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diff --git a/old/56320-h/56320-h.htm b/old/56320-h/56320-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 839f316..0000000 --- a/old/56320-h/56320-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5319 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> - <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> - <title> - The Project Gutenberg eBook of British Policy in the Illinois - Country 1763-1768, by Clarence Edwin Carter. - </title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - - /* PAGE DIMENSIONS */ - @media screen - { - body { width:80%; max-width:45em; margin:auto; - text-align:justify; } - } - - h1, h2 { text-align:center; clear:both; } - - /*PARAGRAPHS */ - p { margin-top:.75em; - text-align:justify; - margin-bottom:.75em; - text-indent:2em; } - div.chapter { page-break-before:always; - page-break-inside:avoid; } - - /* TEXT ALIGNMENT AND MARGINS */ - .ac { text-align:center; - text-indent:0em; } - .ar { text-align:right; } - .noindent { text-indent:0em; } - .p2 { margin-top:2em; } - - /* FONTS */ - .x-larger { font-size:150%; } - - /* HORIZONTAL LINES */ - hr.chap { margin-top:5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - margin-left:20%; - margin-right:20%; - width:60%; } - hr.small { margin-left:45%; - margin-right:45%; - margin-top:2em; - width:10%; } - - /* TABLES */ - table { margin-left:20%; - margin-right:20%; - width:70%; - border:0; - border-spacing:0px; - padding:2px; } - -/* Table of contents */ - td.c1 { text-align:left; - vertical-align:top; - padding-right:0em; - padding-left:1.5em; - text-indent:-1.5em; - padding-top:0.5em; } - - .figcenter { clear:both; - margin:auto; - text-align:center; - max-width:100%; } - - /* PAGINATION */ - .pagenum { text-indent:0; - position:absolute; - right:5%; - font-size:0.6em; - font-variant:normal; - font-style:normal; - text-align:right; - background-color:#FFFFE5; - border:1px solid; - padding:0.3em; } - - /* FOOTNOTES */ - /* Footnotes container*/ - .footnotes { border:dashed 1px; - padding-left:.5em; - padding-right:.5em; } - .footnote { margin-left:5%; - margin-right:10%; - font-size:0.9em; } - .footnote .label { right:85%; - text-align:right; - text-decoration:underline; - padding-right:0.5em; } - .fnanchor { vertical-align:super; - font-size:.8em; } - - - - /* TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES */ - .transnote { background-color:#F0FFFF; - color:black; - padding-bottom:1em; - padding-top:.3em; - margin-top:3em; - margin-left:10%; - margin-right:10%; - padding-left:2em; - padding-right:1em; - border:1px solid; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; - page-break-inside:avoid; } - - - </style> -</head> -<body> - -<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of British Policy in the Illinois Country, 1763–1768, by Clarence Edwin Carter</div> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: British Policy in the Illinois Country, 1763–1768</div> -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Clarence Edwin Carter</div> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: January 5, 2018 [eBook #56320]<br /> -[Most recently updated: August 24, 2021]</div> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Christian Boissonnas and The Online Distributed Proofreading Team</div> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITISH POLICY IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY ***</div> - -<div class="transnote covernote"> - <p class="center"> The cover image was created by the transcriber - and is placed in the public domain.</p> -</div> - - -<h1> -BRITISH POLICY IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY<br /> -1763–1768</h1> - -<p class="ac p2">BY</p> - -<p class="ac p2">CLARENCE EDWIN CARTER<br /> -A. M., 1906 (UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN)</p> - -<hr class="small" /> - -<p class="ac p2">THESIS<br /> -SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS<br /> -FOR THE<br /> -DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY</p> - -<hr class="small" /> - -<p class="ac p2">IN THE<br /><br /> -GRADUATE SCHOOL<br /> -OF THE<br /> -UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS<br /><br /> -1908 -</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="figcenter"><a name="i_003.jpg" id="i_003.jpg"></a> - <img src="images/i_003.jpg" - alt="Certification of thesis" /> -</div> - -<p class="ac"> -UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS</p> - -<p class="ar">June 1 1908</p> - -<p class="ac"> -THIS IS TO CERTIFY THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY<br /> -Clarence Edwin Carter, A.M.<br /> -<br /> -ENTITLED British Policy in the Illinois Country, 1763-1768<br /> -<br /> -IS APPROVED BY ME AS FULFILLING THIS PART OF THE REQUIREMENTS -FOR THE DEGREE<br /> -OF Doctor of Philosophy in History<br /> -<br /> -Evarts B Greene<br /> -<br /> -HEAD OF DEPARTMENT OF History.<br /> -</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - - -<p class="ac">BRITISH POLICY IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY<br /><br /> -1763-1768</p> - -<table id="TOC" summary="CONTENTS"> - <tbody> - <tr> - <td class="c1"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</a>—Introductory - Survey.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="c1"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</a>—The - Occupation of Illinois.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="c1"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</a>—Status - of the Illinois Country in the Empire.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="c1"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</a>—Trade - Conditions in Illinois, 1765-1775.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="c1"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</a>—Colonizing - schemes in the Illinois.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="c1"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</a>—Events - in the Illinois Country, 1765-1768.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="c1"><a href="#BIBLIOGRAPHY">BIBLIOGRAPHY.</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="c1"><a href="#FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES.</a></td> - </tr> - </tbody> -</table> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - <h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="ac">INTRODUCTORY SURVEY.</p> - - -<p>In 1763 Great Britain was confronted with the momentous problem -of the readjustment of all her colonial relations in order to -meet the new conditions resulting from the peace of Paris, when -immense areas of territory and savage alien peoples were added -to the empire. The necessity of strengthening the imperial -ties between the old colonies and the mother country and reorganizing -the new acquisitions came to the forefront at this time and -led the government into a course soon to end in the disruption of -the empire. Certainly not the least of the questions demanding -solution was that of the disposition of the country lying to the -westward of the colonies, including a number of French settlements -and a broad belt of Indian nations. It does not, however, come -within the proposed limits of this study to discuss all the different -phases of the western policy of England, except in so far -as it may be necessary to make more clear her attitude towards -the French settlements in the Illinois country.</p> - -<p>The European situation leading to the Seven Years War, which -ended so disastrously to French dominion, is too familiar to need -repetition. That struggle was the culmination of a series of continental -and colonial wars beginning towards the close of the -seventeenth century and ending with the definitive treaty of 1763. -During the first quarter of the century France occupied a predominating -position among the powers. Through the aggressiveness of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> -Louis XIV and his ministers her boundaries had been pushed eastward -and westward, which seriously threatened the balance of power -on the continent. Until 1748 England and Austria had been in alliance -against their traditional enemy, while in the Austrian Succession -France had lent her aid to Prussia in the dismemberment of -the Austrian dominions,—at the same time extending her own power -in the interior of America and India. In the interval of nominal -peace after the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, preparations -were begun for another contest. The astute diplomacy of Kaunitz -won France from her traditional enmity and secured her as an open -ally for Maria Theresa in her war of revenge. -<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> While the European -situation was giving occasion for new alignments of powers, affairs -in America were becoming more and more important as between France -and England. Here for over a century the two powers had been rivals -for the territorial and commercial supremacy.</p> - -<p>In North America the pioneers had won for her the greater -part of the continent,—the extensive valleys of the St. Lawrence -and the Mississippi with all the land watered by their tributaries. -The French claim to this region was based almost entirely upon -discovery and exploration, for in all its extent less than one -thousand people were permanently settled. Canada at the north and -the region about New Orleans on the extreme south containing the -bulk of the population, while throughout the old Northwest settlements -were few and scattering. -<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Trading posts and small villages -existed at Vincennes on the Wabash River, at Detroit on a river -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> -of the same name, at St. Joseph near Lake Michigan and other isolated -places. Outside of Detroit, the most important and populous -settlement was situated along the eastern bank of the Mississippi, -in the southwestern part of the present state of Illinois. Here -were the villages of Kaskaskia, St. Phillippe, Prairie du Rocher, -Chartres village and Cahokia, containing a population of barely -two thousand people.</p> - -<p>In contrast to this vast area of French territory and the -sparseness of its population were the British colonies, with more -than a million people confined to the narrow strip between the Alleghany -mountains and the Atlantic ocean. These provinces were -becoming comparatively crowded and many enterprising families of -English, Scotch Irish, and German extraction were pushing westward -towards the mountains. Each year saw the pressure on the western -border increased; the great unoccupied valley of the Ohio invited -homeseekers and adventurers westward in spite of hostile French -and Indians. By the fifth decade the barriers were being broken -through by constantly increasing numbers, and the French found -their possession of the West and their monopoly of the fur trade -seriously threatened.</p> - -<p>To prevent such encroachments the French sought to bind their -possessions together with a line of forts extending from the St. -Lawrence down the Ohio valley to the Gulf of Mexico. It had indeed -been the plan of such men as La Salle, Iberville, and Bienville -to bring this territory into a compact whole and limit the -English colonies to the line of mountains. New Orleans and Mobile -gave France command of the Gulf of Mexico and the Mississippi -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> -River; Louisburg, Niagara, and Frontenac afforded protection for -Canada. The weak point for France was the Ohio valley, in the upper -part of which Virginia and Pennsylvania settlers had already -located. Celoron, who went down the Ohio in 1749, burying plates -of lead to signify French dominion, warning English settlers and -traders, and persuading the Indians to drive out the invaders of -their hunting grounds, saw the inevitableness of the conflict. -The American phase of the final struggle for colonial empire was -to begin in this region. -<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> - -<p>In the early years of the war Great Britain and her ally met -with serious reverses every where, and it seemed probable that -France would be able to hold her line of defense in America. The -French colonies, however, were fundamentally weak. Being wholly -dependent upon the mother country, when the latter became absorbed -in the continental struggle to the exclusion of her interests in -her colonial possessions, defeat was inevitable. By 1758 the tide -was turning in America; this, together with the victories of Clive -in India and Frederick the Great at Rossbach and Leuthen, started -France on her downward road to ruin as a world power, and with the -transference of the American struggle to Canada by the capture of -Montreal and Quebec the war was at an end. In 1762 the financial -condition of France became so desperate that Choiseul was anxious -for peace and he found George III and Lord Bute ready to abandon -their Prussian ally, and even to give up the fruits of some of the -brilliant victories of 1762 which brought Spain to her knees. -<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p> - -<p>The definitive treaty of Paris was signed February 10, 1763, -<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> -by the terms of which France ceded to Great Britain all of Canada -and gave up her claim to the territory east of the Mississippi River, -except the city of New Orleans, adding to this the right of -the free navigation of the Mississippi. Spain received back Havana -ceding Florida to England in return. A few weeks before -signing the definitive treaty, France, in a secret treaty with -Spain ceded to her the city of New Orleans and the vast region -stretching from the Mississippi towards the Pacific. Thus was -France divested of practically every inch of territory in America.</p> - -<p>The French colony in the Illinois country had been originally -established with the view of forming a connecting link between the -colonies in Louisiana on the south and Canada at the northeast. -La Salle himself had recognized the possible strategic value of -such an establishment from both a commercial and military standpoint. -<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> -Before any settlements had even been made on the lower -Mississippi, he and his associates had attempted in 1682 the formation -of a colony on the Illinois River, near the present site of -Peoria. -<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> -This the first attempt at western colonization was a failure. -The opening of the following century saw the beginning of a -more successful and permanent colony, when the Catholic missionaries -from Quebec established their missions at Kaskaskia and Cahokia, -<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> -near the villages of the Illinois Indians. They were soon -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> -followed by hunters and fur traders, and during the first two decades -of the eighteenth century a considerable number of families -immigrated from Canada, thus assuring the permanancy of the settlement.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile the contemporaneous colony of Louisiana had grown -to some importance, and in 1717, when the Company of the West assumed -control of the province, the Illinois country was annexed. -Prior to this time it had been within the jurisdiction of Quebec. -This gave the Illinois country a period of prosperity, many new -enterprizes being undertaken. Shortly after its annexation to -Louisiana, Pierre Boisbriant was given a commission to govern the -Illinois country, and among his instructions was an order to erect -a fort as a protection against possible encroachments from the -English and Spanish. About 1720 Fort Chartres was completed and -became thereafter the seat of government during the French regime. -In 1721 the Company of the West divided Louisiana into nine districts, -<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> -extending east and west of the Mississippi River between -the lines of the Ohio and Illinois rivers. In 1732 Louisiana passed -out of the hands of the Company of the West Indies, and, together -with the Illinois dependency, became a royal province. -<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> It remained -in this status until the close of the Seven Years War. -During this period its relation with Louisiana had become economic -as well as political, all of its trade being carried on through -New Orleans, and the southern colony often owed its existence to -the large supplies of flour and pork sent down the river from the -Illinois country. -<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - <h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="ac">THE OCCUPATION OF ILLINOIS.</p> - - -<p>By the treaty of Paris the title to the Illinois region passed -to Great Britain, but Fort Chartres was not immediately occupied. -Detachments of British troops had taken possession of practically -every other post in the newly ceded territory as early as -1760. The occupation of the forest posts of Green Bay, Mackinac, -St. Joseph, Ouitanon, Detroit, Fort Miami, Sandusky, Niagara and -others seemed to indicate almost complete British dominion in the -West. The transfer of the Illinois posts, however, remained to be -effected, and although orders were forwarded from France in the -summer of 1763 to the officers commanding in the ceded territory -to evacuate as soon as the English forces appeared, -<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> almost three -years elapsed before this was accomplished; for soon after the announcement -of the treaty of cession, that broad belt of Indian -tribes stretching from the fringe of the eastern settlements to -the Mississippi rose in open rebellion. -<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> This unexpected movement -had to be reckoned with before any thought of the occupation -of the Illinois could be seriously entertained.</p> - -<p>Of the two great northern Indian families, the Iroquois had -generally espoused the English cause during the recent war, while -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> -the Algonquin nations, living in Canada, and the Lake and Ohio regions, -had supported the French. At the close of the war the greater -portion of the French had sworn fealty to the English crown; -but the allegiance of their allies, the Algonquins, was at best -only temporary. It was thought that, since the power of France -had been crushed, there would be no further motive for the Indian -tribes to continue hostilities; but from 1761 there had been a -growing feeling of discontent among the western Indians. So long -as France and Great Britain were able to hold each other in check -in America, the Indian nations formed a balance of power, so to -speak, between them. England and France vied with each other to -conciliate the savages and to retain their good will. As soon, -however, as English dominion was assured, this attitude was somewhat -changed. The fur trade under the French had been well regulated, -but its condition under the English from 1760 to 1763 was -deplorable. -<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> -The English traders were rash and unprincipled men -<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> -who did not scruple to cheat and insult their Indian clients at -every opportunity. The more intelligent of the western and northern -Indians perceived that their hunting grounds would soon be -overrun by white settlers with a fixed purpose of permanent settlement. -<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> -This was probably the chief cause of the Indian uprising. -There remained in the forests many French and renegade traders and -hunters who constantly concocted insidious reports as to English -designs and filled the savage minds with hope of succor from the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> -King of France. -<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> -Many of the French inhabitance had since 1760 emigrated -beyond the Mississippi, because, as the Indians thought, they -feared to live under English rule. -<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> This doubtless contributed -something toward the rising discontent of the savages. Finally the -policy of economy in expenses, which General Amherst entered upon, -by cutting off a large part of the Indian presents, always so indispensable -in dealing with that race, augured poorly for the Indians's -future.</p> - -<p>On the part of the mass of the Indians the insurrection was -probably a mere outbreak of resentment; but Pontiac, the great -chief of the Ottawas, had a clearer vision. He determined to rehabilitate -French power in the west and to reunite all the Indian -nations into one great confederacy in order to ward off the approaching -dangers. During the years 1761-1762 the plot was developed. -In 1762 Pontiac dispatched his emissaries to all the Indian nations. -The ramifications of the conspiracy extended to all the Algonquin -tribes, to some of the nations on the lower Mississippi and even -included a portion of the Six Nations. The original aim of the plot -was the destruction of the garrisons on the frontier, after which -the settlements were to be attacked. The attack on the outposts, -beginning in May, 1763, was sudden and overwhelming; Detroit, Fort -Pitt, and Niagara alone held out, the remainder of the posts falling -without an attempt at defense. Had the proclamation of 1763, -which aimed at the pacification of the Indians by reserving to them -the western lands, been issued earlier in the year, this devastating -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> -might have been avoided. Peaceful pacification was now out of -the question. During the summers of 1763 and 1764 Colonel Bouquet -raised the siege of Fort Pitt, penetrated into the enemy's country -in the upper Ohio valley region and completely subdued the Shawnee -and Delaware tribes upon whom Pontiac had placed every dependence. -Previous to Bouquet's second campaign, Colonel Bradstreet had advanced -with a detachment along the southern shore of Lake Erie, -penetrating as far west as Detroit, whence companies were sent to -occupy the posts in the upper lake region. In the campaign as a -whole the Bouquet expedition was the most effective. After the -ratification of a series of treaties, in which the Indians promised -allegiance to the English crown, the eastern portion of the rebellion -was broken.</p> - -<p>It now remained to penetrate to the Illinois country in order -to relieve the French garrison. Pontiac had retired thither in -1764, after his unsuccessful attempt upon Detroit; there he hoped -to rally the western tribes and sue for the support of the French. -But as we shall see, his schemes received a powerful blow upon the -refusal of the commandants to countenance his pleas.</p> - -<p>To what extent Pontiac was assisted by French intriguers in -the development of his plans may never be positively known. As has -already been pointed out, French traders were constantly among the -Indians, filling their minds with hopes and fears. That the plot -included French officials may be doubted; although Sir William -Johnson and General Gage seemed convinced that such was the case. -<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> -Their belief, however, was based almost wholly upon reports from -Indian runners, whose credibility as witnesses may well be questioned. -A perusal of the correspondence of the French officials -<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> -residing in Illinois and Louisiana, and their official communications -with the Indians during this period goes far to clear them -of complicity in the affair. -<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> - -<p>General Gage, who succeeded Amherst as commander-in-chief -of the British army in America in November, 1763, was convinced -that the early occupation of the western posts was essential, -<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> -since it would in a measure cut off the communication between the -French and Indian nations dwelling in that vicinity. The Indians, -finding themselves thus inclosed would be more easily pacified. -But the participation in the rebellion of the Shawnee and Delaware -tribes of the upper Ohio river region precluded for a time the -possibility of reaching the Mississippi posts by way of Fort Pitt, -without a much larger force than Gage had at his command in the -east; and the colonies were already avoiding the call for troops. -<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> -The only other available route was by way of New Orleans and the -Mississippi River whose navigation had been declared open to -French and English alike by the treaty of Paris. Little opposition -might be expected from the southern Indians toward whom a -much more liberal policy had been pursued than with the northern -tribes. Presents to the value of four or five thousand pounds had -been sent to Charleston in 1763 for distribution among the southern -nations which counter-acted in a large measure the machinations of -the French traders from New Orleans. -<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> The Florida ports, Mobile -and Pensacola, were already occupied by English troops, and Gage -and his associates believed, that with the co-operation of the -French Governor of Louisiana a successful ascent could be made. -<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> - -<p>Accordingly in January, 1764, Major Arthur Loftus, with a detachment -of three hundred and fifty-one men from the twenty-second -regiment embarked at Mobile for New Orleans, where preparations -were to be made for the voyage. -<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> -A company of sixty men from this -regiment were to be left at Fort Massac on the Ohio River, while -the remainder were to occupy Kaskaskia and Fort Chartres. -<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> At New -Orleans boats had to be built, supplies and provisions procured, -and guides and interpreters provided. -<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> The expedition set out from -New Orleans February 27. Three weeks later the flotilla was attacked -by a band of Tonica Indians near Davion's Bluff, or Fort -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span>Adams, -<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> -about two hundred and forty miles above New Orleans. After -the loss of several men in the boats composing the vanguard, Loftus -ordered a retreat, and the expedition was abandoned. Depleted by -sickness, death and desertion the regiment made its way from New -Orleans back to Mobile. -<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> - -<p>Major Loftus placed the blame for the failure of his expedition -upon Governor D' Abadie and other French officials at New -Orleans. -<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> -There is probably sufficient evidence, however, to warrant -the conclusion that his accusations against the Governor were without -foundation. The correspondence of D' Abadie, Gage, and others -indicates that official aid was given the English in making their -preparations for the journey, -<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> -and letters were issued to the commandants -of the French posts on the Mississippi to render the English -convoys all the assistance in their power -<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>. There may have -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> -been some justification for the suspicion of Loftus that the intriguers -were at work, for the French as a whole were not in -sympathy with the attempt; the success of the English meant the -cessation of the lucrative trade between New Orleans and Illinois. -They were no doubt delighted at the discomfiture of the English -officer, for when some of the chiefs engaged in the ambuscade entered -New Orleans they were said to have been publicly received. -<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> - -<p>Granting, however, the machinations of the French, the reason -for the failure of Loftus may be found in part in the almost total -lack of precautions adopted before undertaking the journey. Governor -D' Abadie had given the English officer warning of the bad -disposition of a number of tribes along the Mississippi River, among -whom Pontiac had considerable influence, and had assured him -that unless he carried presents for the Indians, he would be unable -to proceed far up the river. -<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> -The policy of sending advance agents -with convoys of presents for the Indians was successful the following -year when the Illinois posts were finally reached from the -east; but no such policy was adopted at this time. -<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> No action was -taken to counter-act any possible intrigues on the part of the -French. D' Abadie's advice was not heeded, and his prophecy was -fulfilled. General Gage in his official correspondence implied -that he did not think sufficient care had been exercised to insure -success, and expressed his belief that if Loftus would make use of -the "necessary precautions" he might get up to the mouth of the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> -Ohio with little interruption. -<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> -This want of judgement, therefore, -accounts in a large degree for the unfortunate termination of the -plans of an approach from the south.</p> - -<p>The news of the defeat of Loftus had two results. First, it -gave Pontiac renewed hope that he might be able to rally again the -western and northern Indians, and, with French assistance, block -the advance of the English. In the second place it led General -Gage to determine upon an advance from the east, down the Ohio -River, which was made practicable by the recent submission of the -Delaware Indians.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile the Illinois country in 1764 presented an anomalous -situation. St. Ange was governing, in the name of Louis XV, a -country belonging to another king. He was under orders to surrender -the place as soon as possible to its rightful owner; but the -prospect for such an event seemed remote. He was surrounded by -crowds of begging, thieving savages; and the emissaries of the -greatest of Indian chieftains, Pontiac, were constantly petitioning -for his active support against the approaching English. A considerable -portion of the French traders of the villages were secretly, -and sometimes openly, supporting the Indian cause, which -added greatly to the increasing embarrasment of the commandant. -So distressing became the situation that Neyon de Villiers, St. -Ange's predecessor, called the latter from Vincennes on the Wabash, -and left the country in disgust, taking with him to New Orleans -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> -sixty soldiers and eighty of the French inhabitants. -<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> He had shortly -before indignantly refused to countenance the proposals of Pontiac, -and had begged the Indians to lay down their arms and make -peace with the English. -<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> - -<p>The news of Loftus' defeat aroused Pontiac the thought of -the possibility of meeting and repelling the advance from the east -as it had been met and repelled in the south. In spite of the -news of the defeat of his allies by Bouquet and the report that -preparations were being made by his victorious enemy to advance against -him, Pontiac determined to make a last supreme effort. By -a series of visits among the tribes dwelling in the Illinois, on -the Wabash and in the Miami country, he succeeded in arousing in -them the instinct of self-preservation, in firing the hearts of all -the faltering Indians and in winning the promise of their co-operation -in his plan of defense. He was in this temper when he met -and turned back Captain Thomas Morris in the Miami country early -in the autumn of 1764. Morris had been sent by Bradstreet from -the neighborhood of Detroit with messages to St. Ange in the Illinois -country, whence he was to proceed to New Orleans. -<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> After being -maltreated and threatened with the stake, Morris effected an -escape and made his way to Detroit. -<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> It was during his interview -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> -with Pontiac that the latter informed Morris of the repulse of -Loftus, of the journey of his emissaries to New Orleans to seek -French support, and of his determination and that of his Indian -allies to resist the English to the last. -<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> - -<p>A few months later, in February, 1765, there arrived at Fort -Chartres an English officer, accompanied by a trader named Crawford. -They were probably the first Englishmen to penetrate thus -far into the former French territory since the beginning of the -war. -<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> -They had been sent from Mobile by Major Farmer, the commandant -at that place, to bring about the conciliation of the Indians -in the Illinois. -<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> -Instead of following the Mississippi, they worked -their way northward through the great Choctaw and Chicksaw nations -to the Ohio, descended the latter to the Mississippi and -thence to the Illinois villages. -<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> -Although St. Ange received them cordially -<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> -and did all in his power to influence the savages to receive the English, -<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> -the mission of Ross was a failure. The Indians -had nothing but expressions of hatred and defiance for the English; -even the Missouri and Osages from beyond the Mississippi had fallen -under the influence of Pontiac. -<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> -Ross and his companion remained -with St. Ange nearly two months; but about the middle of April -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> -they were obliged to go down the river to New Orleans. -<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> - -<p>During the winter of 1764-1765 preparations were made to send -a detachment of troops down the Ohio from Fort Pitt to relieve -Fort Chartres. To pave the way for the troops Gage dispatched two -agents in advance. He selected George Croghan, Sir William Johnson's -deputy, for the delicate and dangerous task of going among -the Indians of that country to assure them of the peaceful attitude -of the English, to promise them better facilities for trade -and to accompany the promise with substantial presents. -<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> The second -agent was Lieutenant Fraser, -<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> -whose mission was to carry letters -to the French commandant and a proclamation for the inhabitants. -<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> -January 24, 1765, Fraser and Croghan set out from Carlisle, -Pennsylvania, -<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> -followed a few days later by a large convoy of presents. -<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> -During the journey, the convoy was attacked by a band of -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> -Pennsylvania borderers, -<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> -and a large part of the goods destined -for the Indians were destroyed, -<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> -together with some valuable stores -which certain Philadelphia merchants were forwarding to Fort Pitt -for the purpose of opening up the trade as early as possible. -<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> -Croghan therefore found it necessary to tarry at Fort Pitt to replenish -his stores and to await the opening of spring. -<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> But another -matter intervened which forced him to postpone his departure for -more than two months. A temporary defection had arisen among the -Shawnee and Delaware Indians. -<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> -They had failed to fulfil some of -the obligations imposed upon them by Bouquet in the previous summer, -and there was some fear lest they would not permit Croghan to -pass through their country. His influence was such, however, that, -in an assembly of the tribes at Fort Pitt, he not only received -their consent to a safe passage, but some of their number volunteered -to accompany him. -<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p> - -<p>Meanwhile Lieutenant Fraser, Croghan's companion, decided to -proceed alone, inasmuch as Gage's instructions to him were to be -at the Illinois early in April. -<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> -On March 23 he departed, accompanied -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> -by two or three whites and a couple of Indians, -<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> and reached -the Illinois posts in the latter part of April, shortly after the -departure of Lieutenant Ross and his party. Here Fraser found -many of the Indians in destitution and some inclined for peace. -<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> -Nevertheless, instigated by the traders and encouraged by their -secret supplies, the savages as a whole would not listen to Fraser; -they threatened his life, and threw him into prison, and he was finally -saved by the intervention of Pontiac himself. -<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> Fraser felt -himself to be in a dangerous situation; unable to hear from Croghan, -whom he was expecting every day, and daily insulted and maltreated -by the drunken savages, he took advantage of his discretionary orders -and descended the Mississippi to New Orleans. -<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Although the -French traders continued to supply the Indians with arms and ammunition, -and buoy up their spirits by stories of aid from the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> -king of France, Pontiac himself was being rapidly disillusioned. -He had given Fraser the assurance that if the Indians on the Ohio -had made a permanent peace, he would do likewise. -<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> St. Ange continued -to refuse the expected help, -<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> -and when the news came of the -failure of the mission to New Orleans and of the transfer of Louisiana -to Spain, the ruin of the Indian cause was complete.</p> - -<p>Having adjusted affairs with the Indians at Fort Pitt, Croghan -set out from there on May 15th with two boats, accompanied by several -white companions and a party of Shawnee Indians. -<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> In compliance -with messages from Croghan, representatives of numerous tribes -along the route met him at the mouth of the Scioto and delivered -up a number of French traders who were compelled to take an oath -of allegiance to the English crown, or pass to the west of the -Mississippi. -<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> -The only other incident of importance on this voyage -was the attack of the Kickapous and Mascoutin Indians near the -mouth of the Wabash on June 8th, -<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> -which contributed greatly to the -success of the mission. After the attack in which two whites and -several Shawnees were killed, the assailants expressed their profound -sorrow, declaring that they thought the party to be a band -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> -of Charokees with whom they were at enmity. -<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> Nevertheless, they -plundered the stores and carried Croghan and the remainder of the -party to Vincennes, a small French town on the Wabash. Croghan -was now separated temporarily from his companions and carried to -Fort Ouiatanon, about 210 miles north of Vincennes. The political -blunder of the Kickapous in firing upon the convoy now became apparent; -<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> -they were censured on all sides for having attacked their -friends the Shawnees, since the latter might thus be turned into -deadly enemies. -<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> -During the first week of July deputations from all -the surrounding tribes visited Croghan, assuring him of their desire -for peace and of their willingness to escort him to the Illinois -where Pontiac was residing. -<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> July 11th, Maisonville, whom -Fraser had a few weeks before left at Fort Chartres, arrived at -Ouiatanon with messages from St. Ange requesting Croghan to come -to Fort Chartres to arrange affairs in that region. -<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> A few days -later Croghan set out for the Illinois, attended by a large concourse -of savages; but he had advanced only a short distance when -he met Pontiac himself who was on the road to Ouiatanon. They all -returned to the fort where, at a great council, Pontiac signified -his willingness to make a lasting peace and promised to offer no -further resistance to the approach of the English troops. -<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> There -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> -was now no need to go to Fort Chartres; instead Croghan turned his -steps toward Detroit, where another important Indian conference -was held in which a general peace was made with all the western -Indians. -<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> - -<p>Immediately after effecting an accomodation with Pontiac at -Ouiatanon, Croghan sent an account of the success of his negotiations -to Fort Pitt. -<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> -Here Captain Stirling with a detachment of -about one hundred men of the 42d or Black Watch regiment, had been -holding himself in readiness for some time, waiting for a favorable -report before moving to the relief of Fort Chartres. Although -the 34th regiment under Major Farmer was supposed to be making its -way up the Mississippi to relieve the French garrison in Illinois, -General Gage would not depend upon its slow and uncertain movements. -<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> -Upon receipt of the news, on the 24th of August, Stirling -left Fort Pitt -<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> -and began the long and tedious journey. Owing to -the season of the year the navigation of the Ohio was very difficult, -forty-seven days being required to complete the journey. -<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> -The voyage, on the whole, was without incident until about forty -miles below the Wabash River. Here Stirling's force encountered -two boats loaded with goods, in charge of a French trader, who was -accompanied by some thirty Indians and a chief of the Shawnees, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> -who had remained in the French interest. -<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> -On account of the allegations -of a certain Indian that his party had planned to fire on the -English before they were aware of the latters' strength, Stirling -became apprehensive lest the attitude of the Indians had changed -since Croghan's visit. He therefore sent Lieutenant Rumsey, with -a small party by land from Fort Massac to Fort Chartres, in order -to ascertain the exact situation and to apprise St. Ange of his -approach. -<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> -Rumsey and his guides, however, lost their way and did -not reach the villages until after the arrival of the troops. -<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> -Sterling arrived on the 9th of October; and it is said that the -Indians and French were unaware of his approach until he was within -a few miles of the village, and that the Indians upon learning -of the weakness of the English force, assumed a most insolent and -threatening attitude. -<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> -On the following day St. Ange and the -French garrison were formally relieved, -<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> -and with this event, the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> -last vestige of French authority in North America, except new Orleans, -passed away.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - <h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="ac">STATUS OF THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY IN THE EMPIRE.</p> - - -<p>Before entering upon the more detailed study of events in the -Illinois country during the period of the British occupation, it -is necessary to take into consideration certain general aspects of -the subject which will enable us to understand more clearly the -bearing of those events. The relation of that country to the empire -and the view held by British statesmen of the time relative -to its status are problems which naturally arise and demand solution. -What was the nature of the government imposed upon the -French in Illinois after its occupation? Is the hitherto prevailing -opinion that the British government placed the inhabitants of -those villages under a military government any longer tenable? -Was the government de jure or de facto?</p> - -<p>The treatment received by the settlements in the Northwest -and West in general was fundamentally different in nature from -that accorded other portions of the new empire. By the terms of -the Proclamation of 1763, -<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> -civil governments were created for the -provinces of Quebec, East Florida, West Florida, and Grenada, -while all the western territory outside the prescribed limits of -those colonies, including a large portion of southern Canada of -today, was reserved as a vast hunting ground for the Indian nations. -No mention whatsoever is made in the Proclamation concerning -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> -the settled portions of the West and since it is, therefore, -impossible to ascertain in this document their governmental status, -we will examine the official correspondence of the ministry which -immediately proceeded the issuance of the Proclamation to find, if -possible, what the directors of the British colonial policy had in -mind.</p> - -<p>When the question of the Proclamation was under discussion -by the Ministry in the summer of 1763, two opposing views with reference -to the West were for a time apparent in the ministry. It -appears to have been the policy of Lord Egremont, at that time -Secretary for the Southern Department, which included the management -of the colonies, to place the unorganized territory within -the jurisdiction of some one of the colonies possessing a settled -government, preferably Canada. -<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> -It was at least his aim to give -to the Indian country sufficient civil supervision so that criminals -and fugitives from justice from the colonies might be taken. -That he did not intend to extend civil government to the villages -or any of the French inhabitants of the West seems clear: his only -reference is to the "Indian country" and to "criminals" and "fugitives -from justice."</p> - -<p>Lord Shelburne, President of the Board of Trade and a member -of the Grenville ministry, and his colleagues were of the opinion -that the annexation of the West to Canada might lend color to the -idea that England's title to the West came from the French cession, -when in fact her claim was derived from other sources; that the -inhabitants of the province to which it might be annexed would -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> -have too great an advantage in the Indian trade; and finally that -such an immense province could not be properly governed without a -large number of troops and the governor would thus virtually become -a commander-in-chief. -<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> -Shelburne then announced his plan of -giving to the commanding general of the British army in America -jurisdiction over the West for the purpose of protecting the Indians -and the fur trade. -<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> -Lord Halifax, who succeeded to Egermont's -position at the latter's death in August, 1763, fell in with Shelburne's -views. But the commission to the commanding general does -not appear to have been issued; for Hillsborough, who succeeded -Shelburne as President of the Board of Trade in the autumn of 1763, -favored a different policy. There is nothing, however, to indicate -that Shelburne and his advisers had any thought of the government -of the French colonies. There is no hint in any of this correspondence -that the ministry had any idea of the existence of the several -thousand French inhabitants of the West. -<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> - -<p>There remain one or two documents in which we might expect to -find some reference to the government of the French settlers. The -authors of that part of the Proclamation of 1763 which provided for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> -the reservation of the Indian lands and the regulation of the -trade, -<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> -had in contemplation the formation of an elaborate plan -comprehending the management of both in the whole of British -North America. -<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> -It was left to Hillsborough, Shelburne's successor -as President of the Board of Trade, to direct the formulation -of the plan, which was finished in 1764. The details of this program -will be taken up in a later chapter, -<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> and it will therefore -suffice to note the presence or absence of any provisions for the -French. The chief object of the plan seems to have been to bring -about a centralization in the regulation of the trade and the management -of the Indians, and in no place is there any intimation -that its provisions have any application to the government of the -French residing at the various posts. -<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p> - -<p>Turning to another source we find a document addressed directly -to the inhabitants of the Illinois country, dated in New York, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> -December 30, 1764 and signed by General Thomas Gage. -<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Mention has -already been made in another connection of the unsuccessful mission -of Lieutenant Fraser to Illinois in the spring of 1765, when -he carried this proclamation to the inhabitants. But its contents -were not announced until the entry of Captain Sterling in October -of that year. This proclamation related solely to guarantees by -the British government of the right of the inhabitants under the -treaty of Paris: freedom of religion, the liberty of removing from -or remaining within English territory and the requirements as to -taking the oath of allegiance made up its contents. As to whether -the inhabitants were to enjoy a civil government or be ruled by -the army there is no intimation.</p> - -<p>Laying aside the barren papers of 1763-1765 and giving attention -to the documentary material after those dates proves much -more productive. We are thereby enabled to arrive at some pretty -definite conclusions. Fortunately there were a few men in authority -during that period who had some interest in the interior settlements, -and who, from their official positions realized the difficulties -of the problem. Such men have left expressions of opinion -and stray bits of information which leave us in little doubt -as to the governmental status of the Illinois country. General -Thomas Gage, Sir William Johnson, and Lord Hillsborough are perhaps -the most representative examples. Gage, who was commander-in-chief -of the American army throughout this period, with headquarters -in New York City, was in direct communication both with his -subordinates in Illinois and the home authorities. He was in a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> -position to know, in general, the state of affairs in the West as -well as to keep in touch with ministerial opinion. Sir William -Johnson, by virtue of his office as Superintendent of Indian affairs -for the northern district, was in a peculiarly strategic position -to acquire information. His Indian agents were stationed -at all the western posts and he was in constant correspondence -with the Board of Trade relative to Indian and trade conditions. -From the ministry itself the correspondence of Lord Hillsborough -best reflects the prevailing opinion of the government. He was -one of the few governmental authorities who took any considerable -interest in the western problem and information coming from him -must, therefore, have some weight.</p> - -<p>That the British commandant of the fort in the Illinois country -had no commission to govern the inhabitants, except perhaps -that power, which, in the absence of all other authority, naturally -devolves upon the military officer, seems amply clear from a recommendation -transmitted by General Gage to his superior shortly -after the occupation of Fort de Chartres. "If I may presume to -give my opinion further on this matter, I would humbly propose -that a Military Governor should be appointed for the Ilinois (sic) -as soon as possible. The distance of that Country from any of the -Provinces being about 1400 Miles, making its Dependance upon any -of them impractical, and for its Vicinity to the French Settlements, -no other than a Military Government would answer our purpose." -<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> -In the following year he took a similar point of view in a -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> -communication to his co-laborer in America: "I am quite sensible -of the irregular behavior of the Traders and have intimated to -his Majesty's Secretary of State what I told the Board of Trade -four or five years ago: That they must be restrained by Law, and a -Judicial Power invested in the officer Commanding at the Posts to -see such Law put in force. And without this, Regulations may be -made, but they will never be observed." -<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> - -<p>With the condition of comparative anarchy in the Illinois -country during this period and indeed at all the western posts -and throughout the Indian country the authorities seemed unable to -combat successfully. Had all the regulations outlined in the plan -for the management of Indian affairs, -<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> been put into operation the -Indian department would have been able to cope more successfully -with that phase of the situation. But neither military nor Indian -departments had legal authority to take any action whatsoever. -As Johnson, in speaking of his inability to handle the situation -for lack of sufficient power, declared in 1767 that "the authority -of commissaries is nothing, and both the Commanding Officers of -Garrisons and they, are liable to a civil prosecution for detaining -a Trader on any pretence." -<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> -Probably more emphatic still the -commanding general four years later in writing of the disturbances, -said: "And I perceive there has been wanting judicial powers to -try and determine. There has been no way to bring Controversys & -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> -Disputes properly to a determination or delinquenents to punishment." -<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p> - -<p>There is probably some justification for the current belief -that the government placed the inhabitants under a military rule, -inasmuch as the actual government proved in the last analysis to -be military. But that the British ministry consciously attached the -interior settlements to the military department is far from the -truth. Such a system was probably contemplated by no one, particularly -between the years 1763 and 1765 when the re-organization of -the new acquisitions was under discussion. The greater part of -the new territory was the seat of the fur trade and the desire for -the development of that industry controlled in the main the policy -of the ministry relative to the disposition of the peltry districts -and the interests of the settlements were completely ignored. Secretary -Hillsborough, who helped formulate the western policy in -1763 and 1764 doubtless gave the most adequate explanation when -in 1769, he wrote: "With regard to the Posts in the interior Country -considered in another view in which several of your letters -have placed them; I mean as to the settlements formed under their -protection, which, not being included within the jurisdiction of -any other Colony are exposed to many Difficulties & Disadvantages -from the Want of some Form of Government necessary to Civil Society, -it is very evident that, if the case of these Settlements had been -well known or understood at the time of forming the conquered -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> -Lands into Colonies, some provision would have been made for them, -& they would have been erected into distinct Governments or made -dependent upon those Colonies of which they were either the offspring, -or with which they did by circumstances and situation, -stand connected. I shall not fail, therefore, to give this matter -the fullest consideration when the business of the Illinois Country -is taken up." -<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> - -<p>That the occupation of Fort Chartres became anything more -than temporary was due to the necessity of being prepared to crush -a possible uprising of the savages and to repel the constant invasion -of the French and Spanish traders -<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> -from beyond the Mississippi, -whose influence over the Indians, it was feared, would be detrimental -to the peace of the empire. In its policy of retrenchment -owing to the trouble with the colonies, the government at various -times contemplated the withdrawal of the troops, but each -time the detachment was allowed to remain the sole reason given -was to guard that portion of the empire against the French and -Indians.</p> - -<p>In the course of this inquiry relative to the legal status of -Illinois no mention has been made of the extension or non-extension -of English law and custum to the West after its cession. This is -one of the more important general aspects of the western problem -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> -and deserves some attention inasmuch as it may throw some light on -the legal position of the settlements. During the seventeenth and -eighteenth centuries, the great era of English colonization, the -necessity of fixing definitely the legal status of the colonies -called forth a series of judicial opinions and legal commentaries; -it is to these we have to look to determine the theory held regarding -the application of English law to the colonies and particularly -to conquered provinces. In general it may be said that Blackstone -represents the usual view taken by jurists during these two -centuries. In his commentaries published in 1765 he declared that -"in conquered or ceded countries, that have already laws of their -own, the king may indeed alter and change those laws, but till he -actually does change them, the ancient laws of the country remain. -<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>" -This opinion is supported by the authority of Lord Mansfield in his -decision in the case of Campbell vs Hall, -<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> rendered in 1774, which -involved the status of the island of Granada, a conquered province. -He laid down in this decision the general principle that the "laws -of a conquered country continue in force until they are altered by -the conquerer. The justice and antiquity of this maxim are incontrovertible:——" -<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Proclamation of 1763 which had definitely extended the -laws of England to the new provinces, -<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> -made no such provisions for -the West, nor did the crown ever take such action. We may, therefore, -lay down the general principle that the British Government -was obliged to govern her new subjects in this region according to -the laws and customs hitherto prevailing among them; any other -course would manifestly be illegal. The commanding general of the -army in America and his subordinates, who were embarrassed by the -presence of this French settlement for which no provision had been -made by the ministry, and who found it necessary to assume the -obligation of enforcing some sort of order in that country, had no -power to displace any of the laws and customs of the French inhabitants. -It will be pointed out in succeeding chapters that -this general principle, while adhered to in many respects, was not -uniformly carried out.</p> - -<p>It is apparent from the foregoing considerations that the government -of the Illinois people was de facto in nature. It had no -legal foundations. Every action of the military department was -based on expediency; although this course was in general acquiesced -in by the home authorities, all the officials concerned were -aware that such a status could not continue indefinitely. But it -did continue for about a decade, during which time the inhabitants -were at the mercy of some six or seven different military commandants. -In 1774, however, Parliament passed the Quebec Act, which -provided, among other things, for the union of all the western -country north of the Ohio River, and which but for the cataclysm -of the American revolution meant civil government for the whole -region.</p> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - <h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="ac">TRADE CONDITIONS IN ILLINOIS, 1765-1775.</p> - - -<p>The peltry trade had been one of the elements which had accentuated, -throughout the eighteenth century, the difficulties between -France and England in the Ohio and Mississippi valleys. It -was the chief support of the French government in Canada and now -that the English were in undisputed possession of the great peltry -districts it became apparent that the management of the trade deserved -most serious consideration. It was becoming of increasing -importance to the manufacturing monopoly of the mother country, and -therefore, in the minds of English statesmen, deserved far more -attention than did the few thousand French colonists scattered -throughout the West. The desire to increase this branch of commerce -dictated in a large measure those clauses in the Proclamation -of 1763 which forbade the formation of settlements or the -purchase of lands within the Indian reservation, but at the same -time declared that the trade with the Indians should be free and -open to all English subjects alike. Again, the plan proposed in -1764 related solely to the management of the Indians and to the -regulation of the trade with a view to making the English monopoly -of intrinsic value to the empire. Even towards the close of the -period under consideration there is little or no change of policy -so far as official utterances are concerned. In 1772 in a report -to the crown, the Lords of Trade made the following declaration: -"The great object of colonization upon the continent of North America -has been to improve and extend the commerce and manufactures -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> -of this kingdom. It does appear to us that the extension of -the fur trade depends entirely upon the Indians being undisturbed -in the possession of their hunting grounds, and that all colonization -does in its nature and must in its consequence operate to the -prejudice of that branch of commerce. Let the savages enjoy their -deserts in quiet. Were they driven from their forests the peltry -trade would decrease." -<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p> - -<p>Under the French regime the western Indians and their trade -had been managed with greater success than had the tribes living -under English influence. The success of France was due largely to -her policy of centralization combined of course with the genial -character of the French fur trader and the influence of the missionary. -The English, on the contrary, had managed their relations -with the Indians through the agency of the different colonies, -without a semblance of union or co-operation: each colony competed -for the lion's share of the trade, a policy which resulted disastrously -to the peace of the empire.</p> - -<p>In 1755 the English government under the influence of Halifax, -president of the Board of Trade, took over the political control -of the Indians, and superintendents were appointed by the crown to -reside among the different nations. -<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> -A little later in 1761 the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> -purchase of Indian lands was taken out of the hands of the colonies -and placed under the control of the home government. -<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> No further -change is to be noted until after the issue of the war was known, -when the whole question was taken under consideration. The most -important step yet taken respecting the Indian and his concomitant, -the fur trade, appeared in the Proclamation of 1763, issued in -October following the treaty of cession. Some of its provisions -for the West have already been noted. In addition to reserving -for the present the unorganized territory between the Alleghany -mountains and the Mississippi River for the use of the Indians, -the government guaranteed the Indians in the possession of those -lands by announcing in the Proclamation that no Governor or Commander-in-chief -would be allowed to make land grants within their -territory, and further all land purchases and the formation of settlements -by private individuals without royal consent were prohibited. -Trade within this reservation was made, however, free to all -who should obtain a license from the Governor or Commander-in-chief -of the colony in which they resided. -<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p> - -<p>The policy was now for the central government to take the -Indian trade under its management; and in the course of the year -following the issuance of the Proclamation an elaborate plan was -outlined by Hillsborough -<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> -comprehending the political and commercial -relations with all the Indian territory.</p> - -<p>According to the proposed scheme -<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> -British North America was -to be divided, for the purpose of Indian management, into two districts, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> -a northern and a southern, each under the control of a -general superintendent or agent appointed by the crown: the Ohio -River being designated as the approximate line of division. In -the northern district, with which we are here concerned, the regulation -of such Indian affairs as treaties, land purchases, questions -of peace and war, and trade relations were to be given into -the hands of the superintendent who was to be entirely free from -outside interference: without his consent no civil or military officer -could interfere with the trade or other affairs of any of -the Indian tribes. Three deputies were to be appointed to assist -the superintendent and at each post a commissary, an interpreter, -and a smith were to reside, acting under the immediate direction -of the superintendent and responsible only to him for their conduct. -For the administration of justice between traders and Indians -and between traders themselves, the commissary at each post -was to be empowered to act as justice of the peace in all civil -and criminal cases. In civil cases involving sums not exceeding -ten pounds an appeal might be taken to the superintendent. The -Indian trade was to be under the direct supervision of the general -superintendent. Traders who desired to go among the Indians to -ply their trade could do so by obtaining a license from the province -from which they came. The region into which the trader intended -to go was to be clearly defined in the license and each had -to give bond for the observance of the laws regulating the trade. -The superintendent, together with the commissary at the post and -a representative of the Indians were to fix the value of all goods -and traders were forbidden to charge more than the price fixed; -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> -for the still better regulation of the trade, it was to be centered -about the regularly fortified and garrisoned forts. Regulations -for the sale of land were also proposed; outside the limits of the -colonies no individual or company could legally purchase land from -the Indians unless at a general meeting of the tribe presided over -by the superintendent.</p> - -<p>The plan thus outlined by the ministry was never legally carried -into effect, although the superintendents used the outline as -a guide in their dealings with the Indians. The original intention -had been to levy a tax on the Indian trade to defray the expense -of putting the scheme into operation, but it was found that -the budget was already too greatly burdened; and the Stamp Act disturbance -which soon followed illustrated the possible inexpediency -of imposing such a duty. -<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p> - -<p>The foregoing considerations serve to indicate the importance -the ministry attached to the Indian trade in general. But what of -the trade in the Illinois country? This region had been one of -the great centers of the Indian trade under the French regime; and, -in addition, the French inhabitants had been one of the main supports -of New Orleans since its foundation early in the century. -The commercial connection between the Illinois villages and New -Orleans had never been broken, and at the time of the occupation -of Illinois in 1765 French fur traders and merchants still plied -their traffic up and down the Mississippi River. Now that the -title to this trade center passed to England it was expected -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> -that the volume of trade would be turned eastward from its southerly -route. The necessity for this was patent if any solid benefits -were to accrue to the empire from the cession. -<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p> - -<p>The home and colonial authorities early saw the importance of -the redirection of the trade. They hoped and expected that a -trade would be opened with the Indians in and about the Illinois -country immediately after the active occupation by the English -troops. -<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> -A large number of individual traders were early aware of -this and representatives of some of the large trading corporations -of the East were also preparing to take advantage of the early opening -of the trade. In 1765 Fort Pitt became the great rendezvous -for this element, and when the army reached Fort Chartres in October, -1765, it was followed as soon as the season of the year would -permit, by the traders with their cargoes to exchange for the Indians' -furs. Among the more important figures was George Morgan, -<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> -a member of the firm of Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan of Philadelphia, -<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> -and the firm's personal representative at the Illinois, -where he first appeared early in 1766, -<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> -remaining there the greater -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> -part of the next five years. -<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> -Other representatives of this company -left Fort Pitt in March of the same year with a large cargo of -goods, which reached Fort Chartres during the summer. -<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> Firms such -as Franks and Company of Philadelphia and London and Bently and -Company of Manchac also traded extensively in the Illinois during -the following years: all the larger British companies becoming rivals -for that portion of the Indian trade which the English were -able to command.</p> - -<p>Other and perhaps greater sources of profit to the English -merchants lay in the privilege of furnishing the garrison with provisions -<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> -and the Indian department with goods for Indian presents. -<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> -Although the houses of Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan, and Franks -and Company were usually competitors for the former privileges, the -latter company generally had the monopoly. -<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> On the other hand, -Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan derived their greatest profits from -the sale of enormous quantities of goods to the government through -the Indian department for distribution among the Indians accustomed -to assemble at the Illinois. -<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> -But whether all these houses received -profits commensurate with the risks undertaken is problematical. -<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> -In the Indian trade, in which all the merchants were interested, -they not only had to compete with each other and with -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> -independent English traders, but with the French and Spanish who -had not ceased to ply their trade among their old friends the Indians. -This continuance of foreign traders in British territory -was probably the most serious problem in the trade situation. Not -only did it affect English traders but the interests of the empire -itself were seriously threatened by the presence within its limits -of unlicensed foreign traders.</p> - -<p>It is therefore evident that the close of hostilities between -France and England in 1763 and the formal transfer of Canada and -the West to Great Britain by no means closed the intense rivalry -between the fur trading elements of the two nations for predominance -in the western trade: it rather accentuated it. As has already -been suggested, France, until cession of the West, had -naturally possessed the sphere of influence among the savages of -the Mississippi Valley and Canada, and consequently the monopoly -of the fur trade accrued to her subjects. In the upper Ohio river -region and among the tribes bordering on or living within the limits -of the English colonies, the British, during the first half of -the eighteenth century, were either strong rivals of the French or -were completely dominant. And it was generally expected that after -the cession of the West the British would inherit the influence -of the French among the Indians and succeed to the monopoly of the -fur trade just as Great Britain had succeeded to the sovereignty -of the territory itself. But the Conspiracy of Pontiac, due in -large part to the machinations of the French traders, postponed -for a considerable period the entry of the British traders, during -which time the French became more strongly entrenched than ever in -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> -the affections of the savages.</p> - -<p>The character of the French fur traders has already been noted. -Their methods had from the beginning been different from -those pursued by their neighbors and rivals: they lived among the -Indians, affected their manners, treated them kindly and respectfully, -and supplied all their wants, while the missionary, the connecting -link between the two races, was ever present. This association -of religion was one of the causes of the success of the -French in gaining such a permanent foothold in the affections of -the Indians, but was entirely absent in the British relation with -that race. The English traders were in general unscrupulous -<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> in -their dealings with the savages and deficient of that tact which -enabled Frenchmen to overcome the natural prejudice of the Indian -and acquire an interest with him which would be difficult to sever. -In that section of the Indian country where the influence of Great -Britain was such that her traders could go among the Indians, there -was always considerable dissatisfaction on account of the methods -employed by the large number of independent and irresponsible traders. -Many carried large quantities of rum, some dealing in nothing -else. -<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> -English traders frequently attended public meetings of -Indians, gave them liquor during the time for business and defrauded -them of their furs. -<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> -This abuse was one of the great causes -of complaint against British traders. -<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> Indeed, wherever they -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> -participated in the trade, its condition was deplorable. Many of -the independent traders had little or no credit so that the legitimate -merchants suffered as well as the Indians. -<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> They adopted -various expedients to draw trade from each other, one of which was -to sell articles below first cost, thus ruining a large number of -traders. -<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> -Fabrications dangerous to the public were frequently -created to explain the price and condition of goods. -<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> But probably -more injurious still to imperial interests, was the fact that whole -cargoes of goods were sometimes sold by English firms to French -traders thus enabling the latter to engross a great part of the -trade, -<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> -depriving the empire of the benefit of the revenue accruing -from the importation of furs into England. This practice was -probably followed to a greater degree in the farther West, where -the French continued to have a monopoly in the trade.</p> - -<p>It had been expected that the Illinois villages would be the -center of trade for the English side of the upper Mississippi Valley -just as it had been one of the centers during the French regime. -<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> -But, except for the few tribes of Illinois Indians in the -immediate vicinity, very few savages found their way to these posts -for trading purposes. English traders, on the other hand, did not -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> -trust themselves far beyond this narrow circle. -<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> But their French -and Spanish rivals from Louisiana, many of whom formally lived in -the Illinois, carried on a trade in all directions, both by land -and by water. -<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> -They ascended the Ohio, Wabash, and Illinois rivers -<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> -and crossed the Mississippi River above the Illinois River, plying -their traffic among the tribes in the region of the Wisconsin and -Fox rivers. -<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> -This was probably the most productive area in the -Mississippi Valley in the supply of fur bearing animals. The -Mississippi River from its junction with the Illinois northward -was also considered especially good for the peltry business: the -otter, beaver, wolf, cervine, and marten were to be found in abundance. -<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> -But the British traders dared not venture into that quarter. -The loss of this trade, however, can scarcely be attributed -to their misconduct, for the French had never allowed it to pass -from their own hands. The latter continued to intrigue with the -Indians throughout the greater part of this period just as they -had prior to 1765. As we have seen they pointed out to the savages -how they would suffer from the policy of economy practiced -by the British government. -<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> -Thus by giving presents and circulating -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> -stories and misrepresentations the French subjects of Spain -attempted to checkmate every move of the English. -<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> The Indians -were constantly reminded of the bad designs on the part of the -English, and were encouraged with unauthorized promises of aid in -case they took up the hatchet in defense of their hunting grounds. -<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p> - -<p>This state of affairs continued throughout the greater part -of the period, although it was probably modified to some extent -after 1770, for in that year O'Reilly, the Spanish governor of -Louisiana, issued an order to all the commandants in that colony -to prohibit the inhabitants crossing the river in the pursuit of -trade and whenever any excesses were committed satisfaction was to -be given the English commandant according to the laws of nations. -<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></p> - -<p>During the first years of the British occupation there was -considerable friction in the contact between the two alien peoples -in the Illinois villages. In spite of the fact that the French -who remained became subjects of Great Britain there was for several -years sharp competition between the English and French residents -in the vicinity of the villages. -<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> -The latter were on terms of -friendship with the savages and could go into any part of the country -without difficulty and those Indians who came to Fort Chartres -to trade generally preferred to deal with their trusted friends. -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> -The French often carried the packs of furs thus obtained across -the river to St. Louis or transported them directly to the New -Orleans market. Although the British merchants were occasionally -to pool their interests with French residents, such cases were -exceptional prior to 1770. In that year, however, General Gage -informed the home government that "the competition between his -Majestys' old and new Subjects is greatly abated & must by degrees -subside, for if carried to extremes it would be very prejudicial -to both." -<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a></p> - -<p>We have seen in the foregoing study how the British traders -were handicapped in the prosecution of the trade by their French -rivals. Naturally the large quantities of furs and skins obtained -by such contraband traders as well as by the French residents of -Illinois were taken directly to New Orleans and there embarked for -the ports of France and Spain. These foreign interlopers, however, -only followed the course they had long been accustomed to -take. On the other hand it was expected by the government that -the traders who carried English manufactured goods down the Ohio -River would return by the same route with their cargoes of peltry -for the purpose of transporting them to England. In this the aim -of the ministry miscarried. English traders and merchants followed -the line of least resistance: the route down the Mississippi to -New Orleans was easier and quicker than up the Ohio and across the -country to the sea-coast. -<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> -Moreover, the New Orleans market was attractive, -for peltries sold at a higher price there than in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> -British market. -<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> -The tendency of the English traders and merchants -to follow this course was discovered soon after the occupation. -<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> -In a communication to Secretary Shelburne in 1766 Gage informed -the government that "it is reported that the Traders in West Florida -carry most of their Skins to New Orleans, where they sell them -at as good a price as is given in London. As I had before some -Intelligence of this, the Officer commanding at Fort Pitt had Orders -to watch the Traders from Pensilvania (sic) who went down the -Ohio in the Spring to Fort Chartres; & to report the quantity of -Peltry they should bring up the Ohio in the Autumn. He has just -acquainted me that the traders do not return to his Post, that -they are gone down the Mississippi with all their Furrs and Skinns -under the pretense of embarking them at New Orleans for England." -<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> -A few weeks later he wrote again in a similar strain: "That Trade -will go with the stream is a maxim found to be true from all Accounts -that have been received of the Indian Trade carried on in -that vast Tract of Country which lies in the Back of the British -Colonies; and that the peltry acquired there is carried to the Sea -either by the River St. Lawrence or River Mississippi." -<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> Gage -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> -seemed to believe that the part which went down the St. Lawrence -would be transported to England; but that the peltry passing -through New Orleans would never enter a British port. -<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> "Nothing -but prospect of a superior profit or force will turn the Channel -of Trade contrary to the above maxim." -<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span></p> - -<p>It seems impossible to figure exactly what the loss to imperial -interests was under these conditions. -<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> Furs and skins, however -being among the enumerated commodities -<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> some loss certainly -accrued to British shipping and to the government through loss of -the duty, as well as to English manufacturers. While practically -no peltries reached the Atlantic ports from the Illinois region, -enormous quantities were carried to New Orleans. The few who have -left any estimate of the amount of peltries exported to New Orleans -agree in general that from 500 to 1000 packs were shipped annually -from Illinois. According to the usual estimate 500 packs were -worth in New Orleans about 3500 pounds sterling. -<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> At New Orleans, -where the western trade finally centered, it was estimated that -peltries worth between 75,000 and 100,000 pounds sterling were -sent annually to foreign ports. -<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> - -<p>It became apparent to those in a position to understand the -situation that those solid advantages which the Government had expected -would accrue in return for the expense of maintaining establishments -in the West would not be forthcoming, unless some effective -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> -though expensive measures be taken. The rivalry of the -French who monopolized the larger part of the trade and who naturally -followed their old road to New Orleans, and the action of -the English traders in turning the channel of their trade down the -stream effectually deprived the empire of any benefits. Conditions -grew no better as the years went by. In 1767 we find General Gage -complaining that "as for the Trade of the Ilinois, and in general -of the Mississippi, we may dispose of some manufactures there, but -whilst Skins and Furrs bear a high price at New Orleans, no Peltry -gained by our manufactures, will ever reach Great Britain, and if -our Traders do not return with the Produce of their Trade to the -Northern Provinces, by way of the Ohio or Lakes, it will not answer -to England to be at much expence about the Mississippi." -<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> Not only -were the officials in America, who were in close touch with western -affairs, convinced of the impossibility of obtaining any immediate -commercial benefits from the country, but one of the leading members -of the ministry, Lord Hillsborough, Secretary for the colonies, -took a similar view, in an argument against the planting of -western colonies. "This Commerce cannot (I apprehend) be useful to -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> -Great Britain otherwise than as it furnishes a material for her -Manufactures, but it will on the contrary be prejudicial to her in -proportion as other Countries obtain that material from us without -its coming here first; & whilst New Orleans is the only Post for -Exportation of what goes down the Mississippi, no one will believe -that that town will not be the market for Peltry or that those restrictions, -which are intended to secure the exportation of that -Commodity directly to G. Britain, can have any effect under such -circumstances." -<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> -Though there seems to have been a unanimity of -opinion respecting the commercial inutility of the Illinois and -surrounding country under existing conditions, there were those, -however, who believed that with the adoption of certain measures -the western country could be made of intrinsic commercial value. -Whether any adequate steps could have been taken to turn the channel -of trade eastward and to exclude foreign traders is uncertain.</p> - -<p>The original intention of the British government had been to -use Fort Chartres to guard the rivers in order to prevent contraband -trading; -<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> -but its inefficiency was soon apparent. -<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> Although -well constructed, its location was not strategic; it commanded -nothing but an island in the river. -<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> -An indication to the Indians -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> -of British dominion -<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> -and a place of deposit for English merchants -was about the sum total of its efficiency. -<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> In order to make the -Illinois country effective as a bulwark against foreign aggression -and to keep the trade in English hands, thus insuring material advantages -to the empire, it seemed imperative to many who were familiar -with the situation to adopt measures looking toward the closure -of those natural entrances into the country, the mouths of the -Illinois and Ohio rivers. -<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> -Almost all the correspondence of the -time relating to Illinois, contains references to the practicability -of erecting forts at the junctions of the Illinois and Ohio -rivers with the Mississippi; in most cases this was insisted upon -as the only measure to be adopted to make the country of value. -<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> -All were further in agreement that until such plan was carried out -no benefits would arise from the possession of that territory. -Suggestion were also offered relative to the erection of a fort on -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> -the Mississippi River above its junction with the Illinois for the -protection of that section of the country. -<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> Perhaps the most novel -suggestion emanated from General Gage, who declared that in order -to gain all the advantages expected it would be necessary to amalgamate -all the little French villages lying between the Illinois -and Ohio rivers into one settlement, which would also be the centre -of the military establishment; detachments could then be sent -out to guard the rivers and prevent British merchants from descending -the stream to New Orleans and also watch for foreign interlopers. -<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></p> - -<p>But these suggestions one and all failed to receive recognition -from the government. One of the main reasons for this non-action -may well be summed up in a statement of Hillsborough's, who -appears by 1770 to have become somewhat pessimistic regarding the -prospect of any immediate advantages from the western trade. He -declared in that year that "Forts & Military Establishments at -the Mouths of the Ohio & Illinois Rivers, admitting that they -would be effectual to the attainment of the objects in view, would -yet, I fear, be attended with an expence to this Kingdom greatly -disproportionate to the advantage proposed to be gained.——" -<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p> - -<p>The failure of the government to manage successfully the western -trade previous to 1770 was not the only reason the ministry -hesitated to do any thing further. Any measure would have meant -the expenditure of large sums of money with no absolute certainty -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> -of an adequate return. The problem of the western trade confronted -the ministry at a most unfortunate time. Questions of graver -import were arising and demanding immediate attention. Instead -of seeking new schemes upon which to lavish money, every opportunity -was seized upon to curtail expenses. The government failed to -put into full operation the plan of 1764 because of the added financial -burden it would entail and in 1768 the management of the -Indian Trade was transferred from the crown to the colonies to -further reduce the budget. The western question had become subordinated -to that of the empire. Furs were important to the manufacturing -monopoly of Great Britain, but at this time of rising -discontent and dissatisfaction in the colonies any new projects -entailing further expense were out of the question.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - <h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="ac">COLONIZING SCHEMES IN THE ILLINOIS.</p> - - -<p>Although prior to the Seven Years War France was in nominal -possession of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys, the English colonies -on the sea-board viewed that territory in a different light. -The old sea to sea charters still possessed a potential value in -the eyes of British colonists and little or no respect was accorded -the claims of France. Gradually toward the middle of the century -the more enterprising and farsighted of the colonists, who appreciated -the future value of the region, began to lay plans for -its systematic exploitation. As early as 1748, shortly after the -peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the Ohio Company, composed of London -merchants and Virginia land speculators obtained from the crown a -grant of land south of the Ohio river. This was the precursor of -several companies formed for similar purposes. In 1754 the question -of western expansion had become of sufficient importance to -engage the attention of the Albany Congress, the plans for the -creation of western colonies were discussed by that body. -<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> The -following year Samuel Hazard of Philadelphia outlined a proposition -looking toward the formation of a western colony, -<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>—probably the -first which comprehended the Illinois country.</p> - -<p>The treaty of cession of 1763 gave a new impulse to the colonizing -spirit which had lain dormant during the early years of the -war. The English now believed that they were free to occupy at -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> -will the unsettled lands as far westward as the Mississippi River. -Early in the summer of 1763, before the British ministry had had -time to consider and determine its policy toward the new acquisitions, -there was formed an organization known as the Mississippi -Land Company, -<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> -for the purpose of planting a colony in the Illinois -and Wabash regions. In this scheme some of the most prominent inhabitants -of Virginia and Maryland were interested, -<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>—indeed membership -in the organization was drawn almost entirely from those two -colonies and from London. The Company was eventually to be composed -of fifty members who were to contribute equally towards the -maintenance of an agent in England, to whom was intrusted the duty -of soliciting from the crown a grant of two million five hundred -thousand acres of land -<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> -on the Mississippi and its tributaries, the -Wabash and Ohio rivers. The proposed grant was to be "laid off -within the following bounds beginning upon the East side of the -Rivers Mississippi one hundred and twenty miles above or to the -northward of the confluence of the River Ohio therewith. Thence -by a line to strike the river Wabash or St. Ireon eighty miles -above the union of Ohio and Wabash, and abutting on the main branch -of the River Cherokee or Tennessee one hundred fifty mile above -the junction of Cherokee River with Ohio and proceeding thence Westerly -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> -in a line to strike the River Mississippi seventy miles below -the union of Ohio with that River; thence upon the said River -to the beginning." -<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> -The subscribers were to be free to retain their -lands twelve years or more at the pleasure of the crown without -the payment of taxes on quit rents. Within the same period also -the company was to be obliged to settle two hundred families in the -colony, unless prevented by Indians or a foreign enemy. -<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> In order -to insure against any such interruption, it was hinted that the -government might establish and garrison two forts,—one at the confluence -of the Cherokee -<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> -and Ohio rivers, and the other at the -mouth of the Ohio. -<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a></p> - -<p>In their petition the memorialists enumerate the advantages -they expect the empire to receive in case the land be granted, -special emphasis being laid on two points of view,—commerce and -defence. "The Increase of the people, the extension of trade and -the enlargement of the revenue are with certainty to be expected, -where the fertility of the soil, and mildness of the climate invite -emigrants (provided they can obtain Lands on easy terms) to -settle and cultivate commodities most wanted by Great Britain and -which will bear the charges of a tedious navigation, by the high -prices usually given for them,—such as Hemp, Flax, Silk, Wine, -Potash, Cochineal, Indigo, Iron, &c., by which means the Mother Country -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> -will be supplied with many necessary materials, that are now -purchased by foreigners at a very great expense." -<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p> - -<p>From the point of view of both trade and defense, the company -proposed "that by conducting a trade useful to the Indians on the -borders of the Mississippi they will effectually prevent the success -of that cruel policy, which has ever directed the French in -time of peace, to prevail with the Indians their neighbors to lay -waste the frontiers of your Majestie's Colonies thereby to prevent -their increase." -<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a></p> - -<p>Lastly, the establishment of a buffer colony would effectually -prevent the probable encroachments of the French from the West side -of the Mississippi, and cut off their political and commercial connection -with the Indians. They would "thereby be prevented from -instigating them to War, and the harrassing the frontier Counties -as they have constantly done of all the Colonies." -<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a></p> - -<p>The plan received its first official check in the year of its -inception, when in October, 1763, the British ministry announced -its western policy in a proclamation according to which all the -territory lying north of the Floridas and west of the Alleghanies -was reserved for the use of the Indians. -<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> Thereafter the colonial -governors were forbidden to issue patents for land within this -reservation without the consent of the crown. -<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> However, the enounciation -of this policy did not deter this and similar companies -from pressing their claims upon the Board of Trade. The more far-sighted -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> -of the Americans had probably correctly interpreted the -proclamation as temporary in character and as promulgated to allay -the alarm of the savages. -<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> -The Mississippi company therefore continued -to solicit the grant until 1769, when it was decided that -on account of the temper of the ministry towards America, it would -be advisable to allow the matter to rest for a time in the hope -that a change in the government would bring a corresponding change -in policy. -<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> -But at no time does it appear that the promoters of the -colony received the slightest encouragement from those in authority. -<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a></p> - -<p>About the time of the Mississippi company in 1763, General -Charles Lee -<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> -outlined a scheme for the establishment of two colonies, -one on the Ohio River below its junction with the Wabash, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> -and the other on the Illinois River. -<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> -It was his plan to organize -a company and petition the crown for the necessary grants of land. -<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> -A portion of the settlers were to be procured in new England, and -the remainder from among Protestants of Germany and Switzerland. -<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> -In narrating the probable advantages which he thinks would be derived -from such settlements, Lee takes practically the same point -of view as the Mississippi company, adding the suggestion that a -new channel of commerce would be opened up through the Mississippi -River and the Gulf of Mexico. -<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> -This proposal suffered the same fate -as its contemporary in being objected by the ministry, whose policy -of allowing no settlements in the country beyond the mountains had -been too recently adopted. -<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a></p> - -<p>Thus far there seems to be no indication that the above mentioned -colonizing schemes received encouragement from any one in -close touch with the government. Apparently the authors of those -projects did not have the ear of those members of the ministry, -whose general attitude gave some ground for the belief that in the -end plans for western settlements would be adopted. The most prominent -among these was Lord Shelbourne, whose personal attitude favored -carving the West into colonies. Possibly his friendship with -Dr. Franklin influenced him in part to throw the weight of his prestige -in favor of a new plan for a colony, promoted this time by -prominent merchants and land speculators of New York, Pennsylvania, -and New Jersey. It was in 1766 that the next definite scheme appeared, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> -although it is probable that there were many others, for -during those years half of England was said to have been "New Land -mad as every body there had their eyes fixt on this Country." -<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> -Pamphlet literature was printed and disseminated throughout England and -America from 1763 on advocating the feasibility of settling -the new lands, -<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> -which doubtless had considerable influence. -It is hardly probable that the few definite propositions of which -we have recorded were the only schemes projected during this period. -<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p> - -<p>The plan of 1764 had its origin we may safely say as 1764. -In January of that year the Board of Trade received a communication -from one of the promoters of the plan, George Croghan, who -was then in England, asking their Lordships "whether it would not -be good policy at this time while we certainly have it in our power -to secure all the advantages we have got there by making a purchase -of the Indians inhabiting the Country along the Mississippi -from the mouth of the Ohio up to the sources of the River Illinois, -and there plant a respectable colony, in order to secure our frontiers, -and prevent the French from any attempt to rival us in the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> -Fur trade with the Natives, by drawing the Ohio and Lake Indians -over the Mississippi which they have already attempted by the last -accounts we have from Detroit." -<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a></p> - -<p>The tentative proposition thus suggested by Croghan to the -Board was in essence the same plan that he and his associates developed -two years later. In its general outline there is no intimation -that Croghan intended at this time to include the cultivated -lands of the French inhabitants of Illinois who might leave -that country. -<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> -But Sir William Johnson, his superior in the Indian -department in America and his constant associate in colonizing -enterprizes, writing to the two years subsequently, gave as his -opinion that "some of the present Inhabitants may possibly incline -to go home, and our Traders will I dare say chuse to purchase -their rights, this may be the foundation for a Valuable -Colony in that Country, —-—, this may be effected in time, & -large cessions obtained of the Natives." -<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> This idea of basing the -colony in part upon the lands vacated by the French was a few -weeks later taken up and emphasized by General Gage. He declared -that there was only one way to obviate the difficulties in Illinois -on account of lack of provisions for the army as well as to form -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> -at the least expense a barrier against probable incursions of -foreigners from Louisiana. That method must be to "grant the lands -deserted by the French, which I presume forfeited, as well as other -Lands unsettled, using necessary Precautions to avoid Disputes -with the Indians, to the British Settlers." -<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> While Croghan, Johnson, -and Gage were thus advocating the purchase of the French -claims and some additional Indian lands with the view of forming a buffer -colony, Governor William Franklin of New Jersey and some Philadelphia -merchants, all friends of the Indian agent Croghan, were -promoting the same scheme, and on March 29th, 1766, Governor -Franklin drew up -<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> a formal sketch. -<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> -"A few of us, from his (Croghan's) -encouragement, have formed a Company, to purchase of the -French, settled at the Illinois, such lands as they have a good -title to, and are inclined to dispose of. But as I thought it -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> -would be of little avail to buy lands in the Country, unless a -Company were established there, I have drawn some proposals for -that purpose, which are much approved of by Col. Croghan and the -other gentlemen concerned in Philadelphia, and are sent by them to -Sir William Johnson for his sentiments, and when we receive them, -the whole will be forwarded to you. It is proposed that the Company -shall consist of twelve, now in America, and if you like the -proposals, you will be at liberty to add Yourself, & such other -gentlemen of character & fortune in England, as you may think will -be most likely to promote the undertaking." -<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a></p> - -<p>Franklin's letter to his father explains very clearly the -steps in the development of the plan up to that time. It is necessary, -however, to examine other sources in order to ascertain -details concerning the proposition. The Articles of Agreement as -outlined by Governor Franklin contains the tentative proposal that -application be made to the crown for a grant in the Illinois -country of 1,200,000 acres or "more if to be procured." -<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> Provision -was also made in the original draft for ten equal shareholders, -the stipulation to be subject to change in case others -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> -desired to enter the company. -<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> -The original draft was sent to Sir -William Johnson who was requested to consider the proposals and -make any alterations he saw fit. -<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> -The articles were then to be returned -to Governor Franklin, with Johnson's recommendations to the -ministry. -<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> -Through Franklin the papers were to be forwarded to Dr. -Franklin in London, to whom was intrusted the task of negotiating -with the ministry. -<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a></p> - -<p>In his recommendations Johnson urged upon the ministry the -adoption of the proposals and in addition offered a number of suggestions -among which the following are of interest. -<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> 1. The crown -should purchase from the Indians all their right to the territory -in the Illinois country. 2. A civil government should be established. -3. The proposed land grants should be laid out in townships -according to the practice in New England. 4. Provincial officers -and soldiers who served in the French war should receive grants. -5. The mines and minerals should belong to the owners of the land -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> -in which they may be found, except royal mines, from which the -crown might receive a fifth. 6. In every township 500 acres should -be reserved for the maintenance of a clergyman of the Established -Church of England. 7. Finally the lands of the colony were suggested -as follows:—From the mouth of the Ouisconsin (or Wisconsin) -River down the Mississippi agreeable to Treaty, to the Forks, or -Mouth of the Ohio. Then up the same River Ohio to the River Wabash, -thence up the same River Wabash to the Portage at the Head thereof. -Then by the said Portage to the River Miamis and down the said -River Miamis to Lake Erie. Thence along the several Courses of the -said Lake to Riviere al Ours (or Bear River) and up the said River -to the Head thereof, and from thence in a straight Line, or by the -Portage of St. Josephs River & down the same River to Lake Michigan -then along the several Courses of the said Lake on the South and -West Side thereof to the point of Bay Puans, and along the several -Courses on the East Side of the said Bay to the Mouth of Foxes River, -thence up to the Head thereof and from thence by a Portage to the -Head of Ouisconsin River, and down the same to the Place of Beginning.</p> - -<p>Benjamin Franklin exerted every effort to advance the project -in England, but with little success. Lord Shelburne, who was at -this time Secretary of State for the southern department, was also -ready and anxious to see the new colony established, and he was -able to influence the ministry to take a favorable view. Others -in authority, however, and particularly members of the Board of -Trade, were opposed to the proposition. -<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> In 1768, the Board, -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> -under the presidency of Hillsborough, reported adversely and the -question of the Illinois colony was dropped. Attention of land -speculators was now called to the new Vandalia colony in the upper -Ohio region.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - <h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI.</h2> -</div> - -<p class="ac">EVENTS IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1765-1768.</p> - - -<p>In the foregoing chapters an attempt has been made to point -out certain general aspects relating to the West and to the Illinois -country, with special reference to the governmental status of -the old French settlements after the conquest, the extension of -the English law to the conquered territory, some of the problems -of the Indian and trade relations, and finally attention has been -called to some of the projects for the colonization of the Illinois -country after 1763. What were the actual events taking place -in the Illinois after the occupation has always been problematical. -Previous writers have almost without exception dismissed with a -sentence the first two or three years of the period. Indeed the -whole thirteen years of British administration have generally been -crowded into two or three paragraphs. Although the available historical -material relating to the material to the period in general -has recently been considerably augmented, there yet remain gaps -which must be bridged before a complete history of the colony under -the British can be written.</p> - -<p>Among the first duties of the British commandant after taking -formal possession of Fort de Chartres in October, 1765, was to -announce to the inhabitants the contents of Gage's proclamation. It -is only from this document that we know anything of the status of -the individual inhabitants of Illinois. One of its leading features -was a clause granting to the French the right of the free exercise -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> -of the Roman Catholic religion "in the same manner as in Canada," -<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> -which was the fulfillment on the part of the British government of -the pledge stipulated in the IVth article of the treaty of Paris, -containing the following clause: "Brittanick Majesty agrees to -grant the liberty of the Catholic religion to the inhabitants of -Canada; he will consequently give the most precise and effectual -orders, that his new Roman Catholic subjects may profess the worship -of their religion, according to the rites of the Roman Catholic -Church, as far as the laws of Great Britain permit." -<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> This provision -appertained to the whole western territory as well as to -Canada proper. Prior to the treaty of cession the Illinois and -Wabash settlements were subject to the jurisdiction of Louisiana, -while approximately the country north of the Fortieth parallel had -been within the limits of Canada. But in the treaty all the territory -lying between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi river was -described as a dependency of Canada. The government was thus commited -to religious toleration within the whole extent of the ceded -territory. This meant, however, that only the religious privileges -of the church had been secured, for the clause in the treaty, "as -far as the laws of Great Britain permit," meant that papal authority -would not be tolerated within the British empire.</p> - -<p>Other clauses provided that all the inhabitants of Illinois -who had been subjects of the king of France, might if they so desired, -sell their estates and retire with their effects to Louisiana. -No restraint would be placed on their emigration, except for -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> -debt or on account of criminal processes. -<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> -This was also a fulfillment -of the pledges made in the treaty of Paris. -<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> All the inhabitants -who desired to retain their estates and become subjects -of Great Britain were guaranteed security for their persons and -effects and liberty of trade. -<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> -Finally they were commanded to take -the oath of allegiance and fidelity to the crown in case they remained -on British soil. -<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a></p> - -<p>When Captain Sterling proceeded to Kaskaskia to post the -proclamation and to administer the oaths of allegiance for which he -was empowered by the commanding general, he was confronted by an -unexpected movement on the part of the inhabitants. A petition was -presented signed by the representative French of the village, asking -for a respite of nine months in order that they might settle -their affairs and decide whether they wished to remain under the -British government or withdraw from the country. -<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> At first Sterling -refused to grant the request. -<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> -According to the terms of the Paris -treaty the inhabitants of the ceded territory had been given -eighteen months in which to withdraw, the time to be computed from -the date of the exchange of ratifications. -<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> The limit had long -since expired, and it was therefore beyond the power of Sterling -or his superior General Gage to grant legally an extension of time. -<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> -When, however, the commandant perceived that unless some concessions -were granted, the village would be immediately depopulated, he extended -the time to the first of March, 1766, with the provisions -that a temporary oath of allegence be given, -<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> and that all desiring -to leave the country should give in their names in advance. -<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> -To this tentative proposition the French in Kaskaskia agreed on -condition that Sterling forward to the commanding general a petition, -in which they ask for the longer time. -<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> An officer was dispatched -to the villages of Prairie du Rocher, St. Phillipe, and -Cahokia where similar arrangements were made. -<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a></p> - -<p>The machinery of civil government in operation under the -French regime had become badly deranged during the French and Indian -war and when the representatives of the English government -entered the country affairs were in a chaotic state. The commandant -of the English troops had of course no authority to govern the -inhabitants. But he found himself face to face with conditions -which made immediate action imperative. Practically the only civil -officers Sterling found on the English side of the river were -Joseph La Febevre, who acted as Judge, Attorney General and Guardian -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> -of the Royal Warehouse, and Joseph Labuxiere, was Clerk and -Notary Public. -<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> -But those men retired with St. Ange and the French -soldiers to St. Louis shortly after the arrival of the English. -<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> -This brought the whole governmental machinery to a standstill, and -the English commander was forced to act. He determined to appoint -a judge and after consulting the principal inhabitants of the villages, -selected M. La Grange, who was intrusted "to decide all -disputes according to the Laws and Customs of the Country," with -liberty to appeal to the commandant in case the litigants were dissatisfied -with his decision. -<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> -The captains of militia seem to -have retained their positions under the British, their duties being -practically the same as in the French regime. Each village or -parish had its captain who saw to the enforcement of decrees and -other civil matters as well as looking after the local militia. -<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> -The office of royal commissary continued and James Rumsey, a former -officer in the English army was appointed to this position. -<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> -But who was to continue the duties of the old French commandants -with both his civil and military functions? Obviously the most -logical person was the commanding officer of the English troops -stationed at the fort, with the difference that the former held a -special commission for the performance of these duties, while the -latter had no such authorisation. A further and more fundamental -difference lay in the fact that formerly the French had the right -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> -to appeal to the Superior Council at New Orleans, while apparently -no such corresponding safeguard was given them by the new arrangement.</p> - -<p>Sterling did not long retain command of the post -<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> for in December -he was superseded by Major Robert Farmer, -<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> his superior in -rank, who arrived from Mobile with a detachment of the 34th regiment, -after an eight months voyage. Their arrival was exceedingly -welcome to Sterling and his men since they were becoming greatly -embarrassed for lack of provisions, ammunition, and presents for -the Indians. -<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> -When they left Fort Pitt in August, it had not been -thought necessary to transport more than sixty pounds of ammunition -inasmuch as Fort de Chartres was expected to yield a sufficient -supply, and both Gage and Sterling believed that Croghan, with his -cargo of supplies, would be awaiting the arrival of the troops at -the Illinois. -<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> -Neither expectation was realized. Croghan was back -in the colonies prior to Sterling's arrival at the post, and when -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> -the fort was transferred, it yielded neither ammunition nor other -supplies in sufficient quantity to meet the needs of the troops. -<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a></p> - -<p>An assembly of three or four thousand Indians had been accustomed -to gather at the fort each spring to receive annual gifts -from the French. But the English had made no provisions for such -a contingency, which, coupled with the weakness of the garrison -and the recent hostility of the Indians, would probably lead to -serious complications. A possible defection of the Indians, therefore, -necessitated a large supply of military stores -<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> which it was -possible to obtain from the French merchants in the villages. The -latter agreed to furnish the soldiers with ammunition, on the condition -that other provisions would also be purchased, -<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> for which -the English alleged they charged an exorbitant price. -<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> Sterling was -compelled to acquiesce, for the merchants had sent their goods across -the river where he could not get at them. -<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a></p> - -<p>The large supply of provisions which the colony had produced -in former years seems to have decreased, at any rate it fell far -short of the expectations of the English officers. One officer -writes at this time that "they have indeed but little here, and -are doing us a vast favor when they let us have a Gallon of French -brandy at twenty Shillings Sterling, and as the price is not as yet -regulated the Eatables is in the same proportion." -<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> The wealth of -colony had been considerably impaired since the occupation on account -of the exodus of a large number of French who disobeyed the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> -order of Sterling that all who desired to withdraw should give in -their names in advance. Taking their cattle, grain and effects across -the ferries at Cahokia and Kaskaskia, they found homes at -St. Louis and St. Genevieve on the Spanish side. -<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> Probably a large -part of the emigrants left in the hope that in Louisiana they -might still enjoy their ancient laws and privileges, -<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> and others -from fear lest the Indians, who were now assuming a threatening -attitude, might destroy their crops and homes. -<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a></p> - -<p>The acute situation of the garrison brought on by the dearth -of supplies continued through the winter and spring of 1765 and -1766. -<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> -Farmer estimated that all the provisions available amounted -to no more than fifty thousand pounds of flour and 1250 pounds of -corn meal, -<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> -upon which the garrison could barely subsist till the -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> -following July; and a portion of this stock would have to be given -to the Indians, since representatives of the Indian department had -not yet appeared. These circumstances obliged Major Farmer to -send Sterling and his troops to New York by way of the Mississippi -river and New Orleans instead of up the Ohio river in accordance -with Gage's orders. -<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> -In response to a series of urgent requests -for assistance, Gage employed a force of Indians to transport a -cargo to the Illinois, -<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> -which reached Fort Chartres during the -early summer of 1766, by which time also representatives of the -English merchants at Philadelphia had arrived with large stores of -supplies. -<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> -Henceforth we hear nothing further of a shortage of -provisions in the Illinois, for not only did the English merchants -import large supplies from the East, but cargoes were brought up -the Mississippi from New Orleans by the French; -<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> and for a time the -English government itself transported the necessary provisions -from Fort Pitt. -<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a></p> - -<p>Late in the summer of 1766 Farmer was relieved by -Lieutenant Colonel Reid, who arrived during the summer from Mobile -with another detachment of the thirty-fourth regiment. -<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a> -<a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> Reid soon -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> -became obnoxious to the people on account of his tyrannical acts, -many of which have been recorded in Colonel George Morgan's letter -book. His administration of affairs, however, continued over a -period of two years. In 1768 he was relieved by Colonel John -Wilkins who ruled the French for the next three years.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - <h2><a name="BIBLIOGRAPHY" id="BIBLIOGRAPHY"></a>BIBLIOGRAPHY.</h2> -</div> - -<p>Alden, George Henry, New Governments West of the Alleghany -Mountains before 1780. University of Wisconsin Bulletin, II. -Madison, 1889.</p> - -<p>Alvord, C. W., Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763. Mich. -Pion. & Hist. Colls.</p> - - -<p>Bancroft, George, MSS Collection of, N. Y. Pub. Lib.</p> - -<p>Beer, G. L., British Colonial Policy, New York, 1907.</p> - -<p>Brown, Henry, Hist. of Ill., New York, 1844.</p> - -<p>Butler, Mann, Hist. of Ky., Louisville, 1834.</p> - - -<p>Canadian Archives, Report concerning for the year 1906. Ottawa.</p> - -<p>Chatham Papers, Pub. Rec. Office, London.</p> - -<p>Coffin, V., The Province of Quebec and the American Revolution. -University of Wisconsin Bulletin, I. Madison, 1896.</p> - - -<p>Franklin, Benjamin, Works of, Ed. by John Bigelow. 10 Vols. -New York, 1888.</p> - - -<p>Gayarre, C., Hist. of La. 3 Vols., New Orleans, 1903.</p> - - -<p>Harding, Julia Morgan, Geo. Morgan: His Family and Times. -Washington (Pa.) Observer, May 21, 1904.</p> - -<p>Hinsdale, B. A., The Old Northwest. New York, 1888.</p> - -<p>Historical MSS Commission's Reports. London.</p> - - -<p>Johnson, Sir William, MSS Collections of, 26 Vols. New York -State Library, Albany.</p> - - -<p>Kaskaskia Records: British Period. MS Collection, University -of Illinois.</p> - -<p>Kingsford, W., Hist. of Canada. 10 Vols. Toronto, 1887-1890.</p> - - -<p>Morgan, George, MS Letter Book. Nov. 1766 to July 1768.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span></p> - -<p>Monette, J. W., Hist. of the Miss. Valley. 2 Vols. New York, -1848.</p> - - -<p>New York, Documents relating to the Colonial History of. -Edited by E. B. O'Callaghan, 11 Vols. Albany, 1856-1857.</p> - - -<p>Parkman, F., MS Collection, Mass. Hist. Soc. Lib.</p> - -<p>Parkman, F., Conspiracy of Pontiac, 2 Vols. Boston, 1903. -Wolfe and Montcalm. Boston, 1903.</p> - -<p>Public Record Office, London: Mil. Corr., Series America & -West Indies; Home Office Papers; Chatham Papers.</p> - - -<p>Sioussat, St. George L., The English Statutes in Maryland. -J. H. U. Studies, XXI, Baltimore, 1903.</p> - -<p>Stone, H. R., Life and Times of Sir William Johnson. 2 Vols. -Albany, 1865.</p> - - -<p>Thwaites, R. G., Early Western Travels, 1784-1846. Cleveland, -1904.</p> - -<p>Terrage, Mare de Villiers, Les Dernièrs Années de la -Louisiane Française. Paris, 1903.</p> - - -<p>Winsor, J., Narrative and Critical History of America. 8 Vols. -Boston and New York, 1889.</p> - -<p>The Westward Movement, 1763-1798. Boston & New York, -1897.</p> - -<p>The Mississippi Basin, Boston & New York, 1898.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - - <h2><a name="FOOTNOTES" id="FOOTNOTES"></a>FOOTNOTES.</h2> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> -Perkins, <i>France under Louis XV</i>, II, pp. 1-83.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> -Parkman, <i>Montcalm and Wolfe</i>, I, pp. 1-39.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> -Parkman, <i>Montcalm and Wolfe</i>, I, pp. 39-67.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> -Hunt, <i>Pol. Hist. of England</i>, X, pp. 23-40.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> -Text of treaty in Chalmers, <i>Collections of Treaties</i>, I, -467-483. Canadian Archives, 1907 <i>Report</i>, 73-84. Hildreth, <i>Hist. -of U. S.</i>, 501-503.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> -Parkman, <i>La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West</i>, 312.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> -Ibid., 312.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> -Cahokia was founded in 1699 by the priests of the Seminary -of Foreign Missions.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> -Winsor, <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist.</i> V, 43.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> -Ibid., 49.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> -Ibid., 53.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> -Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 272-273.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> -For the Indian rebellion the best secondary accounts are: -Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, 2 vols., passim. Kingsford, <i>Hist. -of Can.</i>, 1-112. Poole, The West, in Winsor, <i>Narr. & Crit. Hist. -of Amer.</i>, VI., 684-700. Winsor, <i>Miss. Basin</i>, 432-446. Bancroft, -<i>Hist. of U. S.</i>, IV., 110-133. (Ed. of 1852, containing references.)</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> -Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, I, 182.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> -Johnson to Lords of Trade, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, VII, pp 929, -955, 960, 964, 987.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> -Johnson to Amherst, July 11th, 1763, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, VII, -532.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> -Johnson to Amherst, July 11th, 1763. <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VII, 532.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> -Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, I, 181, quoting from a -letter of Sir William Johnson to Gov. Colden, Dec. 24, 1763. -Winsor, <i>Miss. Basin</i>, 433.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> -Johnson to Lords of Trade, July 1, 1763, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VII, 525. Johnson to Amherst, July 8, 1763, Ibid., 531. Johnson to -Lords of Trade, Dec. 26, 1764, Ibid., 688-689. Gage to Bouquet, -June 5, 1764, Can. Arch., Series A, Vol. 8, p 409. Gage to Bouquet, -Oct. 21, 1764, Ibid., p 481. Johnson to Gov. Colden, Jan. 22, 1765, -Johnson MSS, X, No. 99.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> -Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I, 470. Neyon to Kerlerc, Dec. 1, -1763, Bancroft Coll., Lenox Lib. Extract from letters of M. -D'Abaddie, Jan., 1764, <i>Can. Arch. Report</i>, I, 471. D'Abaddie to the -French minister, 1764, Ibid., 472.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> -This is the view taken by Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, -II, 279, and by Bancroft, <i>Hist. of U. S.</i>, V, 133, 136. But Kingsford, -in his <i>Hist. of Can.</i>, V, 25, takes an opposite view. He says -that the "high character claimed for Pontiac cannot be established." -"He can be looked upon in higher light, than the instrument -of the French officials and traders." On page 6 he declares that -"there is no evidence to establish him as the central figure organizing -this hostile feeling."</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> -Gage to Halifax, July 15, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765. Winsor, <i>Miss. Basin</i>, 444, 456. Winsor, <i>Narr. & Crit. -Hist. of Am.</i> VI, 702.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> -Beer, <i>British Col. Policy</i>, 263. Kingsford, -<i>Hist. of Can.</i>, V, 68.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> -Winsor, <i>Miss. Basin</i>, 633. Ogg, <i>Opening of Miss.</i>, 301.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> -Bouquet to Amherst, Dec. 1, 1763, Can. Arch., Ser. A, -Vol. IV, p 413. Gage to Bouquet, Dec. 22, 1763, Ibid., Vol. 8, p. 341.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> -Lt. Col. Robertson to Gage, March 8, 1764, Ban. Coll., -Eng. & Am., 1764-1765, De Villers, <i>Les dernièrs Années de la -Louisiana</i>, 180.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> -Robertson to Gage, Mar. 8, 1764.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> -Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765. Gage to Halifax, May 21, 1764, Ibid. Parkman, <i>Conspiracy -of Pontiac</i>, 88, 283, 285. Kingsford, <i>Hist. of Can.</i>, V, 69-74. -Winsor, <i>Narr. and Crit. Hist. of Am.</i>, VI, 701, 702, Gayarre, -<i>Louisiana</i>, II, 102-103.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> -Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765. De Villers, <i>Les dernières Années de la Louisiana</i>, 182-184.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> -Robertson to Gage, Mar. 8, 1764, Ibid. "Account of what -happened when the English attempted to take possession of Illinois -by way of the Mississippi," from Paris documents, Can. Arch. Report, -1905, I, 407-411. Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 284, note 1, -containing a letter from Gage thanking D' Abadie for his efforts -in behalf of the English.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> -Extract from the correspondence of D' Abadie with the -French commandants, Jan., 1764. <i>Can. Arch. Report</i>, 1905, I, 471. -Parkman, who made a careful study of the correspondence in the -French archives, came to the conclusion that the French officials -may be exonerated. Winsor holds a similar view in his <i>Mississippi -Basin</i>, 452. See also Cayarre, <i>Louisiana</i>, II, 101. Kingford, in his -<i>Hist, of Can.</i>, V, 69-74, places no dependence in D' Abadie's statements. -On the other hand he bases most of his argument upon a letter -of Loftus which he quotes at length, but gives no hint as to -its location, date, &c. It is evidently not the letter written to -Gage, which is quoted above.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> -Loftus to Gage, April 9th, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> -Gage to Halifax, April 14th, 1764, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, VII, -619.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> -This has reference to those tribes along the Mississippi -River who were in direct communication with Pontiac and the French. -The great Cherokee and Chicksaw nations were favorable to the English.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> -Gage to Bouquet, May 21, 1764, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. 8, -p 393. Gage to Halifax, May 2d, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765. Gage to Haldimand, May 27, 1764, Brit. Mus., Add. MSS, -21, 662. Gage to Halifax, July 13, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> -Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, Winsor, <i>Miss. Basin</i>, 454.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> -St. Ange to D' Abadie, Aug. 16, 1764, <i>Can. Arch. Report</i>, -1905, I, 471. Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 279-280.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> -The original journal kept by Morris during his journey is -reprinted in Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 198-208. There -is also a biographical sketch in the same volume. Correspondence -relating to the Morris mission is to be found in the Bouquet Collection, -Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. 8, pp 475-491. For a good account -of the incident, see Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 198-208, -and Kingsford, <i>Hist. of Canada</i>, V, 8.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> -This incident illustrates the practical failure of Bradstreet's -campaign against the Indians in the Lake region. While -he retook the posts, his terms were so easy that the Indians were -not in the least awed by the proximity of his army.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> -Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 305.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> -Ross to Farmer, Feb. 21, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. -Gage to Halifax, Aug. 10, 1765, Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> -Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. -H. Gordon to Johnson, Aug. 10, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, -No. 73.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> -Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> -Ibid. Copy of Council held at the Illinois in April, 1765, -Home Office Papers, Dom., Geo. III, Vol. 3, No. 4(1). Public Rec. -Office. Copy of minutes of Council, April 4, 1765, in <i>Can. Arch. -Report</i>, 1905, I, 473. See also De Villiers, <i>Les dernières Années -de la Louisiana</i>, p. 220.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> -Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> -Johnson to Gage, June 9, 1764, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIX, No. -111. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Dec 26, 1764, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VII, 689. Bouquet to Gage, Jan. 5, 1765, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. -VII, p 111. Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 291-292. Winsor, -<i>Narr. & Crit. Hist, of Am.</i>, VI, 702. Croghan is one of the most -interesting figures of the period. He had entire charge, as Sir -William Johnson's deputy, of the Indians in the Ohio river region -and was thoroughly conversant with western affairs. For biographical -sketch see Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 47-52, or <i>N. Y. -Col. Docs.</i>, VII.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> -Gage to Bouquet, Dec. 24, 1764, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. VIII, -p 499. Ibid., Dec. 30, 1764, Ibid. This distinction is not generally -made. Writers have usually inferred that Fraser simply accompanied -Croghan in an unofficial capacity. See, however, Winsor, -<i>Miss. Basin</i>, 456. Ogg, in <i>Opening of the Mississippi</i>, 310, places -Fraser's journey a year previous to Croghan's, which is obviously -an error.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> -Gage to Johnson, Feb. 2, 1765, Parkman Coll., Pontiac:—Miscell., -1765-1778.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> -Jos. Calloway to B. Franklin, Jan. 23, 1765, Sparks MSS, -XVI, 54, 55.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> -Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 292.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> -The frontiersmen could not understand the significance of -giving valuable presents to the Indians.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> -Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VII, 716. Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 292-297.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> -Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VII. 716.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> -Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 297.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> -Johnson to Lords of Trade, Jan. 16, 1765, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VII, 694.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> -Croghan's Journal of his transactions, from Feb. 28 to -May 12, 1765, MS in Parkman Collection. Johnson to Burton, June -6, 1765, Johnson MSS, X, No. 263.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> -Croghan's Journal of his transactions, from Feb. 28 to -May 12, 1765, MS in Parkman Collection.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> -Maisonville, a Frenchman, and one Andrew, an interpreter -were among the whites. Shawnee and Seneca Indians also accompanied -the party. Note the error in Kingsford, <i>Hist. of Can.</i>, V, 116, -wherein Sinnot is said to have accompanied Fraser. Sinnot had been -sent about the same time from the south by Indian agent Stuart. -On arriving at the Illinois his goods were plundered and he was -finally forced to flee to New Orleans. Johnson to Lords of Trade, -Sept. 28, 1765, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, VII, 765. Ibid., Nov. 16, 1765, -Ibid., p 776. Apparently Sinnott must have arrived at Illinois -after Fraser's departure for New Orleans, since Croghan implies -that the former was still at Fort Chartres while he was a captive -at Vincennes. See Croghan's Journal as printed in the <i>N. Y. Col. -Docs.</i>, VII, 780.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> -Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 300.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> -Fraser to Gage, May 15, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765. Fraser to Crawford, May 20, 1765, <i>Mich. Pion. Colls.</i>, -X, 216-218. Fraser to Gage, May 26, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765. Gage to Johnson, Aug. 12, 1765, Parkman Coll., Pontiac, -Miscell., 1765-1778.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> -Fraser to Gage, June 16, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765. Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 302. De Villiers, -<i>Les dernières Années de la Louisiana Française</i>, 220-221. Reports -were current in the East that Fraser and his party had been killed -by the Indians. See Gage to Johnson, June 17, 1765, Myers Coll., -N. Y. Pub. Lib. Johnson to Lords of Trade, July, 1765, Johnson -MSS, Vol. XI, No. 43. One of the party, Maisonville, remained in -the Illinois. Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 146.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> -Fraser to Campbell, May 20, 1765, <i>Mich. Pioneer Colls.</i>, -X, 216-218.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> -St Ange to D' Abadie, <i>Can. Arch. Report</i>, 1905, I, 471.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> -A party of traders under the leadership of one Crawford -preceeded Croghan. They were, however, cut off before reaching -the Illinois. Shuchburgh to Johnson, July 25, 1765, Johnson MSS, -Vol. XI, No. 56.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> -Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 131. Parkman, <i>Conspiracy -of Pontiac</i>, II, 304. The chief sources of information for -this journey are Croghan's Journals, most of which have been printed -in Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 126-166. For secondary -accounts see, Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 304-315. Kingsfords, -<i>Hist. of Can.</i>, V, 116-120. Winsor, <i>Narr. & Crit. Hist. of -Am.</i>, VI, 704. Ibid., <i>Miss. Basin</i>, 456-457.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> -Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 131. Gage to Conway, -Sept. 23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Parkman, -<i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 304.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> -Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 139.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> -Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765. Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> -Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Ibid. Thwaites, <i>Early -Western Travels</i>, I, 146.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> -Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765. Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 144-145. Johnson -to Lords of Trade, July, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 43.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> -Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 145-146.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> -Ibid. Jas. Macdonald to Johnson, July 24, 1765, Johnson -MSS, Vol. XI, No. 50. Thos. Hutchins to Johnson, Aug. 13, 1765, -Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 97. Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, -Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> -Thwaites, <i>Early Western Travels</i>, I, 154-166. Johnson to Wallace, -Sept. 18, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 56. Gage to Conway, -Sept. 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am,, 1764-1765. Johnson -to Lords of Trade, Sept. 28, 1765, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, VII, 766. -Gage to Conway, Nov. 9, 1765. Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> -Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765. Johnson to Wallace, Sept. 18, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. -XI, No. 56. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 28, 1765, <i>N. Y. Col. -Docs.</i>, VII, 766.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> -Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., -1764-1765.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> -Stirling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. -Ind. Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> -Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. -Ind. Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> -Ibid. Sterling asserts that although Croghan claimed to -have made a peace with all the Illinois chiefs, he is assured that -not one was present at the peace conference in Ouiatanon, and that -his own sudden appearance at the village was the real cause of his -success. Sir William Johnson, in a letter to Croghan, Feb. 21, 1766, -(Johnson MSS, Vol. XII, No. 60.) casts doubt upon the representation -of Sterling. He says that it is easy to account for his motives, -and that he has written Gen. Gage fully upon the subject. The letter -referred to has probably been destroyed; at any rate it is not -in any of the large collections.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> -Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. -Ind., Vol. 122. Eidington to ——, Oct. 17, 1765, Catham Papers, -Vol. 97, Pub. Rec. Office. Gage to Johnson, Dec. 30, 1765, MS letter -in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Barrington, Jan. 8, 1766, Pub. Rec. -Office, A. & W. Ind., Vol. 122. Gage to Conway, Jan. 16, 1766, Ibid. -Johnson to Lords of Trade, Jan. 31, 1766, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>., X, 1161 -ff. Capt. Sterling relates in his letter to Gage that he had considerable -difficulty in persuading St. Ange to surrender his ammunition -and artillery stores. The latter claimed he had positive -orders to surrender only the fort and a few pieces of artillery. -</p> -<p> -As to the time of Sterling's arrival, Parkman, II, 314, says -he arrived in the early part of winter, while Nicollet, in his -sketch of St. Louis, states that the fort was reached in mid-summer. -From the above references, there can be no doubt as to the exact -date.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> -Text of the Proclamation in <i>Can. Arch. Report</i>, 1906, pp -119-123. For discussion as to the origin of the various clauses, -see Alvord, <i>Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763</i>, in <i>Mich. Pion. -& Hist. Coll.</i></p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> -Egremont to Lords of Trade, July 14, 1763. <i>Can. Arch. -Report</i>, 1906, p 108.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> -Egremont to Lords of Trade, Aug. 5, 1763, C. A. Rep., 1906, -pp 110-111.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> -"We would humbly propose, that a Commission under the -Great Seal, for the Government of this Country, should be given to -the Commander-in-chief of Your Majesty's Troops for the time being -adapted to the Protection of the Indians and the Fur Trade of Your -Majesty's subjects." Ibid., p 111.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> -They could not have been ignorant of the existence of such -colonies in the ceded territory, for Sir William Johnson, who was -familiar with western conditions, was in constant correspondence -with the ministry, and such works as the <i>Histoire de Louisiana</i> by -Du Pratz, published in 1758, were doubtless familiar to English -statesmen.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> -See post Ch. V.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> -Dartmouth to Cramahé, Can. Arch. Ser. Q., Vol. IX, p 157.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> -See post Ch. V.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> -It is very curious that no reference occurs in Art. XV of -the Plan, which dealt with civil matters. "That for the maintaining -peace and good Order in the Indian Country, and bringing Offenders -in criminal Cases to due Punishment, the said Agents or -Superintendents, as also the Commissaries at each Post, and in the -Country belonging to each Tribe, be empowered to act as Justices -of the Peace in their respective Districts and Departments, with -all powers and privileges vested in such Officers in any of the -Colonies; and also full power of Committing Offenders in Capital -Cases, in order that such Offenders may be prosecuted for the -same; And that, for deciding all civil actions, the Commissaries -be empowered to try and determine in a Summary way all such Actions, -as well between the Indians and Traders, as between one -Trader and another, to the amount of Ten Pound Sterling, with the -Liberty of Appeal to the Chief Agent or Superintendant, or his -Deputy, who shall be empowered upon such appeal to give Judgement -thereon; which Judgement shall be final, and process issued upon -it, in like manner as on the Judgement of any Court of Common -Pleas established in any of the Colonies."</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> -Brown, <i>Hist. of Ill.</i>, 212-213. See post Ch. VII.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> -Gage to Sec. Conway, March 28, 1766. B. T. Papers, Vol. XX, -Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> -Gage to Johnson, Jan. 24, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> -See post Ch. IV.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> -Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians in the -Northern District of America, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, Vol. VII, 964.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> -Gage to Hillsborough, Aug. 6, 1771, Pub. Rec. Office, A. -& W. I., Vol. 128. Two years before he had written: "Two persons -are confined in Fort Chartres for murther, and the Colonel (Wilkins) -proposes to send them to Philadelphia, about fifteen hundred miles, -to take their Tryall." Gage to Hillsborough, Oct. 7, 1769, Pub. -Rec. Office, A. W. I., Vol. 125.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> -Hillsborough to Gage, Dec. 9, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. -& W. I., Vol. 124.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> -"The situation and particular circumstances of the Ilinois -(sic) Country, and the use, if that Country is maintained, if -guarding the Ohio and Ilinois Rivers at or near their junctions -with the Mississippi has been set forth to your Lordship in my letter -of the 22d of Feb. last. It is upon that plan the Regiment is -posted in the Disposition in the Ilinois Country." Gage to Shelburne, -April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> -Blackstone, <i>Commentaries</i>, (3d ed., Cooley) <i>Introduction</i>, -sec. 4, 107.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> -Text of the decision in <i>Can. Arch. Report</i>, 1906, pp 366-370.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> -Other important leading cases, such as Calvin's case in -1607 and the case of Blanckard vs Galdy in the 18th century, involving -the status of Jamaica, have the same bearing. See Sioussat, -English Statutes in Maryland, J. H. U. Studies, XXI, 481-487.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> -<i>Can. Arch. Report</i>, 1906, 120-121.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> -<i>Franklin's Works</i>, (Sparks Ed.) IV, 303-323. "I conceive -that to procure all the commerce it will afford and at as little -expense to ourselves as we can is the only object we should have -in view in the interior Country for a century to come." Gage to -Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126. -It may be noted, however, that some members of the government had -serious doubts as to this policy. Such men as Shelburne favored -an early opening of the country to colonization.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> -Alvord, <i>Gen. of the Proc. of 1763</i>, <i>Mich. Pion. & Hist. -Coll.</i>, Vol.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> -Alvord, <i>Gen. of Proc. of 1763</i>, <i>Mich. Pion. & Hist. Coll.</i></p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> -<i>Can. Arch. Report</i>, 1906, p 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> -See supra ch. III.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> -Can. Arch. Report, 1904, pp 242-246. The plan is here presented -in full.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> -<i>Franklin's Works</i>, V, 38. Coffin, <i>Quebec Act and the American -Revolution</i>, p 415, quoting from Knox, <i>Justice and Policy of -the Quebec Act</i>, London, 1774.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> -The failure to successfully carry out this plan would of -course leave the country a dead weight on the empire.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> -Johnson MSS, Vol. X, No. 190.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> -Morgan notes something more than mere mention, since he -plays an important role in the affairs of the Illinois country -from 1765-1771. He was born in Philadelphia in 1741 and was educated -at Princeton college. Through the influence of his father-in-law, -James Baynton, he was admitted to the firm of Baynton and -Wharton and in 1765 became the western representative of the firm. -After his experiences in Illinois, Morgan served the Revolutionary -cause in the capacity of Indian agent. He died in 1810. See <i>Biography -of Col. George Morgan</i>, by Julia Morgan Harding, in the <i>Washington -(Pa.) Observer</i>, May 21, 1904.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> -This company had traded extensively among the Indians on -the Penn. border prior to 1765. During the Indian wars the firm -lost heavily and it was in an attempt to retrieve its fortune that -a branch house was established in the Illinois Country.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> -Morgan's MS Letter Book.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> -Morgan's MS Letter Book.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> -Five batteaus loaded with goods under the command of John -Jennings, sailed from Fort Pitt, March 9, 1765. Joseph Dobson to -Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan, March 9, 1765, MS letter, Pa. Hist. -Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> -Morgan's MS Letter Book.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> -Gage wrote in 1770 that the "Company from Philadelphia -(Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan) failed in the Ilinois trade." Gage -to Hillsborough, Dec. 7, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. -128.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> -See Ch. II for references.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> -Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VIII, 224. See extract from "Ponteach or the Savages of North -America: A Tragedy," in Parkman, <i>Conspiracy of Pontiac</i>, II, 344 ff.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> -Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VIII, 224.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> -Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VIII, 292.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> -Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VII, 964-965.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> -The British were not so well situated to command the trade -as the French had been. The Illinois post had always been the center -for the trade of the Missouri river region, but after the cession -of Illinois to England and the Foundation of St. Louis by La -Clede in 1764, the latter place became the centre for the trade of -that region.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> -Information of the State of Commerce given by Capt. Forbes, -1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> -Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. -Lib. Phym to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. 25, No. -109.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> -Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, -A. & W. I., Vol. 124 Gage to Shelburne, April 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. -Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> -Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. -& W. I., Vol. 126 Huchin's Remarks upon the Illinois country, -1771, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. It may be noted also that during -the French regime the French-Canadians traded extensively in this -region. See Gage's Report on the State of the Government of Montreal.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> -Wilkins to Barrington, Dec. 5, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. -& W. I., Vol. 124.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> -Johnson to Carleton, Jan. 27, 1767, C.A., Ser. Q, Vol. IV, p 115.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> -Johnson to Hillsborough, Feb. 18, 1771, <i>N. Y. Col. Docs.</i>, -VIII, 263.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> -Gage to Hillsborough, Apr. 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. -& W. I., Vol. 124.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> -Order for O'Reilly, Jan. 27, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & -W. I., Vol. 126.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> -Information of the State of Commerce, in the Illinois Country, -given by Captain Forbes, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, Vol. 125. -Morgan's MS Letter Book.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> -Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. -& W. I., Vol. 126.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> -Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. 27, -Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> -Gage to Shelburne, Dec. 23, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. 27, -Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Johnson to Gage, Jan. 29, 1767, Johnson MSS, -Vol. XIV, No. 35. Gage to Shelburne, Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, -Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, -Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 28. George Phym to Johnson, Apr. 15, -1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. XXV, No. 109. Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, -1773, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128. Gage wrote in 1766 -that skins and furs bore a price of ten pence per pound higher at -New Orleans than at any British market. Gage to Conway, July 15, -1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> -Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., -Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> -Gage to Shelburne, Dec. 23, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, -Pa. Hist. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> -Ibid., Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. -Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> -Gage to Shelburne, Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, -Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> -Ibid., "As long as Skinns and Furrs bear a high price at -New Orleans they will never be brought to a British Market. The -Indian Trade in general from the observations I have made, will -always go with the stream, and the whole will either go down the -St. Lawrence or Mississippi Rivers." Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, -1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28. "I am entirely of your opinion -concerning the Trade, &c. by way of the Mississippi whilst the -Traders find better markets at New Orleans." Johnson to Gage, Jan. -29, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 35. Also Johnson to Gage, -Feb. 24, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 67. "So long as New Orleans -is in the hands of another power, the whole produce of the western -country must center there. For our merchants will always dispose -of their peltry or whatever the country produces, at New Orleans -where they get as good a price as if they were to ship them off." -Phym to Johnson, Mobile, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. XXV, -No. 109. "The Traders from these Colonies say it will answer to -carry Goods down the Ohio, but that it will not answer to return -with their Peltry by the same route, as they can get to Sea at so -much less expense, & greater expedition by means of Rapidity of -the Mississippi, and pretend that they have Ships at New Orleans -to transport their Peltry to England." Gage to Shelburne, Jan. -17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. "The Peltry -gained by the Traders from Canada, whether on the Mississippi -or on the Ouabache we may be satisfied generally goes down the St. -Lawrence River to Quebec: it has been the usual track of those -Traders from the beginning, & there is no reason to suspect the -contrary now. But the British Traders at the Ilinois who carry -their Goods above three hundred miles by land before they have the -convenience of Water or Carriage cannot afford to return the same -way, with the produce of their Trade." Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. -10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126. That this state -of affairs continued through most of the period is evident from the -following: "The Trade of the Mississippi, except that of the upper -parts from whence a portion may go to Quebec, goes down that River; -and has, as well as everything we have done on the Mississippi, as -far as I have been able to discover tended more to the Benefit of -New Orleans than of ourselves. And I conceive it must be the case, -as long as the Commodities of the Mississippi bear a better price -at New Orleans than at a British Market." Gage to Dartmouth, May, -5, 1773, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> -It is necessary to ascertain the cost of maintaining the -military establishments and the Indian department in the West, and -the amount of peltries imported into England. I already have some -figures on this but not enough upon which to base any statement.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> -Beer, <i>British Colonial Policy</i>, 222.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> -Hutchins, Remarks on the Country of the Illinois, MS in Pa. -Hist. Soc. Lib. Hutchins gives an account of the exports from Illinois -from Sept. 1769 to Sept. 1770. In that year 550 packs of -peltries were sent from Illinois, while from the Spanish side 835 -packs were exported. Wilkins, the commandant at Fort Chartres at -this time, makes a somewhat higher estimate, but the two agree in -essentials.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> -Gage estimated it at 80,000 pounds sterling. Gage to Shelburne, -Jan. 17, 1767. B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII. Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. -"New Orleans remits one hundred thousand pounds Sterling worth of -Peltry annually for France." Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan to McLeane, -Oct. 9, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVI, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> -Gage to Johnson, Jan. 19, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. -23, Captain Forbes, commandant at Fort Chartres during part of -1768, wrote to Gage: "As I am very sensible of the immense expence -this Country is to the Crown & the little advantage the Public has -hitherto reaped by the trade with the savages, & the reason is -that the inhabitants have continued to send their Peltry to New -Orleans which is shipped from thence to Old France & all the money -that is laid out for the Troops and Savages is immediately sent to -New Orleans, for which our Subjects get French Manufactures. I -hope, Sir, you will excuse me when I observe to Your Excellency, -that the Crown of Great Britain is at all the expence & that France -reaps the advantages." Forbes to Gage, April 15, 1768, Pub. Rec. -Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124. Commandant Wilkins wrote the same -year, "the French of New Orleans are the sole gainers in this -Trade and the public suffer greatly thereby." Wilkins to Gage, -Sept. 13, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> -Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. -& W. I., Vol. 126.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> -Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. -I., Vol. 123.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> -Gage to Johnson, Feb, 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 44.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> -"It has not the least command of the River, owing to an -Island which lies exactly opposite to it, & the Channel is entirely -on the other side for a great part of the year. This is impassable -from a sand bar which runs across even for small boats, -& the French & their contraband goods, forcing an illicit Trade, -to our great disadvantage & a certain and very considerable loss -to his Majesty's Revenue." Wilkins to Barrington, Dec. 5, 1767, -Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> -Gordon's Journal, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to -Johnson, Feb. 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 44. Hillsborough to -Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> -Gage to Hillsborough, Jan. 16, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & -W. I., Vol 124.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> -Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. -I., Vol. 123. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. -Docs. Vol. VII, 974.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> -Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I. -Vol. 122. Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. -Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28. -Ibid., Feb. 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 44. Gage to Shelburne, -Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage -to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. -Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 974. -Phym to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, XXV, No. 109. -Wilkins to Gage, Sept. 13, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. -125. Wilkins to Harrington, Dec. 5, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & -W. I., Vol. 123. Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1772, Pub. Rec. -Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> -Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. -Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> -Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. -& W. I., Vol. 124.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> -Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, -A. & W. I., Vol. 126.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> -Alden, <i>Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1789</i>, pp -No attempt is made in my study to add any new contribution to the -period preceding 1763.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> -Ibid., 7-11.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> -Original Articles of Agreement of the Mississippi Co. Chatham -Papers, Vol. 97, Pub. Rec. Office. Another copy, in the handwriting -of Washington, is in the Lib. of Congress. No mention is -made in the original articles relative to the exact location of the -proposed colony. Most of the information concerning the project -comes from a collection of papers relating to the company, in the -handwriting of William Lee, which I found in a miscellaneous collection -of the Earl of Chatham's papers, in the Pub. Rec. Office.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> -Some of the original members of the company were George, -Samuel and John Washington, and several of the Lees and Fitzhughs. -There were 38 charter members, but provision was made for 50.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> -Articles of Agreement, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97. Each member -was to have fifty thousand acres. Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> -Memorial to the crown, prepared at a meeting of the company -at Belleview, Va., Sept. 9, 1763.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> -Ibid. Articles of Agreement.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> -Tennessee River.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> -Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9, 1763. Four years later -this suggestion was withdrawn at the suggestion of their London -agent, Thomas Cumming. Letter to Cumming, March 1, 1767. Catham -Papers, Vol. 97. Some of the members declared their determination -to become early settlers in the new colony. Memorial to the crown, -Sept. 9, 1763. Petition to the crown, Dec. 16th, 1768, Butler, -<i>Hist. of Ky.</i>, 381-383.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> -Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9th, 1763, Chatham Papers, -Vol. 97.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> -Letter of the company to Thomas Cumming, Sept. 26th, 1763.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> -Can. Arch., <i>Report for 1906</i>, p 122. See ch. III.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> -"I can never look upon that proclamation in any other light -(but this I say between ourselves), than as a temporary expedient -to quiet the minde of the Indians, and must fall, of course, in a -few years, especially when those Indians are consenting to our occupying -the lands." Washington to Crawford, Sept. 21, 1767. -Writings of Washington, II, 220-221. (Ford ed.)</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> -Letter of William Lee, London, May 30, 1769, Chatham Papers, -Vol. 97.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> -I have found no account of any further activity on the -part of the company. In 1774 a copy of the correspondence was -sent to the Earl of Chatham, which may have been done in the hope -that his interest might be aroused in the undertaking. The bundle -of papers contains the following indorsement: "Mississippi Cos. -papers, sent to the Right Honble William Earl of Chatham, on Saturday -the 20th of April 1774. Charles Lee, in speaking of this -undertaking, said: "Another society solicited for lands on the -lower part of the Illinois, Ohio or on the Mississippi: this was -likewise rejected; but from what motives it is impossible to define, -unless they suppose that soldiers invested with a little landed -property, would not be so readily induced to act as the instruments -of the oppression of their fellow subjects, as those whose -views are solely turned, if not reduced, to farther promotion; and -if reduced, to full pay." The Lee Papers, N. Y. Hist. Soc. Colls., -VII, 98.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> -The Charles Lee of Revolutionary fame.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> -Lee Papers, <i>N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll.</i>, VII, 214. Sparks, Life -of Lee, Sparks Bio. Ser., IV, 19.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> -Lee Papers, VII, 214.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> -Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> -Alden, New Government West of the Alleghanies before 1780, -p 12. Mr. Alden notes a pamphlet published in London entitled "Advantages -of a Settlement upon the Ohio in North America," and another -pamphlet issued at Edinburgh in 1763 entitled "Expediency of -Securing our American Colonies." In the same connection the following -is of interest: "As the happy possession of the Illinois Country -is the Subject of much conversation, both in England & America, -we beg leave to inclose,—a small pamphlet, wrote lately on a very -interesting point—towit, The Establishment of a Civil Government -there: The Author, has borrowed some of his Sentiments from Monsr. -De Prats." Baynton, Wharton, & Morgan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766, -Johnson MSS, Vol. XII, No. 128.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> -George Croghan who was in London in 1764 wrote: There is a -talk of setleing a Colony from the mouth of the Ohio to the Ilinois, -which I am tould Lord Halifax will Desier my opinion of in a few -Days. Mr. pownal tould me yesterday that I would be soon sent for -attend the board of Trade. what Meshures they will Take Lord knows -but nothing is talkt of but Oconomy," Crogan to Johnson. Mar. 10, 1764, -Johnson MSS, VIII.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> -N.Y. Col. Docs., VII, 605. As appears from the above note -Croghan was to have been summoned before the Board of Trade to -answer questions relative to a new colony. Whether he was finally -called upon for his testimony is not known.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> -Later, however, he adopted this idea. Croghan to Johnson, -March 30, 1766, Vol. XII, No. 127.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> -Johnson to Lords of Trade, Jan. 31, 1766, N.Y. Col. Docs., -VII, 809. When Croghan was preparing to go to the Illinois in 1766 -in order to pacify the Indians, Johnson wrote him as follows: "As -soon as I hear farther from the General I shall write you and send -the Instructions in which I shall insert an Article directing you -to enquire into the French bounds & Property at the Illinois. I -have no objection to what you propose on that subject there, and -as the French are now said to be retiring fast, you will have the -better opportunity of making a good Choice on which the value will -chiefly depend." Johnson to Croghan, Mar. 28, 1786, Johnson MSS, XII, 126.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> -Gage to Conway, Mar. 28, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. XX. Pa. -His. Soc. Lib. He explained further "that Lands should be granted -without delay, by any Person authorized properly to do it; but no -Fees are to be taken by the Person who grants, or by Secretarys, -Clerks, Surveyors, or other Persons whatever; that no large tracts -should be given, but the Lands granted in Farms, consisting of an -Hundred & Fifty or Two Hundred Acres of good Land, unless to Half -Pay Officers, who might have Four or Five Hundred Acres. People -may be tempted on these Advantages to transport themselves with a -Year's Provisions, Seed, Corn and Tools for Husbandry, down the -Ohio. The Lands shall be held of the King on condition of Military -Service, & such other obligations as shall be convenient." To anticipate -somewhat, the details thus outlined by Gage are in striking -contrast to those proposed by the active promoters of the -colony.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> -Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> -Articles of Agreement, MS copy in Pa. His. Soc. Lib. The -signers of the original draught were: William Franklin, Sir William -Johnson per George Croghan, George Croghan, John Baynton, -Samuel Wharton, George Morgan, Joseph Wharton, Sr., Joseph Wharton, -Joseph Hughes and Joseph Galloway. Gage declined being concerned -in the project, although his attitude doubtless contributed something -towards it. Johnson to Gov. Franklin, June 20, 1766, MS -letter in AM. Antiq. Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> -William Franklin to B. Franklin, Apr. 30, 1766, Printed in -Bigelow's Life of Franklin, 538, "Inclosed is the proposals Drawn -up by governor franklin for yr honours perusal and such Amendments -or Alterations as you may judge necessary," Croghan to Johnson, -March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No, 127.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> -Articles of Agreement, Penn. Hist. Soc. Lib. This was a -new contribution to the original plans of Croghan, Johnson, and -Gage. It was probably Franklin's own suggestion, as we have seen -that he himself drew up the sketch.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> -Articles of Agreement. Croghan writing to Johnson said: -"itt is likewise preposed to aply for a Grant of 1200,000 Acres to -the crown in that Country and to take into this Grant two or three -Gentlemen of fortune and Influence in England and Governor franklin -and those other Gentlemen desire to know whome your honour -would chouse to be concerned, & that you wold write to them if you -should nott name ye whole you wold chouse they Designe to Save y. -Nomination of such as you dont to Dr. franklin who they prepose to -send the proposals to he is much attended to by ye Ministry and -certainly can be of Service in this affair." March 30, 1766, -Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> -Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127. -Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan to Johnson, June 6, 1766, Johnson -MSS, Vol. XII, 197.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> -Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson to Baynton, -Wharton, and Morgan, June 20, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 214. -Johnson to William Franklin, July 8, 1766, Johnson Papers, Am. Antiq. -Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> -Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson to William -Franklin, June 20, 1766, Johnson Papers, Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib. -Johnson to B. W. & M. June 20, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 204.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> -Johnson to Conway, July 10, 1766, B. T. Papers, Pa. Hist. -Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> -See letters of Franklin to his son, in Franklin's Works, -IV, 136-145.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> -<i>Brown, Hist. of Ill.</i>, 212-213.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> -Can. Arch., <i>Report, 1907</i>, p 75.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> -Brown, <i>Hist. of Ill.</i>, 213.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> -Can. Arch., <i>Report for 1907</i>, p 75.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> -Brown, <i>Hist. of Ill.</i>, 213.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> -Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18th, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> -Can. Arch., <i>Report for 1907</i>, p 86.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> -Butler, <i>Treaty Making Power</i>, I.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> -Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. -I., Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> -Ibid. Farmer to Gage, Dec. 19, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. -20, Penn. Hist. Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> -Petition of inhabitants to Gage, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. -I., Vol. 122. The petition is signed by such prominent men as La -Grange, who acted for a time as civil judge under the British; -Rocheblane, who became the last British commandant in Illinois; -Blouin, a wealthy merchant and later a prominent advocate of a civil -government, J. B. Beanvais, Charleville and others. Gage granted -their request without waiting for an answer from London, thus -indorsing the action of his subordinate. Gage to Conway, Jan. 16, -1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> -Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. -I., Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> -Sterling to Gage, Dec. 15, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. -I., Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> -Ibid. Cahokia Records, British Period.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> -Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. -I., Vol. 122, N. Y. Col. Docs. X, 1161.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> -Monette, in Hist. of the Valley of the Mississippi, I, 411, -says that "Capt. Stirling died in December, St. Ange returned to -Fort Chartres, and not long afterward Major Frazer, from Fort Pitt -arrived as commandant." Billou, in Annals of St. Louis, I, p 26, -makes the same assertion. The statement is an error, since Sterling -served in the Revolutionary war, and lived until 1808. Frazer -never commanded at Fort Chartres. See Winsor, Narr. & Crit. Hist. -VI, 706. For a sketch of Sterling's career see N. Y. Col. Docs., -VII, 706, and Dic. of Nat. Biog. Vol.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> -For sketch of Farmer's life see N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 786.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> -Farmer to Gage, Dec. 15 & 19, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, -Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Mar. 22, 1766, N. -Y. Col. Docs. VII, 816. Gage to Conway, Mar. 28, 1766, B. T. Papers, -Vol. 20, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Campbell to Johnson, Mar. 29, 1766, -Park. Coll., Pontiac, Miscell. 1765-1778. Farmer to Gage, Mar. 11, -1766, Home Office Papers, Vol. 20, No. 41, Pub. Rec. Office. In the -letter just cited Farmer blames Gov. Johnstone of West Florida for -his long delay in starting for the Illinois and for the scant supply -of provisions he carried. It appears that Farmer had planned -to start early in the spring of 1765, but he alleges that Johnstone -questioned his right to take provisions from the store, and -in many other ways delayed his departure for several weeks.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> -Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, P.R. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> -Letter of Eidington, Oct. 12, 1765, Catham Papers, Pub. -Rec. Office.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> -Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> -Ibid., Stirling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, -A. & W. I., Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> -Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> -Letter of Eidington, Oct. 12, 1765, Catham Papers, Pub. -Rec. Office, Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> -Sterling to Gage, Dec. 15, 1765, Chatham Papers, Pub. Rec. -Office, Am. & W. I., Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> -Fraser to Gage, Dec. 16, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Pa. -Hist. Soc. Lib. Farmer alleged that St. Ange, who acted as commandant -at St. Louis after his retirement from Fort Chartres, instigated -many of the French to cross over, and that other residents -of the Spanish side endeavoured to frighten the inhabitants of -Illinois by representing Major Farmer as a rascal who would deprive -them of their former privileges.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> -Memorial of the inhabitants to Gage, Oct. 1765, Pub. Rec. -Office, Am. & W. I., Vol. 122. Fraser to Gage, Dec. 16, 1765, B. T. -Papers, Vol. XX, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. The movement of the inhabitants -across the river was considerable during the early years of -the occupation. In the summer of 1765, there were approximately -2000 whites on the English side. Fraser to Gage, May 15, 1765, Pub. -Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122. Three years later, in 1768, the -approximate number was 1000. See for this, State of the Settlements -in the Illinois Country, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> -Farmer to Gage, Dec. 16, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Pa. -Hist. Soc. Lib. Ibid., March 19, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., -Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> -Ibid., Dec. 16 & 19, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20. Farmer had -just received word that Col. Reid was on his way to the Illinois -from Mobile, with about fifty men and just enough provisions for -the journey, he was depending upon receiving further supplies at -Fort Chartres. Ibid.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> -Farmer to Gage, Dec. 16 & 19, 1765, B. T. Papers Vol. XX, Pa. -Hist. Soc. Lib.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> -Gage to Conway, June 24, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., -Vol. 122.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> -Ibid., July 15, 1766. Baynton, Wharton, & Morgan to Gage, -Aug. 10, 1766, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIII, No.30.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> -See supra ch. IV.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> -George Morgan's Letter Book. MS copy.</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> -<p class="noindent"><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a> -<a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> -The exact date of the change is not known. The first document -that appears with Reid's signature as commandant is dated -Sept. 8th. Johnson MSS, Vol. XIII, No. 104. Major Farmer was expecting -his successor's arrival some time in July or August. Farmer -to Gage, Mar. 9th, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, Am. & W. I., Vol. 122.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class="transnote p2"> - <p class="ac noindent x-larger">Transcriber's Note:</p> - <ul> - <li>The original spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation have been retained, - with the exception of apparent typographical errors which have been - corrected.</li> - <li>Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.</li> - <li>Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant - form was found in this text; otherwise they were not changed.</li> - <li>Footnotes were moved to the end of the text and numbered in one - continuous sequence.</li> - <li>Other notes and corrections: - <ul> - <li>p. 3: sparceness changed to sparseness. (The sparseness of its - population.)</li> - <li>p. 10: Boquet changed to Bouquet. (Previous to Bouquet’s second - campaign.)</li> - <li>p. 19: Missing footnote 56 tag added by the transcriber.</li> - <li>p. 20: Sinnot and Sinnot: Variants unchanged.</li> - <li>p. 21: sefuse changed to refuse. (St. Ange continued to refuse.)</li> - <li>p. 33: delinquenents unchanged. (A determination to delinquenents - to punishment.)</li> - <li>p. 42: Missing footnote 118 tag added by the transcriber.</li> - <li>p. 44: effect changed to affect. (Not only did it affect English - traders.)</li> - <li>p. 46: Missing footnote 133 tag added by the transcriber.</li> - <li>p. 55: Missing footnote 164 tag added by the transcriber.</li> - <li>p. 77: The wealth of colony changed to The wealth of - the colony.</li> - <li>Variants unchanged: Ilinois and Illinois.</li> - <li>p. 38, footnote 109, page 58, footnote 170, and p. 76, footnote - 229: Incomplete references, page numbers missing.</li> - </ul> - </li> - </ul> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRITISH POLICY IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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