast of New Guinea, designing, if possible,
to touch upon it; but upon meeting with these shoals, I altered my
course, in hopes of finding a clearer channel and deeper water. In this
I succeeded, for by noon our depth of water was gradually increased to
seventeen fathom. Our latitude was now, by observation, 10° 10ʹ S.; and
our longitude 220° 12ʹ W. No land was in sight. We continued to steer
west till sunset, our depth of water being from twenty-seven to
twenty-three fathom: we then shortened sail, and kept upon a wind all
night; four hours on one tack, and four on another. At daylight, we made
all the sail we could, and steered W. N. W. till eight o’clock, and then
N. W. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 9° 56ʹ S., longitude
221° W., variation 2° 30ʹ E. We continued our N. W. course till sunset,
when we again shortened sail, and hauled close upon a wind to the
northward: our depth of water was twenty-one fathom. At eight, we tacked
and stood to the southward till twelve; then stood to the northward with
little sail till daylight: our soundings were from twenty-five to
seventeen fathom, the water growing gradually shallow as we stood to the
northward. At this time we made sail and stood to the north, in order to
make the land of New Guinea: from the time of our making sail till noon,
the depth of water gradually decreased from seventeen to twelve fathom,
with a stoney and shelly bottom. Our latitude, by observation, was now
8° 52ʹ S., which is in the same parallel as that in which the southern
parts of New Guinea are laid down in the charts; but there are only two
points so far to the south, and I reckoned that we were a degree to the
westward of them both, and therefore did not see the land, which trends
more to the northward. We found the sea here to be in many parts covered
with a brown scum, such as sailors generally call spawn. When I first
saw it, I was alarmed, fearing that we were among shoals; but upon
sounding, we found the same depth of water as in other places. This scum
was examined both by Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, but they could not
determine what it was: it was formed of innumerable small particles, not
more than half a line in length, each of which in the microscope
appeared to consist of thirty or forty tubes; and each tube was divided
through its whole length by small partitions into many cells, like the
tubes of the conferva: they were supposed to belong to the vegetable
kingdom, because, upon burning them, they produced no smell like that of
an animal substance. The same appearance had been observed upon the
coast of Brazil and New Holland, but never at any considerable distance
from the shore. In the evening a small bird hovered about the ship, and
at night, settling among the rigging, was taken. It proved to be exactly
the same bird which Dampier has described, and of which he has given a
rude figure, by the name of a Noddy from New Holland. (See his Voyages,
vol. iii. p. 98. Tab. of Birds, fig. 5.)

We continued standing to the northward with a fresh gale at E. by S. and
S. E. till six in the evening, having very irregular soundings, the
depth changing at once from twenty-four fathom to seven. At four, we had
seen the land from the mast-head, bearing N. W. by N.; it appeared to be
very low, and to stretch from W. N. W. to N. N. E., distant four or five
leagues. We now hauled close upon a wind till seven, then tacked and
stood to the southward till twelve, at which time we wore and stood to
the northward till four in the morning, then laid the head of the vessel
off till daylight, when we again saw the land, and stood in N. N. W.
directly for it, with a fresh gale at E. by S. Our soundings during the
night were very irregular, from seven to five fathom, suddenly changing
from deep to shallow, and from shallow to deep, without in the least
corresponding with our distance from the land. At half an hour after six
in the morning, a small low island, which lay at the distance of about a
league from the main, bore N. by W. distant five miles: this island lies
in latitude 8° 13ʹ S., longitude 221° 25ʹ W.; and I find it laid down in
the charts by the names of Bartholomew and Whermoysen. We now steered N.
W. by W., W. N. W., W. by N., W. by S., and S. W. by W., as we found the
land lie, with from five to nine fathom; and though we reckoned we were
not more than four leagues from it, yet it was so low and level, that we
could but just see it from the deck. It appeared, however, to be well
covered with wood, and among other trees, we thought we could
distinguish the cocoa-nut. We saw smoke in several places, and therefore
knew there were inhabitants. At noon, we were about three leagues from
the land; the westernmost part of which that was in sight bore S. 79° W.
Our latitude, by observation, was 8° 19ʹ S., and longitude 221° 44ʹ W.
The island of St. Bartholomew bore N. 74 E. distant twenty miles.

After steering S. W. by W. six miles, we had shoal water on our
starboard-bow, which I sent the yawl to sound, and at the same time
hauled off upon a wind till four o’clock; and though, during that time,
we had run six miles, we had not deepened our water an inch. I then
edged away S. W. four miles more; but finding it still shoal water, I
brought to, and called the boats aboard. At this time, being between
three and four leagues from the shore, and the yawl having found only
three fathom water in the place to which I had sent her to sound, I
hauled off close upon a wind, and weathered the shoal about half a mile.

Between one and two o’clock, we passed a bay or inlet, before which lies
a small island that seems to shelter it from the southerly winds; but I
very much doubt whether there is sufficient depth of water behind it for
shipping. I could not attempt to determine the question, because the S.
E. trade-wind blows right into the bay, and we had not as yet had any
breeze from the land.

We stretched off to sea till twelve o’clock, when we were about eleven
leagues from the land, and had deepened our water to twenty-nine fathom.
We now tacked and stood in till five in the morning; when, being in six
fathom and a half, we tacked and laid the head of the vessel off till
daylight, when we saw the land, bearing N. W. by W., at about the
distance of four leagues. We now made sail, and steered first W. S. W.,
then W. by S.; but coming into five fathom and a half, we hauled off S.
W. till we deepened our water to eight fathom, and then kept away W. by
S. and W., having nine fathom, and the land just in sight from the deck;
we judged it to be about four leagues distant, and it was still very low
and woody. Great quantities of the brown scum continued to appear upon
the water, and the sailors having given up the notion of its being
spawn, found a new name for it, and called it Sea-saw-dust. At noon, our
latitude, by observation, was 8° 30ʹ S., our longitude 222° 34ʹ W.; and
Saint Bartholomew’s Isle bore N. 69 E., distant seventy-four miles.

As all this coast appears to have been very minutely examined by the
Dutch, and as our track, with the soundings, will appear by the chart,
it is sufficient to say, that we continued our course to the northward
with very shallow water, upon a bank of mud, at such a distance from the
shore as that it could scarcely be seen from the ship, till the third of
September. During this time we made many attempts to get near enough to
go on shore, but without success; and having now lost six days of fair
wind, at a time when we knew the south-east monsoon to be nearly at an
end, we began to be impatient of farther delay, and determined to run
the ship in as near to the shore as possible, and then land with the
pinnace, while she kept plying off and on, to examine the produce of the
country, and the disposition of the inhabitants. For the two last days
we had early in the morning a light breeze from the shore, which was
strongly impregnated with the fragrance of the trees, shrubs, and
herbage that covered it, the smell being something like that of Gum
Benjamin. On the 3d of September, at day-break, we saw the land
extending from N. by E. to S. E., at about four leagues distance, and we
then kept standing in for it with a fresh gale at E. S. E. and E. by S.
till nine o’clock, when being within about three or four miles of it,
and in three fathom water, we brought to. The pinnace being hoisted out,
I set off from the ship with the boat’s crew, accompanied by Mr. Banks,
who also took his servants, and Dr. Solander, being in all twelve
persons well armed; we rowed directly towards the shore, but the water
was so shallow that we could not reach it by about two hundred yards: we
waded, however, the rest of the way, having left two of the seamen to
take care of the boat. Hitherto we had seen no signs of inhabitants at
this place; but as soon as we got ashore we discovered the prints of
human feet, which could not long have been impressed upon the sand, as
they were below high water mark: we therefore concluded that the people
were at no great distance, and, as a thick wood came down within a
hundred yards of the water, we thought it necessary to proceed with
caution, lest we should fall into an ambuscade and our retreat to the
boat be cut off. We walked along the skirts of the wood, and at the
distance of about two hundred yards from the place where we landed, we
came to a grove of cocoa-nut trees, which stood upon the banks of a
little brook of brackish water. The trees were of a small growth, but
well hung with fruit; and near them was a shed or hut, which had been
covered with their leaves, though most of them were now fallen off:
about the hut lay a great number of the shells of the fruit, some of
which appeared to be just fresh from the tree. We looked at the fruit
very wishfully, but not thinking it safe to climb, we were obliged to
leave it without tasting a single nut. At a little distance from this
place we found plantains, and a bread-fruit tree, but it had nothing
upon it; and having now advanced about a quarter of a mile from the
boat, three Indians rushed out of the wood with a hideous shout, at
about the distance of a hundred yards; and as they ran towards us, the
foremost threw something out of his hand, which flew on one side of him,
and burnt exactly like gunpowder, but made no report: the other two
instantly threw their lances at us; and, as no time was now to be lost,
we discharged our pieces, which were loaded with small shot. It is
probable that they did not feel the shot, for though they halted a
moment, they did not retreat; and a third dart was thrown at us. As we
thought their farther approach might be prevented with less risk of
life, than it would cost to defend ourselves against their attack if
they should come nearer, we loaded our pieces with ball, and fired a
second time: by this discharge it is probable that some of them were
wounded; yet we had the satisfaction to see that they all ran away with
great agility. As I was not disposed forcibly to invade this country,
either to gratify our appetites or our curiosity, and perceived that
nothing was to be done upon friendly terms, we improved this interval,
in which the destruction of the natives was no longer necessary to our
own defence, and with all expedition returned towards our boat. As we
were advancing along the shore, we perceived that the two men on board
made signals that more Indians were coming down; and before we got into
the water, we saw several of them coming round a point at the distance
of about five hundred yards: it is probable that they had met with the
three who first attacked us; for as soon as they saw us they halted, and
seemed to wait till their main body should come up. We entered the
water, and waded towards the boat; and they remained at their station,
without giving us any interruption. As soon as we were aboard we rowed
abreast of them, and their number then appeared to be between sixty and
a hundred. We now took a view of them at our leisure; they made much the
same appearance as the New Hollanders, being nearly of the same stature,
and having their hair short cropped: like them also they were all stark
naked, but we thought the colour of their skin was not quite so dark;
this however might perhaps be merely the effect of their not being quite
so dirty. All this while they were shouting defiance, and letting off
their fires by four or five at a time. What these fires were, or for
what purpose intended, we could not imagine: those who discharged them
had in their hands a short piece of stick, possibly a hollow cane, which
they swung sideways from them, and we immediately saw fire and smoke,
exactly resembling those of a musket, and of no longer duration. This
wonderful phenomenon was observed from the ship, and the deception was
so great, that the people on board thought they had fire-arms; and in
the boat, if we had not been so near as that we must have heard the
report, we should have thought they had been firing volleys. After we
had looked at them attentively some time, without taking any notice of
their flashing and vociferation, we fired some muskets over their heads:
upon hearing the balls rattle among the trees, they walked leisurely
away, and we returned to the ship. Upon examining the weapons they had
thrown at us, we found them to be light darts, about four feet long,
very ill made, of a reed or bamboo cane, and pointed with hard wood, in
which there were many barbs. They were discharged with great force; for
though we were at sixty yards distance, they went beyond us, but in what
manner we could not exactly see: possibly they might be shot with a bow;
but we saw no bows among them when we surveyed them from the boat, and
we were in general of opinion, that they were thrown with a stick, in
the manner practised by the New Hollanders.

This place lies in the latitude of 6° 15ʹ S., and about sixty-five
leagues to the N. E. of Port Saint Augustine, or Walche Caep, and is
near what is called in the charts C. de la Colta de St. Bonaventura. The
land here, like that in every other part of the coast, is very low, but
covered with a luxuriance of wood and herbage that can scarcely be
conceived. We saw the cocoa-nut, the bread-fruit, and the plantain tree,
all flourishing in a state of the highest perfection, though the
cocoa-nuts were green, and the bread-fruit not in season; besides most
of the trees, shrubs, and plants that are common to the South Sea
islands, New Zealand, and New Holland.

Soon after our return to the ship, we hoisted in the boat and made sail
to the westward, being resolved to spend no more time upon this coast,
to the great satisfaction of a very considerable majority of the ship’s
company. But I am sorry to say that I was strongly urged by some of the
officers to send a party of men ashore, and cut down the cocoa-nut trees
for the sake of the fruit. This I peremptorily refused, as equally
unjust and cruel. The natives had attacked us merely for landing upon
their coast, when we attempted to take nothing away, and it was
therefore morally certain that they would have made a vigorous effort to
defend their property if it had been invaded, in which case many of them
must have fallen a sacrifice to our attempt, and perhaps also some of
our own people. I should have regretted the necessity of such a measure,
if I had been in want of the necessaries of life; and certainly it would
have been highly criminal when nothing was to be obtained but two or
three hundred of green cocoa-nuts, which would at most have procured us
a mere transient gratification. I might indeed have proceeded farther
along the coast to the northward and westward, in search of a place
where the ship might have lain so near the shore as to cover the people
with her guns when they landed; but this would have obviated only part
of the mischief, and though it might have secured us, would probably in
the very act have been fatal to the natives. Besides, we had reason to
think that before such a place would have been found, we should have
been carried so far to the westward, as to have been obliged to go to
Batavia, on the north side of Java; which I did not think so safe a
passage as to the south of Java, through the Straights of Sunday: the
ship also was so leaky that I doubted whether it would not be necessary
to heave her down at Batavia, which was another reason for making the
best of our way to that place; especially as no discovery could be
expected in seas which had already been navigated, and where every coast
had been laid down by the Dutch geographers. The Spaniards indeed, as
well as the Dutch, seem to have circumnavigated all the islands in New
Guinea, as almost every place that is distinguished in the chart has a
name in both languages. The charts with which I compared such part of
the coast as I visited, are bound up with a French work, intitled,
“Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes,” which was published in
1756, and I found them tolerably exact; yet I know not by whom, nor when
they were taken: and though New Holland and New Guinea are in them
represented as two distinct countries, the very history in which they
are bound up leaves it in doubt. I pretend however to no more merit in
this part of the voyage, than to have established the fact beyond all
controversy.

As the two countries lie very near each other, and the intermediate
space is full of islands, it is reasonable to suppose that they were
both peopled from one common stock: yet no intercourse appears to have
been kept up between them; for if there had, the cocoa-nuts,
bread-fruit, plantains, and other fruits of New Guinea, which are
equally necessary for the support of life, would certainly have been
transplanted to New Holland, where no traces of them are to be found.
The author of the “Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes,” in
his account of La Maire’s voyage, has given a vocabulary of the language
that is spoken in an island near New Britain, and we find, by comparing
that vocabulary with the words which we learnt in New Holland, that the
languages are not the same. If, therefore, it should appear, that the
languages of New Britain and New Guinea are the same, there will be
reason to suppose that New Britain and New Guinea were peopled from a
common stock; but that the inhabitants of New Holland had a different
origin, notwithstanding the proximity of the countries.




                              CHAP. VIII.

THE PASSAGE FROM NEW GUINEA TO THE ISLAND OF SAVU, AND THE TRANSACTIONS
                                 THERE.


WE made sail, from noon on Monday the 3d to noon on Tuesday the 4th,
standing to the westward, and all the time kept in soundings, having
from fourteen to thirty fathom; not regular, but sometimes more,
sometimes less. At noon on the 4th, we were in fourteen fathom, and
latitude 6° 44ʹ S., longitude 223° 51ʹ W.; our course and distance since
the 3d at noon, were S. 76 W. one hundred and twenty miles to the
westward. At noon on the 5th of September, we were in latitude 7° 25ʹ
S., longitude 225° 41ʹ W.; having been in soundings the whole time from
ten to twenty fathom.

At half an hour after one in the morning of the next day, we passed a
small island which bore from us N. N. W., distant between three and four
miles; and at day-light we discovered another low island, extending from
N. N. W. to N. N. E., distant about two or three leagues. Upon this
island, which did not appear to be very small, I believe I should have
landed to examine its produce, if the wind had not blown too fresh to
admit of it. When we passed this island we had only ten fathom water,
with a rocky bottom; and therefore I was afraid of running down to
leeward, lest I should meet with shoal water and foul ground. These
islands have no place in the charts except they are the Arrou islands;
and if these, they are laid down much too far from New Guinea. I found
the south part of them to lie in latitude 7° 6ʹ S., longitude 225° W.

We continued to steer W. S. W. at the rate of four miles and a half an
hour, till ten o’clock at night, when we had forty-two fathom, at eleven
we had thirty-seven, at twelve forty-five, at one in the morning
forty-nine, and at three 120, after which we had no ground. At
day-light, we made all the sail we could, and at ten o’clock, saw land,
extending from N. N. W. to W. by N., distant between five and six
leagues: at noon, it bore from N. to W., and at about the same distance:
it appeared to be level, and of a moderate height. By our distance from
New Guinea, it ought to have been part of the Arrou islands, but it lies
a degree farther to the south than any of these islands are laid down in
the charts; and by the latitude should be Timor Laoet: we sounded, but
had no ground with fifty fathom.

As I was not able to satisfy myself from any chart, what land it was
that I saw to leeward, and fearing that it might trend away more
southerly, the weather also being so hazy that we could not see far, I
steered S. W., and by four had lost sight of the island. I was now sure
that no part of it lay to the southward of 8° 15ʹ S., and continued
standing to the S. W. with an easy sail, and a fresh breeze at S. E. by
E. and E. S. E.: we sounded every hour, but had no bottom with 120
fathom.

At day-break, in the morning, we steered W. S. W., and afterwards W. by
S., which by noon brought us into the latitude of 9° 30ʹ S., longitude
229° 34ʹ W., and by our run from New Guinea, we ought to have been
within sight of Weasel isles, which in the charts are laid down at the
distance of twenty or twenty-five leagues from the coast of New Holland;
we, however, saw nothing, and, therefore, they must have been placed
erroneously; nor can this be thought strange, when it is considered that
not only these islands, but the coast which bounds this sea, have been
discovered and explored by different people, and at different times, and
the charts upon which they are delineated, put together by others,
perhaps at the distance of more than a century after the discoveries had
been made; not to mention that the discoverers themselves had not all
the requisites for keeping an accurate journal, of which those of the
present age are possessed.

We continued our course, steering W. till the evening of the 8th, when
the variation of the compass, by several azimuths, was 12ʹ W., and by
the amplitude 5ʹ W. At noon, on the 9th, our latitude, by observation,
was 9° 46ʹ S., longitude 232° 7ʹ W. For the last two days, we had
steered due W., yet, by observation, we made sixteen miles southing, six
miles from noon on the 6th to noon on the 7th, and ten miles from noon
on the 7th to noon on the 8th, by which it appeared that there was a
current setting to the southward. At sunset, we found the variation to
be 2ʹ W., and at the same time, saw an appearance of very high land
bearing N. W.

In the morning of the 10th, we saw clearly that what had appeared to be
land the night before, was Timor. At noon, our latitude, by observation,
was 10° 1ʹ S., which was fifteen miles to the southward of that given by
the log; our longitude, by observation, was 233° 27ʹ W. We steered N. W.
in order to obtain a more distinct view of the land in sight, till four
o’clock in the morning of the 11th, when the wind came to the N. W. and
W., with which we stood to the southward till nine, when we tacked and
stood N. W., having the wind now at W. S. W. At sun-rise, the land had
appeared to extend from W. N. W. to N. E., and at noon, we could see it
extend to the westward as far as W. by S. ½ S., but no farther to the
eastward than N. by E. We were now well assured, that as the first land
we had seen was Timor, the last island we had passed was Timor Laoet, or
Laut. Laoet is a word, in the language of Malaca, signifying sea, and
this island was named by the inhabitants of that country. The south part
of it lies in latitude 8° 15ʹ S., longitude 228° 10ʹ W., but in the
charts the south point is laid down in various latitudes, from 8° 30ʹ to
9° 30ʹ: it is indeed possible that the land we saw might be some other
island, but the presumption to the contrary is very strong, for if Timor
Laut had lain where it is placed in the charts, we must have seen it
there. We were now in latitude 9° 37ʹ S.; longitude, by an observation
of the sun and moon, 233° 54ʹ W.; we were the day before in 233° 27ʹ;
the difference is 27ʹ, exactly the same that was given by the log: this,
however, is a degree of accuracy in observation that is seldom to be
expected. In the afternoon, we stood in shore till eight in the evening,
when we tacked and stood off, being at the distance of about three
leagues from the land, which at sun-set extended from S. W. ½ W. to N.
E.: at this time we sounded, and had no ground with 140 fathom. At
midnight, having but little wind, we tacked and stood in, and at noon
the next day, our latitude, by observation, was 9° 36ʹ S. This day, we
saw smoke on shore in several places, and had seen many fires during the
night. The land appeared to be very high, rising in gradual slopes one
above another: the hills were in general covered with thick woods, but
among them we could distinguish naked spots of a considerable extent,
which had the appearance of having been cleared by art. At five o’clock
in the afternoon, we were within a mile and a half of the shore, in
sixteen fathom water, and abreast of a small inlet into the low land,
which lies in latitude 9° 34ʹ S., and probably is the same that Dampier
entered with his boat, for it did not seem to have sufficient depth of
water for a ship. The land here answered well to the description that he
has given of it: close to the beach, it was covered with high spiry
trees, which he mentions as having the appearance of pines; behind these
there seemed to be salt-water creeks, and many mangroves, interspersed
however with cocoa-nut trees: the flat land at the beach appeared in
some places to extend inward two or three miles before the rise of the
first hill; in this part, however, we saw no appearance of plantations
or houses, but great fertility, and from the number of fires, we judged
that the place must be well peopled.

When we had approached within a mile and a half of the shore, we tacked
and stood off, and the extremes of the coast then extended from N. E. by
E. to W. by S. ½ S. The south-westerly extremity was a low point,
distant from us about three leagues. While we were standing in for the
shore, we sounded several times, but had no ground till we came within
about two miles and a half, and then we had five and twenty fathom, with
a soft bottom. After we had tacked, we stood off till midnight, with the
wind at S.; we then tacked and stood two hours to the westward, when the
wind veered to S. W. and W. S. W., and we then stood to the southward
again. In the morning, we found the variation to be 1° 10ʹ W. by the
amplitude, and by the azimuth 1° 27ʹ. At noon, our latitude was, by
observation, 9° 45ʹ S., our longitude 234° 12ʹ W.; we were then about
seven leagues distant from the land, which extended from N. 31 E., to W.
S. W. ½ W.

With light land breezes from W. by N. for a few hours in a morning, and
sea breezes from S. S. W. and S., we advanced to the westward but
slowly. At noon, on the 14th, we were between six and seven leagues from
the land, which extended from N. by E., to S. 78 W.; we still saw smoke
in many places by day, and fire by night, both upon the low land and the
mountains beyond it. We continued steering along the shore, till the
morning of the 15th, the land still appearing hilly, but not so high as
it had been: the hills in general came quite down to the sea, and where
they did not, we saw, instead of flats and mangrove land, immense groves
of cocoa-nut trees, reaching about a mile up from the beach: there the
plantations and houses commenced, and appeared to be innumerable. The
houses were shaded by groves of the fan palm, or _borassus_, and the
plantations, which were inclosed by a fence, reached almost to the tops
of the highest hills. We saw, however, neither people nor cattle, though
our glasses were continually employed, at which we were not a little
surprised.

We continued our course, with little variation, till nine o’clock in the
morning of the 16th, when we saw the small island called ROTTE; and at
noon the island SEMAU, lying off the south end of Timor, bore N. W.

Dampier, who has given a large description of the island of Timor, says,
that it is seventy leagues long, and sixteen broad, and that it lies
nearly N. E. and S. W. I found the east side of it to lie nearest N. E.
by E. and S. W. by W., and the south end to lie in latitude 10° 23ʹ S.,
longitude 236° 5ʹ W. We ran about forty-five leagues along the east
side, and found the navigation altogether free from danger. The land,
which is bounded by the sea, except near the south end, is low for two
or three miles within the beach, and in general intersected by salt
creeks: behind the low land are mountains, which rise one above another
to a considerable height. We steered W. N. W. till two in the afternoon,
when being within a small distance of the north end of Rotte, we hauled
up N. N. W. in order to go between it and Semau: after steering three
leagues upon this course, we edged away N. W. and W., and by six we were
clear of all the islands. At this time, the south part of Semau, which
lies in latitude 10° 15ʹ S., bore N. E., distant four leagues, and the
island of Rotte extended as far to the southward as S. 36 W. The north
end of this island, and the south end of Timor, lie N. ½ E. and S. ½ W.,
and are about three or four leagues distant from each other. At the west
end of the passage between Rotte and Semau, are two small islands, one
of which lies near the Rotte shore, and the other off the south-west
point of Semau: there is a good channel between them, about six miles
broad, through which we passed. The isle of Rotte has not so lofty and
mountainous an appearance as Timor, though it is agreeably diversified
by hill and valley: on the north side, there are many sandy beaches,
near which grew some trees of the fan palm, but the far greater part was
covered with a kind of brushy wood, that was without leaves. The
appearance of Semau was nearly the same with that of Timor, but not
quite so high. About ten o’clock at night, we observed a phænomenon in
the heavens, which, in many particulars, resembled the aurora borealis,
and in others was very different: it consisted of a dull reddish light,
and reached about twenty degrees above the horizon: its extent was very
different at different times, but it was never less than eight or ten
points of the compass: through and out of this passed rays of light of a
brighter colour, which vanished, and were renewed nearly in the same
time as those of the aurora borealis, but had no degree of the tremulous
or vibratory motion which is observed in that phænomenon: the body of it
bore S. S. E. from the ship, and it continued without any diminution of
its brightness, till twelve o’clock, when we retired to sleep, but how
long afterwards, I cannot tell.

Being clear of all the islands which are laid down in the maps we had on
board, between Timor and Java, we steered a west course till six o’clock
the next morning, when we unexpectedly saw an island bearing W. S. W.,
and at first I thought we had made a new discovery. We steered directly
for it, and by ten o’clock were close in with the north side of it,
where we saw houses, cocoa-nut trees, and to our very agreeable
surprise, numerous flocks of sheep. This was a temptation not to be
resisted by people in our situation, especially as many of us were in a
bad state of health, and many still repining at my not having touched at
Timor; it was therefore soon determined to attempt a commerce with
people who appeared to be so well able to supply our many necessities,
and remove at once the sickness and discontent that had got footing
among us. The pinnace was hoisted out, and Mr. Gore, the second
lieutenant, sent to see if there was any convenient place to land,
taking with him some trifles as presents to the natives, if any of them
should appear. While he was gone, we saw from the ship two men on
horseback, who seemed to be riding upon the hills for their amusement,
and often stopped to look at the ship. By this we knew that the place
had been settled by Europeans, and hoped, that the many disagreeable
circumstances which always attend the first establishment of commerce
with savages, would be avoided. In the mean time, Mr. Gore landed in a
small sandy cove near some houses, and was met by eight or ten of the
natives, who, as well in their dress as their persons, very much
resembled the Malays: they were without arms, except the knives which it
is their custom to wear in their girdles, and one of them had a jack-ass
with him. They courteously invited him ashore, and conversed with him by
signs, but very little of the meaning of either party could be
understood by the other. In a short time, he returned with this report,
and, to our great mortification, added, that there was no anchorage for
the ship. I sent him, however, a second time, with both money and goods,
that he might, if possible, purchase some refreshments, at least for the
sick; and Dr. Solander went in the boat with him. In the mean time, I
kept standing on and off with the ship, which at this time was within
about a mile of the shore. Before the boat could land, we saw two other
horsemen, one of whom was in a complete European dress, consisting of a
blue coat, a white waistcoat, and a laced hat: these people, when the
boat came to the shore, took little notice of her, but sauntered about,
and seemed to look with great curiosity at the ship. We saw however
other horsemen, and a great number of persons on foot, gather round our
people, and, to our great satisfaction, perceived several cocoa-nuts
carried into the boat, from which we concluded that peace and commerce
were established between us.

After the boat had been ashore about an hour and a half, she made the
signal for having intelligence that there was a bay to leeward, where we
might anchor: we stood away directly for it, and the boat following,
soon came on board. The lieutenant told us, that he had seen some of the
principal people, who were dressed in fine linen, and had chains of gold
round their necks: he said, that he had not been able to trade, because
the owner of the cocoa-nuts was absent, but that about two dozen had
been sent to the boat as a present, and that some linen had been
accepted in return. The people, to give him the information that he
wanted, drew a map upon the sand, in which they made a rude
representation of a harbour to leeward, and a town near it: they also
gave him to understand, that sheep, hogs, fowls, and fruit, might there
be procured in great plenty. Some of them frequently pronounced the word
Portuguese, and said something of Larntuca upon the island of Ende: from
this circumstance, we conjectured that there were Portuguese somewhere
upon the island, and a Portuguese, who was in our boat, attempted to
converse with the Indians in that language, but soon found that they
knew only a word or two of it by rote: one of them, however, when they
were giving our people to understand that there was a town near the
harbour to which they had directed us, intimated, that as a token of
going right, we should see somewhat, which he expressed by crossing his
fingers, and the Portuguese instantly conceived that he meant to express
a cross. Just as our people were putting off, the horseman in the
European dress came up, but the officer not having his commission about
him, thought it best to decline a conference.

At seven o’clock in the evening, we came to an anchor in the bay to
which we had been directed, at about the distance of a mile from the
shore, in thirty-eight fathom water, with a clear sandy bottom. The
north point of the bay bore N. 30 E., distant two miles and a half, and
the south point, or west end of the island, bore S. 63 W. Just as we got
round the north point, and entered the bay, we discovered a large Indian
town or village, upon which we stood on, hoisting a jack on the fore
top-mast head: soon after, to our great surprise, Dutch colours were
hoisted in the town, and three guns fired; we stood on, however, till we
had soundings, and then anchored.

As soon as it was light in the morning, we saw the same colours hoisted
upon the beach, abreast of the ship; supposing therefore that the Dutch
had a settlement here, I sent Lieutenant Gore ashore, to wait upon the
Governor, or the chief person residing upon the spot, and acquaint him
who we were, and for what purpose we had touched upon the coast. As soon
as he came ashore, he was received by a guard of between twenty and
thirty Indians, armed with muskets, who conducted him to the town, where
the colours had been hoisted the night before, carrying with them those
that had been hoisted upon the beach, and marching without any military
regularity. As soon as he arrived, he was introduced to the Raja, or
King of the island; and by a Portuguese interpreter, told him, that the
ship was a man of war belonging to the King of Great Britain, and that
she had many sick on board, for whom we wanted to purchase such
refreshments as the island afforded. His majesty replied, that he was
willing to supply us with whatever we wanted, but that, being in
alliance with the Dutch East India Company, he was not at liberty to
trade with any other people, without having first procured their
consent, for which, however, he said, he would immediately apply to a
Dutchman who belonged to the company, and who was the only white man
upon the island. To this man, who resided at some distance, a letter was
immediately dispatched, acquainting him with our arrival and request: in
the mean time, Mr. Gore dispatched a messenger to me, with an account of
his situation, and the state of the treaty. In about three hours, the
Dutch resident answered the letter that had been sent him, in person: he
proved to be a native of Saxony, and his name is Johan Christopher
Lange, and the same person whom we had seen on horseback in a European
dress: he behaved with great civility to Mr. Gore, and assured him, that
we were at liberty to purchase of the natives whatever we pleased. After
a short time, he expressed a desire of coming on board, so did the King
also, and several of his attendants: Mr. Gore intimated that he was
ready to attend them, but they desired that two of our people might be
left ashore as hostages: and in this also they were indulged.

About two o’clock, they all came aboard the ship, and our dinner being
ready, they accepted our invitation to partake of it: I expected them
immediately to sit down, but the King seemed to hesitate, and at last,
with some confusion, said, he did not imagine that we, who were white
men, would suffer him, who was of a different colour, to sit down in our
company; a compliment soon removed his scruples, and we all sat down
together with great cheerfulness and cordiality: happily we were at no
loss for interpreters, both Dr. Solander and Mr. Sporing understanding
Dutch enough to keep up a conversation with Mr. Lange, and several of
the seamen were able to converse with such of the natives as spoke
Portuguese. Our dinner happened to be mutton, and the King expressed a
desire of having an English sheep; we had but one left, however that was
presented to him: the facility with which this was procured, encouraged
him to ask for an English dog, and Mr. Banks politely gave up his
greyhound: Mr Lange then intimated that a spying-glass would be
acceptable, and one was immediately put into his hand. Our guests then
told us, that the island abounded with buffaloes, sheep, hogs, and
fowls, plenty of which should be driven down to the beach the next day,
that we might purchase as many of them as we should think fit: this put
us all into high spirits, and the liquor circulated rather faster than
either the Indians or the Saxon could bear; they intimated their desire
to go away, however, before they were quite drunk, and were received
upon deck, as they had been when they came aboard, by the marines under
arms. The King expressed a curiosity to see them exercise, in which he
was gratified, and they fired three rounds: he looked at them with great
attention, and was much surprised at their regularity and expedition,
especially in cocking their pieces; the first time they did it, he
struck the side of the ship with a stick that he had in his hand, and
cried out with great vehemence, that all the locks made but one clink.
They were dismissed with many presents, and when they went away saluted
with nine guns: Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went ashore with them; and as
soon as they put off they gave us three cheers.

Our gentlemen, when they came ashore, walked up with them to the town,
which consists of many houses, and some of them are large; they are
however nothing more than a thatched roof, supported over a boarded
floor by pillars about four feet high. They produced some of their
palm-wine, which was the fresh unfermented juice of the tree; it had a
sweet, but not a disagreeable taste; and hopes were conceived that it
might contribute to recover our sick from the scurvy. Soon after it was
dark, Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander returned on board.

In the morning of the 19th, I went ashore with Mr. Banks, and several of
the officers and gentlemen, to return the King’s visit; but my chief
business was to procure some of the buffaloes, sheep, and fowls, which
we had been told should be driven down to the beach. We were greatly
mortified to find, that no steps had been taken to fulfil this promise;
however, we proceeded to the house of assembly, which, with two or three
more, had been erected by the Dutch East-India Company, and are
distinguished from the rest by two pieces of wood resembling a pair of
cow’s horns, one of which is set up at each end of the ridge that
terminates the roof; and these were certainly what the Indian intended
to represent by crossing his fingers, though our Portuguese, who was a
good Catholic, construed the sign into a cross, which had persuaded us
that the settlement belonged to his countrymen. In this place we met Mr.
Lange and the King, whose name was A Madocho Lomi Djara, attended by
many of the principal people. We told them that we had in the boat goods
of various kinds, which we proposed to barter for such refreshments as
they would give us in exchange, and desired leave to bring them on
shore; which being granted, they were brought ashore accordingly. We
then attempted to settle the price of the buffaloes, sheep, hogs, and
other commodities which we proposed to purchase, and for which we were
to pay in money; but as soon as this was mentioned, Mr. Lange left us,
telling us, that these preliminaries must be settled with the natives:
he said, however, that he had received a letter from the Governor of
Concordia in Timor, the purport of which he would communicate to us when
he returned.

As the morning was now far advanced, and we were very unwilling to
return on board and eat salt provisions, when so many delicacies
surrounded us ashore, we petitioned his Majesty for liberty to purchase
a small hog and some rice, and to employ his subjects to dress them for
us. He answered very graciously, that if we could eat victuals dressed
by his subjects, which he could scarcely suppose, he would do himself
the honour of entertaining us. We expressed our gratitude, and
immediately sent on board for liquors.

About five o’clock, dinner was ready; it was served in six-and-thirty
dishes, or rather baskets, containing alternately rice and pork; and
three bowls of earthen ware, filled with the liquor in which the pork
had been boiled: these were ranged upon the floor, and mats laid round
them for us to sit upon. We were then conducted by turns to a hole in
the floor, near which stood a man with water in a vessel, made of the
leaves of the fan-palm, who assisted us in washing our hands. When this
was done, we placed ourselves round the victuals, and waited for the
King. As he did not come, we inquired for him, and were told that the
custom of the country did not permit the person who gave the
entertainment to sit down with his guests; but that, if we suspected the
victuals to be poisoned, he would come and taste it. We immediately
declared that we had no such suspicion, and desired that none of the
rituals of hospitality might be violated on our account. The prime
minister and Mr. Lange were of our party, and we made a most luxurious
meal: we thought the pork and rice excellent, and the broth not to be
despised; but the spoons, which were made of leaves, were so small, that
few of us had patience to use them. After dinner, our wine passed
briskly about, and we again inquired for our royal host, thinking that
though the custom of his country would not allow him to eat with us, he
might at least share in the jollity of our bottle; but he again excused
himself, saying, that the master of a feast should never be drunk, which
there was no certain way to avoid but by not tasting the liquor. We did
not, however, drink our wine where we had eaten our victuals; but as
soon as we had dined, made room for the seamen and servants, who
immediately took our places: they could not dispatch all that we had
left, but the women who came to clear away the bowls and baskets,
obliged them to carry away with them what they had not eaten. As wine
generally warms and opens the heart, we took an opportunity, when we
thought its influence began to be felt, to revive the subject of the
buffaloes and sheep, of which we had not in all this time heard a
syllable, though they were to have been brought down early in the
morning. But our Saxon Dutchman, with great phlegm, began to communicate
to us the contents of the letter which he pretended to have received
from the Governor of Concordia. He said, that after acquainting him that
a vessel had steered from thence towards the island where we were now
ashore, it required him, if such ship should apply for provisions in
distress, to relieve her; but not to suffer her to stay longer than was
absolutely necessary, nor to make any large presents to the inferior
people, or to leave any with those of superior rank to be afterwards
distributed among them: but he was graciously pleased to add, that we
were at liberty to give beads and other trifles in exchange for petty
civilities, and palm-wine.

It was the general opinion, that this letter was a fiction; that the
prohibitory orders were feigned with a view to get money from us for
breaking them; and that, by precluding our liberality to the natives,
this man hoped more easily to turn it into another channel.

In the evening, we received intelligence from our trading-place that no
buffaloes or hogs had been brought down, and only a few sheep, which had
been taken away before our people, who had sent for money, could procure
it. Some fowls, however, had been bought, and a large quantity of a kind
of syrup made of the juice of the palm-tree, which, though infinitely
superior to molasses or treacle, sold at a very low price. We complained
of our disappointment to Mr. Lange, who had now another subterfuge; he
said, that if we had gone down to the beach ourselves, we might have
purchased what we pleased; but that the natives were afraid to take
money of our people, lest it should be counterfeit. We could not but
feel some indignation against a man who had concealed this, being true;
or alleged it, being false. I started up, however, and went immediately
to the beach, but no cattle or sheep were to be seen, nor were any at
hand to be produced. While I was gone, Lange, who knew well enough that
I should succeed no better than my people, told Mr. Banks that the
natives were displeased at our not having offered them gold for their
stock; and that if gold was not offered, nothing would be bought. Mr.
Banks did not think it worth his while to reply, but soon after rose up,
and we all returned on board, very much dissatisfied with the issue of
our negociations. During the course of the day, the king had promised
that some cattle and sheep should be brought down in the morning, and
had given a reason for our disappointment somewhat more plausible; he
said that the buffaloes were far up the country, and that there had not
been time to bring them down to the beach.

The next morning we went ashore again: Dr. Solander went up to the town
to speak to Lange, and I remained upon the beach, to see what could be
done in the purchase of provisions. I found here an old Indian, who, as
he appeared to have some authority, we had among ourselves called the
prime minister; to engage this man in our interest, I presented him with
a spying-glass, but I saw nothing at market except one small buffalo. I
enquired the price of it, and was told five guineas: this was twice as
much as it was worth; however, I offered three, which I could perceive
the man who treated with me thought a good price; but he said he must
acquaint the king with what I had offered before he could take it. A
messenger was immediately dispatched to his majesty, who soon returned,
and said, that the buffalo would not be sold for any thing less than
five guineas. This price I absolutely refused to give; and another
messenger was sent away with an account of my refusal: this messenger
was longer absent than the other, and while I was waiting for his
return, I saw, to my great astonishment, Dr. Solander coming from the
town, followed by above a hundred men, some armed with muskets, and some
with lances. When I enquired the meaning of this hostile appearance, the
Doctor told me, that Mr. Lange had interpreted to him a message from the
King, purporting that the people would not trade with us, because we had
refused to give them more than half the value of what they had to sell;
and that we should not be permitted to trade upon any terms longer than
this day. Besides the officers who commanded the party, there came with
it a man who was born at Timor, of Portuguese parents, and who, as we
afterwards discovered, was a kind of colleague to the Dutch factor; by
this man, what they pretended to be the King’s order, was delivered to
me, of the same purport with that which Dr. Solander had received from
Lange. We were all clearly of opinion that this was a mere artifice of
the factors to extort money from us, for which we had been prepared by
the account of a letter from Concordia; and while we were hesitating
what step to take, the Portuguese, that he might the sooner accomplish
his purpose, began to drive away the people who had brought down poultry
and syrup, and others that were now coming in with buffaloes and sheep.
At this time, I glanced my eye upon the old man whom I had complimented
in the morning with the spying-glass, and I thought, by his looks, that
he did not heartily approve of what was doing; I therefore took him by
the hand, and presented him with an old broad sword. This instantly
turned the scale in our favour, he received the sword with a transport
of joy, and flourishing it over the busy Portuguese, who crouched like a
fox to a lion, he made him, and the officer who commanded the party, sit
down upon the ground behind him: the people, who, whatever were the
crafty pretences of these iniquitous factors for a Dutch company, were
eager to supply us with whatever we wanted, and seemed also to be more
desirous of goods than money, instantly improved the advantage that had
been procured them, and the market was stocked almost in an instant. To
establish a trade for buffaloes, however, which I most wanted, I found
it necessary to give ten guineas for two, one of which weighed no more
than a hundred and sixty pounds; but I bought seven more much cheaper,
and might afterwards have purchased as many as I pleased almost upon my
own terms, for they were now driven down to the water side in herds. In
the first two that I bought so dear, Lange had certainly a share, and it
was in hopes to obtain part of the price of others, that he had
pretended that we must pay for them in gold. The natives, however, sold
what they afterwards brought down much to their satisfaction, without
paying part of the price to him as a reward for exacting money from us.
Most of the buffaloes that we bought, after our friend, the prime
minister, had procured us a fair market, were sold for a musket a piece,
and at this price we might have bought as many as would have freighted
our ship.

The refreshments which we procured here, consisted of nine buffaloes,
six sheep, three hogs, thirty dozen of fowls, a few limes, and some
cocoa-nuts; many dozen of eggs, half of which however proved to be
rotten; a little garlic, and several hundred gallons of palm-syrup.




                               CHAP. IX.

    A PARTICULAR DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND OF SAVU, ITS PRODUCE AND
            INHABITANTS, WITH A SPECIMEN OF THEIR LANGUAGE.


THIS island is called by the natives SAVU; the middle of it lies in
about the latitude 10° 35ʹ S., longitude 237° 30ʹ W.; and has in general
been so little known that I never saw a map or chart in which it is
clearly or accurately laid down. I have seen a very old one, in which it
is called Sou, and confounded with Sandel Bosch. Rumphius mentions an
island by the name of Saow; and he also says, that it is the same which
the Dutch call Sandel Bosch; but neither is this island, nor Timor, nor
Rotte, nor indeed any one of the islands that we have seen in these
seas, placed within a reasonable distance of its true situation. It is
about eight leagues long from east to west; but what is its breadth, I
do not know, as I saw only the north side. The harbour in which we lay
is called Seba, from the district in which it lies: it is on the
north-west side of the island, and well sheltered from the south-west
trade-wind, but it lies open to the north-west. We were told, that there
were two other bays where ships might anchor; that the best, called
Timo, was on the south-west side of the south-east point: of the third
we learnt neither the name nor situation. The sea-coast, in general, is
low; but in the middle of the island there are hills of a considerable
height. We were upon the coast at the latter end of the dry season, when
there had been no rain for seven months; and we were told that when the
dry season continues so long, there is no running stream of fresh water
upon the whole island, but only small springs, which are at a
considerable distance from the sea-side: yet nothing can be imagined so
beautiful as the prospect of the country from the ship. The level ground
next to the sea-side was covered with cocoa-nut trees, and a kind of
palm called _Arecas_; and beyond them the hills, which rose in a gentle
and regular ascent, were richly clothed, quite to the summit, with
plantations of the fan-palm, forming an almost impenetrable grove. How
much even this prospect must be improved, when every foot of ground
between the trees is covered with verdure, by maize, and millet, and
indigo, can scarcely be conceived but by a powerful imagination, not
unacquainted with the stateliness and beauty of the trees that adorn
this part of the earth. The dry season commences in March or April, and
ends in October or November.

The principal trees of this island are the fan-palm, the cocoa-nut,
tamarind, limes, oranges, and mangoes; and other vegetable productions
are maize, Guinea corn, rice, millet, callevances, and water-melons. We
saw also one sugar-cane, and a few kinds of European garden-stuff;
particularly celery, marjoram, fennel, and garlic. For the supply of
luxury, it has betel, areca, tobacco, cotton, indigo, and a small
quantity of cinnamon, which seems to be planted here only for curiosity;
and indeed we doubted whether it was the genuine plant, knowing that the
Dutch are very careful not to trust the spices out of their proper
islands. There are however several kinds of fruit, besides those which
have been already mentioned; particularly the sweet sop, which is well
known to the West Indians, and a small oval fruit, called the _Blimbi_,
both of which grow upon trees. The blimbi is about three or four inches
long, and in the middle about as thick as a man’s finger, tapering
towards each end: it is covered with a very thin skin of a light green
colour, and in the inside are a few seeds disposed in the form of a
star: its flavour is a light, clean, pleasant acid, but it cannot be
eaten raw; it is said to be excellent as a pickle; and stewed, it made a
most agreeable sour sauce to our boiled dishes.

The tame animals are buffaloes, sheep, goats, hogs, fowls, pigeons,
horses, asses, dogs and cats; and of all these there is great plenty.
The buffaloes differ very considerably from the horned cattle of Europe
in several particulars; their ears are much larger, their skins are
almost without hair, their horns are curved towards each other, but
together bend directly backwards, and they have no dewlaps. We saw
several that were as big as a well grown European ox, and there must be
some much larger; for Mr. Banks saw a pair of horns which measured from
tip to tip three feet nine inches and an half, across their widest
diameter four feet one inch and an half, and in the whole sweep of their
semicircle in front seven feet six inches and a half. It must however be
observed, that a buffalo here of any given size, does not weigh above
half as much as an ox of the same size in England: those that we guessed
to weigh four hundred weight did not weigh more than two hundred and
fifty; the reason is, that so late in the dry season the bones are very
thinly covered with flesh: there is not an ounce of fat in a whole
carcase, and the flanks are literally nothing but skin and bone: the
flesh however is well tasted and juicy, and I suppose better than the
flesh of an English ox would be, if he was to starve in this sun-burnt
country.

The horses are from eleven to twelve hands high, but though they are
small, they are spirited and nimble, especially in pacing, which is
their common step: the inhabitants generally ride them without a saddle,
and with no better bridle than a halter. The sheep are of the kind which
in England are called Bengal sheep, and differ from ours in many
particulars. They are covered with hair instead of wool, their ears are
very large, and hang down under their horns, and their noses are arched;
they are thought to have a general resemblance to a goat, and for that
reason are frequently called _cabritos_: their flesh we thought the
worst mutton we had ever eaten, being as lean as that of the buffalo’s,
and without flavour. The hogs, however, were some of the fattest we had
ever seen, though, as we were told, their principal food is the outside
husks of rice, and the palm syrup dissolved in water. The fowls are
chiefly of the game breed, and large, but the eggs are remarkably small.

Of the fish which the sea produces here, we know but little: turtles are
sometimes found upon the coast, and are by these people, as well as all
others, considered as a dainty.

The people are rather under, than over the middling size; the women
especially are remarkably short and squat-built: their complexion is a
dark brown, and their hair universally black and lank. We saw no
difference in the colour of rich and poor, though in the South Sea
islands, those that were exposed to the weather were almost as brown as
the New Hollanders, and the better sort nearly as fair as the natives of
Europe. The men are in general well-made, vigorous, and active, and have
a greater variety in the make and disposition of their features than
usual: the countenances of the women, on the contrary, are all alike.

The men fasten their hair up to the top of their heads with a comb, the
women tie it behind in a club, which is very far from becoming. Both
sexes eradicate the hair from under the arm, and the men do the same by
their beards, for which purpose, the better sort always carry a pair of
silver pincers hanging by a string round their necks; some however
suffer a very little hair to remain upon their upper lips, but this is
always kept short.

The dress of both sexes consists of cotton cloth, which being died blue
in the yarn, and not uniformly of the same shade, is in clouds or waves
of that colour, and even in our eye had not an inelegant appearance.
This cloth they manufacture themselves, and two pieces, each about two
yards long, and a yard and a half wide, make a dress: one of them is
worn round the middle, and the other covers the upper part of the body:
the lower edge of the piece that goes round the middle, the men draw
pretty tight just below the fork, the upper edge of it is left loose, so
as to form a kind of hollow belt, which serves them as a pocket to carry
their knives, and other little implements which it is convenient to have
about them. The other piece of cloth is passed through this girdle
behind, and one end of it being brought over the left shoulder, and the
other over the right, they fall down over the breast, and are tucked
into the girdle before, so that by opening or closing the plaits, they
can cover more or less of their bodies as they please; the arms, legs,
and feet are always naked. The difference between the dress of the two
sexes consists principally in the manner of wearing the waist-piece, for
the women, instead of drawing the lower edge tight, and leaving the
upper edge loose for a pocket, draw the upper edge tight, and let the
lower edge fall as low as the knees, so as to form a petticoat; the
body-piece, instead of being passed through the girdle, is fastened
under the arms, and cross the breast, with the utmost decency. I have
already observed, that the men fastened the hair upon the top of the
head, and the women tie it in a club behind, but there is another
difference in the head-dress, by which the sexes are distinguished: the
women wear nothing as a succedaneum for a cap, but the men constantly
wrap something round their heads in the manner of a fillet; it is small,
but generally of the finest materials that can be procured: we saw some
who applied silk handkerchiefs to this purpose, and others that wore
fine cotton, or muslin, in the manner of a small turban.

These people bore their testimony that the love of finery is an
universal passion, for their ornaments were very numerous. Some of the
better sort wore chains of gold round their necks, but they were made of
plaited wire, and consequently were light and of little value; others
had rings, which were so much worn, that they seemed to have descended
through many generations; and one person had a silver-headed cane,
marked with a kind of cypher, consisting of the Roman letters V, O, C,
and therefore probably a present from the Dutch East India Company,
whose mark it is: they have also ornaments made of beads, which some
wear round their necks as a solitaire, and others, as bracelets, upon
their wrists: these are common to both sexes, but the women have besides
strings or girdles of beads, which they wear round their waists, and
which serve to keep up their petticoat. Both sexes had their ears bored,
nor was there a single exception that fell under our notice, yet we
never saw an ornament in any of them; we never indeed saw either man or
woman in any thing but what appeared to be their ordinary dress, except
the king and his minister, who in general wore a kind of night-gown of
coarse chintz, and one of whom once received us in a black robe, which
appeared to be made of what is called prince’s stuff. We saw some boys,
about twelve or fourteen years old, who had spiral circles of thick
brass wire passed three or four times round their arms, above the elbow,
and some men wore rings of ivory, two inches in breadth, and above an
inch in thickness, upon the same part of the arm: these, we were told,
were the sons of the rajas, or chiefs, who wore those cumbrous ornaments
as badges of their high birth.

Almost all the men had their names traced upon their arms in indelible
characters of a black colour, and the women had a square ornament of
flourished lines, impressed in the same manner, just under the bend of
the elbow. We were struck with the similitude between these marks, and
those made by tattowing in the South Sea islands, and upon inquiring
into its origin, we learnt that it had been practised by the natives
long before any Europeans came among them; and that in the neighbouring
islands, the inhabitants were marked with circles upon their necks and
breasts. The universality of this practice, which prevails among savages
in all parts of the world, from the remotest limits of North America, to
the islands in the South Seas, and which probably differs but little
from the method of staining the body that was in use among the antient
inhabitants of Britain, is a curious subject of speculation.[1]

The houses of Savu are all built upon the same plan, and differ only in
size, being large in proportion to the rank and riches of the
proprietor. Some are four hundred feet long, and some are not more than
twenty: they are all raised upon posts, or piles, about four feet high,
one end of which is driven into the ground, and upon the other end is
laid a substantial floor of wood, so that there is a vacant space of
four feet between the floor of the house and the ground. Upon this floor
are placed other posts or pillars, that support a roof of sloping sides,
which meet in a ridge at the top, like those of our barns: the eaves of
this roof, which is thatched with palm leaves, reach within two feet of
the floor, and overhang it as much: the space within is generally
divided lengthwise into three equal parts; the middle part, or centre,
is inclosed by a partition of four sides, reaching about six feet above
the floor, and one or two small rooms are also sometimes taken off from
the sides, the rest of the space under the roof is open, so as freely to
admit the air and the light: the particular uses of these different
apartments, our short stay would not permit us to learn, except that the
close room in the center was appropriated to the women.

The food of these people consists of every tame animal in the country,
of which the hog holds the first place in their estimation, and the
horse the second; next to the horse is the buffalo, next to the buffalo
their poultry, and they prefer dogs and cats to sheep and goats. They
are not fond of fish, and, I believe, it is never eaten but by the poor
people, nor by them, except when their duty or business requires them to
be upon the beach, and then every man is furnished with a light casting
net, which is girt round him, and makes part of his dress; and with this
he takes any small fish which happen to come in his way.

The esculent vegetables and fruits have been mentioned already, but the
fan-palm requires more particular notice, for at certain times it is a
succedaneum for all other food both to man and beast. A kind of wine,
called toddy, is procured from this tree, by cutting the buds which are
to produce flowers, soon after their appearance, and tying under them
small baskets, made of the leaves, which are so close as to hold liquids
without leaking. The juice which trickles into these vessels, is
collected by persons who climb the trees for that purpose, morning and
evening, and is the common drink of every individual upon the island;
yet a much greater quantity is drawn off than is consumed in this use,
and of the surplus they make both a syrup and coarse sugar. The liquor
is called _dua_, or _duac_, and both the syrup and sugar, _gula_. The
syrup is prepared by boiling the liquor down in pots of earthen ware,
till it is sufficiently inspissated; it is not unlike treacle in
appearance, but is somewhat thicker, and has a much more agreeable
taste: the sugar is of a reddish-brown, perhaps the same with the Jugata
sugar upon the continent of India, and it was more agreeable to our
palates than any cane sugar, unrefined, that we had ever tasted. We were
at first afraid that the syrup, of which some of our people eat very
great quantities, would have brought on fluxes, but its aperient quality
was so very slight, that what effect it produced was rather salutary
than hurtful. I have already observed, that it is given with the husks
of rice to the hogs, and that they grow enormously fat without taking
any other food: we were told also, that this syrup is used to fatten
their dogs and their fowls, and that the inhabitants themselves have
subsisted upon this alone for several months, when other crops have
failed, and animal food has been scarce. The leaves of this tree are
also put to various uses, they thatch houses, and make baskets, cups,
umbrellas, and tobacco pipes. The fruit is least esteemed, and as the
blossoms are wounded for the tuac or toddy, there is not much of it: it
is about as big as a large turnip, and covered, like the cocoa-nut, with
a fibrous coat, under which are three kernels, that must be eaten before
they are ripe, for afterwards they become so hard that they cannot be
chewed; in their eatable state they taste not unlike a green cocoa-nut,
and, like them, probably they yield a nutriment that is watery and
unsubstantial.

The common method of dressing food here is by boiling, and as fire-wood
is very scarce, and the inhabitants have no other fuel, they make use of
a contrivance to save it, that is not wholly unknown in Europe, but is
seldom practised except in camps. They dig a hollow under ground, in a
horizontal direction, like a rabbit burrow, about two yards long, and
opening into a hole at each end, one of which is large and the other
small: by the large hole the fire is put in, and the small one serves
for a draught. The earth over this burrow is perforated by circular
holes, which communicate with the cavity below; and in these holes are
set earthen pots, generally about three to each fire, which are large in
the middle, and taper towards the bottom, so that the fire acts upon a
large part of their surface. Each of these pots generally contains about
eight or ten gallons, and it is surprising to see with how small a
quantity of fire they may be kept boiling; a palm leaf, or a dry stalk,
thrust in now and then, is sufficient: in this manner they boil all
their victuals, and make all their syrup and sugar. It appears by
Frazier’s account of his voyage to the South Sea, that the Peruvian
Indians have a contrivance of the same kind, and perhaps it might be
adopted with advantage by the poor people even of this country, where
fuel is very dear.

Both sexes are enslaved by the hateful and pernicious habit of chewing
betel and areca, which they contract even while they are children, and
practise incessantly from morning till night. With these they always mix
a kind of white lime, made of coral stone and shells, and frequently a
small quantity of tobacco, so that their mouths are disgustful in the
highest degree both to the smell and the sight: the tobacco taints their
breath, and the betel and lime make the teeth not only as black as
charcoal, but as rotten too. I have seen men between twenty and thirty,
whose fore-teeth have been consumed almost down to the gums, though no
two of them were exactly of the same length or thickness, but
irregularly corroded like iron by rust. This loss of teeth is, I think,
by all who have written upon the subject, imputed to the tough and
stringy coat of the areca nut; but I impute it wholly to the lime: they
are not loosened, or broken, or forced out, as might be expected, if
they were injured by the continual chewing of hard and rough substances,
but they are gradually wasted like metals that are exposed to the action
of powerful acids; the stumps always adhering firmly to the socket in
the jaw, when there is no part of the tooth above the gums: and possibly
those who suppose that sugar has a bad effect upon the teeth of
Europeans, may not be mistaken, for it is well known that refined loaf
sugar contains a considerable quantity of lime; and he that doubts
whether lime will destroy bone of any kind, may easily ascertain the
fact by experiment.

If the people here are at any time without this odious mouthful, they
are smoking. This operation they perform by rolling up a small quantity
of tobacco, and putting it into one end of a tube about six inches long,
and as thick as a goose quill, which they make of a palm leaf. As the
quantity of tobacco in these pipes is very small, the effect of it is
increased, especially among the women, by swallowing the smoke.

When the natives of this island were first formed into a civil society,
is not certainly known, but at present it is divided into five
principalities or nigrees: LAAI, SEBA, REGEEUA, TIMO, and MASSARA, each
of which is governed by its respective raja or king. The raja of Seba,
the principality in which we were ashore, seemed to have great
authority, without much external parade or show, or much appearance of
personal respect. He was about five-and-thirty years of age, and the
fattest man we saw upon the whole island: he appeared to be of a dull
phlegmatic disposition, and to be directed almost implicitly by the old
man who, upon my presenting him with a sword, had procured us a fair
market, in spite of the craft and avarice of the Dutch factors. The name
of this person was MANNU DJARME, and it may reasonably be supposed that
he was a man of uncommon integrity and abilities, as, notwithstanding
his possession of power in the character of a favourite, he was beloved
by the whole principality. If any difference arises among the people, it
is settled by the raja and his counsellors, without delay or appeal,
and, as we were told, with the most solemn deliberation and impartial
justice.

We were informed by Mr. Lange, that the chiefs who had successively
presided over the five principalities of this island, had lived for time
immemorial in the strictest alliance and most cordial friendship with
each other; yet he said the people were of a warlike disposition, and
had always courageously defended themselves against foreign invaders. We
were told also, that the island was able to raise, upon very short
notice, 7300 fighting men, armed with muskets, spears, lances, and
targets. Of this force, Laai was said to furnish 2600, Seba 2000,
Regeeua 1500, Timo 800, and Massārā 400. Besides the arms that have been
already mentioned, each man is furnished with a large pole axe,
resembling a wood bill, except that it has a straight edge, and is much
heavier: this, in the hands of people who have courage to come to close
quarters with an enemy, must be a dreadful weapon; and we were told that
they were so dexterous with their lances, that, at the distance of sixty
feet, they would throw them with such exactness as to pierce a man’s
heart, and such force as to go quite through his body.

How far this account of the martial prowess of the inhabitants of Savu
may be true, we cannot take upon us to determine; but during our stay,
we saw no appearance of it. We saw indeed in the town-house, or house of
assembly, about one hundred spears and targets, which served to arm the
people who were sent down to intimidate us at the trading place; but
they seemed to be the refuse of old armories, no two being of the same
make or length, for some were six, and some sixteen feet long: we saw no
lance among them, and as to the muskets, though they were clean on the
outside, they were eaten into holes by the rust within; and the people
themselves appeared to be so little acquainted with military discipline,
that they marched like a disorderly rabble, every one having, instead of
his target, a cock, some tobacco, or other merchandise of the like kind,
which he took that opportunity to bring down to sell, and few or none of
their cartridge boxes were furnished with either powder or ball, though
a piece of paper was thrust into the hole to save appearances. We saw a
few swivel guns and pateraros at the town-house, and a great gun before
it; but the swivels and pateraros lay out of their carriages, and the
great gun lay upon a heap of stones, almost consumed with rust, with the
touch-hole downwards, possibly to conceal its size, which might perhaps
be little less than that of the bore.

We could not discover that among these people there was any rank of
distinction between the raja and the land-owners: the land-owners were
respectable in proportion to their possessions; the inferior ranks
consist of manufacturers, labouring poor, and slaves. The slaves, like
the peasants in some parts of Europe, are connected with the estate, and
both descend together; but though the land-owner can sell his slave, he
has no other power over his person, not even to correct him, without the
privity and approbation of the raja. Some have five hundred of these
slaves, and some not half a dozen: the common price of them is a fat
hog. When a great man goes out, he is constantly attended by two or more
of them: one of them carries a sword or hanger, the hilt of which is
commonly of silver, and adorned with large tassels of horse hair; and
another carries a bag which contains betel, areca, lime, and tobacco. In
these attendants consists all their magnificence, for the raja himself
has no other mark of distinction.

The chief object of pride among these people, like that of a Welchman,
is a long pedigree of respectable ancestors, and indeed a veneration for
antiquity seems to be carried farther here than in any other country:
even a house that has been well inhabited for many generations, becomes
almost sacred, and few articles either of use or luxury bear so high a
price as stones, which having been long sat upon, are become even and
smooth: those who can purchase such stones, or are possessed of them by
inheritance, place them round their houses, where they serve as seats
for their dependants.

Every raja sets up in the principal town of his province, or nigree, a
large stone, which serves as a memorial of his reign. In the principal
town of Seba, where we lay, there are thirteen such stones, besides many
fragments of others, which had been set up in earlier times, and are now
mouldering away: these monuments seem to prove that some kind of civil
establishment here is of considerable antiquity. The last thirteen
reigns in England make something more than 276 years.

Many of these stones are so large, that it is difficult to conceive by
what means they were brought to their present station, especially as it
is the summit of a hill; but the world is full of memorials of human
strength, in which the mechanical powers that have been since added by
mathematical science, seem to be surpassed; and of such monuments there
are not a few among the remains of barbarous antiquity in our own
country, besides those upon Salisbury plain.

These stones not only record the reigns of successive princes, but serve
for a purpose much more extraordinary, and probably altogether peculiar
to this country. When a raja dies, a general feast is proclaimed
throughout his dominions, and all his subjects assemble round these
stones: almost every living creature that can be caught is then killed,
and the feast lasts for a less or greater number of weeks or months, as
the kingdom happens to be more or less furnished with live stock at the
time; the stones serve for tables. When this madness is over, a fast
must necessarily ensue, and the whole kingdom is obliged to subsist upon
syrup and water, if it happens in the dry season, when no vegetables can
be procured, till a new stock of animals can be raised from the few that
have escaped by chance, or been preserved by policy from the general
massacre, or can be procured from the neighbouring kingdoms. Such,
however, is the account that we received from Mr. Lange.

We had no opportunity to examine any of their manufactures, except that
of their cloth, which they spin, weave, and dye; we did not indeed see
them employed, but many of the instruments which they use fell in our
way. We saw their machine for clearing cotton of its seeds, which is
made upon the same principles as those in Europe, but it is so small
that it might be taken for a model, or a toy; it consists of two
cylinders, like our round rulers, somewhat less than an inch in
diameter, one of which, being turned round by a plain winch, turns the
other by means of an endless worm; and the whole machine is not more
than fourteen inches long, and seven high; that which we saw had been
much used, and many pieces of cotton were hanging about it, so that
there is no reason to doubt its being a fair specimen of the rest. We
also once saw their apparatus for spinning; it consisted of a bobbin, on
which was wound a small quantity of thread, and a kind of distaff filled
with cotton; we conjectured therefore that they spin by hand, as the
women of Europe did before the introduction of wheels; and I am told
that they have not yet found their way into some parts of it. Their loom
seemed to be in one respect preferable to ours, for the web was not
stretched upon a frame, but extended by a piece of wood at each end,
round one of which the cloth was rolled, and round the other the
threads; the web was about half a yard broad, and the length of the
shuttle was equal to the breadth of the web, so that probably their work
goes on but slowly. That they dyed this cloth we first guessed from its
colour, and from the indigo which we saw in their plantations; and our
conjecture was afterwards confirmed by Mr. Lange’s account. I have
already observed, that it is dyed in the yarn, and we once saw them
dyeing what was said to be girdles for the women, of a dirty red, but
with what drug we did not think it worth while to inquire.

The religion of these people, according to Mr. Lange’s information, is
an absurd kind of paganism, every man choosing his own god, and
determining for himself how he should be worshipped; so that there are
almost as many gods and modes of worship as people. In their morals,
however, they are said to be irreproachable, even upon the principles of
Christianity: no man is allowed more than one wife; yet an illicit
commerce between the sexes is in a manner unknown among them: instances
of theft are very rare; and they are so far from revenging a supposed
injury by murder, that if any difference arises between them, they will
not so much as make it the subject of debate, lest they should be
provoked to resentment, and ill-will, but immediately and implicitly
refer it to the determination of their king.

They appeared to be a healthy and long-lived people; yet some of them
were marked with the small-pox, which Mr. Lange told us had several
times made its appearance among them, and was treated with the same
precautions as the plague. As soon as a person was seized with the
distemper, he was removed to some solitary place, very remote from any
habitation, where the disease was left to take its course, and the
patient supplied with daily food by reaching it to him at the end of a
long pole.

Of their domestic economy we could learn but little: in one instance
however their delicacy and cleanliness are very remarkable. Many of us
were ashore here three successive days, from a very early hour in the
morning till it was dark; yet we never saw the least trace of an
offering to Cloacina, nor could we so much as guess where they were
made. In a country so populous this is very difficult to be accounted
for, and perhaps there is no other country in the world where the secret
is so effectually kept.

The boats in use here are a kind of proa.

This island was settled by the Portuguese almost as soon as they first
found their way into this part of the ocean; but they were in a short
time supplanted by the Dutch. The Dutch however did not take possession
of it, but only sent sloops to trade with the natives, probably for
provisions to support the inhabitants of their spice islands, who
applying themselves wholly to the cultivation of that important article
of trade, and laying out all their ground in plantations, can breed few
animals: possibly their supplies by this occasional traffic were
precarious; possibly they were jealous of being supplanted in their
turn; but however that be, their East India Company, about ten years
ago, entered into a treaty with the Rajas, by which the Company
stipulated to furnish each of them with a certain quantity of silk, fine
linen, cutlery ware, arrack, and other articles, every year; and the
Rajas engaged that neither they nor their subjects should trade with any
person except the Company, without having first obtained their consent,
and that they would admit a resident on behalf of the company, to reside
upon the island, and see that their part of the treaty was fulfilled:
they also engaged to supply annually a certain Quantity of rice, maize,
and calevances. The maize and calevances are sent to Timor in sloops,
which are kept there for that purpose, each of which is navigated by ten
Indians; and the rice is fetched away annually by a ship which brings
the Company’s returns, and anchors alternately in each of the three
bays. These returns are delivered to the Rajas in the form of a present,
and the cask of arrack they and their principal people never cease to
drink, as long as a drop of it remains.

In consequence of this treaty, the Dutch placed three persons upon the
island: Mr. Lange, his colleague, the native of Timor, the son of an
Indian woman by a Portuguese, and one Frederick Craig, the son of an
Indian woman by a Dutchman. Lange visits each of the Rajas once in two
months, when he makes the tour of the island, attended by fifty slaves
on horseback. He exhorts these Chiefs to plant, if it appears that they
have been remiss, and observes where the crops are got in, that he may
order sloops to fetch it; so that it passes immediately from the ground
to the Dutch store-houses at Timor. In these excursions he always
carries with him some bottles of arrack, which he finds of great use in
opening the hearts of the Rajas with whom he is to deal.

During the ten years that he had resided upon this island he had never
seen a European besides ourselves, except at the arrival of the Dutch
ship, which had sailed about two months before we arrived; and he is now
to be distinguished from the natives only by his colour and his dress,
for he sits upon the ground, chews his betele, and in every respect has
adopted their character and manners: he has married an Indian woman of
the island of Timor, who keeps his house after the fashion of her
country; and he gave that as a reason for not inviting us to visit him,
saying, that he could entertain us in no other manner than the Indians
had done; and he spoke no language readily but that of the country.

The office of Mr. Frederick Craig is to instruct the youth of the
country in reading and writing, and the principles of the Christian
religion; the Dutch having printed versions of the New Testament, a
catechism, and several other tracts, in the language of this and the
neighbouring islands. Dr. Solander, who was at his house, saw the books,
and the copy-books also, of his scholars, many of whom wrote a very fair
hand. He boasted that there were no less than six hundred Christians in
the township of Seba; but what the Dutch Christianity of these Indians
may be, it is not perhaps very easy to guess, for there is not a church,
nor even a priest, in the whole island.

While we were at this place, we made several enquiries concerning the
neighbouring islands, and the intelligence which we received is to the
following effect.

A small island to the westward of Savu, the name of which we did not
learn, produces nothing of any consequence but areca-nuts, of which the
Dutch receive annually the freight of two sloops, in return for presents
that they make to the islanders.

Timor is the chief, and the Dutch residents on the other islands go
thither once a year to pass their accounts. The place is nearly in the
same state as in Dampier’s time, the Dutch having there a fort and
storehouses; and, by Lange’s account, we might there have been supplied
with every necessary that we expected to procure at Batavia, salt
provisions and arrack not excepted. But the Portuguese are still in
possession of several towns on the north side of the island,
particularly Laphao and Sesial.

About two years before our arrival, a French ship was wrecked upon the
east coast of Timor; and after she had lain some days upon the shoal, a
sudden gale broke her up at once, and drowned the Captain, with the
greatest part of the crew: those who got ashore, among whom was one of
the lieutenants, made the best of their way to Concordia; they were four
days upon the road, where they were obliged to leave part of their
company through fatigue, and the rest, to the number of about eighty,
arrived at the town. They were supplied with every necessary, and sent
back to the wreck, with proper assistance for recovering what could be
fished up: they fortunately got up all their bullion, which was in
chests, and several of their guns, which were very large. They then
returned to the town, but their companions who had been left upon the
road were missing, having, as it was supposed, been kept among the
Indians, either by persuasion or force; for they are very desirous of
having Europeans among them, to instruct them in the art of war. After a
stay of more than two months at Concordia, their number was diminished
nearly one half by sickness, in consequence of the fatigue and hardship
which they had suffered by the shipwreck, and the survivors were sent in
a small vessel to Europe.

Rotte is in much the same situation as Savu; a Dutch factor resides upon
it to manage the natives, and look after its produce, which consists,
among other articles, of sugar. Formerly it was made only by bruising
the canes, and boiling the juice to a syrup, in the same manner as
toddy; but great improvements have lately been made in preparing this
valuable commodity. The three little islands called the Solars are also
under the influence of the Dutch settlement at Concordia: they are flat
and low, but abound with provisions of every kind, and the middlemost is
said to have a good harbour for shipping. Ende, another little island to
the westward of the Solars, is still in the hands of the Portuguese, who
have a good town and harbour on the north-east corner of it, called
Larntuca: they had formerly a harbour on the south side of it, but that
being much inferior to Larntuca, has for some time been altogether
neglected.

The inhabitants of each of these little islands speak a language
peculiar to themselves, and it is an object of Dutch policy to prevent,
as much as possible, their learning the language of each other. If they
spoke a common language, they would learn, by a mutual intercourse with
each other, to plant such things as would be of more value to themselves
than their present produce, though of less advantage to the Dutch; but
their languages being different, they can communicate no such knowledge
to each other, and the Dutch secure to themselves the benefit of
supplying their several necessities upon their own terms, which it is
reasonable to suppose are not very moderate. It is probably with a view
to this advantage that the Dutch never teach their own language to the
natives of these islands, and have been at the expense of translating
the Testament and catechisms into the different languages of each; for
in proportion as Dutch had become the language of their religion, it
would have become the common language of them all.

To this account of Savu, I shall only add a small specimen of its
language, by which it will appear to have some affinity with that of the
South Sea islands, many of the words being exactly the same, and the
numbers manifestly derived from the same source.

     _A man_,                       Momonne.

     _A woman_,                     Mobunne.

     _The head_,                    Catoo.

     _The hair_,                    Row catoo.

     _The eyes_,                    Matta.

     _The eye-lashes_,              Rowna matta.

     _The nose_,                    Swanga.

     _The cheeks_,                  Cavaranga.

     _The ears_,                    Wodeeloo.

     _The tongue_,                  Vaio.

     _The neck_,                    Lacoco.

     _The breasts_,                 Soosoo.

     _The nipples_,                 Caboo soosoo.

     _The belly_,                   Dulloo.

     _The navel_,                   Assoo.

     _The thighs_,                  Tooga.

     _The knees_,                   Rootoo.

     _The legs_,                    Baibo.

     _The feet_,                    Dunceala.

     _The toes_,                    Kissovei yilla.

     _The arms_,                    Camacoo.

     _The hand_,                    Wulaba.

     _A buffalo_,                   Cabaou.

     _A horse_,                     Djara.

     _A hog_,                       Vavee.

     _A sheep_,                     Doomba.

     _A goat_,                      Kesavoo.

     _A dog_,                       Guaca.

     _A cat_,                       Maio.

     _A fowl_,                      Mannu.

     _The tail_,                    Carow.

     _The beak_,                    Pangoutoo.

     _A fish_,                      Ica.

     _A turtle_,                    Unjoo.

     _A cocoa-nut_,                 Nieu.

     _Fan-palm_,                    Boaceree.

     _Areca_,                       Calella.

     _Betele_,                      Canana.

     _Lime_,                        Aou.

     _A fish-hook_,                 Maänadoo.

     _Tattow, the marks on the      Tata.
     skin_,

     _The sun_,                     Lodo.

     _The moon_,                    Wurroo.

     _The sea_,                     Aidassee.

     _Water_,                       Ailea.

     _Fire_,                        Aee.

     _To die_,                      Maate.

     _To sleep_,                    Tabudge.

     _To rise_,                     Tateetoo.

     _One_,                         Usse.

     _Two_,                         Lhua.

     _Three_,                       Tullu.

     _Four_,                        Uppah.

     _Five_,                        Lumme.

     _Six_,                         Unna.

     _Seven_,                       Pedu.

     _Eight_,                       Arru.

     _Nine_,                        Saou.

     _Ten_,                         Singooroo.

     _Eleven_,                      Singurung usse.

     20,                            Lhuangooroo.

     100,                           Sing assu.

     1000,                          Setuppah.

     10,000,                        Selacussa.

     100,000,                       Serata.

     1,000,000,                     Sereboo.

In this account of the island of Savu it must be remembered, that except
the facts in which we were parties, and the account of the objects which
we had an opportunity to examine, the whole is founded merely upon the
report of Mr. Lange, upon whose authority alone therefore it must rest.




                                CHAP. X.

   THE RUN FROM THE ISLAND OF SAVU TO BATAVIA, AND AN ACCOUNT OF THE
            TRANSACTIONS THERE WHILE THE SHIP WAS REFITTING.


IN the morning of Friday the 21st of September, 1770, we got under sail,
and stood away to the westward, along the north side of the island of
Savu, and of the smaller that lies to the westward of it, which at noon
bore from us S. S. E., distant two leagues. At four o’clock in the
afternoon, we discovered a small low island, bearing S. S. W., distant
three leagues, which has no place in any chart now extant, at least in
none that I have been able to procure: it lies in latitude 10° 47ʹ S.,
longitude 238° 28ʹ W.

At noon on the 22d, we were in latitude 11° 10ʹ S., longitude 240° 38ʹ
W. In the evening of the 23d, we found the variation of the needle to be
2° 44ʹ W.; as soon as we got clear of the islands we had constantly a
swell from the southward, which I imagined was not caused by a wind
blowing from that quarter, but by the sea being so determined by the
position of the coast of New Holland.

At noon, on the 26th, being in latitude 10° 47ʹ S., longitude 249° 52ʹ
W., we found the variation to be 3° 10ʹ W., and our situation to be
twenty-five miles to the northward of the log; for which I know not how
to account. At noon, on the 27th, our latitude by observation, was 10°
51ʹ S., which was agreeable to the log; and our longitude was 252° 11ʹ
W. We steered N. W. all day on the 28th, in order to make the land of
Java; and at noon, on the 29th, our latitude by observation was 9° 31ʹ
S., longitude 254° 10ʹ W.; and in the morning of the 30th, I took into
my possession the log-book and journals, at least all I could find, of
the officers, petty officers, and seamen, and enjoined them secrecy with
respect to where they had been.

At seven in the evening, being in the latitude of Java Head, and not
seeing any land, I concluded that we were too far to the westward: I
therefore hauled up E. N. E., having before steered N. by E. In the
night, we had thunder and lightning; and about twelve o’clock, by the
light of the flashes, we saw the land bearing east. I then tacked and
stood to the S. W. till four o’clock in the morning of the 1st of
October; and at six, Java Head, or the west end of Java, bore S. E. by
E., distant five leagues: soon after we saw Prince’s Island, bearing E.
½ S.; and at ten, the island of Cracatoa, bearing N. E. Cracatoa is a
remarkably high-peaked island, and at noon it bore N. 40 E., distant
seven leagues.

I must now observe, that during our run from Savu, I allowed twenty
minutes a-day for the westerly current, which I concluded must run
strong at this time, especially off the coast of Java, and I found that
this allowance was just equivalent to the effect of the current upon the
ship.

At four o’clock in the morning of the 2d, we fetched close in with the
coast of Java, in fifteen fathom; we then stood along the coast, and
early in the forenoon, I sent the boat ashore to try if she could
procure some fruit for Tupia, who was very ill, and some grass for the
buffaloes that were still alive. In an hour or two she returned with
four cocoa-nuts, and a small bunch of plantains, which had been
purchased for a shilling, and some herbage for the cattle, which the
Indians not only gave us, but assisted our people to cut. The country
looked like one continued wood, and had a very pleasant appearance.

About eleven o’clock, we saw two Dutch ships lying off Anger Point, and
I sent Mr. Hicks on board of one of them to enquire news of our country,
from which we had been absent so long. In the mean time it fell calm,
and about noon I anchored in eighteen fathom with a muddy bottom. When
Mr. Hicks returned, he reported that the ships were Dutch East Indiamen
from Batavia, one of which was bound to Ceylon, and the other to the
coast of Malabar; and that there was also a fly-boat or packet, which
was said to be stationed here to carry letters from the Dutch ships that
came hither to Batavia, but which I rather think was appointed to
examine all ships that pass the Streight: from these ships we heard,
with great pleasure, that the Swallow had been at Batavia about two
years before.

At seven o’clock a breeze sprung up at S. S. W., with which having
weighed, we stood to the N. E. between Thwart-the-way-Island and the
Cap, sounding from eighteen to twenty-eight fathom: we had but little
wind all night, and having a strong current against us, we got no
further by eight in the morning than Bantam Point. At this time the wind
came to the N. E., and obliged us to anchor in two-and-twenty fathom, at
about the distance of two miles from the shore; the point bore N. E. by
E., distant one league, and here we found a strong current setting to
the N. W. In the morning we had seen the Dutch packet standing after us,
but when the wind shifted to the N. E. she bore away.

At six o’clock in the evening, the wind having obliged us to continue at
anchor, one of the country boats came alongside of us, on board of which
was the master of the packet. He seemed to have two motives for his
visit, one to take an account of the ship, and the other to sell us
refreshments; for in the boat were turtle, fowls, ducks, parrots,
paroquets, rice-birds, monkies, and other articles, which they held at a
very high price, and brought to a bad market, for our Savu stock was not
yet expended: however, I gave a Spanish dollar for a small turtle, which
weighed about six-and-thirty pounds; I gave also a dollar for ten large
fowls, and afterwards bought fifteen more at the same price; for a
dollar we might also have bought two monkies, or a whole cage of
rice-birds. The master of the sloop brought with him two books, in one
of which he desired that any of our officers would write down the name
of the ship and its Commander, with that of the place from which she
sailed, and of the port to which she was bound, with such other
particulars relating to themselves, as they might think proper, for the
information of any of our friends that should come after us: and in the
other he entered the names of the ship and the Commander, himself, in
order to transmit them to the Governor and Council of the Indies. We
perceived that in the first book many ships, particularly Portuguese,
had made entries of the same kind with that for which it was presented
to us. Mr. Hicks, however, having written the name of the ship, only
added “from Europe.” He took notice of this, but said, that he was
satisfied with any thing we thought fit to write, it being intended
merely for the information of those who should inquire after us from
motives of friendship.

Having made several attempts to sail with a wind that would not stem the
current, and as often come to an anchor, a proa came alongside of us in
the morning of the 5th, in which was a Dutch officer, who sent me down a
printed paper in English, duplicates of which he had in other languages,
particularly in French and Dutch, all regularly signed, in the name of
the Governor and Council of the Indies, by their secretary: it contained
nine questions, very ill expressed in the following terms:


“1. To what nation the ship belongs, and its name?

“2. If it comes from Europe, or any other place?

“3. From what place it lastly departed from?

“4. Whereunto designed to go?

“5. What and how many ships of the Dutch Company by departure from the
last shore there layed, and their names?

“6. If one or more of these ships in company with this, is departed for
this or any other place?

“7. If during the voyage any particularities is happened or seen?

“8. If not any ships in sea, or the Streights of Sunda, have seen or
hailed in, and which?

“9. If any other news worth of attention, at the place from whence the
ship lastly departed, or during the voyage, is happened?

                                     “BATAVIA, in the Castle.
                                       “By order of the Governor-General
                                         “and the Counsellors of India,
                                           “J. BRANDER BUNGL, Sec.”


Of these questions I answered only the first and the fourth; which when
the officer saw, he said answers to the rest were of no consequence: yet
he immediately added, that he must send that very paper away to Batavia,
and that it would be there the next day at noon. I have particularly
related this incident, because I have been credibly informed that it is
but of late years that the Dutch have taken upon them to examine ships
that pass through this Streight.

At ten o’clock the same morning, we weighed, with a light breeze at S.
W.; but did little more than stem the current, and about two o’clock
anchored again under Bantam Point, where we lay till nine; a light
breeze then springing up at S. E., we weighed and stood to the eastward
till ten o’clock the next morning, when the current obliged us again to
anchor in twenty-two fathom, Pulababi bearing E. by S. ½ S., distant
between three and four miles. Having alternately weighed and anchored
several times, till four in the afternoon of the 7th, we then stood to
the eastward, with a very faint breeze at N. E. and passed Wapen Island,
and the first island to the eastward of it; when the wind dying away, we
were carried by the current between the first and second of the islands
that lie to the eastward of Wapen Island, where we were obliged to
anchor in thirty fathom, being very near a ledge of rocks that run out
from one of the islands. At two the next morning we weighed with the
land wind at south, and stood out clear of the shoal; but before noon
were obliged to come to again in twenty-eight fathom, near a small
island among those that are called the thousand Islands, which we did
not find laid down in any chart. Pulo Pare at this time bore E. N. E.,
distance between six and seven miles.

Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander went ashore upon the island, which they found
not to be more than five hundred yards long, and one hundred broad; yet
there was a house upon it, and a small plantation, where among other
things was the _Palma Christi_, from which the castor-oil is made in the
West Indies: they made a small addition to their collection of plants,
and shot a bat, whose wings when extended measured three feet from point
to point: they shot also four plovers, which exactly resembled the
golden plover of England. Soon after they returned, a small Indian boat
came alongside with two Malays on board, who brought three turtles, some
dried fish, and a few pumpkins: we bought the turtle, which altogether
weighed a hundred and forty-six pounds, for a dollar, and considering
that we had lately paid the Dutchman a dollar for one that weighed only
six-and-thirty pounds, we thought we had a good bargain. The seller
appeared equally satisfied, and we then treated with him for his
pumpkins, for which he was very unwilling to take any money but a
dollar; we said that a whole dollar was greatly too much; to which he
readily assented, but desired that we would cut one and give him a part:
at last, however, a fine shining Portuguese petack tempted him, and for
that he sold us his whole stock of pumpkins, being in number twenty-six.
At parting, he made signs that we should not tell at Batavia that any
boat had been aboard us.

We were not able to weather Pulo Pare this day, but getting the land
wind at south about ten o’clock at night, we weighed and stood to the E.
S. E. all night. At ten in the morning, we anchored again, to wait for
the sea breeze; and at noon it sprung up at N. N. E., with which we
stood in for Batavia road, where at four o’clock in the afternoon we
came to an anchor.

We found here the Harcourt Indiaman from England, two English private
traders of that country, thirteen sail of large Dutch ships, and a
considerable number of small vessels. A boat came immediately on board
from a ship which had a broad pendant flying, and the officer who
commanded, having enquired who we were, and whence we came, immediately
returned with such answers as we thought fit to give him: both he and
his people were as pale as spectres, a sad presage of our sufferings in
so unhealthy a country; but our people, who, except Tupia, were all rosy
and plump, seemed to think themselves so seasoned by various climates
that nothing could hurt them. In the mean time, I sent a lieutenant
ashore to acquaint the Governor of our arrival, and to make an excuse
for our not saluting; for as I could salute with only three guns, except
the swivels, which I was of opinion would not be heard, I thought it was
better to let it alone. As soon as the boat was dispatched the carpenter
delivered me an account of the defects of the ship, of which the
following is a copy:

“The defects of his Majesty’s bark Endeavour, Lieutenant James Cook
Commander.

“The ship very leaky, as she makes from twelve to six inches water an
hour, occasioned by her main keel being wounded in many places, and the
scarfs of her stern being very open: the false keel gone beyond the
midships from forward, and perhaps farther, as I had no opportunity of
seeing for the water when hauled ashore for repairing: wounded on the
larboardside under the main channel, where I imagine the greatest leak
is, but could not come at it for the water: one pump on the larboard
side useless; the others decayed within an inch and a half of the bore.
Otherwise masts, yards, boats, and hull, in pretty good condition.”

As it was the universal opinion that the ship could not safely proceed
to Europe without an examination of her bottom, I determined to apply
for leave to heave her down at this place; and as I understood that it
would be necessary to make this application in writing, I drew up a
request, and the next morning, having got it translated into Dutch, we
all went ashore.

We repaired immediately to the house of Mr. Leith, the only Englishman
of any credit who is resident at this place; he received us with great
politeness, and engaged us to dinner: to this gentleman we applied for
instructions how to provide ourselves with lodgings and necessaries
while we should stay ashore, and he told us, that there was a hotel or
kind of inn, kept by the order of government, where all merchants and
strangers were obliged to reside, paying half per cent. upon the value
of their goods for warehouse room, which the master of the house was
obliged to provide; but that as we came in a king’s ship, we should be
at liberty to live where we pleased, upon asking the Governor’s
permission, which would be granted of course. He said, that it would be
cheaper for us to take a house in the town, and bring our own servants
ashore, if we had any body upon whom we could depend to buy in our
provisions; but as this was not the case, having no person among us who
could speak the Malay language, our gentlemen determined to go to the
hotel. At the hotel, therefore, beds were immediately hired, and word
was sent that we should sleep there at night.

At five o’clock in the afternoon, I was introduced to the
Governor-general, who received me very courteously; he told me, that I
should have every thing I wanted, and that in the morning my request
should be laid before the council, which I was desired to attend.

About nine o’clock, we had a dreadful storm of thunder, lightning, and
rain, during which the main-mast of one of the Dutch East Indiamen was
split, and carried away by the deck; the main-top-mast and
top-gallant-mast were shivered all to pieces; she had an iron spindle at
the main-top-gallant-mast-head, which probably directed the stroke. This
ship lay not more than the distance of two cables’ length from ours, and
in all probability we should have shared the same fate, but for the
electrical chain which we had but just got up, and which conducted the
lightning over the side of the ship; but though we escaped the
lightning, the explosion shook us like an earthquake, the chain at the
same time appearing like a line of fire: a centinel was in the action of
charging his piece, and the shock forced the musket out of his hand, and
broke the rammer rod. Upon this occasion, I cannot but earnestly
recommend chains of the same kind to every ship, whatever be her
destination, and I hope that the fate of the Dutchman will be a warning
to all who shall read this narrative, against having an iron spindle at
the mast-head.

The next morning I attended at the council-chamber, and was told that I
should have every thing I wanted. In the mean time, the gentlemen ashore
agreed with the keeper of the hotel for their lodging and board, at the
rate of two rix-dollars, or nine shillings sterling a day for each; and
as there were five of them, and they would probably have many visitors
from the ship, he agreed to keep them a separate table, upon condition
that they should pay one rix-dollar for the dinner of every stranger,
and another for his supper and bed, if he should sleep ashore. Under
this stipulation they were to be furnished with tea, coffee, punch,
pipes and tobacco, for themselves and their friends, as much as they
could consume; they were also to pay half a rupee, or one shilling and
three-pence a-day, for each of their servants.

They soon learnt that these rates were more than double the common
charges of board and lodging in the town; and their table, though it had
the appearance of magnificence, was wretchedly served. Their dinner
consisted of one course of fifteen dishes, and their supper of one
course of thirteen, but nine or ten of them consisted of bad poultry,
variously dressed, and often served up the second, third, and even the
fourth time: the same duck having appeared more than once roasted, found
his way again to the table as a fricassee, and a fourth time in the form
of forced meat. It was not long, however, before they learned that this
treatment was only by way of essay, and that it was the invariable
custom of the house, to supply all strangers, at their first coming,
with such fare as could be procured for the least money, and
consequently would produce the most gain: that if, either through
indolence or good nature, they were content, it was continued for the
benefit of the host, but that, if they complained, it was gradually
amended till they were satisfied, which sometimes happened before they
had the worth of their money. After this discovery, they remonstrated,
and their fare became better; however, after a few days, Mr. Banks hired
a little house, the next door on the left hand to the hotel, for himself
and his party, for which he paid after the rate of ten rix-dollars, or
two pounds five shillings sterling a-month; but here they were very far
from having either the convenience or the privacy which they expected;
no person was permitted to sleep in this private house occasionally, as
a guest to the person who hired it, under a penalty; but almost every
Dutchman that went by ran in without any ceremony, to ask what they
sold, there having been very seldom any private persons at Batavia who
had not something to sell. Every body here hires a carriage, and Mr.
Banks hired two. They are open chaises, made to hold two people, and
driven by a man sitting on a coach-box; for each of these he paid two
rix-dollars a-day.

As soon as he was settled in his new habitation, he sent for Tupia, who
till now had continued on board upon account of his illness, which was
of the bilious kind, and for which he had obstinately refused to take
any medicine. He soon came ashore, with his boy Tayeto, and, though
while he was on board, and after he came into the boat, he was
exceedingly listless and dejected, he no sooner entered the town than he
seemed to be animated with a new soul. The houses, carriages, streets,
people, and a multiplicity of other objects, all new, which rushed upon
him at once, produced an effect like the sudden and secret power that is
imagined of fascination. Tayeto expressed his wonder and delight with
still less restraint, and danced along the street in a kind of extasy,
examining every object with a restless and eager curiosity, which was
every moment excited and gratified. One of the first things that Tupia
remarked, was the various dresses of the passing multitude, concerning
which he made many enquiries; and when he was told that in this place
where people of many different nations were assembled, every one wore
the habit of his country, he desired that he might conform to the
custom, and appear in that of Otaheite. South Sea cloth was therefore
sent for from the ship, and he equipped himself with great expedition
and dexterity. The people who had seen Otourou, the Indian who had been
brought hither by M. Bougainville, enquired whether Tupia was not the
same person: from these enquiries, we learned who it was that we had
supposed to be Spaniards, from the accounts that had been given of two
ships by the Islanders.

In the mean time, I procured an order to the superintendant of the
island of Onrust, where the ship was to be repaired, to receive her
there; and sent by one of the ships that sailed for Holland, an account
of our arrival here, to Mr. Stephens, the Secretary to the Admiralty.

The expenses that would be incurred by repairing and refitting the ship,
rendered it necessary for me to take up money in this place, which I
imagined might be done without difficulty, but I found myself mistaken;
for, after the most diligent enquiry, I could not find any private
person that had ability and inclination to advance the sum that I
wanted. In this difficulty I applied to the Governor himself, by a
written request; in consequence of which, the Shebander had orders to
supply me with what money I should require out of the Company’s
Treasury.

On the 18th, as soon as it was light, having by several accidents and
mistakes suffered a delay of many days, I took up the anchor, and ran
down to Onrust: a few days afterwards, we went along-side of the wharf,
on Cooper’s Island, which lies close to Onrust, in order to take out our
stores.

By this time, having been here only nine days, we began to feel the
fatal effects of the climate and situation. Tupia, after the flow of
spirits which the novelties of the place produced upon his first
landing, sunk on a sudden, and grew every day worse and worse. Tayeto
was seized with an inflammation upon his lungs, Mr. Banks’s two servants
became very ill, and himself and Dr. Solander were attacked by fevers:
in a few days, almost every person both on board and ashore were sick;
affected, no doubt, by the low swampy situation of the place, and the
numberless dirty canals which intersect the town in all directions. On
the 26th, I set up the tent for the reception of the ship’s company, of
whom there was but a small number able to do duty. Poor Tupia, of whose
life we now began to despair, and who till this time had continued
ashore with Mr. Banks, desired to be removed to the ship, where, he
said, he should breathe a freer air than among the numerous houses which
obstructed it ashore: on board the ship, however, he could not go, for
she was unrigged, and preparing to be laid down at the careening-place;
but on the 28th, Mr. Banks went with him to Cooper’s Island, or, as it
is called here, Kuypor, where she lay, and as he seemed pleased with the
spot, a tent was there pitched for him: at this place both the sea
breeze and the land breeze blew directly over him, and he expressed
great satisfaction in his situation. Mr. Banks, whose humanity kept him
two days with this poor Indian, returned to the town on the 30th, and
the fits of his intermittent, which was now become a regular tertian,
were so violent as to deprive him of his senses while they lasted, and
leave him so weak that he was scarcely able to crawl down stairs: at
this time, Dr. Solander’s disorder also increased, and Mr. Monkhouse,
the surgeon, was confined to his bed.

On the 5th of November, after many delays, in consequence of the Dutch
ships coming along side the wharfs to load pepper, the ship was laid
down, and the same day, Mr. Monkhouse, our surgeon, a sensible skilful
man, fell the first sacrifice to this fatal country, a loss which was
greatly aggravated by our situation. Dr. Solander was just able to
attend his funeral, but Mr. Banks was confined to his bed. Our distress
was now very great, and the prospect before us discouraging in the
highest degree: our danger was not such as we could surmount by any
efforts of our own; courage, skill, and diligence, were all equally
ineffectual, and death was every day making advances upon us, where we
could neither resist nor fly. Malay servants were hired to attend the
sick, but they had so little sense either of duty or humanity, that they
could not be kept within call, and the patient was frequently obliged to
get out of bed to seek them. On the 9th, we lost our poor Indian boy
Tayeto, and Tupia was so much affected, that it was doubted whether he
would survive till the next day.

In the mean time, the bottom of the ship being examined, was found to be
in a worse condition than we apprehended: the false keel was all gone to
within twenty feet of the stern post; the main keel was considerably
injured in many places; and a great quantity of the sheathing was torn
off, and several planks were much damaged; two of them, and the half of
a third, under the main channel near the keel, were, for the length of
six feet, so worn, that they were not above an eighth part of an inch
thick, and here the worms had made their way quite into the timbers; yet
in this condition she had sailed many hundred leagues, where navigation
is as dangerous as in any part of the world: how much misery did we
escape, by being ignorant that so considerable a part of the bottom of
the vessel was thinner than the sole of a shoe, and that every life on
board depended upon so slight and fragile a barrier between us and the
unfathomable ocean! It seemed, however, that we had been preserved only
to perish here; Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander were so bad, that the
physician declared they had no chance for recovery but by removing into
the country; a house was therefore hired for them at the distance of
about two miles from the town, which belonged to the master of the
hotel, who engaged to furnish them with provisions, and the use of
slaves. As they had already experienced their want of influence over
slaves that had other masters, and the unfeeling inattention of these
fellows to the sick, they bought each of them a Malay woman, which
removed both the causes of their being so ill served; the women were
there own property, and the tenderness of the sex, even here, made them
good nurses. While these preparations were making, they received an
account of the death of Tupia, who sunk at once after the loss of the
boy, whom he loved with the tenderness of a parent.

By the 14th, the bottom of the ship was thoroughly repaired, and very
much to my satisfaction; it would, indeed, be injustice to the officers
and workmen of this yard, not to declare that, in my opinion, there is
not a marine yard in the world, where a ship can be laid down with more
convenience, safety, and dispatch, nor repaired with more diligence and
skill. At this place they heave down by two masts, a method which we do
not now practise; it is, however, unquestionably more safe and
expeditious to heave down with two masts than one, and he must have a
good share of bigotry to old customs, and an equal want of common sense,
who will not allow this, after seeing with what facility the Dutch heave
down their largest ships at this place.

Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander recovered slowly at their country-house,
which was not only open to the sea breeze, but situated upon a running
stream, which greatly contributed to the circulation of the air: but I
was now taken ill myself; Mr. Sporing, and a seaman who had attended Mr.
Banks, were also seized with intermittents; and indeed there was not
more than ten of the whole ship’s company that were able to do duty.

We proceeded however in rigging the ship, and getting water and stores
aboard: the water we were obliged to procure from Batavia, at the rate
of six shillings and eight-pence a leager, or one hundred and fifty
gallons.

About the 26th, the westerly monsoon set in, which generally blows here
in the night from the S. W. and in the day from the N. W. or N. For some
nights before this, we had very heavy rain, with much thunder; and in
the night between the 25th and 26th, such rain as we had seldom seen,
for near four hours without intermission. Mr. Bank’s house admitted the
water in every part like a sieve, and it ran through the lower rooms in
a stream that would have turned a mill; he was by this time sufficiently
recovered to go out, and, upon his entering Batavia the next morning, he
was much surprised to see the bedding every where hung out to dry.

The wet season was now set in, though we had some intervals of fair
weather. The frogs in the ditches, which croak ten times louder than any
frogs in Europe, gave notice of rain by an incessant noise that was
almost intolerable, and the gnats and musquitos, which had been very
troublesome even during the dry weather, were now become innumerable,
swarming from every plash of water like bees from a hive; they did not,
however, much incommode us in the day, and the stings, however
troublesome at first, never continued to itch above half an hour, so
that none of us felt in the day, the effects of the wounds they had
received in the night.

On the 8th of December, the ship being perfectly refitted, and having
taken in most of her water and stores, and received the sick on board,
we ran up to Batavia Road, and anchored in four fathom and an half of
water.

From this time, to the 24th, we were employed in getting on board the
remainder of our water and provisions, with some new pumps, and in
several other operations that were necessary to fit the ship for the
sea, all which would have been effected much sooner, if sickness and
death had not disabled or carried off a great number of our men.

While we lay here, the Earl of Elgin, Captain Cook, a ship belonging to
the English East India Company, came to an anchor in the Road. She was
bound from Madras to China, but having lost her passage, put in here to
wait for the next season. The Phœnix, Captain Black, an English country
ship, from Bencoolen, also came to an anchor at this place.

In the afternoon of Christmas eve, the 24th, I took leave of the
Governor, and several of the principal gentlemen of the place, with whom
I had formed connections, and from whom I received every possible
civility and assistance; but in the mean time an accident happened,
which might have produced disagreeable consequences. A seaman had run
away from one of the Dutch ships in the Road, and entered on board of
mine: the Captain had applied to the Governor, to reclaim him as a
subject of Holland, and an order for that purpose was procured: this
order was brought to me soon after I returned from my last visit, and I
said, that if the man appeared to be a Dutchman, he should certainly be
delivered up. Mr. Hicks commanded on board, and I gave the Dutch officer
an order to him, to deliver the man up under that condition. I slept
myself this night on shore, and, in the morning, the Captain of the
Dutch Commodore came and told me that he had carried my order on board,
but that the officer had refused to deliver up the man, alleging, not
only that he was not a Dutchman, but that he was a subject of Great
Britain, born in Ireland; I replied, that the officer had perfectly
executed my orders, and that if the man was an English subject, it could
not be expected that I should deliver him up. The Captain then said,
that he was just come from the Governor, to demand the man of me in his
name, as a subject of Denmark, alleging, that he stood in the ship’s
books as born at Elsineur. The claim of this man as a subject of Holland
being now given up, I observed to the Captain that there appeared to be
some mistake in the General’s message, for that he would certainly never
demand a Danish seaman from me, who had committed no other crime than
preferring the service of the English to that of the Dutch. I added,
however, to convince him of my sincere desire to avoid disputes, that if
the man was a Dane he should be delivered up as a courtesy, though he
could not be demanded as a right; but that, if I found he was an English
subject, I would keep him at all events. Upon these terms we parted, and
soon after I received a letter from Mr. Hicks, containing indubitable
proof that the seaman in question was a subject of his Britannic
Majesty. This letter I immediately carried to the Shebander, with a
request that it might be shewn to the Governor, and that his Excellency
might at the same time be told I would not upon any terms part with the
man. This had the desired effect, and I heard no more of the affair.

In the evening, I went on board, accompanied by Mr. Banks, and the rest
of the gentlemen who had constantly resided on shore, and who, though
better, were not yet perfectly recovered.

At six in the morning of the 26th, we weighed and set sail, with a light
breeze at S. W. The Elgin Indiaman saluted us with three cheers and
thirteen guns, and the garrison with fourteen, both which, with the help
of our swivels, we returned, and soon after the sea-breeze set in at N.
by W., which obliged us to anchor just without the ships in the Road.

At this time the number of sick on board amounted to forty, and the rest
of the ship’s company were in a very feeble condition. Every individual
had been sick except the sail-maker, an old man between seventy and
eighty years of age, and it is very remarkable that this old man, during
our stay at this place, was constantly drunk every day: we had buried
seven, the surgeon, three seamen, Mr. Green’s servant, Tupia, and Tayeto
his boy. All but Tupia fell a sacrifice to the unwholesome, stagnant,
putrid air of the country, and he who, from his birth, had been used to
subsist chiefly upon vegetable food, particularly ripe fruit, soon
contracted all the disorders that are incident to a sea life, and would
probably have sunk under them before we could have completed our voyage,
if we had not been obliged to go to Batavia to refit.




                               CHAP. XI.

 SOME ACCOUNT OF BATAVIA, AND THE ADJACENT COUNTRY; WITH THEIR FRUITS,
                    FLOWERS, AND OTHER PRODUCTIONS.


BATAVIA, the capital of the Dutch dominions in India, and generally
supposed to have no equal among all the possessions of the Europeans in
Asia, is situated on the north side of the island of Java, in a low
fenny plain, where several small rivers, which take their rise in the
mountains called Blaeuwen Berg, about forty miles up the country, empty
themselves into the sea, and where the coast forms a large bay, called
the Bay of Batavia, at the distance of about eight leagues from the
strait of Sunda. It lies in latitude 6° 10ʹ S., and longitude 106° 50ʹ
E. from the meridian of Greenwich, as appears from astronomical
observations made upon the spot, by the Reverend Mr. Mohr, who has built
an elegant observatory; which is as well furnished with instruments as
most in Europe.

The Dutch seem to have pitched upon this spot for the convenience of
water-carriage, and in that it is indeed a second Holland, and superior
to every other place in the world. There are very few streets that have
not a canal of considerable breadth running through them, or rather
stagnating in them, and continued for several miles in almost every
direction beyond the town, which is also intersected by five or six
rivers, some of which are navigable thirty or forty miles up the
country. As the houses are large, and the streets wide, it takes up a
much greater extent, in proportion to the number of houses it contains,
than any city in Europe. Valentyn, who wrote an account of it about the
year 1726, says, that in his time there were, within the walls, 1242
Dutch houses, and 1200 Chinese; and without the walls 1066 Dutch, and
1240 Chinese, besides 12 arrack houses, making in all 4760: but this
account appeared to us to be greatly exaggerated, especially with
respect to the number of houses within the walls.

The streets are spacious and handsome, and the banks of the canals are
planted with rows of trees, that make a very pleasing appearance; but
the trees concur with the canals to make the situation unwholesome. The
stagnant canals in the dry season exhale an intolerable stench, and the
trees impede the course of the air, by which, in some degree, the putrid
effluvia would be dissipated. In the wet season the inconvenience is
equal, for then these reservoirs of corrupted water overflow their banks
in the lower part of the town, especially in the neighbourhood of the
hotel, and fill the lower stories of the houses, where they leave behind
them an inconceivable quantity of slime and filth: yet these canals are
sometimes cleaned; but the cleaning them is so managed as to become as
great a nuisance as the foulness of the water: for the black mud that is
taken from the bottom is suffered to lie upon the banks, that is, in the
middle of the street, till it has acquired a sufficient degree of
hardness to be made the lading of a boat and carried away. As this mud
consists chiefly of human ordure, which is regularly thrown into the
canals every morning, there not being a necessary-house in the whole
town, it poisons the air while it is drying to a considerable extent.
Even the running streams become nuisances in their turn, by the
nastiness or negligence of the people: for every now and then a dead
hog, or a dead horse, is stranded upon the shallow parts, and it being
the business of no particular person to remove the nuisance, it is
negligently left to time and accident. While we were here, a dead
buffalo lay upon the shoal of a river that ran through one of the
principal streets above a week, and at last was carried away by a flood.

The houses, are in general, well adapted to the climate; they consist of
one very large room or hall on the ground floor, with a door at each
end, both which generally stand open: at one end a room is taken off by
a partition, where the master of the house transacts his business; and
in the middle, between each end, there is a court, which gives light to
the hall, and at the same time increases the draught of air. From one
corner of the hall the stairs go up to the floor above, where also the
rooms are spacious and airy. In the alcove, which is formed by the
court, the family dine; and at other times it is occupied by the female
slaves, who are not allowed to sit down any where else.

The public buildings are, most of them, old, heavy, and ungraceful; but
the new church is not inelegant; it is built with a dome, that is seen
from a great distance at sea, and though the outside has rather a heavy
appearance, the inside forms a very fine room: it is furnished with an
organ of a proper size, being very large, and is most magnificently
illuminated by chandeliers.

The town is enclosed by a stone wall, of a moderate height: but the
whole of it is old, and many parts are much out of repair. This wall
itself is surrounded by a river, which in some places is fifty, and in
some a hundred yards wide: the stream is rapid, but the water is
shallow. The wall is also lined within by a canal, which in different
parts is of different breadths; so that, in passing either out or in
through the gates, it is necessary to cross two draw-bridges; and there
is no access for idle people or strangers to walk upon the ramparts,
which seem to be but ill provided with guns.

In the north-east corner of the town stands the castle or citadel, the
walls of which are both higher and thicker than those of the town,
especially near the landing-place, where there is depth of water only
for boats, which it completely commands, with several large guns that
make a very good appearance.

Within this castle are apartments for the Governor-general, and all the
Council of India, to which they are enjoined to repair in case of a
siege. Here are also large storehouses, where great quantities of the
Company’s goods are kept, especially those that are brought from Europe,
and where almost all their writers transact their business. In this
place also are laid up a great number of cannon, whether to mount upon
the walls or furnish shipping, we could not learn; and the Company is
said to be well supplied with powder, which is dispersed in various
magazines, that, if some should be destroyed by lightning, which in this
place is very frequent, the rest may escape.

Besides the fortifications of the town, numerous forts are dispersed
about the country to the distance of twenty or thirty miles; these seem
to have been intended merely to keep the natives in awe, and indeed they
are fit for nothing else. For the same purpose a kind of houses, each of
which mounts about eight guns, are placed in such situations as command
the navigation of three or four canals, and consequently the roads upon
their banks: some of these are in the town itself, and it was from one
of these that all the best houses belonging to the Chinese were levelled
with the ground in the Chinese rebellion of 1740. These defences are
scattered over all parts of Java, and the other islands of which the
Dutch have got possession in these seas. Of one of these singular forts,
or fortified houses, we should have procured a drawing, if our gentlemen
had not been confined by sickness almost all the time they were upon the
island.

If the Dutch fortifications here are not formidable in themselves, they
become so by their situation: for they are among morasses where the
roads, which are nothing more than a bank thrown up between a canal and
a ditch, may easily be destroyed, and consequently the approach of heavy
artillery either totally prevented or greatly retarded: for it would be
exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to transport them in boats, as
they all muster every night under the guns of the castle, a situation
from which it would be impossible for an enemy to take them. Besides, in
this country, delay is death; so that whatever retards an enemy, will
destroy him. In less than a week, we were sensible of the unhealthiness
of the climate; and in less than a month half the ship’s company were
unable to do their duty. We were told, that of a hundred soldiers who
arrive here from Europe, it was a rare thing for fifty to survive the
first year; that of those fifty, half would then be in the hospital, and
not ten of the rest in perfect health: possibly this account may be
exaggerated; but the pale and feeble wretches whom we saw crawling about
with a musket, which they were scarcely able to carry, inclined us to
believe that it was true. Every white inhabitant of the town indeed is a
soldier; the younger are constantly mustered, and those who have served
five years are liable to be called out when their assistance is thought
to be necessary; but as neither of them are ever exercised, or do any
kind of duty, much cannot be expected from them. The Portuguese, indeed,
are in general good marksmen, because they employ themselves much in
shooting wild hogs and deer: neither the Mardykers nor the Chinese know
the use of fire-arms; but as they are said to be brave, they might do
much execution with their own weapons, swords, lances, and daggers. The
Mardykers are Indians of all nations, who are descended from free
ancestors, or have themselves been made free.

But if it is difficult to attack Batavia by land, it is utterly
impossible to attack it by sea: for the water is so shallow, that it
will scarcely admit a longboat to come within cannon shot of the walls,
except in a narrow channel, called the river, that is walled on both
sides by strong piers, and runs about half a mile into the harbour. At
the other end, it terminates under the fire of the strongest part of the
castle; and here its communication with the canals that intersect the
town is cut off by a large wooden boom, which is shut every night at six
o’clock, and upon no pretence opened till the next morning. The harbour
of Batavia is accounted the finest in India, and to all appearance with
good reason; it is large enough to contain any number of ships, and the
ground is so good that one anchor will hold till the cable decays: it
never admits any sea that is troublesome, and its only inconvenience is
the shoal water between the road and the river. When the sea breeze
blows fresh, it makes a cockling sea that is dangerous to boats: our
longboat once struck two or three times as she was attempting to come
out, and regained the river’s mouth with some difficulty. A Dutch boat,
laden with sails and rigging for one of the Indiamen, was entirely lost.

Round the harbour, on the outside, lie many islands, which the Dutch
have taken possession of and apply to different uses. To one of them,
called Edam, they transport all Europeans who have been guilty of crimes
that are not worthy of death: some are sentenced to remain there
ninety-nine years, some forty, some twenty, some less, down to five, in
proportion to their offence; and, during their banishment, they are
employed as slaves in making ropes, and other drudgery. In another
island, called Purmerent, they have an hospital, where people are said
to recover much faster than at Batavia. In a third, called Kuyper, they
have warehouses belonging to the Company, chiefly for rice, and other
merchandise of small value; and here the foreign ships, that are to be
laid down at Onrust, another of these islands, which with Kuyper has
been mentioned before, discharge their cargoes at wharfs which are very
convenient for the purpose. Here the guns, sails, and other stores of
the Falmouth, a man of war which was condemned at this place when she
was returning from Manilla, were deposited, and the ship herself
remained in the harbour, with only the warrant-officers, on board for
many years. Remittances were regularly made them from home; but no
notice was ever taken of the many memorials they sent, desiring to be
recalled. Happily for them, the Dutch thought fit, about six months
before our arrival, to sell the vessel and all her stores, by public
auction, and send the officers home in their own ships. At Onrust, they
repair all their own shipping, and keep a large quantity of naval
stores.

The country round Batavia is for some miles a continued range of
country-houses and gardens.—Many of the gardens are very large, and, by
some strange fatality, all are planted with trees almost as thick as
they can stand; so that the country derives no advantage from its being
cleared of the wood that originally covered it, except the fruit of that
which has been planted in its room. These impenetrable forests stand in
a dead flat, which extends some miles beyond them, and is intersected in
many directions by rivers, and more still by canals, which are navigable
for small vessels. Nor is this the worst, for the fence of every field
and garden is a ditch; and, interspersed among the cultivated ground,
there are many filthy fens, bogs, and morasses, as well fresh as salt.

It is not strange that the inhabitants of such a country should be
familiar with disease and death: preventative medicines are taken almost
as regularly as food; and every body expects the returns of sickness, as
we do the seasons of the year. We did not see a single face in Batavia
that indicated perfect health, for there is not the least tint of colour
in the cheeks either of man or woman: the women indeed are most
delicately fair; but with the appearance of disease there never can be
perfect beauty. People talk of death with as much indifference as they
do in a camp; and when an acquaintance is said to be dead, the common
reply is, “Well, he owed me nothing” or, “I must get my money of his
executors.”

To this description of the environs of Batavia there are but two
exceptions. The Governor’s country-house is situated upon a rising
ground; but its ascent is so inconsiderable, that it is known to be
above the common level only by the canals being left behind, and the
appearance of a few bad hedges: his Excellency, however, who is a native
of this place, has, with some trouble and expense, contrived to inclose
his own garden with a ditch; such is the influence of habit both upon
the taste and the understanding. A famous market also, called Passar
Tanabank, is held upon an eminence that rises perpendicularly about
thirty feet above the plain; and except these situations, the ground,
for an extent of between thirty and forty miles round Batavia, is
exactly parallel to the horizon. At the distance of about forty miles
inland, there are hills of a considerable height, where, as we were
informed, the air is healthy, and comparatively cool. Here the
vegetables of Europe flourish in great perfection, particularly
strawberries, which can but ill bear heat; and the inhabitants are
vigorous and ruddy. Upon these hills some of the principal people have
country-houses, which they visit once a year; and one was begun for the
Governor, upon the plan of Blenheim, the famous seat of the Duke of
Marlborough in Oxfordshire, but it has never been finished. To these
hills also people are sent by the physicians, for the recovery of their
health, and the effects of the air are said to be almost miraculous: the
patient grows well in a short time, but constantly relapses soon after
his return to Batavia.

But the same situation and circumstances which render Batavia and the
country round it unwholesome, render it the best gardener’s ground in
the world. The soil is fruitful beyond imagination, and the conveniences
and luxuries of life that it produces are almost without number.

Rice, which is well known to be the corn of these countries, and to
serve the inhabitants instead of bread, grows in great plenty: and I
must here observe, that in the hilly parts of Java, and in many of the
eastern islands, a species of this grain is planted, which in the
western parts of India is entirely unknown. It is called by the natives
_Paddy Gunung_, or Mountain Rice: this, contrary to the other sort which
must be under water three parts in four of the time of its growth, is
planted upon the sides of hills where no water but rain can come: it is
however planted at the beginning of the rainy season, and reaped in the
beginning of the dry. How far this kind of rice might be useful in our
West Indian islands, where no bread-corn is grown, it may perhaps be
worth while to enquire.

Indian corn, or maize, is also produced here; which the inhabitants
gather when young, and toast in the ear. Here is also a great variety of
kidney-beans, and lentiles, which they called _Cadjang_, and which make
a considerable part of the food of the common people; besides millet,
yams both wet and dry, sweet potatoes, and European potatoes, which are
very good, but not cultivated in great plenty. In the gardens, there are
cabbages, lettuces, cucumbers, radishes, the white radishes of China,
which boil almost as well as a turnip; carrots, parsley, celery,
pigeon-peas, the egg-plant, which, broiled and eaten with pepper and
salt, is very delicious; a kind of greens resembling spinnage; onions,
very small, but excellent; and asparagus; besides some European plants
of a strong smell, particularly sage, hyssop, and rue. Sugar is also
produced here in immense quantities; very great crops of the finest and
largest canes that can be imagined are produced with very little care,
and yield a much larger proportion of sugar than the canes in the West
Indies. White sugar is sold here at two-pence half-penny a pound; and
the molasses makes the arrack, of which, as of rum, it is the chief
ingredient; a small quantity of rice, and some cocoa-nut wine, being
added, chiefly, I suppose, to give it flavour. A small quantity of
indigo is also produced here, not as an article of trade, but merely for
home-consumption.

But the most abundant article of vegetable luxury here, is the fruit; of
which there is no less than six-and-thirty different kinds, and I shall
give a very brief account of each.

1. The pine apple, _Bromelia Ananas_. This fruit, which is here called
_Nanas_, grows very large, and in such plenty that they may sometimes be
bought at the first hand for a farthing a piece; and at the common fruit
shops we got three of them for twopence half-penny. They are very juicy
and well flavoured; but we all agreed that we had eaten as good from a
hot-house in England: they are, however, so luxuriant in their growth
that most of them have two or three crowns, and a great number of
suckers from the bottom of the fruit; of these Mr. Banks once counted
nine, and they are so forward, that very often while they still adhered
to the parent plant they shot out their fruit, which, by the time the
large one became ripe, were of no inconsiderable size. We several times
saw three upon one apple, and were told that a plant once produced a
cluster of nine, besides the principal: this indeed was considered as so
great a curiosity, that it was preserved in sugar, and sent to the
Prince of Orange.

2. Sweet oranges. These are very good, but while we were here, sold for
sixpence a piece.

3. Pumplemoeses, which in the West Indies are called Shaddocks. These
were well flavoured, but not juicy; their want of juice, however, was an
accidental effect of the season.

4. Lemons. These were very scarce; but the want of them was amply
compensated by the plenty of limes.

5. Limes. These were excellent, and to be bought at about twelve-pence a
hundred. We saw only two or three Seville oranges, which were almost all
rind; and there are many sorts, both of oranges and lemons, which I
shall not particularly mention, because they are neither esteemed by
Europeans nor the natives themselves.

6. Mangos. This fruit during our stay was so infested with maggots,
which bred in the inside of them, that scarcely one in three was
eatable; and the best of them were much inferior to those of Brazil:
they are generally compared by Europeans to a melting peach, which,
indeed, they resemble in softness and sweetness, but certainly fall much
short in flavour. The climate here, we were told, is too hot and damp
for them; but there are as many sorts of them as there are of apples in
England, and some are much superior to others. One sort, which is called
_Mangha Cowani_, has so strong a smell that a European can scarcely bear
one in the room; these, however, the natives are fond of. The three
sorts which are generally preferred, are the _Mangha Doodool_, the
_Mangha Santock_, and the _Mangha Gure_.

7. Bananas. Of these also there are innumerable sorts, but three only
are good; the _Pissang Mas_, the _Pissang Radja_, and the _Pissang
Ambou_: all these have a pleasant vinous taste, and the rest are useful
in different ways; some are fried in batter, and others are boiled and
eaten as bread. There is one which deserves the particular notice of the
botanist, because, contrary to the nature of its tribe, it is full of
seeds, and is therefore called _Pissang Batu_ or _Pissang Bidjie_; it
has however no excellence to recommend it to the taste, but the Malays
use it as a remedy for the flux.

8. Grapes. These are not in great perfection, but they are very dear;
for we could not buy a moderate bunch for less than a shilling or
eighteen pence.

9. Tamarinds. These are in great plenty, and very cheap: the people
however do not put them up in the manner practised by the West Indians,
but cure them with salt, by which means they become a black mass, so
disagreeable to the sight and taste, that few Europeans choose to meddle
with them.

10. Water-melons. These are in great plenty, and very good.

11. Pumpkins. These are beyond comparison, the most useful fruit that
can be carried to sea; for they will keep without any care several
months, and with sugar and lemon-juice, make a pye that can scarcely be
distinguished from one made of the best apples; and with pepper and
salt, they are a substitute for turnips, not to be despised.

12. Papaws. This fruit when it is ripe is full of seeds, and almost
without flavour; but, if when it is green it is pared, and the core
taken out, it is better than the best turnip.

13. Guava. This fruit is much commended by the inhabitants of our
islands in the West Indies, who probably have a better sort than we met
with here, where the smell of them was so disagreeably strong, that it
made some of us sick; those who tasted them, said, that the flavour was
equally rank.

14. Sweet-sop. The _Annona squammosa_ of Linnæus. This is also a West
Indian fruit; it consists only of a mass of large kernels, from which a
small proportion of pulp may be sucked, which is very sweet, but has
little flavour.

15. Custard-apple. The _Annona reticulata_ of Linnæus. The quality of
this fruit is well expressed by its English name, which it acquired in
the West Indies; for it is as like a custard, and a good one too, as can
be imagined.

16. The cashew-apple. This is seldom eaten on account of its
astringency. The nut that grows upon the top of it is well known in
Europe.

17 The cocoa-nut. This is also well known in Europe; there are several
sorts, but the best of those we found here is called _Callappi Edjou_,
and is easily known by the redness of the flesh between the skin and the
shell.

18. Mangostan. The _Garcinia Mangostana_ of Linnæus. This fruit, which
is peculiar to the East Indies, is about the size of the crab apple, and
of a deep red-wine colour: on the top of it is the figure of five or six
small triangles joined in a circle, and at the bottom several hollow
green leaves, which are remains of the blossom. When they are to be
eaten, the skin, or rather flesh, must be taken off, under which are
found six or seven white kernels, placed in a circular order, and the
pulp with which these are inveloped, is the fruit, than which nothing
can be more delicious: it is a happy mixture of the tart and the sweet,
which is no less wholesome than pleasant; and with the sweet orange,
this fruit is allowed in any quantity to those who are afflicted with
fevers, either of the putrid or inflammatory kind.

19. The jamboo. The _Eugenia Mallaccensis_ of Linnæus. This fruit is of
a deep red colour, and an oval shape; the largest, which are always the
best, are not bigger than a small apple; they are pleasant and cooling,
though they have not much flavour.

20. The jambu-eyer. A species of the _Eugenia_ of Linnæus. Of this fruit
there are two sorts of a similar shape, resembling a bell, but differing
in colour; one being red, the other white. They somewhat exceed a large
cherry in size, and in taste have neither flavour nor even sweetness,
containing nothing but a watery juice, slightly acidulated; yet their
coolness recommends them in this hot country.

21. Jambu-eyer mauwar. The _Eugenia jambos_ of Linnæus. This is more
grateful to the smell than the taste; in taste it resembles the conserve
of roses, and in smell the fresh scent of those flowers.

22. The pomegranate. This is the same fruit that is known by the same
name all over Europe.

23. Durion. A fruit that in shape resembles a small melon, but the skin
is covered with sharp conical spines, whence its name; for _dure_, in
the Malay language, signifies prickle. When it is ripe, it divides
longitudinally into seven or eight compartments, each of which contains
six or seven nuts, not quite so large as chestnuts, which are covered
with a substance that in colour and consistence very much resembles
thick cream: this is the part that is eaten, and the natives are fond of
it to excess. To Europeans it is generally disagreeable at first; for in
taste, it somewhat resembles a mixture of cream, sugar, and onions; and
in the smell, the onions predominate.

24. Nanca. This fruit, which in some parts of India is called Jakes,
has, like the Durion, a smell very disagreeable to strangers, and
somewhat resembling that of mellow apples mixed with garlick: the
flavour is not more adapted to the general taste. In some countries that
are favourable to it, it is said to grow to an immense size. Rumphius
relates, that it is sometimes so large that a man cannot easily lift it;
and we were told by a Malay, that at Madura it is sometimes so large as
not to be carried but by the united efforts of two men. At Batavia,
however, they never exceed the size of a large melon, which in shape
they very much resemble: they are covered with angular prickles, like
the shootings of some chrystals, which however are not hard enough to
wound those who handle them.

25. Champada. This differs from the Nanca in little except size, it not
being so big.

26. Rambutan. This is a fruit little known to Europeans; in appearance
it very much resembles a chestnut with the husk on, and like that, is
covered with small points, which are soft and of a deep red colour:
under this skin is the fruit, and within the fruit a stone; the eatable
part thereof is small in quantity, but its acid perhaps is more
agreeable than any other in the whole vegetable kingdom.

27. Jambolan. This in size and appearance is not unlike a damascene; but
in taste is still more astringent, and therefore less agreeable.

28. The Boa Bidarra; or _Rhamnus Jujuba_ of Linnæus. This is a round
yellow fruit, about the size of a gooseberry; its flavour is like that
of an apple, but it has the astringency of a crab.

29. Nam nam. The _Cynometra Cauliflora_ of Linnæus. This fruit in shape
somewhat resembles a kidney; it is about three inches long, and the
outside is very rough: it is seldom eaten raw, but fried with batter it
makes a good fritter.

30, 31. The Catappa, or _Terminalia Catappa_; and the Canare, the
_Canarium commune_ of Linnæus; are both nuts, with kernels somewhat
resembling an almond; but the difficulty of breaking the shell is so
great, that they are no where publicly sold. Those which we tasted were
gathered for curiosity by Mr. Banks, from the tree upon which they grew.

32. The Madja, or _Limoni_ of Linnæus, contains, under a hard brittle
shell, a lightly acid pulp, which cannot be eaten without sugar; and
with it, is not generally thought pleasant.

33. Suntul. The _Trichilia_ of Linnæus. This is the worst of all the
fruits that I shall particularly mention: in size and shape it resembles
the Madja; and within a thick skin contains kernels like those of the
Mangostan, the taste of which is both acid and astringent, and so
disagreeable that we were surprised to see it exposed upon the
fruit-stalls.

34, 35, 36. The Blimbing, or _Averrhoa Belimbi_; the Blimbing Besse, or
_Averrhoa Carambola_; and the Cherrema, or _Averrhoa acida_ of Linnæus,
are three species of one genus: and though they differ in shape, are
nearly of the same taste. The Blimbing Besse is the sweetest: the other
two are so austerely acid, that they cannot be used without dressing;
they make however excellent pickles and sour sauce.

37. The Salak, or _Calamus Rotang Zalacca_ of Linnæus. This is the fruit
of a prickly bush; it is about as big as a walnut, and covered with
scales, like those of a lizard: below the scales are two or three yellow
kernels, in flavour somewhat resembling a strawberry.

Besides these, the island of Java, and particularly the country round
Batavia, produces many kinds of fruit which were not in season during
our stay; we were also told that apples, strawberries, any many other
fruits from Europe, had been planted up in the mountains, and flourished
there in great luxuriance. We saw several fruits preserved in sugar,
that we did not see recent from the tree, one of which is called
_Kimkit_, and another _Boa Atap_; and here are several others which are
eaten only by the natives, particularly the _Kellor_, the _Guilindina_,
the _Moringa_, and the _Soccum_. The Soccum is of the same kind with the
bread-fruit in the South Sea islands, but so much inferior, that if it
had not been for the similitude in the outward appearance both of the
fruit and the tree, we should not have referred it to that class. These
and some others do not merit to be particularly mentioned.

The quantity of fruit that is consumed at Batavia is incredible; but
that which is publicly exposed to sale is generally over-ripe. A
stranger however may get good fruit in a street called Passar Pissang,
which lies north from the great church, and very near it. This street is
inhabited by none but Chinese fruit-sellers, who are supplied from the
gardens of gentlemen in the neighbourhood of the town, with such as is
fresh, and excellent in its kind; for which however they must be paid
more than four times the market price.

The town in general is supplied from a considerable distance, where
great quantities of land are cultivated merely for the production of
fruit. The country people, to whom these lands belong, meet the people
of the town at two great markets; one on Monday, called Passar Sineen;
and the other on Saturday, called Passar Tanabank. These fairs are held
at places considerably distant from each other, for the convenience of
different districts; neither of them however are more than five miles
distant from Batavia. At these fairs, the best fruit may be bought at
the cheapest rate; and the sight of them to an European is very
entertaining. The quantity of fruit is astonishing; forty or fifty cart
loads of the finest pine apples, packed as carelessly as turnips in
England, are common, and other fruit in the same profusion. The days
however on which these markets are held are ill contrived; the time
between Saturday and Monday is too short, and that between Monday and
Saturday too long: great part of what is bought on Monday is always much
the worse for keeping before a new stock can be bought, either by the
retailer or consumer; so that for several days in every week there is no
good fruit in the hands of any people but the Chinese in Passar Pissang.

The inhabitants of this part of India practise a luxury which seems to
be but little attended to in other countries; they are continually
burning aromatic woods and resins, and scatter odours round them in a
profusion of flowers, possibly as an antidote to the noisome effluvia of
their ditches and canals. Of sweet-smelling flowers they have a great
variety, altogether unknown in Europe, the chief of which I shall
briefly describe.

1. The _Champacka_, or _Michelia Champacca_. This grows upon a tree as
large as an apple tree, and consists of fifteen long narrow petala,
which give it the appearance of being double, though in reality it is
not so: its colour is yellow, and much deeper than that of a jonquil, to
which it has some resemblance in smell.

2. The _Cananga_, or _Uvaria Cananga_, is a green flower, not at all
resembling the blossom of any tree or plant in Europe: it has indeed
more the appearance of a bunch of leaves than a flower; its scent is
agreeable, but altogether peculiar to itself.

3. The _Mulatti_, or _Nyctanthes Sambac_. This is well known in English
hot-houses by the name of Arabian jessamine: it grows here in the
greatest profusion, and its fragrance, like that of all other Indian
flowers, though exquisitely pleasing, has not that overpowering strength
which distinguishes some of the same sorts in Europe.

4. 5. The _Combang Caracnassi_, and _Combang Tonquin_, _Percularia
Glabro_, These are small flowers, of the dog’s-bane kind, very much
resembling each other in shape and smell, highly fragrant, but very
different from every product of an English garden.

6. The _Bonga Tanjong_, or _Mimusops Elengi_ of Linnæus. This flower is
shaped like a star of seven or eight rays, and is about half an inch in
diameter; it is of a yellowish colour, and has an agreeable smell.

Besides these, there is the _Sundal Malam_, or _Polianthes Tuberosa_.
This flower, being the same with our own tuberose, can have no place
among those that are unknown in Europe, but I mention it for its Malay
name, which signifies “Intriguer of the Night,” and is not inelegantly
conceived. The heat of this climate is so great, that few flowers exhale
their sweets in the day; and this in particular, from its total want of
scent at that time, and the modesty of its colour, which is white, seems
negligent of attracting admirers, but as soon as night comes on, it
diffuses its fragrance, and at once compels the attention, and excites
the complacency of all who approach it.

These are all sold about the streets every evening at sunset, either
strung upon a thread, in wreaths of about two feet long, or made up into
nosegays of different forms, either of which may be purchased for about
a halfpenny. Besides these, there are, in private gardens, many other
sweet flowers, which are not produced in a sufficient quantity to be
brought to market. With a mixture of these flowers, and the leaves of a
plant called _pandang_, cut into small pieces, persons of both sexes
fill their hair and their clothes, and with the same mixture indulge a
much higher luxury by strewing it on their beds, so that the chamber in
which they sleep, breathes the richest and purest of all odours,
unallayed by the fumes which cannot but arise where the sleeper lies
under two or three blankets and a quilt, for the bed covering here is
nothing more than a single piece of fine chintz.

Before I close my account of the vegetable productions of this part of
India, I must take some notice of the spices. Java originally produced
none but pepper. This is now sent from hence into Europe to a great
value, but the quantity consumed here is very small: the inhabitants use
_Capsicum_, or, as it is called in Europe, Cayan pepper, almost
universally in its stead. Cloves and nutmegs, having been monopolized by
the Dutch, are become too dear to be plentifully used by the other
inhabitants of this country, who are very fond of them. Cloves, although
they are said originally to have been the produce of Machian, or
Bachian, a small island far to the eastward, and only fifteen miles to
the northward of the line, and to have been from thence disseminated by
the Dutch, at their first coming into these parts, over all the eastern
islands, are now confined to Amboina, and the small isles that lie in
its neighbourhood; the Dutch having, by different treaties of peace
between them and the conquered kings of all the other islands,
stipulated, that they should have only a certain number of trees in
their dominions; and in future quarrels, as a punishment for
disobedience and rebellion, lessened the quantity, till at last they
left them no claim to any. Nutmegs have in a manner been extirpated in
all the islands except their first native soil, Banda, which easily
supplies every nation upon earth, and would as easily supply every
nation in another globe of the same dimensions, if there was any such to
which the industrious Hollander could transport the commodity; it is,
however, certain, that there are a few trees of this spice upon the
coast of New Guinea. There may perhaps be both cloves and nutmegs upon
other islands to the eastward; for those, neither the Dutch, nor any
other European, seem to think it worth while to examine.

The principal tame quadrupeds of this country are horses, cattle,
buffalos, sheep, goats, and hogs. The horses are small, never exceeding
in size what we call a stout galloway, but they are nimble and spirited,
and are reported to have been found here when the Europeans first came
round the Cape of Good Hope. The horned cattle are said to be the same
species as those in Europe, but they differ so much in appearance, that
we were inclined to doubt it: they have indeed the _palearia_ or
_dewlap_, which naturalists make the distinguishing characteristic of
the European species, but they certainly are found wild, not only in
Java, but several of the eastern islands. The flesh of those that we eat
at Batavia had a finer grain than European beef, but it was less juicy,
and miserably lean. Buffalos are plenty, but the Dutch never eat them,
nor will they drink their milk, being prepossessed with a notion that
both are unwholesome, and tend to produce fevers; though the natives and
Chinese eat both, without any injury to their health. The sheep are of
the kind which have long ears that hang down, and hair instead of wool:
the flesh of these is hard and tough, and in every respect the worst
mutton we ever saw: we found here, however, a few Cape sheep, which are
excellent, but so dear that we gave five-and-forty shillings a-piece for
four of them, the heaviest of which weighed only five and forty pounds.
The goats are not better than the sheep, but the hogs, especially the
Chinese breed, are incomparable, and so fat, that the purchaser agrees
for the lean separately. The butcher, who is always a Chinese, without
the least scruple cuts off as much of the fat as he is desired, and
afterwards sells it to his countrymen, who melt it down, and eat it
instead of butter with their rice: but notwithstanding the excellence of
this pork, the Dutch are so strongly prejudiced in favour of every thing
that comes from their native country, that they eat only of the Dutch
breed, which are here sold as much dearer than the Chinese, as the
Chinese are sold dearer than the Dutch in Europe.

Besides these animals, which are tame, they have dogs and cats, and
there are among the distant mountains some wild horses and cattle:
buffalos are not found wild in any part of Java, though they abound in
Macassar, and several other eastern islands. The neighbourhood of
Batavia, however, is plentifully supplied with two kinds of deer, and
wild hogs, which are sold at a reasonable price by the Portuguese, who
shoot them, and are very good food.

Among the mountains, and in the desert parts of the island, there are
tigers, it is said, in great abundance, and some rhinoceroses; in these
parts also there are monkies, and there are a few of them even in the
neighbourhood of Batavia.

Of fish, here is an amazing plenty; many sorts are excellent, and all
are very cheap, except the few that are scarce. It happens here, as in
other places, that vanity gets the better even of appetite: the cheap
fish, most of which is of the best kind, is the food only of slaves, and
that which is dear, only because it is scarce, and very much inferior in
every respect, is placed upon the tables of the rich. A sensible
housekeeper once spoke to us freely upon the subject. I know, said he,
as well as you, that I could purchase a better dish of fish for a
shilling, than what now costs me ten; but if I should make so good a use
of my money, I should here be as much despised, as you would be in
Europe, if you were to cover your table with offals, fit only for
beggars or dogs.

Turtle is also found here, but it is neither so sweet nor so fat as the
West Indian turtle, even in London; such as it is, however, we should
consider it as a dainty; but the Dutch, among other singularities, do
not eat it. We saw some lizards, or _Iguanas_, here of a very large
size; we were told that some were as thick as a man’s thigh, and Mr.
Banks shot one that was five feet long: the flesh of this animal proved
to be very good food.

Poultry is very good here, and in great plenty: fowls of a very large
size, ducks, and geese, are very cheap; pigeons are dear, and the price
of turkies extravagant. We sometimes found the flesh of these animals
lean and dry, but this was merely the effect of their being ill fed, for
those that we fed ourselves were as good as any of the same kind that we
had tasted in Europe, and we sometimes thought them even better.

Wild fowl in general is scarce. We once saw a wild duck in the fields,
but never any that were to be sold. We frequently saw snipes of two
kinds, one of them exactly the same as that in Europe, and a kind of
thrush was always to be had in great plenty of the Portuguese, who, for
I know not what reason, seem to have monopolized the wild fowl and game.
Of snipes, it is remarkable, that they are found in more parts of the
world than any other bird, being common almost all over Europe, Asia,
Africa, and America.

With respect to drink, Nature has not been quite so liberal to the
inhabitants of Java, as to some whom she has placed in the less fruitful
regions of the north. The native Javanese, and most of the other Indians
who inhabit this island, are indeed Mahometans, and therefore have no
reason to regret the want of wine: but, as if the prohibition of their
law respected only the manner of becoming drunk, and not drunkenness
itself, they chew opium, to the total subversion, not only of their
understanding, but their health.

The arrack that is made here, is too well known to need a description:
besides which, the palm yields a wine of the same kind with that which
has already been described in the account of the island of Savu; it is
procured from the same tree, in the same manner, and is sold in three
states. The first, in which it is called _Tuac manise_, differs little
from that in which it comes from the tree; yet even this has received
some preparation altogether unknown to us, in consequence of which it
will keep eight-and-forty hours, though otherwise it would spoil in
twelve: in this state it has an agreeable sweetness, and will not
intoxicate. In the other two states it has undergone a fermentation, and
received an infusion of certain herbs and roots, by which it looses its
sweetness, and acquires a taste very austere and disagreeable. In one of
these states it is called _Tuac cras_, and in the other _Tuac cuning_,
but the specific difference I do not know; in both, however, it
intoxicates very powerfully. A liquor called Tuac is also made from the
cocoa-nut tree, but this is used chiefly to put into the arrack, for in
that which is good it is an essential ingredient.




                               CHAP. XII.

 SOME ACCOUNT OF THE INHABITANTS OF BATAVIA, AND THE ADJACENT COUNTRY,
              THEIR MANNERS, CUSTOMS, AND MANNER OF LIFE.


THE town of Batavia, although, as I have already observed, it is the
capital of the Dutch dominions in India, is so far from being peopled
with Dutch men, that not one-fifth part, even of the European
inhabitants of the town, and its environs, are natives of Holland, or of
Dutch extraction: the greater part are Portuguese, and besides
Europeans, there are Indians of various nations, and Chinese, besides a
great number of negro slaves. In the troops, there are natives of almost
every country in Europe, but the Germans are more than all the rest put
together; there are some English and French, but the Dutch, though other
Europeans are permitted to get money here, keep all the power in their
own hands, and consequently possess all public employments. No man, of
whatever nation, can come hither to settle, in any other character than
that of a soldier in the Company’s service, in which, before they are
accepted, they must covenant to remain five years. As soon however as
this form has been complied with, they are allowed, upon application to
the council, to absent themselves from their corps, and enter
immediately into any branch of trade, which their money or credit will
enable them to carry on; and by this means it is that all the white
inhabitants of the place are soldiers.

Women, however, of all nations, are permitted to settle here, without
coming under any restrictions; yet we were told that there were not,
when we were at Batavia, twenty women in the place that were born in
Europe, but that the white women, who were by no means scarce, were
descendants from European parents of the third or fourth generation, the
gleanings of many families who had successively come hither, and, in the
male line, become extinct; for it is certain that, whatever be the
cause, this climate is not so fatal to the ladies as to the other sex.

These women imitate the Indians in every particular; their dress is made
of the same materials, their hair is worn in the same manner, and they
are equally enslaved by the habit of chewing betel.

The merchants carry on their business here with less trouble perhaps
than in any other part of the world: every manufacture is managed by the
Chinese, who sell the produce of their labour to the merchant resident
here, for they are permitted to sell it to no one else; so that when a
ship comes in, and bespeaks perhaps, a hundred leagers of arrack, or any
quantity of other commodities, the merchant has nothing to do but to
send orders to his Chinese to see them delivered on board: he obeys the
command, brings a receipt signed by the master of the ship for the goods
to his employer, who receives the money, and, having deducted his
profit, pays the Chinese his demand. With goods that are imported,
however, the merchant has a little more trouble, for these he must
examine, receive, and lay up in his warehouse, according to the practice
of other countries.

The Portuguese are called by the natives _Oranserane_, or Nazareen men
(Oran, being Man in the language of the country), to distinguish them
from other Europeans; yet they are included in the general appellation
of _Caper_, or _Cafir_, an opprobrious term, applied by Mahometans to
all who do not profess their faith. These people, however, are
Portuguese only in name; they have renounced the religion of Rome, and
become Lutherans: neither have they the least communication with the
country of their forefathers, or even knowledge of it: they speak indeed
a corrupt dialect of the Portuguese language, but much more frequently
use the Malay: they are never suffered to employ themselves in any but
mean occupations: many of them live by hunting, many by washing linen,
and some are handicraftsmen and artificers. They have adopted all the
customs of the Indians, from whom they are distinguished chiefly by
their features and complexion, their skin being considerably darker, and
their noses more sharp; their dress is exactly the same, except in the
manner of wearing their hair.

The Indians, who are mixed with the Dutch and Portuguese in the town of
Batavia, and the country adjacent, are not, as might be supposed,
Javanese, the original natives of the island, but natives of the various
islands from which the Dutch import slaves, and are either such as have
themselves been manumized, or the descendants of those who formerly
received manumission; and they are all comprehended under the general
name of _Oranslam_, or _Isalam_, signifying Believers of the true Faith.
The natives of every country, however, in other respects, keep
themselves distinct from the rest, and are not less strongly marked than
the slaves by the vices or virtues of their respective nations. Many of
these employ themselves in the cultivation of gardens, and in selling
fruit and flowers. The betel and areca, which are here called _Siri_ and
_Pinang_, and chewed by both sexes and every rank in amazing quantities,
are all grown by these Indians: lime is also mixed with these roots here
as it is in Savu, but it is less pernicious to the teeth, because it is
first slaked, and, besides the lime, a substance called _gambir_, which
is brought from the continent of India; the better sort of women also
add cardamum, and many other aromatics, to give the breath an agreeable
smell. Some of the Indians, however, are employed in fishing, and as
lightermen, to carry goods from place to place by water; and some are
rich, and live with much of the splendour of their country, which
chiefly consists in the number of their slaves.

In the article of food these Isalams are remarkably temperate: it
consists chiefly of boiled rice, with a small proportion of buffalo,
fish, or fowl, and sometimes of dried fish, and dried shrimps, which are
brought hither from China; every dish, however, is highly seasoned with
Cayan pepper, and they have many kinds of pastry made of rice-flour, and
other things to which I am a stranger; they eat also a great deal of
fruit, particularly plantains.

But notwithstanding their general temperance, their feasts’ are
plentiful, and, according to their manner, magnificent. As they are
Mahometans, wine and strong liquors professedly make no part of their
entertainment, neither do they often indulge with them privately,
contenting themselves with their betel and opium.

The principal solemnity among them is a wedding, upon which occasion
both the families borrow as many ornaments of gold and silver as they
can, to adorn the bride and bridegroom, so that their dresses are very
showy and magnificent. The feasts that are given upon these occasions
among the rich, last sometimes a fortnight, and sometimes longer; and
during this time, the man, although married on the first day, is, by the
women, kept from his wife.

The language that is spoken among all these people, from what place
soever they originally came, is the Malay; at least it is a language so
called, and probably it is a very corrupt dialect of that spoken at
Malacca. Every little island indeed has a language of its own, and Java
has two or three, but this lingua franca is the only language that is
now spoken here, and, as I am told, it prevails over a great part of the
East Indies. A dictionary of Malay and English was published in London
by Thomas Bowrey, in the year 1701.

Their women wear as much hair as can grow upon the head, and to increase
the quantity, they use oils, and other preparations of various kinds. Of
this ornament Nature has been very liberal; it is universally black, and
is formed into a kind of circular wreath upon the top of the head, where
it is fastened with a bodkin, in a taste which we thought inexpressibly
elegant; the wreath of hair is surrounded by another of flowers, in
which the Arabian jessamine is beautifully intermixed with the golden
stars of the _Bonger Tanjong_.

Both sexes constantly bathe themselves in the river at least once a day,
a practice which, in this hot country, is equally necessary both to
personal delicacy and health. The teeth of these people also, whatever
they may suffer in their colour by chewing betel, are an object of great
attention: the ends of them, both in the upper and under jaw, are rubbed
with a kind of whetstone, by a very troublesome and painful operation,
till they are perfectly even and flat, so that they cannot lose less
than half a line in their length. A deep groove is then made across the
teeth of the upper jaw, parallel with the gums, and in the middle
between them and the extremity of the teeth; the depth of this groove is
at least equal to one-fourth of the thickness of the teeth, so that it
penetrates far beyond what is called the enamel, the least injury to
which, according to the dentists of Europe, is fatal; yet among these
people, where the practice of thus wounding the enamel is universal, we
never saw a rotten tooth; nor is the blackness a stain, but a covering,
which may be washed off at pleasure, and the teeth then appear as white
as ivory, which however is not an excellence in the estimation of the
belles and beaus of these nations.

These are the people among whom the practice that is called _a mock_, or
running a muck, has prevailed for time immemorial. It is well known,
that to run a muck in the original sense of the word, is to get
intoxicated with opium, and then rush into the street with a drawn
weapon, and kill whoever comes in the way, till the party is himself
either killed or taken prisoner; of this several instances happened
while we were at Batavia, and one of the officers, whose business it is,
among other things, to apprehend such people, told us, that there was
scarcely a week in which he, or some of his brethren, were not called
upon to take one of them into custody. In one of the instances that came
to our knowledge, the party had been severely injured by the perfidy of
women, and was mad with jealousy before he made himself drunk with
opium; and we were told, that the Indian who runs a muck is always first
driven to desperation by some outrage, and always first revenges himself
upon those who have done him wrong: we were also told, that though these
unhappy wretches afterwards run into the street with a weapon in their
hand, frantic and foaming at the mouth, yet they never kill any but
those who attempt to apprehend them, or those whom they suspect of such
an intention, and that whoever gives them way is safe. They are
generally slaves, who indeed are most subject to insults, and least able
to obtain legal redress: freemen, however, are sometimes provoked into
this extravagance, and one of the persons who run a muck while we were
at Batavia, was free and in easy circumstances. He was jealous of his
own brother, whom he first killed, and afterwards two others, who
attempted to oppose him: he did not, however, come out of his house, but
endeavoured to defend himself in it, though the opium had so far
deprived him of his senses, that of three muskets, which he attempted to
use against the officers of justice, not one was either loaded or
primed. If the officer takes one of these amocks, or mohawks, as they
have been called by an easy corruption, alive, his reward is very
considerable, but if he kills them, nothing is added to his usual pay;
yet such is the fury of their desperation, that three out of four are of
necessity destroyed in the attempt to secure them, though the officers
are provided with instruments like large tongs, or pincers, to lay hold
of them without coming within the reach of their weapon. Those who
happen to be taken alive are generally wounded, but they are always
broken alive upon the wheel, and if the physician who is appointed to
examine their wounds, thinks them likely to be mortal, the punishment is
inflicted immediately, and the place of execution is generally the spot
where the first murder was committed.

Among these people, there are many absurd practices and opinions which
they derive from their pagan ancestors: they believe that the devil,
whom they call Satan, is the cause of all sickness and adversity, and
for this reason, when they are sick, or in distress, they consecrate
meat, money, and other things to him, as a propitiation. If any one
among them is restless, and dreams for two or three nights successively,
he concludes that Satan has taken that method of laying his commands
upon him, which, if he neglects to fulfil, he will certainly suffer
sickness or death, though they are not revealed with sufficient
perspicuity to ascertain their meaning: to interpret his dream,
therefore, he taxes his wits to the uttermost, and if, by taking it
literally or figuratively, directly or by contraries, he can put no
explanation upon it that perfectly satisfies him, he has recourse to the
cawin or priest, who assists him with a comment and illustrations, and
perfectly reveals the mysterious suggestions of the night. It generally
appears that the devil wants victuals or money, which are always
allotted him, and being placed on a little plate of cocoa-nut leaves,
are hung upon the branch of a tree near the river, so that it seems not
to be the opinion of these people, that, in prowling the earth, “the
devil walketh through dry places.” Mr. Banks once asked, whether they
thought Satan spent the money, or ate the victuals; he was answered,
that as to the money it was considered rather as a mulct upon an
offender, than a gift to him who had enjoined it, and that therefore, if
it was devoted by the dreamer, it mattered not into whose hands it came,
and they supposed that it was generally the prize of some stranger who
wandered that way; but as to the meat they were clearly of opinion, that
although the devil did not eat the gross parts, yet, by bringing his
mouth near it, he sucked out all its savour without changing its
position, so that afterwards it was as tasteless as water.

But they have another superstitious opinion that is still more
unaccountable. They believe that women, when they are delivered of
children, are frequently at the same time delivered of a young
crocodile, as a twin to the infant: they believe that these creatures
are received most carefully by the midwife, and immediately carried down
to the river, and put into the water. The family in which such a birth
is supposed to have happened, constantly put victuals into the river for
their amphibious relation, and especially the twin, who, as long as he
lives, goes down to the river at stated seasons, to fulfil this
fraternal duty, for the neglect of which, it is the universal opinion
that he will be visited with sickness or death. What could at first
produce a notion so extravagant and absurd, it is not easy to guess,
especially as it seems to be totally unconnected with any religious
mystery, and how a fact which never happened, should be pretended to
happen every day, by those who cannot be deceived into a belief of it by
appearances, nor have any apparent interest in the fraud, is a problem
still more difficult to solve. Nothing however can be more certain than
the firm belief of this strange absurdity among them, for we had the
concurrent testimony of every Indian who was questioned about it, in its
favour. It seems to have taken its rise in the islands of Celebes and
Boutou, where many of the inhabitants keep crocodiles in their families;
but however that be, the opinion has spread over all the eastern
islands, even to Timor and Ceram, and westward as far as Java and
Sumatra, where, however, young crocodiles are, I believe, never kept.

These crocodile twins are called _Sudaras_, and I shall relate one of
the innumerable stories that were told us, in proof of their existence,
from ocular demonstration.

A young female slave, who was born and bred up among the English at
Bencoolen, and had learnt a little of the language, told Mr. Banks that
her father, when he was dying, acquainted her that he had a crocodile
for his _Sudara_, and solemnly charged her to give him meat when he
should be dead, telling her in what part of the river he was to be
found, and by what name he was to be called up. That, in pursuance of
her father’s instructions and command, she went to the river, and,
standing upon the bank, called out _Radja Pouti_, White King, upon which
a crocodile came to her out of the water, and ate from her hand the
provisions that she had brought him. When she was desired to describe
this paternal uncle, who in so strange a shape had taken up his dwelling
in the water, she said, that he was not like other crocodiles, but much
handsomer; that his body was spotted and his nose red; that he had
bracelets of gold upon his feet, and ear-rings of the same metal in his
ears. Mr. Banks heard this tale of ridiculous falsehood patiently to the
end, and then dismissed the girl, without reminding her, that a
crocodile with ears was as strange a monster as a dog with a cloven
foot. Some time after this, a servant, whom Mr. Banks had hired at
Batavia, and who was the son of a Dutchman by a Javanese woman, thought
fit to acquaint his master that he had seen a crocodile of the same
kind, which had also been seen by many others, both Dutchmen and Malays:
that being very young, it was but two feet long, and had bracelets of
gold upon its feet. There is no giving credit to these stories, said Mr.
Banks, for I was told the other day that a crocodile had ear-rings; and
you know that could not be true, because crocodiles have no ears. Ah,
Sir, said the man, these Sudara Oran are not like other crocodiles; they
have five toes upon each foot, a large tongue that fills their mouth,
and ears also, although they are indeed very small.

How much of what these people related they believed, cannot be known;
for there are no bounds to the credulity of ignorance and folly. In the
girl’s relation, however, there are some things in which she could not
be deceived; and therefore must have been guilty of wilful falsehood.
Her father might perhaps give her a charge to feed a crocodile, in
consequence of his believing that it was his Sudara; but its coming to
her out of the river, when she called it by the name of White King, and
taking the food she had brought it, must have been a fable of her own
invention; for this being false, it was impossible that she should
believe it to be true. The girl’s story, however, as well as that of the
man, is a strong proof that they both firmly believed the existence of
crocodiles that are Sudaras to men; and the girl’s fiction will be
easily accounted for, if we recollect, that the earnest desire which
every one feels to make others believe what he believes himself, is a
strong temptation to support it by unjustifiable evidence. And the
averring what is known to be false, in order to produce in others the
belief of what is thought to be true, must, upon the most charitable
principles, be imputed to many, otherwise venerable characters, through
whose hands the doctrines of Christianity passed for many ages in their
way to us, as the source of all the silly fables related of the Romish
saints, many of them not less extravagant and absurd than this story of
the White King, and all of them the invention of the first relater.

The Bougis, Macassars, and Boetons, are so firmly persuaded that they
have relations of the crocodile species in the rivers of their own
country, that they perform a periodical ceremony in remembrance of them.
Large parties of them go out in a boat, furnished with great plenty of
provisions, and all kinds of music, and row backwards and forwards, in
places where crocodiles and alligators are most common, singing and
weeping by turns, each invoking his kindred, till a crocodile appears,
when the music instantly stops, and provisions, betel, and tobacco, are
thrown into the water. By this civility to the species, they hope to
recommend themselves to their relations at home; and that it will be
accepted instead of offerings immediately to themselves, which it is not
in their power to pay.

In the next rank to the Indians stand the Chinese, who in this place are
numerous, but possess very little property; many of them live within the
walls, and keep shops. The fruit-sellers of Passar Pissang have been
mentioned already; but others have a rich show of European and Chinese
goods: the far greater part, however, live in a quarter by themselves,
without the walls, called Campang China. Many of them are carpenters,
joiners, smiths, taylors, slipper-makers, dyers of cotton, and
embroiderers; maintaining the character of industry that is universally
given of them: and some are scattered about the country, where they
cultivate gardens, sow rice and sugar, and keep cattle and buffaloes,
whose milk they bring daily to town.

There is nothing clean or dirty, honest or dishonest, provided there is
not too much danger of a halter, that the Chinese will not readily do
for money. But though they work with great diligence, and patiently
undergo any degree of labour; yet no sooner have they laid down their
tools than they begin to game, either at cards or dice, or some other
play among the multitude that they have invented, which are altogether
unknown in Europe: to this they apply with such eagerness, as scarcely
to allow time for the necessary refreshments of food and sleep; so that
it is as rare to see a Chinese idle, as it is to see a Dutchman or an
Indian employed.

In manners they are always civil, or rather obsequious; and in dress
they are remarkably neat and clean, to whatever rank of life they
belong. I shall not attempt a description either of their persons or
habits, for the better kind of China paper, which is now common in
England, exhibits a perfect representation of both, though perhaps with
some slight exaggerations approaching towards the caricatura.

In eating they are easily satisfied, though the few that are rich have
many savoury dishes. Rice, with a small proportion of flesh or fish, is
the food of the poor; and they have greatly the advantage of the
Mahometan Indians, whose religion forbids them to eat of many things
which they could most easily procure. The Chinese, on the contrary,
being under no restraint, eat, besides pork, dogs, cats, frogs, lizards,
serpents of many kinds, and a great variety of sea animals, which the
other inhabitants of this country do not consider as food: they eat also
many vegetables, which an European, except he was perishing with hunger,
would never touch.

The Chinese have a singular superstition with regard to the burial of
their dead; for they will upon no occasion open the ground a second
time, where a body has been interred. Their burying-grounds, therefore,
in the neighbourhood of Batavia, cover many hundred acres, and the
Dutch, grudging the waste of so much land, will not sell any for this
purpose but at the most exorbitant price. The Chinese, however, contrive
to raise the purchase-money, and afford another instance of the folly
and weakness of human nature, in transferring a regard for the living to
the dead, and making that the object of solicitude and expence, which
cannot receive the least benefit from either. Under the influence of
this universal prejudice, they take an uncommon method to preserve the
body entire, and prevent the remains of it from being mixed with the
earth that surrounds it. They inclose it in a large thick coffin of
wood, not made of planks joined together, but hollowed out of the solid
timber like a canoe; this being covered, and let down into the grave, is
surrounded with a coat of their mortar, called Chinam, about eight or
ten inches thick, which in a short time becomes as hard as a stone. The
relations of the deceased attend the funeral ceremony, with a
considerable number of women that are hired to weep: it might reasonably
be supposed that the hired appearance of sorrow could no more flatter
the living than benefit the dead: yet the appearance of sorrow is known
to be hired among people much more reflective and enlightened than the
Chinese. In Batavia, the law requires that every man should be buried
according to his rank, which is in no case dispensed with; so that, if
the deceased has not left sufficient to pay his debts, an officer takes
an inventory of what was in his possession when he died, and out of the
produce buries him in the manner prescribed, leaving only the overplus
to his creditors. Thus in many instances are the living sacrificed to
the dead, and money that should discharge a debt, or feed an orphan,
lavished in idle processions, or materials that are deposited in the
earth to rot.

Another numerous class among the inhabitants of this country is the
slaves; for by slaves the Dutch, Portuguese, and Indians, however
different in their rank or situation, are constantly attended: they are
purchased from Sumatra, Malacca, and almost all the eastern islands. The
natives of Java, very few of whom, as I have before observed, live in
the neighbourhood of Batavia, have an exemption from slavery under the
sanction of very severe penal laws, which I believe are seldom violated.
The price of these slaves is from ten to twenty pounds sterling; but
girls, if they have beauty, sometimes fetch a hundred. They are a very
lazy set of people; but as they will do but little work, they are
content with a little victuals, subsisting altogether upon boiled rice,
and a small quantity of the cheapest fish. As they are natives of
different countries, they differ from each other extremely, both in
person and disposition. The African negroes, called here _Papua_, are
the worst, and consequently may be purchased for the least money: they
are all thieves, and all incorrigible. Next to these are the Bougis and
Macassars, both from the island of Celebes; these are lazy in the
highest degree, and though not so much addicted to theft as the negroes,
have a cruel and vindictive spirit, which renders them extremely
dangerous; especially as, to gratify their resentment, they will make no
scruple of sacrificing life. The best slaves, and consequently the
dearest, are procured from the island of Bali: the most beautiful women
from Nias, a small island on the coast of Sumatra; but they are of a
tender and delicate constitution, and soon fall a sacrifice to the
unwholesome air of Batavia. Besides these, there are Malays, and slaves
of several other denominations, whose particular characteristics I do
not remember.

These slaves are wholly in the power of their masters with respect to
any punishment that does not take away life; but if a slave dies in
consequence of punishment, though his death should not appear to have
been intended, the master is called to a severe account, and he is
generally condemned to suffer capitally. For this reason the master
seldom inflicts punishment upon the slave himself, but applies to an
officer called a Marineu, one of whom is stationed in every district.
The duty of the Marineu is to quell riots, and take offenders into
custody; but more particularly to apprehend runaway slaves, and punish
them for such crimes as the master, supported by proper evidence, lays
to their charge: the punishment however is not inflicted by the Marineu
in person, but by slaves who are bred up to the business. Men are
punished publicly, before the door of their master’s house; but women
within it. The punishment is by stripes, the number being proportioned
to the offence; and they are given with rods made of rattans, which are
split into slender twigs for the purpose, and fetch blood at every
stroke. A common punishment costs the master a rix-dollar, and a severe
one a ducatoon, about six shillings and eight-pence. The master is also
obliged to allow the slave three dubbelcheys, equal to about seven-pence
half-penny a week, as an encouragement, and to prevent his being under
temptations to steal, too strong to be resisted.

Concerning the government of this place I can say but little. We
observed, however, a remarkable subordination among the people. Every
man who is able to keep house has a certain specific rank acquired by
the length of his services to the company: the different ranks which are
thus acquired are distinguished by the ornaments of the coaches and the
dresses of the coachmen: some are obliged to ride in plain coaches, some
are allowed to paint them in different manners and degrees, and some to
gild them. The coachman also appears in clothes that are quite plain, or
more or less adorned with lace. The officer who presides here has the
title of governor-General of the Indies, and the Dutch governors of all
the other settlements are subordinate to him, and obliged to repair to
Batavia that he may pass their accounts. If they appear to have been
criminal, or even negligent, he punishes them by delay, and detains them
during pleasure, sometimes one year, sometimes two years, and sometimes
three: for they cannot quit the place till he gives them a dismission.
Next to the governor are the members of the council, called here _Edele
Heeren_, and by the corruption of the English, _Idoleers_. These
Idoleers take upon them so much state, that whoever meets them in a
carriage is expected to rise up and bow, then to drive on one side of
the road, and there stop till they are past: the same homage is required
also to their wives, and even their children; and it is commonly paid
them by the inhabitants. But some of our captains have thought so
slavish a mark of respect beneath the dignity which they derive from the
service of his Britannic Majesty, and have refused to pay it; yet, if
they were in a hired carriage, nothing could deter the coachman from
honouring the Dutch grandee at their expence, but the most peremptory
menace of immediate death.

Justice is administered here by a body of lawyers, who have ranks of
distinction among themselves. Concerning their proceedings in questions
of property, I know nothing; but their decisions in criminal cases seem
to be severe with respect to the natives, and lenient with respect to
their own people, in a criminal degree. A Christian always is indulged
with an opportunity of escaping before he is brought to a trial,
whatever may have been his offence; and if he is brought to a trial and
convicted, he is seldom punished with death: while the poor Indians, on
the contrary, are hanged, and broken upon the wheel, and even impaled
alive, without mercy.

The Malays and Chinese have judicial officers of their own, under the
denominations of captains and lieutenants, who determine in civil cases,
subject to an appeal to the Dutch court.

The taxes paid by these people to the Company are very considerable; and
that which is exacted of them for liberty to wear their hair, is by no
means the least. They are paid monthly, and to save the trouble and
charge of collecting them, a flag is hoisted upon the top of a house in
the middle of the town when a payment is due, and the Chinese have
experienced that it is their interest to repair thither with their money
without delay.

The money current here consists of ducats, worth a hundred and
thirty-two stivers; ducatoons, eighty stivers; imperial rix-dollars,
sixty; rupees of Batavia, thirty; schellings, six; double cheys, two
stivers and a half; and doits, one fourth of a stiver. Spanish dollars,
when we were here, were at five shillings and fivepence; and we were
told, that they were never lower than five shillings and fourpence, even
at the Company’s warehouse. For English guineas we could never get more
than nineteen shillings upon an average; for though the Chinese would
give twenty shillings for some of the brightest, they would give no more
than seventeen shillings for those that were much worn.

It may, perhaps, be of some advantage to strangers to be told that there
are two kinds of coin here, of the same denomination, milled and
unmilled, and that the milled is of most value. A milled ducatoon is
worth eighty stivers; but an unmilled ducatoon is worth no more than
seventy-two. All accounts are kept in rix-dollars and stivers, which,
here at least, are mere nominal coins, like our pound sterling. The
rixdollar is equal to forty-eight stivers, about four shillings and
sixpence English currency.




                              CHAP. XIII.

   THE PASSAGE FROM BATAVIA TO THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE; SOME ACCOUNT OF
  PRINCE’S ISLAND AND ITS INHABITANTS, AND A COMPARATIVE VIEW OF THEIR
                 LANGUAGE WITH THE MALAY AND JAVANESE.


ON Thursday the 27th of December, at six o’clock in the morning, we
weighed again and stood out to sea. After much delay by contrary winds,
we weathered Pulo Pare on the 29th, and stood in for the main; soon
after we fetched a small island under the main, in the midway between
Batavia and Bantam, called Maneater’s Island. The next day, we weathered
first Wapping Island, and then Pulo Babi. On the 31st, we stood over to
the Sumatra shore; and, on the morning of new-year’s day, 1771, we stood
over for the Java shore.

We continued our course as the wind permitted us till three o’clock in
the afternoon of the 5th, when we anchored under the south-east side of
Prince’s Island in eighteen fathom, in order to recruit our wood and
water, and procure refreshments for the sick, many of whom were now
become much worse than they were when we left Batavia. As soon as the
ship was secured, I went ashore, accompanied by Mr. Banks and Dr.
Solander, and we were met upon the beach by some Indians, who carried us
immediately to a man, who, they said, was their king. After we had
exchanged a few compliments with his Majesty, we proceeded to business;
but, in settling the price of turtle, we could not agree: this however
did not discourage us, as we made no doubt but that we should buy them
at our own price in the morning. As soon as we parted, the Indians
dispersed, and we proceeded along the shore in search of a
watering-place. In this we were more successful; we found water very
conveniently situated; and, if a little care was taken in filling it, we
had reason to believe that it would prove good. Just as we were going
off, some Indians, who remained with a canoe upon the beach, sold us
three turtle; but exacted a promise of us that we should not tell the
king.

The next morning, while a party was employed in filling water, we
renewed our traffic for turtle: at first, the Indians dropped their
demands slowly, but about noon they agreed to take the price that we
offered, so that before night we had turtle in plenty: the three that we
had purchased the evening before, were in the mean time served to the
ship’s company, who, till the day before, had not once been served with
salt provisions from the time of our arrival at Savu, which was now near
four months. In the evening, Mr. Banks went to pay his respects to the
king, at his palace, in the middle of a rice-field, and though his
Majesty was busily employed in dressing his own supper, he received the
stranger very graciously.

The next day, the natives came down to the trading place, with fowls,
fish, monkies, small deer, and some vegetables, but no turtle; for they
said that we had bought them all the day before. The next day, however,
more turtle appeared at market, and some were brought down every day
afterwards, during our stay, though the whole, together, was not equal
to the quantity that we bought the day after our arrival.

On the 11th, Mr. Banks having learnt from the servant whom he had hired
at Batavia, that the Indians of this island had a town upon the shore,
at some distance to the westward, he determined to see it; with this
view he set out in the morning, accompanied by the second lieutenant,
and as he had some reason to think that his visit would not be agreeable
to the inhabitants, he told the people whom he met, as he was advancing
along the shore, that he was in search of plants, which indeed was also
true. In about two hours they arrived at a place where there were four
or five houses, and meeting with an old man, they ventured to make some
inquiries concerning the town. He said that it was far distant; but they
were not to be discouraged in their enterprize, and he, seeing them
proceed in their journey, joined company and went on with them. He
attempted several times to lead them out of the way, but without
success; and at length they came within sight of the houses. The old man
then entered cordially into their party, and conducted them into the
town. The name of it is Samadang; it consists of about four hundred
houses, and is divided by a river of brackish water into two parts, one
of which is called the old town, and the other the new. As soon as they
entered the old town, they met several Indians whom they had seen at the
trading-place, and one of them undertook to carry them over to the new
town, at the rate of twopence a head. When the bargain was made, two
very small canoes were produced, in which they embarked; the canoes
being placed along-side of each other, and held together, a precaution
which was absolutely necessary to prevent their oversetting, the
navigation was at length safely performed, though not without some
difficulty; and when they landed in the new town, the people received
them with great friendship, and showed them the houses of their kings
and principal people, which are in this district: a few of them however
were open, for at this time the people had taken up their residence in
the rice-grounds, to defend the crop against the birds and monkies, by
which it would otherwise have been destroyed. When their curiosity was
satisfied, they hired a large sailing boat for two rupees, four
shillings, which brought them back to the ship time enough to dine upon
one of the small deer, weighing only forty pounds, which had been bought
the day before, and proved to be very good and savoury meat.

We went on shore in the evening, to see how the people who were employed
in wooding and watering went on, and were informed that an axe had been
stolen. As the passing over this fault might encourage the commission of
others of the same kind, application was immediately made to the king,
who, after some altercation, promised that the axe should be restored in
the morning; and kept his word, for it was brought to us by a man who
pretended that the thief, being afraid of a discovery, had privately
brought it and left it at his house in the night.

We continued to purchase between two and three hundred weight of turtle
in a day, besides fowls and other necessaries; and, in the evening of
the 13th, having nearly completed our wood and water, Mr. Banks went
ashore to take leave of his Majesty, to whom he had made several
trifling presents, and at parting gave him two quires of paper, which he
graciously received. They had much conversation, in the course of which
his Majesty inquired, why the English did not touch there as they had
been used to do. Mr. Banks replied, that he supposed it was because they
found a deficiency of turtle, of which there not being enough to supply
one ship, many could not be expected. To supply this defect, he advised
his Majesty to breed cattle, buffaloes, and sheep, a measure which he
did not seem much inclined to adopt.

On the 14th we made ready to sail, having on board a good stock of
refreshments, which we purchased of the natives, consisting of turtle,
fowl, fish, two species of deer, one as big as a sheep, the other not
larger than a rabbit; with cocoa-nuts, plantains, limes, and other
vegetables. The deer however served only for present use, for we could
seldom keep one of them alive more than four-and-twenty hours after it
was on board. On our part, the trade was carried on chiefly with Spanish
dollars, the natives seeming to set little value upon any thing else; so
that our people, who had a general permission to trade, parted with old
shirts and other articles, which they were obliged to substitute for
money to great disadvantage. In the morning of the 15th, we weighed,
with a light breeze, at N. E. and stood out to sea. Java Head, from
which I took my departure, lies in latitude 6° 49ʹ S., longitude 253°
12ʹ W.

Prince’s Island, where we lay about ten days, is, in the Malay language,
called _Pulo Selan_; and, in the language of the inhabitants, _Pulo
Paneitan_. It is a small island, situated in the western mouth of the
Strait of Sunda. It is woody, and a very small part of it only has been
cleared: there is no remarkable hill upon it, yet the English call the
small eminence, which is just over the landing-place, the Pike. It was
formerly much frequented by the India ships of many nations, but
especially those of England, which of late have forsaken it, as it is
said, because the water is bad; and touch either at North Island, a
small island that lies on the coast of Sumatra, without the east
entrance of the Strait, or at Mew Bay, which lies only a few leagues
from Prince’s Island, at neither of which places any considerable
quantity of other refreshments can be procured. Prince’s Island is, upon
the whole, certainly more eligible than either of them; and though the
water is brackish, if it is filled at the lower part of the brook, yet
higher up it will be found excellent.

The first and second, and perhaps the third ship that comes in the
season, may be tolerably supplied with turtle; but those that come
afterwards must be content with small ones. Those that we bought were of
the green kind, and at an average cost us about a half-penny or three
farthings a pound. We were much disappointed to find them neither fat
nor well flavoured; and we imputed it to their having been long kept in
crawls or pens of brackish water, without food. The fowls are large, and
we bought a dozen of them for a Spanish dollar, which is above fivepence
a piece: the small deer cost us twopence a piece, and the larger, of
which two only were brought down, a rupee. Many kinds of fish are to be
had here, which the natives sell by hand, and we found them tolerably
cheap. Cocoa-nuts we bought at the rate of a hundred for a dollar, if
they were picked; and if they were taken promiscously, one hundred and
thirty. Plantains we found in great plenty; we procured also some
pine-apples, water-melons, jaccas, and pumkins; besides rice, the
greater part of which was of the mountain-kind, that grows on dry land;
yams, and several other vegetables, at a very reasonable rate.

The inhabitants are Javenese, whose raja is subject to the sultan of
Bantam. Their customs are very similar to those of the Indians about
Batavia; but they seem to be more jealous of their women, for we never
saw any of them during all the time we were there, except one by chance
in the woods, as she was running away to hide herself. They profess the
Mahometan religion, but I believe there is not a mosque in the whole
island: we were among them during the fast, which the Turks call
_Ramadan_, which they seemed to keep with great rigour, for not one of
them would touch a morsel of victuals, or even chew their betel till
sun-set.

Their food is nearly the same as that of the Batavian Indians, except
the addition of the nuts of the palm, called _Cycas circinalis_, with
which, upon the coast of New Holland, some of our people were made sick,
and some of our hogs poisoned.

Upon observing these nuts to be part of their food, we enquired by what
means they deprived them of their deleterious quality; and they told us,
that they first cut them into thin slices, and dried them in the sun,
then steeped them in fresh water for three months, and afterwards,
pressing out the water, dried them in the sun a second time; but we
learnt that, after all, they are eaten only in times of scarcity, when
they mix them with their rice to make it go farther.

The houses of their town are built upon piles, or pillars, four or five
feet above the ground: upon these is laid a floor of bamboo canes, which
are placed at some distance from each other, so as to leave a free
passage for the air from below: the walls also are of bamboo, which are
interwoven, hurdlewise, with small sticks, that are fastened
perpendicularly to the beams which form the frame of the building: it
has a sloping roof, which is so well thatched with palm leaves, that
neither the sun nor the rain can find entrance. The ground over which
this building is erected, is an oblong square. In the middle of one side
is the door, and in the middle between that and the end of the house,
towards the left hand, is a window: a partition runs out from each end
towards the middle, which, if continued, would divide the whole floor
into two equal parts, longitudinally, but they do not meet in the
middle, so that an opening is left over-against the door; each end of
the house, therefore, to the right and left of the door, is divided into
two rooms, like stalls in a stable, all open towards the passage from
the door to the wall on the opposite side: in that next the door to the
left hand, the children sleep; that opposite to it, on the right hand,
is allotted to strangers; the master and his wife sleep in the inner
room on the left hand, and that opposite to it is the kitchen. There is
no difference between the houses of the poor and the rich, but in the
size; except that the royal palace, and the house of a man, whose name
is _Gundang_, the next in riches and influence to the king, is walled
with boards instead of being wattled with sticks and bamboo.

As the people are obliged to abandon the town, and live in the
rice-fields at certain seasons, to secure their crops from the birds and
the monkies, they have occasional houses there for their accommodation.
They are exactly the same as the houses in the town, except that they
are smaller, and are elevated eight or ten feet above the ground instead
of four.

The disposition of the people, as far as we could discover it, is good.
They dealt with us very honestly, except, like all other Indians, and
the itinerant retailers of fish in London, they asked sometimes twice,
and sometimes thrice as much for their commodities as they would take.
As what they brought to market, belonged, in different proportions, to a
considerable number of the natives, and it would have been difficult to
purchase it in separate lots, they found out a very easy expedient with
which every one was satisfied: they put all that was bought of one kind,
as plantains, or cocoa-nuts, together, and when we had agreed for the
heap, they divided the money that was paid for it, among those of whose
separate property it consisted, in a proportion corresponding with their
contributions. Sometimes, indeed, they changed our money, giving us 240
doits, amounting to five shillings for a Spanish dollar, and ninety-six,
amounting to two shillings, for a Bengal rupee.

They all speak the Malay language, though they have a language of their
own, different both from the Malay and the Javanese. Their own language
they call _Catta Gunung_, the language of the mountains; and they say
that it is spoken upon the mountains of Java, whence their tribe
originally migrated, first to Mew Bay, and then to their present
station, being driven from their first settlement by tygers, which they
found too numerous to subdue. I have already observed, that several
languages are spoken by the native Javenese, in different parts of their
island; but when I say that the language of these people is different
from the Javenese, I mean that it is different from the language which
is spoken at Samarang, a place that is distant only one day’s journey
from the residence of the emperor of Java. The following is a list of
corresponding words in the languages of Prince’s Island, Java, and
Malacca.

    English.       _Prince’s         _Javanese._       _Malay._
                   Island._

 _A man_,          Jalma,            Oong Lanang,      Oran Lacki Lacki.

 _A woman_,        Becang,           Oong Wadong,      Parampuan.

 _A child_,        Oroculatacke,     Lari,             Anack.

 _The head_,       Holo,             Undass,           Capalla.

 _The nose_,       Erung,            Erung,            Edung.

 _The eyes_,       Mata,             Moto,             Mata.

 _The ears_,       Chole,            Cuping,           Cuping.

 _The teeth_,      Cutock,           Untu,             Ghigi.

 _The belly_,      Beatung,          Wuttong,          Prot.

 _The backside_,   Serit,            Celit,            Pantat.

 _The thigh_,      Pimping,          Poopoo,           Paha.

 _The knee_,       Hullootoor,       Duncul,           Lontour.

 _The leg_,        Metis,            Sickil,           Kauki.

 _A nail_,         Cucu,             Cucu,             Cucu.

 _A hand_,         Langan,           Tangan,           Tangan.

 _A finger_,       Ramo Langan,      Jari,             Jaring.

In this specimen of the languages of places so near to each other, the
names of different parts of the body are chosen, because they are easily
obtained from people whose language is utterly unknown, and because they
are more likely to be part of the original stamen of the language, than
any other, as types of the first objects to which they would give names.
It is very remarkable that the Malay, the Javanese, and the Prince’s
Island language, have words, which, if not exactly similar to the
corresponding words in the language of the islands in the South Seas,
are manifestly derived from the same source, as will appear from the
following table:

    English.     _South Sea._   _Malay._       _Javanese._    _Prince’s
                                                              Isl._

 _An eye_,       Matta,         Mata,          Moto,          Mata.

 _To eat_,       Maa,           Macan,         Mangan.

 _To drink_,     Einu,          Menum,         Gnumbe.

 _To kill_,      Matte,         Matte,         Matte.

 _A louse_,      Outou,         Coutou.

 _Rain_,         Euwa,          Udian,         Udan.

 _Bamboo cane_,  Owhe,                                        Awe.

 _A breast_,     Eu,            Sousou,        Sousou.

 _A bird_,       Mannu,                        Mannu,         Mannuck.

 _A fish_,       Eyca,          Ican,          Iwa.

 _The foot_,     Tapao,                        Tapaan.

 _A lobster_,    Tooura,        Udang,         Urang.

 _Yams_,         Eufwhe,        Ubi,           Urve.

 _To bury_,      Etannou,       Tannam,        Tandour.

 _A moschito_,   Enammou,       Gnammuck.

 _To scratch_,   Hearu,         Garru,         Garu.

 _Coccos roots_, Taro,          Tallas,        Talas.

 _In-land_,      Uta,           Utan.

This similitude is particularly remarkable in the words expressing
number, which, at first sight, seems to be no inconsiderable proof that
the science at least of these different people has a common root. But
the names of numbers in the island of Madagascar, are, in some
instances, similar to all these, which is a problem still more difficult
to solve. That the names of numbers, in particular, are in a manner
common to all these countries, will appear from the following
comparative table, which Mr. Banks drew up, with the assistance of a
negro slave, born at Madagascar, who was on board an English ship at
Batavia, and sent to him to gratify his curiosity on this subject.

 English.    _S. Sea     _Malay._    _Javanese._ _Prince’s   _Madagas._
             Islands._                           Isl._

 _One_,      Tahie,      Satou,      Sigi,       Hegie,      Isse.

 _Two_,      Rua,        Dua,        Lorou,      Dua,        Rua.

 _Three_,    Torou,      Tiga,       Tullu,      Tollu,      Tellou.

 _Four_,     Haa,        Ampat,      Pappat,     Opat,       Effats.

 _Five_,     Reina,      Lima,       Limo,       Limah,      Limi.

 _Six_,      Wheney,     Annam,      Nunnam,     Gunnap,     Ene.

 _Seven_,    Hetu,       Tudju,      Petu,       Tudju,      Titou.

 _Eight_,    Waru,       Delapau,    Wolo,       Delapan,    Walon.

 _Nine_,     Iva,        Sembilan,   Songo,      Salapan,    Sivi.

 _Ten_,      Ahouroa,    Sapoulou,   Sapoulou,   Sapoulou,   Tourou.

In the language of Madagascar, there are other words similar to words of
the same import in the Malay. The nose in Malay is called _Erung_, at
Madagascar _Ourou_; _Lida_, the tongue, is _Lala_; _Tangan_, the hand,
is _Tang_; and _Tanna_, the ground, is _Taan_.

From the similitude between the language of the Eastern Indies, and the
islands of the South Sea, conjectures may be formed with respect to the
peopling those countries, which cannot easily be referred to Madagascar.
The inhabitants of Java and Madagascar appear to be a different race;
the Javanese is of an olive complexion, and has long hair; the native of
Madagascar is black, and his head is not covered with hair, but wool;
and yet perhaps this will not conclude against their having common
ancestors so strongly as at first appears. It does not seem less
difficult to account for the personal difference between a native of
England and France, as an effect of mere local situation, than for the
difference between the natives of Java and Madagascar; yet it has never
been supposed, that England and France were not peopled from common
ancestors. If two natives of England marry in their own country, and
afterwards remove to our settlements in the West Indies, the children
that are conceived and born there will have the complexion and cast of
countenance that distinguish the Creole; if they return, the children
conceived and born afterwards, will have no such characteristics. If it
be said that the mother’s mind being impressed with different external
objects, impresses corresponding features and complexion upon the child
during her pregnancy, it will be as difficult to refer the effect into
this cause, upon mere physical principles, as into the other; for it can
no more be shown how a mere idea, conceived in the mother’s imagination,
can change the corporeal form of her infant, than how its form can be
changed by mere local situation. We know that people within the small
circle of Great Britain and Ireland, who are born at the distance of two
or three hundred miles from each other, will be distinguished by the
Scotch face, the Welsh face, and the Irish face; may we not then
reasonably suppose, that there are in nature qualities which act
powerfully as efficient causes, and yet are not cognizable by any of the
five modes of perception which we call senses? A deaf man, who sees the
string of a harpsichord vibrate, when a corresponding tone is produced
by blowing into a flute at a distance, will see an effect of which he
can no more conceive the cause to exist in the blowing air into the
flute, than we can conceive the cause of the personal difference of the
various inhabitants of the globe to exist in mere local situation; nor
can he any more form an idea of the cause itself in one case, than we
can in the other: what happens to him then, in consequence of having but
four senses instead of five, may, with respect to many phenomena of
nature, happen to us, in consequence of having but five senses instead
of six, or any greater number.

Possibly, however, the learning of ancient Egypt might run in two
courses, one through Africa, and the other through Asia, disseminating
the same words in each, especially terms of number, which might thus
become part of the language of people who never had any communication
with each other.

We now made the best of our way for the Cape of Good Hope, but the seeds
of disease which we had received at Batavia began to appear with the
most threatening symptoms in dysenteries and slow fevers. Lest the water
which we had taken in at Prince’s Island should have had any share in
our sickness, we purified it with lime, and we washed all parts of the
ship between decks with vinegar, as a remedy against infection. Mr.
Banks was among the sick, and for some time there was no hope of his
life. We were very soon in a most deplorable situation; the ship was
nothing better than an hospital, in which those that were able to go
about, were too few to attend the sick, who were confined to their
hammocks; and we had almost every night a dead body to commit to the
sea. In the course of about six weeks, we buried Mr. Sporing, a
gentleman who was in Mr. Banks’s retinue, Mr. Parkinson, his
natural-history painter, Mr. Green the astronomer, the boatswain, the
carpenter and his mate, Mr. Monkhouse the midshipman, who had fothered
the ship after she had been stranded on the coast of New Holland, our
old jolly sail-maker and his assistant, the ship’s cook, the corporal of
the marines, two of the carpenter’s crew, a midshipman, and nine seamen;
in all three-and-twenty persons, besides the seven that we buried at
Batavia.




                               CHAP. XIV.

OUR ARRIVAL AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE; SOME REMARKS ON THE RUN FROM JAVA
HEAD TO THAT PLACE; A DESCRIPTION OF THE CAPE, AND OF SAINT HELENA; WITH
 SOME ACCOUNT OF THE HOTTENTOTS, AND THE RETURN OF THE SHIP TO ENGLAND.


ON Friday the 15th of March, about ten o’clock in the morning, we
anchored off the Cape of Good Hope, in seven fathom, with an ouzey
bottom. The west point of the bay, called the Lion’s Tail, bore W. N. W.
and the castle S. W., distant about a mile and a half. I immediately
waited upon the Governor, who told me that I should have every thing the
country afforded. My first care was to provide a proper place ashore for
the sick, which were not a few; and a house was soon found, where it was
agreed they should be lodged and boarded at the rate of two shillings
a-head per day.

Our run from Java Head, to this place, afforded very few subjects of
remark that can be of use to future navigators; such as occurred,
however, I shall set down. We had left Java Head eleven days before we
got the general south-east trade-wind, during which time, we did not
advance above 5° to the southward, and 3° to the west, having variable
light airs, interrupted by calms, with sultry weather, and an
unwholesome air, occasioned probably by the load of vapours which the
eastern trade-wind, and westerly monsoons, bring into these latitudes,
both which blow in these seas at the time of year when we happened to be
there. The easterly wind prevails as far as 10° or 12° S., and the
westerly as far as 6° or 8°; in the intermediate space the winds are
variable, and the air, I believe, always unwholesome; it certainly
aggravated the diseases which we brought with us from Batavia, and
particularly the flux, which was not in the least degree checked by any
medicine, so that whoever was seized with it, considered himself as a
dead man; but we had no sooner got into the trade-wind, than we began to
feel its salutary effects: we buried indeed several of our people
afterwards, but they were such as had been taken on board in a state so
low and feeble, that there was scarcely a possibility of their recovery.
At first we suspected that this dreadful disorder might have been
brought upon us by the water that we took on board at Prince’s Island,
or even by the turtle that we bought there; but there is not the least
reason to believe that this suspicion was well grounded, for all the
ships that came from Batavia at the same season, suffered in the same
degree, and some of them even more severely, though none of them touched
at Prince’s island in their way.

A few days after we left Java, we saw boobies about the ship for several
nights successively, and as these birds are known to roost every night
on shore, we thought them an indication that some island was not far
distant; perhaps it might be the island of Selam, which, in different
charts, is very differently laid down both in name and situation.

The variation of the compass off the west coast of Java is about 3° W.,
and so it continued without any sensible variation, in the common track
of ships to the longitude of 288° W., latitude 22° S., after which it
increased apace, so that in longitude 295°, latitude 23°, the variation
was 10° 20ʹ W.: in seven degrees more of longitude, and one of latitude,
it increased two degrees; in the same space farther to the west, it
increased five degrees: in latitude 28°, longitude 314°, it was 24° 20ʹ;
in latitude 29°, longitude 317°, it was 26° 10ʹ; and was then stationary
for the space of about ten degrees farther to the west; but in latitude
34°, longitude 333°, we observed it twice to be 28-¼° W., and this was
its greatest variation, for in latitude 35-½°, longitude 337°, it was
24°, and continued gradually to decrease; so that off Cape Anguillas, it
was 22° 30ʹ, and in Table Bay 20° 30ʹ W.

As to currents it did not appear that they were at all considerable,
till we came within a little distance of the meridian of Madagascar;
for, after we had made 52° of longitude from Java Head, we found, by
observation, that our error in longitude was only two degrees, and it
was the same when we had made only nineteen. This error might be owing
partly to a current setting to the westward, partly to our not making
proper allowances for the setting of the sea before which we run, and
perhaps to an error in the assumed longitude of Java Head. If that
longitude is erroneous, the error must be imputed to the imperfection of
the charts of which I made use in reducing the longitude from Batavia to
that place, for there can be no doubt but that the longitude of Batavia
is well determined. After we had passed the longitude of 307°, the
effects of the westerly currents began to be considerable; for in three
days, our error in longitude was 1° 5ʹ: the velocity of the current kept
increasing, as we proceeded to the westward, in so much that, for five
days successively after we made the land, we were driven to the S. W. or
S. W. by W., not less than twenty leagues a day; and this continued till
we were within sixty or seventy leagues of the Cape, where the current
set sometimes one way, and sometimes the other, though inclining rather
to the westward.

After the boobies had left us, we saw no more birds till we got nearly
abreast of Madagascar, where, in latitude 27-¾° S., we saw an albatross,
and after that time we saw them every day in great numbers, with birds
of several other sorts, particularly one about as big as a duck, of a
very dark brown colour with a yellowish bill. These birds became more
numerous as we approached the shore, and as soon as we got into
soundings, we saw gannets, which we continued to see as long as we were
upon the bank which stretches off Anguillas to the distance of forty
leagues, and extends along the shore to the eastward, from Cape False,
according to some charts, one hundred and sixty leagues. The real extent
of this bank is not exactly known; it is however useful as a direction
to shipping when to haul in, in order to make the land.

While we lay here, the Houghton Indiaman sailed for England, who, during
her stay in India, lost by sickness between thirty and forty men; and
when she left the Cape had many in a helpless condition with the scurvy.
Other ships suffered in the same proportion, who had been little more
than twelve months absent from England; our sufferings therefore were
comparatively light, considering that we had been absent near three
times as long.

Having lain here to recover the sick, procure stores, and perform
several necessary operations upon the ship and rigging, till the 13th of
April, I then got all the sick on board, several of whom were still in a
dangerous state, and having taken leave of the governor, I unmoored the
next morning, and got ready to sail.

The Cape of Good Hope has been so often described, and is so well known
in Europe, that I shall mention only a few particulars, which, in other
relations, are omitted or misrepresented.

Notwithstanding all that has been said to the contrary, no country that
we saw during the voyage makes a more forlorn appearance, or is in
reality a more sterile desert. The land over the Cape, which constitutes
the peninsula formed by Table Bay on the north, and False Bay on the
south, consists of high mountains, altogether naked and desolate: the
land behind these to the east, which may be considered as the isthmus,
is a plain of vast extent, consisting almost wholly of a light kind of
sea-sand, which produces nothing but heath, and is utterly incapable of
cultivation. All the spots that will admit of improvement, which
together bear about the same proportion to the whole as one to one
thousand, are laid out in vineyards, orchards, and kitchen-grounds; and
most of these little spots lie at a considerable distance from each
other. There is also the greatest reason to believe, that, in the
interior parts of this country, that which is capable of cultivation
does not bear a greater proportion to that which is incorrigibly barren;
for the Dutch told us, that they had settlements eight-and-twenty days’
journey up the country, a distance equal to at least nine hundred miles,
from which they bring provisions to the Cape by land; so that it seems
reasonable to conclude that provisions are not to be had within a less
compass. While we were at the Cape, a farmer came thither from the
country, at the distance of fifteen days’ journey, and brought his young
children with him. We were surprised at this, and asked him, if it would
not have been better to have left them with his next neighbour.
Neighbour! said the man, I have no neighbour within less than five days’
journey of me. Surely the country must be deplorably barren in which
those who settle only to raise provisions for a market, are dispersed at
such distances from each other. That the country is every where
destitute of wood appears to demonstration; for timber and planks are
imported from Batavia, and fuel is almost as dear as food. We saw no
tree, except in plantations near the town, that was six feet high; and
the stems, that were not thicker than a man’s thumb, had roots as thick
as an arm or a leg; such is the influence of the winds here to the
disadvantage of vegetation, setting the sterility of the soil out of the
question.

The only town which the Dutch have built here is, from its situation,
called Cape Town, and consists of about a thousand houses, neatly built
of brick, and in general whited on the outside; they are, however,
covered only with thatch, for the violence of the south east-winds would
render any other roof inconvenient and dangerous. The streets are broad
and commodious, all crossing each other at right angles. In the
principal street, there is a canal, on each side of which is planted a
row of oaks, that have flourished tolerably well, and yield an agreeable
shade: there is a canal also in one other part of the town, but the
slope of the ground in the course of both is so great, that they are
furnished with flood-gates, or locks, at intervals of little more than
fifty yards.

A much greater proportion of the inhabitants are Dutch in this place
than in Batavia; and as the town is supported principally by
entertaining strangers, and supplying them with necessaries, every man,
to a certain degree, imitates the manners and customs of the nation with
which he is chiefly concerned. The ladies, however, are so faithful to
the mode of their country, that not one of them will stir without a
chaudpied or chauffet, which is carried by a servant, that it may be
ready to place under her feet whenever she shall sit down. This practice
is the more remarkable, as very few of these chauffets have fire in
them, which indeed the climate renders unnecessary.

The women, in general, are very handsome; they have fine clear skins,
and a bloom of colour that indicates a purity of constitution, and high
health. They make the best wives in the world, both as mistresses of a
family and mothers; and there is scarcely a house that does not swarm
with children.

The air is salutary in a high degree; so that those who bring diseases
hither from Europe, generally recover perfect health in a short time;
but the diseases that are brought from India are not so certainly cured.

Notwithstanding the natural sterility of the climate, industry has
supplied this place with all the necessaries, and even the luxuries of
life, in the greatest profusion. The beef and mutton are excellent,
though the cattle and sheep are natives of the country; the cattle are
lighter than ours, more neatly made, and have horns that spread to a
much wider extent. The sheep are clothed with a substance between wool
and hair, and have tails of an enormous size; we saw some that weighed
twelve pounds, and were told that there were many much larger. Good
butter is made of the milk of the cows, but the cheese is very much
inferior to our own. Here are goats, but they are never eaten, hogs, and
a variety of poultry. Hares are also found here, exactly like those of
Europe; antelopes of many kinds, quails of two sorts, and bustards,
which are well flavoured, but not juicy. The fields produce European
wheat and barley, and the gardens European vegetables, and fruit of all
kinds, besides plantains, guavas, jambu, and some other Indian fruits,
but these are not in perfection; the plantains, in particular, are very
bad, and the guavas no larger than gooseberries. The vineyards also
produce wine of various sorts, but not equal to those of Europe, except
the Constantia, which is made genuine only at one vineyard, about ten
miles distant from the town. There is another vineyard near it, where
wine is made that is called by the same name, but it is greatly
inferior.

The common method in which strangers live here, is to lodge and board
with some of the inhabitants, many of whose houses are always open for
their reception: the rates are from five shillings to two shillings a
day, for which all necessaries are found. Coaches may be hired at
four-and-twenty shillings a day, and horses at six shillings; but the
country affords very little temptation to use them. There are no public
entertainments; and those that are private, to which strangers of the
rank of gentlemen are always admitted, were suspended while we were
there by the breaking out of the measles.

At the farther end of the High-street, the Company have a garden, which
is about two-thirds of an English mile long; the whole is divided by
walks that intersect each other at right angles, and are planted with
oaks that are clipt into wall-hedges, except in the centre walk, where
they are suffered to grow to their full size, and afford an agreeable
shade, which is the more welcome, as, except the plantations by the
sides of the two canals, there is not a single tree that would serve
even for a shepherd’s bush, within many miles of the town. The greater
part of this garden is kitchen-ground; but two small squares are
allotted to botanical plants, which did not appear to be so numerous by
one half as they were when Oldenland wrote his catalogue. At the farther
end of the garden is a menagerie, in which there are many birds and
beasts that are never seen in Europe; particularly a beast called by the
Hottentots _Coe doe_, which is as large as a horse, and has the fine
spiral horns which are sometimes seen in private and public collections
of curiosities.

Of the natives of this country, we could learn but little, except from
report; for there were none of their habitations, where alone they
retain their original customs, within less than four days’ journey from
the town; those that we saw at the Cape were all servants to Dutch
farmers, whose cattle they take care of, and are employed in other
drudgery of the meanest kind. These are in general of a slim make, and
rather lean than plump, but remarkably strong, nimble, and active. Their
size is nearly the same with that of Europeans, and we saw some that
were six feet high; their eyes are dull and without expression; their
skins are of the colour of soot, but that is in a great measure caused
by the dirt, which is so wrought into the grain that it cannot be
distinguished from complexion; for I believe they never wash any part of
their bodies. Their hair curls strongly, not like a negroe’s, but falls
in ringlets about seven or eight inches long. Their clothing consists of
a skin, generally that of a sheep, thrown over their shoulders; besides
which, the men wear a small pouch in the middle of the waist, and the
women, a broad leather flap, both which hang from a girdle or belt that
is adorned with beads and small pieces of copper. Both men and women
wear necklaces, and sometimes bracelets of beads; and the women wear
rings of hard leather round their ancles, to defend them from the
thorns, with which their country every where abounds: some of them have
a sandal, made of wood or bark; but the greater part of them are unshod.

To a European, their language appears to be scarcely articulate; besides
which it is distinguished by a very remarkable singularity. At very
frequent intervals, while they are speaking, they cluck with the tongue
against the roof of the mouth: these clucks do not appear to have any
meaning, but rather to divide what they say into sentences. Most of
these Hottentots speak Dutch, without any peculiarity of pronunciation.

They are all modest, even to sheepishness; for it was not without the
greatest difficulty that we could persuade any of them to dance, or even
to speak in their own language to each other, in our presence. We did
however both see them dance, and hear them sing; their dances are, by
turns, active and sluggish to excess; sometimes consisting of quick and
violent motions, with strange distortions of the body, and unnatural
leaps backwards and forwards, with the legs crossing each other; and
being sometimes so spiritless that the dancer only strikes the ground
first with one foot and then with the other, neither changing place nor
moving any other part of his body: the songs also are alternately to
quick and slow movements, in the same extremes as the dance.

We made many enquiries concerning these people of the Dutch, and the
following particulars are related upon the credit of their report.

Within the boundaries of the Dutch settlements, there are several
nations of these people, who very much differ from each other in their
customs and manner of life: all, however, are friendly and peaceable,
except one clan that is settled to the eastward, which the Dutch call
_Bosch men_, and these live entirely by plunder, or rather by theft; for
they never attack their neighbours openly, but steal the cattle
privately in the night. They are armed however to defend themselves, if
they happen to be detected, with lances or assagays, and arrows, which
they know how to poison by various ways, some with the juice of herbs,
and some with the venom of the serpent, called _Cobra di Capelo_; in the
hands of these people a stone also is a very formidable weapon, for they
can throw it with such force and exactness as repeatedly to hit a dollar
at the distance of a hundred paces. As a defence against these
freebooters, the other Indians train up bulls, which they place round
their towns in the night, and which, upon the approach of either man or
beast, will assemble and oppose them, till they hear the voice of their
masters encouraging them to fight, or calling them off, which they obey
with the same docility as a dog.

Some nations have the art of melting and preparing copper, which is
found among them, probably native; and of this they make broad plates,
which they wear as ornaments upon their foreheads. Some of them also
know how to harden bits of iron, which they procure from the Dutch, and
form into knives, so as to give them a temper superior to that of any
they can buy.

The chiefs, many of whom are possessors of very numerous herds of
cattle, are generally clad in the skins of lions, tygers, or zebras, to
which they add fringes, and other ornaments, in a very good taste. Both
sexes frequently anoint the body with grease, but never use any that is
rancid or fœtid, if fresh can be had. Mutton suet and butter are
generally used for this purpose; butter is preferred, which they make by
shaking the milk in a bag made of the skin of some beast.

We were told that the priest certainly gives the nuptial benediction, by
sprinkling the bride and bridegroom with his urine. But the Dutch
universally declared that the women never wrapped the entrails of sheep
round their legs, as they have been said to do, and afterwards make them
part of their food. Semicastration was also absolutely denied to be
general; but it was acknowledged that some among the particular nation
which knew how to melt copper had suffered that operation, who were said
to be the best warriors, and particularly to excel in the art of
throwing stones.

We were very desirous to determine the great question among natural
historians, whether the women of this country have or have not that
fleshy flap or apron which has been called the _Sinus pudoris_, and what
we learnt I shall relate. Many of the Dutch and Malays, who said they
had received favours from Hottentot women, positively denied its
existence; but a physician of the place declared that he had cured many
hundreds of venereal complaints, and never saw one without two fleshy,
or rather skinny appendages, proceeding from the upper part of the
_labia_, in appearance somewhat resembling the teats of a cow, but flat;
they hung down, he said, before the _pudendum_, and were in different
subjects of different lengths, in some not more than half an inch, in
others, three or four inches: these he imagined to be what some writers
have exaggerated into a flap, or apron, hanging down from the bottom of
the abdomen, of sufficient extent to render an artificial covering of
the neighbouring parts unnecessary.

This much for the country, its productions, and inhabitants. The bay is
large, safe, and commodious; it lies open indeed to the north-west
winds, but they seldom blow hard; yet as they sometimes send in a great
sea, the ships moor N. E. and S. W., so as to have an open hawser with
north-west winds: the south-east winds blow frequently with great
violence, but as the direction is right out of the bay, they are not
dangerous. Near the town a wharf of wood is run out to a proper distance
for the convenience of landing and shipping goods. To this wharf water
is conveyed in pipes, from which several boats may fill water at the
same time; and several large boats or hoys are kept by the Company to
carry stores and provisions to and from the shipping in the harbour. The
bay is defended by a square fort, situated close to the beach on the
east side of the town, and by several outworks and batteries extending
along the shore, as well on this side of the town as the other; but they
are so situated as to be cannonaded by shipping, and are in a manner
defenceless against an enemy of any force by land. The garrison consists
of eight hundred regular troops, besides militia of the country, in
which is comprehended every man able to bear arms. They have
contrivances to alarm the whole country by signals in a very short time,
and the militia is then to repair immediately to the town.

The French at Mauritius are supplied from this place with salted beef,
biscuit, flour, and wine: the provisions for which the French contracted
this year were 500,000 lb. weight of salt beef, 400,000 lb. of flour,
400,000 lb. of biscuit, and 1,200 leagers of wine.

On the morning of the 14th, we weighed and stood out of the bay; and at
five in the evening anchored under Penquin, or Robin island: we lay here
all night, and as I could not sail in the morning for want of wind, I
sent a boat to the island for a few trifling articles which we had
forgot to take in at the Cape. But as soon as the boat came near the
shore, the Dutch hailed her, and warned the people not to land, at their
peril, bringing down at the same time six men armed with muskets, who
paraded upon the beach. The officer who commanded the boat, not thinking
it worth while to risk the lives of the people on board for the sake of
a few cabbages, which were all we wanted, returned to the ship. At first
we were at a loss to account for our repulse, but we afterwards
recollected, that to this island the Dutch at the Cape banish such
criminals as are not thought worthy of death, for a certain number of
years, proportioned to the offence; and employ them as slaves in digging
lime-stone, which, though scarce upon the continent, is plenty here: and
that a Danish ship, which by sickness had lost great part of her crew,
and had been refused assistance at the cape, came down to this island,
and sending her boat ashore, secured the guard, and took on board as
many of the criminals as she thought proper to navigate her home: we
concluded therefore that the Dutch, to prevent the rescue of their
criminals in time to come, had given order to their people here to
suffer no boat of any foreign nation to come ashore.

On the 25th, at three o’clock in the afternoon, we weighed, with a light
breeze at S. E., and put to sea. About an hour afterwards, we lost our
master, Mr. Robert Mollineux, a young man of good parts, but unhappily
given up to intemperance, which brought on disorders that put an end to
his life.

We proceeded in our voyage homeward without any remarkable incident; and
in the morning of the 29th we crossed our first meridian, having
circumnavigated the globe in the direction from east to west, and
consequently lost a day, for which we made an allowance at Batavia.

At day-break, on the first of May, we saw the island of Saint Helena;
and at noon, we anchored in the road before James’s fort.

We staid here till the 4th, to refresh, and Mr. Banks improved the time
in making the complete circuit of the island, and visiting the most
remarkable places upon it.

It is situated as it were in the middle of the vast Atlantic Ocean,
being four hundred leagues distant from the coast of Africa, and six
hundred from that of America. It is the summit of an immense mountain
rising out of the sea, which, at a little distance all round it, is of
an unfathomable depth, and is no more than twelve leagues long, and six
broad.

The seat of volcanoes has, without exception, been found to be the
highest part of the countries in which they are found. Ætna and Vesuvius
have no land higher than themselves, in their neighbourhood; Hecla is
the highest hill in Iceland: volcanoes are frequent in the highest part
of the Andes in South America; and the pike of Teneriffe is known to be
the covering of subterraneous fire: these are still burning, but there
are innumerable other mountains which bear evident marks of fire that is
now extinct, and has been so from the time of our earliest traditions:
among these is Saint Helena, where the inequalities of the ground, in
its external surface, are manifestly the effect of the sinking of the
earth, for the opposite ridges, though separated always by deep, and
sometimes by broad valleys, are exactly similar both in appearance and
direction; and that the sinking of the earth in these parts, was caused
by subterraneous fire, is equally manifest from the stones; for some of
them, especially those in the bottom of the valleys, are burnt almost to
a cinder: in some there are small bubbles, like those that are seen in
glass which has been urged almost to fusion, and some, though at first
sight they do not appear to have been exposed to the action of great
heat, will be found, upon a closer inspection, to contain small pieces
of extraneous bodies, particularly mundick, which have yielded to the
power of fire, though it was not sufficient to alter the appearance of
the stone which contained them.

It appeared, as we approached it on the windward side, like a rude heap
of rocks, bounded by precipices of amazing height, and consisting of a
kind of half friable stone, which shows not the least sign of
vegetation; nor is it more promising upon a nearer view: in sailing
along the shore, we came so near the huge cliffs, that they seemed to
overhang the ship, and the tremendous effect of their giving way, made
us almost fear the event: at length we opened a valley, called Chappel
Valley, which resembles a large trench; and in this valley we discovered
the town. The bottom of it is slightly covered with herbage, but the
sides are as naked as the cliffs that are next the sea. Such is the
first appearance of the island in its present cultivated state, and the
first hills must be passed before the valleys look green, or the country
displays any other marks of fertility.

The town stands just by the sea-side, and the far greater part of the
houses are ill built; the church, which originally was a mean structure,
is in ruins, and the market-house is nearly in the same condition.

The white inhabitants are all English, who, as they are not permitted by
the East India Company, to whom the island belongs, to carry on any
trade or commerce on their own account, subsist wholly by supplying such
ships as touch at the place with refreshments, which, however, they do
not provide in proportion to the fertility of the soil, and the
temperament of the climate, which would enable them, by cultivation, to
produce all the fruits and vegetables both of Europe and India. This
island, indeed, small as it is, enjoys the different advantages of
different climates, for the cabbage-trees which grow upon the highest
ridges, can by no art be cultivated upon the ridges next below, where
the red-wood and gum-wood both flourish, which will not grow upon the
ridges above, and neither of the three are to be found in the valleys,
which, in general, are covered with European plants, and the more common
ones of India. Here are a few horses, but they are kept only for the
saddle, so that all labour is performed by slaves; nor are they
furnished with any of the various machines which art has invented to
facilitate their task. The ground is not every where too steep for a
cart, and where it is, the wheel-barrow might be used with great
advantage, yet there is no wheel-barrow in the whole island; every thing
is conveyed from place to place by the slaves, and they are not
furnished even with the simple convenience of a porter’s knot, but carry
their burden upon their heads. They are indeed very numerous, and are
brought to almost every part of the world, but they appeared to be a
miserable race, worn out partly by excessive labour, and partly by ill
usage, of which they frequently complained; and I am sorry to say, that
instances of wanton cruelty are much more frequent among my countrymen
here, than among the Dutch, who are, and perhaps not without reason,
generally reproached with want of humanity at Batavia and the Cape.

Among the native products of this island, which are not numerous, must
be reckoned ebony, though the trees are now nearly extinct, and are not
remembered to have been plenty: pieces of the wood are frequently found
in the valleys, of a fine black colour, and a hardness almost equal to
iron: these pieces, however, are always so short and crooked, that no
use can be made of them. Whether the tree is the same with that which
produces ebony upon the isle of Bourbon, or the islands adjacent, is not
known, as the French have not yet published any account of it.

There are but few insects in this place, but there is a species of snail
found upon the tops of the highest ridges, which probably has been there
since the original creation of their kind, at the beginning of the
world. It is indeed very difficult to conceive how any thing which was
not deposited here at its creation, or brought hither by the diligence
of man, could find its way to a place so severed from the rest of the
world, by seas of immense extent, except the hypothesis that has been
mentioned on another occasion be adopted, and this rock be supposed to
have been left behind, when a large tract of country, of which it was
part, subsided by some convulsion of nature, and was swallowed up in the
ocean.

At one o’clock in the afternoon of the 4th of May, we weighed and stood
out of the road, in company with the Portland man-of-war, and twelve
sail of Indiamen.

We continued to sail in company with the fleet, till the 10th in the
morning, when, perceiving that we sailed much heavier than any other
ship, and thinking it for that reason probable that the Portland would
get home before us, I made the signal to speak with her, upon which
Captain Elliot himself came on board, and I delivered to him a letter to
the Admiralty, with a box, containing the common log-books of the ship,
and the journals of some of the officers. We continued in company,
however, till the 23d in the morning, and then there was not one of the
ships in sight. About one o’clock in the afternoon died our first
lieutenant Mr. Hicks, and in the evening we committed his body to the
sea, with the usual ceremonies. The disease of which he died, was a
consumption, and as he was not free from it when we sailed from England,
it may truly be said that he was dying during the whole voyage, though
his decline was very gradual till we came to Batavia: the next day I
gave Mr. Charles Clerk an order to act as lieutenant in his room, a
young man who was extremely well qualified for that station.

Our rigging and sails were now become so bad, that something was giving
way every day. We continued our course, however, in safety till the 10th
of June, when land, which proved to be the Lizard, was discovered by
Nicholas Young, the same boy that first saw New Zealand; on the 11th, we
run up the channel; at six in the morning of the 12th we passed Beachy
Head; at noon we were abreast of Dover, and about three came to an
anchor in the Downs, and went ashore at Deal.


                       END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

                             --------------

                   Printed by A. and R. Spottiswoode,
                        Printers-Street, London.

Footnote 1:

  In the account which Mr. Bossu has given of some Indians who inhabit
  the banks of the Akanza, a river of North America, which rises in New
  Mexico, and falls into the Mississippi, he relates the following
  incident: “The Akanzas,” says he, “have adopted me, and as a mark of
  my privilege, have imprinted the figure of a roe-buck upon my thigh,
  which was done in this manner: an Indian having burnt some straw,
  diluted the ashes with water, and with this mixture, drew the figure
  upon my skin; he then retraced it, by pricking the lines with needles,
  so as at every puncture just to draw the blood, and the blood mixing
  with the ashes of the straw, forms a figure which can never be
  effaced.” See Travels through Louisiana, vol. i. p. 107.




                           Transcriber’s Note


This book uses inconsistent spelling and hyphenation, which were
retained in the ebook version. Some corrections have been made to the
text, including such as normalizing punctuation. Further corrections are
noted below:

 p. 2. preceeding -> preceding
 p. 15. league and and a half -> league and a half
 p. 15. on each side the entrance -> on each side of the entrance
 p. 32. depth o water -> depth of water
 p. 65. land in in my route -> land in my route
 p. 69. latitute 370° -> latitude 37°
 p. 100. of this this head -> of this head
 p. 101. judging that their was -> judging that there was
 p. 108. reported at his retnrn -> reported at his return
 p. 119. one more remakable than the next -> one more remarkable than the
    next
 p. 127. Chap. II. -> Chap. III.
 p. 128. horrors of our stiuation -> horrors of our situation
 p. 145. Indian kalc -> Indian Kale
 p. 155. it it was indeed -> it was indeed
 p. 172. course grass -> coarse grass
 p. 187. ninteen fathom -> nineteen fathom
 p. 210. their being a perfect uniformity -> there being a perfect
    uniformity
 p. 212. tied roud the waist -> tied round the waist
 p. 250. who where white men -> who were white men
 p. 259. cellery -> celery
 p. 268. continual cheiwng -> continual chewing
 p. 279 delivered up as a courtsey -> delivered up as a courtesy
 p. 303 possiby this account -> possibly this account
 p. 325 their feast are plentiful -> their feasts are plentiful





End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Three Voyages of Captain Cook
Round the World. Vol. II. Being t, by James Cook and Joseph Banks and Dr. Hawkesworth

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